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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: Peace and Reform - 1815-1837 - -Author: Various - -Release Date: October 21, 2016 [EBook #53338] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PEACE AND REFORM *** - - - - -Produced by John Campbell and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - - -<div class="transnote"> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been -corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within -the text and consultation of external sources.</p> - -<p>All misspellings in the text, and inconsistent or archaic usage, -have been retained. For example: free-men, freemen; burthen; -intrusted; topick; negociations; nugatory.</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap pg-brk" /> - -<p class="pfs100 lsp">BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS</p> - -<p class="pfs100"><em>General Editors</em>: <span class="smcap">S. E. Winbolt, M.A., and Kenneth Bell, M.A.</span></p> - -<p class="p6" /> -<p class="pfs135">PEACE AND REFORM</p> - -<p class="p6" /> - - -<hr class="chap pg-brk" /> -<p class="p2" /> - -<div class="bbox"> - -<p class="pfs135">BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY<br />SOURCE BOOKS.</p> - -<p class="pfs90"><em>Volumes now Ready.</em> 1<em>s. net each.</em></p> - -<div class="blockquot fs90"> - -<p><b>1307-1399. War and Misrule</b> (special period -for the School Certificate Examination, July and -December, 1913). Edited by <span class="smcap">A. A. Locke.</span></p> - -<p><b>1154-1216. The Angevins and the Charter.</b> -Edited by <span class="smcap">S. M. Toyne</span>, M.A., Headmaster of St. -Peter's School, York, late Assistant Master at Haileybury -College.</p> - -<p><b>1485-1547. The Reformation and the Renaissance.</b> -Edited by <span class="smcap">F. W. Bewsher</span>, Assistant -Master at St. Paul's School.</p> - -<p><b>1547-1603. The Age of Elizabeth.</b> Edited -by <span class="smcap">Arundell Esdaile</span>, M.A.</p> - -<p><b>1603-1660. Puritanism and Liberty.</b> Edited -by <span class="smcap">Kenneth Bell</span>, M.A.</p> - -<p><b>1660-1714. A Constitution in Making.</b> -Edited by <span class="smcap">G. B. Perrett</span>, M.A.</p> - -<p><b>1714-1760. Walpole and Chatham.</b> Edited -by <span class="smcap">K. A. Esdaile</span>.</p> - -<p><b>1760-1801. American Independence and the -French Revolution.</b> Edited by <span class="smcap">S. E. Winbolt</span>, -M.A.</p> - -<p><b>1801-1815. England and Napoleon.</b> Edited -by <span class="smcap">S. E. Winbolt</span>, M.A.</p> - -<p><b>1815-1837. Peace and Reform.</b> Edited by -<span class="smcap">A. C. W. Edwards</span>, Assistant Master at Christ's Hospital.</p> - -<p><b>1876-1887. Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone.</b> -Edited by <span class="smcap">R. H. Gretton</span>.</p> - -<p><b>1535-Present-day. Canada.</b> Edited by <span class="smcap">H. F. -Munro</span>, M.A.</p> - -<p><em>Other volumes, covering the whole range of English -History from Roman Britain to 1887, are in active -preparation, and will be issued at short intervals.</em></p></div> - -<p class="pfs90">LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.</p> -</div> - -<p class="p4" /> - - -<hr class="chap pg-brk" /> -<p class="p4" /> - -<h1>PEACE AND REFORM<br /> -<br /> -<span class="large">(1815—1837)</span></h1> - -<p class="p6" /> - -<p class="pfs70">COMPILED BY</p> -<p class="pfs135">A. C. W. EDWARDS</p> -<p class="pfs60">ASSISTANT MASTER AT CHRIST'S HOSPITAL</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/i003-75.jpg" width="75" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="p6" /> - -<p class="pfs120">LONDON<br /> -<span class="wsp">G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.</span></p> -<p class="pfs100">1913</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="INTRODUCTION" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</a></h2> - - -<p class="noindent">This series of English History Source Books is intended for -use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience -has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, -an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is -capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration -at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before -the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind -of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents -are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a <cite>History of -England for Schools</cite>, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. -377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the -teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but -simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto -not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate -price of the books in this series should bring them within the -reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the -pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history -lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we -leave to teacher and taught.</p> - -<p>Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all -grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form -boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. -What differentiates students at one extreme from -those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter -dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract -from it.</p> - -<p>In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to -satisfy the natural demand for certain "stock" documents<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span> -of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and -novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the -extracts should be lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, -or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan—and should -not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. -We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under -contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, -debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, -and social life generally, and local history, are represented -in these pages.</p> - -<p>The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each -being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. -The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of -leaving no difficulties in reading.</p> - -<p>We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may -send us suggestions for improvement.</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">S. E. Winbolt.<br /> -Kenneth Bell.</span></p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS">TABLE OF CONTENTS</a></h2> - - -<div class="fs90"> -<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" width="95%" summary=""> -<tr><td class="tdl" colspan="3"></td><td class="tdr xs">PAGE</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1816.</td><td class="tdlsc">The Debt</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Cobbett's "Rural Rides"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Barbary Pirates</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Sidmouth's "Life and Correspondence"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_2">2</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Holy Alliance</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>Annual Register</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_2">2</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The State of Ireland</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Doubleday's "Life of Sir Robert Peel"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1818.</td><td class="tdlsc">The State of England</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Sidmouth's "Life and Correspondence"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_8">8</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Parish Registers</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>The London Medical Repository</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1819.</td><td class="tdlsc">Peterloo</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Sidmouth's "Life and Correspondence"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The State of England</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Shelley's "Poems"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Cato Street Conspiracy</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>Annual Register</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1820.</td><td class="tdlsc">The Death of George III.</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Colchester's "Diary and Correspondence</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The King's Speech</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>Annual Register</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_25">25</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Character of John Bull</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Washington Irving's "Sketch Book"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_27">27</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1821.</td><td class="tdlsc">The Death of Napoleon</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>The Gentleman's Magazine</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Napoleon</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Shelley's "Poems"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Napoleon and England</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Tennyson's "Early Sonnets"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1823.</td><td class="tdlsc">The Monroe Doctrine</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>Annual Register</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_33">33</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Slavery</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Stapleton's "Life of Canning"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_34">34</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The State of Ireland</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Colchester's "Diary and Correspondence"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Transportation</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>The Edinburgh Review</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_38">38</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1824.</td><td class="tdlsc">The Duke of Wellington and His Sons</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Gleig's "Life of the Duke of Wellington"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_39">39</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1825.</td><td class="tdlsc">Free Trade</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Cobbett's "Rural Rides"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Financial Crisis</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Doubleday's "Life of Sir Robert Peel"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_44">44</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1826.</td><td class="tdlsc">The French Occupation of Spain</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Martineau's "History of the Peace"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Removal of Trade Restrictions</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Stapleton's "Life of Canning"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Portuguese Appeal for Aid against Spain</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Stapleton's "Life of Canning"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_53">53</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Mr. Canning and the Portuguese Appeal</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Stapleton's "Life of Canning"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span> - 1827.</td><td class="tdlsc">Life of Convict-Servants in Australia</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>The London Magazine</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Interview with George IV.</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Colchester's "Diary and Correspondence"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Treaty of London</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Stapleton's "Life of Canning"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_60">60</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Battle of Navarino</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>The Gentleman's Magazine</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1828.</td><td class="tdlsc">The Roman Catholic Association</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Stanhope and Cardwell's "Memoirs of Peel"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Irish Unrest</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Stanhope and Cardwell's "Memoirs of Peel"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1829.</td><td class="tdlsc">Catholic Emancipation</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>Annual Register</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_70">70</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1830.</td><td class="tdlsc">Duke of Wellington's Supposed Designs on the Crown</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Gleig's "Life of the Duke of Wellington"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_72">72</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Heavy Taxation</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Cobbett's "Rural Rides"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Railway Carriages</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>The Gentleman's Magazine</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Death of Huskisson</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>The Gentleman's Magazine</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_77">77</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Use of Close Boroughs</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Gleig's "Life of the Duke of Wellington"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_79">79</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1831.</td><td class="tdlsc">Lord John Russell's Speech on Reform Bill</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Molesworth's "History of the Reform Bill"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_82">82</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Passing of the Reform Bill</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Macaulay's "Life and Letters"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Prorogation of Anti-Reform Parliament</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Molesworth's "History of the Reform Bill"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_89">89</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Parliamentary Reform</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Macaulay's "Speeches"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1832.</td><td class="tdlsc">Battle Song</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Ebenezer Elliott's "Poems"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1833.</td><td class="tdlsc">Repeal of the Union</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Macaulay's "Speeches"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Jewish Disabilities</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Lord Macaulay's "Speeches"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_98">98</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1834.</td><td class="tdlsc">Strikes</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Duke of Buckingham's "Memoirs"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_101">101</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1835.</td><td class="tdlsc">O'Connell and the House of Lords</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Martineau's "History of the Peace"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl">1836.</td><td class="tdlsc">The Factory System</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Fielden's "Curse of the Factory System"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Employment of Children</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Fielden's "Curse of the Factory System"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_107">107</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The Police</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Mullin's "Magistracy of England"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">The King and the Canadian Question</td><td class="tdl">"<cite>The Edinburgh Review</cite>"</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"></td><td class="tdlsc">Statistics of Great Britain and Ireland</td><td class="tdl"><cite>Porter's "Party Tables"</cite></td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_116">116</a></td></tr> -</table></div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p4" /> -<h2>PEACE AND REFORM</h2> - -<p class="pfs120">(1815—1837)</p> - -<hr class="r20" /> - -<h3><a name="THE_DEBT_1816" id="THE_DEBT_1816"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE DEBT (1816).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—William Cobbett's <cite>Rural Rides</cite>, ed. by Mr. Pitt -Cobbett, 1885.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Letter to Mr. Jabet of the "Birmingham Register," Nov., 1816.</cite></p> - -<p>The reformers have yet many and powerful foes; we have -to contend against a host, such as never existed before in the -world. Nine-tenths of the Press, all the channels of speedy -communication of sentiment; all the pulpits; all the associations -of rich people; all the taxing people; all the military -and naval establishments; all the yeomanry cavalry tribes. -Your allies are endless in number and mighty in influence. -But we have <em>one ally</em> worth the whole of them put together, -namely the <span class="smcap">Debt</span>! This is an ally whom no honours or rewards -can seduce from us. She is a steady, unrelaxing, persevering, -incorruptible ally. An ally that is proof against all -blandishments, all intrigues, all temptations, and all open -attacks. She sets at defiance all '<em>military</em>,' all '<em>yeomanry -cavalry</em>.' They may as well fire at a ghost. She cares no more -for the sabres of the yeomanry or the life guards than Milton's -angels did for the swords of Satan's myrmidons. This ally -cares not a straw about <em>spies</em> and <em>informers</em>. She laughs at -the employment of <em>secret-service money</em>. She is always erect, -day and night, and is always firmly moving on in our cause, in -spite of all the terrors of gaols, dungeons, halters and axes. -Therefore, Mr. Jabet, be not so pert. The combat is not so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span> -unequal as you seem to imagine; and, confident and insolent -as you are now, the day of your humiliation may not be far -distant."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_BARBARY_PIRATES_1816" id="THE_BARBARY_PIRATES_1816"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE BARBARY PIRATES (1816).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Life and Correspondence of Lord Sidmouth</cite>, by Dean Pellew. -Vol. III. p. 142. London, 1847.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Letter from Viscount Exmouth on defeat of Barbary Pirates.</cite></p> - -<p class="right">"<span class="padr4">Queen Charlotte,</span><br /> -Algier's Bay, August 30th, 1816.</p> - -<p>"My dear Lord Sidmouth,</p> - -<p class="in4">"I perfectly remember, in your office, pledging -myself to you for the destruction of the Algerine navy. I am -happy to inform you I have redeemed my pledge, and am -in whole bones, as is also my opponent the Dey. His chastisement, -however, has humbled him to the dust; and he would -receive me, if I chose it, on the Mole, upon his knees.</p> - -<p>"You will readily believe how much I regret the sad loss -we have sustained: 883 out of 6500 is a large proportion; -but we were exposed to almost a complete circle of fire. I can -only enclose you the copy of my memorandum to-day to the -fleet, and beg you to believe that I consider this the happiest -event of my fortunate life. One thousand liberated slaves, -just arrived from the country whither the Dey had driven them, -are now cheering on the Mole. The consul has been cruelly -treated, and the Dey been compelled to beg his pardon, before -his full court, by the dictation of my captain.</p> - -<p>"God bless you, my dear Lord. I hope to reach England -before October, and am ever your most faithful friend and -servant,</p> - -<p class="right">"<span class="smcap">Exmouth</span>."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_HOLY_ALLIANCE_1816" id="THE_HOLY_ALLIANCE_1816"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE HOLY ALLIANCE (1816).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register, 1816.</cite></p> - -<p>The hon. member rose to move for the production of a copy -of the treaty concluded at Paris on September 26th between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span> -Austria, Russia, and Prussia. By the tenor of this treaty, -expressed in the most devout and solemn language, the three -potentates, members of three different Christian churches, -declared in the face of the world their resolution both in the -administration of their own states, and in their political relations -with other Governments, to take for their sole guide the -precepts of the holy religion taught by our Saviour. In consequence, -they signed an agreement to three articles, the first -of which bound them to a fraternity of mutual friendship and -assistance, and the common protection of religion, peace and -justice, which in the second was explained in a kind of mystical -strain, to notify that they regarded themselves as delegated -by Providence to govern three branches of one and the same -Christian nation, of which the Divine Being under his three -characters was the sole real sovereign; and the third declared -a readiness to receive into this holy alliance all the powers who -should solemnly avow the sacred principles which had dictated -it.</p> - -<p>Politicians were much at a loss to conceive the occasion and -purpose of a treaty, at the same time so serious and so indefinite, -which appeared to bind the subscribers to nothing -more than to act upon those general principles which, as -Christian princes, they had always held forth as the rule of -their conduct. It was understood that its immediate cause -was an impression made upon the mind of the emperor -Alexander, whose peculiar zeal in the project was displayed by -a manifesto issued on Christmas day, and signed by his own -hand, in which he made public the engagement which the three -powers had entered into, and which he interpreted to be a -reciprocal league of peace and amity upon Christian principles -for the general good.</p> - -<p><em>Mr. Brougham</em> prefaced his motion with reasons why he -thought it material that inquiry should be made respecting -the above treaty, instancing the circumstances of its having -been contracted by three powers, our allies, without our -participation; of its having received the signatures of the -sovereigns themselves, whereas all other treaties had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span> -ratified by the medium of diplomatic agents; of being apparently -uncalled for, since the attachment of the contracting -parties to the Christian religion had never been questioned. -He adverted to the union of the same powers for the partition -of Poland, on which occasion the empress Catherine had employed -in the proclamations language similar to that of the -treaty.</p> - -<p>He concluded by moving an address to the Prince Regent, -that he would be pleased to give directions that a copy of the -treaty would be laid before the House.</p> - -<p><em>Lord Castlereagh</em> who had previously admitted to the authenticity -of the document moved for, after adducing, from the -result of the preceding union of these sovereigns, arguments -against regarding them with suspicion, informed the hon. -gentlemen, that instead of any secrecy in their proceedings on -the present occasion, the emperor of Russia had communicated -to him a draft of the proposed treaty, he believed, before -it had been communicated to the other sovereigns; and that -after its signature a joint-letter had been addressed by them -to the Prince Regent, stating the grounds on which it had been -concluded, and anxiously desiring his accession to it: that -his Royal Highness in reply had expressed his satisfaction at -the nature of the treaty, and his assurance that the British -Government would not be the one least disposed to act up to -its principles. His lordship then went into a panegyric of the -emperor of Russia, and finally characterised the motion as -wholly unnecessary and of dangerous tendency if the confederacy -could be shaken by attempts to degrade the sovereigns -of Europe by unfounded imputations.</p> - -<p>On a division of the House, the motion was rejected by a -majority of 104 to 30.</p> - -<p>The public opinion concerning this extraordinary treaty -seems to have corresponded with that expressed by the hon. -<em>Mr. Bennet</em> in his speech: "that the only motive which the -noble lord could have for refusing its production was, that he -was ashamed of it and of our allies."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_STATE_OF_IRELAND_1816" id="THE_STATE_OF_IRELAND_1816"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE STATE OF IRELAND (1816).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Political Life of Sir Robert Peel</cite>, by Thomas Doubleday. -London, 1856. Vol. I. pp. 169-172.</p> - - -<p>In the course of a debate on the army estimates in February, -1816, the Irish Secretary entered into the following extraordinary -details on the employment of the soldiery in Ireland -in the suppression of illicit distillation, as well as of insurrectionary -movements in the wilder districts of Ireland:</p> - -<p>"It must not be forgotten (said Mr. Peel) that the employment -of a military force in Ireland, under existing circumstances, -is calculated to save the government of that country -from the necessity of recurring to those measures of civil -rigour which parliament had sanctioned with its approbation. -In some districts, where the military was not employed, they -had been compelled to suspend trial by jury, under the operation -of the Insurrection Act; but every one would allow that -it was better to deter from the commission of crime than to -transport for it. If they could succeed in deterring these, -there was not the necessity to proclaim certain districts. What -he asserted was no visionary speculation. Events, such as he -now described, were passing at that moment. The Act to -which he alluded had been applied to several baronies in -Tipperary, upon the unanimous application of forty of the -magistrates. He believed he was right in saying the unanimous -application. In some cases, indeed, it had been refused; -but he knew as a fact, that not less than seventy-six magistrates -of that county, united for the paramount object of -maintaining the public peace, had applied to government for -the application of that bill. A similar course had been pursued -in the county of Westmeath. It was proposed in some counties -to remove the soldiers; but the answer was by the magistrates, -'If you remove the troops you must give us the -Insurrection Act, as it will be impossible to do without it.' -Even on constitutional grounds, therefore, and as calculated -to prevent a recurrence to these really severe measures, he -would venture to appeal to the House for its approbation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span> -the alternative of employing the military to aid the civil power. -With respect to its employment in another way, by doing the -duty of custom-house officers, he wished to observe that this -system had prevailed in Ireland at least as far back as in 1799. -At that period, a regulation for the employment of a military -force in that service was adopted. It was stated to be imperatively -necessary for the suppression of illicit distillation; and -it was further ordered, that any officer hesitating to employ -his men on that service should be brought to a court-martial -for disobedience of orders. He stated that, to prove the propriety -of a remark made at the commencement of his address, -that even if it should be thought that the introduction of a -military force was a vicious practice, it was at all events unavoidable -without the accomplishment of other essential -reforms.</p> - -<p>"He should now state the extent to which the military -arm had been so employed, and in order also to show that it -had not been the policy of one single government merely, he -should mention that, in 1806, under the government of the -honourable gentlemen opposite, 448 military parties were employed -in detecting and frustrating the practice of illicit distillation; -in 1807 there were 598 military parties; in 1808 -there were 431; in later periods still more; and in the half-year -ending the 31st December, 1815, there were 1889. No -one, he presumed, would deny that the morals and habits of -the lower classes were not only corrupted by the dreadful -extent to which that illicit distillation was carried, but that -the laws of the country were violated, and that the revenue -was greatly diminished by it. In order that the House might -be enabled to judge of the character of those who carried on -those practices, as well as of the danger attending their detection -or apprehension, he would mention one circumstance -that came within his own knowledge. In a district in the -north-west of Ireland well known to the gentlemen of that -country as one where illicit distillation is carried on to an enormous -excess, frequent seizures were made by parties of twenty -to forty men, who generally had to risk an actual engagement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span> -with the offenders. In one instance he recollected the soldiers -were fired at, and no less than two hundred rounds of musketry -were discharged in their own defence. They succeeded in -their seizures, however, but on their return were again attacked, -their seizures taken from them, and they themselves obliged -to seek shelter in a house on the road, where they maintained -a contest with the assailants till they were relieved by two -hundred men who were marched to their assistance. Such -occurrences sufficiently showed the necessity of employing a -military force, but he would again guard against its being -supposed that he considered these temporary remedies as at -all calculated to afford any permanent relief. He was as fully -convinced of their inadequacy in that respect as any honourable -member could be; but whilst that disposition to turbulence -existed, would it be contended that the crimes connected -with it ought to go unpunished? Would it be said that -desperate bands that roamed about the country at night ought -to remain unmolested?</p> - -<p>"Perhaps it would be said that the course of policy hitherto -pursued in Ireland was a bad one. Let that be granted, then, -for the sake of argument; still, was it possible to remove the -evils of that bad and imperfect policy in an hour—or by the -25th of April? Would it be possible, even to gentlemen opposite, -to change on a sudden the whole habits and manners of -so large a class of the community, and to introduce, as by -magic, a radical and effectual reform? It was utterly impossible. -He was perfectly satisfied of the inefficiency of these -temporary remedies, but meanwhile the hand of the robber -must be arrested, or else the whole frame of civilized society -must be now dissolved, and a residence in Ireland be rendered -absolutely impracticable. He was of opinion that good might -be done in that country by a reformation of the police, and he -should prefer an army of police if he might so call it, to a -military army. He deeply regretted the very imperfect character -of the police in Ireland. Since he had the honour of filling -the station he occupied, he had turned much of his attention -to the subject of police, and proposed alterations which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span> -House had sanctioned. Real, substantial, and permanent reform, -however, amongst the lower classes, could be looked for -only from the general diffusion of knowledge, and from -enlightening their minds. From such sources of reform he -anticipated the grandest and the noblest results. (Hear, hear, -hear.) He could state it as a fact within his own knowledge, -that the greatest eagerness for instruction prevailed amongst -the lower classes. It was the duty of every one, even in these -times of economy, not to obstruct the progress or the limits of -education, which ought to be as widely as possible diffused. -It would be infinitely better for Ireland and for this country -to have a well instructed and enlightened Catholic population -than an ignorant and a bigoted one!"</p> - -<p class="right fs90">Hansard's <cite>Debates</cite>, Vol. XXXII. pp. 926, 1816.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_STATE_OF_ENGLAND_1818" id="THE_STATE_OF_ENGLAND_1818"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE STATE OF ENGLAND (1818).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Life and Correspondence of Lord Sidmouth</cite>, by Dean Pellew. -Vol. III. p. 242. London, 1847.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Letter from Earl of Sheffield to Lord Sidmouth.</cite></p> - -<p class="right">"Sheffield Place, Dec. 13th, 1818.</p> - -<p>"My dear Lord,</p> - -<p class="in4">"Although I doubt not your Lordship has ample information, -I cannot resist the pleasure of communicating the -very satisfactory accounts I have received from different parts, -of the state of trade and manufactures, and particularly from -the neighbourhood of Birmingham, Warwickshire, and Staffordshire. -Both trade and manufactures are in a flourishing condition, -and likely to improve still further. There appears to -be little speculation beyond the regular demands of the different -markets, men without adequate capital finding it almost -impossible to procure credit; so that there is now no disposition -to force a trade, and no injurious competition among -the merchants to procure the execution of orders, and, consequently, -wages are fair and reasonable. I conceive that -things cannot be in a much better train either for the merchant -or manufacturer, not so for the constitution or agriculture of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span> -the country: the first, I fear, is <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en décadence</i>; the case, however, -of the latter is somewhat better than it was, though far -short of that of the trading part of the community. The -demand for land is considerably increased, but in many -instances at reduced rents. Agriculture, the most essential of -all concerns, is so extremely depressed by the great increase -of tithes and of parochial rates, that I cannot refrain from -being its strenuous advocate: and so strongly am I impressed -with the evil consequences of the excessive load of such -taxation on the landed interests, and particularly on the -occupiers in the southern and midland parts of England, that -it is wonderful to me that agriculture has not been in those -districts annihilated; and there is nothing of which I am more -thoroughly convinced than the necessity of affording it every -relief and encouragement possible. I do not conceive that the -subject of the corn laws can be renewed at present with -advantage. The ignorance and supineness of the landowners -generally is so excessive; the violence of the middling and -lower classes so overbearing; the use made of it by the -popularity hunters of all descriptions so pernicious and vile; -the fears of government so great, and at the same time so -natural, that, upon the whole, I do not entertain a hope of -any beneficial results from any efforts that are now making, -or may be made, for a considerable time. It is greatly to be -regretted, however, that in the last correction of the corn laws, -foreign grain, under any circumstances, should be admitted -duty free; it would have been sufficient to have lowered the -import duties, as to wheat, when the price in our market was -5l. per quarter; but I by no means wish ministers so soon to -be embroiled again on that subject, nor do I think, earnest as -I am on this head, that this is the proper time to renew the -discussion, or to attempt a change with respect to the duties. -I would not, however, wish to damp the ardour of those who -urge the principle, that every thing arising from the soil, and -every manufacture of the country, should be protected by -adequate import duties; as that principle is generally observed -with regard to every article except wool, and must be in a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span> -country so heavily tithed, and necessarily burdened with such -an extraordinary degree of taxation. Previously to the year -1793, no direct or assessed tax, affecting agriculture, was -tolerated, and surely it is now expedient, whenever possible, -to relinquish those taxes which particularly affect that most -essential interest of the country, and to adopt such other -measures as will enable it to support the heavy imposts which -fall upon it. The legislature might now show attention to the -grievances of the occupiers of land, by relinquishing all the -direct taxes imposed on agriculture during the late war; and -it will only be common justice to protect the wool of the -country from being debased in value, by the import of wool -from every part of the world free of duty, and it is not difficult -to demonstrate that a moderate duty on the import of foreign -wool would not affect, even in a slight degree, the great mass -of our woollen manufacture.... The levity of the public -on the most interesting and important subjects is often not -only very extraordinary, but even ridiculous. The well-founded -alarm on the ruinous and impolitic management of -the poor, which appeared to make a deep and general impression, -seems now to be forgotten except by the oppressed -occupiers of lands, who so severely feel the effects of it. The -public mind is not yet ripe for such a great measure as might -prove an effectual remedy; but in the meantime I think something -might be done. Is your Lordship disposed to repeal all -the laws relating to the poor (heterogeneous, discordant, -impracticable, unintelligible, and absurd as they are), to the -43d of Elizabeth, and to re-enact all those parts of them which -the circumstances of the times may require (defining the powers -of the magistrates, the parish officers, and the claims of the -poor), and form them into a regular intelligible code? for I -verily believe there is not one magistrate, nor any clerk (who -governs him) who is acquainted with them all. I believe I am -one of the oldest magistrates in the kingdom, being in my -fiftieth year, and yet I have never met with any man who -seemed fully acquainted with them. If an intelligent select -committee, having a practical knowledge of the subject (with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>out -which the ablest men are not competent to it), could be -induced to undertake this work, I have no doubt but that a -law could be so framed as to lead to a great amelioration of -our present vile system, if not gradually to a complete remedy. -But I must not impose more of my notions on your Lordship. -You must be now quite tired of me. If you think there is any -thing in this letter worthy of Lord Liverpool's attention, I -wish it to be communicated to him; but as I inflicted on his -Lordship some time ago a large dose respecting the poor, -I refrain from a direct communication. I am, seemingly, as -well as ever I was; but I must not risk myself in town before -the end of March, except for two nights on the meeting of -parliament, in order to take my seat and enable me to leave a -proxy. I have the honour to be, with very sincere regard, my -dear Lord, most truly your Lordship's faithful servant,</p> - -<p class="right">"<span class="smcap">Sheffield</span>."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="PARISH_REGISTERS_1818" id="PARISH_REGISTERS_1818"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">PARISH REGISTERS (1818).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The London Medical Repository</cite>, Vol. X. p. 267.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>George Man Burrows on Parish Registers.</cite></p> - -<p>But I must reiterate, that it will be a work of supererogation -to offer either remarks or proposals for establishing -improved registers of marriages, births, baptisms, burials, -diseases, &c. or for attaining any of the other objects upon which -I have dilated, unless all denominations of religion in the whole -of the united kingdom be included.</p> - -<p>On recapitulation, it appears that the principal defects in -the present system are:</p> - -<p>1. Registers of marriages, births, baptisms, and burials, or -bills of mortality are not kept in every place of religious worship; -nor in hospitals and infirmaries having private burying-grounds.</p> - -<p>2. Children who die unbaptized are not entered in any -register or bill of mortality.</p> - -<p>3. Registers of baptism do not set forth the place and date -of birth.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span></p> - -<p>4. Registers of burial do not specify where a person died, -as well as where he lived, nor his condition, whether single, -married, or widowed.</p> - -<p>5. There is no certificate provided, showing in what parish -a person died, with other necessary particulars, as to age, the -disease, &c.</p> - -<p>6. A corpse may be removed from a parish within the bills -of mortality of London to one without, and the burial be -omitted in the returns.</p> - -<p>7. There is no medical authority for ascertaining and certifying -the nature of the disease of which a person died, &c.</p> - -<p>8. The names of diseases in the bills of mortality are either -unintelligible, or so arranged as to confound diseases very distinct -in their characters.</p> - -<p>9. In respect to ages, the periods are injudiciously divided; -so that many of the purposes to which the bills are applicable -in medical and political science are defeated.</p> - -<p>10. The law enforcing the keeping of Registers is defective; -and does not adequately regard political, civil, or medical -information.</p> - -<p>11. All parishes and places of worship within that circle -denominated the bills of mortality of London, are not included -in the weekly or general annual returns; nor is there any existing -authority to enforce their being made, and regularly -entered.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Among some of the advantages in medical, political, and -moral science, which would result, were proper parochial registers -and bills of mortality established and kept throughout -the united kingdom, the following present:</p> - -<p>I. <span class="smcap">Medically.</span>—They point out:</p> - -<p>1. The causes of many diseases, and their affinity to one -another.</p> - -<p>2. The rise, situation, increase, decrease, and cessation of -epidemic and contagious diseases.</p> - -<p>3. The means of guarding against their extension and -effects.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span></p> - -<p>4. The comparative healthiness of different countries and -places, climates and seasons.</p> - -<p>5. The influence of particular trades and manufactures on -the human constitution.</p> - -<p>6. They elucidate many important and dubious medical -points essential to the perfection of the preventive and curative -arts.</p> - -<p>II. <span class="smcap">Politically.</span>—They are a means:</p> - -<p>1. Of ascertaining the increment or decrement of the population -in every place, and at any period.</p> - -<p>2. Of accurately ascertaining the population of the country, -and at any period.</p> - -<p>3. Of diminishing, if not nearly superseding, the immense -expense incurred by a census.</p> - -<p>4. Of obviating the difficulties, great expense, and frequent -disappointment in proving marriages, births, baptisms, and -burials, to which persons who are desirous of establishing -legal proof of their identity, descent, consanguinity, &c. are -still exposed.</p> - -<p>5. The present extensive and beneficial system of assurance -on lives, reversionary payments, annuities, and legacy duties -on the latter species of testamentary property, is founded on -calculations deduced from numerous bills of mortality.</p> - -<p>6. The prosperity or decay of commerce, manufactures, or -trade of any place, is shown by comparing bills of mortality -of different dates.</p> - -<p>III. <span class="smcap">Morally.</span>—They mark:</p> - -<p>1. The prevalence of moral or licentious habits.</p> - -<p>2. The diseases of which the inhabitants of a place die; and, -consequently, those arising from luxury or intemperance.</p> - -<p>3. The effects of the passions on human actions.</p> - -<p>4. By knowing where they are most required, the means -of correcting such effects may be the more effectually applied.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="PETERLOO_1819" id="PETERLOO_1819"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">PETERLOO (1819).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Life and Correspondence of Lord Sidmouth</cite>, by Dean Pellew. -Vol. III. p. 253. London, 1847.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Letter of Sir Wm. Jolliffe to Thos. G. B. Estcourt.</cite></p> - -<p class="right">"9 St. James's Place, April 11th, 1845.</p> - -<p>"My dear Sir,</p> - -<p class="in4">"Twenty-five years have passed since the collision -unfortunately occurred between the population of Manchester -and its neighbourhood, and the military stationed in that -town, on the 16th of August, 1819.</p> - -<p>"I was at that time a lieutenant in the 15th King's Hussars, -which regiment had been quartered in Manchester cavalry -barracks about six weeks. This was my first acquaintance with -a large manufacturing population. I had little knowledge of -the condition of that population; whether or no a great degree -of distress was then prevalent, or whether or no the distrust -and bad feeling, which appeared to exist between the employers -and employed, was wholly or in part caused by the -agitation of political questions. I will not, therefore, enter -into any speculations upon these points; but I will endeavour -to narrate the facts which fell under my own observation, -although acting, as of course I was, under the command of -others, and in a subordinate situation. The military force -stationed in Manchester consisted of six troops of the 15th -Hussars, under the command of Colonel Dalrymple; one -troop of horse artillery, with two guns, under Major Dyneley; -nearly the whole of the 31st regiment, under Colonel Guy -L'Estrange (who commanded the whole force as senior officer). -Some companies of the 88th regiment, and the Cheshire yeomanry, -had also been brought into the town, in anticipation -of disturbances which might result from the expected meeting; -and these latter had only arrived on the morning of the 16th, -or a few hours previously; and, lastly, there was a troop of -Manchester yeomanry cavalry, consisting of about forty -members, who, from the manner in which they were made use<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span> -of (to say the least), greatly aggravated the disasters of the -day. Their ranks were filled chiefly by wealthy master -manufacturers; and, without the knowledge which would -have been possessed by a (strictly speaking) military body, -they were placed, most unwisely, as it appeared, under the -immediate command and orders of the civil authorities.</p> - -<p>"Our regiment paraded in field-exercise order at about half-past -eight, or, it might be, nine o'clock a.m. Two squadrons of -it were marched into the town about ten o'clock. They were -formed up and dismounted in a wide street, the name of which -I forget, to the north of St. Peter's Field (the place appointed -for the meeting), and at the distance of nearly a quarter of a -mile from it. The Cheshire yeomanry were formed, on our -left, in the same street. One troop of our regiment was -attached to the artillery, which took up a position between -the cavalry barracks and the town; and one troop remained -in charge of the barracks.</p> - -<p>"The two squadrons with which I was stationed must have -remained dismounted nearly two hours. During the greater -portion of that period, a solid mass of people continued moving -along a street about a hundred yards to our front, on their way -to the place of meeting. Other officers, as well as myself, -occasionally rode to the front (to the end of a street) to see -them pass. They marched, at a brisk pace, in ranks well -closed up, five or six bands of music being interspersed; and -there appeared to be but few women with them. Mr. Hunt, -with two or three other men, and, I think, two women dressed -in light blue and white, were in an open carriage, drawn by the -people. This carriage was adorned with blue and white flags; -and the day was fine and hot. As soon as the great bulk of -the procession had passed, we were ordered to stand to our -horses. In a very short time afterwards the four troops of -the 15th mounted, and at once moved off by the right, at a -trot which was increased to a canter. Some one who had been -sent from the place of meeting to bring us up led the way, -through a number of narrow streets and by a circuitous route, -to (what I will call) the south-west corner of St. Peter's Field.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span> -We advanced along the south side of this space of ground, -without a halt or pause even: the words 'Front!' and -'Forward!' were given, and the trumpet sounded the charge -at the very moment the threes wheeled up. When fronted, -our line extended quite across the ground, which, in all parts, -was so filled with people that their hats seemed to touch.</p> - -<p>"It was then, for the first time, that I saw the Manchester -troop of yeomanry: they were scattered singly, or in small -groups, over the greater part of the field, literally hemmed up, -and hedged into the mob, so that they were powerless either -to make an impression or to escape; in fact, they were in -the power of those whom they were designed to overawe; -and it required only a glance to discover their helpless position, -and the necessity of our being brought to their rescue. As -I was, at the time, informed, this hopeless state of things -happened thus: A platform had been erected near the centre -of the field, from which Mr. Hunt and others were to address -the multitude; and the magistrates, having ordered a strong -body of constables to be in readiness to arrest the speakers, -unfortunately imagined that they should support the peace -officers by bringing up this troop of yeomanry <em>at a walk</em>. The -result of this movement, instead of that which the magistrates -desired, was unexpectedly to place this small body of horsemen -(so introduced into a dense mob) entirely at the mercy -of the people by whom they were, on all sides, pressed upon and -surrounded.</p> - -<p>"The charge of the hussars, to which I have just alluded, -swept this mingled mass of human beings before it: people, -yeoman and constables, in their confused attempts to escape, -ran one over the other; so that by the time we had arrived at -the end of the field, the fugitives were literally piled up to a -considerable elevation above the level of the ground. (I may -here, by the way, state that this field, as it is called, was merely -an open space of ground, surrounded by buildings and itself, I -rather think, in course of being built upon.) The hussars drove -the people forward with the flats of their swords; but sometimes, -as is almost inevitably the case when men are placed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span> -in such situations, the edge was used, both by the hussars, -and, as I have heard, by the yeomen also; but of this latter -fact, however, I was not cognisant; and believing though I -do, that nine out of ten of the sabre wounds were caused by -the hussars, I must still consider that it redounds highly to the -humane forbearance of the men of the 15th that more wounds -were not received, when the vast numbers are taken into consideration -with whom they were brought into hostile collision; -beyond all doubt, however, the far greater amount of injuries -arose from the pressure of the routed multitude. The hussars -on the left, pursued down the various streets which led from -the place; those on the right met with something more of -resistance. The mob had taken possession of various buildings -on that side, particularly of a Quaker's chapel and burial-ground -enclosed with a wall. This they occupied for some -little time; and, in attempting to displace them, some of the -men and horses were struck with stones and brick-bats. I -was on the left; and as soon as I had passed completely over -the ground, and found myself in the street on the other side, -I turned back, and then, seeing a sort of fight still going on -on the right, I went in that direction. At the very moment I -reached the Quaker's meeting-house, I saw a farrier of the -15th ride at a small door in the outer wall, and, to my surprise, -his horse struck it with such force that it flew open: two or -three hussars then rode in, and the place was immediately in -their possession. I then turned towards the elevated platform, -which still remained in the centre of the field with persons -upon it: a few struggling hussars and yeomen, together with -a number of men having the appearance of peace officers, were -congregating upon it. On my way thither I met the commanding -officer of my regiment, who directed me to find a trumpeter, -in order that he might sound the 'rally' or 'retreat.' This -sent me again down the street I had first been in (after the -pursuing men of my troop); but I had not ridden above a -hundred yards before I found a trumpeter, and returned with -him to the Colonel. The field and the adjacent streets now -presented an extraordinary sight: the ground was quite<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span> -covered with hats, shoes, sticks, musical instruments, and -other things. Here and there lay the unfortunates who were -too much injured to move away; and this sight was rendered -the more distressing by observing some women among the -sufferers.</p> - -<p>"Standing near the corner of the street where I had been -sent in search of a trumpeter, a brother officer called my attention -to a pistol being fired from a window. I saw it fired twice; -and I believe it had been fired once before I observed it.</p> - -<p>"Some of the 31st regiment, just now arriving on the -ground, were ordered to take possession of this house; but -I do not know if it was carried into effect.</p> - -<p>"I next went towards a private of the regiment, whose horse -had fallen over a piece of timber nearly in the middle of the -square, and who was most seriously injured. There were -many of these pieces of timber (or timber trees) lying upon the -ground; and as these could not be distinguished when the mob -covered them, they had caused bad falls to one officer's horse -and to many of the troopers'.</p> - -<p>"While I was attending to the removal of the wounded -soldier, the artillery troop, with the troop of hussars attached -to it, arrived on the ground from the same direction by which -we had entered the field: these were quickly followed by the -Cheshire yeomanry. The 31st regiment came in another direction; -and the whole remained formed up until our squadrons -had fallen in again.</p> - -<p>"Carriages were brought to convey the wounded to the -Manchester Infirmary; and the troop of hussars, which came -up with the guns, was marched off to escort to the gaol a -number of persons who had been arrested, and among these -Mr. Hunt. For some time the town was patrolled by the -troops, the streets being nearly empty, and the shops, for the -most part, closed. We then returned to the barracks. I -should not omit to mention, that, before the men were dismissed, -the arms were minutely examined; and that no carbine -or pistol was found to have been fired, and only one pistol -to have been loaded. About eight o'clock p.m., one squadron<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span> -of the 15th Hussars (two troops) was ordered on duty to form -part of a strong night picket, the other part of which consisted -of two companies of the 88th regiment. This picket was -stationed at a place called the New Cross, at the end of Oldham -Street. As soon as it had taken up its position a mob -assembled about it, which increased as the darkness came on: -stones were thrown at the soldiers; the hussars many times -cleared the ground by driving the mob up the streets leading -from the New Cross. But these attempts to get rid of the -annoyance were only successful for the moment; for the -people got through the houses or narrow passages from one -street into another, and the troops were again attacked, and -many men and horses struck with stones. This lasted nearly -an hour and a half; and the soldiers being more and more -pressed upon, a town magistrate, who was with the picket, -read the Riot Act, and the officer in command ordered the -88th to fire (which they did by platoon firing) down three of -the streets. The firing lasted only a few minutes: perhaps not -more than thirty shots were fired; but these had a magical -effect: the mob ran away, and dispersed forthwith, leaving -three or four persons on the ground with gun-shot wounds.</p> - -<p>"At four o'clock in the morning the picket squadron was -relieved by another squadron of the regiment. With this -latter squadron I was on duty; and after we had patrolled -the town for two hours, the officer in command sent me to the -magistrates (who had remained assembled during the night), -to report to them that the town was perfectly quiet, and to -request their sanction to the return of the military to their -quarters.</p> - -<p>"On the afternoon of the 17th I visited, in company with -some military medical officers, the infirmary. I saw there from -twelve to twenty cases of sabre wounds; several persons that -were severely crushed, and, among these, two women, who -appeared not likely to recover. One man was in a dying state -from a gun-shot wound in the head; another had had his -leg amputated: both these casualties arose from the fire of -the 88th the night before. Two or three were reputed dead;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span> -one of them, a constable, killed in St. Peter's Field; but I saw -none of the bodies.</p> - -<p>"As shortly as I could, I have now related what fell under -my own observation during these twenty-four hours.... I -trust that I have, at least in some degree, complied with your -wishes; and I beg you will believe me, my dear Sir, yours -most truly,</p> - -<p class="right">"<span class="smcap">Willm. J. Hylton Jolliffe</span>."</p> - -<p>"To Thomas Grimston Bucknall Estcourt,<br /> -<span class="pad8">"Esq., M.P."</span></p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="STATE_OF_ENGLAND" id="STATE_OF_ENGLAND"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">STATE OF ENGLAND (1819).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Works of P. B. Shelley.</p> - - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"> -<p class="verse">An old, mad, blind, despised and dying king,—</p> -<p class="verse">Princes, the dregs of their dull race, who flow</p> -<p class="verse">Through public scorn,—mud from a muddy spring,—</p> -<p class="verse">Rulers who neither feel nor see nor know,</p> -<p class="verse">But leech-like to their fainting country cling,</p> -<p class="verse">Till they drop, blind in blood, without a blow,—</p> -<p class="verse">A people starved and stabbed in the untilled field,—</p> -<p class="verse">An army, which liberticide and prey</p> -<p class="verse">Makes as a two-edged sword to all who wield,—</p> -<p class="verse">Golden and sanguine laws which tempt and slay;</p> -<p class="verse">Religion, Christless, Godless—a book sealed;</p> -<p class="verse">A Senate—Time's worst statute unrepealed,—</p> -<p class="verse">Are graves, from which a glorious phantom may</p> -<p class="verse">Burst, to illumine our tempestuous day.</p> -</div></div> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_CATO_STREET_CONSPIRACY_1820" id="THE_CATO_STREET_CONSPIRACY_1820"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE CATO STREET CONSPIRACY (1820).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1820, pp. 30-32.</p> - - -<p>At last, on Saturday, the 19th of February, it was resolved -at one of their meetings, that poverty did not allow them to -delay their purposes any longer, and that, therefore, on the -next Wednesday, the ministers should be murdered separately,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span> -each in his own house. On Sunday they arranged their plans. -Forty or fifty men were to be set apart for the work of murder; -and whoever failed through any fault of his own, in performing -the task assigned to him, was to atone for his failure with -his life. Two separate detachments were at the same time to -seize two pieces of cannon stationed in Gray's-Inn-lane, and -six in the artillery ground. The Mansion-house was to be -proclaimed the palace of the provisional government; the -Bank was to be attacked forthwith; and London was to be -set fire to in different quarters.</p> - -<p>Meetings were again held on Monday and Tuesday; and -on the latter day, a conspirator, named Edwards, informed -Thistlewood, that there was to be a cabinet dinner on the -morrow. Thistlewood, doubting the information, sent for a -newspaper, and finding it announced that a cabinet dinner -was to be given at lord Harrowby's house in Grosvenor-square -on Wednesday evening; "As there has not been a -dinner so long," said he, "there will no doubt be fourteen or -sixteen there, and it will be a rare haul to murder them all -together." According to the fresh arrangements now determined -on, one of their number was to go with a note addressed -to lord Harrowby; when the door was opened to him, a band -of the conspirators were to rush in; and while some seized -the servants, and prevented any one from escaping from the -house, others, forcing their way into the room where the -ministers were assembled, were to murder them without mercy. -It was particularly specified, that the heads of lords Sidmouth -and Castlereagh were to be brought away in a bag. From -lord Harrowby's house two of their number were to proceed -to throw fire-balls into the straw-shed of the cavalry barracks -in King-street, while the rest were to co-operate in the execution -of the subsequent parts of the scheme.</p> - -<p>In the meantime spies were dispatched to watch lord -Harrowby's house, and to ascertain that no police officers or -soldiers were concealed within it, or close to it. The next day -was spent in preparations. Their weapons and ammunition -were put into a state of readiness, and proclamations were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span> -written, which it was intended to fix to the houses that were -to be set on fire. In the course of the day several of the -infatuated wretches met, from time to time, at the old place -of rendezvous; and, towards six in the evening, they assembled -in a stable, situated in an obscure street, called Cato-street, -in the neighbourhood of the Edgware-road. Besides -the stable in the lower part, the building contained two rooms -above, accessible only by a ladder, in the larger of which, a -sentinel having been stationed below, the conspirators -mustered, to the number of twenty-four or twenty-five, all -busy in adjusting their accoutrements by the scanty light of -one or two candles, and exulting in the near approach of the -bloody catastrophe.</p> - -<p>All their machinations, however, were known to the very -men, whom they hoped within an hour to see lying butchered -at their feet. One of the conspirators, Edwards, had, for -some time, been in the pay of government, to whom he -communicated every step that was taken. A man, too, of -the name of Hidon, who had been solicited to enter into the -plot, warned lord Harrowby of it, the day before that which -was fixed for carrying it into execution. The ministers took -no steps which might deter or alarm the ruffians; for it would -have been the height of madness to have stopped them in -their career of guilt. Interruption would have saved them -from punishment, by rendering it impossible to procure -evidence of the atrocious nature of the plot; so that they -would have been let loose upon society, ready to enter into -some new scheme of murder, which, by being intrusted to a -smaller, or more select number, or by being attempted with -less delay, might be followed by success. The preparations -for the dinner went on at lord Harrowby's house till eight in -the evening, though, in fact, no dinner was to be given.</p> - -<p>In the meantime, a strong party of Bow-street constables, -under the direction of Mr. Birnie, proceeded to Cato-street, -where they were to be met and supported by a detachment of -the Coldstream Guards. The police officers reached the spot -about 8 o'clock. They immediately entered the stable, and,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> -mounting the ladder, found the conspirators in the loft, on -the point of proceeding to the execution of their scheme. The -principal officer called upon them to surrender. Smithers, one -of the constables, pressing forward to seize Thistlewood, was -pierced, by him, through the body, and immediately fell. The -lights in the loft were now extinguished; some of the conspirators -rushed down the ladder, and the officers along with -them; others forced their way out by a window in the back -part of the premises. At this moment, the detachment of the -military arrived, somewhat later than the precise time fixed. -Two of the conspirators, who were in the act of escaping, were -seized: by the joint exertions of the police and soldiers nine -in all were taken that evening, and conveyed to Bow-street. -Thistlewood was among those who had escaped, but he was -arrested next morning, in bed, in a house near Finsbury-square. -Some others of them were seized in the course of the -next two days.</p> - -<p>On the 27th of March, true bills of indictment for high treason -were found against eleven of the prisoners; and, on the 17th -of April, Thistlewood was put upon his trial. The principal -witness was a conspirator, of the name of Adams, who, having -escaped from Cato-street, had been taken on the following -Friday, and had remained in custody up to the time when he -was produced in court to give evidence. After a trial which -lasted three days, the accused was found guilty on those counts -of indictment which charged him with having conspired to -levy, and with having levied war against the King. Ings, -Brunt, Tidd, and Davidson, were afterwards severally tried -and convicted. The remaining six, permission to withdraw -their former plea having been given, pleaded guilty. One of -them, who appeared to have joined the meeting in Cato-street -without being aware of its true purpose, received a pardon; -the other five had their sentence commuted into transportation -for life. Thistlewood, with the four whom we have named, -suffered the sentence of the law, rather glorying in what they -had attempted, and regretting their failure, than repenting of -their atrocious guilt.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_DEATH_OF_GEORGE_III_1820" id="THE_DEATH_OF_GEORGE_III_1820"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE DEATH OF GEORGE III. (1820).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Diary and Correspondence of Charles Abbott, Lord -Colchester.</cite> London, 1861. Vol. III. p. 112.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Letter from Mr. B. Wilbraham.</cite></p> - -<p class="right">"Portland Place, February 7th, 1820.</p> - -<p>"My dear Lord,</p> - -<p class="in4">"I am not aware that I can communicate much more -information than the newspapers, if so much, but as a letter -from London at a moment like the present is supposed to be -interesting, I write a few lines.</p> - -<p>"The death of the poor King was not expected by the public -in general, but those who were about him saw a rapid change -taking place, and a loathing of nourishment and other symptoms; -and when I was at Windsor three weeks ago, the Duke -of York, who had not seen him for five or six days, was much -affected at the change.</p> - -<p>"He died without any pain, spoke a short time before his -death, and had no gleam of returning reason, which Dr. Willis -then told me he would not have. Since his death we have been -in some danger of losing the present King, who has been very -ill of an inflammation of the chest, which was cured by his -losing 130 ounces of blood. This loss would have killed you or -me, but he is so accustomed to being bled, that the day after -the operation was performed his pulse was at 84. He is now -recovering, but I expect that his constitution will not be the -better for this violent, though necessary discipline.</p> - -<p>"He held a Privy Council two days after the King's death, -and was forced to exert himself, which I believe was rather -against him; but he has not done anything of the sort since, -and I hope he will soon recover his strength.</p> - -<p>"No political change has taken place under the circumstances -of the country, but we look forward to a dissolution of -Parliament; and whether it will be early or late, before the -ensuing session of Parliament or after it, it is the question -about which we are very anxious; though I am not of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span> -number, it being a matter of indifference to me when I visit -my Dover<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> friends.</p> - -<p>"Brougham, it is said, has sent the Queen a detailed account -of her patronage, which, as you know, is considerable, and a -blank patent for the office of her Attorney-General; when -this returns filled up, he will form a third party in the House -of Commons, and probably will be very troublesome to both -the others; though the Whigs will contrive to agree with him -as often as they can.</p> - -<p>"You will be glad to hear that we are as peaceable and -quiet as lambs in Lancashire; that seditious printers, drillers -at night, and others were found guilty by the juries at the -Manchester Sessions, and were sentenced to various punishments -without a single murmur being heard in Court. I -understand that this implicit obedience to the laws has produced -a sensation of considerable surprise on the Continent, -where people imagined us on the eve of a revolution. I confess -that I imagined we should not have been so quiet in the North -as we are. Hunt and Co., you know, are to be tried at the -Spring Lancashire Assizes....</p> - -<p>"The Bank resumed bullion payments on the 1st February, -in ingots (to the amount of £300), commonly called Ricardos; -and I understand that in the first three days only three were -applied for. One for Lord Thanet, one for a country banker, -from curiosity, and the other I know not for whom. The -price of gold is from two to three shillings below the Mint -price, which accounts for this little demand.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span class="padr10">"Yours very truly,</span><br /> -"<span class="smcap">E. B. Wilbraham</span>."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_KINGS_SPEECH_1820" id="THE_KINGS_SPEECH_1820"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE KING'S SPEECH (1820).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register, 1820.</cite> Appendix to Chronicle, p. 749.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>The King's Speech to the New Parliament</cite> (<em>Thursday, April 27</em>).</p> - -<p>"My Lords and Gentlemen;</p> - -<p class="in4">"I have taken the earliest occasion of assembling -you here, after having referred to the sense of my people.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span></p> -<p>"In meeting you personally, for the first time since the -death of my beloved father, I am anxious to assure you, that -I shall always continue to imitate his great example, in unceasing -attention to the public interests, and in paternal solicitude -for the welfare and happiness of all classes of my subjects.</p> - -<p>"I have received from foreign powers renewed assurances -of their friendly disposition, and of their earnest desire to -cultivate with me the relations of peace and amity.</p> - - -<p class="p1">"Gentlemen of the House of Commons;</p> - -<p class="in4">"The estimates for the present year will be laid -before you.</p> - -<p>"They have been framed upon principles of strict economy; -but it is to me matter of the deepest regret that the state of -the country has not allowed me to dispense with those additions -to our military force which I announced at the commencement -of the last session of parliament.</p> - -<p>"The first object to which your attention will be directed -is the provision to be made for the support of the civil government, -and of the honour and dignity of the crown.</p> - -<p>"I leave entirely at your disposal my interest in the hereditary -revenues; and I cannot deny myself the gratification of -declaring, that so far from desiring any arrangement which -might lead to the imposition of new burthens upon my people, -or even might diminish, on my account, the amount of the -reductions incident to my accession to the throne, I can have -no wish, under circumstances like the present, that any addition -whatever should be made to the settlement adopted by -parliament in the year 1816.</p> - - -<p class="p1">"My Lords and Gentlemen;</p> - -<p class="in4">"Deeply as I regret that the machinations and -designs of the disaffected should have led in some parts of the -country to acts of open violence and insurrection, I cannot but -express my satisfaction at the promptitude with which those -attempts have been suppressed by the vigilance and activity -of the magistrates, and by the zealous co-operation of all those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span> -of my subjects, whose exertions have been called forth to -support the authority of the laws.</p> - -<p>"The wisdom and firmness manifested by the late parliament, -and the due execution of the laws, have greatly contributed -to restore confidence throughout the kingdom, and to -discountenance those principles of sedition and irreligion -which had been disseminated with such malignant perseverance, -and had poisoned the minds of the ignorant and unwary.</p> - -<p>"I rely upon the continued support of parliament in my -determination to maintain, by all the means intrusted to my -hands, the public safety and tranquillity.</p> - -<p>"Deploring, as we all must, the distress which still unhappily -prevails among many of the labouring classes of the -community, and anxiously looking forward to its removal or -mitigation, it is in the meantime our common duty effectually -to protect the loyal, the peaceable, and the industrious, -against those practices of turbulence and intimidation by -which the period of relief can only be deferred, and by which -the pressure of the distress has been incalculably aggravated.</p> - -<p>"I trust, that an awakened sense of the dangers which they -have incurred, and of the arts which have been employed to -seduce them, will bring back by far the greater part of those -who have been unhappily led astray, and will revive in them -that spirit of loyalty, that due submission to the laws, and that -attachment to the constitution, which subsist unabated in -the hearts of the great body of the people, and which, under -the blessing of Divine Providence, have secured to the British -nation the enjoyment of a larger share of practical freedom, as -well as of prosperity and happiness, than have fallen to the -lot of any nation in the world."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_CHARACTER_OF_JOHN_BULL_1820" id="THE_CHARACTER_OF_JOHN_BULL_1820"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE CHARACTER OF "JOHN BULL" (1820).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Washington Irving's <cite>Sketch Book</cite>. Pp. 237-239. Bohn's -Libraries. G. Bell & Sons, London.</p> - - -<p>What is worst of all, is the effect which these pecuniary -embarrassments and domestic feuds have had on the poor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span> -man himself. Instead of that jolly round corporation, and -snug rosy face, which he used to present, he has of late become -as shrivelled and shrunk as a frost-bitten apple. His scarlet -gold-laced waistcoat, which bellied out so bravely in those -prosperous days when he sailed before the wind, now hangs -loosely about him like a mainsail in a calm. His leather -breeches are all in folds and wrinkles, and apparently have -much ado to hold up the boots that yawn on both sides of his -once sturdy legs.</p> - -<p>Instead of strutting about as formerly, with his three-cornered -hat on one side; flourishing his cudgel, and bringing -it down every moment with a hearty thump upon the ground; -looking every one sturdily in the face, and trolling out a stave -of a catch or a drinking song; he now goes about whistling -thoughtfully to himself, with his head drooping down, his -cudgel tucked under his arm, and his hands thrust to the -bottom of his breeches pockets, which are evidently empty.</p> - -<p>Such is the plight of honest John Bull at present; yet for -all this, the old fellow's spirit is as tall and as gallant as ever. -If you drop the least expression of sympathy or concern, he -takes fire in an instant; swears that he is the richest and -stoutest fellow in the country; talks of laying out large sums -to adorn his house or buy another estate; and with a valiant -swagger and grasping of his cudgel, longs exceedingly to have -another bout at quarter-staff.</p> - -<p>Though there may be something rather whimsical in all -this, yet I confess I cannot look upon John's situation without -strong feelings of interest. With all his odd humours and -obstinate prejudices, he is a sterling-hearted old blade. He -may not be so wonderfully fine a fellow as he thinks himself, -but he is at least twice as good as his neighbours represent -him. His virtues are all his own; all plain, home bred and -unaffected. His very faults smack of the raciness of his good -qualities. His extravagance savours of his generosity; his -quarrelsomeness, of his courage; his credulity, of his open -faith; his vanity, of his pride; and his bluntness, of his -sincerity. They are all the redundancies of a rich and liberal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span> -character. He is like his old oak, rough without, but sound -and solid within, whose bark abounds with excrescences in -proportion to the growth and grandeur of the timber; and -whose branches make a fearful groaning and murmuring in -the least storm, from their very magnitude and luxuriance. -There is something, too, in the appearance of his old family -mansion that is extremely poetical and picturesque; and, as -long as it can be rendered comfortably habitable, I should -almost tremble to see it meddled with, during the present conflict -of tastes and opinions. Some of his advisers are no doubt -good architects, that might be of service; but many, I fear, -are mere levellers, who, when they had once got to work with -their mattocks on this venerable edifice, would never stop -until they had brought it to the ground, and perhaps buried -themselves among the ruins. All that I wish is that John's -present troubles may teach him more prudence in the future. -That he may cease to distress his mind about other people's -affairs; that he may give up the fruitless attempt to promote -the good of his neighbours, and the peace and happiness of -the world, by dint of the cudgel; that he may remain quietly -at home; gradually get his house into repair; cultivate his -rich estate according to his fancy; husband his income—if -he thinks proper; bring his unruly children into order—if he -can; renew the jovial scenes of ancient prosperity; and long -enjoy, on his paternal lands, a green, an honourable and a -merry old age.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_DEATH_OF_NAPOLEON_1821" id="THE_DEATH_OF_NAPOLEON_1821"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE DEATH OF NAPOLEON (1821).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Gentleman's Magazine, 1821.</cite> Vol. 91, p. 86.</p> - - -<p>May 5. At St. Helena, of a lingering illness, which had -confined him to his bed for upwards of forty days, Napoleon -Buonaparte. He desired that after his death his body should -be opened, as he suspected he was dying of the same disease -which had killed his father—a cancer in the stomach.</p> - -<p>He lay in state three days, at the particular wish of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span> -French people, who behaved to all visitors with much affability, -amounting to condescension. The body was opened; -the stomach was the entire seat of the disease—a cancer, or a -schirrous state of that organ. The disease must have caused -great pain, and appeared to have been of considerable standing. -It was remarked before his death, that for more than nine days -he had refused all nourishment, which was supposed to proceed -from resignation or obstinacy; but the diseased state of -the stomach fully accounts for it.</p> - -<p>The body was laid out on a bed in a room of the middling -size, hung with black, and well lighted up. He was dressed in -full Field-Marshal's uniform; that said to have been worn by -him at the battle of Marengo. His person seemed small, and -rather diminutive (exact height five feet seven inches); but -the fineness of the countenance much exceeded expectation. -The face appeared to be large, compared with the body; the -features pleasing and extremely regular, still retaining a half-formed -smile; and must have been truly imposing, when enlivened -by a penetrating pair of eyes. His skin was perfectly -sallow, which seemed to be its natural colour.</p> - -<p>The garden was laid out in the most fanciful manner; an -astonishing variety being contained in a very small space.</p> - -<p>Buonaparte died on Saturday, and the funeral took place -the following Wednesday at 12 o'clock. A grand procession -was formed of the officers, soldiers, and marines; which, -altogether, made a very striking exhibition. The troops were -drawn up two men deep on the road side, out of Longwood -gates; each man resting the point of his musket on his foot, -with the left hand on its butt; and the left cheek leaning on -his hand in a mournful position; the band stationed at the -head of each corps playing a dead march.</p> - -<p>He was buried at the head of Rupert's Valley, about half-way -between James' Town and Longwood, under the shade -of a large willow-tree, near a small spring well, the water in -which is both good and pleasant. For some years past he had -water carried to him daily from this well, in two silver tankards -which he brought from Moscow. Some years since, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span> -visiting this well, in company with Madame Bertrand, he said, -if the British Government buried him on St. Helena, he wished -this to be the spot. It is certainly a very retired pretty situation, -surrounded by high hills in the form of an amphitheatre, -the public road to Longwood leading along the top of the -ridge.</p> - -<p>After letting the coffin into the grave, three vollies from 11 -field pieces were fired, and the flag-ship also fired 25 minute -guns. The Catholic priest performed the ceremony after the -rites of the Romish Church.</p> - -<p>The grave was 10 feet long, 10 deep, and five wide; the -bottom happened to be solid rock, in which a space was cut to -receive the coffin; the sides and ends of the grave were each -walled in with one large Portland flag, and three large flags -were put immediately over the coffin, and fastened down with -iron bars and lead, beside Roman cement. The top of the -grave is elevated about eight inches above the surface of the -ground, and covered over with three rough slates.</p> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="NAPOLEON_1821" id="NAPOLEON_1821"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">NAPOLEON (1821).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—P. B. Shelley's <cite>Poems</cite>.</p> - - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"> -<div class="stanza"> -<p class="verse">What! alive and so bold, O Earth?</p> -<p class="verse">Art thou not over bold?</p> -<p class="verse">What! leapest thou forth as of old</p> -<p class="verse">In the light of thy morning mirth,</p> -<p class="verse">The last of the flock of the starry fold?</p> -<p class="verse">Ha! leapest thou forth as of old?</p> -<p class="verse">Are not the limbs still when the ghost is fled</p> -<p class="verse">And can'st thou move, Napoleon being dead?</p> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<p class="verse">How! is not thy quick heart cold?</p> -<p class="verse">What spark is alive on thy hearth?</p> -<p class="verse">How! is not <em>his</em> death-knell knolled?</p> -<p class="verse">And livest <em>thou</em> still, Mother Earth?</p> -<p class="verse">Thou wert warming thy fingers old</p> -<p class="verse">O'er the embers covered and cold</p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span> -<p class="verse">Of that most fiery spirit, when it fled—</p> -<p class="verse">What, Mother, do you laugh now he is dead?</p> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<p class="verseq">"Who has known me of old," replied Earth,</p> -<p class="verseq">"Or who has my story told?</p> -<p class="verse">It is thou who art over bold!"</p> -<p class="verse">And the lightning of scorn laughed forth</p> -<p class="verse">As she sung, "To my bosom I fold</p> -<p class="verse">All my sons when their knell is knolled,</p> -<p class="verse">And so with living motion all are fed,</p> -<p class="verse">And the quick spring like weeds out of the dead.</p> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<p class="verseq">"Still alive and still bold," shouted Earth,</p> -<p class="verseq">"I grow bolder and still more bold.</p> -<p class="verse">The dead fill me ten thousand fold</p> -<p class="verse">Fuller of speed, and splendour, and mirth.</p> -<p class="verse">I was cloudy, and sullen, and cold,</p> -<p class="verse">Like a frozen chaos uprolled,</p> -<p class="verse">Till by the spirit of the mighty dead</p> -<p class="verse">My heart grew warm. I feed on whom I fed.</p> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> -<p class="verseq">"Ay, alive and bold," muttered Earth,</p> -<p class="verseq">"Napoleon's fierce spirit rolled,</p> -<p class="verse">In terror and blood and gold,</p> -<p class="verse">A torrent of ruin to death from his birth.</p> -<p class="verse">Leave the millions who follow to mould</p> -<p class="verse">The metal before it be cold;</p> -<p class="verse">And weave into his shame, which like the dead</p> -<p class="verse">Shrouds me, the hopes that from his glory fled."</p> -</div></div> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="NAPOLEON_AND_ENGLAND_1821" id="NAPOLEON_AND_ENGLAND_1821"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">NAPOLEON AND ENGLAND (1821).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Lord Tennyson's <cite>Early Sonnets</cite>, V. 1832.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><span class="smcap">Buonaparte.</span></p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"> -<p class="verse">He thought to quell the stubborn hearts of oak,</p> -<p class="verse">Madman!—to chain with chains, and bind with bands</p> -<p class="verse">That island queen that sways the floods and lands</p> -<p class="verse">From Ind to Ind, but in fair daylight woke,</p> -<p class="verse">When from her wooden walls, lit by sure hands,</p> -<p class="verse">With thunders, and with lightnings and with smoke,</p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span> -<p class="verse">Peal after peal, the British battle broke,</p> -<p class="verse">Lulling the brine against the Coptic sands.</p> -<p class="verse">We taught him lowlier moods, when Elsinore</p> -<p class="verse">Heard the war moan along the distant sea,</p> -<p class="verse">Rocking with shattered spars, with sudden fires</p> -<p class="verse">Flamed over: at Trafalgar yet once more</p> -<p class="verse">We taught him: late he learned humility</p> -<p class="verse">Perforce, like those whom Gideon school'd with briers.</p> -</div></div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="MONROE_DOCTRINE_1823" id="MONROE_DOCTRINE_1823"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">MONROE DOCTRINE (1823).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register</cite>, 1823 (Public Documents).</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>President Monroe's Message to Congress, Dec. 2, 1823.</cite></p> - -<p>"In the wars of the European powers in matters relating -to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport -with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are -invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make -preparation for our defence. With the movements in this -hemisphere we are, of necessity, more immediately connected, -and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and -impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers -is essentially different in this respect from that of America. -This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective -governments. And to the defence of our own, which has -been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and -matured by the wisdom of our most enlightened citizens, and -under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole -nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to -the amicable relations existing between the United States and -those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt -on their part to extend their system to any portion of this -hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the -existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we -have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the -Governments who have declared their independence, and -maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span> -consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could -not view any interposition, for the purpose of oppressing -them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any -European power, in any other light than as the manifestation -of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="SLAVERY_1823" id="SLAVERY_1823"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">SLAVERY (1823).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Political Life of George Canning</cite>, by A. G. Stapleton. -1831. Vol. III. p. 90.</p> - - -<p>He concluded with moving as a resolution, "that the state -of Slavery was repugnant to the principles of the British Constitution, -and of the Christian Religion, and that it ought to -be abolished throughout the British Colonies with as much -expedition as might be found consistent with a due regard to -the well-being of the parties concerned."</p> - -<p>Mr. Canning rose immediately after Mr. Buxton had concluded, -in the hope that by at once making known the opinions -of the Government he might restrain the warmth of debate -on so "fearful" a question, on which he said the use of "one -rash word," perhaps even of one too "ardent an expression, -might raise a flame not easily to be extinguished."</p> - -<p>After pointing out the impropriety, not to say unfairness, -of Mr. Buxton, in having recourse to the by-gone question of -the Slave Trade as a topick of declamation, and remarking -that the course pursued by that gentleman of addressing himself -not to the judgment, but to the feelings of the House, -was the one the least likely to lead to a satisfactory result, Mr. -Canning entreated the members to look at the then "situation -of the West Indies not as a population accumulated by -a succession of crimes, but simply as it then existed." We -might deplore the crimes and condemn those who had encouraged -their commission; but committed they had been -with the sanction of the British Parliament, whose duty it -then was to look at the subject not with reference to the crimes -alone, but to the nature of that state of society which had -grown up in consequence of their perpetration.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span></p> - -<p>"Looking at the West Indies," said Mr. Canning, "I find -there a numerous black population with a comparatively -small proportion of whites. The question, therefore, to be -decided is, how civil rights, moral improvement, and general -happiness, can be communicated to this overpowering multitude -of slaves with safety to their lives, and security to the -interests of the White Population? For the attainment of -so great a good as raising these unfortunate creatures in the -scale of being, sacrifices ought undoubtedly to be made; -but would I therefore strike at the root of the system—a -system the growth of ages—and unhesitatingly and rashly -level it at a blow? Are we not all aware that there are -knots which cannot be suddenly disentangled and must not -be cut—difficulties which, if solved at all, must be solved by -patient consideration and impartial attention, in order that -we may not do the most flagrant injustice by aiming at -justice itself."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_STATE_OF_IRELAND_1823" id="THE_STATE_OF_IRELAND_1823"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE STATE OF IRELAND (1823).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Diary and Correspondence of Charles Abbot, Lord -Colchester</cite>, Vol. III. p. 302.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><em>From Lord Redesdale.</em></p> - -<p class="right">"Batsford, October 30th.</p> - -<p>"My Dear Lord,</p> - -<p class="in4">"I think the state of Ireland at this time most -perilous.</p> - -<p>"The government of a dictator, firm and well judging, -assisted by a great armed force ready to execute his will, is -now become necessary to the peace of Ireland. A Cromwell, -at the head of such an army as he had, not subject to the control -of a Cabinet in England—where is to be found such a man? -Where is to be found such an army? And how is the government -of such a man, if found, to be rendered independent of -a Cabinet here?</p> - -<p>"He ought also to have so fully the confidence of Parliament, -and the spirit of the measures adopted by him ought to have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span> -been so fully previously adopted in Parliament, that there -should remain no hope of obtaining countenance here for any -complaint against him. The people of Ireland must be fully -persuaded that his orders must be obliged. His government -must bear some resemblance to that of the French in Italy, -but it must be uncorrupt, just, and humane, and so far -different from the French Government in Italy.</p> - -<p>"In this conceit I have imagined what is not possible; but -if we mean to save Ireland from great misery, we must approach -as nearly to what I have imagined as possible.</p> - -<p>"The first thing to be done must be to put an end to all the -hopes of the Roman Catholics obtaining the overthrow of the -Protestant establishment. This can only be done by a firm -union of all Protestants in both islands. Can we hope for this? -The two Houses of Parliament might pass strong resolutions -on this subject. But can we hope for unanimity in such -resolutions? Can we hope to carry such resolutions without -strong opposition? May we not rather fear that such propositions -would be rejected, or so modified as to be more -mischievous than beneficial? I despair, therefore, of bringing -Ireland to a state of quiet. The system now pursued, I think, -must lead to increased agitation, and finally to insurrection, -and perhaps open war is better than the secret war now -carried on.</p> - -<p>"I consider the late Tithe Bill as an experiment, which I -apprehended would, if it produced no other effect, show the -unreasonableness of the Irish landholders on the subject of -tithes. Tithes are undoubtedly a great oppression to agriculture. -They are a tax upon the most important manufacture, -the production of food. If the woollen manufacturers, -for instance, were obliged to pay the tenth yard of cloth -manufactured for the maintenance of the clergy, what would -be the effect? Just the same as the payment of the tenth of -agricultural produce. The price must be raised in proportion -to the charge, or the profit of the manufacturer would be -wholly absorbed. A profit of 10 per cent. is esteemed a fair -mercantile profit; but the tithe of the manufactured cloth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span> -would be more than 10 per cent. on the price for which cloth -now sells. Importation would keep down the price, but it -would ruin the manufacturer if the article could be imported -at a cheaper rate. If, therefore, tithes could be transferred -from the occupier to the landowner, it would be beneficial -to cultivation, though it would fall heavy on the proprietors -of land. On this ground also, I have approved of the -commutation of tithes in enclosures.</p> - -<p>"We give two-ninths of arable, and one-eighth of green -land to the tithe-owner. So far as tithes belong to the clergy, -they put so much land in mortmain. But land in mortmain -is not so injurious to agriculture as tithes taken in hand. -And I thought the Bill might lead to some permanent commutation, -or at least to a settled rent, putting all the occupiers -of land on an equal footing with respect to cultivation.</p> - -<p>"The French agriculturists have gained a great advantage -by throwing the maintenance of their clergy on the nation at -large, instead of tithes which pressed wholly on agriculture. -Formerly land was almost the only property productive of -income; and, therefore, many charges were imposed on land -which ought, in the present circumstances, to be a charge on -property generally, if that could be effected. It seems to me -that the present state of the European world is so changed -that other changes must follow. Moneyed property, the profits -of trade and manufacturers, are now a vast proportion of -the income of the inhabitants of this country, and the persons -deriving income from these sources bear that proportion only -of the public burdens which are taxes on expenditure; while -the income derived from land maintains the Church, the poor, -the roads, the administration of justice, etc., etc., to a vast -amount, and pays at the same time all taxes on expenditure; -and the direct burdens on land increase with the riches produced -by trade and manufactures, and the moneyed property. -This I take to be a great cause of distress amongst the agriculturists -and their landlords.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span class="padr10">"Truly yours,</span><br /> -"<span class="smcap">Redesdale</span>."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="TRANSPORTATION_1823" id="TRANSPORTATION_1823"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">TRANSPORTATION (1823).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—In the <cite>Edinburgh Review</cite>, 1823, by the Rev. Sydney Smith.</p> - - -<p>Men are governed by words, and under the infamous term -convict, are comprehended crimes of the most different degrees -and species of guilt. One man is transported for stealing three -hams and a pot of sausages; and in the next berth to him on -board the transport is a young surgeon, who has been engaged -in the mutiny at the Nore; the third man is for extorting -money; the fourth was in a respectable situation of life at -the time of the Irish Rebellion, and was so ill-read in History -as to imagine that Ireland had been ill-treated by England, -and so bad a reasoner as to suppose, that nine Catholics ought -not to pay tithes to one Protestant. Then comes a man who -set his house on fire, to cheat the Phœnix Office; and, lastly, -that most glaring of all human villains, a poacher, driven from -Europe, wife and child, by thirty lords of manors, at the -Quarter Sessions, for killing a partridge. Now, all these are -crimes no doubt—particularly the last; but they are surely -crimes of very different degrees of intensity, to which different -degrees of contempt and horror are attached—and from which -those who have committed them may, by subsequent morality, -emancipate themselves, with different degrees of difficulty, and -with more or less of success. A warrant granted by a reformed -bacon-stealer would be absurd; but there is hardly any reason -why a foolish hot-brained young blockhead, who chose to -favour the mutineers at the Nore when he was sixteen years of -age, may not make a very loyal subject, when he is forty years -of age, and has cast his Jacobine teeth, and fallen into the -practical jobbing and loyal baseness which so commonly -developes itself about that period of life.</p> - -<p>It is to be believed that a governor, placed over a land of -convicts, and capable of guarding his limbs from any sudden -collision with odometrous stones, or vertical posts of direction, -should make no distinction between the simple convict and -the double and treble convict—the man of three juries, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span> -has three times appeared at the Bailey, <em>trilarcenous</em>—three -times driven over the seas.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTON_AND_HIS_SONS_1824" id="THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTON_AND_HIS_SONS_1824"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AND HIS SONS (1824).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Life of the Duke of Wellington</cite>, by G. R. Gleig.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Letter from the Duke of Wellington to the Rev. H. M. Wagner.</cite></p> - -<p class="right">"Hatfield, 10th October, 1824.</p> - -<p>"My dear Sir,</p> - -<p class="in4">"I have received your letter of the 7th, to which I -proceed to give an answer; and I request you to communicate -it to my sons, which will save both me and them trouble.</p> - -<p>"After all inquiries which I have made, I believe that the -allowance which they ought to have, and which would go -nearest to provide for their education at Oxford, excluding -a private tutor, but including everything else, would be for -Douro, who will be entered as a nobleman, £800 per annum, -including his half-pay; and for Charles, who will be entered -as a gentleman commoner, £500 per annum, besides his half-pay. -I therefore, by this post, direct Messrs. Coutts to pay -Douro £200, and Charles £125, on the 1st October, 1st January, -1st April, and 1st July, each year, beginning with the 1st -inst.</p> - -<p>"I beg that Charles will observe that I make him this -allowance, at present, in order that he may defray the expenses -of his education. He must recollect, however, that -he is only a younger brother, and that it is not at all clear that -he will ever have so much again, unless he should make it by -his own industry and talent; and I beg you will tell them both -that when I entered the world I had just the sum for the -whole year which I now give Charles every quarter.</p> - -<p>"I intend that these allowances shall cover all expenses of -every description; and I have reason to believe them so ample -that I expect they will not run in debt; particularly as I -begin by paying them in advance, and as I will take upon -myself the following expenses:</p> - -<p>"The entrance fees at the college and university for both.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span></p> - -<p>"The expenses of the nobleman's and gentleman-commoner's -gowns.</p> - -<p>"They must pay for the furniture of their rooms themselves, -but if you should think the expense too heavy upon them -immediately, I would advance the money, and they can -repay me hereafter.</p> - -<p>"I give them the horses which they now have with them, -of which they may dispose as they may think proper; and -they may take any servants they please out of my house or -stables, they, of course, paying their wages, and also their -expenses, from the time of their leaving me.</p> - -<p>"Accordingly, if you let me know what the entrance-money -is, and the expense of the gowns, I will send you the money.</p> - -<p>"I beg you to impress upon them that there is but one -certain and infallible way of avoiding debt, that is, first, to -determine to incur no expense, to defray which the money is -not in their pockets; secondly, to pay the money immediately -for everything they get, and for every expense they incur. -They will then be certain that everything they have is their -own, and they will know at all times what they can and what -they cannot do. There is nothing so easy, provided they begin -in time; and I give them these ample allowances, and pay -them beforehand, purposely that they may at once pay for -everything the moment they get it.</p> - -<p>"They should, in adopting this system, advert to the -expenses of the college, which they have to defray themselves, -their servants' wages and clothes, the keep of their horses, and -lay by a sufficiency to defray their expenses till the 1st January. -The remainder will be their own, and they will lay it out -as they please; observing always, that if this remainder is -laid out uselessly or idly, and they act up rigidly to the system -of paying for everything at the time they get it, they may want -clothes or other necessaries, or reasonable gratifications, before -the quarter will expire.</p> - -<p>"I think it best to remind them of all this, because I hope -that they and I will have no further discussion upon these -subjects. In respect of their studies, I am very anxious about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span> -their mathematics, as essential to those who serve in the army. -If you will let me know what the course is in the university, -I will give you my opinion upon other matters. They should -likewise have a perfect knowledge of modern geography and -history, of course, but I shall hear further from you on these -points. I will go and see them shortly after they shall have -gone to Oxford, where they ought to be on the 14th. They -had better probably go to Strathfieldsaye to make their arrangements -for their departure, as soon as you will receive this letter.</p> - -<p>"I wish you would let each of them keep a copy of this -letter, and send me one."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="FREE_TRADE_1825" id="FREE_TRADE_1825"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">FREE TRADE (1825).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—William Cobbett's <cite>Rural Rides</cite>, ed. by Mr. Pitt -Cobbett, 1885.</p> - - -<p>One newspaper says that Mr. Huskisson is gone to Paris, -and thinks it likely that he will endeavour to "inculcate in -the mind of the Bourbons wise principles of <em>free trade</em>!" -What next! Persuade them, I suppose, that it is for <em>their -good</em> that English goods should be admitted into France and -into St. Domingo with little or no duty? Persuade them to -make a treaty of commerce with him; and in short persuade -them to make <em>France help to pay the interest of our debt and -dead-weight</em>, lest our system of paper should go to pieces, and -lest that should be followed by a <em>radical reform</em>, which reform -would be injurious to "the monarchical principle!" This -newspaper politician does, however, <em>think</em> that the Bourbons -will be "too dull" to comprehend these "<em>enlightened</em> and -<em>liberal</em>" notions; and I think so too. I think the Bourbons, -or, rather, those who will speak for them, will say: "No thank -you. You contracted your debt without our participation; -you made your <em>dead-weight</em> for your own purposes: the -seizure of our museums and the loss of our frontier towns -followed your victory of Waterloo, though we were 'your -Allies' at the time; you made us pay an enormous tribute -after that battle, and kept possession of part of France till<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span> -we had paid it; you <em>wished</em>, the other day, to keep us out of -Spain, and you, Mr. Huskisson, in a speech at Liverpool, -called our deliverance of the King of Spain an <em>unjust and unprincipled -act of aggression</em>, while Mr. Canning prayed to God -that we might not succeed. No thank you, Mr. Huskisson, no. -No coaxing, sir: we saw, then, too clearly the <em>advantage we -derived from your having a debt and a dead-weight</em>, to wish to -assist in relieving you of either. 'Monarchical principle' -here or 'monarchical principle' there, we know that your -mill-stone debt is our best security. We like to have your -wishes, your prayers, and your abuses against us, rather -than your <em>subsidies</em> and your <em>fleets</em>; and so, farewell, Mr. -Huskisson; if you like, the English may drink French wine; -but whether they do or not, the French shall not wear your -rotten cottons. And, as a last word, how did you maintain -the 'monarchical principle,' the 'paternal principle,' or as -Castlereagh called it, the 'social system,' when you called -that an unjust and unprincipled aggression which put an end -to the bargain by which the convents and other Church property -of Spain were to be transferred to the Jews and jobbers -of London? <span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bon jour, Monsieur Huskisson, ci-devant membre -et orateur du club de quatre-vingt-neuf!</span>"</p> - -<p>If they do not actually say this to him, this is what they will -think; and that is, as to the effect, precisely the same thing. -It is childishness to suppose that any nation will act from a -desire of <em>serving all other nations</em>, or <em>any one other nation</em>, as -<em>well as itself</em>. It will make, unless compelled, no compact by -which it does not think itself <em>a gainer</em>; and amongst its gains, -it must, and always does, reckon the injury to its rivals. It -is a stupid idea that <em>all nations are to gain</em> by anything. Whatever -is the gain of one, must, in some way or other, be a loss -to another. So that this new project of "free trade" and -"mutual gain" is a pure humbug as that which the newspapers -carried on during the "glorious days" of loans, when -they told us, at every loan, that the bargain was "equally -advantageous to the contractors and to the public!" The -fact is the "free trade" project is clearly the effect of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span> -<em>consciousness of our weakness</em>. As long as we felt <em>strong</em>, we -felt <em>bold</em>, we had no thought of conciliating the world; we -upheld a system of <em>exclusion</em>, which long experience proved to -be founded in <em>sound policy</em>. But we now find that our debts -and our loads of various sorts cripple us. We feel our incapacity -for the <em>carrying of trade sword in hand</em>: and so we -have given up all our old maxims, and are endeavouring to -persuade the world that we are anxious to enjoy no advantages -that are not enjoyed also by our neighbours. Alas! the world -sees very clearly the cause of all this; and the world <em>laughs at -us</em> for our imaginary cunning. My old doggrel, that used to -make me and my friends laugh in Long Island, is precisely put -to this case.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry fs90"> -<p class="verse">When his man was stuffed with paper,</p> -<p class="verse">How John Bull did prance and caper!</p> -<p class="verse">How he foam'd and how he roared:</p> -<p class="verse">How his neighbours all he gored.</p> -<p class="verse">How he scrap'd the ground and hurled</p> -<p class="verse">Dirt and filth on all the world!</p> -<p class="verse">But John Bull of paper empty,</p> -<p class="verse">Though in midst of peace and plenty,</p> -<p class="verse">Is modest grown as worn-out sinner,</p> -<p class="verse">As Scottish laird that wants a dinner;</p> -<p class="verse">As Wilberforce, become content</p> -<p class="verse">A rotten borough to represent;</p> -<p class="verse">As Blue and Buff, when, after hunting</p> -<p class="verse">On Yankee coasts their "bits of bunting,"</p> -<p class="verse">Came softly back across the seas,</p> -<p class="verse">And silent were as mice in cheese.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Yes, the whole world, and particularly the French and the -Yankees, see very clearly the <em>course</em> of this fit of modesty and -of liberality into which we have so recently fallen. They know -well that a <em>war</em> would play the very devil with our national -faith. They know, in short, that no ministers in their senses -will think of supporting the paper system through another war. -They know well that no ministers now exist, or are likely to -exist, will venture to endanger the paper-system; and therefore -they know that (for England) they may now do just -what they please. When the French were about to invade<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span> -Spain, Mr. Canning said that his last despatch on the subject -was to be understood as a <em>protest</em>, on the part of England, -against permanent occupation of any part of Spain by France. -There the French are, however; and at the end of two years -and a half he says that he knows nothing about any intention -that they have to quit Spain, or any part of it.</p> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_FINANCIAL_CRISIS_OF_1824_and_1825" id="THE_FINANCIAL_CRISIS_OF_1824_and_1825"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE FINANCIAL CRISIS OF 1824 <span class="fs70">AND</span> 1825.</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Political Life of Sir Robert Peel</cite>, by Thomas Doubleday. -London, 1856. Vol. I. pp. 329-331.</p> - - -<p>The most trustworthy account of the almost insane operations -of 1824 and 1825 is perhaps that of Mr. Tooke, the well-known -author of the treatise on "High and Low Prices," who -in his "Considerations on the State of the Currency," published -in 1826, immediately after the panic, thus describes the steps -that led to it.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Speaking of the latter months of 1824 and -the first six months of 1825, Mr. Tooke thus proceeds:</p> - -<p>"Never did the public exhibit so great a degree of infatuation, -so complete an abandonment of all the most ordinary -rules of mercantile reasoning, since the celebrated bubble year -of 1720, as it did in the latter part of 1824 and the first three -or four months of 1825.</p> - -<p>"The speculative anticipation of an advance was no longer -confined to articles which presented a plausible ground for -some rise, however small. It extended itself to articles which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span> -were not only deficient in quantity, but actually in excess. -Thus coffee, of which the stock was increased compared with -the average of former years, advanced from 70 to 80 per cent.; -spices rose in some instances from 100 to 200 per cent., without -any reason whatever, and with a total ignorance on the part -of the operators of everything connected with the relation of -the supply to the consumption.</p> - -<p>"In short, there was hardly an article of merchandise which -did not participate in the rise; for it had become the business -of the speculators, or of the brokers, who were interested in -the raising and keeping up prices, to look minutely through the -general prices-current, with a view to discover any article -which had not advanced, in order to make it the subject of -anticipated demand. If a person, not under the influence of -the prevalent delusion, ventured to inquire for what reason -any particular article had risen, the common answer was, -'Everything else has risen, and <em>therefore</em> this ought to rise.'</p> - -<p>"Whilst such were the transactions in the markets for -goods, and whilst there was an extension of the system of -loans to the transatlantic states, some of them affording little -or no security, but almost all coming out at a premium, an -enlarged field was presented for the spirit of gambling to enter -upon. New mining, insurance, and other schemes, were set -on foot, on the principle of joint-stock companies, in immense -number.</p> - -<p>"The earliest South American mining speculations or -associations formed in this country had been entered into -with considerable circumspection, the parties with whom they -originated having, by local information and connexion, secured -comparatively beneficial contracts, and priority of the working -of mines known to be most productive. These apparent advantages -being made known, attracted numerous persons to buy -shares from the original subscribers at a progressively increasing -premium. The great gains—or rather premiums in -anticipation of gains—thus obtained by one or two of these -associations, held out an inducement to the formation of new -ones.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span></p> - -<p>"It is well known how numerously mining and other joint-stock -companies sprung up, and how successful they were for -some time in catching and turning to account the disposition -for hazardous adventure which now pervaded the nation. The -operators on the share market made the new schemes the -basis for an enormous extent of gambling. Many persons, -quite removed from all connexion with business—retired -officers, widows, and single women of small fortune—risked -their incomes or their savings in every species of desperate -enterprize. The competition and scramble for premiums in -concerns which ought never to have been but at a discount, -were perfectly astounding to those who took no part in such -transactions. These operations in shares had an effect like -that of speculations in goods, in adding to the mass of the -circulation of paper and of credit; and this, be it still kept in -mind, concurrently with the addition which had been made to -the Bank of England issues.</p> - -<p>"It is not possible to compute, with even any approach to -accuracy, the amount of the addition to the total of the -circulating medium by these united causes; but if I were called -upon to hazard an estimate, I should conjecture that the whole -amount of the circulating medium, including the transactions -on credit without the intervention of paper, must have been, -on the average of the four months ending April, 1825, <em>little if -at all short of fifty per cent. above what it had been in the corresponding -period of 1823</em>. The approximation of this estimate -to the truth is rendered probable by the consideration that, -upon the principles which determine money prices and nominal -values, such a general rise of prices, amounting in some instances -to above 100 per cent., without even the allegation of -any general scarcity, could not have taken place without an -immense expansion of the circulating medium."</p> - -<p class="right fs90">Tooke's <cite>Considerations of the State of the Currency</cite>, 1826, p. 47.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_FRENCH_OCCUPATION_OF_SPAIN_1826" id="THE_FRENCH_OCCUPATION_OF_SPAIN_1826"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE FRENCH OCCUPATION OF SPAIN (1826).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Martineau's <cite>History of the Peace</cite>, Vol. I. pp. 406-408. -Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.</p> - - -<p>It having been objected that the balance of dignity and -honour among nations had been affected by the French occupation -of Spain, which was thought to have exalted France and -lowered England, Mr. Canning replied: "I must beg leave to -say that I dissent from that averment. The House knows—the -country knows—that when the French army was on the -point of entering Spain, his Majesty's Government did all in -their power to prevent it; that we resisted it by all means -short of war. I have just now stated some of the reasons why -we did not think the entry of that army into Spain a sufficient -ground for war; but there was, in addition to those which I -have stated, this peculiar reason, that whatever effect a war -commenced upon the mere ground of the entry of a French -army into Spain, might have, it probably would not have had -the effect of getting that army out of Spain. In a war against -France at that time as at any other, you might perhaps have -acquired military glory; you might, perhaps, have extended -your colonial possessions; you might even have achieved, at -a great cost of blood and treasure, an honourable peace; but -as to getting the French out of Spain, that would have been -the one object which you almost certainly would not have -accomplished. How seldom, in the whole history of the wars -of Europe, has any war between two great powers ended in -the obtaining of the exact, the identical object for which the -war was begun! Besides, sir, I confess I think that the effects -of the French occupation of Spain have been infinitely exaggerated. -I do not blame those exaggerations, because I am -aware that they are to be attributed to the recollections of -some of the best times of our history; that they are the echoes -of sentiments which, in the days of William and Anne, animated -the debates and dictated the votes of the British Parliament. -No peace was in those days thought safe for this -country while the crown of Spain continued on the head of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span> -Bourbon; but were not the apprehensions of those days -greatly overstated? Has the power of Spain swallowed up the -power of maritime England? Or does England still remain, -after the lapse of more than a century, during which the -crown of Spain has been worn by a Bourbon, niched in the -nook of that same Spain—Gibraltar?... Again, sir, is the -Spain of the present day the Spain ... whose puissance was -expected to shake England from her sphere? No, sir, it was -quite another Spain; it was the Spain within the limits of -whose empire the sun never set; it was Spain "with the -Indies" that excited the jealousies, and alarmed the imaginations -of our ancestors. But then, sir, the balance of power! -The entry of the French army into Spain disturbed that -balance, and we ought to have gone to war to restore it! -I have already said that when the French army entered Spain, -we might, if we chose, have resisted or resented that measure -by war. But were there no other means than war for restoring -the balance of power? Is the balance of power a fixed and -unalterable standard? or is it not a standard perpetually -varying, as civilisation advances, and as new nations spring -up, and take their place among established political communities? -The balance of power, a century and a half ago, was to -be adjusted between France and Spain, the Netherlands, -Austria and England. Some years afterwards, Russia assumed -her high station in European politics. Some years after that -again, Prussia became, not only a substantive, but a preponderating -monarchy. Thus, while the balance of power continued -in principle the same, the means of adjusting it became -more varied and enlarged. They became enlarged in proportion -to the increased number of considerable states—in -proportion, I may say, to the number of weights which might -be shifted into the one or the other scale. To look to the -policy of Europe, in the time of William and Anne, for the -purpose of regulating the balance of power in Europe at the -present day, is to disregard the progress of events, and to -confuse dates and facts which throw a reciprocal light upon -each other. It would be disingenuous, indeed, not to admit,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span> -that the entry of the French army into Spain was, in a certain -sense, a disparagement—an affront to the pride—a blow to -the feelings of England; and it can hardly be supposed that -the government did not sympathise, on that occasion, with -the feelings of the people. But I deny that, questionable or -censurable as the act might be, it was one which necessarily -called for our direct and hostile opposition. Was nothing then -to be done? Was there no other mode of resistance than by a -direct attack upon France; or by a war to be undertaken on -the soil of Spain? What if the possession of Spain might be -rendered harmless in rival hands—harmless as regarded us—and -valueless to the possessors? Might not compensation for -disparagement be obtained and the policy of our ancestors -vindicated, by means better adapted to the present time? If -France occupied Spain, was it necessary, in order to avoid the -consequences of that occupation, that we should blockade -Cadiz? No. I looked another way. I sought materials of -compensation in another hemisphere. Contemplating Spain, -such as our ancestors had known her, I resolved that if France -had Spain, it should not be Spain 'with the Indies.' I called -the New World into existence, to redress the balance of the -Old."</p> - - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_REMOVAL_OF_TRADE_RESTRICTIONS" id="THE_REMOVAL_OF_TRADE_RESTRICTIONS"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE REMOVAL OF TRADE RESTRICTIONS</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Political Life of George Canning</cite>, by A. G. Stapleton. -London, 1831. Vol. III. pp. 16-22.</p> - - -<p>Mr. Huskisson felt therefore, when he came to the Board of -Trade, that although much had been done, yet more remained -to do, and he proceeded fearlessly, yet at the same time most -cautiously, in relaxing those restrictions on our commerce, -which if preserved were calculated to render almost nugatory -the concessions already made.</p> - -<p>Accordingly during the sessions of 1823, 1824, and 1825, -different Acts were introduced by Mr. Huskisson for doing -away with the discriminating duties; but in order that foreign -nations might not impose new, or increase old discriminating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span> -duties, at the very moment when we were abandoning ours, -a power was reserved to the King in Council to enforce the -payment of additional duties upon the ships of all foreign -countries, in the event of the treatment which British ships -should meet with in their ports, not being reciprocal to that, -which their ships were to meet with, in the ports of the United -Kingdom.</p> - -<p>In 1826 a new rule of navigation, exclusively applicable to -the Mediterranean, was established. Goods, the productions -of Asia and Africa, which should find their way to ports in -Europe within that sea by internal routes, and not by the -Atlantick Ocean, were made importable from those ports in -British ships: thus erecting the Mediterranean and its surrounding -shores, as it were, into a fifth quarter of the globe.</p> - -<p>Mr. Huskisson also revised and altered the list of "enumerated -articles." When that list was first constructed it was -intended to consist of commodities of extensive importation; -in process of time some of the articles contained in the list had -nearly ceased to be imported, while their places were supplied -by other articles which were omitted. The list was therefore -reconstructed upon the principle of its original intention.</p> - -<p>In 1825 the general consolidation of the Laws of the Customs -was effected by Mr. Hume,<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> under the favouring auspices -of the Board of Trade and Treasury. The difficulty and vastness -of this undertaking was only surpassed by its importance. -From the reign of the first Edward up to the present times, -these laws had accumulated to the enormous number of -fifteen hundred—frequently contradictory, and made without -reference to each other, they were only understood by the -initiated few, and required the devotion of a whole life to -their study, at once to comprehend, and to obey them. They -were unintelligible to the merchants, while they perplexed and -harassed all their proceedings. This chaos of Legislation was -compressed by Mr. Hume into Eleven Acts (a sort of Code -Napoleon), with an order, a clearness, and a precision whereby<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span> -even the least talented of our mercantile men are now enabled -to consult the laws of the Customs with facility, and to take -them with safety for their guide. These effects, upon which -for their advantages to commerce Mr. Huskisson several times -expatiated with exultation, would alone make this consolidation -a most important era in our fiscal policy; but advantage -was likewise taken of the opportunity to introduce into the -Laws themselves some memorable changes, in conformity with -the spirit of those principles of commercial intercourse, on -which the Government had determined to act. Not only were -duties of importance considerably reduced, but those on -numerous minor articles were lowered. During the war the -rates of the Tariff had been so increased, for the single purpose -of revenue, that they had become for the most part inapplicable -to a state of peace, and required general revision. This -revision was regulated by the following principles: First, -those duties were reduced, the heaviness of which tended to -lessen, rather than to increase their total product. Secondly, -the duties on raw materials, and on various articles useful in -manufactures, were lowered to little more than nominal sums. -Thirdly, protecting duties of extravagant amount were reduced -to that point, at which the consumer was fairly entitled to -relief, either by the increased industry of the home manufacture, -or by access to other sources of supply. And, lastly, the -comforts and the tastes of the publick, and the advantage of -their retail suppliers, were consulted by the removal of duties -which prevented the introduction, or most unnecessarily -abridged, the use of many articles without benefit to any party -whatever.</p> - -<p>By the system founded on these principles, there has not -only been distributed amongst a numerous population a great -increase of employment, but its diffusion has been greater in -proportion, than its increase. It is also very remarkable, that -those trades which have been prominent in complaining of -foreign competition have neither suffered more in diminution -of profits, nor increased less in extent of business, than those -which have been able to hold foreign competition at defiance.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span></p> - -<p>Besides this consolidation of the Customs' Laws which took -place in 1825, an Act was passed in the session of that year, -whereby many commercial advantages were conferred on the -Colonies, beyond those contained in Mr. Robinson's two acts -of 1822; Mr. Huskisson laying down as the fundamental -principle on which his alterations were founded—a principle -deduced from past experience with respect both to <em>Ireland and -to our Colonies</em>—that "so far as the Colonies themselves were -concerned, their prosperity was cramped and impeded by a -system of exclusion and monopoly; and that whatever -tended to increase the prosperity of the Colonies could not -fail, in the long run, to advance, in an equal degree, the -general interests of the parent state." By these Acts, not -only articles of first necessity, but goods of all descriptions, -with very few exceptions, were allowed to be imported from -all countries, either in British ships, or in ships of the country -of their production; and the goods of the Colonies were allowed -to be exported in any ships to any foreign country whatever. -The only part of the Colonial system which was persevered in, -was that which excludes foreign ships from carrying goods -from one British place to another; "so that by this arrangement -was preserved the foundation of our Navigation Laws—all -intercourse between the mother-country and the -Colonies, whether direct or circuitous, and all intercourse -of the Colonies with each other, being considered as a coasting -trade to be reserved entirely and absolutely for ourselves."</p> - -<p>The admission of foreign ships, however, was not unconditional: -it was made to depend upon reciprocal or equivalent -liberality towards our trade and navigation on the part of the -countries profiting by the advantages of it; but a power was -given to the King in Council to relax the rigour of the Law, if -occasion should, in any particular cases, seem to require it. -By the same act, the privileges of warehousing were extended -to the chief trading ports of the Colonies; a measure, which -was well adapted to promote the creation of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">entrepôts</i> in those -places, for the general barter trade of that quarter of the globe.</p> - -<p>Independently of all these measures of internal legislation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span> -Treaties of Commerce, founded on the principles of reciprocity, -were negotiated with Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, the -Hanse Towns, three of the new States of Spanish America, -and lastly with France. In the case of Prussia, the power with -whom the first of these Treaties was made, it may be said that, -it was fairly forced upon this country. It certainly was not -the wish of our Government unnecessarily to stir the question. -But "the Prussian ship-owners were all going to ruin," and -the Prussian Government very wisely resolved not to give to -British ships privileges which the British Government denied -to Prussian ships. When once foreign powers began to adopt -that course, against which we could not justly remonstrate, -it has been already shewn that the only safe and wise way was -to meet it with concession. Prussia having therefore thus -attained her object, to have manifested any unwillingness to -treat other powers on the same footing, would have been -inconsistent with the principle of our navigation law, which, -acting upon the principle <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">"divide et impera,"</span> was more -anxious for an equal distribution of foreign shipping, than for -its diminution.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="PORTUGUESE_APPEAL_FOR_AID_AGAINST_SPAIN_1826" id="PORTUGUESE_APPEAL_FOR_AID_AGAINST_SPAIN_1826"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">PORTUGUESE APPEAL FOR AID AGAINST SPAIN (1826).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Political Life of George Canning</cite>, by A. G. Stapleton. -London, 1831. Vol. III. p. 219.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>The King's Message.</cite></p> - -<p>"George R.—His Majesty acquaints the House of Commons -that His Majesty has received an earnest application from -the Princess Regent of Portugal, claiming, in virtue of the -ancient obligations of alliance and amity between His -Majesty, and the Crown of Portugal, His Majesty's aid -against an hostile aggression from Spain.</p> - -<p>"His Majesty has exerted himself for some time past, in -conjunction with His Majesty's Ally, the King of France, to -prevent such an aggression, and repeated assurances have -been given by the Court of Madrid of the determination of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span> -his Catholick Majesty, neither to commit, nor to allow to be -committed, from his Catholick Majesty's territory, any -aggression against Portugal; but His Majesty had learned, -with deep concern, that notwithstanding these assurances, -hostile inroads into the territory of Portugal have been -concerted in Spain, and have been executed under the eyes -of Spanish Authorities, by Portuguese Regiments, which had -deserted into Spain, and which the Spanish Government had -repeatedly and solemnly engaged to disarm, and to disperse.</p> - -<p>"His Majesty leaves no effort unexhausted to awaken the -Spanish Government to the dangerous consequences of this -apparent connivance.</p> - -<p>"His Majesty makes this communication to the House of -Commons with the full and entire confidence, that his faithful -Commons will afford to His Majesty their cordial concurrence -and support in maintaining the faith of treaties, -and in securing against foreign hostility the safety and -independence of the kingdom of Portugal, the oldest ally of -Great Britain.</p> - -<p class="right">"G. R."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="MR_CANNING_AND_THE_PORTUGUESE_APPEAL_1826" id="MR_CANNING_AND_THE_PORTUGUESE_APPEAL_1826"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">MR. CANNING AND THE PORTUGUESE APPEAL (1826).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Political Life of George Canning</cite>, by A. G. Stapleton. -London, 1831. Vol. III. p. 222.</p> - - -<p>"Some years ago," said Mr. Canning, "in the discussion of -the negotiations respecting the French war against Spain, I -took the liberty of adverting to this topick. I then stated -that the position of this country in the present state of the -world, was one of neutrality, not only between contending -nations, but between conflicting principles; and that it was -by neutrality alone that we could maintain that balance, the -preservation of which I believed to be essential to the welfare -of mankind. I then said that I feared that the next war which -should be kindled in Europe, would be a war not so much of -armies, as of opinions. Not four years have elapsed, and behold -my apprehension realised! It is, to be sure, within narrow -limits that this war of opinion is at present confined: but it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span> -is a war of opinion, that Spain (whether as Government, or -as nation), is now waging against Portugal; it is a war -which has commenced in hatred of the new institutions of -Portugal. How long is it reasonable to expect that Portugal -will abstain from retaliation? If into that war this country -shall be compelled to enter, we shall enter into it, with a -sincere and anxious desire to mitigate, rather than exasperate—and -to mingle only in the conflict of arms, not in the more -fatal conflict of opinions. But I much fear that this country -(however earnestly she may endeavour to avoid it), could -not, in such case, avoid seeing ranked under her banners, -all the restless and dissatisfied of any nation with which she -might come in conflict. It is the contemplation of this new -<em>power</em> in any future war, which excites my most anxious -apprehension. It is one thing to have a giant's strength, -but it would be another to use it like a giant. The consciousness -of such strength is, undoubtedly, a source of confidence -and security; but in the situation in which this country -stands, our business is not to seek opportunities of displaying -it, but to content ourselves with letting the professors -of violent and exaggerated doctrines on both sides feel that -it is not their interest to convert an umpire, into an adversary. -The situation of England, amidst the struggle of -political opinions, which agitates more or less sensibly different -countries of the world, may be compared to that of the -Ruler of the Winds, as described by the poet:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> -<p class="verse10">" 'Celsâ sedet Aeolus arce,</p> -<p class="verse">Sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras;</p> -<p class="verse">Ni faciat, maria ac terras caelumque profundum</p> -<p class="verse">Quippe ferant rapidi secum, verrantque per auras.'</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="noindent">"The consequence of letting loose the passions at present -chained and confined, would be to produce a scene of desolation, -which no man can contemplate without horror: and -I should not sleep easy on my couch, if I were conscious that -I had contributed to precipitate it by a single moment.</p> - -<p>"This, then, is the reason—a reason very different from fear—the -reverse of a consciousness of disability,—why I dread<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span> -the recurrence of hostilities in any part of Europe: why I -would bear much, and would forbear long; why I would -(as I have said) put up with almost anything that did not -touch national faith and national honour;—rather than let -slip the furies of war, the leash of which we hold in our hands,—not -knowing whom they may reach, or how far their -ravages may be carried. Such is the love of peace which the -British Government acknowledges, and such the necessity -of peace which the circumstances of the world inculcate.</p> - -<p>"Let us fly," said Mr. Canning, in conclusion, "to the aid of -Portugal by whomsoever attacked; because it is our duty -to do so: and let us cease our interference where that duty -ends. We go to Portugal not to rule, not to dictate, not to -prescribe Constitutions, but to defend and to preserve the -independence of an ally. We go to plant the standard of -England on the well-known heights of Lisbon. Where that -standard is planted foreign dominion shall not come."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_LIFE_OF_CONVICT-SERVANTS_IN_AUSTRALIA" id="THE_LIFE_OF_CONVICT-SERVANTS_IN_AUSTRALIA"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE LIFE OF CONVICT-SERVANTS IN AUSTRALIA -(1827).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The London Magazine</cite>, 1827. Vol. VIII. p. 518.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extract from "Two Years in New South Wales," by P. Cunningham, -Surgeon, R.N.</cite></p> - -<p>"The convict-servants are accommodated upon the farms -in huts walled round and roofed with bark, or built of split -wood and plaster, with thatched roofs. About four of them -generally sleep and mess in each hut, drawing their provisions -every Saturday, and being generally allowed the afternoon of -that day, whereupon to wash their clothes and grind their -wheat. Their usual allowance I have already stated to be a -peck of wheat; seven pounds of beef, or four and a half of -pork; two ounces of tea, two ounces of tobacco, and a pound -of sugar, weekly; the majority of settlers permitting them to -raise vegetables in little gardens allotted for their use, or -supplying them occasionally from their own gardens. Wages -are only allowed at the option of the master; but you are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span> -obliged to supply them with two full suits of clothes annually; -and you also furnish a bed-tick (to be stuffed with grass), and -a blanket, to each person, besides a tin-pot and knife; as also -an iron-pot and frying-pan to each mess. The tea, sugar, and -tobacco, are considered <em>bonuses</em> for good conduct, and withheld -in default thereof.</p> - -<p>"To get work done, you must feed well; and when the -rations are ultimately raised upon your own farm, you never -give their expense a moment's consideration. The farm-men -usually bake their flour into flat cakes, which they call <em>dampers</em>, -and cook these in the ashes, cutting their salted meats into -thin slices, and boiling them in the iron-pot or frying-pan, by -which means the salt is, in a great measure, extracted. If tea -and sugar are not supplied, milk is allowed as a substitute, tea -<em>or</em> milk forming the beverage to every meal. Though not -living so comfortably as when everything is cooked and put -down before them, yet it is more after their own mind, while -the operations of preparing their meals amuse their leisure -hours and give a greater zest to the enjoyment of those repasts. -When the labour of the day is over, with enlivening chit-chat, -singing, and smoking, they chase away <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">ennui</i>, and make the -evening hours jog merrily by. Indeed, without the aid of that -magic care-killer, the pipe, I believe the greater portion of our -'pressed men' would 'take the bush' in a week after their -arrival in our solitudes, before time had attuned their minds -to rural prospects and industrious pursuits.</p> - -<p>"Convicts, when first assigned, if long habituated to a life -of idleness and dissipation, commonly soon become restless -and dissatisfied; and if failing to provoke you to return them -into the government employ, wherein they may again be -enabled to idle away their time in the joyous companionship -of their old associates, will run off for head-quarters, regardless -of the flogging that awaits them on being taken or on giving -themselves up—the idle ramble they have had fully compensating -them for the twenty-five or fifty lashes they may receive, -in case they should not be admitted among the list at head-quarters. -Many, too, start off for want of something for their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span> -fingers to pick at,—the leader of one batch of runaways from -a friend of mine, exclaiming to those he left behind, on bidding -them adieu, 'Why, I may as well be dead and buried in earnest, -as buried alive in this here place, where a fellow has not even -a <em>chance</em>!' The chance here wished for, not being the <em>chance</em> -of bettering his condition by good conduct, but by emptying -the full pocket of some luckless wight! If they can be coaxed -or compelled to stop, however, for a <em>twelvemonth</em> or so, the -greater portion, even of the worst, generally turn out very -fair and often very good servants; cockneys becoming able -ploughmen, and weavers, barbers, and such like soft-fingered -gentry, being metamorphosed into good fencers, herdsmen and -shepherds; a little urging and encouragement on the part of -the master, and perseverance in enforcing his authority, generally -sufficing.</p> - -<p>"The convict-servants commence labour at sunrise, and -leave off at sunset, being allowed an hour for breakfast, and -an hour or more for dinner. It is long before you can accustom -the greater portion to steady labour, the best of them usually -working by fits and starts, then lying down for an hour or two, -and up and at it again. To get your work readily and quietly -done, the best method is certainly to task them, and allow -them to get through it as they please; but as it is an object to -accustom them to <em>regular</em> industry, it will eventually serve -your purpose better, and benefit them more, to keep them at -constant work. Even some of the free-men who have served -their time are perpetually skipping about, seldom remaining -long in one situation."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="AN_INTERVIEW_WITH_GEORGE_IV_1827" id="AN_INTERVIEW_WITH_GEORGE_IV_1827"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">AN INTERVIEW WITH GEORGE IV. (1827).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Diary and Correspondence of Charles Abbot, Lord -Colchester.</cite> London, 1861. Vol. III. p. 472.</p> - - -<p>March 27th. Heard from the Duke of Newcastle a fuller -account of his interview with the King, at Windsor, on Saturday -last. (The former account I had received from Lord Falmouth.)</p> - -<p>He arrived at Windsor at two, and requested an audience.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span> -At the end of two hours, when he was exhausted and almost -asleep, the door of his apartment was opened, and the King -was announced.</p> - -<p>The King received him very graciously; believed he understood -the subject of his visit; entered at great length into the -whole history of the Roman Catholics, from the reign of James -II. down to the present time. Professed himself a "Protestant, -heart and soul." Declared he never would give his assent -to any measures for Roman Catholic Emancipation. And, -when pressed by the Duke as to the new form of his administration, -he assured the Duke "that the First Minister should be -for the Protestant side of the question," and, as to Ireland, -that the Chancellor there should be Protestant also. He added -that the present audience would be necessarily known to everybody; -but "he must keep faith with his Ministers." He said, -"the courage of his family had never been questioned." When -assured that, in choosing Protestants for his Ministers, his -choice would be supported by a large and powerful body of -Peers, and pressed for an assurance that his choice would be -made accordingly, he said, again and again, "Do you doubt -me? But it is not I who fail in my duty. It is you in Parliament. -Why do you suffer the d——d Association in Dublin?"</p> - -<p>The Duke of Newcastle clearly saw that the Chancellor had -lost his former influence with the King. It was evident that -the King knew the Duke of Rutland's opinions upon the -present subject. The King's sentiments were strongly expressed, -but there was reason to apprehend that considerations -of ease and repose might outweigh his principles.</p> - -<p>The Duke told the King plainly that the support or opposition -of himself, and of those for whom he was acting, would -depend on the choice that the King should finally make in -forming his Administration.</p> - -<p>In parting, the King very graciously told him "he never -need ask an audience <em>in form</em>, he was always welcome," and -hoped he would come and fish there in the summer.</p> - -<p>(<em>N.B.</em>—The King did not finish the audience without talking -to the Duke about his <em>tailor</em>.)</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_TREATY_OF_LONDON_1827" id="THE_TREATY_OF_LONDON_1827"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE TREATY OF LONDON (1827).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Political Life of George Canning</cite>, by A. G. Stapleton. -London, 1831. Vol. III. p. 286.</p> - - -<p>The treaty was signed on the 6th of July, 1827, by Prince -Lieven, Lord Dudley, and Prince Polignac.</p> - -<p>In execution of this treaty instructions were sent in common -to the Representatives of the three Powers at Constantinople, -directing them to present a joint declaration to the Divan; -stating that their respective Governments had for six years -been exerting themselves to induce the Porte to restore tranquillity -to Greece; that these efforts had been useless, and -that a war of extermination had been prolonged, of which the -results were on the one hand shocking to humanity, while on -the other they inflicted intolerable injuries on the commerce of -all nations. That on these accounts it was no longer possible -to admit that the fate of Greece, concerned exclusively the -Ottoman Porte, and that the Courts of London, of Paris, and -St. Petersburgh, therefore, felt it to be their duty to regulate -by a special treaty the line of conduct which they had resolved -to follow. That they offered their mediation between the Sublime -Porte and the Greeks to put an end to the war, and to -settle by an amicable negotiation the relations, which ought -for the future to exist between them.</p> - -<p>That for the purpose of facilitating the success of the mediation, -they proposed to the Sublime Porte to suspend by an -armistice all acts of hostility towards the Greeks, to whom a -similar and simultaneous proposition was to be addressed.</p> - -<p>Lastly, that before the end of a month, the Ottoman Porte -must make known its definite determination.</p> - -<p>That it was hoped that that determination would be in conformity -with the wishes of the allied courts; but if the Porte -refused to comply with the request, or returned an evasive and -insufficient answer, or even maintained a complete silence, the -allied courts would be compelled to have recourse to the -measures which they should think most likely to be efficacious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span> -to put an end to a state of things, incompatible with the true -interests of the Porte, with the security of the commerce, and -the assured tranquillity of Europe.</p> - -<p>In the event of no answer, an evasive answer, or a refusal -on the part of the Porte, before a month had elapsed, the -Divan was to be informed that the Allied Courts would interfere -themselves to establish an armistice; but that, in the -execution of this resolution, they were far from wishing to put -an end to their friendly relations with the Porte.</p> - -<p>The result of these representations was forthwith to be -reported to the Admirals, commanding the several fleets of -the Allies, who were instructed to make a similar requisition -for an armistice, to the Greek Government; and in the event -of either that Government, or the Porte refusing, or delaying, -to consent to the establishment of an armistice, coercive -measures were to be taken to enforce it.</p> - -<p>If the Porte should be the refusing party (for after the propositions -made by the Greeks there was little chance of their -not consenting to the armistice), the Allied Squadrons were to -unite, and the Admirals were to enter into friendly relations -with the Greeks on the one hand, and on the other, to intercept -all ships, freighted with men and arms, destined to act against -the Greeks, whether coming from Turkey, or from the coast of -Africa.</p> - -<p>But whatever measures they might adopt towards the -Ottoman navy, the three Admirals were especially instructed -to take extreme care (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">soin extrême</i>) that they should not -degenerate into hostilities. The fixed intention of the three -Powers was to interpose as conciliators (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">conciliatrices</i>), and any -hostile step would be contrary to the pacifick character, which -they were desirous of assuming.</p> - -<p>The settlement of this treaty, and of these instructions to -the representatives of the three Courts, at Constantinople, -and to the commanders of the Allied Squadron, were Mr. -Canning's last acts on the subject of Greek affairs.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_BATTLE_OF_NAVARINO_1827" id="THE_BATTLE_OF_NAVARINO_1827"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE BATTLE OF NAVARINO (1827).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Gentleman's Magazine</cite>, Vol. 97, 1827, p. 453.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><span class="smcap">Turkey and Greece.</span></p> - -<p>In our last number (p. 360), we stated that the combined -squadrons of England and France (to which that of Russia, -under Count Heyden, has been since added) had compelled -Ibrahim Pacha to assent to an armistice, until the result of -the negociations at Constantinople should be known; when -he promised that "his fleet should not move from Navarino, -until he received full instructions from Constantinople." It -appears, however, that Ibrahim, whether in obedience to, or -in opposition to the Ottoman Government, treacherously -broke the conditions of the armistice. In the first place he -attempted to make sail from Navarino to Patras, and on being -ordered back by Adm. Codrington, landed his troops, and -wreaked his barbarous vengeance on the miserable Greek -inhabitants of the Morea. In short, it was discovered that the -Turkish soldiers were desolating the country with fire and -sword, and even butchering the women and children. Capt. -Hamilton, of the Cambrian, communicated the circumstances -to Adm. Codrington, in a letter dated Kitries, October 18. -He says: "I have the honour of informing you that I -arrived here yesterday morning, in company with the Russian -frigate Constantine, the captain of which ship had placed himself -under my orders. On entering the Gulf, we observed by -clouds of fire and smoke that the work of devastation was still -going on. The ships were anchored off the pass off Ancyro, -and a joint letter from myself and the Russian captain was -despatched to the Turkish commander. The Russian and -English officers, the bearers of it, were not allowed to proceed -to head-quarters, nor have we yet received any answer. In -the afternoon, we, the two captains, went on shore to the -Greek quarters, and were received with the greatest enthusiasm. -The distress of the inhabitants driven from the plain -is shocking! women and children dying every moment of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span> -absolute starvation, and hardly any having better food than -boiled grass! I have promised to send a small quantity of -bread to the caves in the mountains, where these unfortunate -wretches have taken refuge. It is supposed that if Ibrahim -remained in Greece, more than a third of its inhabitants will -die of absolute starvation."</p> - -<p>Under these circumstances the commanders of the allied -forces signed an agreement on the 18th of October to enter -and take a position in the port of Navarino, as a commodious -means of "renewing to Ibrahim Pacha propositions, which, -entering into the spirit of the treaty, were evidently to the -advantage of the Porte itself." After the first part of this -arrangement had been executed on the 20th by their anchoring -close to the Turkish line of battle, the allied flags of truce were -fired upon, and many British lives destroyed, in the very act -of peaceable remonstrance with the Infidels. The necessary -retaliation for this outrage brought on a general action, and -the total destruction of a fleet which was armed with 1,800 -pieces of ordinance.</p> - -<p>The particulars of this brilliant victory are admirably -detailed in the official despatches addressed to J. W. Croker, -Esq., by Vice-Admiral Sir Edward Codrington, dated Navarino, -October 21. They appeared in a <cite>Gazette Extraordinary</cite> of the -10th of November, of which the following is a copy:</p> - -<p class="p1 right"> -<span class="padr4">"H.M.'s Ship <i>Asia</i>,</span><br /> -"Port of Navarino, October 21.</p> - -<p>"Sir,</p> - -<p class="in4">"I have the honour of informing his Royal Highness -the Lord High Admiral, that, my colleagues Count Heyden and -the Chevalier de Rigny having agreed with me that we should -come into this port, in order to induce Ibrahim Pacha to discontinue -the brutal war of extermination which he has been -carrying on since his return here from his failure in the Gulf -of Patras, the combined squadrons passed the batteries, in -order to take up their anchorage, at about two o'clock yesterday -afternoon. The Turkish ships were moored in the form of -a crescent, with springs on their cables, the larger ones present<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>ing -their broadsides towards the centre, the smaller ones in -succession within them, filling up the intervals. The combined -fleet was formed in the order of sailing in two columns, the -British and French forming the weather or starboard line, and -the Russian the lee line.</p> - -<p>"The <i>Asia</i> led in, followed by the <i>Genoa</i> and <i>Albion</i>, and -anchored close alongside a ship of the line bearing the flag of -the Capitana Bey, another ship of the line, and a large double -banked frigate, each thus having their proper opponent in the -front line of the Turkish fleet. The four ships to windward, -part of the Egyptian squadron, were allotted to the squadron of -Rear-Adm. de Rigny; and those to leeward, in the bight of -the crescent, were to mark the stations of the whole Russian -squadron; the ships of their line closing those of the English -line, and being followed up by their own frigates. The French -frigate <i>Armide</i> was directed to place herself alongside the outermost -frigate, on the left hand entering the harbour; and the -<i>Cambrian</i>, <i>Glasgow</i>, and <i>Talbot</i> next to her, and abreast of the -<i>Asia</i>, <i>Genoa</i>, and <i>Albion</i>; the <i>Dartmouth</i> and the <i>Musquito</i>, -the <i>Rose</i>, the <i>Brisk</i>, and the <i>Philomel</i> were to look after six -fire vessels at the entrance of the harbour. I gave orders that -no gun should be fired, unless guns were first fired by the Turks; -and those orders were strictly observed. The three English -ships were accordingly permitted to pass the batteries and to -moor, as they did with great rapidity, without any act of open -hostility, although there was evident preparation for it in all -the Turkish ships; but upon the <i>Dartmouth</i> sending a boat -to one of the fire vessels, Lieut. G. W. H. Fitzroy, and several -of her crew, were shot with musketry. This produced a -defensive fire of musketry from the <i>Dartmouth</i>, and <i>La Syrene</i>, -bearing the flag of Rear-Admiral de Rigny; that was succeeded -by cannon-shot at the Rear-Admiral from one of the -Egyptian ships, which, of course, brought on a return, and -thus very shortly afterwards the battle became general. The -<i>Asia</i>, although placed alongside the ship of the Capitana Bey, -was even nearer to that of Moharem Bey, the commander of -the Egyptian ships; and since his ships did not fire at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span> -<i>Asia</i>, although the action was begun to windward, neither did -the <i>Asia</i> fire at her. The latter, indeed, sent a message, "that -he would not fire at all," and therefore no hostility took place -betwixt our two ships for some time after the <i>Asia</i> had -returned the fire of the Capitana Bey.</p> - -<p>"In the meantime, however, our excellent pilot, Mr. Peter -Mitchell, who went to interpret to Moharem my desire to avoid -bloodshed, was killed by his people in our boat alongside.</p> - -<p>"Whether with or without his orders I know not; but his -ship soon afterwards fired into the <i>Asia</i>, and was consequently -effectually destroyed by the <i>Asia's</i> fire, sharing the same fate -as his brother Admiral on the starboard side, and falling to -leeward a mere wreck. These ships being out of the way, -the <i>Asia</i> became exposed to a raking fire from vessels in the -second and third line, which carried away her mizen-mast -by the board, disabled some of her guns, and killed and -wounded several of her crew. This narration of the proceedings -of the <i>Asia</i> would probably be equally applicable to -most of the other ships of the fleet. The manner in which the -<i>Genoa</i> and <i>Albion</i> took their stations was beautiful; and the -conduct of my brother Admirals, Count Heyden and the -Chevalier de Rigny, throughout was admirable and highly -exemplary.</p> - -<p>"Captain Fellowes executed the part allotted to him perfectly, -and with the able assistance of his little but brave -detachment, saved the <i>Syrene</i> from being burnt by the fire -vessels. And the <i>Cambrian</i>, <i>Glasgow</i> and <i>Talbot</i>, following the -fine example of Capitaine Hugon, of the <i>Armide</i>, who was -opposed to the leading frigate of that line, effectually destroyed -their opponents, and also silenced the batteries. This bloody -and destructive battle was continued with unabated fury for -four hours, and the scene of wreck and devastation which -presented itself at its termination was such as has seldom been -witnessed. As each ship of our opponents became effectually -disabled, such of her crew as could escape from her endeavoured -to set her on fire; and it is wonderful how we avoided the -effects of their successive and awful explosions.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span></p> - -<p>"I contemplate, as I do with extreme sorrow, the extent of -our loss, I console myself with the reflection that the measure -which produced the battle was absolutely necessary for obtaining -the results contemplated by the treaty, and that it was -brought on entirely by our opponents.</p> - -<p>"When I found the boasted Ottoman's word of honour -made a sacrifice to wanton savage devastation, and that a base -advantage was taken of our reliance upon Ibrahim's good -faith, I own I felt a desire to punish the offenders. But it was -my duty to refrain, and refrain I did; and I can assure his -Royal Highness, that I would still have avoided this disastrous -extremity if other means had been open to me.</p> - -<p>"Total killed, 75; total wounded, 197.</p> - -<p>"<em>Killed and wounded on board the French ships</em>: Killed, 43; -79 severely wounded; 65 wounded.</p> - -<p>"Accounts have been received from Constantinople of a date -subsequent to the arrival of the above news at that city. The -Divan appeared to be in a state of consternation; and the -Ambassadors of the three allied powers were urgently pressing -the subject of their intended negociations. The haughty tone -of the Porte seems to be in some measure subdued; and, -contrary to general expectation, there has been no popular -commotion excited against the resident Christians."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_ROMAN_CATHOLIC_ASSOCIATION_1828" id="THE_ROMAN_CATHOLIC_ASSOCIATION_1828"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE ROMAN CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION (1828).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Memoirs of Sir Robert Peel</cite>, by Stanhope and Cardwell. -London, 1856. Pt. I. p. 35.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Extracts from Lord Anglesey's Letter to Lord Francis Leveson -Gower.</cite></p> - -<p>"I will give you my opinion upon the state of things and -upon the great question.</p> - -<p>"I begin by premising that I hold in abhorrence the Association, -the agitators, the priests, and their religion; and I believe -that not many, <em>but that some</em> of the Bishops, are mild, moderate -and anxious to come to a fair and liberal compromise for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span> -adjustment of the points at issue. I think that these latter -have very little, if any, influence with the lower clergy and the -population.</p> - -<p>"Such is the extraordinary power of the Association, or -rather of the agitators, of whom there are many of high -ability, of ardent mind, of great daring (and, if there was no -Association, these men are now too well known not to maintain -their power under the existing order of exclusion), that I am -quite certain they could lead on the people to open rebellion -at a moment's notice; and their organization is such, that, in -the hands of desperate and intelligent leaders, they would be -extremely formidable. The hope, and indeed the probability -of present tranquillity, rests upon the forbearance and the not -very determined courage of O'Connell, and on his belief, as -well as that of the principal men amongst them, that they will -carry their cause by unceasing agitation, and by intimidation, -without coming to blows. I believe their success inevitable—that -no power under heaven can arrest its progress. There -may be rebellion, you may put to death thousands, you may -suppress it, but it will only be to put off the day of compromise; -and in the meantime the country is still more impoverished, -and the minds of the people are, if possible, still -more alienated, and ruinous expense is entailed upon the empire.</p> - -<p>"But supposing that the whole evil was concentrated in the -Association, and that if that was suppressed all would go -smoothly; where is the man who can tell me how to suppress -it? Many, many cry out that the nuisance must be abated; -that the Government is supine; that the insolence of the demagogues -is intolerable; but I have not yet found one person -capable of pointing out a remedy. All are mute when you ask -them to define their proposition. All that even the most -determined opposers to emancipation say is that it is better -to leave things as they are than to risk any change. But will -things remain as they are? Certainly not. They are bad; -they must get worse; and I see no possible means of improving -them but by depriving the demagogues of the power of directing -the people; and by taking Messrs. O'Connell, Sheil, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> -the rest of them from the Association, and placing them in the -House of Commons, this desirable object would be at once -accomplished.</p> - -<p>"July 3rd. The present order of things must not, cannot -last. There are three modes of proceeding:</p> - -<p>"1st. That of trying to go on as we have done.</p> - -<p>"2nd. To adjust the question by concession, and such -guards as may be deemed indispensable.</p> - -<p>"3rd. To put down the Association, and to crush the power -of the priests.</p> - -<p>"The first I hold to be impossible.</p> - -<p>"The second is practicable and advisable.</p> - -<p>"The third is only possible by supposing that you can reconstruct -the House of Commons; and to suppose that is to -suppose that you can totally alter the feelings of those who -send them there.</p> - -<p>"I believe nothing short of the suspension of the Habeas -Corpus Act, and Martial Law will effect the third proposition. -This would effect it during their operation, and perhaps for a -short time after they had ceased, and then every evil would -return with accumulated weight.</p> - -<p>"But no House of Commons would consent to these -measures until there is open rebellion, and therefore until that -occurs it is useless to think of them. The second mode of proceeding -is then, I conceive, the only practicable one, but the -present is not a propitious time to effect even this.</p> - -<p>"I abhor the idea of truckling to the overbearing Catholic -demagogues. To make any movement towards conciliation -under the present excitement and system of terror would -revolt me; but I do most conscientiously, and after the most -earnest consideration of the subject, give it as my conviction -that the first moment of composure and tranquillity should -be seized to signify the intention of adjusting the question, -lest another period of calm should not present itself."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="IRISH_UNREST_1828" id="IRISH_UNREST_1828"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">IRISH UNREST (1828).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Memoirs of Sir Robert Peel</cite>, by Stanhope and Cardwell. -London, 1856. Pt. I. p. 35.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Irish Police Reports, January and February, 1828.</cite></p> - -<div class="group"> - -<p><em>Sligo.</em>—Generally quiet; 1 murder; 7 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Mayo.</em>—Perfectly quiet; 1 murder; 1 outrage.</p> - -<p><em>Roscommon.</em>—Rockites rather busy; apprehensive of their -extending their operations; 2 murders; 11 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Clare.</em>—Quiet; apprehensive of Ribbon spirit extending; 9 -outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Leitrim.</em>—Much disturbed; the sway of the Rockites formidable; -magistrates supposed to be deficient in energy; -36 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Galway.</em>—Perfectly quiet; 1 murder; 6 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Antrim.</em>—Disturbed; robberies of fire-arms; not insurrectionary; -3 murders; 7 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Armagh.</em>—Quiet; 1 outrage.</p> - -<p><em>Cavan.</em>—Strong political feeling ready to develop itself; 9 -outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Donegal.</em>—Not tranquil; 2 murders; 4 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Down.</em>—Quiet; 2 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Fermanagh.</em>—Tranquil; 6 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Londonderry.</em>—Generally quiet; 1 murder; 4 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Monaghan.</em>—Disturbed; party violence runs high; 1 murder; -6 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Ulster</em> may be considered tolerably tranquil, with the exception -of some baronies in the counties of Donegal and Monaghan.</p> - -<p><em>Tipperary.</em>—Whiteboy system prevails very generally; no -organized insurrectionary system founded upon political -feeling; 4 murders; 75 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Cork.</em>—Generally quiet; 1 murder; 4 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Waterford.</em>—Quiet; 3 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Kerry.</em>—Quiet; 3 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Roscrea.</em>—Dissatisfied spirit excited by inflammatory speeches.</p> - -<p><em>Limerick.</em>—Satisfactory state; 9 outrages.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span></p> - -<p><em>Wicklow.</em>—Western division disturbed; considered necessary -to increase the constabulary force by ordering three men -to Dunlavin, and three more to another disturbed point; -Talbotstown the most disturbed; 3 outrages.</p> - -<p><em>Kildare.</em>—Nothing to notice.</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="CATHOLIC_EMANCIPATION_1829" id="CATHOLIC_EMANCIPATION_1829"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION (1829).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Annual Register for 1829</cite>, p. 94.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Duke of Wellington's Speech.</cite></p> - -<p>[The attitude of the Ministry was set forth in a brief speech -by the Duke of Wellington at the close of the debate. While -there is little in the utterance beyond a personal explanation -of the secrecy maintained, it is inserted as being the final word -on the great question which had for so many years troubled -the heart of England.]</p> - -<p>The debate was closed by a brief reply from the Duke of -Wellington. The apprehended danger to the Irish Church -from the admission of a few Catholics into Parliament, he -treated as futile, considering that the throne would be filled -by a Protestant. Moreover, a fundamental article of the Union -between the two countries was the union of the two Churches; -and it was impossible that any mischief could happen to the -Irish branch of this united Church, without destroying the -union of the two countries. "A different topic," said his grace, -"to which I wish to advert is a charge brought against several -of my colleagues, and also against myself, by the noble earl -on the cross-bench, of a want of consistency in our conduct. -My lords, I admit that many of my colleagues, as well as myself, -did on former occasions vote against a measure of a similar -description with this; and, my lords, I must say, that my -colleagues and myself felt, when we adopted this measure, that -we should be sacrificing ourselves and our popularity to that -which we felt to be our duty to our sovereign and our country. -We knew very well, that if we put ourselves at the head of the -Protestant cry of 'No Popery,' we should be much more -popular even than those who had excited against us that very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span> -cry. But we felt that in so doing we should have left on the -interests of the country a burthen which must end in bearing -them down, and further that we should have deserved the -hate and execration of our countrymen. Then I am accused, -and by a noble and learned friend of mine, of having acted -with great secrecy respecting this measure. Now I beg to tell -him, that he has done that to me in the course of this discussion -which he complains of others having done to him—in -other words, he has, in the language of a right hon. friend of -his and mine, thrown a large paving-stone, instead of throwing -a small pebble. I say, that if he accuses me of acting with -secrecy on this question, he does not deal with me altogether -fairly. He knows as well as I do how the Cabinet was constructed -on this question; and I ask him, had I any right to -say a single word to any man whatsoever upon this measure, -until the person most interested in the kingdom upon it had -given his consent to my speaking out? Before he accused me -of secrecy, and of improper secrecy too, he ought to have known -the precise day upon which I received the permission of the -highest personage in the country, and had leave to open my -mouth upon this measure. There is another point also on -which a noble earl accused me of misconduct; and that is, -that I did not at once dissolve the Parliament. Now I must -say that I think noble lords are mistaken in the notion of the -benefits which they think that they would derive from a -dissolution of Parliament at this crisis. I believe that many of -them are not aware of the consequences and of the inconveniences -of a dissolution of Parliament at any time. But -when I know, as I did know, and as I do know, the state of -the elective franchise in Ireland—when I recollected the -number of men it took to watch one election which took place -in Ireland in the course of last summer—when I knew the -consequences which a dissolution would produce on the return -to the House of Commons, to say nothing of the risks which -must have been incurred at each election—of collisions that -might have lead to something little short of a civil war—I say, -that, knowing all these things, I should have been wanting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span> -in duty to my sovereign and to my country, if I had advised -his Majesty to dissolve his Parliament."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTONS_SUPPOSED_DESIGNS" id="THE_DUKE_OF_WELLINGTONS_SUPPOSED_DESIGNS"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S SUPPOSED DESIGNS -ON THE CROWN (1830).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Life of the Duke of Wellington</cite>, by J. R. Gleig.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Letter from Col. Fairman to the Editor of the "Morning Herald," -April 6, 1830.</cite></p> - -<p>"Dear Sir,</p> - -<p class="in4">"From those who may be supposed to have opportunities -of knowing 'the secrets of the castle,' the King is -stated to be by no manner in so alarming a state as many folks -would have it imagined. His Majesty is likewise said to -dictate the bulletins of his own state of health. Some whisperings -have also gone abroad, that in the event of a demise of the -crown, a regency would probably be established, for reasons -which occasioned the removal of the next in the succession -from the office of high-admiral. That a maritime government -might not prove consonant to the views of a military chieftain -of the most unbounded ambition, may admit of easy belief; -and as the second heir-presumptive is not alone a female, but -a minor, in addition to the argument which might be applied -to the present, that in the ordinary course of nature it was not -to be expected that his reign could be of long duration, in -these disjointed times it is by no means unlikely a vicarious -form of government may be attempted. The effort would -be a bold one, but after the measures we have seen, what new -violations should surprise us? Besides, the popular plea of -economy and expedience might be urged as the pretext, while -aggrandisement and usurpation might be the latent sole -motive. It would only be necessary to make out a plausible -case, which, from the facts on record, there could be no difficulty -in doing, to the satisfaction of a pliable and obsequious -set of ministers, as also to the success of such an experiment.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span class="padr10">"Most truly yours,</span><br /> -"W. B. F."</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Note.</span>—<em>Colonel Fairman was an Orangeman. After the -Emancipation Bill became law, the Orangemen gave vent to their -wrath upon the Duke of Wellington.</em></p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="HEAVY_TAXATION_OF_THE_WORKING_CLASSES_1830" id="HEAVY_TAXATION_OF_THE_WORKING_CLASSES_1830"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">HEAVY TAXATION OF THE WORKING CLASSES (1830).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—William Cobbett's <cite>Rural Rides</cite>, ed. by Mr. Pitt -Cobbett, 1885.</p> - - -<p class="right">"Leicester, 26th April, 1830.</p> - -<p>"At the famous city of Lincoln, I had crowded audiences, -principally consisting of farmers, on the 21st and 22nd; exceedingly -well-behaved audiences, and great impression produced. -One of the evenings, in pointing out to them the -wisdom of explaining to their labourers the cause of their -distress, in order to ward off the effects of the resentment -which labourers now feel everywhere against the farmers, I -related to them what my labourers at Barn-Elm had been doing -since I left home; and I repeated to them the complaints -that my labourers made, stating to them, from memory, the -following parts of that spirited petition:</p> - -<p>"That your petitioners have recently observed that many -great sums of money, part of which we pay, have been voted -to be given to persons who render no services to the country; -some of which sums we will mention here; that the sum of -£94,000 has been voted to disbanded <em>foreign</em> officers, their -<em>widows</em> and <em>children</em>; that your petitioners know that ever -since the peace this charge has been annually made; that it -has been on the average, £110,000 a year, and that, of course, -this band of foreigners have actually taken away out of -England, since the peace, one million and seven thousand -pounds; partly taken from the fruit of our labour; and if -our dinners were actually taken from our table and carried -over to Hanover, the process could not be more visible to our -eyes than it now is; and we are astonished that those who -fear that we, who make the land bring forth crops, and who -make the clothing and the houses, shall swallow up the rental, -appear to think nothing at all of the swallowings of these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span> -Hanoverian men, women, and children, who may continue thus -to swallow for half a century to come.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>"That your petitioners know that more than one half of -their wages is taken from them by the taxes; that these taxes -go chiefly into the hands of idlers; that your petitioners are -the bees, and that the tax receivers are the drones; but that -your petitioners hope to see the day when the checking of the -increase of the drones, and not of the bees, will be the object -of an English parliament.</p> - -<p>"That, in consequence of taxes, your petitioners pay sixpence -for a pot of worse beer than they could make for one -penny; that they pay ten shillings for a pair of shoes that -they could have for five shillings; that they pay sevenpence -for a pound of soap or candles that they could have for threepence; -that they pay sevenpence for a pound of sugar that -they could have for threepence; that they pay six shillings -for a pound of tea which they could have for two shillings; -that they pay double for their bread and meat, of what they -would have to pay if there were no idlers to be kept out of the -taxes; that, therefore, it is the taxes that make their wages -insufficient for their support, and that compel them to apply -for aid to the poor-rates; that, knowing these things they -feel indignant at hearing themselves described as <em>paupers</em>, -while so many thousands of idlers, for whose support they pay -taxes, are called <em>noble Lords</em> and <em>Ladies</em>, <em>honourable Gentlemen</em>, -<em>Masters</em>, and <em>Misses</em>; that they feel indignant at hearing -themselves described as a nuisance to be got rid of, while the -idlers who live upon their earnings are upheld, caressed, and -cherished, as if they were the sole support of the country."</p> - -<p>Having repeated to them these passages, I proceeded: "My -workmen were induced thus to petition, in consequence of the -information, which I, their master, had communicated to them; -and, gentlemen, why should not your labourers petition in the -same strain? Why should you suffer them to remain in a -state of ignorance, relative to the cause of their misery? The -eyes sweep over in this country more riches in one moment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span> -than are contained in the whole county in which I was born, -and in which the petitioners live. Between Holbeach and -Boston, even at a public house, neither bread nor meat was -to be found; and while the landlord was telling me that the -people were become so poor that the butchers killed no meat -in the neighbourhood, I counted more than two thousand fat -sheep lying about in the pastures in that richest spot in the -whole world. Starvation in the midst of plenty; the land -covered with food, and the working people without victuals: -everything taken away by the tax-eaters of various descriptions: -and yet you take no measures for redress; and your -miserable labourers seem to be doomed to expire with hunger, -without an effort to obtain relief. What! cannot you point -out to them the real cause of their sufferings; cannot you take -a piece of paper and write out a petition for them; cannot your -labourers petition as well as mine, are God's blessings bestowed -on you without any spirit to preserve them; is the fatness of -the land, is the earth teeming with food for the body and raiment -for the back, to be an apology for the waste of that -courage for which your fathers were so famous; is the abundance -which God has put into your hands to be the excuse for -your resigning yourselves to starvation? My God! is there -no spirit left in England except in the miserable sandhills of -Surrey?"</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="RAILWAY_CARRIAGES_1830" id="RAILWAY_CARRIAGES_1830"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">RAILWAY CARRIAGES (1830).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Gentleman's Magazine</cite>, Vol. 100, p. 552.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><em>Railway Carriages—June 14.</em></p> - -<p>The directors of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway -made their first public exhibition upon the line, and the experiment -proved most successful. The Arrow steam engine drew -a carriage with twelve inside passengers, another with thirty -outside, and seven carriages loaded with thirty-four tons of -rough stone. The journey from Liverpool to Manchester -(rather more than thirty miles) was performed in two hours<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span> -23½ minutes, including stoppages for water, which occupied -13½ minutes. They left Manchester again for Liverpool about -half-past four o'clock, at the rate of about 25 miles the hour, -drawing two very large carriages with upwards of fifty passengers, -and performed the whole distance in one hour 46½ minutes, -including 12 minutes watering and to set down a passenger.</p> - -<p>The introduction of Railways is likely to be as beneficial in -improving the accommodation afforded to travellers, as in -increasing the expedition with which they will be conveyed. -Some of the carriages which have been made at the manufactory -of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway Company, for -the public conveyance of passengers on the Railway, give quite -a new idea of the ease and luxury with which persons may in -future travel. Most of the carriages to be used as public -coaches consist, like the French diligences, of two or three -bodies joined together. Some are intended to accommodate -four persons in each body, and others six. Between the -sittings is a rest for the arms, and each passenger has a cushion -to himself; the backs are padded and covered with fine cloth, -like a private carriage.</p> - -<p>There are at present exhibiting in Edinburgh three large -models, accompanied with drawings of railways and their -carriages, invented by Mr. Dick, who has a patent. These -railways are of a different nature from those hitherto in use, -inasmuch as they are not laid along the surface of the ground, -but elevated to such a height as when necessary to pass over -the tops of houses and trees. The principal supports are of -stone, and, being placed at considerable distances, have cast -iron pillars between them. The carriages are to be dragged -along with a velocity hitherto unparalleled, by means of a -rope drawn by a steam-engine, or other prime mover—a series -being placed at intervals along the railway. From the construction -of the railway and carriages the friction is very small.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="DEATH_OF_HUSKISSON_1830" id="DEATH_OF_HUSKISSON_1830"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">DEATH OF HUSKISSON (1830).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Gentleman's Magazine</cite>, Vol. 100, p. 264.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><em>September 15.</em></p> - -<p>The interesting ceremony of opening the Manchester and -Liverpool Railway took place this day. It was rendered more -splendid and imposing by the presence of the Duke of Wellington -and many distinguished individuals, whom the Directors -had invited. The concourse of spectators at each end of the -line was immense. The procession left Liverpool twenty -minutes before eleven o'clock drawn by eight locomotive -engines, the first of which was the Northumbrian, with the -Directors and numerous distinguished visitors, including the -Duke of Wellington. The other engines were the Phœnix, -North Star, Rocket, Dart, Comet, Arrow, and Meteor. The -carriage in which the Duke of Wellington and his friends -travelled, was truly magnificent. The floor was 32 feet long by -8 wide, and was supported by eight large iron wheels. A -grand canopy, 24 feet long, was placed aloft upon gilded pillars, -contrived so as to be lowered in passing through the tunnel. -The Northumbrian drew three carriages, the first containing -the band, the second the Duke of Wellington and the distinguished -visitors, and the third the Directors. The Phœnix, -and the North Star drew five carriages each; the Rocket drew -three; and the Dart, Comet, Arrow, and Meteor, each four. -The total number of persons conveyed was 772. On issuing -from the smaller tunnel at Liverpool, the first engine, that is, -the Northumbrian, took the south, or right-hand line of railway, -while the other seven engines proceeded along the north -line. The procession did not proceed at a particularly rapid -pace—not more than 15 or 16 miles an hour. In the course of -the journey, the Northumbrian accelerated or retarded its -speed occasionally, to give the Duke of Wellington an opportunity -of inspecting the most remarkable parts of the work. -On the arrival of the procession at Parkside (a little on this -side of Newton) the carriages stopped to take in a supply of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span> -water. Before starting from Liverpool, the company were -particularly requested not to leave the carriages, and the same -caution was repeated in the printed directions describing the -order of procession. Notwithstanding this regulation, however, -Mr. Huskisson, Mr. Wm. Holmes, M.P., and other gentlemen, -alighted from the carriage of the Duke of Wellington, when -the Northumbrian stopped at Parkside. At the moment they -descended into the road, three of the engines on the other line—the -Phœnix, the North Star, and the Rocket, were rapidly -approaching. Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Holmes were standing -in the road between the two lines of railway, which are about -four feet distant from each other. Unluckily, Mr. Huskisson -imagining that there was not room for a person to stand -between the lines while the other engines were passing, made -an attempt to get again into the carriage of the Duke before -the Dart came up. He laid hold of the door of the carriage, -and pulled it open with so much force that he lost his balance, -and fell backwards across the rails of the other line, the moment -before the passing of the Dart. The conductor of that engine -immediately stopped it, but before that could be effected, both -wheels of the engine passed over the leg of the unfortunate -gentleman, which was placed over the rail, his head and body -being under the engine. The right leg was frightfully shattered, -the muscles being torn to pieces. The Earl of Wilton, Mr. -Holmes, and Mr. Parkes, solicitor, of Birmingham, raised Mr. -Huskisson from the ground. The only words he uttered were: -"I have met my death—God forgive me!" A tourniquet was -immediately applied by the Earl of Wilton; and Dr. Brandreth -was quickly in attendance. He was then removed to a -car, and carried to Eccles, a village within four miles of -Manchester; and after his arrival there, was removed to the -house of the Rev. Mr. Blackburn, the rector of that place, -where the Right Hon. Gentleman expired between nine and -ten o'clock the same evening.</p> - -<p>After the above melancholy accident a question arose as to -what ought to be done with regard to the further progress of -the business of the day. The Duke of Wellington refused to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span> -proceed further. Some of the proprietors and directors insisted -that they had a public duty to perform in carrying the day's -proceedings to an end, and that the success of the project, on -which they had expended so much capital, might depend on -their being regularly finished. They contended, moreover, that -the procession <em>must go on</em> to Manchester, if they wished to -avoid a breach of the public tranquillity. The Duke's scruples -ultimately gave way, and the order was issued to move on to -Manchester. On its return the Duke of Wellington quitted -the rail-road about three miles before the cortege reached -Liverpool, and posted off to the Marquis of Salisbury's seat -at Childwell. The splendid corporation dinner which had been -prepared at Liverpool was suspended; and nothing was heard -spoken of but the above melancholy event. Mr. Huskisson -was interred on the 24th at the public cemetery at Liverpool. -The funeral was a public one.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="ON_THE_USE_OF_CLOSE_BOROUGHS_1831" id="ON_THE_USE_OF_CLOSE_BOROUGHS_1831"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">ON THE USE OF CLOSE BOROUGHS (1831).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Life of the Duke of Wellington</cite>, by J. R. Gleig.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Letter from the Duke of Wellington to J. R. Gleig, Esq.</cite></p> - -<p class="right">"London, 11th April, 1831.</p> - -<p>"I have received your letters of the 8th and 9th. It is -curious enough that I, who have been the greatest reformer on -earth, should be held up as an enemy to all reform. This -assertion is neither more or less than one of the lying cries of -the day.</p> - -<p>"If by reform is meant parliamentary reform, or a change in -the mode or system of representation, what I have said is, that -I have never heard of a plan that was safe and practicable that -would give satisfaction, and that while I was in office I should -oppose myself to reform in parliament. This was in answer to -Lord Grey on the first day of the session. I am still of the -same opinion. I think that parliament has done its duty: that -constituted as parliament is, having in it as a member every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span> -man noted in the country for his fortune, his talents, his science, -his industry, or his influence; the first men of all professions, -in all branches of trade and manufacture, connected with our -colonies and settlements abroad, and representing, as it does, -all the states of the United Kingdom, the government of the -country is still a task almost more than human. To conduct -the government would be impossible, if by reform the House of -Commons should be brought to a greater degree under popular -influence. Yet let those who wish for reform reflect for a -moment where we should all stand if we were to lose for a -day the protection of government.</p> - -<p>"That is the ground upon which I stand with respect to the -question of reform in general. I have more experience in the -government of this country than any man now alive, as well as -in foreign countries. I have no borough influence to lose, and -I hate the whole concern too much to think of endeavouring to -gain any. Ask the gentlemen of the Cinque Ports whether I -have ever troubled any of them.</p> - -<p>"On the other hand, I know that I should be the idol of the -country if I could pretend to alter my opinion and alter my -course. And I know that I exclude myself from political power -by persevering in the course which I have taken. But nothing -shall induce me to utter a word, either in public or in private, -that I don't believe to be true. If it is God's will that this -great country should be destroyed, and that mankind should -be deprived of this last asylum of peace and happiness, be it -so; but, as long as I can raise my voice, I will do so against -the infatuated madness of the day.</p> - -<p>"In respect to details, it has always appeared to me that the -first step upon this subject was the most important. We talk -of unrepresented great towns! These are towns which have -all the benefit of being governed by the system of the British -Constitution without the evil of elections. Look at Scotland. -Does Scotland suffer because it has not the benefit of riotous -elections? I think that reform in Scotland would be, and I -am certain would be thought, a grievance by many in that -country. I can answer for there being many respectable men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span> -in Manchester, and I believe there are some in Birmingham -and Leeds, who are adverse to change.</p> - -<p>"But how is this change to be made? Either by adding to -the number of representatives in parliament from England, or -by disfranchising what are called the rotten boroughs! The -first cannot be done without a departure from the basis and a -breach of the Acts of Union. And, mind, a serious departure -and breach of these acts, inasmuch as the limits of the extension -could not be less than from fifteen to twenty towns. The -last would be, in my opinion, a violation of the first and most -important principle of the constitution, for no valid reason, -and upon no ground whatever excepting a popular cry, and an -apprehension of the consequences of resisting it. But this is not -all. I confess that I see in thirty members for rotten boroughs -thirty men, I don't care of what party, who would preserve the -state of property as it is; who would maintain by their votes -the Church of England, its possessions, its churches and universities, -all our great institutions and corporations, the union -with Scotland and Ireland, the connection of the country with -its foreign colonies and possessions, the national honour abroad -and its good faith with the king's subjects at home. I see men -at the back of the government to enable it to protect individuals -and their property against the injustice of the times, which -would sacrifice all rights and all property to a description of -plunder called general convenience and utility. I think it is -the presence of this description of men in parliament with the -country gentlemen, and the great merchants, bankers, and -manufacturers, which constitute the great difference between -the House of Commons and those assemblies abroad called -'Chambers of Deputies.' It is by means of the representatives -of the close corporations that the great proprietors of the -country participate in political power. I don't think that we -could spare thirty or forty of these representatives, or change -them with advantage for thirty or forty members elected -for the great towns by any new system. I am certain that -the country would be injured by depriving men of great -property of political power, besides the injury done to it by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span> -exposing the House of Commons to a greater degree of popular -influence.</p> - -<p>"You will observe that I have now considered only the -smallest of all reforms—a reform which would satisfy nobody. -Yet it cannot be adopted without a serious departure from -principle (principle in the maintenance of which the smallest -as well as the greatest of us is interested), and by running all -the risks of those misfortunes which all wish to avoid.</p> - -<p>"I tell you that we must not risk our great institutions and -large properties, personal as well as real. If we do, there is not -a man of this generation, so young, so old, so rich, so poor, so -bold, so timid, as that he will not feel the consequences of this -rashness. This opinion is founded not on reasoning only, but -on experience, and I shall never cease to declare it."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="LORD_JOHN_RUSSELLS_SPEECH_ON_THE_FIRST" id="LORD_JOHN_RUSSELLS_SPEECH_ON_THE_FIRST"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S SPEECH ON THE FIRST -REFORM BILL (1831).</a><a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Molesworthy's <cite>History of the Reform Bill</cite>, London, -1866, p. 103.</p> - - -<p>The object of ministers has been to produce a measure with -which every reasonable man in the country will be satisfied—we -wish to take our stand between the two hostile parties, -neither agreeing with the bigotry of those who would reject -all Reform, nor with the fanaticism of those who contend that -only one plan of Reform would be wholesome or satisfactory,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span> -but placing ourselves between both, and between the abuses -we intend to amend and the convulsion we hope to avert.</p> - -<p>The ancient constitution of our country declares that no -man should be taxed for the support of the State, who has not -consented, by himself or his representative, to the imposition -of these taxes. The well-known statute, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">de tallagio non concedendo</i>, -repeats the same language; and, although some -historical doubts have been thrown upon it, its legal meaning -has never been disputed. It included "all the freemen of the -land," and provided that each county should send to the -Commons of the realm, two knights, each city two burgesses, -and each borough two members. Thus about a hundred -places sent representatives, and some thirty or forty others -occasionally enjoyed the privilege, but it was discontinued or -revived as they rose or fell in the scale of wealth and importance. -Thus, no doubt, at that early period, the House of -Commons did represent the people of England; there is no -doubt likewise, that the House of Commons, as it now subsists, -does not represent the people of England. Therefore, if we -look at the question of right, the reformers have right in their -favour. Then, if we consider what is reasonable, we shall -arrive at a similar result.</p> - -<p>A stranger, who was told that this country is unparalleled -in wealth and industry, and more civilized, and more enlightened -than any country was before it; that it is a country -that prides itself on its freedom, and that once in every -seven years it elects representatives from its population, to -act as the guardians and preservers of that freedom,—would -be anxious and curious to see how that representation is formed, -and how the people chose those representatives, to whose faith -and guardianship they entrust their free and liberal institutions. -Such a person would be very much astonished if he -were taken to a ruined mound, and told that that mound sent -two representatives to Parliament—if he were taken to a stone -wall, and told that three niches in it sent two representatives -to Parliament—if he were taken to a park, where no houses -were to be seen, and told that that park sent two representa<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>tives -to Parliament; but if he were told all this, and were -astonished at hearing it, he would be still more astonished if -he were to see large and opulent towns full of enterprise and -industry, and intelligence, containing vast magazines of every -species of manufactures, and were then told that these towns -sent no representatives to Parliament.</p> - -<p>Such a person would be still more astonished, if he were -taken to Liverpool, where there is a large constituency, and -told, here you will have a fine specimen of a popular election.</p> - -<p>He would see bribery employed to the greatest extent, and -in the most unblushing manner; he would see every voter -receiving a number of guineas in a box, as the price of his -corruption; and after such a spectacle, he would no doubt be -much astonished that a nation whose representatives are thus -chosen, could perform the functions of legislation at all, or -enjoy respect in any degree. I say, then, that if the question -before the House is a question of reason, the present state of -representation is against reason.</p> - -<p>The confidence of the country in the construction and -constitution of the House of Commons is gone. It would be -easier to transfer the flourishing manufactures of Leeds and -Manchester to Gatton and Old Sarum, than re-establish confidence -and sympathy between this House and those whom it -calls its constituents. If, therefore, the question is one of -right, right is in favour of Reform; if it be a question of -reason, reason is in favour of Reform; if it be a question of -policy and expediency, policy and expediency are in favour of -Reform.</p> - -<p>I come now to the explanation of the measure which, representing -the ministers of the King, I am about to propose to -the House. Those ministers have thought, and in my opinion -justly thought, that no half measures would be sufficient; that -no trifling or paltering with Reform could give stability to the -Crown, strength to Parliament, or satisfaction to the country. -The chief grievances of which the people complain are these. -First, the nomination of members by individuals; second, the -election by close corporations; third, the expense of elections.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span> -With regard to the first, it may be exercised in two ways, -either over a place containing scarcely any inhabitants, and -with a very extensive right of election; or over a place of -wide extent and numerous population, but where the franchise -is confined to very few persons. Gatton is an example of the -first, and Bath of the second. At Gatton, where the right of -voting is by scot and lot, all householders have a vote, but -there are only five persons to exercise the right. At Bath the -inhabitants are numerous, but very few of them have any concern -in the election. In the former case, we propose to deprive -the borough of the franchise altogether. In doing so, we have -taken for our guide the population returns of 1821; and we -propose that every borough which in that year had less than -2,000 inhabitants, should altogether lose the right of sending -members to Parliament, the effect of which will be to disfranchise -sixty-two boroughs. But we do not stop here. As -the honourable member for Boroughbridge [Sir C. Wetherell] -would say, we go <em>plus ultra</em>; we find that there are forty-seven -boroughs of only 4,000 inhabitants, and these we shall -deprive of the right of sending more than one member to -Parliament. We likewise intend that Weymouth, which at -present sends four members to Parliament, should in the future -send only two. The total reduction thus effected in the number -of the members of this House will be 168. This is the whole -extent to which we are prepared to go in the way of disfranchisement.</p> - -<p>We do not, however, mean to allow that the remaining -boroughs should be in the hands of a small number of persons -to the exclusion of the great body of the inhabitants who have -property and interest in the place. It is a point of great difficulty -to decide to whom the franchise should be extended. -Though it is a point much disputed, I believe it will be found -that in ancient times every inhabitant householder resident in -a borough was competent to vote for members of Parliament. -As, however, this arrangement excluded villeins and strangers, -the franchise always belonged to a particular body in every -town;—that the voters were persons of property is obvious,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span> -from the fact that they are called upon to pay subsidies and -taxes. Two different courses seem to prevail in different -places. In some, every person having a house, and being free, -was admitted to a general participation in the privileges formerly -possessed by burgesses; in others, the burgesses -became a select body, and were converted into a kind of -corporation, more or less exclusive. These differences, the -House will be aware, lead to the most difficult, and at the same -time the most useless questions that men can be called upon -to decide. I contend that it is proper to get rid of these complicated -rights, of these vexatious questions, and to give the -real property and real respectability of the different cities and -towns, the right of voting for members of Parliament. Finding -that a qualification of a house rated at £20 a year, would -confine the elective franchise, instead of enlarging it, we propose -that the right of voting should be given to the householders -paying rates for houses of the yearly value of £10 and upwards, -upon certain conditions hereafter to be stated. At the same -time it is not intended to deprive the present electors of their -privilege of voting, provided they are resident. With regard -to non-residence, we are of opinion that it produces much -expense, is the cause of a great deal of bribery, and occasions -such manifest and manifold evils, that electors who do not live -in a place ought not to be permitted to retain their votes. -With regard to resident voters, we propose that they should -retain their right during life, but that no vote should be allowed -hereafter, except to £10 householders.</p> - -<p>I shall now proceed to the manner in which we propose to -extend the franchise in counties. The bill I wish to introduce -will give all copyholders to the value of £10 a year, qualified -to serve on juries, under the right hon. gentlemen's [Sir R. -Peel] bill, a right to vote for the return of knights of the shire; -also, that leaseholders, for not less than twenty-one years, -whose annual rent is not less than £50, and whose leases have -not been renewed within two years, shall enjoy the same -privilege.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_PASSING_OF_THE_REFORM_BILL" id="THE_PASSING_OF_THE_REFORM_BILL"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE PASSING OF THE REFORM BILL, -MARCH 30<span class="fs70">TH</span>, 1831.</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Macaulay's Life and Letters</cite>, by the Right Hon. Sir George -Otto Trevelyan, 1876.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><em>Lord Macaulay's Description of the Scene.</em></p> - -<p>Such a scene as the division of last Tuesday I never saw, and -never expect to see again. If I should live fifty years the -impression of it will be as fresh and sharp in my mind as if it -had just taken place. It was like seeing Caesar stabbed in the -Senate House, or seeing Oliver taking the mace from the table; -a sight to be seen only once, and never to be forgotten. The -crowd overflowed the House in every part. When the strangers -were cleared out, and the doors locked, we had six hundred -and eight members present—more by fifty-five than ever were -in a division before. The Ayes and the Noes were like two -volleys of cannon from opposite sides of a field of battle. -When the opposition went out into the lobby, an operation -which took up twenty minutes or more, we spread ourselves -over the benches on both sides of the House; for there were -many of us who had not been able to find a seat during the -evening. When the doors were shut we began to speculate on -our numbers. Everybody was desponding. "We have lost -it. We are only two hundred and eighty at the most. I do -not think we are two hundred and fifty. They are three -hundred. Alderman Thompson has counted them. He says -they are two hundred and ninety-nine." This was the talk on -our benches. I wonder that men who have been long in Parliament -do not acquire a better <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup d'œil</i> for numbers. The -House, when only the Ayes were in it, looked to me a very fair -House—much fuller than it generally is even on debates of -considerable interest. I had no hope, however, of three -hundred. As the tellers passed along our lowest row on the -left hand side the interest was insupportable—two hundred -and ninety-one—two hundred and ninety-two—we were all -standing up and stretching forward telling with the tellers.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span> -At three hundred there was a short cry of joy—at three hundred -and two another—suppressed, however, in a moment; for we -did not yet know what the hostile force might be. We knew, -however, that we could not be severely beaten. The doors -were thrown open, and in they came. Each of them, as he -entered, brought some different report of their numbers. It -must have been impossible, as you may conceive, in the lobby -crowded as they were, to form any exact estimate. First, we -heard that they were three hundred and three; then that -number rose to three hundred and ten; then went down to -three hundred and seven, Alexander Barry told me that he had -counted, and that they were three hundred and four. We were -all breathless with anxiety, when Charles Wood, who stood -near the door, jumped on a bench and cried out, "They are -only three hundred and one." We set up a shout that you might -have heard to Charing Cross, waving our hats, stamping against -the floor, and clapping our hands. The tellers scarcely got -through the crowd; for the House was thronged up to the -table, and all the floor was fluctuating with heads like the pit -of a theatre. But you might have heard a pin drop as Duncannon -read the numbers. Then again the shouts broke out, -and many of us shed tears. I could scarcely refrain. And the -jaw of Peel fell; and the face of Twiss was as the face of a -damned soul; and Herries looked like Judas taking his necktie -off for the last operation. We shook hands and clapped -each other on the back, and went out laughing, crying, and -huzzaing into the lobby. And no sooner were the outer doors -opened than another shout answered that within the House. -All the passages, and the stairs into the waiting-rooms, were -thronged by people who had waited till four in the morning -to know the issue. We passed through a narrow lane between -two thick masses of them; and all the way down they were -shouting and waving their hats, till we got into the open air. -I called a cabriolet, and the first thing the driver asked was, -"Is the Bill carried?" "Yes, by one." "Thank God for it, -sir." And away I rode to Gray's Inn—and so ended a scene -which will probably never be equalled till the reformed Parlia<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>ment -wants reforming; and that I hope will not be till the -days of our grandchildren, till that truly orthodox and -apostolical person, Dr. Francis Ellis, is an archbishop of -eighty."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_PROROGATION_OF_THE_ANTI-REFORM" id="THE_PROROGATION_OF_THE_ANTI-REFORM"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE PROROGATION OF THE ANTI-REFORM -PARLIAMENT (1831).</a><a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Molesworthy's <cite>History of the Reform Bill</cite>, London, -1866, p. 185.</p> - - -<p>Under these circumstances, ministers acted with promptitude -and decision. Their defeat had occurred on the morning -of the 22nd of April; on the same day summonses were issued, -calling a Cabinet Council at St. James's Palace. So short was -the notice, that the ministers were unable to attend, as was -customary on such occasions, in their court dresses.</p> - -<p>At this council it was unanimously resolved that Parliament -should be prorogued the same day, with a view to its speedy -dissolution, and the royal speech, which had been prepared -for the occasion, was considered and adopted. All necessary -arrangements having been made, in order to take away from -the King all pretext for delay, Earl Grey and Lord Brougham -were deputed to wait on the King, and communicate to him the -advice of the Cabinet. From what has been already said, the -reader will be prepared to anticipate that this advice was far -from palatable. The unusual haste with which it was proposed -to carry out that measure, naturally increased the King's -known objections to the proposed step, and furnished him with -a good excuse for refusing his assent to it. Earl Grey, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span> -pink and pattern of loyalty and chivalrous courtesy, shrunk -from the disagreeable errand, and requested his bolder and less -courtly colleague to introduce the subject, begging him at the -same time to manage the susceptibility of the King as much as -possible.</p> - -<p>The Chancellor accordingly approached the subject very -carefully, prefacing the disagreeable message with which he -was charged, with a compliment on the King's desire to promote -the welfare of his people. He then proceeded to communicate -the advice of the Cabinet, adding, that they were -unanimous in offering it.</p> - -<p>"What!" exclaimed the King, "would you have me dismiss -in this summary manner a Parliament which has granted -me so splendid a civil list, and given my Queen so liberal an -annuity in case she survives me?"</p> - -<p>"No doubt, sire," Lord Brougham replied, "in these respects -they have acted wisely and honourably, but your Majesty's -advisers are all of opinion, that in the present state of affairs, -every hour that this Parliament continues to sit is pregnant -with danger to the peace and security of your kingdom, and -they humbly beseech your Majesty to go down this very day -and prorogue it. If you do not, they cannot be answerable -for the consequences."</p> - -<p>The King was greatly embarrassed; he evidently entertained -the strongest objection to the proposed measure, but -he also felt the danger which would result from the resignation -of his ministers at the present crisis. He therefore shifted his -ground, and asked: "Who is to carry the sword of state and -the cap of maintenance?"</p> - -<p>"Sire, knowing the urgency of the crisis and the imminent -peril in which the country at this moment stands, we have -ventured to tell those whose duty it is to perform these and -other similar offices, to hold themselves in readiness."</p> - -<p>"But the troops, the life guards, I have given no orders for -them to be called out, and now it is too late."</p> - -<p>This was indeed a serious objection, for to call out the guards -was the special prerogative of the monarch himself, and no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span> -minister had any right to order their attendance without his -express command.</p> - -<p>"Sire," replied the Chancellor, with some hesitation, "we -must throw ourselves on your indulgence. Deeply feeling the -gravity of the crisis, and knowing your love for your people, -we have taken a liberty which nothing but the most imperious -necessity could warrant; we have ordered out the troops, and -we humbly throw ourselves on your Majesty's indulgence."</p> - -<p>The King's eye flashed and his cheeks became crimson. He -was evidently on the point of dismissing the ministry in an -explosion of anger. "Why, my lords," he exclaimed, "this -is treason! <em>high</em> treason, and you, my Lord Chancellor, ought -to know that it is."</p> - -<p>"Yes, sire, I do know it, and nothing but the strongest -conviction that your Majesty's crown and the interests of the -nation are at stake, could have induced us to take such a step, -or to tender the advice we are now giving."</p> - -<p>This submissive reply had the desired effect, the King -cooled, his prudence and better genius prevailed, and having -once made up his mind to yield with a good grace, he accepted, -without any objection, the speech which had been prepared -for him, and which the two ministers had brought with them, -he gave orders respecting the details of the approaching -ceremonial, and having completely recovered his habitual -serenity and good humour, he dismissed the two lords with a -jocose threat of impeachment.</p> - -<p>At half-past two o'clock the King entered his state carriage. -It was remarked that the guards on this occasion rode wide of -it, as if they attended as a matter of state and ceremony, and -not as being needed for the King's protection. Persons wishing -to make a more open demonstration of their feelings, were -allowed to pass between the soldiers and approach the royal -carriage. One of these, a rough sailor-like person, pulled off -his hat, and waving it around his head, shouted lustily, "Turn -out the rogues, your Majesty." Notwithstanding the suddenness -with which the resolution to dissolve had been taken, the -news had already spread through the metropolis, an immense<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span> -crowd was assembled, and the King was greeted throughout -his whole progress with the most enthusiastic shouts. He was -exceedingly fond of popularity, and these acclamations helped -to reconcile him to the step he had been compelled to take, -and to efface the unpleasant impression which the scene which -had so recently occurred could not fail to leave behind it.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, another scene of a far more violent kind was -taking place in the House of Lords. The Chancellor on leaving -the King went down to the House to hear appeals. Having -gone through the cause list he retired, in the hope that he -should thereby prevent Lord Wharncliffe from bringing forward -his motion. But the opposition lords had mustered in -great force, and the House was full in all parts. It is usual -on the occasion of a prorogation by the sovereign, for the peers -to appear in their robes, and most of those present wore theirs, -but owing to the precipitation with which the dissolution had -been decided on, several peers, especially on the opposition -side of the House, were without them. A large number of -peeresses in full dress, and of members of the House of Commons -were also present. And now a struggle commenced -between the two parties into which the House was divided. -The object of the opposition was to press Lord Wharncliffe's -motion before the King's arrival; the supporters of the ministry -wished to prevent it from being passed. The firing of the -park guns announced that the King was already on his way -down to the House, and told the opposition they had no -time to lose. On the motion of Lord Mansfield, the Earl of -Shaftesbury presided, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Richmond, in order to baffle the opposition, -moved that the standing order which required their lordships -to take their places should be enforced. The opposition saw -at once that this motion was made for the sake of delay, and -angrily protested against it; whereupon the duke threatened -to call for the enforcement of two other standing orders which -prohibited the use of intemperate and threatening language -in the House. Lord Londonderry, furious with indignation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span> -broke out into a vehement tirade against the conduct of the -ministry, and thus effectually played the game of his opponents. -So violent was the excitement which prevailed at this time in -the House, that the ladies present were terrified, thinking that -the peers would actually come to blows. At length Lord -Londonderry was persuaded to sit down, and Lord Wharncliffe -obtained a hearing. But it was too late to press his -motion, and he contented himself with reading it, in order -that it might be entered on the journals of the House.</p> - -<p>At this conjuncture, the Lord Chancellor returned, and the -moment the reading of the address was concluded, he exclaimed -in a vehement and emphatic tone:</p> - -<p>"My lords, I have never yet heard it doubted that the King -possessed the prerogative of dissolving Parliament at pleasure, -still less have I ever known a doubt to exist on the subject at -a moment when the lower House have thought fit to refuse -the supplies." Scarcely had he uttered these words when he -was summoned to meet the King, who had just arrived and -was in the robing room; he at once quitted the House which -resounded on all sides with cries of "hear" and "the King."</p> - -<p>The tumult having in some degree subsided, Lord Mansfield -addressed the House, regretting the scene which had just -occurred, and condemning the dissolution, which he qualified -as an act by which the ministers were making the sovereign -the instrument of his own destruction.</p> - -<p>He was interrupted by another storm of violence and confusion, -which was at length appeased by the announcement -that the King was at hand. When he entered, the assembly -had recovered its usual calm and decorous tranquillity. The -members of the House of Commons having been summoned to -the bar, the King, in a loud and firm voice, pronounced his -speech, which commenced with the following words:</p> - -<p class="p1" /> -<p>"My lords and gentlemen,</p> - -<p class="in4">"I have come to meet you for the purpose of proroguing -this Parliament, with a view to its immediate dissolution.</p> - -<p>"I have been induced to resort to this measure for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span> -purpose of ascertaining the sense of my people, in the way in -which it can be most constitutionally and authentically expressed, -on the expediency of making such changes in the -representation as circumstances may appear to require, and -which, founded on the acknowledged principles of the constitution, -may tend at once to uphold the just rights and prerogatives -of the crown, and to give security to the liberties of -the people."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="PARLIAMENTARY_REFORM_SEPT_20TH_1831" id="PARLIAMENTARY_REFORM_SEPT_20TH_1831"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, SEPT. 20<span class="fs70">TH</span> (1831).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Lord Macaulay's Speeches</cite>, 1854.</p> - - -<p>Sir, the public feeling concerning reform is of no such recent -origin, and springs from no such frivolous causes. Its first faint -commencement may be traced far, very far, back in our history. -During seventy years that feeling has had a great influence on -the public mind. Through the first thirty years of the reign -of George the Third, it was gradually increasing. The great -leaders of the two parties in the state were favourable to reform. -Plans of reform were supported by large and most -respectable minorities in the House of Commons. The French -Revolution, filling the higher and middle classes with an -extreme dread of change, and the war calling away the public -attention from internal to external politics, threw the question -back; but the people never lost sight of it. Peace came, and -they were at leisure to think of domestic improvements. Distress -came, and they suspected, as was natural, that their -distress was the effect of unfaithful stewardship and unskilful -legislation. An opinion favourable to parliamentary reform -grew up rapidly, and became strong among the middle classes. -But one tie, one strong tie, still bound those classes to the Tory -party. I mean the Catholic question. It is impossible to deny -that, on that subject, a large proportion, a majority, I fear, of -the middle class of Englishmen, conscientiously held opinions -opposed to those which I have always entertained, and were -disposed to sacrifice every other consideration to what they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span> -regarded as a religious duty. Thus the Catholic question hid, -so to speak, the question of parliamentary reform. The feeling -in favour of parliamentary reform grew, but it grew in the -shade. Every man, I think, must have observed the progress -of that feeling in his own social circle. But few reform meetings -were held, and few petitions in favour of reform presented. At -length the Catholics were emancipated; the solitary link of -sympathy which attached the people to the Tories was broken; -the cry of "No popery" could no longer be opposed to the cry -of "Reform." That which, in the opinion of the two great -parties in parliament, and of a vast portion of the community, -had been the first question, suddenly disappeared; and the -question of parliamentary reform took the first place. Then -was put forth all the strength which had been growing in -silence and obscurity. Then it appeared that reform had on its -side a coalition of interests and opinions unprecedented in our -history, all the liberality and intelligence which had supported -the Catholic claims, and all the clamour which had opposed -them.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="BATTLE_SONG_1832" id="BATTLE_SONG_1832"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">BATTLE SONG (1832).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Ebenezer Elliott's <cite>Poems</cite>, 1832.</p> - - -<p class="p1" /> -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"> -<p class="verse">Day, like our souls, is fiercely dark,</p> -<p class="verse4">What then? 'Tis day!</p> -<p class="verse">We sleep no more; the cock crows—hark!</p> -<p class="verse4">To arms! away!</p> -<p class="verse">They come! they come! the knell is rung</p> -<p class="verse4">Of us or them;</p> -<p class="verse">Wide o'er their march the pomp is flung</p> -<p class="verse4">Of gold and gem.</p> -<p class="verse">What collar'd hound of lawless sway</p> -<p class="verse4">To famine dear—</p> -<p class="verse">What pensioned slave of Attila,</p> -<p class="verse4">Leads in the rear?</p> -<p class="verse">Come they from Scythian lands afar,</p> -<p class="verse4">Our blood to spill?</p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span> -<p class="verse">Wear they the livery of the Czar?</p> -<p class="verse4">They do his will.</p> -<p class="verse">Nor tassell'd silk, nor epaulet,</p> -<p class="verse4">Nor plume, nor torse—</p> -<p class="verse">No splendour gilds, all sternly met,</p> -<p class="verse4">Our foot and horse.</p> -<p class="verse">But, dark and still, we only glow,</p> -<p class="verse4">Condensed in ire!</p> -<p class="verse">Strike, tawdry slaves and ye shall know</p> -<p class="verse4">Our gloom is fire.</p> -<p class="verse">In vain your pomp, ye evil powers,</p> -<p class="verse4">Insults the land;</p> -<p class="verse">Wrongs, vengeance, and the Cause are ours,</p> -<p class="verse4">And God's right hand!</p> -<p class="verse">Madmen! they trample into snakes</p> -<p class="verse4">The wormy clod!</p> -<p class="verse">Like fire, beneath their feet awakes</p> -<p class="verse4">The sword of God!</p> -<p class="verse">Behind, before, above, below,</p> -<p class="verse4">They rouse the brave;</p> -<p class="verse">Where'er they go, they make a foe,</p> -<p class="verse4">Or find a grave.</p> -</div></div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="REPEAL_OF_THE_UNION_1833" id="REPEAL_OF_THE_UNION_1833"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">REPEAL OF THE UNION (1833).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Lord Macaulay's Speeches</cite>, 1854.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Speech of Lord Macaulay. Delivered in House of Commons, -Feb. 6, 1833.</cite></p> - -<p>Ireland has undoubtedly just causes of complaint. We heard -those causes recapitulated last night by the honourable and -learned member,<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> who tells us that he represents not Dublin -alone, but Ireland, and that he stands between his country and -civil war. I do not deny that most of the grievances which he -recounted exist, that they are serious, and that they ought to -be remedied as far as it is in the power of legislation to remedy -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>them. What I do deny is that they were caused by the union, -and that the repeal of the union would remove them. I -listened attentively while the honourable and learned gentleman -went through that long and melancholy list: and I am -confident that he did not mention a single evil which was not -a subject of bitter complaint while Ireland had a domestic -parliament. Is it fair, is it reasonable in the honourable gentleman -to impute to the union evils which, as he knows better -than any other man in this House, existed long before the -union? <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Post hoc: ergo, propter hoc</i> is not always sound -reasoning. But <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ante hoc: ergo, non propter hoc</i> is unanswerable. -The old rustic who told Sir Thomas More that Tenterden -steeple was the cause of Godwin sands reasoned much better -than the honourable and learned gentleman. For it was not -till after Tenterden steeple was built that the frightful wrecks -on the Godwin sands were heard of. But the honourable and -learned gentleman would make Godwin sands the cause of -Tenterden steeple. Some of the Irish grievances which he -ascribes to the union are not only older than the union, but -are not peculiarly Irish. They are common to England, Scotland, -and Ireland; and it was in order to get rid of them that -we, for the common benefit of England, Scotland, and Ireland, -passed the Reform Bill last year. Other grievances which the -honourable and learned gentleman mentioned are doubtless -local; but is there to be a local legislature wherever there is a -local grievance? Wales has had local grievances. We all -remembered the complaints which were made a few years ago -about the Welsh judicial system; but did anybody therefore -propose that Wales should have a distinct parliament? Cornwall -has some local grievances; but does anybody propose that -Cornwall shall have its own House of Lords and its own House -of Commons? Leeds has local grievances. The majority of -my constituents distrust and dislike the municipal government -to which they are subject; they therefore call loudly on us for -corporation reform: but they do not ask us for a separate -legislature. Of this I am quite sure, that every argument which -has been urged for the purpose of showing that Great Britain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span> -and Ireland ought to have two distinct parliaments may be -urged with far greater force for the purpose of showing that the -north of Ireland and the south of Ireland ought to have two -distinct parliaments. The House of Commons of the United -Kingdom, it has been said, is chiefly elected by Protestants, -and therefore cannot be trusted to legislate for Catholic Ireland. -If this be so, how can an Irish House of Commons, chiefly -elected by Catholics, be trusted to legislate for Protestant -Ulster? It is perfectly notorious that theological antipathies -are stronger in Ireland than here. I appeal to the honourable -and learned gentleman himself. He has often declared that it -is impossible for a Roman Catholic, whether prosecutor or -culprit, to obtain justice from a jury of Orangemen. It is -indeed certain that, in blood, religion, language, habits, -character, the population of some of the northern counties of -Ireland has much more in common with the population of -England and Scotland than with the population of Munster -and Connaught. I defy the honourable and learned member, -therefore, to find a reason for having a parliament at Dublin -which will not be just as good a reason for having another -parliament at Londonderry.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="JEWISH_DISABILITIES_1833" id="JEWISH_DISABILITIES_1833"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">JEWISH DISABILITIES (1833).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Lord Macaulay's Speeches.</cite> London, 1854.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Macaulay's Speech on Jewish Disabilities in a Committee -of the whole House, April 17, 1833.</cite></p> - -<p>"But where," says the member for the University of Oxford, -"are you to stop, if once you admit into the House of -Commons people who deny the authority of the Gospels? -Will you let in a Mussulman? Will you let in a Parsee? -Will you let in a Hindoo, who worships a lump of stone -with seven heads? I will answer my honourable friend's -question by another. Where does he mean to stop? Is he -ready to roast unbelievers at slow fires? If not, let him tell us -why: and I will engage to prove that his reason is just as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span> -decisive against the intolerance which he thinks a duty, as -against the intolerance which he thinks a crime. Once admit -that we are bound to inflict pain on a man because he is not of -our religion; and where are you to stop? Why stop at the -point fixed by my honourable friend rather than at the point -fixed by the honourable member for Oldham,<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> who would make -the Jews incapable of holding land? And why stop at the -point fixed by the honourable member for Oldham rather than -at the point which would have been fixed by a Spanish Inquisitor -of the sixteenth century? When once you enter on a -course of persecution, I defy you to find any reason for making -a halt till you have reached the extreme point. When my -honourable friend tells us that he will allow the Jews to possess -property to any amount, but that he will not allow them to -possess the smallest political power, he holds contradictory -language. Property is power. The honourable member for -Oldham reasons better than my honourable friend. The -honourable member for Oldham sees very clearly that it is -impossible to deprive a man of political power if you suffer him -to be the proprietor of half a county, and therefore very consistently -proposes to confiscate the landed estates of the Jews. -But even the honourable member for Oldham does not go far -enough. He has not proposed to confiscate the personal property -of the Jews. Yet it is perfectly certain that any Jew who -has a million may easily make himself very important in the -state. By such steps we pass from official power to landed property, -and from landed property to personal property, and -from property to liberty, and from liberty to life. In truth, -those persecutors who use the rack and the stake have much -to say for themselves. They are convinced that their end is -good; and it must be admitted that they employ means which -are not unlikely to attain the end. Religious dissent has -repeatedly been put down by sanguinary persecution. In that -way the Albigenses were put down. In that way Protestantism -was suppressed in Spain and Italy, so that it has never -since reared its head. But I defy anybody to produce an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span> -instance in which disabilities such as we are now considering -have produced any other effect than that of making the sufferers -angry and obstinate. My honourable friend should either persecute -to some purpose, or not persecute at all. He dislikes -the word persecution I know. He will not admit that the Jews -are persecuted. And yet I am confident that he would rather -be sent to the King's Bench Prison for three months, or be fined -a hundred pounds, than be subject to the disabilities under -which the Jews lie. How can he then say that to impose such -disabilities is not persecution, and that to fine and imprison is -persecution? All his reasoning consists in drawing arbitrary -lines. What he does not wish to inflict he calls persecution. -What he does wish to inflict he will not call persecution. -What he takes from the Jews he calls political power. What he -is too good-natured to take from the Jews he will not call -political power. The Jew must not sit in parliament: but he -may be the proprietor of all the ten pound houses in a borough. -He may have more fifty pound tenants than any peer in the -kingdom. He may give the voters treats to please their palates, -and hire bands of gipsies to break their heads, as if he were a -Christian and a marquess. All the rest of this system is of a -piece. The Jew may be a juryman, but not a judge. He may -decide issues of fact, but not issues of law. He may give a -hundred thousand pounds damages; but he may not in the -most trivial case grant a new trial. He may rule the money -market: he may influence the exchanges: he may be summoned -to congresses of emperors and kings. Great potentates, -instead of negotiating a loan with him by tying him in a chair -and pulling out his grinders, may treat with him as with a great -potentate, and may postpone the declaring of war or the signing -of a treaty till they have conferred with him. All this is -as it should be: but he must not be a Privy Councillor. He -must not be called Right Honourable, for that is political -power. And who is it that we are trying to cheat in this way? -Even Omniscience. Yes, Sir; we have been gravely told that -the Jews are under the divine displeasure, and that if we give -them political power God will visit us in judgment. Do we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span> -then think that God cannot distinguish between substance and -form? Does not he know that, while we withhold from the -Jews the semblance and name of political power, we suffer them -to possess the substance? The plain truth is that my honourable -friend is drawn in one direction by his opinions, and in a -directly opposite direction by his excellent heart. He halts -between two opinions. He tries to make a compromise between -principles which admit of no compromise. He goes a -certain way in intolerance. Then he stops, without being able -to give a reason for stopping. But I know the reason. It is his -humanity. Those who formerly dragged the Jew at a horse's -tail, and singed his beard with blazing furzebushes, were much -worse men than my honourable friend; but they were more -consistent than he."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="STRIKES_1834" id="STRIKES_1834"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">STRIKES (1834).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Duke of Buckingham's <cite>Memoirs of the Courts of William IV. -and Victoria</cite>, Vol. II. p. 84. London, 1861.</p> - - -<p>On the 28th, [April] there was a strike of the London journeymen -tailors, numbering thirteen thousand. Their masters came -to a determination not to employ men belonging to trades -unions, and after a few weeks, the journeymen were content -to return to their work on those terms.</p> - -<p>These trades unions and their strikes were becoming an -insufferable nuisance; nevertheless, no proper effort was made -to put them down. The mischief they created was well known -to the Government,<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> their interference with trade, their -atrocious oaths, impious ceremonies, desperate tyranny, and -secret assassinations, had been brought under their observation; -but Ministers could not be stirred to any exhibition of -energy for the protection either of the manufacturer, the workman, -or the public.</p> - -<p>Even the following powerful appeal was addressed to them -without effect:</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span></p> -<p>"Those whose lives and property have been endangered by -these illegal associations have a right to call on Government -to employ some additional means for their suppression. Those -who wish for the prosperity of our trade, and what is of far -more importance, the prosperity and happiness of the working-classes, -should equally desire their extinction. Those who hate -oppression should give their suffrages for the putting down -these most capricious and irresponsible of all despotism. They -are alike hurtful to the workmen who form them, to the -capitalists who are the objects of their hostility, and to the -public who more remotely feel their effects. Were we asked to -give a definition of a trades union, we should say that it is a -society whose constitution is the worst of democracies, whose -power is based on outrage, whose practice is tyranny, and -whose end is self-destruction."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="AGITATION_FOR_REFORM_OF_THE_HOUSE_OF" id="AGITATION_FOR_REFORM_OF_THE_HOUSE_OF"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">AGITATION FOR REFORM OF THE HOUSE OF -LORDS (1835).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Martineau's <cite>History of the Peace</cite>, Vol. III. pp. 254-5. -Bohn's Libraries. G. Bell & Sons.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Speech by Mr. O'Connell at Edinburgh, 1835.</cite></p> - -<p>"We achieved but one good measure this last session; but -that was not our fault; for the 170 tyrants of the country -prevented us from achieving more. Ancient Athens was -degraded for submitting to thirty tyrants; modern Athens -will never allow 170 tyrants to rule over her.... It was -stated in one of the clubs, that at one time a dog had bitten -the bishop, whereupon a noble lord, who was present, said, -'I will lay any wager that the bishop began the quarrel.' -Now, really the House of Lords began the quarrel with me. -They may treat me as a mad dog if they please; I won't fight -them; but I will treat them as the Quaker treated the dog -which had attacked him. 'Heaven forbid,' said he, 'that I -should do thee the slightest injury, I am a man of peace, and -I will not hurt thee'; but when the dog went away, he cried<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span> -out, 'Mad dog! mad dog!' and all the people set upon him. -Now, that is my remedy with the House of Lords. I am more -honest than the Quaker was; for the dog that attacked me is -really mad. Bills were rejected in the House of Lords simply -because Daniel O'Connell supported them; and I do say, that -if I had any twelve men on a jury on a question of lunacy, I -would put it to such jury to say if such men were not confirmed -madmen. So you perceive the dog is really mad—and accordingly -I have started on this mission to rouse the public mind to -the necessity of reforming the House of Lords; and I have had -50,000 cheering me at Manchester, and 100,000 cheering me -in Newcastle; and I heard one simultaneous cry, 'Down with -the mad dogs, and up with common sense!' The same cry -has resounded through Auld Reekie. The Calton Hill and -Arthur's Seat re-echoed with the sound; and all Scotland has -expressed the same determination to use every legitimate -effort to remove the House of Lords. Though the Commons -are with us, yet the House of Lords are against us; and they -have determined that they will not concede a portion of freedom -which they can possibly keep back. Sir Robert Peel, -the greatest humbug that ever lived, and as full of political -and religious cant as any man that ever canted in this canting -world—feeling himself quite safe on his own dunghill, says -that we want but one chamber—one House of radical reformers. -He knew that in saying this he was saying what was not true. -We know too well the advantage of double deliberation not -to support two Houses; but they must be subject to popular -control; they must be the servants, not the masters, of the -people."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_FACTORY_SYSTEM_1836" id="THE_FACTORY_SYSTEM_1836"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE FACTORY SYSTEM (1836).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Curse of the Factory System</cite>, by John Fielden, M.P. -London, 1836.</p> - - -<p class="right">"Oldham, 25th February, 1836.</p> - -<p>"Sir,</p> - -<p class="in4">"I am instructed by the Master Spinners and Manufacturers -in this Township to forward you the inclosed copy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span> -of a Memorial, the original of which has this day been -forwarded to John Frederick Lees, Esq., one of the Members -for this Borough, for presentation to the Lords of His -Majesty's Privy Council for Trade, and to solicit your -assistance and influence in obtaining an alteration of the -present Factory Regulation Act.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span class="padr10">"I am, Sir,</span><br /> -<span class="padr6">"Your obedient Servant,</span><br /> -"<span class="smcap">Kay Clegg</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent">"John Fielden, Esq., M.P.<br /> -<span class="pad2">"House of Commons, London."</span></p> - - -<p class="p2 pfs100">"<em>To the Right Honourable the Lords of His Majesty's Privy -Council for Trade, etc., etc.</em></p> - -<p>"The Memorial of the Undersigned Mill-owners, Occupiers -of Mills, Master-Spinners, and Manufacturers of the Township -of Oldham, in the County of Lancaster.</p> - -<p>"Showeth,</p> - -<p class="in4">"That an Act of Parliament was made and passed -in the third and fourth years of the reign of his present -Majesty, entitled 'An Act to regulate the labour of children -and young persons in the Mills and Factories of the United -Kingdom.'</p> - -<p>"That the eighth section of the said Act enacts 'That after -the expiration of thirty months from the passing of such -Act it shall not be lawful for any person whatsoever to -employ, keep, or allow to remain, in any factory or mill for -a longer period than forty-eight hours in any one week, any -child who shall not have completed his or her thirteenth -year of age.'</p> - -<p>"That the said Act has prohibited the employment of -children under twelve years of age for more than nine hours -in any one day since the first day of March one thousand -eight hundred and thirty-five, and such prohibition has -tended greatly to injure the interests both of your Memorial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>ists -and the parents of such children, without any advantage -resulting to the children themselves.</p> - -<p>"That your Memorialists are looking forward with great -anxiety and alarm to the situation in which they will be -placed on the first day of March next, by the working of -children under thirteen years of age being restricted to forty-eight -hours in one week, for that such restriction will have -the effect of throwing all children under thirteen years of -age wholly out of employment, and will render it impossible -for your Memorialists to work their respective mills with -advantage, in proof whereof your Memorialists confidently -appeal to the Factory Inspectors of this district for the truth -of their assertion.</p> - -<p>"That your Memorialists are far from wishing a total repeal -of the provisions of the said Factory Act, but humbly submit -that it is absolutely necessary to the carrying on of the -cotton trade with advantage, to allow the employment of -children of eleven years of age for sixty-nine hours a week.</p> - -<p>"That your Memorialists approve of the principle of appointing -responsible superintendents over the mills and factories -of the United Kingdom, and are favourable to a restriction -of the employment of young persons under twenty-one years -of age to sixty-nine hours in the week.</p> - -<div class="group pad4"> - -<p>"Your Memorialists, therefore, pray that a Bill -may be forthwith introduced by his Majesty's -Government, which shall prevent the latter -part of the above-mentioned section from -coming into operation on the first of March -next, and which shall permit children of eleven -years of age to be employed for sixty-nine -hours per week in the mills and factories of -the United Kingdom."</p></div> - -<p>This memorial is signed by seventy-two mill-owners, but I -do not think it necessary to publish their names. The following -is the answer that I returned to Mr. Clegg:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span></p> - - -<p class="p2 right">"London, February 29, 1836.</p> - -<p>"Sir,</p> - -<p class="in4">"I have received your letter of the 27th, and a copy -of the memorial sent to Mr. Lees.</p> - -<p>"The prayer of the Memorialists, that young children -between eleven and thirteen years of age should be allowed -to work in factories sixty-nine hours in the week instead of -forty-eight hours a week, which the law now prescribes, is -so revolting to my feelings, and so opposed to my views of -the protection such children are entitled to, that I must -decline supporting the prayer of the Memorialists.</p> - -<p>"The work-people have long petitioned that the maximum -of time for those under twenty-one should be fifty-eight -hours per week. This I should be glad to see adopted, as an -experiment, and would support such a proposition by my -vote; but I do not think the restriction is sufficient.</p> - -<p>"I am embarked in the same business with the Memorialists. -I have had long experience in it. I have paid great -attention to this question; and, after mature consideration -of it, I am convinced that eight hours work per day, in -factories, is as long as ought to be exacted from either -children or adults, and I am of opinion, too, that such a -regulation, combined with a daily system of training and -instruction, would be more advantageous both to masters -and servants, than the regulation now in practice. But the -subject is so important, and is likely to be brought under -the consideration of Parliament so soon, that I propose to -publish my opinions, and the reasons for those opinions, and -the conclusions I have come to on this question, in reply to -the Memorialists.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span class="padr10">"I am, Sir,</span><br /> -<span class="padr6">"Your obedient Servant,</span><br /> -"<span class="smcap">John Fielden</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent">"Klay Clegg, Esq., Oldham."</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="THE_EMPLOYMENT_OF_CHILDREN" id="THE_EMPLOYMENT_OF_CHILDREN"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE EMPLOYMENT OF CHILDREN.</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Curse of the Factory System</cite>, by John Fielden, M.P. -London, 1836.</p> - - -<p>The Commissioners have given a short summary in pp. 26 -to 28 of their report, of the "Effects of Factory Labour on -Children," from which I make the extracts following. It is -taken, it appears, from the mouths of the children themselves, -their parents, and their overlookers.</p> - - -<p class="p1">The account of the child, when questioned, is:</p> - -<p>"Sick-tired, especially in the winter nights; so tired she -can do nothing; feels so tired she throws herself down when -she gangs home, no caring what she does; often much tired, -and feels sore, standing so long on her legs; often so tired -she could not eat her supper; night and morning very -tired; has two sisters in the mill; has heard them complain -to her mother, and she says they must work; whiles I do -not know what to do with myself; as tired every morning -as I can be."</p> - - -<p class="p1">Another speaks in this way:</p> - -<p>"Many a time has been so fatigued that she could hardly -take off her clothes at night, or put them on in the morning; -her mother would be raging at her, because when she sat -down she could not get up again through the house; thinks -they are in bondage; no much better than the Israelites -in Egypt, and life no pleasure to them; so tired that she -can't eat her supper, nor wake of herself."</p> - - -<p class="p1">The Commissioners say the evidence of parents is generally -this:</p> - -<p>"Her children come home so tired and worn out they can -hardly eat their supper; has often seen her daughter come -home so fatigued that she would go to bed supperless; has -seen young workers absolutely oppressed, and unable to sit -down or rise up."</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span></p> - - -<p class="p1">They say that the evidence of the overlooker is:</p> - -<p>"Children are very often tired and stiff-like; have known -children hide themselves in the stove among the wool, so -that they should not go home when the work is over; have -seen six or eight fetched out of the stove and beat home; -beat out of the mill, however; they hide because too tired -to go home."</p> - - -<p class="p1">Again, an overlooker says:</p> - -<p>"Many a one I have had to rouse, when the work is very -slack, from fatigue; the children very much jaded when -worked late at night; the children bore the long hours very -ill indeed; after working eight or nine or ten hours, they -were nearly ready to faint; some were asleep; some were -only kept awake by being spoke to, or by a little chastisement, -to make them jump up. I was obliged to chastise -them when they were almost fainting, and it hurt my feelings; -then they would spring up and work pretty well for -another hour; but the last two or three hours was my -hardest work, for they then got so exhausted."</p> - - -<p class="p1">Another child says:</p> - -<p>"She often falls asleep while sitting, sometimes standing; -her little sister falls asleep, and they wake her by a cry; was -up at four this morning, which made her fall asleep at one, -when the Factory Commissioners came to inspect the mill."</p> - - -<p class="p1">A spinner says:</p> - -<p>"I find it difficult to keep my piecers awake the last hours -of a winter's evening; have seen them fall asleep, and go on -performing their work with their hands while they were -asleep, after the billey had stopped, when their work was -over; I have stopped and looked at them for two minutes, -going through the motions of piecening when they were fast -asleep, when there was no work to do, and they were doing -nothing; children at night are so fatigued that they are -asleep often as soon as they sit down, so that it is impossible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span> -to wake them to sense enough to wash themselves, or even -to eat a bit of supper, being so stupid in sleep."</p> - - -<p class="p1">In alluding to the cruelty of parents, who suffer their children -to be overworked in factories for their own gain, as spoken of -in the Report of the Board of Health in Manchester, and above-quoted, -the Commissioners say that</p> - -<p>"It is not wholly unknown in the West Riding of Yorkshire -for parents to carry their children to the mills in the morning -on their backs, and to carry them back again at night."</p> - - -<p class="p1">And, further, that</p> - -<p>"It appears in evidence that sometimes the sole consideration -by which parents are influenced in making choice of a -person under whom to place their children, is the amount of -wages, not the mode of treatment, to be secured to them."</p> - - -<p class="p1">If this is not enough to show that there were grounds for -the further protection, I will now refer to the same Report of -the Commissioners, to show, that from Scotland the details -are full as affecting, and even more disgusting. At page 18 -(Report) the Commissioners open with these words:</p> - -<p>"Had the fact not been established by indubitable evidence, -everyone must have been slow to credit, that in this age and -country the proprietors of extensive factories could have been -indifferent to the well-being of their work-people to such a -degree as is implied in the following statements":</p> - - -<p class="p1">In page 41 an half-overseer gives this evidence:</p> - -<p>"Does not like the long hours; he is very tired and hoarse -at night; and that some of the young female workers in his, -the spinning flat, have so swelled legs, one in particular, from -standing so long, about seventeen years old, that she can -hardly walk; that various of them have their feet bent in -and their legs crooked from the same cause."</p> - - -<p class="p1">In short, so universal is this complaint of "sair tired," and -of swelled legs, ankles, feet, hands, and arms, that it almost<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span> -seems as if one voice spoke the facts; for if we find them varied, -it is only here and there by touches like the above, so true to -nature, that one would think they must pierce even the most -callous and avaricious man to the very core. In one page we -find a little child of eight years old complaining that she is -"sair tired" every night, and has no time <em>for going to play</em>.</p> - -<p>"That, at the age when children suffer these injuries from -the labour they undergo, they are not <em>free agents</em>, but are -<em>let out to hire</em>, the wages they earn being received and -appropriated by their parents and guardians, and therefore -they think that a case is made out for the interference of the -legislature in behalf of the children employed in factories"—p. 32.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_POLICE_1836" id="THE_POLICE_1836"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE POLICE (1836).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>Treatise on the Magistracy of England</cite>, by Edward -Mullins. London, 1836.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>Commissioners' Report on Police.</cite></p> - -<p>"The constable is most commonly an uneducated person, -from the class of petty tradesmen or mechanics, and in practice -is usually nominated by his predecessor on going out of office. -No inquiry takes place into his qualification or fitness for the -office, and indeed he is said to be often the person in the parish -the most likely to break the peace. So common is it for the -constable to be unable to write or read, that an improper fee -is often charged upon that ground by the Magistrate's clerk, -'for making out the constable's bill for conveyance to gaol.'</p> - -<p>"'The manner of appointing constables, in my opinion,' -says a correspondent, 'might be advantageously altered, for -the court leet jury and steward being irresponsible parties, and -the jurymen (vulgarly called Tom-fool's men) not liking the -burthen themselves, often appoint persons of <em>bad character</em>, and -sometimes for the purpose of keeping them off the parish.' -If respectable persons are sometimes chosen at the Leet, they -'find substitutes for a <em>small sum</em>, and these deputies blunder<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span> -through the year, and when they are most wanted are never -to be found.' What integrity or propriety of conduct can -there be expected from one whose necessity renders every -shilling that is offered him an irresistible temptation?</p> - -<p>"Entirely ignorant of his duties when first appointed, the -parish constable is often displaced at the end of the year, when -his acquaintance with them is, perhaps, beginning to improve. -Even when suited in other respects to the employment, his -efficiency is always in a great measure impaired by the nature -of his position with regard to those among whom he is called -upon to act. Belonging entirely to their class, and brought -into constant contact with them by his ordinary occupations, -he is embarrassed in the discharge of his duty by considerations -of personal safety, interest or feeling, and by an anxiety to -retain the good will of his neighbours. When all these circumstances -are considered, it would, indeed, be surprising if the -constables were found to render satisfactory service. In point -of fact they are deficient in zeal and activity to a degree which -it is difficult to exaggerate, and it may be said, without undue -severity, that they are in all respects utterly unfit for the duties -to which they are appointed.</p> - -<p>"The accuracy of this statement, we believe (continue the -Commissioners) will be generally admitted by those who have -opportunities of becoming acquainted with the subject by -personal observation. 'No person can be aware,' says the -treasurer of the West Riding of Yorkshire, 'of the reluctance -shewn by the parish constables in apprehending felons, particularly -since the disposition shewn by the lower orders to -retaliate by committing destruction on their property.' 'There -is not a single constable,' he afterwards adds, 'who dares -move, nor has he any encouragement to move, and if he does -move, he is quite incompetent.'</p> - -<p>"'We cannot go on in the country,' says another witness, -'with our present police; when there is the least danger we -are obliged immediately to call out the special constables.' -'The present system of parochial police,' says another, 'is -unsound; it consists of a constable in each parish, who has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span> -very often to make his election between violating his duty as -a constable, and forfeiting the regard and affection of his -neighbours.' '<em>The great end of police is to prevent crime</em>,' is the -remark of another gentleman of great experience on this subject, -'and who ever heard of this being the object of the present -force? They are worse than useless.'</p> - -<p>"The frauds, extortion, embezzlement and pillage practised -by these officers are the natural consequence of their situation. -They charge for assistants when they are accompanied only -by their wives or by poor labourers, to whom they pay the -common farmers' day wages, receiving the county allowance -and retaining the difference.</p> - -<p>"They charge for carriages when they compel prisoners to -walk to gaol; they receive the full mileage for all the witnesses -attending a prosecution, and contract with coaches to carry -them at half price.</p> - -<p>"They receive their allowance for time and trouble, and -often keep back a part; they pass stolen goods from hand to -hand, so as to make as many of themselves as possible necessary -witnesses at the trial; and what is matter of most serious -charge against them, they withhold, and it is said, in many -instances appropriate, the money and other valuable property -found upon persons apprehended.</p> - -<p>"'We have at Thirsk (observes a Yorkshire magistrate) an -association for the prosecution of felons, but it does little good, -as we have <em>no police</em>, and the <em>constables are extremely bad</em>—so -bad as to call forth many severe expressions on their inefficiency -by Baron Alderson, a short time ago at York, in the case of two -violent attempts at murder committed near Thirsk.'"</p> - -<p>The Commissioners further report that, "It is the deliberate -opinion of a very valuable correspondent, that our constabulary -system has <em>greatly promoted</em> the <em>increase</em> of crime; that no -useful improvement can be introduced into the present <em>miserable</em> -system of attempting to exercise police through parish -constables annually elected. 'Our constabulary system,' says -this correspondent, 'is so <em>absurd</em> and <em>unjust</em>, that I really do -not think it fair or equitable to blame or deride the unfortunate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span> -conscripts who are compelled to be tithingmen; if I did, I -could compose a <em>farce</em> with the anecdotes to be collected of -petty occurrences in the warfare with offences in this neighbourhood; -neglect of duty, forgetfulness, ignorance, blunders, -cowardice without excuse, supineness,'" etc.</p> - -<p>The current of evidence as to the decayed and worn-out -state of the parish constabulary system is irresistibly strong; -and its defects are the more striking when viewed in contrast -with the improved system of an organized and permanent -police as established in many parts of the kingdom.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> -<h3><a name="THE_KING_AND_THE_CANADIAN_QUESTION_1836" id="THE_KING_AND_THE_CANADIAN_QUESTION_1836"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">THE KING AND THE CANADIAN QUESTION (1836).</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—<cite>The Edinburgh Review.</cite> Vol. 133, pp. 319-321.</p> - - -<p class="pfs100"><cite>From the 'Recollections' of Lord Broughton de Gyfford.</cite></p> - -<p>"I heard from all quarters that H.M. was in a state of great -excitement. This was not all we knew of the Royal disinclination -to us; for, on Saturday, July 11, in Downing Street, Lord -Melbourne addressed us as follows:</p> - -<p>"'Gentlemen, you may as well know how you stand;' and, -pulling a paper from his pocket, he read a memorandum of a -conversation between the King and Lord Gosford, after the -review, the day before. The King said to Lord Gosford, -'Mind what you are about in Canada. By G——d! I will -never consent to alienate the Crown lands, nor to make the -Council elective. Mind me, my Lord, the Cabinet is not my -Cabinet, they had better take care, or, by G——d! I will -have them impeached. You are a gentleman, I believe. I -have no fear of you; but take care what you do.'</p> - -<p>"We all stared at each other. Melbourne said, 'It is better -not to quarrel with him. He is evidently in a state of great -excitement.' And yet the King gave Dedel, the Dutch Ambassador, -the same day, on taking leave, very sensible advice, -and told him 'to let the King of Holland know that he was -ignorant of his true position, and that Belgium was lost -irrecoverably.' H.M. had also given his assent in writing to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span> -the second reading of our Irish Church Reform Bill, which -showed that these outbursts were more physical than signs of -any settled design; although there were some of us who -thought it was intended to drive us by incivilities to resign our -places, and thus make us the apparent authors of our own -retirement. Lord Frederick Fitzclarence told me that his -father had much to bear, being beset by the Duke of Cumberland -and Duchess of Gloucester by day, and by the Queen at -night. As to ourselves, it was clear to me that, if we continued -in the Government, it would be entirely owing to the good sense -and good manners of our chief, who knew how to deal with his -master, as well as with his colleagues, and never, that I saw, -made a mistake in regard to either; and I must add that, when -a stand was to be made on anything considered to be a vital -principle of his Government, he was as firm as a rock.</p> - -<p>"We foresaw that the instructions, which we had agreed -upon as the basis of Lord Gosford's administration in Canada, -would meet with much disfavour in the Royal closet; and -Lord Glenelg told me that when he read these instructions to -the King, H.M. broke out violently against the use of certain -words, saying, 'No, my Lord, I will not have that word; -strike out "<em>conciliatory</em>"—strike out "<em>liberal</em>"'; and then -he added, 'you cannot wonder at my making these difficulties -with a Ministry that has been forced upon me.' However, as -Glenelg went on reading, H.M. got more calm. He approved -of what was said about the Legislative Council and the territorial -revenues. In short, he approved of the instructions -generally on that day, and also on the following Monday; but, -when Glenelg went into the closet this day (Wednesday, 15th -July), he was very sulky, and, indeed, rude; and objected to -some things to which he had previously consented. Lord -Melbourne was told by Glenelg how he had been treated, and, -when he (Lord M.) went into the closet, the King said he hoped -he had not been uncivil to Lord Glenelg, on which Lord Melbourne -made only a stiff bow. The King took the reproof -most becomingly; for when Glenelg went in a second time, -H.M. was exceedingly kind to him, and said, 'He approved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span> -of every word of the instructions'; and he then remarked -'that he was not like William III. who often signed what he -did not approve. He would not do that. He was not disposed -to infringe on the liberty of any of his subjects; but he must -preserve his own prerogative.'</p> - -<p>"H.M. retained his good humour at the Council, which he -held afterwards to hear the Recorder's Report. Chief Justice -Denman was detained at Guildhall, and kept His Majesty -waiting a long time. When he came the King took his apologies -very kindly. He asked the Chief Justice when he should -leave London for the holidays, and where he lived; and invited -him to Windsor, and said he should be glad to see him, adding, -'I hope you won't hang me, my Lord.' Such was this kind -good man, generally most just and generous, but, when irritated, -scarcely himself. He was more sincere than suited his -Royal office, and could not conceal his likings and dislikings -from those who were most affected by them."</p> - - -<hr class="chap pg-brk" /> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span></p> - -<h3><a name="STATISTICS_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN_AND_IRELAND" id="STATISTICS_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN_AND_IRELAND"></a><a href="#CONTENTS">STATISTICS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND -FOR THE YEARS 1816-1837.</a></h3> - -<p class="pfs90"><b>Source.</b>—Alison's <cite>History of Europe</cite>, London, 1848; compiled from -Porter's <cite>Party Tables</cite>, Marshall's Edition, and other sources.</p> - - -<div class="p2 center"> -<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" width="80%" summary=""> -<tr class="smcap"><td class="tdcbt">Year.</td><td class="tdcbl tdcbt">Exports.</td><td class="tdcbl tdcbt">Imports.</td><td class="tdcbl tdcbt">Population.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdcbb tdpp"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1816</td><td class="tdcbl">£49,197,851 </td><td class="tdcbl">£26,374,921</td><td class="tdcbl">13,640,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1817</td><td class="tdcbl">50,404,111</td><td class="tdcbl">29,910,502</td><td class="tdcbl">13,860,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1818</td><td class="tdcbl">53,560,338</td><td class="tdcbl">35,845,340</td><td class="tdcbl">14,000,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1819</td><td class="tdcbl">42,438,989</td><td class="tdcbl">29,681,640</td><td class="tdcbl">14,200,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1820</td><td class="tdcbl">48,965,537</td><td class="tdcbl">31,515,222</td><td class="tdcbl">14,300,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1821</td><td class="tdcbl">51,461,423</td><td class="tdcbl">29,769,122</td><td class="tdcbl">14,391,631</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1822</td><td class="tdcbl">53,464,122</td><td class="tdcbl">29,432,376</td><td class="tdcbl">14,600,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1823</td><td class="tdcbl">52,408,276</td><td class="tdcbl">34,591,260</td><td class="tdcbl">14,800,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1824</td><td class="tdcbl">58,940,336</td><td class="tdcbl">36,056,551</td><td class="tdcbl">15,000,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1825</td><td class="tdcbl">56,335,514</td><td class="tdcbl">42,660,954</td><td class="tdcbl">15,200,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1826</td><td class="tdcbl">51,042,071</td><td class="tdcbl">36,174,350</td><td class="tdcbl">15,400,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1827</td><td class="tdcbl">62,050,008</td><td class="tdcbl">43,489,346</td><td class="tdcbl">15,600,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1828</td><td class="tdcbl">62,744,002</td><td class="tdcbl">43,536,187</td><td class="tdcbl">15,850,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1829</td><td class="tdcbl">66,835,443</td><td class="tdcbl">42,311,609</td><td class="tdcbl">16,140,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1830</td><td class="tdcbl">69,691,301</td><td class="tdcbl">46,245,241</td><td class="tdcbl">16,240,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1831</td><td class="tdcbl">71,429,004</td><td class="tdcbl">49,713,889</td><td class="tdcbl">16,539,318</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1832</td><td class="tdcbl">76,971,571</td><td class="tdcbl">44,586,741</td><td class="tdcbl">16,800,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1833</td><td class="tdcbl">79,773,142</td><td class="tdcbl">45,952,551</td><td class="tdcbl">17,050,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1834</td><td class="tdcbl">85,393,686</td><td class="tdcbl">49,362,811</td><td class="tdcbl">17,270,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1835</td><td class="tdcbl">91,074,455</td><td class="tdcbl">48,911,542</td><td class="tdcbl">17,480,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1836</td><td class="tdcbl">97,621,548</td><td class="tdcbl">57,023,867</td><td class="tdcbl">17,690,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">1837</td><td class="tdcbl">85,781,669</td><td class="tdcbl">54,737,301</td><td class="tdcbl">17,800,000</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdcbb tdpp"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span></p> - - -<div class="p4 center pg-brk"> -<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" width="80%" summary=""> -<tr class="smcap"><td class="tdcbt">Year.</td><td class="tdcbl tdcbt">Taxes<br />Imposed.</td><td class="tdcbl tdcbt">Taxes<br />Repealed.</td> - <td class="tdcbl tdcbt" colspan="3">Average Price<br />of Wheat.<br /><span class="fs80">Winch. Qr.</span></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx tdrbt"></td><td class="tdrbl tdrbt"></td><td class="tdrbl tdrbt"></td><td class="tdrbl tdrbt fs80"><em>s.</em></td><td class="tdrbt fs80"><em>d.</em></td><td class="tdrbt"></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1816</td><td class="tdrbl">£320,058</td><td class="tdrbl">£17,547,565</td><td class="tdrbl wd15">82</td><td class="tdr wd5">0</td><td class="tdr wd5"></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1817</td><td class="tdrbl">7,991</td><td class="tdrbl">36,495</td><td class="tdrbl">116</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1818</td><td class="tdrbl">1,336</td><td class="tdrbl">9,564</td><td class="tdrbl">98</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1819</td><td class="tdrbl">3,094,902</td><td class="tdrbl">705,846</td><td class="tdrbl">78</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1820</td><td class="tdrbl">119,602</td><td class="tdrbl">4,000</td><td class="tdrbl">76</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1821</td><td class="tdrbl">42,642</td><td class="tdrbl">471,309</td><td class="tdrbl">71</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1822</td><td class="tdrbl">——</td><td class="tdrbl">2,139,101</td><td class="tdrbl">53</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1823</td><td class="tdrbl">18,596</td><td class="tdrbl">4,050,250</td><td class="tdrbl">57</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1824</td><td class="tdrbl">45,605</td><td class="tdrbl">1,704,724</td><td class="tdrbl">72</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1825</td><td class="tdrbl">43,000</td><td class="tdrbl">3,639,551</td><td class="tdrbl">84</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1826</td><td class="tdrbl">188,000</td><td class="tdrbl">1,973,812</td><td class="tdrbl">73</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1827</td><td class="tdrbl">21,402</td><td class="tdrbl">4,038</td><td class="tdrbl">50</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1828</td><td class="tdrbl">1,966</td><td class="tdrbl">51,998</td><td class="tdrbl">71</td><td class="tdr">0</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1829</td><td class="tdrbl">——</td><td class="tdrbl">126,406</td><td class="tdrbl">55</td><td class="tdr">4</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1830</td><td class="tdrbl">696,004</td><td class="tdrbl">4,093,955</td><td class="tdrbl">64</td><td class="tdr">10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1831</td><td class="tdrbl">627,586</td><td class="tdrbl">1,598,536</td><td class="tdrbl">58</td><td class="tdr">3</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1832</td><td class="tdrbl">44,526</td><td class="tdrbl">747,264</td><td class="tdrbl">52</td><td class="tdr">6</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1833</td><td class="tdrbl">——</td><td class="tdrbl">1,526,914</td><td class="tdrbl">47</td><td class="tdr">10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1834</td><td class="tdrbl">198,394</td><td class="tdrbl">2,091,516</td><td class="tdrbl">39</td><td class="tdr">8</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1835</td><td class="tdrbl">75</td><td class="tdrbl">165,817</td><td class="tdrbl">35</td><td class="tdr">3</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1836</td><td class="tdrbl">——</td><td class="tdrbl">986,786</td><td class="tdrbl">57</td><td class="tdr">7</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdrx">1837</td><td class="tdrbl">3,991</td><td class="tdrbl">234</td><td class="tdrbl">51</td><td class="tdr">3</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdcbb tdpp"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td><td class="tdcbb"></td><td class="tdrbb"></td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p class="p4" /> -<p class="pfs60">GLASGOW: PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY ROBERT M ACLEHOSE AND CO. LTD.</p> -<p class="p4" /> - - -<div class="footnotes pg-brk"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mr. Wilbraham was M.P. for Dover.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The depression in the rate of interest created by this monetary -plethora is thus exhibited by Mr. Tooke: -</p> - - -<div class="center"> -<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" width="80%" summary=""> -<tr><td class="tdcbt">Dates.</td><td class="tdcbl tdcbt">3 Per Cent.<br />Consols.</td><td class="tdcbl tdcbt">Premium on<br />Exchequer Bills.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdcbt wd40">April 3, 1823,</td><td class="tdcbl tdcbt">73½</td><td class="tdcbl tdcbt">10 to 12</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">July 1, 1823,</td><td class="tdcbl">80¾</td><td class="tdcbl">21 to 24</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">Oct. 3, 1823,</td><td class="tdcbl">82½</td><td class="tdcbl">37 to 40</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">Jan. 1, 1824,</td><td class="tdcbl">86</td><td class="tdcbl">51 to 53</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdc">Apr. 2, 1824,</td><td class="tdcbl">94¼</td><td class="tdcbl">56 to 58</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdcbb tdpp"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td><td class="tdcbl tdcbb"></td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p class="right fs80"><cite>Tooke on the State of the Currency</cite>, 1826, p. 41.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> James Deacon Hume, Esq., then of the Customs, now (1830) of the -Board of Trade.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The speech of Lord John Russell, when on March 1, 1831, he introduced -the first Reform Bill, opened a debate which practically lasted -until June 5, 1832. The Whig ministry knew that the fate of their -party depended upon that of the Bill, and they came to realize that -the fate of the dynasty itself might depend upon the same thing. The -Opposition were no less desirous of victory, seeing in the Bill a measure -which threatened the prosperity of the people and the very existence -of the State. "The country was divided into two hostile camps, regarding -each other with feelings of increased exasperation. On the -one hand, the anti-reformers though, comparatively few, were immensely -strong in position and prestige.... On the other hand, the -reformers could count upon the support of the great mass of the -people."</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The First Reform Bill had passed two readings when the ministry, -concluded after an adverse vote upon a motion, introduced by General -Gascoyne, in opposition to their policy, that it was useless to continue -the struggle in Parliament. Confident of the support of the electors, -they resolved to appeal to the country. To do this a dissolution of -Parliament was necessary, and against this the anti-reformers were -firmly arrayed. The ministry appealed to the King. In the selection -which follows, this appeal is vividly described, and the action of the -King in dissolving Parliament is clearly portrayed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mr. O'Connell</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Mr. Cobbett.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <cite>Character, Object, and Effects of Trades Unions</cite>, etc., 8vo, 1834. -See also an able article in the <cite>Gentleman's Magazine</cite> for June, 1834.</p></div></div> - - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Peace and Reform, by Various - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PEACE AND REFORM *** - -***** This file should be named 53338-h.htm or 53338-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/3/3/53338/ - -Produced by John Campbell and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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