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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..aed70ef --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #53191 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/53191) diff --git a/old/53191-0.txt b/old/53191-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 4f1ffff..0000000 --- a/old/53191-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4929 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, William Jennings Bryan, by Harvey Ellsworth -Newbranch - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: William Jennings Bryan - A Concise But Complete Story of His Life and Services - - -Author: Harvey Ellsworth Newbranch - - - -Release Date: October 2, 2016 [eBook #53191] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN*** - - -E-text prepared by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 53191-h.htm or 53191-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53191/53191-h/53191-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/53191/53191-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/williamjenningsb00newbr - - -Transcriber's note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - - - -WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN - -A Concise But Complete Story of His Life and Services - -by - -HARVEY E. NEWBRANCH - - - - - - - -Lincoln, Nebraska -The University Publishing Co. -1900 - -Copyrighted, 1900, by Harvey E. Newbranch. All rights reserved. - -[Illustration] - -Jacob North & Co., Printers -Lincoln, Neb. - - - - - DEDICATED - - TO - - THE BRAVE AND PATRIOTIC LEADER - - OF - - AN HONEST AND INTELLIGENT ELECTORATE - - William Jennings Bryan - - OF - - NEBRASKA - - - - - PREFACE - - -The author of this little volume, in giving it to the reading public, -feels called on for a few words by way of explanation and apology. - -The book is written because there seems to be a field for it. Within the -last few months hundreds of thousands of American citizens have come to -see William Jennings Bryan in a new light. As a result, while they no -longer believe him a demagogue, some still hesitate to accept him as a -statesman. While they have ceased to denounce him as an anarchist, some -are slow to realize that he stands with Andrew Jackson and Abraham -Lincoln as one of the great conservators of American institutions. - -Especially for the benefit of this class of his fellow citizens this -little “life” of Mr. Bryan is published. For it is claimed no literary -merit other than a conscientious attempt at clearness, and no historical -excellence save a strict adherence to the truth in the statement of -facts. The work has had to be hurriedly done and at irregular intervals, -and the one object aimed at has been to acquaint the reader with Mr. -Bryan’s character through a narration of his life work. - -It is candidly admitted that the book is written in a friendly and -sympathetic vein. To the author’s thinking Mr. Bryan’s personality is -one of the most beautiful and well-rounded in American history, and his -noble characteristics are dwelt on only because they exist and deserve -to be understood. - -To many of Mr. Bryan’s old-time friends in Lincoln the author is under -obligations for valuable assistance. Among these may be especially -mentioned Mr. Harry T. Dobbins, Judge J. H. Broady, Mr. T. S. Allen, and -Mr. W. F. Schwind. Others have contributed to a greater or less degree, -and to all due thanks and acknowledgements are hereby rendered. - - HARVEY E. NEWBRANCH. - - Lincoln, Neb., August 29, 1900. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - Introductory 5 - Early Life 9 - In Congress 19 - The Tariff 30 - The Rise of the Silver Issue 40 - The Presidential Candidate 53 - New Issues 68 - Renomination 94 - The Indianapolis Speech 114 - Bryan: the Man 148 - Home Life 164 - - - - - INTRODUCTORY - - -About the life and services of William Jennings Bryan will be centered -the labors of those who, in future time, shall contribute to the pages -of history the story of American states-craft and political tendencies -of the dying days of the nineteenth century and the opening decade of -the twentieth. The historian who has to do with Bryan and his times will -deal not only with one of the most momentous and important periods of -American history, but with one of the most remarkable and interesting -characters whose name adorns its pages. - -It is not generally while the battle of ideas and ideals is on, it is -but rarely during the developing period of great political and social -movements, that their relative and ultimate importance may be judged; -and it is as seldom, during the lifetime of a public man, whose name is -identified and whose services are associated with the great issues which -constitute the line of demarcation in the field of political thought, -that his true character, his strength, and his weaknesses, may be -appreciated or understood. - -In the study of man and of history a proper sense of perspective is as -all-essential as in the limner’s art. The warrior who, with heart -aflame, strives on a great battlefield, can know but little of the -terrible grandeur of the whole, and still less of the import of the -movements of battalions, regiments, and corps. It remains for him who, -from an eminence of distance or of time, surveys impartially the entire -field, to comprehend its sublimities and horrors, and to appreciate the -full significance of its waging and its outcome. And even so, of -necessity, it is most difficult for us who live in the American -republic, at this century’s sunset, to be able or even willing rightly -to appreciate the full import of movements in the advancement or -retarding of which each bears howsoever humble a part. Too frequently in -politics, as in battle, men do fiercely strive with blinded eyes and -deafened ears, and they sometimes wildly strike at him who is their -friend. - -And yet there are many things in the life of a public man which his -neighbors and associates can not fail of knowing, and which, when -interpreted, permit his contemporaries to estimate the quality of his -character, even though they may not know the full value of his public -services. In every man, of whatever station, there are elements and -traits which prominently stand forth. These, with such things as he has -done and the words which he has spoken, constitute the material from -which we may form our concepts of his worth. - -In William Jennings Bryan are certain traits so prominent and -unmistakable that he who runs may read. They have been well revealed, in -few words, by Judge Edgar Howard, of Papillion, Neb. In a speech -delivered before the Jacksonian Club of Omaha, on July 15, 1900, Judge -Howard said: - -“Reverently I say it, that while I do not worship the man, I do worship -those traits in him that, as I read the book, stand unparalleled in -politics. There is not a man of you here or anywhere to be found who has -the nerve to speak a profane or vulgar word in the presence of our -candidate for President. Nor does a man dare suggest a move on the -political chess-board that honor will not approve. He brightens and -betters all those who come in contact with him, no matter who they be. -Then why should we not go before the world and preach this man—the -personification of purity, clean in all things—as well as his -principles?” - -In this little volume it will be attempted to tell briefly the story of -this American’s life and the movements with which he has been -associated. The tale must be hurriedly moulded into form, and we fear -its rough lines and its crudities will be all too apparent. And yet, -withal, it will be the result of sincere endeavor to aid his -fellow-citizens to know William Jennings Bryan even as he is. It is, we -believe, a laudable design, however poorly executed. For here, on the -farther side of the brown and swift Missouri, there dwells a man of -virile and rugged qualities, typically American and truly Western, the -story of whose life is a wondrous inspiration to every citizen of the -Republic and a monument to the uplifting force of right living and high -ideals. For it tells that even in the politics of to-day, honeycombed -with cant, hypocrisy, and insincerity, absolute honesty of motive and -candor of statement is still no bar to the truest leadership and the -highest advancement. It tells further of the marvelous opportunities of -humble American citizenship, demonstrating once more, as in Abraham -Lincoln’s time, that to the man of conscience, brains, and courage, the -highest walks of life are open; to which neither poverty nor obscurity -is a bar. And finally it tells of the great potential power of the idea, -unaided and even bitterly opposed, when forcefully and sincerely stated, -to win its way to the hearts of humankind. - -And so it is that to such as will honestly study William Jennings -Bryan’s career, and learn the lesson that it teaches, must come hope and -inspiration and promise of the dawn. For whether he ever hold high -political office or not; whether or not, in the crucible of time, his -political faith prove true or prove fallacious; his life still teaches -that courage and plain honesty may win for a public man such following -and support, such exalted place in the hearts of his countrymen, as has -never yet rewarded the tricks and wiles of even the most brilliant of -opportunists. - - - - - EARLY LIFE - - -William Bryan, the great-grandfather of the presidential nominee, the -first of the Bryans known to the present generation, lived in Culpepper -county, Va. In his family there were three children. One of these, John -Bryan, was the grandfather of William Jennings Bryan. In 1807 John -married Nancy Lillard. To this couple ten children were born. One of -these was Silas L. Bryan, the father of William Jennings Bryan. - -He was born in Sperryville, Culpepper county, Va., in 1822. In 1834 he -came west, working his way through the public schools, finally entering -McKendree College, at Lebanon, Ill., and graduating with honors in 1849. -After graduating, he studied law, was admitted to the bar, and began his -practice in Salem, Marion county, Ill. In 1852 he was married to Mariah -Elizabeth Jennings. In 1860, he was elected to the circuit bench, where -he served twelve years. In 1872 he was nominated for Congress on the -Democratic ticket, receiving the endorsement of the Greenback party. He -died March 30, 1880, and was buried in the cemetery of his much beloved -town, Salem. - -The union of Silas Bryan and Mariah Jennings was blessed on March 19, -1860, by the birth of William Jennings Bryan, twice the Democratic -nominee for President of the United States. - -When William Jennings Bryan was six years old, his parents moved to -their farm in the vicinity of Salem. Until he was ten years of age his -parents taught him at home, hoping thus to mould his young mind to -better advantage. At ten years of age William entered the public schools -of Salem. There he attended until he was fifteen, when he entered -Whipple Academy, Jacksonville, Ill., in the fall of 1875. Two years -later he entered Illinois College, and with this step a new life began. - -His parents wished him to take a classical course with its Latin, Greek, -mathematics, and geometry. This he did. He was, too, an earnest student -of political economy. During his first year at the Academy, he delivered -Patrick Henry’s masterpiece, and was ranked well down toward the “foot.” -Again in the second year, nothing daunted by his failure to be at the -“head,” he selected “The Palmetto and the Pine” as his subject. This -time he was third, with a large number following. Later in his second -year he delivered “Bernado del Carpio” and gained second prize. In his -sophomore and junior years, his essays upon “Labor” and “Individual -Powers” were each awarded first prize. The winning of the junior prize -entitled him to represent Illinois College in the intercollegiate -oratorical contest, which was held at Galesburg, Ill., in the fall of -1880. His oration was upon “Justice,” which received the second prize of -fifty dollars. At the time of graduation, he was elected class orator, -and delivered the valedictory. - -It was here, in his junior year that he first met his wife, Miss Mary -Baird, of Perry, Ill., and she, speaking of her first impression, says, -“I saw him first in the parlors of the young ladies’ school which I -attended in Jacksonville. He entered the room with several other -students, was taller than the rest, and attracted my attention at once. -His face was pale and thin; a pair of keen, dark eyes looked out from -beneath heavy eyebrows; his nose was prominent—too large to look well, I -thought; a broad, thin-lipped mouth and a square chin completed the -contour of his face. I noted particularly his hair and smile. The -former, black in color, fine in quality, and parted distressingly -straight. In later years his smile has been the subject of considerable -comment. Upon one occasion a heartless observer was heard to remark, -‘That man can whisper in his own ear,’ but this was cruel exaggeration.” - -The graduating exercises of Illinois College were in June, 1881. The -valedictory is given below, not because it possesses great merit, but in -order to show his style and the turn of his mind at the time. - -“Beloved instructors, it is character not less than intellect that you -have striven to develop. As we stand at the end of our college course, -and turn our eyes toward the scenes forever past, as our memories linger -on the words of wisdom which have fallen from your lips, we are more and -more deeply impressed with the true conception of duty which you have -ever shown. You have sought not to trim the lamp of genius until the -light of morality is paled by its dazzling brilliance, but to encourage -and strengthen both. These days are over. No longer shall we listen to -your warning voices, no more meet you in these familiar classrooms, yet -on our hearts ‘deeply has sunk the lesson’ you have given, and it shall -not soon depart. - -“We thank you for your kind and watchful care, and shall ever cherish -your teachings with that devotion which sincere gratitude inspires. - -“It is fitting that we express to you also, honored trustees, our -gratitude for the privileges which you have permitted us to enjoy. - -“The name of the institution whose interest you guard will ever be dear -to us as the schoolroom, to whose influence we shall trace whatever -success coming years may bring. - -“Dear classmates, my lips refuse to bid you a last good-bye; we have so -long been joined together in a community of aims and interests; so often -met and mingled our thoughts in confidential friendship; so often -planned and worked together, that it seems like rending asunder the very -tissues of a heart to separate us now. - -“But this long and happy association is at an end, and now as we go -forth in sorrow, as each one must, to begin alone the work which lies -before us, let us encourage each other with strengthening words. - -“Success is brought by continued labor and continued watchfulness. We -must struggle on, not for one moment hesitate, nor take one backward -step; for in the language of the poet: - -[Illustration: MRS. BRYAN] - - ‘The gates of hell are open night and day, - Smooth the descent and easy is the way; - But to return and view the cheerful skies, - In this, the past and mighty labor lies.’ - -We launch our vessels upon the uncertain sea of life alone, yet not -alone, for around us are friends who anxiously and prayerfully watch our -course. They will rejoice if we arrive safely at our respective havens, -or weep with bitter tears if, one by one, our weather-beaten barks are -lost forever in the surges of the deep. - -“We have esteemed each other, loved each other, and now must with each -other part. God grant that we may all so live as to meet in the better -world, where parting is unknown. - -“Halls of learning, fond Alma Mater, farewell. We turn to take our -‘last, long, lingering look’ at the receding walls. We leave thee now to -be ushered out into the varied duties of an active life. - -“However high our names may be inscribed upon the gilded scroll of fame, -to thee we all the honor give, to thee all the praises bring. And when, -in after years, we’re wearied by the bustle of the busy world, our -hearts will often long to turn and seek repose beneath thy sheltering -shade.” - -In September, 1881, William Jennings Bryan entered the Union College of -Law at Chicago. Out of school hours his time was spent in the office of -ex-Senator Lyman Trumbull, who had been a great friend of young Bryan’s -father. His vacation and summer months were spent on the farm, and it -was these years of rugged, outdoor life which gave to his manhood that -vigor, stability, and splendid physique so helpful to him in his life as -a student and in his work since he has left college. - -Mr. Bryan stood well in the law school, taking an especial interest in -constitutional law. He was also connected with the debating society of -the college and took an active part in its meetings. - -At the age of twenty-three Mr. Bryan finished a collegiate course and -started in life for himself, leaving the farm, robust and ambitious, to -grow in the knowledge of his profession. His parents were devout -Christians and members of the Baptist Church. So Mr. Bryan was early -taught those principles of right and wrong, justice, equality, and the -advantages of a pure life. His father’s example convinced him that the -old saying that “no honest man can become a lawyer” was a myth and a -mistake. And on July 4, 1883, William Jennings Bryan began the practice -of his profession in Jacksonville, Ill. - -Stocked with a liberal education, a conscience void of offense, a -character unsullied, and an ambition to know the law, and to apply this -knowledge for the benefit of the people, he began at the very bottom of -the ladder. The drudgery and disappointments, the hardships and jokes -common to a beginner without means and alone, in competition with men of -gray hairs and wisdom that come from years of toil and practice, was the -portion of Mr. Bryan. But he was a courageous man; Napoleon-like he knew -no such word as fail, and with that force and enthusiasm so -characteristic of the man, he labored on, believing that each -disappointment contained its lesson, and that every hardship endured had -its counterpart in a triumph. His early practice was not unlike that of -other beginners, taking such cases as usually come to the young lawyer. - -At the close of the first year, and during the fall of 1884, his income -was such that he could support a wife; a modest home was planned and -built, and in October, 1884, he was married. During the next three years -he lived comfortably, though economically, and laid by a small amount. -Politics lost none of its charms, and each campaign found Mr. Bryan -speaking, usually in his own county. - -Three years after graduation he attended the commencement at Illinois -College, delivered the Master’s oration, and received the degree, his -subject being “American Citizenship.” From that time until he entered -Congress in 1891, his only support for himself and his wife was from his -profession. Mr. Bryan continued in a growing practice of law in -Jacksonville until October, 1887. In July of that year, while on a -western trip, he passed through Lincoln, Neb., to visit friends, and in -two days was so impressed with the city and its possibilities that he -disposed of his business in Jacksonville, and located in Lincoln. -Political ambitions did not enter into this change, as the city, county, -and state were strongly Republican. Mr. Bryan began his lot as a lawyer -in Lincoln by forming a partnership, the style of the firm being “Talbot -& Bryan.” He at once applied himself vigorously to the details of the -practice in his new field, and was soon recognized as a lawyer of -unusual strength. - -In the few years of practice at the bar of Lincoln before he was elected -to Congress, Mr. Bryan became somewhat celebrated as the champion of the -anti-sugar-bounty doctrine, and as the pleader for equal rights, under -the law, for all classes of men. In the spring of 1896, the city -proposed to issue $500,000 of its refunding bonds in gold. A number of -citizens believing such a contract unjust to the tax-payers, consulted -Mr. Bryan and secured his services in their behalf. Without -compensation, he at once devoted his energies to restrain the city of -Lincoln from issuing and selling such bonds. A temporary restraining -order was issued by the court, and after a vigorous contest an -injunction against the city, preventing such contract, was granted. In -these cases was shown Mr. Bryan’s genuine interest in public matters, -and in the general welfare of the people. Aside from many of these cases -involving public interest, his work as a lawyer was the usual practice -of the profession. - -Mr. Bryan is a man of great physical endurance. As a lawyer as well as a -legislator, he is a man of great deliberation. Before acting, he -believes in being fully advised as to the subject upon which he is to -act. He was never known to champion a cause, accept a case, or make a -statement to a jury or elsewhere that did not present the honest -conviction of his mind, always having a sincere belief in the -correctness of the position assumed. In explaining a proposition of law, -he seeks the reason for the law, which he is always able to present with -peculiar clearness. - -In his method of argument he is never emotional, but makes strong -applications of law and fact by the statement of his case and proof, -without any effort at embellishment or oratory. His ability to crowd a -great deal in a few words and sentences is very marked. The weakness of -his opponents he easily detects, and readily points out the fallacy. Mr. -Bryan is an ardent believer in the American jury system. When in -Congress, he introduced a bill providing that a verdict agreed to by -three-fourths of the members of a jury should be a verdict of the jury -in civil cases, and he made an argument before the Congressional -Judiciary Committee in its support. - -“Mr. Bryan did not distinguish himself as a lawyer.” Those who thus -complain should consider that he entered the practice at the age of -twenty-three, and left it at thirty, and in that period began twice, and -twice became more than self-supporting. He has not had the time and -opportunity in which to establish the reputation at the bar which gives -to many American jurists the illustrious positions which they occupy. -However, at the time of his election to Congress, his practice was in a -thriving condition and fully equal to that of any man of his age in the -city. - -Whatever may be said of Mr. Bryan by friend or foe, it must be conceded -that his convictions control his actions on all questions, either as a -lawyer or as a public man, and when employed in a case involving great -interests, he would, without question, acquit himself with that -distinction which has characterized him as a leader in public affairs. - - - - - IN CONGRESS - - -Mr. Bryan’s first political speech of importance was made at Seward in -the spring of 1888. At that time Lincoln was known to be as strong as -the rock of Gibraltar in the Republican faith. On this occasion of his -first public appearance as a political orator in Nebraska, he drew men -to him by the power of the orator, and held them there in subsequent -years by the virtue of the man. His extraordinary popularity with the -masses of his followers was universally acknowledged. After his first -few speeches, it did not take long for his reputation to spread over the -state, and when he was elected as a delegate from Lancaster county to -the Democratic State convention in 1888 he was in great demand. The -sources of this popularity, though less clear, were of profound -significance, being only in part personal. In fact, it seemed to be this -man’s fortune to embody a fresh democratic impulse, which in time would -make him the leader of a new democratic movement. - -The reports as to Mr. Bryan’s first speech in the convention, say in -part: “Mr. Bryan, of Lancaster county, was then called. He came forward -and delivered a spirited address, in the course of which he said that if -the platform laid down by the President in his message upon the tariff -question were carried out and vigorously fought upon in the state, it -would, in the course of a short time, give Nebraska to the Democracy. He -thought if the Democrats went out to the farmers and people who lived in -Nebraska and showed them the iniquity of the tariff system, they would -rally round the cause which their noble leader, Grover Cleveland, had -championed.” This short, but pointed speech created the greatest amount -of enthusiasm, and the young orator impressed his personality upon the -public mind of his adopted state. - -In the fall of 1888, Mr. Bryan made a canvass of the First Congressional -District, in behalf of Hon. J. Sterling Morton, and also visited some -thirty counties throughout the state. Mr. Morton was defeated by three -thousand four hundred, the district being normally Republican. - -When the campaign of 1890 opened, a few Democrats who came to appreciate -Mr. Bryan’s real ability believed that with him as the nominee the -Republicans could be defeated. So when the Democratic convention met at -Lincoln, July 31, 1890, Mr. Bryan was selected without opposition, and -at once began a vigorous campaign. He began a thorough canvass, speaking -about eighty times, and visiting every city and village in the district. -At the close of the last debate, he presented to Mr. Connell (his -opponent) a copy of Gray’s Elegy, with the following remarks: “Mr. -Connell: We now bring to a close the series of debates which was -arranged by our committees. I am glad we have been able to conduct these -discussions in a courteous and friendly manner. If I have in any way -offended you in word or deed, I offer apology and regret; and as freely -forgive. I desire to present to you, in remembrance of these pleasant -meetings, this little volume, because it contains ‘Gray’s Elegy,’ in -perusing which I trust you will find as much pleasure and profit as I -have found. It is one of the most beautiful and touching tributes to -human life that literature contains. Grand in its sentiments and sublime -in its simplicity, we may both find in it a solace in victory or defeat. -If success crowns your efforts in this campaign, and it should be your -lot - - ‘The applause of listening senates to command’ - -and I am left - - ‘A youth to fortune and to fame unknown,’ - -forget not us who in the common walks of life perform our part, but in -the hour of your triumph recall the verse: - - ‘Let not ambition mock their useful toil, - Their homely joys and destiny obscure; - Nor grandeur hear, with a disdainful smile, - The short and simple annals of the poor.’ - -“If on the other hand, by the verdict of my countrymen, I should be made -your successor, let it not be said of you - - ‘And melancholy marked him for her own’, - -but find sweet consolation in the thought: - - ‘Full many a gem of purest ray serene, - The dark unfathomed caves of ocean bear; - Full many a flower is born to blush unseen, - And waste its sweetness on the desert air.’ - -“But when the palm of victory is given to you or to me, let us remember -those of whom the poet says: - - ‘Far from the madding crowd’s ignoble strife - Their sober wishes never learned to stray, - Along the cool, sequestered vale of life. - They kept the noiseless tenor of their way.’ - -“These are the ones most likely to be forgotten by the Government. When -the poor and weak cry out for relief, they too often hear no answer but -‘the echo of their cry,’ while the rich, the strong, the powerful are -given an attentive ear. For this reason is class legislation dangerous -and deadly; it takes from those least able to lose, and gives to those -who are least in need. The safety of our farmers and our laborers is not -in special legislation, but in equal and just laws that bear alike on -every man. The great masses of our people are interested, not in getting -their hands into other people’s pockets, but in keeping the hands of -other people out of their pockets. Let me, in parting, express the hope -that you and I may be instrumental in bringing our Government back to -better laws which will give equal treatment without regard to creed or -condition. I bid you a friendly farewell.” - -Mr. Bryan closed his campaign at the city of Lincoln, and was elected by -a plurality of six thousand seven hundred in the same district which two -years before had defeated Mr. Morton by a plurality of three thousand -four hundred. He was elected in one of the fairest and most brilliant -campaigns ever fought; and became one of the most prominent members of -the lower House from the West. - -The explanation of Mr. Bryan’s popularity must be sought in a cause -which lies deeper than a political issue. - -When he entered Congress he gave his support in caucus to Mr. Springer, -for Speaker of the House, in whose district he had lived when at -Jacksonville. In the House, he voted for Mr. Crisp, the caucus nominee. -Mr. Springer was made chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and -although it was unprecedented to give to a first term member a position -on the all-important Ways and Means Committee, Speaker Crisp conferred -that unprecedented honor upon Bryan of Nebraska. One of the first bills -introduced by Mr. Bryan was that providing for the election of senators -by the people, at the option of each state. - -In supporting this bill Mr. Bryan said: “Mr. Speaker—I desire to call -the attention of the House to what I consider a very important question -involved in this joint resolution. I shall not consume time in -discussing the general principle of electing senators by the people. If -the people of a state have enough intelligence to choose their -representatives in the state legislature, their executive officers, -judges, and their officials in all the departments of the state and -country, they have enough intelligence to choose the men who shall -represent them in the United States Senate. - -“And now, sirs, if we want to secure the election of senators by the -people, we must submit a proposition free from the Republican idea of -Federal interference, and free from the Democratic idea of -non-interference. We may just as well cease the attempt to secure this -reform if we are going to tie it to Federal election laws. I appeal to -members of both sides of the House, members who in their hearts desire -this reform, members who in their own judgment believe that the time has -come to give the people a chance to vote for the senators, Democrats, -Republicans, and Populists alike, to join in a proposition which will -eliminate the political question and leave us simply the question of -election by the people or not.” - -The bill attracted much attention through the country, although it -failed of final passage. - -On March 16, 1892, Mr. Bryan made his great tariff speech in the House, -which is considered in another chapter of this work. In the spring of -1892, the silver sentiment began to show itself among the leaders of the -Nebraska Democracy. The state convention to elect delegates to the -National Democratic convention was called for April 15, 1892, and found -Mr. Bryan back in Lincoln, by the consent of the House, making a -determined effort for the adoption of a plank favoring the free coinage -of silver. The fight was a hard and bitter one. In supporting this part -of the platform Mr. Bryan said in part: - -“GENTLEMEN—I do not believe it is noble to dodge any issue. If, as has -been indicated, this may have an effect on my campaign, then no -bridegroom went with gladder heart to greet his bride that I shall -welcome defeat. Vote this down if you will, but do not dodge it; for -that is not democratic.” The convention went wild in a body, a vote was -called, which brought defeat to the Bryan silver plank. By this act Mr. -Bryan incurred the hatred of the Cleveland administration. - -Upon the return of Mr. Bryan to Nebraska at the close of the 52d -Congress, a series of debates had been arranged with the Republican -party nominee, Allen W. Field, then judge of the district court. This -was even a more bitter contest than the first. Mr. McKinley, Mr. -Foraker, and others were called to Nebraska to aid the Republican cause. -They made desperate efforts to “down” Bryan, but in spite of all he was -reelected by a majority of one hundred fifty-two. - -As a congressman William Jennings Bryan was a success. From the moment -he entered Congress, he was a leader. To those who knew him intimately, -it was no surprise that during the first term he sprang suddenly into -prominence. His speech on the tariff question stamped him not only as an -orator, but a man who had made a deep political study of economic -questions. - -It was not until his second term that he really focussed public -attention upon himself. When Congress was convened in extraordinary -session, he went to Washington prepared to resist the repeal of the -purchasing clause of the Sherman act. He knew the feeling of his -constituents, and being thoroughly familiar with every phase of the -question, he entered upon the fight like a gladiator. His conspicuous -record as an orator in the previous session was sufficient to get him a -place in the great debate, and, when the opportunity came, Bryan was -prepared for it. For several days it was known that he was to speak, and -the galleries of the House were crowded at each session. Finally he was -recognized by the Speaker, and he began the most effective speech that -had been heard in Congress in years. Everybody was quiet and listened. -The oldest member could not remember when a man had received such marked -attention and such spontaneous applause as Bryan got that day. As he -stood there, the picture of health, a physical giant, his voice falling -in easy cadence, he impressed upon his hearers the thought that he meant -every word he was saying. He had every one in his grasp. As he -continued, the audience became worked up to a high pitch, and when he -concluded with a magnificent peroration, quiet reigned for a moment, -then suddenly every one joined in tumultuous applause. Bryan had -finished; he had made a speech that for thought, logic, and sentiment, -to say nothing of its matchless delivery, had few equals in the records -of Congress. For two hours and fifty minutes the young Nebraska orator -held the close attention of a full house and crowded galleries. Instead -of members leaving the hall as usual, they crowded in, and every man was -in his seat. This speech made him famous. Occasionally a single standard -man would interrupt, but none did it without subsequent regret. He knew -his case too well. - -From that day to this, Bryan has been in the public eye everywhere. Many -who heard his tariff speech predicted that it was a flash light, and -would soon grow dim, and its author be forgotten; but after he made his -silver speech those who thought his first an accident were compelled to -admit that he possessed all the qualifications of a statesman and that -he was bound to be a leader in his party. - -Besides his silver and tariff speeches, Mr. Bryan spoke briefly upon -several other questions, namely, in favor of foreclosure of Government -liens on all Pacific railways, and in favor of the anti-option bill. He -favored the application of the principle of arbitration as far as -Federal authority extends. On January 30, 1894, Mr. Bryan, in a speech -in favor of the income tax, brilliantly and successfully replied to the -speech of Bourke Cockran delivered in opposition to that measure. - -His record in Congress did not consist entirely of speech-making. He was -a tireless worker for his constituents, and he secured more pensions for -old soldiers living in his district than all the Republican congressmen -who had preceded him. He personally attended to the wants of every -constituent, and no man ever wrote a letter asking his assistance that -he did not at once enlist Bryan’s active support. He was vigilant and -watchful, and never missed an opportunity to do a favor. - -He was exceedingly active in Congress, dodging nothing, and often -speaking on the current questions. Yet nothing that he did or said in -Congress comes back to plague him. It was then thought, and it has since -been hoped, that in the fulness of his record something would come back -to trip him. But what he said then only makes him stronger now. - -It may not be amiss at this point to quote from Mrs. Bryan, who said: -“Quoting from a eulogy which Mr. Bryan delivered upon a colleague in the -53d Congress, this extract will serve a double purpose, in that it gives -his views upon immortality, and, at the same time, presents a passage -which I think may, without impropriety, be called a finished bit of -English. Mr. Bryan said ‘I shall not believe that even now his light is -extinguished. If the Father deigns to touch with divine power the cold -and pulseless heart of the buried acorn, and make it burst forth from -its buried walls, will He leave neglected in the earth, the soul of man, -who was made in the image of his Creator? If he stoops to give to the -rosebush, whose withered blossoms float upon the breeze, the sweet -assurance of another springtime, will he withhold the words of hope from -the sons of man when the frosts of winter come? If matter, mute and -inanimate, though changed by the forces of Nature into a multitude of -forms, can never die, will the imperial spirit of man suffer -annihilation after it has paid a brief visit, like a royal guest, to -this tenement of clay? Rather let us believe that He, who, in His -apparent prodigality, makes the blade of grass or the evening’s sighing -zephyr, but makes them to carry out His eternal plan, has given -immortality to the mortal, and gathered to Himself the generous spirit -of our friend. Instead of mourning, let us look up and address him in -the words of the poet: - - “’The day has come, not gone; - The sun has risen, not set; - Thy life is now beyond - The reach of death or change, - Not ended—but begun - O, noble soul! O, gentle heart! Hail, and farewell.’” - -Mr. Bryan was singularly free from egotism, affectation, or envy of the -fame of others. That he was brilliant goes without saying, but his -brilliancy was as natural and easy as to be like Shakespeare’s -description of mercy: - - “The quality of mercy is not strained, - It dropped as the gentle rain from heaven - Upon the places beneath. It is twice blessed; - It blesses him that gives and him that takes.” - - - - - THE TARIFF - - -For twenty years prior to 1896 the chief tangible point of difference -between the Democratic and Republican parties was the tariff question. -It was, in truth, a question on which the two great parties had always -differed since the days when they were known as Federalists and -Anti-Federalists. - -The Democratic party, in true accord with the principles of Thomas -Jefferson, has always held that government to be best which interferes -least with the liberty of the individual. The purpose of government, it -has held, is to protect man in his personal rights against the unjust -encroachments of his neighbors. But, according to the Democratic idea, -government should not interfere to arbitrarily promote the interests of -any class of its citizens at the expense of any other class. All should -be left, protected against illegal encroachment, but otherwise -unmolested, to work out their own salvation. In other words, Democracy -believes that government to be best which governs least. - -The Republican theory, on the other hand, has inclined toward the -exactly opposite point of view; that that government is best which -governs most. It has acted consistently on the principle that it is not -only permissible but advisable for government to be made an instrument -for advancing the pecuniary or business interests of such of its -citizens as seem most deserving or are most fortunate in winning its -ear. It was this radical difference between the two parties, involving, -as it did, a basic and fundamental principle, that lay at the root of -the controversy regarding tariff duties. - -The Democratic party, adhering to the strict letter of the Constitution, -held that the tariff should be levied for one simple purpose, and that -the purpose contemplated by the Constitution—to raise revenue. With this -end in view, the party contended, tariff duties should be levied mostly -on such articles as are not produced in this country, and, in order to -equalize the burden of taxation, be imposed rather on luxuries than the -strict necessities of life. - -The Republican party took a more radical position. It advocated the -levying of tariff duties, not primarily for the purpose of raising -revenue,—that was made a secondary consideration,—but to protect from -foreign competition the manufacturing and industrial enterprises of the -United States. Then, it argued, these establishments, protected by the -fostering arm of government, would grow great and strong, furnishing at -once employment for labor at high wages, and a “home market” for the -products of the American farm and mine. - -Controverting this alluring argument, the Democratic party held that -government had no right to compel citizens of one class or section to -contribute involuntarily to the support of citizens of some other class -or section of the country. The only manner in which a protective tariff -could protect, it pointed out, was by enabling the home manufacturer to -charge a higher price because of the duty on foreign goods. This added -price, it showed, must be paid into the pocket of the American -manufacturer by the American consumer. Moreover, it declared, the farmer -could only share the burden without receiving any of the benefits of a -high protective tariff, the price of his products being fixed in the -world’s markets at Liverpool and London. And the same thing, it held, -was true of the laboring man, as the rate of his remuneration was fixed -mainly by “the iron law of wages.” - -When Mr. Bryan was elected to Congress for his first term this question -of tariff was the all-absorbing one before the people. The Republican -party, in the zenith of its power, had enacted the McKinley tariff law, -the embodiment of its views on this question, levying tariff duties so -high as almost to exclude foreign competition. It was in this law, -undoubtedly, that most of the great trusts and monopolies since formed -read their birthright. - -Mr. Bryan, naturally, as a Democrat and a firm believer in the -principles of government laid down by Thomas Jefferson, was vigorously -opposed to the theory of a high protective tariff. The Congress in which -he served his first term was Democratic, the result of the enactment of -the trust-breeding McKinley tariff law. The Ways and Means Committee, of -which Mr. Springer of Illinois was chairman, decided that relief might -best be effected by the introduction of a series of bills, transferring -certain commodities to the free list. - -It was in support of one of these—a bill placing wool on the free list -and reducing the duties on woolen goods—that Mr. Bryan delivered his -maiden speech in the House. This was on Wednesday, March 16, 1892. Like -Byron, he awoke the next morning and found himself famous. The speech -had attracted the admiring attention of the whole country. The young -orator’s logic, acute reasoning, powers of broad generalization, and apt -and homely illustration, not less than his genuine eloquence, incisive -wit, and brilliant repartee, had, in one speech, won him a place at the -head of the list of American parliamentary orators. - -In his speech Mr. Bryan thus effectually punctured with his ridicule the -Republican argument generally advanced that a high tariff makes low -prices: - -“Now, there are two arguments which I have never heard advanced in favor -of protection; but they are the best arguments. They admit a fact and -justify it, and I think that is the best way to argue, if you have a -fact to meet. Why not say to the farmer, ‘Yes, of course you lose; but -does not the Bible say, “It is more blessed to give than to -receive”—[laughter]—and if you suffer some inconvenience, just look back -over your life and you will find that your happiest moments were enjoyed -when you were giving something to somebody, and the most unpleasant -moments were when you were receiving.’ These manufacturers are -self-sacrificing. They are willing to take the lesser part, and the more -unpleasant business of receiving, and leave to you the greater joy of -giving. [Loud laughter and applause on the Democratic side.] - -“Why do they not take the other theory, which is borne out by -history—that all nations which have grown strong, powerful, and -influential, just as individuals, have done it through hardship, toil, -and sacrifice, and that after they have become wealthy they have been -enervated, they have gone to decay through the enjoyment of luxury, and -that the great advantage of the protective system is that it goes around -among the people and gathers up their surplus earnings so that they will -not be enervated or weakened, so that no legacy of evil will be left to -their children. Their surplus earnings are collected up, and the great -mass of our people are left strong, robust, and hearty. These earnings -are garnered and put into the hands of just as few people as possible, -so that the injury will be limited in extent. [Great laughter and -applause on the Democratic side.] And they say, ‘Yes, of course, of -course; it makes dudes of our sons, and it does, perhaps, compel us to -buy foreign titles for our daughters [laughter], but of course if the -great body of the people are benefited, as good, patriotic citizens we -ought not to refuse to bear the burden.’ [Laughter.] - -“Why do they not do that? They simply come to you and tell you that they -want a high tariff to make low prices, so that the manufacturer will be -able to pay large wages to his employees. [Laughter.] And then, they -want a high tariff on agricultural products so that they will have to -buy what they buy at the highest possible price. They tell you that a -tariff on wool is for the benefit of the farmer, and goes into his -pocket, but that the tariff on manufactured products goes into the -farmer’s pocket, too, ‘and really hurts us, but we will stand it if we -must.’ They are much like a certain maiden lady of uncertain age, who -said, ‘This being the third time that my beau has called, he might make -some affectionate demonstration’; and, summing up all her courage, she -added, ‘I have made up my mind that if he does I will bear it with -fortitude.’” [Great laughter and applause.] - -He thus pleaded for the protection of the greatest of “home -industries,”—the home-building of the common people: - -“I desire to say, Mr. Chairman, that this Republican party, which is -responsible for the present system, has stolen from the vocabulary one -of its dearest words and debased its use. Its orators have prated about -home industries while they have neglected the most important of home -industries—the home of the citizen. The Democratic party, so far from -being hostile to the home industries, is the only champion, unless our -friends here, the Independents, will join with us, of the real home -industry of this country. - -“When some young man selects a young woman who is willing to trust her -future to his strong right arm, and they start to build a little home, -that home which is the unit of society and upon which our Government and -our prosperity must rest—when they start to build this little home, and -the man who sells the lumber reaches out his hand to collect a tariff -upon that; the man who sells paints and oils wants a tariff upon them; -the man who furnishes the carpets, tablecloths, knives, forks, dishes, -furniture, spoons, everything that enters into the construction and -operation of that home—when all these hands, I say, are stretched out -from every direction to lay their blighting weight upon that cottage, -and the Democratic party says, ‘Hands off, and let that home industry -live,’ it is protecting the grandest home industry that this or any -other nation ever had. [Loud applause on the Democratic side.] - -“And I am willing that you, our friends on the other side, shall have -what consolation you may gain from the protection of those ‘home -industries’ which have crowned with palatial residences the hills of New -England, if you will simply give us the credit of being the champions of -the homes of this land. [Applause on the Democratic side.] It would seem -that if any appeal could find a listening ear in this legislative hall -it ought to be the appeal that comes up from those co-tenants of earth’s -only paradise; but your party has neglected them; more, it has spurned -and spit upon them. When they asked for bread you gave them a stone, and -when they asked for a fish you gave them a serpent. You have laid upon -them burdens grievous to be borne. You have filled their days with toil -and their nights with anxious care, and when they cried aloud for relief -you were deaf to their entreaties.” - -The conclusion of Mr. Bryan’s speech is here reproduced. It is of -greater length than would ordinarily justify its incorporation in a -volume of this size, but the objection is outweighed by the fact, that, -in most beautiful English, it outlines the idea of government which has -since been the beacon light that has guided Mr. Bryan’s career: - -“We can not afford to destroy the peasantry of this country. We can not -afford to degrade the common people of this land, for they are the -people who in time of prosperity and peace produce the wealth of the -country, and they are also the people who in time of war bare their -breasts to a hostile fire in defense of the flag. Go to Arlington or to -any of the national cemeteries, see there the plain white monuments -which mark the place ‘where rest the ashes of the nation’s countless -dead,’ those of whom the poet has so beautifully written: - - ‘On Fame’s eternal camping ground - Their silent tents are spread.’ - -Who were they? Were they the beneficiaries of special legislation? Were -they the people who are ever clamoring for privileges? No, my friends; -those who come here and obtain from Government its aid and help find in -time of war too great a chance to increase their wealth to give much -attention to military duties. A nation’s extremity is their opportunity. -They are the ones who make contracts, carefully drawn, providing for the -payment of their money in coin, while the government goes out, if -necessary, and drafts the people and makes them lay down upon the altar -of their country all they have. No; the people who fight the battles are -largely the poor, the common people of the country; those who have -little to save but their honor, and little to lose but their lives. -These are the ones, and I say to you, sir, that the country can not -afford to lose them. I quote the language of Pericles in his great -funeral oration. He says: - -‘It was for such a country, then, that these men, nobly resolving not to -have it taken from them, fell fighting; and every one of their survivors -may well be willing to suffer in its behalf.’ - -That, Mr. Chairman, is a noble sentiment and points the direction to the -true policy for a free people. It must be by beneficent laws; it must be -by a just government which a free people can love and upon which they -can rely that the nation is to be preserved. We can not put our safety -in a great navy; we can not put our safety in expensive fortifications -along a seacoast thousands of miles in extent, nor can we put our safety -in a great standing army that would absorb in idleness the toil of the -men it protects. A free government must find its safety in happy and -contented citizens, who, protected in their rights and free from -unnecessary burdens, will be willing to die that the blessings which -they enjoy may be transmitted to their posterity. - -“Thomas Jefferson, that greatest of statesmen and most successful of -politicians, tersely expressed the true purpose of government when he -said: - -“’With all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy -and prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens: a wise and -frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another; -shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of -industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the -bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is -necessary to close the circle of our felicities.’ - -“That is the inspiration of the Democratic party; that is its aim and -object. If it comes, Mr. Chairman, into power in all of the departments -of this government it will not destroy industry; it will not injure -labor; but it will save to the men who produce the wealth of the country -a larger portion of that wealth. It will bring prosperity and joy and -happiness, not to a few, but to every one without regard to station or -condition. The day will come, Mr. Chairman—the day will come when those -who annually gather about this Congress seeking to use the taxing power -for private purposes will find their occupation gone, and the members of -Congress will meet here to pass laws for the benefit of all the people. -That day will come, and in that day, to use the language of another, -‘Democracy will be king! Long live the king!’” [Prolonged applause on -the Democratic side.] - - - - - THE RISE OF THE SILVER ISSUE - - -In every national campaign since the time silver was demonetized in 1873 -the demand for bimetallism has been a platform plank always of one and -frequently of both of the two great political parties. The first -unequivocal renunciation of the policy and theory of bimetallism on the -part of any important national convention occurred in June, 1900, at -Philadelphia. In 1896 the Republican party, in its platform adopted at -St. Louis, pledged itself to the promotion of bimetallism by -international agreement. The Democratic party, both in 1896 and 1900, -expressed its conviction that bimetallism could be secured by the -independent action of the United States, and to that end demanded “the -free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver, at the present legal -ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other -nation.” - -Previous to 1896 each of the great political parties made quadrennial -expressions of faith in the bimetallic theory, frequently demanded its -enactment into law, and generally condemned the opposing party for -“hostility to silver.” And yet, despite the universal belief in -bimetallism on the part of the American people; despite the general -demands for bimetallism made by both political parties; despite the many -and eloquent speeches for bimetallism delivered in Congress and out of -it by party leaders of all complexions, the hope of its becoming an -actuality seemed to wither and wane in inverse ratio to the fervency of -the expressions of friendship on the part of the politicians. Sometimes -those who were most vehement in their demands were most instrumental in -the passage of that series of legislative enactments that inevitably -broadened and deepened the gulf between gold and silver. - -In explanation of this phenomenon it may be said that of all the -functions of government none is more important than the power to -regulate the quality and quantity of its circulating medium; none more -freighted either with prosperity or disaster to its people; and none -more liable to make demagogues of statesmen and knaves and hypocrites of -those in authority. - -The first overt act in the fight against bimetallism, which theretofore -had been insidious, was the demand of the Cleveland administration and -the powers that were behind it for the repeal of the purchasing clause -of the Sherman Act. The clause which was aimed at provided for the -purchase by the government of bar silver sufficient for the annual -coinage of $54,000,000. With its repeal would disappear from the Federal -statute books the last vestige of authority for the coinage of silver -money other than subsidiary coins. - -In the fight against the administration over this measure Mr. Bryan took -a leading part. He was one of the public men whose professions and -practices in the matter of financial legislation were not at variance. -In his first campaign for Congress, in 1890, he had inserted in his -platform this plank, written by himself: - -“We demand the free coinage of silver on equal terms with gold and -denounce the efforts of the Republican party to serve the interest of -Wall Street as against the rights of the people.” - -In 1891 he had secured the adoption of a free silver plank in the -Nebraska Democratic platform. In 1892 he made a hard fight for a similar -plank in the state platform, but lost by a very close vote. On the day -before the national convention which nominated Mr. Cleveland for -president, Mr. Bryan was renominated for Congress on a platform in which -free coinage was made the paramount issue, and throughout the campaign -he devoted to it the major portion of his time. In this way, from free -choice and impelling conviction, Mr. Bryan had committed himself to the -doctrine of bimetallism and had declared his plan for putting it into -practice. - -Mr. Bryan made his first speech in Congress against unconstitutional -repeal on February 9, 1893. In it he said: - -“I call attention to the fact that there is not in this bill a single -line or sentence which is not opposed to the whole history of the -Democratic party. We have opposed the principle of the national bank on -all occasions, and yet you give them by this bill an increased currency -of $15,000,000. You have pledged the party to reduce the taxation upon -the people, and yet, before you attempt to lighten this burden, you take -off one-half million of dollars annually from the national banks of the -country; and even after declaring in your national platform that the -Sherman act was a ‘cowardly makeshift’ you attempt to take away the -‘makeshift’ before you give us the real thing for which the makeshift -was substituted.... Mr. Speaker, consider the effect of this bill. It -means that by suspending the purchase of silver we will throw fifty-four -million ounces on the market annually and reduce the price of silver -bullion. It means that we will widen the difference between the coinage -and bullion value of silver and raise a greater obstacle in the way of -bimetallism. It means to increase by billions of dollars the debts of -our people. It means a reduction in the price of our wheat and our -cotton. You have garbled the platform of the Democratic party. You have -taken up one clause of it, and refused to give us a fulfilment of the -other and more important clause, which demands that gold and silver -shall be coined on equal terms without charge for mintage. - -“Mr. Speaker, this can not be done. A man who murders another shortens -by a few brief years the life of a human being; but he who votes to -increase the burden of debts upon the people of the United States -assumes a graver responsibility. If we who represent them consent to rob -our people, the cotton-growers of the South and the wheat-growers of the -West, we will be criminals whose guilt can not be measured by words, for -we will bring distress and disaster to our people.” - -In thus boldly and positively aligning himself against the policy of the -dominant wing of his own party, which would soon be backed by the -incoming Cleveland administration, Mr. Bryan acted with his -characteristic devotion to principle. He could not help seeing that all -the odds were apparently against that faction of his party with which he -threw in his fortunes. Mr. Cleveland and most of the old, honored, and -powerful leaders of democracy, it was known, would join in the fight -against silver. They would have the powerful aid of the great Republican -leaders and be backed by the almost united influence of the hundreds of -daily newspapers in all the large cities. Wealth, influence, experience, -and so-called “respectability” were all to be the property of the -Cleveland wing. Many trusted leaders of the old-time fight for silver -succumbed to the temptation and identified themselves with the dominant -faction. Not so Mr. Bryan. On the failure of the bill to pass he -returned home and devoted all his time to a thorough study of finance -and of money, making the most careful and complete preparation for the -fight which he saw impending. - -The great struggle, which Mr. Bryan has termed “the most important -economic discussion which ever took place in our Congress” was -precipitated by President Cleveland when he called Congress to meet in -special session on August 7, 1893. Mr. Wilson, of West Virginia, -Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, introduced in the House the -administration measure for the unconditional repeal of the purchasing -clause of the Sherman Act. - -[Illustration: CHAS. A. TOWNE] - -The debate that ensued was one of the most brilliantly and ably -conducted in the annals of Congress. On August 16, near the close of the -debate, Mr. Bryan delivered an extended argument against the bill. His -speech in point of profound reasoning and moving oratory stands -prominent in the list of congressional deliverances. It concluded with -the following magnificent appeal: - -“To-day the Democratic party stands between two great forces, each -inviting its support. On the one side stand the corporate interests of -the nation, its moneyed institutions, its aggregations of wealth and -capital, imperious, arrogant, compassionless. They demand special -legislation, favors, privileges, and immunities. They can subscribe -magnificently to campaign funds; they can strike down opposition with -their all-pervading influence, and, to those who fawn and flatter, bring -ease and plenty. They demand that the Democratic party shall become -their agent to execute their merciless decrees. - -“On the other side stands that unnumbered throng which gave a name to -the Democratic party, and for which it has assumed to speak. Work-worn -and dust-begrimed they make their sad appeal. They hear of average -wealth increased on every side and feel the inequality of its -distribution. They see an overproduction of everything desired because -of an underproduction of the ability to buy. They can not pay for -loyalty except with their suffrages, and can only punish betrayal with -their condemnation. Although the ones who most deserve the fostering -care of Government, their cries for help too often beat in vain against -the outer wall, while others less deserving find ready access to -legislative halls. - -“This army, vast and daily growing, begs the party to be its champion in -the present conflict. It can not press its claims mid sounds of revelry. -Its phalanxes do not form in grand parade, nor has it gaudy banners -floating on the breeze. Its battle hymn is ‘Home, Sweet Home,’ its war -cry ‘equality before the law.’ To the Democratic party, standing between -these two irreconcilable forces, uncertain to which side to turn, and -conscious that upon its choice its fate depends, come the words of -Israel’s second law-giver: ‘Choose you this day whom ye will serve.’ -What will the answer be? Let me invoke the memory of him whose dust made -sacred the soil of Monticello when he joined - - ‘The dead but sceptered sovereigns who still rule - Our spirits from their urns.’ - -“He was called a demagogue and his followers a mob, but the immortal -Jefferson dared to follow the best promptings of his heart. He placed -man above matter, humanity above property, and, spurning the bribes of -wealth and power, pleaded the cause of the common people. It was this -devotion to their interests which made his party invincible while he -lived, and will make his name revered while history endures. - -“And what message comes to us from the Hermitage? When a crisis like the -present arose and the national bank of the day sought to control the -politics of the nation, God raised up an Andrew Jackson, who had the -courage to grapple with that great enemy, and by overthrowing it he made -himself the idol of the people and reinstated the Democratic party in -public confidence. What will the decision be to-day? - -“The Democratic party has won the greatest success in its history. -Standing upon this victory-crowned summit, will it turn its face to the -rising or the setting sun? Will it choose blessings or cursings—life or -death—Which? Which?” - -The bill passed the House by a considerable majority and went to the -Senate. In two months it came back with Senate amendments. So earnest -and determined was Mr. Bryan in his opposition to the measure that he -resorted to dilatory tactics, employing every legitimate parliamentary -weapon to obstruct its progress. When finally even the enemies of the -bill would no longer assist him in the fight for delay, Mr. Bryan -determined to abandon the fight in Congress to carry it before the -Democracy of the nation. In concluding his last speech on the bill he -said: - -“You may think that you have buried the cause of bimetallism; you may -congratulate yourselves that you have laid the free coinage of silver -away in a sepulchre, newly made since the election, and before the door -rolled the veto stone. But, sirs, if our cause is just, as I believe it -is, your labor has been in vain: no tomb was ever made so strong that it -could imprison a righteous cause. Silver will lay aside its grave -clothes and its shroud. It will yet rise and in its rising and its reign -will bless mankind.” - -Though defeated in the first great contest, the silver advocates were -far from dismayed. They began at once a systematic fight to wrest from -the administration the control of the party organization. The factional -fight within the ranks of Democracy gave early promise of becoming -exceedingly bitter. The feeling was accentuated from the start by the -personal efforts of President Cleveland in behalf of the repeal bill. In -the Senate the silver men had what was considered a safe majority, and -it was to overcome this and secure the passage of the bill that the -President had directed his energies. His great weapon was Federal -patronage, and he used it as a club. Never before in the history of -popular government in the United States had the executive so boldly and -so openly exerted the tremendous influence of his position in an attempt -to force a coordinate branch of government into unwilling compliance -with his wishes. Mr. Cleveland’s interference, which finally -accomplished its purpose, was angrily resented by the Silver Democrats, -and the lines between administration and anti-administration were early -closely drawn. - -Mr. Bryan, while the repeal bill was still under discussion in the -Senate, attended the Nebraska State Democratic convention as a delegate, -on October 4, 1893. In the convention the administration wing of the -party was regnant, imperious, and arrogant. A platform endorsing the -President and his fight against silver was adopted by a large majority. -Bryan was even denied a place on the resolutions committee, although -endorsed therefor by his Congressional district, which almost alone had -sent silver delegates. His course in Congress was repudiated and himself -personally received with but scant courtesy or consideration on the part -of the great majority of the delegates. When the gold men, flushed with -victory, were about to complete their conquest, the discredited young -Congressman sprang to the platform to address the convention. His whole -person was quivering with emotion, and as he spoke he strode up and down -the platform with a mien of unconcealed anger and defiance. Never was he -more truly the orator, and never was tame beast so abject and so pitiful -under the scourge of the master as was that convention, mute and -defenseless, under his scathing excoriation. The following extract will -give an idea of the substance of the speech, though the flashing eyes of -the orator, the tense and quivering frame, the voice now ringing with -defiance, now trembling with emotion,—these may never be described. - -“MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION—We are confronted to-day -by as important a question as ever came before the Democracy of the -state of Nebraska. It is not a personal question. It is a question that -rises above individuals. So far as I am personally concerned it matters -nothing whether you vote this amendment up or down; it matters nothing -to me whether you pass resolutions censuring my course or endorsing it. -If I am wrong in the position I have taken on this great financial -question, I shall fall though you heap your praises upon me; if I am -right, and in my heart, so help me God, I believe I am, I shall triumph -yet, although you condemn me in your convention a hundred times. -Gentlemen, you are playing in the basement of politics; there is a -higher plane. You think you can pass resolutions censuring a man, and -that you can humiliate him. I want to tell you that I still ‘more true -joy in exile feel’ than those delegates who are afraid to vote their own -sentiments or represent the wishes of the people, lest they may not get -Federal office. Gentlemen, I know not what others may do, but duty to -country is above duty to party, and if you represent your constituents -in what you have done and will do—for I do not entertain the fond hope -that you who have voted as you have to-day will change upon this vote—if -you as delegates properly represent the sentiment of the Democratic -party which sent you here; if the resolutions which have been proposed -and which you will adopt express the sentiments of the party in this -state; if the party declares in favor of a gold standard, as you will if -you pass this resolution; if you declare in favor of the impoverishment -of the people of Nebraska; if you intend to make more galling than the -slavery of the blacks the slavery of the debtors of this country; if the -Democratic party, after you go home, endorses your action and makes your -position its permanent policy, I promise you that I will go out and -serve my country and my God under some other name, even if I must go -alone.” - -But Mr. Bryan was not destined to be driven from the Democratic party. -He returned to Washington to persistently fight the financial policy of -the administration until the Fifty-third Congress had adjourned. The -withdrawal of the greenbacks, the granting of additional privileges to -national banks, the Rothschild-Morgan gold-bond contract—these he -opposed with the full measure of his mental and physical powers. In the -meantime the Silver Democrats began the work of organization and -propaganda in every state in the Union. In 1894 Bryan triumphed over his -enemies in Nebraska in a convention whose platform declared, “We favor -the immediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of gold and -silver at the present ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or -consent of any other nation on earth.” The Gold Democrats bolted the -platform and the ticket. And until the last delegate was elected to the -National convention which was to meet at Chicago in July, 1896, the -Silver Democrats continued everywhere their efforts. They fought boldly -and outspokenly against the administration they had helped to elect, and -which was nominally Democratic. The result of their fight was the -instruction of almost two-thirds of the delegates for an unambiguous -free silver plank, with a certainty that the Gold Democrats, headed by -President Cleveland, Secretary of the Treasury Carlisle, and hundreds of -the leaders of the party, would bolt the action of the convention. - -Thus torn and rent by dissentions, with little hope or prospect for -success, the Democracy faced that remarkable convention which was to -repudiate the administration itself had placed in power. - - - - - THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE - (1896) - - -In the fall of 1896, within the period of one hundred days, William J. -Bryan traveled eighteen thousand miles. He delivered over six hundred -speeches to crowds aggregating five millions of people. Reduced to -figures more readily comprehended, he averaged each day one hundred and -eighty miles of railroad travel, interrupted by the stops necessary for -the delivery of six speeches to crowds of over eight thousand each and -fifty thousand in all. This was his personal service in the “first -battle” for the restoration of bimetallism, acting as the standard -bearer of three political parties. - -The great presidential campaign of 1896 was in many respects the most -remarkable in the history of the United States. It turned upon an issue -which was felt to be of transcending importance, and which aroused the -elemental passions of the people in a manner probably never before -witnessed in this country save in time of war. It was an issue forced by -the voters themselves despite the unceasing efforts of the leading -politicians of both great parties to keep it in the background. Beneath -its shadow old party war cries died into silence; old party differences -were forgotten; old party lines were obliterated. As it existed in the -hearts of men the issue had no name. Bimetallism was discussed; -monometallism was discussed; these were the themes of public speakers, -editors, and street corner gatherings when recourse was had to facts and -argument. But when one partisan called his friend the enemy an -“Anarchist!” and when the latter retorted with the cry of “Plutocrat,” -then there spoke in epithets the feelings which were stirring the -American people, and which made the campaign significant. For the terms -indicated that for the first time in the Republic founded on the -doctrine of equality, Lazarus at Dives’ gate had raised the cry of -injustice, whereat the rich man trembled. - -The Republican National convention met at St. Louis on June 16. William -McKinley, of Ohio, was nominated for President and Garret A. Hobart, of -New Jersey, for Vice-President. A platform was adopted declaring for the -maintenance of “the existing gold standard” until bimetallism could be -secured by international agreement, which the party was pledged to -promote. The doctrine of a high protective tariff was strongly insisted -on. - -Against the financial plank of the platform there was waged a bitter, if -hopeless, fight by the silver men of the West, under the honored -leadership of United States Senator Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. On the -adoption of the platform Senators Teller, Dubois, of Idaho, Pettigrew, -of South Dakota, Cannon, of Utah, and Mantle, of Montana, with three -congressmen and fifteen other delegates, walked out of the convention. -They issued an address to the people declaring monetary reform to be -imperative, that the deadly curse of falling prices might be averted. -The dominant figure of this convention was Marcus A. Hanna, of Ohio, a -millionaire coal and shipping magnate with large industrial and -commercial interests in various sections of the country. In taking -charge of the campaign that resulted in McKinley’s nomination he -introduced his business methods into politics. He had conducted the -canvass throughout along commercial lines. “He has been as smooth as -olive oil and as stiff as Plymouth Rock,” said the New York _Sun_, since -recognized as President McKinley’s personal organ. “He is a manager of -men, a manipulator of events, such as you more frequently encounter in -the back offices of the headquarters of financial and commercial centers -than at district primaries or in the lobbies of convention halls. There -is no color or pretense of statesmanship in his efforts; he seems -utterly indifferent to political principles, and color-blind to -policies, except as they figure as counters in his game. He can be -extremely plausible and innocently deferential in his intercourse with -others, or can flame out on proper occasion in an outburst of -well-studied indignation. He is by turns a bluffer, a compromiser, a -conciliator, and an immovable tyrant. Such men do not enter and -revolutionize national politics for nothing. Now, what is Mark Hanna -after?” - -The question was soon answered. Mark Hanna became chairman of the -National Republican committee, United States senator from Ohio, and the -most powerful, if not the all-powerful, influence behind the McKinley -administration. His rapid rise to commanding position and the unyielding -manner in which he has utilized his power have furnished much argument -to such as are inclined to be pessimistic regarding the enduring -qualities of republics. - -Early in July the Democratic National convention assembled in Chicago. -Mr. Bryan, who had attended the St. Louis convention as editor-in-chief -of the Omaha _World-Herald_, was here present as a delegate-at-large -from Nebraska. Since the expiration of his second congressional term he -had been active and unwearying in the fight to capture the convention -for free silver. As editor of the _World-Herald_ he had contributed -numerous utterances that were widely quoted by the silver press, and -much of his time had been devoted to delivering speeches and lectures in -the interests of bimetallism in almost every section of the country. He -came to Chicago fresh from a Fourth of July debate at the Crete, Neb., -Chautauqua, with Hon. John P. Irish, of California, Cleveland’s -collector of the port at San Francisco. Except a few intimate friends in -Nebraska, who knew Bryan’s capacities and ambitions, no man dreamed of -the possibility of his nomination for the presidency. There were -available, tried, and time-honored silver leaders, men who had been -fighting the white metal’s battles for a score of years, notable among -whom were Richard P. Bland, of Missouri, and Henry M. Teller, of -Colorado. One of these, it was generally believed, would be chosen to -lead the forlorn hopes of a regenerated but disrupted democracy. - -Mr. Bryan’s nomination was the spontaneous tribute of the convention to -those qualities that since have made him not famous only, but -well-beloved. These qualities are honesty, courage, frankness, and -sincerity. They had veritable life in every line and paragraph of his -great speech defending the free silver plank of the platform, delivered -in reply to the crafty-wise David B. Hill, of New York. Hill, skilled -and experienced practical politician, had pleaded with the convention -that it pay the usual tribute at the shrine of Janus. He had begged that -the _ignus fatuus_ “international bimetallism” be used to lure the -friends of silver into voting the Democratic ticket. Nurtured and -trained in the same school of politics as William McKinley,—the school -whose graduates had for many years dominated all party conventions,—Hill -started back in affright from the prospect of going before the people on -a platform that was straightforward and unequivocal, with its various -planks capable of but one construction. - -Mr. Bryan’s speech was as bold and ringing as the platform which he -spoke to defend, with its plank, written by himself, and twice utilized -in Nebraska, demanding “the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and -silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the -aid or consent of any other nation.” - -The letter and spirit of that plank were such as the great majority of -the convention were thoroughly in sympathy with. The result of the great -silver propaganda of the two years preceding had been to send to the -convention honest and sincere men with profound convictions and the -courage to express them. To do this, they knew, would be revolutionary, -even as had been the platforms on which the Pathfinder, Fremont, and the -Liberator, Lincoln, ran. But the spirit of revolution from cant and -equivoque was rife in that convention. Of that spirit William Jennings -Bryan was the prophet. In a speech that thrilled into men’s minds and -hearts his defiance and contempt of the opportunists’ policy, his own -fearless confidence in the all-conquering power of truth, he stirred -into an unrestrained tempest the long pent emotions of the delegates. -When he had finished not only was the adoption of the platform by a vote -of two to one assured, but the convention had found its leader whom it -would commission to go forth to preach the old, old gospel of democracy, -rescued from its years of sleep. The nature of Mr. Bryan’s speech may be -gained from these brief extracts: - -“When you (turning to the gold delegates) come before us and tell us we -are about to disturb your business interests, we reply that you have -disturbed our business interests by your course. We say to you that you -have made the definition of a business man too limited in its -application. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man -as his employer; the attorney in a country town is as much a business -man as the corporation counsel in a great metropolis; the merchant at a -cross-roads store is as much a business man as the merchant of New York; -the farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils all day, who begins -in the spring and toils all summer, and who, by the application of brain -and muscle to the natural resources of the country, creates wealth, is -as much a business man as the man who goes upon the board of trade and -bets upon the price of grain: the miners who go down a thousand feet -into the earth, or climb two thousand feet upon the cliffs, and bring -forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be poured into the -channels of trade are as much business men as the few financial magnates -who, in a back room, corner the money of the world. We come to speak for -this broader class of business men. - -“Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon the -Atlantic Coast, but the hardy pioneers who have braved all the dangers -of the wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as the rose,—the -pioneers away out there (pointing to the west), who rear their children -near to Nature’s heart, where they can mingle their voices with the -voices of the birds, out there where they have erected schoolhouses for -the education of their young, churches where they praise their Creator, -and cemeteries where rest the ashes of their dead—these people, we say, -are as deserving of the consideration of our party as any people in this -country. It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. -Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting in defense of our -homes, our families, and posterity. We have petitioned, and our -petitions have been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have -been disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked when our calamity -came. We beg no longer; we entreat no more; we petition no more. We defy -them.... - -“You come and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold -standard; we reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and fertile -prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities -will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our farms and the grass -will grow in the streets of every city in the country.... - -“My friends, we declare that this nation is able to legislate for its -own people on every question, without waiting for the aid or consent of -any other nation on earth.... It is the issue of 1776 over again. Our -ancestors, when but three millions in number, had the courage to declare -their political independence of every other nation. Shall we, their -descendants, when we have grown to seventy millions, declare that we are -less independent than our forefathers? No, my friends, that will never -be the verdict of our people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the -battle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good, but that we can not -have it until other nations help us, we reply that, instead of having a -gold standard because England has, we will restore bimetallism, and then -let England have bimetallism because the United States has it. If they -dare come out in the open field and defend the gold standard as a good -thing, we will fight them to the uttermost. Having behind us the -producing masses of this nation and the world, supported by the -commercial interests, the laboring interest, and the toilers everywhere, -we will answer their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: You -shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns; you -shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.” - -[Illustration: SENATOR J. K. JONES] - -Mr. Bryan was nominated for President on the fifth ballot by a well-nigh -unanimous vote, save for the 162 eastern delegates who, while holding -their seats, sullenly refused to take any part in the proceedings. The -demonstration following the nomination was even wilder and more -prolonged than the memorable scene that marked the conclusion of his -speech. - -For Vice-President Arthur Sewall, of Maine, was nominated. With this -ticket, on a platform declaring for free silver, opposing the issue of -bonds and national bank currency, denouncing “government by injunction,” -declaring for a low tariff, the Monroe doctrine, an income tax, and -election of senators by a direct vote of the people, the democracy went -before the country with a confidence and exuberance little anticipated -before the convention met, and scarcely justified, as later proven, by -the outcome. - -The Populist and Silver Republican conventions met in St. Louis late in -July. The latter endorsed the nominees of the Chicago platform and made -them their own. The populists, however, while nominating Mr. Bryan, -refused to nominate Mr. Sewall, naming for vice-president Thomas E. -Watson, of Georgia. - -The gold democrats met at Indianapolis on September 2, and nominated -John M. Palmer, of Illinois, and Simon Buckner, of Kentucky, adopting -the first gold standard platform ever presented to the people of the -United States for endorsement. They called themselves “National -Democrats,” but in the outcome carried but one voting precinct in the -nation, and that in Kansas. Four votes were cast in the precinct, two -for Palmer, and one each for Bryan and McKinley. In the precinct in -Illinois where Mr. Palmer himself, with his son and coachman, voted, not -a single ballot was cast for the nominee of the “National Democracy.” -The fact was that a new party alignment was the inevitable result of the -Chicago convention, the reorganized democracy gaining largely beyond the -Missouri, but losing heavily east of the Mississippi and north of the -Ohio. Hundreds of thousands of gold Democrats in the populous states, -under the leadership of Grover Cleveland and John G. Carlisle, while -pretending to support Palmer and Buckner, voted secretly for McKinley, -whose platform was a virtual endorsement of the Cleveland -administration, as Bryan’s platform repudiated and condemned it. - -The campaign was remarkable not only for Bryan’s wonderful campaigning, -but for the bitter feeling that pervaded both organizations. The -Republicans particularly excelled in vituperative abuse. They began the -use of billingsgate immediately after the Chicago convention had -adjourned, applying to it such terms as “rabble,” “wild Jacobins,” -“anarchists” and “repudiators,” while Bryan was characterized as a “boy -orator” “a demagogue” and “an ass.” The Cleveland _Leader_ said: - -“Bryan, with all his ignorance, his cheap demagogy, his intolerable -gabble, his utter lack of common sense, and his general incapacity in -every direction, is a typical Democrat of the new school. His weapon is -wind. His stock in trade is his mouth. Mr. McKinley’s election—and we -apologize to Mr. McKinley for printing his name in the same column with -that of Bryan—is no longer in any doubt whatever. We salute the next -President. As for Bryan, he is a candidate for the political ash-heap.” - -For efficient campaigning the two party organizations were most unevenly -matched. The Republican National committee, under the directing genius -of Mark Hanna, assisted liberally by the thoroughly affrighted financial -and corporation magnates of the East, had at its disposal millions of -dollars with which to organize, pay for speakers and literature, reward -the efforts of newspapers and party workers, and debauch the electorate -in states thought to be doubtful. It had the assistance of almost the -entire metropolitan press—with the notable exception of the New York -_Journal_—and the nearly united influence of the large employers of -labor. And even further, it had the pulpit and the religious press. As -the ministers of Christ’s gospel, in 1856, denounced and vilified -Garrison and Phillips, so in 1896 they hurled anathema maranatha at -Bryan and Altgeld. Grave and reverend preachers of national fame -fulminated from their pulpits against “the accursed and treasonable -aims” of Bryan and his supporters, and denounced them as “enemies of -mankind.” Bishop John P. Newman, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, -denounced Bryan as an “anarchist,” and in the church conferences over -which he presided urged the clergy to use their influence to defeat the -Democratic nominees. The Rev. Cortland Myers, in the Baptist Temple at -Brooklyn, said that “the Chicago platform was made in hell.” Rev. Thomas -Dixon, Jr., at the Academy of Music, New York, called Bryan “a mouthing, -slobbering demagogue, whose patriotism is all in his jaw bone.” - -Such were the cultured and scholarly contributions made by the noblest -of professions to the discussion of an academic question of finance in -the year of our Lord 1896. - -The Democratic committee had little money. It had the support of but few -large newspapers. It was fighting the battles of a party that had been -disrupted and rent in twain at the Chicago convention. In every state -and almost every county of the Union the old local and national leaders -of the party had deserted, and the faithful but disorganized followers -of Bryan had to be moulded anew into the likeness of an army. - -The one inspiration of the party was in its leader. The embodiment of -faith, hope, and courage, tireless, indomitable, undismayed by the -fearful odds against him, with the zeal of a crusader he undertook his -mission of spreading the message of democracy through the length and -breadth of the land. For three months, accompanied most of the time by -Mrs. Bryan, he sped to and fro across the American continent, an army of -newspaper correspondents in his train, resting little and sleeping less, -preaching the Chicago platform. His earnestness, his candor, his -boldness, the simplicity of his style, the homeliness of his -illustrations, the convincing power of his argument, the eloquence of -his flights of oratory, and, above all, the pure and lovable character -of the man as it impressed itself on those who met with him—these were -the sparks that fired the hearts of men and left in his wake conviction -fanned into enthusiasm all aflame. - -Yet, with all his efforts, despite a record of personal campaigning such -as never before was seen in the recorded history of man, Mr. Bryan was -defeated. The tremendous influence wielded by the great corporate -interests, both by persuasion and by coercion, were such as no man and -no idea could overcome. - -The popular vote stood 7,107,822 for McKinley and 6,511,073 for Bryan. -Of the electoral votes McKinley received 271 and Bryan 176, the solid -South and almost solid West going Democratic, while every state north of -the Ohio and east of the Mississippi went Republican. - -Immediately after the result was assured Mr. Bryan telegraphed Mr. -McKinley as follows: “HON. WM. MCKINLEY, CANTON, OHIO—Senator Jones has -just informed me that the returns indicate your election, and I hasten -to extend my congratulations. We have submitted the issue to the -American people and their will is law.—W. J. BRYAN.” - -Mr. McKinley responded: “HON. W. J. BRYAN, LINCOLN, NEB.—I acknowledge -the receipt of your courteous message of congratulation with thanks, and -beg you will receive my best wishes for your health and -happiness.—WILLIAM MCKINLEY.” - -While Mr. Bryan and his party accepted defeat thus gracefully, victory -seemed to have redoubled the venom of the opposition. This post-election -utterance of the New York _Tribune_, founded by Horace Greeley, and then -and now edited by ex-Vice-President Whitelaw Reid, will serve to close -this chapter in the same gentle spirit which marked the close of that -memorable campaign: - - “GOOD RIDDANCE - - “There are some movements so base, some causes so depraved, that - neither victory can justify them nor defeat entitle them to - commiseration. Such a cause was that which was vanquished - yesterday, by the favor of God and the ballots of the American - people. While it was active and menacing, it was unsparingly - denounced and revealed as what it was, in all its hideous - deformity. Now that it is crushed out of the very semblance of - being, there is no reason why such judgment of it should be - revised. The thing was conceived in iniquity and was brought forth - in sin. It had its origin in a malicious conspiracy against the - honor and integrity of the nation. It gained such monstrous growth - as it enjoyed from an assiduous culture of the basest passions of - the least worthy members of the community. It has been defeated - and destroyed, because right is right and God is God. Its nominal - head was worthy of the cause. Nominal, because the wretched, - rattle-pated boy, posing in vapid vanity and mouthing resounding - rottenness, was not the real leader of that league of hell. He was - only a puppet in the blood-imbued hands of Altgeld, the anarchist, - and Debs, the revolutionist, and other desperados of that stripe. - But he was a willing puppet, Bryan was, willing and eager. Not one - of his masters was more apt at lies and forgeries and blasphemies - and all the nameless iniquities of that campaign against the Ten - Commandments. He goes down with the cause, and must abide with it - in the history of infamy. He had less provocation than Benedict - Arnold, less intellectual force than Aaron Burr, less manliness - and courage than Jefferson Davis. He was the rival of them all in - deliberate wickedness and treason to the Republic. His name - belongs with theirs, neither the most brilliant nor the least - hateful in the list. - - “Good riddance to it all, to conspiracy and conspirators, and to - the foul menace of repudiation and anarchy against the honor and - life of the Republic. The people have dismissed it with no - uncertain tones. Hereafter let there be whatever controversies men - may please about the tariff, about the currency, about the Monroe - doctrine, and all the rest. But let there never again be a - proposition to repeal the moral law, to garble the Constitution, - and to replace the Stars and Stripes with the red rag of anarchy. - On those other topics honest men may honestly differ, in full - loyalty to the Republic. On these latter there is no room for two - opinions, save in the minds of traitors, knaves, and fools.” - - - - - NEW ISSUES - - -The half decade between 1895 and 1900 may justly be considered one of -the most important in American history. It witnessed the fiercest battle -between political parties ever fought over the question of finance,—a -contest exceeding in bitterness and the general participation of the -people of the United States therein even the great struggle in which -Andrew Jackson and Nicholas Biddle were the opposing leaders. And, -further, as the outcome of the war with Spain, it saw the birth and -growth of an issue theretofore alien to American soil and portentous for -its ultimate influence over the form and structure of our government. It -was at once recognized as an issue overshadowing in its importance, and -in the face of the greater danger the mutual fears of the friends of -gold and the friends of silver were laid away in one common sepulchre. - -On the part of the Democratic party the wraith of imperialism hovering -over the Republic was recognized as the hideous and supreme exhalation -from the poison swamp of plutocracy from which high tariff, trusts, and -a gold standard had already sprung. Through all these policies, asserted -the Democracy, through its recognized leader, Mr. Bryan, ran the common -purpose of exalting the dollar and debasing the man. The Republican -party hesitated long to recognize and admit the new issue, and when it -finally took up the gage of battle it was on the declaration that a -colonial policy, with alien and subject races under its dominion, had -become the “manifest destiny” of the United States. - -The cruelties and severities of General Weyler, the commander of the -Spanish forces in Cuba, toward the insurrectionists who were in arms -against Spain’s authority, early in Mr. McKinley’s administration -aroused the indignation of the American people. The fact that the Cubans -were bravely fighting for liberty, that their rebellion was against the -exactions of an old world monarchy, even as ours had been, won them an -instinctive sympathy that grew stronger each day and that finally swept -like a tidal wave into the cabinet meetings at Washington, bearing the -demands of the people of the United States for the intervention of our -government in Cuba’s behalf. - -On December 6, 1897, in his message to Congress, the President discussed -the Cuban question at some length, arguing against any interference by -the United States, on the ground that “a hopeful change has supervened -in the policy of Spain toward Cuba.” Speaking of the possible future -relations between this country and Cuba, the President used the words -since so widely quoted against his subsequent policy in the Philippines: -“I speak not of forcible annexation, for that is not to be thought of. -That, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression.” - -The evident reluctance of the administration to recognize Cuban -independence was shortly after forced to give way to the compelling -power of public opinion. On February 15, 1898, by the explosion of a -submarine mine, the Maine, a first-class United States battleship, was -destroyed in Havana harbor, with a loss of 248 officers and men. A -fierce hatred for Spain was thereby added to the sympathy for Cuba, and -war, or the abandonment of Cuba by Spain, became inevitable. A month -after the destruction of the Maine Congress voted the President -$50,000,000 to be used in the National defense. On April 11, President -McKinley, in a message to Congress exhaustively reviewed the Cuban -complications, disclaiming a policy of annexation and arguing for -neutral intervention to enforce peace and secure for the Cubans a stable -government. On the 20th, Congress declared Cuba to be free and -independent, demanded that Spain relinquish her claim of authority, and -authorized the President to use the land and naval forces of the United -States to enforce the demand. - -Congress expressly declared: “The United States hereby disclaims any -disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or -control over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and -asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the -government and control of the island to its people.” - -From such a lofty plane the United States entered into that brief but -glorious combat with Spain that has rightly been called “the war for -humanity.” On April 23, the President called for 125,000 volunteers. One -of the first who offered the President his services in the war for -“_Cuba libre_” was William J. Bryan. Long before, Mr. Bryan had declared -for intervention, saying, “Humanity demands that we shall act. Cuba lies -within sight of our shores and the sufferings of her people can not be -ignored unless we, as a nation, have become so engrossed in money-making -as to be indifferent to distress.” Mr. Bryan’s proffer was ignored by -the President. He was later commissioned by Governor Holcomb, of -Nebraska, to raise the Third Nebraska regiment of volunteers. This he -did, becoming the colonel of the regiment. General Victor Vifquain, of -Lincoln, a gallant and distinguished veteran of the Civil war was made -lieutenant-colonel. - -In the meantime Admiral George Dewey commanding the United States -Asiatic fleet, had set forth from Hong Kong, engaged the Spanish fleet -in Manila bay on May 1, and completely demolished it. Manila was the -capital of the entire Philippine archipelago, with its eight to ten -million inhabitants, then nominally under Spanish sovereignty. The -Filipinos themselves, of whom Admiral Dewey said, “these people are far -superior in their intelligence and more capable of self-government than -the natives of Cuba,” were already in successful revolt against Spain, -battling bravely for their independence. Under the leadership of General -Aguinaldo, and at the invitation of Dewey and the representatives of the -United States state department, the insurgents cooperated as allies with -the American forces from the time of Dewey’s victory until the surrender -of Manila. They were furnished arms and ammunition by Dewey, and were -led to believe that their own independence would be assured on the -expulsion of Spain from the archipelago. During this time they -established a successful and orderly civil government throughout the -greater part of the islands. But at home the United States government -was already beginning to indicate its intention not to grant to the -Filipinos, at the conclusion of the war, the same liberty and -self-government as had been promised the Cubans. Rather, it was becoming -evident it was the purpose of Mr. McKinley and his advisers to hold the -islands as tributary territory, subject to United States’ jurisdiction, -while, at the same time, the inhabitants should be denied the -“inalienable rights” proclaimed by the Declaration of Independence and -guaranteed by our Constitution. - -The American people were at a loss what to make of the situation. Their -eyes dazzled by the glories of war and conquest, their cupidity appealed -to by the vaunted richness of the “new possessions,” there still was -latent in their hearts the love for liberty as “the heritage of all men -in all lands everywhere,” and an unspoken fear of incorporating the -government of alien and subject races as an integral portion of the -scheme of American democracy. - -Such was the situation when, at Omaha, Neb., on June 14, 1898, Colonel -W. J. Bryan, shortly before the muster-in of his regiment into the -service of the government, sounded the first note of warning against the -insidious dangers of imperialism; the first ringing appeal to the -Republic to remain true to its principles, its traditions, and its high -ideals. In taking his stand on this great question Mr. Bryan acted with -the boldness that has ever characterized him when matters of principle -were at stake. He spoke against the earnest advice of numerous political -friends, who warned him he was taking the unpopular side, and that his -mistake would cost him his political life. Mr. Bryan, because he -believed the policy of the administration to be radically wrong, paid no -heed to all the well-meant protestations, but earnestly warned the -people against the abandonment of the doctrines of the fathers of the -Republic. These were his words: - -“History will vindicate the position taken by the United States in the -war with Spain. In saying this I assume that the principles which were -invoked in the inauguration of the war will be observed in its -prosecution and conclusion. If a war undertaken for the sake of humanity -degenerates into a war of conquest we shall find it difficult to meet -the charge of having added hypocrisy to greed. Is our national character -so weak that we can not withstand the temptation to appropriate the -first piece of land that comes within our reach? - -“To inflict upon the enemy all possible harm is legitimate warfare, but -shall we contemplate a scheme for the colonization of the Orient merely -because our fleet won a remarkable victory in the harbor at Manila? - -“Our guns destroyed a Spanish fleet, but can they destroy that -self-evident truth that governments derive their just powers—not from -force—but from the consent of the governed? - -“Shall we abandon a just resistance to European encroachment upon the -western hemisphere, in order to mingle in the controversies of Europe -and Asia? - -“Nebraska, standing midway between the oceans, will contribute her full -share toward the protection of our sea coast; her sons will support the -flag at home and abroad, wherever the honor and the interests of the -nation may require. Nebraska will hold up the hands of the government -while the battle rages, and when the war clouds roll away her voice will -be heard pleading for the maintenance of those ideas which inspired the -founders of our government and gave the nation its proud eminence among -the nations of the earth. - -“If others turn to thoughts of aggrandizement, and yield allegiance to -those who clothe land covetousness in the attractive garb of ‘national -destiny,’ the people of Nebraska will, if I mistake not their -sentiments, plant themselves upon the disclaimer entered by Congress, -and expect that good faith shall characterize the making of peace as it -did the beginning of war. - -“Goldsmith calls upon statesmen: - - ‘To judge how wide the limits stand - Betwixt a splendid and a happy land.’ - -If some dream of the splendors of a heterogeneous empire encircling the -globe, we shall be content to aid in bringing enduring happiness to a -homogeneous people, consecrated to the purpose of maintaining ‘a -government of the people, by the people, and for the people.’” - -Shortly after this speech Colonel Bryan left Nebraska with his regiment -to go into camp at Tampa, Florida, awaiting orders to Cuba or Porto -Rico. Like most of the other regiments called out by President McKinley, -Colonel Bryan’s was not destined ever to come in sight of a battlefield. -The amazing fact is that while the enormous number of 274,717 soldiers -were mustered into service, only 54,000 ever left American soil up to -the time the protocol was signed, August 12, 1898. The 220,000 were left -through the sweltering summer months in unsanitary camps to broil under -a southern sun. From May 1 to September 30, but 280 American soldiers -were killed in battle, while 2,565 died in fever-stricken camps pitched -in malarial swamps. The entire nation was aroused to the highest pitch -of indignation, and the press, without regard to party, joined in -denouncing the careless, cruel, and incompetent treatment of the -volunteer soldier. - -The New York _Herald_ voiced the general feeling when it said: -“’Infamous’ is the only word to describe the treatment that has been -inflicted upon our patriotic soldiers, and under which, despite the -indignant outbursts of a horror-stricken people, thousands of them are -still suffering to-day.” The _Herald_ further declared the soldiers to -be “the victims of job-and-rob politicians and contractors, and of -criminally incompetent and heartlessly indifferent officials.” - -For almost six months Colonel Bryan remained with his regiment in camp. -The quarters, the sanitative conditions, and the general arrangements of -the “Third Nebraska” were the pride of the army. Colonel Bryan was at -once “guide, counselor, and friend” to his men, winning the almost -idolatrous love of each and all of them. He gave lavishly of his meager -funds to secure the comfort of the sick and maintain the health of the -strong. His days and nights were devoted to the service of the regiment, -and more than one poor boy, dying of fever far from the wind-swept -Nebraska prairies, passed away holding his Colonel’s hand and breathing -into his Colonel’s ear the last faltering message of farewell to loved -ones at home. - -[Illustration] - - CHAS. POYNTER SENATOR ALLEN ADLAI STEVENSON MRS. - POYNTER MISS POYNTER C. A. TOWNE - LEWIS G. STEVENSON WEBSTER DAVIS MRS. W. C. POYNTER W. - J. BRYAN GOV. POYNTER - - AT THE GOVERNOR’S MANSION, LINCOLN - -In joining the volunteer army, as when he delivered the first -anti-imperialist speech, Colonel Bryan had acted against the advice of -many of his closest personal and political friends. Despite his decisive -defeat for the presidency in 1896, he had not only maintained but even -strengthened his position as the recognized leader of the Democratic -party and its allies. Undaunted by the result of the campaign, he had -almost immediately resumed the fight for bimetallism. He had published a -book reviewing the contest under the suggestive and defiant title “The -First Battle.” He had taken to the lecture platform and to the political -hustings, vigorously, hopefully, and earnestly propagating the -principles of democracy, unwavering, unwearying, and undisturbed by the -general depression of his followers and as general exultation of his -opponents. He was the incarnation of the spirit of conservative reform, -and all parties had come to regard him as the prophet and supreme leader -of the new movement back to Jeffersonian principles. His friends feared -to have him accept a commission, not only on the ground that his doing -so might later compel his silence at a time when his voice ought to be -heard, but more largely because they dreaded the possibility of having -his motive impugned. It was evident to them, as to Colonel Bryan -himself, that by taking up the role of colonel of a volunteer regiment, -he had much to risk and lose, and little, if anything, to gain. But the -Democratic leader was not to be dissuaded. Content in his own knowledge -that his motive was worthy and patriotic, he assumed and bore -unostentatiously and yet with dignity the office of military leader of -1,300 of his Nebraska friends and neighbors. He remained faithfully with -his regiment, living the slow and tedious life of the camp, until the -treaty of peace was signed with Spain in December, 1898. That treaty -provided not only for the cession of Porto Rico to the United States and -Spanish relinquishment of all claim to sovereignty over Cuba, but -further for the turning over of the Philippine Islands to the United -States on the payment of $20,000,000. This last concession was wrung -from Spain by the insistent and uncompromising demand of the American -Peace Commissioners, under instructions from the state department at -Washington. - -Shortly after the treaty was signed, President McKinley blasted the fond -hopes for independence that had been planted in the Filipinos’ breasts -by issuing this proclamation: - -“With the signature of the treaty of peace between the United States and -Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at Paris on the tenth -instant, and as the result of the victories of American arms, the future -control, disposition, and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded -to the United States. In fulfilment of the rights of sovereignty thus -acquired, and the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, -the actual occupation and administration of the entire group of the -Philippine Islands become immediately necessary, and the military -government heretofore maintained by the United States in the city, -harbor, and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible dispatch -to the whole of the ceded territory.” - -Prior to this time, and later, the President explained his position on -the Philippine question, and we quote from him at some length. - -At Chicago, in October, 1898, he said: “My countrymen, the currents of -destiny flow through the hearts of the people. Who will check them? Who -will divert them? Who will stop them? And the movements of men, planned -and designed by the Master of men, will never be interrupted by the -American people.” - -At the Atlanta (Ga.) Peace Jubilee in December of the same year, he -said: “That [the American] flag has been planted in two hemispheres, and -there it remains, the symbol of liberty and law, of peace and progress. -Who will withhold it from the people over whom it floats its protecting -folds? Who will haul it down?” - -At Savannah, a day or two later he said: “If, following the clear -precepts of duty, territory falls to us, and the welfare of an alien -people requires our guidance and protection, who will shrink from the -responsibility, grave though it may be? Can we leave these people who, -by the fortunes of war and our own acts, are helpless and without -government, to chaos and anarchy after we have destroyed the only -government that they had?” - -At the Home Market Club, in Boston, on February 16, 1899, he explained -himself more fully, saying: “Our concern was not for territory or trade -or empire, but for the people whose interests and destiny, without our -willing it, had been put in our hands. It was with this feeling that -from the first day to the last not one word or line went from the -Executive in Washington to our military and naval commanders at Manila -or to our Peace Commissioners at Paris that did not put as the sole -purpose to be kept in mind, first, after the success of our arms and the -maintenance of our own honor, the welfare and happiness and the rights -of the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. Did we need their consent -to perform a great act for humanity? If we can benefit these remote -peoples, who will object? If, in the years of the future, they are -established in government under law and liberty, who will regret our -perils and sacrifices? Who will not rejoice in our heroism and -humanity?” - -One more quotation. At Minneapolis, October 12, 1899, President McKinley -delivered himself of this utterance: “That Congress will provide for -them [the Filipinos] a government which will bring them blessings, which -will promote their material interests, as well as advance their people -in the paths of civilization and intelligence, I confidently believe.” - -With such phrase-making as this, concealing in sonorous periods the most -un-American of sentiments, Colonel Bryan’s utterance, delivered -immediately after he had resigned his commission, stands out in bold and -pleasing relief: “I may be in error, but in my judgment our nation is in -greater danger just now than Cuba. Our people defended Cuba against -foreign arms; now they must defend themselves and their country against -a foreign idea—the colonial idea of European nations. Heretofore greed -has perverted the government and used its instrumentalities for private -gains, but now the very foundation principles of our government are -assaulted. Our nation must give up any intention of entering upon a -colonial policy, such as is now pursued by European countries, or it -must abandon the doctrine that governments derive their just powers from -the consent of the governed. To borrow a Bible quotation ‘A house -divided against itself can not stand.’ Paraphrasing Lincoln’s -declaration, I may add that this nation can not endure half republic and -half colony, half free and half vassal. Our form of government, our -traditions, our present interests, and our future welfare, all forbid -our entering upon a career of conquest.... - -“Some think the fight should be made against ratification of the treaty, -but I would prefer another plan. If the treaty is rejected, negotiations -must be renewed, and instead of settling the question according to our -ideas we must settle it by diplomacy, with the possibility of -international complications. It will be easier, I think, to end the war -at once by ratifying the treaty and then deal with the subject in our -own way. The issue can be presented directly by a resolution of Congress -declaring the policy of the nation upon this subject. The President in -his message says that our only purpose in taking possession of Cuba is -to establish a stable government and then turn that government over to -the people of Cuba. Congress could reaffirm this purpose in regard to -Cuba, and assert the same purpose in regard to the Philippines and Porto -Rico. Such a resolution would make a clear-cut issue between the -doctrine of self-government and the doctrine of imperialism. We should -reserve a harbor and coaling station in Porto Rico and the Philippines -in return for services rendered, and I think we would be justified in -asking the same concession from Cuba. - -“In the case of Porto Rico, where the people have as yet expressed no -desire for independent government, we might with propriety declare our -willingness to annex the island, if the citizens desire annexation, but -the Philippines are too far away and their people too different from -ours to be annexed to the United States, even if they desired it.” - -In making this statement, and in his subsequent active support of the -treaty, Mr. Bryan’s course was again opposed to the wishes and advice of -many of his close political friends. In fact, before Mr. Bryan took his -firm stand probably the majority of Democratic leaders in and out of -Congress were opposed to the ratification of the treaty because of its -Philippine clause. But Mr. Bryan, while as strongly opposed to this -clause as anyone, was anxious to see the war finally ended. He knew that -for the Senate to reject the treaty would prolong the war perhaps a year -or more, and, further, that it might lead to endless and unpleasant -complications. Once the war was ended, he held, the American people -themselves could dispose of the Philippine question. - -Largely owing to the aid extended the administration by Mr. Bryan, the -treaty was ratified by the Senate. Those senators who were opposed to -the imperial policy of President McKinley supported the “Bacon -resolution” as a declaration of this nation’s purpose toward the -Philippines and Filipinos. This resolution declared: - -“The United States hereby disclaim any disposition or intention to -exercise permanent sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said -islands, and assert their determination, when a stable and independent -government shall have been erected therein, entitled in the judgment of -the government of the United States to recognition as such, to transfer -to said government, upon terms which shall be reasonable and just, all -rights secured under the cession by Spain, and to thereupon leave the -government and control of the islands to their people.” - -The Democratic policy, as outlined by Mr. Bryan, was the support of the -treaty and of the foregoing resolution. The treaty was ratified, but the -resolution, though supported by practically the solid Democratic, -Populist, and Silver Republican strength in the Senate, and by a number -of Republican senators who were opposed to the imperial policy, was -defeated by the deciding vote of Vice-President Hobart. Had the -resolution been adopted, and the Philippines been given the same promise -of independence and self-government as had already been given Cuba, it -is believed that the long, bloody, and costly war in the Philippine -Islands might have been averted, and the abandoned old-world heresy of -the right of one man to rule another without that other’s consent would -not now have regained a footing on the soil of the great American -Republic. - -In the meantime the President’s proclamation of December 21, 1898, to -the Filipinos, asserting the sovereignty of the United States over them -and theirs had provoked a veritable hurricane of indignation among that -people. - -The characteristic that distinguishes the Filipinos from all other -Asiatic races is their fierce, inherent love for liberty. For three -hundred years they had been intermittently battling with the Spaniard to -regain what they had lost, and the palm of victory was within their -eager reach on the day that Dewey’s guns first thundered across Manila -bay. Knowing as they did that the United States had gone to war to -secure liberty for the Cubans, why should they doubt the securing of -their own liberty as well? - -The President’s proclamation came like a thunder clap. General Otis, who -was commander-in-chief of the American forces in the Philippines, -reported its effect as follows: - -“Aguinaldo met the proclamation by a counter one in which he indignantly -protested against the claim of sovereignty by the United States in the -islands, which really had been conquered from the Spaniards through the -blood and treasure of his countrymen, and abused me for my assumption of -the title of military governor. Even the women of Cavite province, in a -document numerously signed by them, gave me to understand that after all -the men are killed off they are prepared to shed their patriotic blood -for the liberty and independence of their country.” - -The revulsion was complete. Before the proclamation was issued, it is -true, there had been growing among the Filipinos a feeling of distrust -of the Americans, and of doubt whether, after all, they were to be -conceded their independence. For, at the surrender of Manila, although -its capture had been impossible without the aid of the insurgents, they -were studiously excluded from any share of the honor, and thus given the -first intimation of the final treachery of the administration. Later the -Filipinos were refused a hearing at Washington, and again before the -Peace Commission which was to dispose of them like chattels. - -Actual hostilities broke out February 4, 1899, and are thus referred to -by President McKinley in his message to Congress December 4, 1899: “The -aggression of the Filipinos continually increased, until finally, just -before the time set by the Senate of the United States for a vote upon -the treaty, an attack, evidently prepared in advance, was made all along -the American lines, which resulted in a terribly destructive and -sanguinary repulse of the insurgents.” - -The report of General Otis, reads as follows (page 96): “The battle of -Manila commenced at half past eight o’clock, on the evening of February -4 (1899), and continued until five o’clock the next evening. The -engagement was strictly defensive on the part of the insurgents, and one -of vigorous attack by our forces.” - -Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, in a letter to the Springfield (Mass.) -_Republican_, January 11, 1900, is responsible for this statement -regarding the first battle: “The outbreak of hostilities was not their -fault, but ours. We fired upon them first. The fire was returned from -their lines. Thereupon it was returned again from us, and several -Filipinos were killed. As soon as Aguinaldo heard of it he sent a -message to General Otis saying that the firing was without his knowledge -and against his will; that he deplored it, and that he desired -hostilities to cease, and would withdraw his troops to any distance -General Otis should desire. To which the American general replied that, -as the firing had begun, it must go on.” - -Thus began the War in the Philippine Islands. It has cost thousands of -lives and millions of treasure. It has burned the homes and uprooted the -fields of a frugal, intelligent, and industrious people in whose minds -and hearts have been seared the ringing words of Patrick Henry: “Give me -liberty or give me death!” It has not brought to the United States -either riches or glory, but, on the contrary, lost to us much in taxes -on our people, more in the death of our youth, and most of all in the -sullying of the noble and lofty ideals which animated the Fathers of the -Republic and made their lives sublime. An American soldier writing to -the Minneapolis _Times_, in describing a captured city, thus simply sets -forth the enormity of our national offense: - -“Every inhabitant had left Norzagaray, and no article of value remained -behind. The place had probably been the home of fifteen hundred or two -thousand people, and was pleasantly situated on a clear mountain stream -in which a bath was most refreshing. It was not a city of apparent -wealth, but in many houses were found evidences of education. In a -building which probably had been used as a schoolhouse were found a -number of books, and a variety of exercises written by childish hands. -Pinned to a crucifix was a paper upon which was written the following in -Spanish: ‘American soldiers—How can you hope mercy from Him when you are -slaughtering a people fighting for their liberty, and driving us from -the homes which are justly ours?’ On a table was a large globe which did -not give Minneapolis, but had San Pablo (St. Paul) as the capital of -Minnesota. On a rude blackboard were a number of sentences, which -indicated that the teacher had recently been giving lessons in the -history of the American revolution.” - -The demoralizing effect of this war against liberty on the American -conscience became early apparent. If it were permissible to make war on -the Filipinos because they would not yield to our government, it was no -far cry to withhold from the Porto Ricans the protecting aegis of the -Constitution, to levy a discriminating tariff against them, and to tax -them without their consent. And it of course became impossible for the -United States to express sympathy for the Boers in their war against -British aggression, or even to maintain neutrality between the two. As a -consequence horses, mules, arms, and ammunition were permitted to be -freely shipped from our ports for the use of British soldiers, while -British ships were permitted to intercept and capture American ships -laden with American breadstuffs, when consigned to the Boers. In fact, -an “Anglo-Saxon alliance” was more than hinted at by John Hay, then -United States Ambassador to Great Britain, and later Secretary of State, -when he said at London, on April 20, 1898, speaking of England and the -United States: - -“The good understanding between us is based on something deeper than -mere expediency. All who think can not but see that there is a sanction -like that of religion which binds us in partnership in the serious work -of the world. We are bound by ties we did not forge, and that we can not -break. We are joint ministers in the sacred work of freedom and -progress, charged with duties we can not evade by the imposition of -irresistible hands.” - -To this sentiment Joseph Chamberlain, the British Secretary of the -Colonies, replied in kind on May 13, at Birmingham, saying: - -“I would go so far as to say that, terrible as war may be, even war -itself would be cheaply purchased if, in a great and noble cause, the -Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack should wave together over an -Anglo-Saxon alliance. At the present time these two great nations -understand each other better than they ever have done, since, over a -century ago, they were separated by the blunder of a British -government.” - -So we come to the close of the recital of the most salient events which -gave rise to the greatest issue save that of independence, and later, of -slavery, with which the American people have ever stood face to face. - -Contemporaneous with the growth of the question of imperialism, and -allied to it, another great issue arose,—the problem of the trusts. - -A “trust” may be defined as an industrial combination of such huge -proportions as to enable it not only arbitrarily to fix the price of the -finished product in which it deals, through the stifling of competition, -but frequently to determine alone the price of the raw material it uses -and to fix the rate of wages of those whom it employs. Of these great -and dangerous combinations there were formed, during the years 1897 to -1900, a number exceeding all those already in existence. That this was -permitted to be done with the Sherman anti-trust law on the Federal -statute books has puzzled many. Its explanation may be found in the -following candid admission made by Dr. Albert Shaw in the _Review of -Reviews_ for February, 1897: - -“The great sound-money campaign of 1896 was carried on by money -contributed by corporations—money voted by the directors out of the -funds held by them in trust for the stockholders. Nobody, probably, -would even care to deny that this is literally the truth.” - -When the “great sound money campaign” was concluded, it was but fair, of -course, that those who had given so lavishly should be allowed to -replenish their depleted coffers. And so neither anti-trust laws, -supreme court decisions, nor the cry of protest rising from the people -was allowed to stand in the way of those generous corporations to whom -President McKinley owed so much. - -In the last six months of 1898 the movement toward centralization that -meant monopoly was most alarmingly pronounced. During this time there -were filed articles of incorporation by more than one hundred companies -of abnormal capitalization. The most important trusts were: - - CAPITAL - Gas trusts $ 432,771,000 - Steel and iron 347,650,000 - Coal combines 161,000,000 - Oil trusts 153,000,000 - Flour trust 150,000,000 - Electrical combinations 139,327,000 - Sugar 115,000,000 - Cigarettes and tobacco 108,500,000 - Alcoholic 67,300,000 - Telephone 56,700,000 - Miscellaneous 1,349,250,000 - ——————— - $2,717,768,000 - -Among those classed as “miscellaneous” were trusts in leather, starch, -lumber, rubber, dressed beef, lead, knit goods, window glass, crockery, -furniture, crackers, sheet copper, paper, acids and chemicals, wall -paper, typewriters, axes, bolts and nuts, salt, saws, rope, twine, -thread, stock yards, matches, refrigerators, potteries, marbles, packing -and provisions. - -After the formation of each trust the first step was almost invariably -to limit production by shutting down a portion of the mills controlled -by the combination, thus reducing the number of wage earners. And almost -as invariably the next step was to increase prices. By thus reducing -expenses and increasing receipts the result was, though much of the -trust property had been put in at an enormously inflated valuation, the -watered stock yet earned exceedingly large dividends. The evil was not -only that these unnatural dividends were earned at the expense of the -laborer and the consumer, but that concentration of profits was leading -to congestion of capital in certain sections of the country at the -expense of other sections. - -The great friend and helper of the trust-promoter was, of course, the -high protective tariff. Without the tariff, to shut out competition from -abroad, it would be impossible for the domestic concerns to form a close -corporation and arbitrarily to fix prices. But Congress, instead of -attempting to remedy the evil by lowering the tariff, deliberately -raised it, being particularly careful to see that the percentage on -trust-controlled goods was made sufficiently high to render foreign -competition impossible. This led the Philadelphia _Ledger_, a Republican -newspaper, to remark: - -“If Congress had any genuine regard for the interests of the people, or -if it were sincere of purpose respecting their common welfare, or in -regard to the proper protection of labor, it would promptly transfer to -the free list every product controlled by a conscienceless and predatory -trust which reduces production, cuts off working people from work and -wages, and increases prices to the tens of millions of consumers.” The -correctness of this view was testified to, before the United States -Industrial Commission, in June, 1899, by no less a personage than Henry -O. Havemeyer, president of the sugar trust, who said: - -“The existing [tariff] bill and the preceding one have been the occasion -of the formation of all the large trusts with very few exceptions, -inasmuch as they provide for an inordinate protection to all the -interests of the country—sugar refining excepted. All this agitation -against trusts is against merely the business machinery employed to take -from the public what the government in its tariff laws says it is proper -and suitable they should have. It is the government, through its tariff -laws, which plunders the people, and the trusts, etc., are merely the -machinery for doing it.” - -The showing regarding trusts made in the “Commercial Year Book” for 1899 -was startling. Its salient features may be thus tabulated: - - 1899 1898 - Number of trusts 353 200 - Stock $5,118,494,181 $3,283,521,452 - Bonded debt 714,388,661 378,720,091 - Stock and bonds 5,832,882,842 3,662,241,543 - -This shows an increase for the year of 76 per cent. in the number of -institutions and of 60 per cent. in stock and bonded debt. But it shows -more than this. According to the census of 1890 the entire capital -employed in manufacturing and mechanical industries was $6,525,000,000. -A comparison of this figure with the stock and bonds of trusts for 1899 -shows that the capitalization of these gigantic combines was equal to 90 -per cent. of the entire manufacturing investments of 1890. - -It was such significant figures as these that woke the country to a -realization of the imminence and great importance of the trust problem. -It was felt that the most stupendous industrial revolution in the -history of the world was on, because it was realized how closely our -industrial system had approached to complete absorption under -monopolistic control. Industry at large was becoming organized into a -system of feudalized corporations. Each was stifling competition, -discouraging enterprise, and padlocking the gates of opportunity. -Together they were in absolute mastery of the industrial field. - -The menacing danger of the situation was early realized, and the -“anti-trust” movement progressed side by side with the opposition to -imperialism. The fight was to be one of individualism against a gigantic -and arrogant plutocracy, the forces of individualism contending for the -doctrines of liberty and equal opportunity as against the reactionary -tendencies of which trusts and imperialism were the supremest -manifestations. In this Titanic struggle it was but fitting that the -Jeffersonian hosts should be marshaled under the leadership of the -brave, aggressive, eloquent, and inspired evangel of the doctrines of -the Fathers—William J. Bryan. - -[Illustration: DAVID B. HILL] - - - - - RENOMINATION - - -When the result of the great presidential contest of 1896 was made -known, Mr. Bryan’s political enemies, both in and out of the Democratic -party, loudly proclaimed that “Bryanism”—or “Bryanarchy,” as a -green-eyed relict of Mr. Cleveland’s second cabinet terms it—was dead -and buried. Some said it was “too dead to bury.” And Bryan himself, they -gleefully asserted, had died with the death of ideas to which he was -wedded. Doubtless many of them believed this. The fierce and determined -onslaught of the silver men in that memorable campaign had so wrought -upon the fears of the class of Americans of whom Marcus A. Hanna and -Pierpont Morgan are representative, that, in their nervous hysteria -after their narrow escape, they were in a frame of mind where but little -evidence was required to induce great faith. And, moreover, the decisive -defeat which Bryan had suffered, considered in its probable effect on -his disorganized following, was such as naturally gave birth to the hope -that to the outstretched palms of the repudiated and disowned leaders of -the party, such as Mr. Cleveland, might soon be restored in contrition -the insignia of power and authority. - -But even those who most sincerely believed and uproariously heralded the -death of Bryanism and of Bryan continued their flagellations of both as -earnestly as of yore. To them the good old Latin rule “_De mortuis nihil -nisi bonum_” was obsolete and cobwebby. - -And so, for almost three years succeeding Mr. McKinley’s election, the -funeral notices of Democracy’s leader were daily published and his -requiems daily sung. But, through all this time, the faith of the allied -forces of reform that their leader was still of the living abode with -them, and, firm in the belief, they were neither faltered nor dismayed, -and never a man broke ranks. - -And it was not long before faith that was of the spirit gave way to that -certainty which comes of knowledge that is of the brain and senses. The -first evidence was the remarkable sale and popularity of “The First -Battle.” Another was the increasing demand for Mr. Bryan’s services as -lecturer and public speaker, and the rapturous enthusiasm with which he -was received, excelling, if possible that which greeted the Presidential -candidate. Then, when he fearlessly took a stand against imperialism, -which seemed to be sweeping the country like a great forest fire, and at -once, in response to his appeal, the great Democratic party lined up -against that policy, it became clearly evident that the powers of the -great popular leader had not waned; neither had his influence over the -minds and hearts of the people been lost. Finally, just as he was the -first great public man of the United States to raise his voice in -protest against the abandonment of the Republic, so he was the first to -propose a definite and coherent remedy for the overshadowing evil of the -trusts. This again demonstrated his natural fitness for leadership. Mr. -Bryan first outlined his views at the Anti-Trust Conference held in -Chicago in 1899. Because of its importance, as well as because it was -the first tangible remedy proposed, it is here reproduced: - -“I believe we ought to have remedies in both state and nation, and that -they should be concurrent remedies. In the first place, every state has, -or should have, the right to create any private corporation, which, in -the judgment of the people of the state, is conducive to the welfare of -the people of that state. I believe we can safely entrust to the people -of a state the settlement of a question which concerns them. If they -create a corporation, and it becomes destructive of their best -interests, they can destroy that corporation, and we can safely trust -them both to create and annihilate, if conditions make annihilation -necessary. In the second place, the state has, or should have, the right -to prohibit any foreign corporation from doing business in the state, -and it has, or should have, the right to impose such restrictions and -limitations as the people of the state may think necessary upon foreign -corporations doing business in the state. In other words, the people of -the state not only should have a right to create the corporations they -want, but they should be permitted to protect themselves against any -outside corporation. - -“But I do not think this is sufficient. I believe, in addition to a -state remedy, there must be a Federal remedy, and I believe Congress -has, or should have, the power to place restrictions and limitations, -even to the point of prohibition, upon any corporation organized in any -state that wants to do business outside of the state. I say that -Congress has, or should have, power to place upon the corporation such -limitations and restrictions, even to the point of prohibition, as may -to Congress seem necessary for the protection of the public. - -“Now, I believe that these concurrent remedies will prove effective. To -repeat, the people of every state shall first decide whether they want -to create a corporation. They shall also decide whether they want any -outside corporation to do business in the state; and, if so, upon what -conditions; and then Congress shall exercise the right to place upon -every corporation doing business outside of the state in which it is -organized such limitations and restrictions as may be necessary for the -protection of the public.” - -The legislation to be enacted by Congress Mr. Bryan roughly outlined as -follows: - -“Suppose that Congress should say that whenever a corporation wants to -do business outside of the state, it must apply to and receive from some -body, created by Congress for the purpose, a license to do business. -Suppose the law should provide three conditions upon which the license -could be issued: - -“1. That the evidence should show that there was no water in the stock. - -“2. That the evidence should show that the corporation has not attempted -in the past and is not now attempting, to monopolize any branch of -industry or any article of merchandise; and - -“3. Providing for that publicity which everybody has spoken of and about -which everybody agrees.” - -This plan of Mr. Bryan’s for the suppression of monopolistic trusts is -given here, not especially because of the intrinsic merit it may -possess, but as illustrating one of the important phases of his -character. - -When the tariff question was under discussion, Mr. Bryan was an -outspoken advocate of a tariff for revenue only. When the silver -question arose Mr. Bryan wrote and stood squarely upon the first -platform that declared for the “free and unlimited coinage of both gold -and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for -the aid or consent of any other nation on earth.” When the dark cloud of -imperialism rose on the horizon his was the first voice to point out the -danger, and he took an unequivocal position in favor of granting -independence to the Filipinos. And now, at the Trust Conference, while -many joined with him in denunciation of the evil, he alone proposed and -ably defended a definite and explicit remedy. So it has been with every -other question with which Mr. Bryan has had to deal, in his career as a -public man; he has never failed to state his exact position and to take -the American people fully and freely into his confidence. And his -frankness and honesty have been appreciated. Of the thousand delegates -chosen during the first six months of the year 1900 to attend the great -Democratic National convention at Kansas City, those from every state -but two were instructed for Bryan for President. When it is remembered -that this was done in spite of the earnest desire of a number of -well-known Democrats who wished it otherwise, but absolutely dared not -make a fight, the full significance of this great popular tribute to the -defeated candidate of four years before may be understood. It was this -unanimity as regarded the candidate, together with the unanimity -regarding the issue, the feeling of enthusiasm aroused by the one, and -of patriotic fervor excited by the other, that made the Kansas City -convention one destined to be memorable in American history. And while -the name on the lips of every Democrat was the same name as was -pronounced at Chicago four years before, the issue which aroused them by -the compelling force of events was entirely different. Then the question -was: What kind of money shall this nation have, and who shall issue it -and control its volume? Now the question was: What form of government -shall this nation have; shall it remain a Republic, as contemplated by -the fathers,—the world’s beacon light of liberty,—or shall it turn its -face to the past, extinguish its light, and on the dark sea of empire, -littered with the flotsam and jetsam of nations that once were great and -free, set forth toward the orient? The issue was worthy of the man, and -the man, with a reunited and virile Democracy behind him, was prepared -to meet it. - -No man who was so fortunate as to be present at the Kansas City -convention can live long enough to forget it. It was epoch-marking not -only for its outward appearance, but for its inward significance. To the -onlooker, stirred by its emotional enthusiasm, by the wildness and -frenzy of its patriotic manifestations, these were its memorable and -significant features. But to him who looked beneath the surface, who -knew and saw the strange combat being waged between one man and many -hundreds of men,—a combat one of the strangest in nature and most -remarkable in its outcome ever waged in a parliamentary body,—it was -this that held him entranced to the end, and sent him home marveling at -that one man’s strength and greatness. It came about in this wise: Of -the hundreds of thousands of Gold Democrats who left the Democratic -party in 1896 because of the silver question, ninety per cent. or more -were anxious to come back and aid in Mr. Bryan’s nomination and -election, now that they believed they saw the Republic itself in danger -at the hand of President McKinley and his advisers. They saw, as did the -Silver Democrats, as did Mr. Bryan himself, that imperialism was to be -the dominating, all-important issue of the campaign. In the shadow of -the great danger of the conversion of the Republic into an empire they -were willing to subordinate all minor differences and join to defeat the -President they had themselves helped to elect four years before. It is -true that to these men “free silver” was still a bugaboo. At the same -time they were convinced that, because of the complexion of the Senate, -with its heavy Republican majority, even should Mr. Bryan and a -Democratic House of Representatives be elected on a free silver -platform, it would be impossible for them, in four years, to enact any -legislation along that line. But nevertheless, after the manner of many -a returning prodigal, they demanded a concession. It was a very modest -and moderate concession they wanted. They asked the party only to -reaffirm instead of reiterating the free silver plank of the Chicago -platform. - -It can hardly be denied that to reaffirm is, in effect, to reiterate. -The difference is only in seeming,—and, possibly, that it gives -opportunity for “interpretation” and “construction.” At all events, the -Gold Democrats had early gone to work to secure this concession. They -had been successful in enlisting in their behalf scores and hundreds of -sincere friends of bimetallism in the Democratic party. And when the -delegates were gathered at Kansas City it became evident that a large -majority of them were favorable to the policy of a general reaffirmation -of the Chicago platform without a specific repetition of the demand for -free silver at the ratio of sixteen to one. Not only were the most of -the delegates inclined to this course, but it was advocated, before the -convention met, by a large majority of the influential party leaders. It -was, on the part of the leaders, as of most of the delegates, a sincere -and honest advocacy, by men whose fealty to the doctrine of bimetallism -was undoubted. It was their intent, not to abandon the demand for free -silver,—far from it,—for the platform would reaffirm the demand made in -1896,—but to subordinate it in such a way as would do least damage in -the fight for the preservation of the Republic. Such was their honest -position. - -But here the trouble arose. The Gold Democrats, by their very -insistence, had made “free silver” the only issue, so far as the -convention was concerned. There was no difference among Democrats as to -any other plank of the platform. This very fact, and the fact that in -every newspaper in the country the one question of discussion and of -speculation concerning the convention was whether it would “reaffirm” or -“reiterate” had brought the old issue so prominently to the fore-ground -that not to reiterate would mean practically to abandon the position, -while under fire. Had the issue never been raised, had the fight thereon -never been precipitated, it is conceivable, even probable, that there -had come from no source any objection to the policy of reaffirming the -Chicago platform so far as the old issues were concerned, and making -specific declarations on the new ones. But the issue had been raised, -and the objection came,—came from William J. Bryan, at his home in -Lincoln. - -On July 1, R. L. Metcalfe, a delegate at large from Nebraska, after a -long consultation with Mr. Bryan gave out an authorized interview in -which he declared that there must be a specific declaration on the money -question. This was taken as a statement of Mr. Bryan’s position, and -David B. Hill, the leader of the Gold Democrats, at once hastened from -Kansas City to Lincoln on a futile mission. He wished to induce Mr. -Bryan to recede from his position. It became at once evident that there -was to be a contest over the money plank of the platform. - -On July 3, the day before the convention met, A. S. Tibbets of Lincoln, -another delegate-at-large from Nebraska, threw this bomb-shell: “Bryan -will not run on any platform which does not contain a specific -declaration in favor of free coinage at the ratio of sixteen to one. If -this convention does not put that declaration in the platform it will -have to nominate another candidate for president.” - -This authorized statement was a bugle call to Democrats, reminding them -that parties are founded on the bed-rock of principle, and that -platforms are made unequivocally to express convictions. Many of the -leaders of the party, assembled at Kansas City, took their stand by -Bryan’s side, and the fight for sturdy, honest, and manly candor waged -fiercely to the end. - -Ex-Governor Hill, who had returned from Lincoln, alone among the leaders -who had fought for a specific silver plank, boldly and openly continued -his fight. He is a hard and stubborn fighter, and he centered his -efforts on the organization of the committee on resolutions. He sent for -heads of delegations known to be favorable to his plan, and urged upon -them the necessity of selecting “careful, conservative, long-headed -men,” as members of that important committee. He argued vehemently for -the necessity of such action as would “reorganize the party” and make -victory assured. “Good God, gentlemen,” the famous New Yorker exclaimed -to one delegation with which he was closeted, “we must not lose this -election. It means fifty years of republican rule. And if we are wise,” -he said, wagging his head solemnly, “we will not lose it. The people -want to be with us. Shall we be so generous”—with an oratorical flourish -and Frenchified shrug of his expressive shoulders—“as to refuse to allow -them to fight our battles?” - -Here a Kansan spoke up. “I am not a delegate, senator,” he said, “but I -want a conservative platform. If we don’t get it I’ll go home and quit, -and I’ve voted the Democratic ticket for fifty years.” - -“Wait, wait, my friend,” came the quick response; “don’t, don’t, I pray -you, say that. Whether the platform pleases us or not, we must fight, -fight to win, fight to the death.” The eyes of the shrewd and wily -politician flashed. In quick, nervous staccato he continued: “Mark my -words, mark my words. If McKinley and a Republican Congress are elected -inside the year a force bill will be fastened upon us. Why? Kentucky; -that will be the excuse. And the next move—do you know what it will be? -On the pretext that the negro vote is not cast nor counted, the -representation of the southern states in Congress will be reduced. Their -vote in the electoral college will be diminished, and they’ll have the -Democratic party by the throat, bound hand and foot. We must not permit -it. We must not.” - -The second day before the convention met, the writer of this chapter, in -a dispatch to the Omaha _World-Herald_, said: - -“There are many Democrats in Kansas City to-night who profess to deplore -what they term William J. Bryan’s lack of skill as a “practical -politician,” who murmur their complaints that the leader of their party -does not understand the gentle art of constructing a platform that will -“catch ‘em acomin’ and catch ‘em a gwine,” who complain that Mr. Bryan -does not understand that the end and aim of a political party is to get -into power—to hold offices and control the patronage of the -administration. These men, crafty, cunning diplomats, though not always -successful withal, are, it may frankly be admitted, grieved and -disappointed at Mr. Bryan’s insistence that the Democratic platform -should clearly and explicitly set forth the conviction and the purpose -of Democracy’s heart and brain. - -“But in all Kansas City, among all the sweltering and noisy crowds that -throng the lobbies and march up and down the streets, there can not be -found a single man—Democrat, Populist, or Republican—but will confess -his admiration of Mr. Bryan’s honesty and courage. - -“To the leaders and manipulators of parties, to the men taught and -accustomed to play to the pit, Mr. Bryan is a source of ever-increasing -wonder and surprise. It is hard for the politician to understand the -statesman. - -“It it not to be doubted that Mr. Bryan’s wishes are to prevail in the -great convention of American patriotism which is to convene to-morrow on -the anniversary of the Republic’s birth, to proclaim anew the unchanged -and never-changing truths to perpetuate which the blood of heroes and of -martyrs was shed on a hundred battlefields. - -“The platform will be an honest platform, it will be an easily -understood platform, it will conceal nothing, and it will evade nothing. -It will there declare, in explicit terms, for independent bimetallism by -this country alone, at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one. This -prediction may be safely hazarded. - -“All day long the leaven has been working, all day long the gospel of -candor and righteousness has been preached, and to-night there is not a -delegate but knows that Mr. Bryan demands that the Democratic party deal -in unequivocal good faith with the people of this country.” - -In truth the bold and manly position taken by Mr. Bryan had won him the -admiration and respect of the whole country. It demonstrated anew those -noble qualities which he possesses in such an unusual degree. The -strength of his position was well outlined in an interview given to the -New York _Herald_ by Mr. Metcalfe, who led the fight for a specific -declaration. Mr. Metcalfe said: - -“When the American people know Mr. Bryan better, they will learn that he -is not a politician in the popular acceptation of that term, but that he -is honestly devoted to his views of fundamental principles, and that, -while not an obstinate man, on this question of principle he is as firm -as a rock. Men who know him best know him to be a man of iron. He stands -to-day determined that the platform on which he is to be a candidate -shall contain a plank explicitly pledging independent bimetallism at the -ratio of sixteen to one. Those men of the East who do not know the man, -and who may be inclined to regard his position on this question as an -obstinate one, should know that the same firmness of purpose, the same -indifference to appeal even by men known to be friendly to him that -characterizes his adherence to the principle in which some of the men of -the East believe him to be wrong, will sustain him in the White House on -the many great questions on which they believe him to be right. - -“The situation is an unusual one as political situations have gone in -this country, but the man who is to be the nominee of this convention is -an exceptional man. As the prospective nominee of this convention he -will not surrender his convictions. As the nominee of the Democratic -party in the coming campaign he will not be a dodger. In the White House -he will not be a wabbler. When he shall be elected, men who may be -saddened by the thought that they have a President who believes in -bimetallism at the ratio of sixteen to one may find consolation in the -demonstration of the fact that they also have an American president who -adheres to the policies and traditions of a republic in preference to -the habits of an empire; who draws his inspiration from the great mass -of the people, rather than from a coterie of trust agents; whose purpose -it is to discharge his duties so that the result shall be the greatest -good to the greatest number, rather than to surrender to a handful of -men the privilege of administering the government to the end that the -many shall bear all the burdens and the few shall enjoy all the -benefits.” - -The fight in the resolutions committee was a hard and long one. So -closely was the committee divided that it was evident that neither side -had more than two or three majority. It seemed almost inevitable that a -minority and majority report, differing only as to the wording in which -the party’s allegiance to silver should be expressed, would go before -the convention. And in this event hard feeling would in all probability -be engendered, harsh words be spoken, and factionalism and disunion -might result. In this crisis, one of the members of the resolutions -committee was seized with an inspiration. In a half hour the whole -difficulty was solved. The committee unanimously agreed to a specific -demand for free silver coupled with the declaration that imperialism was -the paramount issue of the campaign. - -On July 5 the platform was read and adopted by the convention, and Bryan -nominated for president of the United States. - -Again the writer incorporates a portion of a dispatch sent by him to the -_World-Herald_ descriptive of this memorable session of the convention: - -“Never in the history of popular government has there been held a -national convention of a great political party that can be likened to -that which at Kansas City to-day promulgated its declaration of -principles and nominated its candidate for the chief magistracy of the -great commonwealth of sovereign American states. - -[Illustration: ADLAI STEVENSON] - -“To-day’s session witnessed scenes of turbulent enthusiasm, of intense -patriotic ardor such as have never before been witnessed and such as -promise a victory at once glorious and complete for William J. Bryan at -the polls next November. It has been a day marked by loftiest patriotism -and noblest purposes, a day that for centuries to come will stand clear -and distinct as marking an epoch in the cause of human liberty. - -“To-day was fired the first gun of that great war which is to be waged -during the next four months for the preservation of the Republic and the -perpetuation of American institutions. And to-day, on a Democratic -platform, addressing a Democratic convention, Webster Davis, Republican -orator, statesman, and publicist, denounced in words of burning -eloquence Republican abandonment of republican principles, and pledged -his loyal and unswerving support to William J. Bryan. And on that same -platform David B. Hill, Gold Democrat, stood before wildly cheering -thousands, and announced a reunited Democracy. - -“’Save the Republic,’ is to be the battle cry, the Declaration of -Independence the party creed, ‘The Battle Hymn of the Republic’ the -battle hymn, and the American flag the party emblem. And the leader, -honest, unswerving, and undaunted, is to be the same gallant chieftain -who breathed anew the breath of life into Democracy four years ago and -marched it to glorious battle. Such, while the fire of patriotism burned -fiercely in its heart, was the unanimous decision reached to-day by the -Democratic National convention. - -“As has been daily predicted in these dispatches, the Democratic party -took no backward step on the question of finance. - -“There is no attempt at quibbling, at subterfuge, or equivocation. -Honesty and candor of the highest order live in this plank of the -platform as they have their being in every other plank. There is not a -line, a word, or a syllable capable of more than the one meaning; there -are no omissions, no half statements, no dodgings of any question. The -platform is in every sense worthy of the man—candid, bold, honest, and -sincere even as he is candid, bold, honest, and sincere. Most wondrously -were the schemes and machinations of the enemies of the Democratic party -confounded. For on the single question on which the delegates were -divided, as to whether there should be a specific demand for the free -coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one by this nation alone, -the committee on resolutions brought in a unanimous report and the -demand was boldly and specifically made. And the platform in which that -demand was incorporated was adopted by the convention, not only with -absolute unanimity, but amid the wildest, the most general, and most -prolonged enthusiasm. - -“In this unanimity spoke the love of every delegate for the Republic. It -came because of a realizing sense that popular government and free -institutions are in danger. And with that danger threatening, not a man -in the convention but felt that all other differences must be buried -while the party that founded and builded the Republic rallies to guard -the sacred edifice from the vandal hands that are outstretched for its -destruction. And thus it was that the great Democratic party reunited, -north, south, east, and west clasping hands, love of country in every -man’s heart and ‘save the Republic’ on each man’s lip, gave its platform -and its candidate to the country.” - -So Mr. Bryan won his greatest fight. It was a fight not only for -principle and honesty, but for absolute candor and sincerity in dealing -with any question before the American people. And, having won it, he was -again the candidate for President of three political parties. For at -Kansas City, at a convention held at the same time as the Democratic, -the Silver Republican party, under the leadership of that pure and -disinterested patriot, Charles A. Towne, had made Bryan and Stevenson, -the Democratic nominees, its own nominees. And the Peoples’ party, at -Sioux Falls, South Dakota, early in May had, in a spirit of noble -self-sacrifice, gone outside its own party in its search for candidates, -naming Mr. Bryan for President and Mr. Towne for Vice-President. Mr. -Towne, believing that by so doing he could better further Mr. Bryan’s -election, later withdrew from the ticket. - -The Republican party met at Philadelphia in June, and renominated -President McKinley, choosing as its Vice-Presidential candidate Governor -Theodore Roosevelt of New York. The platform declared for the permanent -retention of the Philippine Islands as property of the United States. - -President McKinley, in his speech of acceptance, thus outlined his -Philippine policy: - -“There must be no scuttle policy. We will fulfil in the Philippines the -obligations imposed by the triumph of our arms, by the treaty of peace, -and by international law, by the nation’s sense of honor, and, more than -all, by the rights, interests, and conditions of the Filipinos -themselves.... The Philippines are ours, and American authority must be -supreme throughout the archipelago.” - -Those who find this declaration vague and unsatisfactory may well turn -to Mr. Bryan’s great speech of acceptance delivered at Indianapolis on -August 8, in which he makes this distinct pledge: - -“If elected, I shall convene Congress in extraordinary session as soon -as I am inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the -nation’s purpose, first, to establish a stable form of government in the -Philippine Islands, just as we are now establishing a stable form of -government in Cuba; second, to give independence to the Filipinos, just -as we have promised to give independence to the Cubans; third, to -protect the Filipinos from outside interference while they work out -their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central and -South America and are, by the Monroe Doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. -A European protectorate often results in the exploitation of the ward by -the guardian. An American protectorate gives to the nation protected the -advantage of our strength without making it the victim of our greed. For -three-quarters of a century the Monroe Doctrine has been a shield to -neighboring republics, and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon -us.” - -So is the issue drawn in the important campaign in which, for a second -time, William J. Bryan and William McKinley are the opposing candidates -for the highest elective office in the world. For weal or for woe, who -can doubt that the outcome will be of serious and far-reaching import to -the people of the United States and to their children and children’s -children who shall live after them? - - - - - THE INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH - - -Mr. Bryan was notified of his second nomination for the Presidency by -the Democratic party at Indianapolis, Ind., on August 8, 1900. The -ceremonies took place in the presence of an immense multitude of people, -the number being conservatively estimated at fifty thousand, among whom -were included many of the most distinguished members of the party. In -formally accepting the nomination Mr. Bryan delivered a speech which -will not only rank as incomparably the best of his numerous public -utterances, but which is destined to immortality in the brief list of -the world’s great orations. - -For purity and simplicity of style, and beauty and strength of -structure, as well as for its masterful logic and sublimity of -sentiment, this speech has never been excelled. While it has not the -stately sweep of Demosthenes’ Philippics, the incisiveness of Cicero’s -invectives, or the grandeur of Burke’s sonorous periods, in its every -sentence lives such honesty, sincerity, ardent patriotism, and lofty -purpose that it thrills the hearts and stirs the consciences of men as -no other speech, save only Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, has -ever done before. - -This speech, not only because of its wondrous effect on the American -people and its direct bearing on the great issue with which Mr. Bryan’s -life has become wedded, but as much because of the glowing light it -sheds upon the character of the man, his ideals, and his motives, is -here reproduced in full: - -MR. CHAIRMAN AND MEMBERS OF THE NOTIFICATION COMMITTEE—I shall, at an -early day, and in a more formal manner accept the nomination which you -tender, and I shall at that time discuss the various questions covered -by the Democratic platform. It may not be out of place, however, to -submit a few observations at this time upon the general character of the -contest before us and upon the question which is declared to be of -paramount importance in this campaign. - -When I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest between democracy on -the one hand and plutocracy on the other, I do not mean to say that all -our opponents have deliberately chosen to give to organized wealth a -predominating influence in the affairs of the government, but I do -assert that, on the important issues of the day, the Republican party is -dominated by those influences which constantly tend to substitute the -worship of mammon for the protection of the rights of man. - -In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican party believed in the man and -the dollar, but that in case of conflict it believed in the man before -the dollar. This is the proper relation which should exist between the -two. Man, the handiwork of God, comes first; money, the handiwork of -man, is of inferior importance. Man is the master, money the servant, -but upon all important questions to-day Republican legislation tends to -make money the master and man the servant. - -The maxim of Jefferson, “Equal rights to all and special privileges to -none,” and the doctrine of Lincoln that this should be a government “of -the people, by the people, and for the people,” are being disregarded -and the instrumentalities of government are being used to advance the -interests of those who are in a position to secure favors from the -government. - -The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest acquisition of -wealth; it has no desire to discourage industry, economy, and thrift. On -the contrary, it gives to every citizen the greatest possible stimulus -to honest toil when it promises him protection in the enjoyment of the -proceeds of his labor. Property rights are most secure when human rights -are most respected. Democracy strives for a civilization in which every -member of society will share according to his merits. - -No one has a right to expect from society more than a fair compensation -for the service which he renders to society. If he secures more it is at -the expense of someone else. It is no injustice to him to prevent his -doing injustice to another. To him who would, either through class -legislation or in the absence of necessary legislation, trespass upon -the rights of another the Democratic party says, “Thou shalt not.” - -Against us are arrayed a comparatively small but politically and -financially powerful number who really profit by Republican policies; -but with them are associated a large number who, because of their -attachment to their party name, are giving their support to doctrines -antagonistic to the former teachings of their own party. Republicans who -used to advocate bimetallism now try to convince themselves that the -gold standard is good; Republicans who were formerly attached to the -greenback are now seeking an excuse for giving national banks control of -the nation’s paper money; Republicans who used to boast that the -Republican party was paying off the national debt are now looking for -reasons to support a perpetual and increasing debt; Republicans who -formerly abhorred a trust now beguile themselves with the delusion that -there are good trusts and bad trusts, while, in their minds, the line -between the two is becoming more and more obscure; Republicans who, in -times past, congratulated the country upon the small expense of our -standing army are now making light of the objections which are urged -against a large increase in the permanent military establishment; -Republicans who gloried in our independence when the nation was less -powerful now look with favor upon a foreign alliance; Republicans who -three years ago condemned “forcible annexation” as immoral and even -criminal are now sure that it is both immoral and criminal to oppose -forcible annexation. That partisanship has already blinded many to -present dangers is certain; how large a portion of the Republican party -can be drawn over to the new policies remains to be seen. - -For a time Republican leaders were inclined to deny to opponents the -right to criticise the Philippine policy of the administration, but upon -investigation they found that both Lincoln and Clay asserted and -exercised the right to criticise a president during the progress of the -Mexican war. - -Instead of meeting the issue boldly and submitting a clear and positive -plan for dealing with the Philippine question, the Republican convention -adopted a platform, the larger part of which was devoted to boasting and -self-congratulation. - -In attempting to press economic questions upon the country to the -exclusion of those which involve the very structure of our government, -the Republican leaders give new evidence of their abandonment of the -earlier ideals of the party and of their complete subserviency to -pecuniary considerations. - -But they shall not be permitted to evade the stupendous and far-reaching -issue which they have deliberately brought into the arena of politics. -When the president, supported by a practically unanimous vote of the -House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the purpose of -aiding the struggling patriots of Cuba, the country, without regard to -party, applauded. Although the Democrats recognized that the -administration would necessarily gain a political advantage from the -conduct of a war which in the very nature of the case must soon end in a -complete victory, they vied with the Republicans in the support which -they gave to the President. When the war was over and the Republican -leaders began to suggest the propriety of a colonial policy, opposition -at once manifested itself. When the President finally laid before the -Senate a treaty which recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided -for the cession of the Philippine islands to the United States, the -menace of imperialism became so apparent that many preferred to reject -the treaty and risk the ills that might follow rather than take the -chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the independent action -of this country. - -I was among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the -treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, remove the excuse for -war expenditures, and then give to the Filipinos the independence which -might be forced from Spain by a new treaty. - -In view of the criticism which my action aroused in some quarters, I -take this occasion to restate the reasons given at that time. I thought -it safer to trust the American people to give independence to the -Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment of that purpose to diplomacy -with an unfriendly nation. Lincoln embodied an argument in the question -when he asked, “Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make -laws?” I believe that we are now in a better position to wage a -successful contest against imperialism than we would have been had the -treaty been rejected. With the treaty ratified, a clean-cut issue is -presented between a government by consent and a government by force, and -imperialists must bear the responsibility for all that happens until the -question is settled. If the treaty had been rejected, the opponents of -imperialism would have been held responsible for any international -complications which might have arisen before the ratification of another -treaty. But, whatever differences of opinion may have existed as to the -best method of opposing a colonial policy, there never was any -difference as to the importance of the course to be pursued. - -The title of Spain being extinguished, we were at liberty to deal with -the Filipinos according to American principles. The Bacon resolution, -introduced a month before hostilities broke out at Manila, promised -independence to the Filipinos on the same terms that it was promised to -the Cubans. I supported this resolution and believe that its adoption -prior to the breaking out of hostilities would have prevented bloodshed, -and that its adoption at any subsequent time would have ended -hostilities. - -If the treaty had been rejected considerable time would have necessarily -elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed upon and ratified, -and during that time the question would have been agitating the public -mind. If the Bacon resolution had been adopted by the Senate and carried -out by the President, either at the time of the ratification of the -treaty or at any time afterwards, it would have taken the question of -imperialism out of politics and left the American people free to deal -with their domestic problems. But the resolution was defeated by the -vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that time to this a -Republican Congress has refused to take any action whatever in the -matter. - -When hostilities broke out at Manila Republican speakers and Republican -editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those who had delayed the -ratification of the treaty, and, during the progress of the war, the -same Republicans have accused the opponents of imperialism of giving -encouragement to the Filipinos. This is a cowardly evasion of -responsibility. - -If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine islands -permanently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, -the Republican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it -must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to -resist to the extent of their ability. The Filipinos do not need any -encouragement from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an -encouragement, not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a -voice in their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to -censure all who have used language calculated to make the Filipinos hate -foreign domination let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he -uttered that passionate appeal, “Give me liberty or give me death,” he -expressed a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men. Let them -censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used words -so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. -Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonists must choose -between liberty and slavery. Or, if the statute of limitations has run -against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure -Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular -government when the present advocates of force and conquest are -forgotten. - -Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It -goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening -influence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or -spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of -Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of -perpetual hatred, for it was God Himself who placed in every human heart -the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so low in the scale -of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master. - -Those who would have this nation enter upon a career of empire must -consider not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they -must also calculate its effects upon our own nation. We can not -repudiate the principle of self-government in the Philippines without -weakening that principle here. - -Lincoln said that the safety of this nation was not in its fleets, its -armies, its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty as the -heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere, and he warned his -countrymen that they could not destroy this spirit without planting the -seeds of despotism at their own doors. - -Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing influence of -imperialism. Heretofore, this nation has been prompt to express its -sympathy with those who were fighting for civil liberty. While our -sphere of activity has been limited to the western hemisphere, our -sympathies have not been bounded by the seas. We have felt it due to -ourselves and to the world, as well as to those who were struggling for -the right to govern themselves, to proclaim the interest which our -people have, from the date of their own independence, felt in every -contest between human rights and arbitrary power. Three-quarters of a -century ago, when our nation was small, the struggles of Greece aroused -our people, and Webster and Clay gave eloquent expression to the -universal desire for Grecian independence. In 1896, all parties -manifested a lively interest in the success of the Cubans, but now when -a war is in progress in South Africa, which must result in the extension -of the monarchial idea, or in the triumph of a republic, the advocates -of imperialism in this country dare not say a word in behalf of the -Boers. Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any unfriendliness -towards England; the American people are not unfriendly toward the -people of any nation. This sympathy is due to the fact that, as stated -in our platform, we believe in the principles of self-government, and -reject, as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy. If this nation -surrenders its belief in the universal application of the principles set -forth in the Declaration of Independence, it will lose the prestige and -influence which it has enjoyed among the nations as an exponent of -popular government. - -Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek to confuse -imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a -supporter of their policy. Jefferson spoke so freely and used language -with such precision that no one can be ignorant of his views. On one -occasion he declared: “If there be one principle more deeply rooted than -any other in the mind of every American, it is that we should have -nothing to do with conquest.” And again he said: “Conquest is not in our -principles; it is inconsistent with our government.” - -The forcible annexation of territory to be governed by arbitrary power -differs as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up into -states as a monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does -not oppose expansion, when expansion enlarges the area of the Republic -and incorporates land which can be settled by American citizens, or adds -to our population people who are willing to become citizens and are -capable of discharging their duties as such. The acquisition of the -Louisiana territory, Florida, Texas, and other tracts which have been -secured from time to time enlarged the Republic, and the Constitution -followed the flag into the new territory. It is now proposed to seize -upon distant territory, already more densely populated than our own -country, and to force upon the people a government for which there is no -warrant in our Constitution or our laws. Even the argument that this -earth belongs to those who desire to cultivate it and who have the -physical power to acquire it can not be invoked to justify the -appropriation of the Philippine islands by the United States. If the -islands were uninhabited American citizens would not be willing to go -there and till the soil. The white race will not live so near the -equator. Other nations have tried to colonize in the same latitude. The -Netherlands have controlled Java for 300 years, and yet to-day there are -less than 60,000 people of European birth scattered among the 25,000,000 -natives. After a century and a half of English domination in India, less -than one-twentieth of one per cent of the people of India are of English -birth, and it requires an army of 70,000 British soldiers to take care -of the tax collectors. Spain had asserted title to the Philippine -islands for three centuries and yet, when our fleet entered Manila bay, -there were less than 10,000 Spaniards residing in the Philippines. - -A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine islands a -few traders, a few taskmasters, and a few office holders, and an army -large enough to support the authority of a small fraction of the people -while they rule the natives. - -If we have an imperial policy we must have a great standing army as its -natural and necessary complement. The spirit which will justify the -forcible annexation of the Philippine islands will justify the seizure -of other islands and the domination of other people, and with wars of -conquest we can expect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military -establishment. That a large permanent increase in our regular army is -intended by Republican leaders is not a matter of conjecture, but a -matter of fact. In his message of December 5, 1898, the President asked -for authority to increase the standing army to 100,000. In 1896 the army -contained about 25,000. Within two years the President asked for four -times that many, and a Republican House of Representatives complied with -the request after the Spanish treaty had been signed, and when no -country was at war with the United States. If such an army is demanded -when an imperial policy is contemplated, but not openly avowed, what may -be expected if the people encourage the Republican party by endorsing -its policy at the polls? A large standing army is not only a pecuniary -burden to the people and, if accompanied by compulsory service, a -constant source of irritation, but it is ever a menace to a Republican -form of government. The army is the personification of force, and -militarism will inevitably change the ideals of the people and turn the -thoughts of our young men from the arts of peace to the science of war. -The government which relies for its defense upon its citizens is more -likely to be just than one which has at call a large body of -professional soldiers. A small standing army and a well equipped and -well disciplined state militia are sufficient at ordinary times, and in -an emergency the nation should, in the future as in the past, place its -dependence upon the volunteers who come from all occupations at their -country’s call and return to productive labor when their services are no -longer required—men who fight when the country needs fighters and work -when the country needs workers. - -The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine islands will be -retained under American sovereignty, and we have a right to demand of -the Republican leaders a discussion of the future status of the -Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a subject? Are we to bring into the -body politic eight or ten million Asiatics, so different from us in race -and history that amalgamation is impossible? Are they to share with us -in making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No Republican -of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such a proposition. The -McEnery resolution, adopted by the Senate immediately after the -ratification of the treaty, expressly negatives this idea. The -Democratic platform describes the situation when it says that the -Filipinos can not be citizens without endangering our civilization. Who -will dispute it? And what is the alternative? If the Filipino is not to -be a citizen, shall we make him a subject? On that question the -Democratic platform speaks with equal emphasis. It declares that the -Filipino can not be a subject without endangering our form of -government. A republic can have no subjects. A subject is possible only -in a government resting upon force; he is unknown in a government -deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. - -The Republican platform says that “the largest measure of -self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be -secured to them [the Filipinos] by law.” This is a strange doctrine for -a government which owes its very existence to the men who offered their -lives as a protest against government without consent and taxation -without representation. In what respect does the position of the -Republican party differ from the position taken by the English -government in 1776? Did not the English government promise a good -government to the colonists? What king ever promised a bad government to -his people? Did not the English government promise that the colonists -should have the largest measure of self-government consistent with their -welfare and English duties? Did not the Spanish government promise to -give to the Cubans the largest measure of self-government consistent -with their welfare and Spanish duties? The whole difference between a -monarchy and a republic may be summed up in one sentence. In a monarchy, -the king gives to the people what he believes to be a good government; -in a republic the people secure for themselves what they believe to be a -good government. The Republican party has accepted the European idea and -planted itself upon the ground taken by George III., and by every ruler -who distrusts the capacity of the people for self-government or denies -them a voice in their own affairs. - -The Republican platform promises that some measure of self-government is -to be given the Filipinos by law; but even this pledge is not fulfilled. -Nearly sixteen months elapsed after the ratification of the treaty -before the adjournment of Congress last June, and yet no law was passed -dealing with the Philippine situation. The will of the President has -been the only law in the Philippine Islands wherever the American -authority extends. Why does the Republican party hesitate to legislate -upon the Philippine question? Because a law would disclose the radical -departure from history and precedent contemplated by those who control -the Republican party. The storm of protest which greeted the Porto Rican -bill was an indication of what may be expected when the American people -are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject. If the -Porto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, are to be denied the guarantees -of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of the Filipinos, who -resisted our authority? If secret influences could compel a disregard of -our plain duty toward friendly people, living near our shores, what -treatment will those same influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000 -miles away? If, in this country where the people have the right to vote, -Republican leaders dare not take the side of the people against the -great monopolies which have grown up within the last few years, how can -they be trusted to protect the Filipinos from the corporations which are -waiting to exploit the islands? - -Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the people of the -United States, and the twilight of semi-citizenship endured by the -people of Porto Rico, while the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage -covers the Philippines? The Porto Rico tariff law asserts the doctrine -that the operation of the Constitution is confined to the forty-five -states. The Democratic party disputes this doctrine and denounces it as -repugnant to both the letter and spirit of our organic law. There is no -place in our system of government for the deposit of arbitrary and -irresponsible power. That the leaders of a great party should claim for -any president or congress the right to treat millions of people as mere -“possessions” and deal with them unrestrained by the Constitution or the -bill of rights shows how far we have already departed from the ancient -land marks, and indicates what may be expected if this nation -deliberately enters upon a career of empire. The territorial form of -government is temporary and preparatory, and the chief security a -citizen of a territory has is found in the fact that he enjoys the same -constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general laws as the -citizen of a state. Take away this security and his rights will be -violated and his interests sacrificed at the demand of those who have -political influence. This is the evil of the colonial system, no matter -by what nation it is applied. - -What is our title to the Philippine Islands? Do we hold them by treaty -or by conquest? Did we buy them or did we take them? Did we purchase the -people? If not, how did we secure title to them? Were they thrown in -with the land? Will the Republicans say that inanimate earth has value, -but that when that earth is molded by the Divine hand and stamped with -the likeness of the Creator it becomes a fixture and passes with the -soil? If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the -governed, it is impossible to secure title to people, either by force or -by purchase. We could extinguish Spain’s title by treaty, but if we hold -title we must hold it by some method consistent with our ideas of -government. When we made allies of the Filipinos and armed them to fight -against Spain, we disputed Spain’s title. If we buy Spain’s title we are -not innocent purchasers. But even if we had not disputed Spain’s title, -she could transfer no greater title than she had, and her title was -based on force alone. We can not defend such a title, but as Spain gave -us a quit-claim deed, we can honorably turn the property over to the -party in possession. Whether any American official gave to the Filipinos -formal assurance of independence is not material. There can be no doubt -that we accepted and utilized the services of the Filipinos, and that -when we did so we had full knowledge that they were fighting for their -own independence, and I submit that history furnishes no example of -turpitude baser than ours if we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish -yoke. - -Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given in support of -an imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our duty to hold the -Philippine Islands. But duty is not an argument; it is a conclusion. To -ascertain what our duty is in any emergency, we must apply well settled -and generally accepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no -matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is -our duty to avoid killing a human being, no matter where the human being -lives or to what race or class he belongs. Everyone recognizes the -obligation imposed upon individuals to observe both the human and moral -law, but as some deny the application of those laws to nations, it may -not be out of place to quote the opinions of others. - -Jefferson, than whom there is no higher political authority, said: - -“I know of but one code of morality for men, whether acting singly or -collectively.” - -Franklin, whose learning, wisdom, and virtue are a part of the priceless -legacy bequeathed to us from the Revolutionary days, expressed the same -idea in even stronger language when he said: - -“Justice is as strictly due between neighbor nations as between neighbor -citizens. A highwayman is as much a robber when he plunders in a gang as -when single; and the nation that makes an unjust war is only a great -gang.” - -Men may dare to do in crowds what they would not dare to do as -individuals, but the moral character of an act is not determined by the -number of those who join it. Force can defend a right, but force has -never yet created a right. If it were true, as declared in the -resolutions of intervention, that the Cubans “are and of right ought to -be free and independent” (language taken from the Declaration of -Independence), it is equally true that the Filipinos “are and of right -ought to be free and independent.” The right of the Cubans to freedom -was not based upon their proximity to the United States, nor upon the -language which they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which they -belonged. Congress by a practically unanimous vote declared that the -principles enunciated at Philadelphia in 1776 were still alive and -applicable to the Cubans. Who will draw a line between the natural -rights of the Cuban and the Filipino? Who will say that the former has a -right to liberty and the latter has no rights which we are bound to -respect? And, if the Filipinos “are and of right ought to be free and -independent,” what right have we to force our government upon them -without their consent? Before our duty can be ascertained, their rights -must be determined, and when their rights are once determined, it is as -much our duty to respect those rights as it was the duty of Spain to -respect the rights of the people of Cuba or the duty of England to -respect the rights of the American colonists. Rights never conflict; -duties never clash. Can it be our duty to usurp political rights which -belong to others? Can it be our duty to kill those who, following the -example of our forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for it? - -Some poet has described the terror which overcame a soldier who in the -midst of battle discovered that he had slain his brother. It is written -“All ye are brethren.” Let us hope for the coming of the day when human -life—which when once destroyed can not be restored—will be so sacred -that it will never be taken except when necessary to punish a crime -already committed, or to prevent a crime about to be committed! - -If it is said that we have assumed before the world obligations which -make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a government in the -Philippine Islands, I reply, first, that the highest obligation of this -nation is to be true to itself. No obligation to any particular nation, -or to all the nations combined, can require the abandonment of our -theory of government and the substitution of doctrines against which our -whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that our obligation -to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is greater than any -obligation which we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary residence -in the Philippines or desire to trade there. - -It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable of self-government -and that, therefore, we owe it to the world to take control of them. -Admiral Dewey, in an official report to the navy department, declared -the Filipinos more capable of self-government than the Cubans and said -that he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will not -rest the case upon the relative advancement of the Filipinos. Henry -Clay, in defending the right of the people of South America to -self-government, said: - -“It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to govern -himself. Their partisans assert his incapacity in reference to all -nations; if they can not command universal assent to the proposition, it -is then demanded to particular nations; and our pride and our -presumption too often make converts of us. I contend that it is to -arraign the disposition of Providence Himself to suppose that He has -created beings incapable of governing themselves, and to be trampled on -by kings. Self-government is the natural government of man.” - -Clay was right. There are degrees of proficiency in the art of -self-government, but it is a reflection upon the Creator to say that He -denied to any people the capacity for self-government. Once admit that -some people are capable of self-government and that others are not and -that the capable people have a right to seize upon and govern the -incapable, and you make force—brute force—the only foundation of -government and invite the reign of a despot. I am not willing to believe -that an all-wise and an all-loving God created the Filipinos and then -left them thousands of years helpless until the islands attracted the -attention of European nations. - -Republicans ask, “Shall we haul down the flag that floats over our dead -in the Philippines?” The same question might have been asked when the -American flag floated over Chapultepec and waved over the dead who fell -there; but the tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a -national cemetery owned by the United States and cared for by an -American citizen. Our flag still floats over our dead, but when the -treaty with Mexico was signed, American authority withdrew to the Rio -Grande, and I venture the opinion that during the last fifty years the -people of Mexico have made more progress under the stimulus of -independence and self-government than they would have made under a -carpet bag government held in place by bayonets. The United States and -Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than they -would have been had the former been cursed and the latter crushed by an -imperialistic policy, disguised as “benevolent assimilation.” - -“Can we not govern colonies?” we are asked. The question is not what we -can do, but what we ought to do. This nation can do whatever it desires -to do, but it must accept responsibility for what it does. If the -Constitution stands in the way, the people can amend the Constitution. I -repeat, the nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it can not -avoid the natural and legitimate results of its own conduct. The young -man upon reaching his majority can do what he pleases. He can disregard -the teachings of his parents; he can trample upon all that he has been -taught to consider sacred; he can disobey the laws of the state, the -laws of society, and the laws of God. He can stamp failure upon his life -and make his very existence a curse to his fellow men, and he can bring -his father and mother in sorrow to the grave; but he can not annul the -sentence, “The wages of sin is death.” And so with the nation. It is of -age, and it can do what it pleases; it can spurn the traditions of the -past; it can repudiate the principles upon which the nation rests; it -can employ force instead of reason; it can substitute might for right; -it can conquer weaker people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate -their property, and kill their people; but it can not repeal the moral -law or escape the punishment decreed for the violation of human rights. - - “Would we tread in the paths of tyranny, - Nor reckon the tyrant’s cost? - Who taketh another’s liberty - His freedom is also lost. - Would we win as the strong have ever won, - Make ready to pay the debt, - For the God who reigned over Babylon - Is the God who is reigning yet.” - -Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will result in -the better education of the Filipinos. Be not deceived. If we expect to -maintain a colonial policy, we shall not find it to our advantage to -educate the people. The educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, -and the most ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our -domination. If we are to govern them without their consent and give them -no voice in determining the taxes which they must pay, we dare not -educate them, lest they learn to read the Declaration of Independence -and the Constitution of the United States and mock us for our -inconsistency. - -The principal arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a -defense of imperialism, are: - -First—That we must improve the present opportunity to become a world -power and enter into international politics. - -Second—That our commercial interests in the Philippine Islands and in -the orient make it necessary for us to hold the islands permanently. - -Third—That the spread of the Christian religion will be facilitated by a -colonial policy. - -Fourth—That there is no honorable retreat from the position which the -nation has taken. - -The first argument is addressed to the nation’s pride and the second to -the nation’s pocket-book. The third is intended for the church member -and the fourth for the partisan. - -It is a sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for more -than a century this nation has been a world power. For ten decades it -has been the most potent influence in the world. Not only has it been a -world power, but it has done more to affect the politics of the human -race than all the other nations of the world combined. Because our -Declaration of Independence was promulgated, others have been -promulgated. Because the patriots of 1776 fought for liberty, others -have fought for it; because our constitution was adopted, other -constitutions have been adopted. The growth of the principle of self -government, planted on American soil, has been the overshadowing -political fact of the nineteenth century. It has made this nation -conspicuous among the nations and given it a place in history such as no -other nation has ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to check the onward -march of this idea. I am not willing that this nation shall cast aside -the omnipotent weapon of truth to seize again the weapons of physical -warfare. I would not exchange the glory of this republic for the glory -of all the empires that have risen and fallen since time began. - -The permanent chairman of the last Republican National convention -presented the pecuniary argument in all its baldness, when he said: - -“We make no hypocritical pretense of being interested in the Philippines -solely on account of others. While we regard the welfare of those people -as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people first. -We see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe in trade -expansion. By every legitimate means within the province of government -and constitution, we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade and -open new markets.” - -This is the commercial argument. It is based upon the theory that war -can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and that it is profitable -to purchase trade by force and violence. Franklin denied both of these -propositions. When Lord Howe asserted that the acts of parliament, which -brought on the Revolution, were necessary to prevent American trade from -passing into foreign channels, Franklin replied: - -“To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade, -how valuable soever, is an object for which men may justly spill each -other’s blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing -commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the -profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it -and holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, -therefore, as both unjust and unwise.” - -I place the philosophy of Franklin against the sordid doctrine of those -who would put a price upon the head of an American soldier and justify a -war of conquest upon the ground that it will pay. The Democratic party -is in favor of the expansion of trade. It would extend our trade by -every legitimate and peaceful means; but it is not willing to make -merchandise of human blood. - -But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is unrighteous. A harbor and -coaling station in the Philippines would answer every trade and military -necessity, and such a concession could have been secured at any time -without difficulty. - -It is not necessary to own people in order to trade with them. We carry -on trade to-day with every part of the world, and our commerce has -expanded more rapidly than the commerce of any European empire. We do -not own Japan or China, but we trade with their people. We have not -absorbed the republics of Central and South America, but we trade with -them. It has not been necessary to have any political connection with -Canada or the nations of Europe, in order to trade with them. Trade can -not be permanently profitable unless it is voluntary. When trade is -secured by force, the cost of securing it and retaining it must be taken -out of the profits, and the profits are never large enough to cover the -expense. Such a system would never be defended but for the fact that the -expense is borne by all the people, while the profits are enjoyed by a -few. - -Imperialism would be profitable to the army contractors; it would be -profitable to the ship owners, who would carry live soldiers to the -Philippines and bring dead soldiers back; it-would be profitable to -those who would seize upon the franchises, and it would be profitable to -the officials whose salaries would be fixed here and paid over there; -but to the farmer, to the laboring man, and to the vast majority of -those engaged in other occupations, it would bring expenditure without -return and risk without reward. - -Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small incomes, and, under -systems which place the tax upon consumption, pay more than their fair -share of the expenses of government. Thus the very people who receive -least benefit from imperialism will be injured most by the military -burdens which accompany it. - -[Illustration: THE BRYAN FARM] - -In addition to the evils which he and the farmer share in common, the -laboring man will be the first to suffer if oriental subjects seek work -in the United States; the first to suffer if American capital leaves our -shores to employ oriental labor in the Philippines to supply the trade -of China and Japan; the first to suffer from the violence which the -military spirit arouses, and the first to suffer when the methods of -imperialism are applied to our own government. - -It is not strange, therefore, that the labor organizations have been -quick to note the approach of these dangers and prompt to protest -against both militarism and imperialism. - -The pecuniary argument, though more effective with certain classes, is -not likely to be used so often or presented with so much emphasis as the -religious argument. If what has been termed the “gun-powder gospel” were -urged against the Filipinos only, it would be a sufficient answer to say -that a majority of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the -Christian church; but the principle involved is one of much wider -application and challenges serious consideration. - -The religious argument varies in positiveness from a passive belief that -Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands for their good and our -glory, to the exultation of the minister who said that we ought to -“thrash the natives (Filipinos) until they understand who we are,” and -that “every bullet sent, every cannon shot, and every flag waved means -righteousness.” - -We can not approve of this doctrine in one place unless we are willing -to apply it everywhere. If there is poison in the blood of the hand it -will ultimately reach the heart. It is equally true that forcible -Christianity, if planted under the American flag in the faraway orient, -will sooner or later be transplanted upon American soil. If true -Christianity consists in carrying out in our daily lives the teachings -of Christ, who will say that we are commanded to civilize with dynamite -and proselyte with the sword? He who would declare the divine will must -prove his authority either by Holy Writ or by evidence of a special -dispensation. Imperialism finds no warrant in the Bible. The command “go -ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature” has no -gatling gun attachment. When Jesus visited a village of Samaria and the -people refused to receive Him, some of the disciples suggested that fire -should be called down from Heaven to avenge the insult, but the Master -rebuked them and said: “Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of; for -the Son of Man is not come to destroy men’s lives, but to save them.” -Suppose He had said: “We will thrash them until they understand who we -are,” how different would have been the history of Christianity! -Compare, if you will, the swaggering, bullying, brutal doctrine of -imperialism with the golden rule and the commandment “Thou shalt love -thy neighbor as thyself.” - -Love, not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice for others, -not the exploitation of them, was His method of reaching the human -heart. A missionary recently told me that the stars and stripes once -saved his life because his assailant recognized our flag as a flag that -had no blood upon it. Let it be known that our missionaries are seeking -souls instead of sovereignty; let it be known that instead of being the -advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth to help and to -uplift, having their loins girt about with truth and their feet shod -with the preparation of the gospel of peace, wearing the breastplate of -righteousness and carrying the sword of the spirit; let it be known that -they are citizens of a nation which respects the rights of the citizens -of other nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its own -citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will be more cordial -than the welcome extended to the missionaries of any other nation. - -The argument made, by some, that it was unfortunate for the nation that -it had anything to do with the Philippine islands, but that the naval -victory at Manila made the permanent acquisition of those islands -necessary is also unsound. We won a naval victory at Santiago, but that -did not compel us to hold Cuba. The shedding of American blood in the -Philippine Islands does not make it imperative that we should retain -possession forever; American blood was shed at San Juan hill and El -Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cubans independence. The -fact that the American flag floats over Manila does not compel us to -exercise perpetual sovereignty over the islands; the American flag waves -over Havana to-day, but the President has promised to haul it down when -the flag of the Cuban republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a -thousand times that our flag in the orient give way to a flag -representing the idea of self government than that the flag of this -republic should become the flag of an empire. - -There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the Philippine question. -It is set forth in the Democratic platform and it is submitted with -confidence to the American people. This plan I unreservedly endorse. If -elected, I will convene Congress in extraordinary session as soon as -inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the nation’s -purpose, first, to establish a stable form of government in the -Philippine Islands, just as we are now establishing a stable form of -government in Cuba; second, to give independence to the Filipinos just -as we have promised to give independence to the Cubans; third, to -protect the Filipinos from outside interference while they work out -their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central and -South America and are, by the Monroe Doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. -A European protectorate often results in the plundering of the ward by -the guardian. An American protectorate gives to the nation protected the -advantage of our strength, without making it the victim of our greed. -For three-quarters of a century the Monroe Doctrine has been a shield to -neighboring republics, and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon -us. After the Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain, we could -not honorably turn them over to their former masters; we could not leave -them to be the victims of the ambitions designs of European nations, and -since we do not desire to make them a part of us or to hold them as -subjects, we propose the only alternative, namely, to give them -independence and guard them against molestation from without. - -When our opponents are unable to defend their position by argument they -fall back upon the assertion that it is destiny, and insist that we must -submit to it, no matter how much it violates moral precepts and our -principles of government. This is a complacent philosophy. It -obliterates the distinction between right and wrong and makes -individuals and nations the helpless victims of circumstance. - -Destiny is the subterfuge of the invertebrate, who, lacking the courage -to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for supporting it. -Washington said that the destiny of the Republican form of government -was deeply, if not finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the -American people. How different Washington’s definition of destiny from -the Republican definition! The Republicans say that this nation is in -the hands of destiny; Washington believed that not only the destiny of -our own nation but the destiny of the Republican form of government -throughout the world was entrusted to American hands. Immeasurable -responsibility! The destiny of this Republic is in the hands of its own -people, and upon the success of the experiment here rests the hope of -humanity. No exterior force can disturb this Republic, and no foreign -influence should be permitted to change its course. What the future has -in store for this nation no one has authority to declare, but each -individual has his own idea of the nation’s mission, and he owes it to -his country as well as to himself to contribute as best he may to the -fulfilment of that mission. - -Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee: I can never fully -discharge the debt of gratitude which I owe to my countrymen for the -honors which they have so generously bestowed upon me; but, sirs, -whether it be my lot to occupy the high office for which the convention -has named me, or to spend the remainder of my days in private life, it -shall be my constant ambition and my controlling purpose to aid in -realizing the high ideals of those whose wisdom and courage and -sacrifices brought this Republic into existence. - -I can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories of the -present and the past—a destiny which meets the responsibilities of -to-day and measures up to the possibilities of the future. Behold a -republic, resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried by -Revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth—a republic -applying in practice and proclaiming to the world the self-evident -proposition, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed with -inalienable rights; that governments are instituted among men to secure -these rights; and that governments derive their just powers from the -consent of the governed. Behold a republic in which civil and religious -liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor, and in which the law -restrains every hand uplifted for a neighbor’s injury—a republic in -which every citizen is a sovereign but in which no one cares to wear a -crown. Behold a republic standing erect while empires all around are -bowed beneath the weight of their own armaments—a republic whose flag is -loved while other flags are only feared. Behold a republic increasing in -population, in wealth, in strength and in influence, solving the -problems of civilization and hastening the coming of an universal -brotherhood—a republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies -by its silent example and gives light and inspiration to those who sit -in darkness. Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming the supreme -moral factor in the world’s progress and the accepted arbiter of the -world’s disputes—a republic whose history, like the path of the just, -“is as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the perfect -day.” - - - - - BRYAN: THE MAN - - -The firm hold which Mr. Bryan has over the confidence, esteem, and love -of his followers was strikingly proven in the dark days that followed -November, 1896. It is certain that no other public man of his time could -have been the candidate of the Democratic party on the Chicago platform, -suffered that severe reversal, and yet retained, undisputed and -undisturbed, the acknowledged leadership of the party. Whoso learns why -it was that Mr. Bryan stood stronger in defeat then he was before has -found the key to the man’s greatness. Certainly it was not that he was a -great and eloquent orator. For the orator, while always assured a -hearing and a place under the lime-light, is still far from the actual -leadership of his party. It was not because of the views which he -entertained on public questions, for they were those of scores of other -well known and able men. It was not because of his honesty and sincerity -alone, any more than of his undoubted courage or his clean and upright -personality and blameless home life. These, while all real -qualifications, were not essentials. Each and all of them were marked -characteristics of other notable public men, although it is doubtful if -any possessed them all alike in the same degree as Bryan. But there were -other and rarer qualities, the most important, his cheerful and -contagious optimism and his intensity of character, which spoke in his -every act and utterance. His optimism is an unwavering faith in the ways -and ends of the Creator; a firm and abiding belief that “He doeth all -things well.” The verse from Ella Wheeler Wilcox with which Mr. Bryan -closes his “First Battle” well illustrates this phase of his character: - - “Let those who have failed take courage; - Tho’ the enemy seems to have won, - Tho’ his ranks are strong, if he be in the wrong - The battle is not yet done; - For sure as the morning follows - The darkest hour of the night, - No question is ever settled - Until it is settled right.” - -It is this inspiring belief, planted on a foundation so deep and so -secure that no storm can shake it, that leaves Mr. Bryan as hopeful, -confident, and serene in the darkest hour of defeat as his opponent can -possibly be with the paeans of victory ringing in his ears. It is a rare -trait, this superb optimism. It wins, instinctively, the hearts and -affections of men, only to inspire them to heroic effort under the most -adverse surroundings. But its strongest feature is its effect on the -possessor. For when that discouragement which comes from failure, and -the inertia which discouragement brings in its train, is eliminated from -a strong man’s composition he becomes a god, with the power and -greatness of the immortals. The scope of his vision is broadened, his -mental horizon enlarges, fear and weakness are banished from his heart, -and his might becomes irresistible as he battles for the right as he -sees the right. So Mr. Bryan’s optimism has made him a strong, -self-poised, cheerful, happy man, whose confidence and good spirits are -contagious and whose following increases as his reverses multiply. - -His second marked characteristic, his intensity, is one even rarer than -the first. The extent to which it is his it is most difficult to make -clear. It may, perhaps, be best done by illustration drawn from the -writer’s personal experience. - -One Saturday, toward the end of the 1899 campaign, Mr. Bryan was -speeding across southern Nebraska from east to west on a special train. -Every half or quarter hour stops were made at stations along the route, -and Mr. Bryan would hastily emerge from his car, make his way, generally -unassisted, to a nearby platform, and speak for from ten minutes to an -hour to the crowds assembled to hear him. It was most fatiguing work and -done by a thoroughly worn-out man. For Mr. Bryan had for two weeks been -constantly traveling by train and carriage, speaking from two to a dozen -times daily, eating at irregular intervals, and sleeping not more than -four or five hours out of each twenty-four. As a natural result his face -was drawn and haggard, his muscles frequently twitching, and under his -eyes were great black hollows. Yet at every stopping point, when he rose -to face his fellow Nebraskans, the worn look would give way, the -deep-set eyes would lighten with the fires of a holy zeal, and, in a -voice that rang out clear and strong and passionate he pleaded for the -preservation of the Republic and its ideals, inviolate and intact. The -train was running on schedule time, of course, and at each stopping -point it was necessary for the engineer to toot his whistle and ring his -bell, not once, but continuously, in order to tear Mr. Bryan away from -his audience when the alloted time had expired. Then the indefatigable -campaigner, shaking scores of outstretched hands as he ran, would hasten -to his car, and the train would speed along to the next stopping place. -Mr. Bryan would no sooner enter his car than he dropped his head on a -pillow and slept until a tap on the shoulder awoke him, and he rushed -out to make another speech, generally differing in form from any made -that day or any previous day, though the substance of all was, of -course, largely the same. Once, as the train was screaming along between -stations Mr. Bryan called the writer to his state-room, where he lay at -rest. He raised his head from the pillow as I entered, and started to -speak. What words of suggestion or advice were on his tongue I shall -never know, for, in the middle of his first sentence the tired head fell -back, the lustrous eyes were closed, and his heavy breathing alone told -that life remained in the man’s worn and exhausted frame as he lay there -fast asleep. - -Late in the afternoon of that same day Mr. Bryan’s dinner was brought -him on the train, and he ate—as he slept—between stations. His traveling -companions, it may be observed, had eaten hearty meals at a town long -passed, dining in leisure while Mr. Bryan, standing with bared head on a -wind-swept platform, with a scorching sun beating down upon him, -addressed five thousand or more wildly cheering people. As he sat in his -little compartment, hastily munching his food, there were with him Mr. -Joseph A. Altsheler, of the New York _World_, and the writer, -representing the Omaha _World-Herald_. One of us chanced to mention some -interruption made at the last meeting, where a shrewd Republican -partisan had raised a point which Mr. Bryan’s ready repartee had -quickly, if not efficiently, disposed of. As soon as the matter was -mentioned Mr. Bryan turned from the tray on which were his fried -chicken, cold slaw, and coffee. And there, his eyes glowing like lakes -of molten metal, his expressive features all in play, in the voice of -one who addressed a multitude, he took up that Republican’s sophism and -analyzed it for the benefit of us twain. Such was the concentrated and -awful intensity of the man that it thrilled me to the core, and, under -that burning gaze and vibrant, moving voice, in such an unusual -entourage, I trembled with an emotion I could not name. - -It was near midnight of that day when the train reached Benkelman, in -far western Nebraska, where the last speech was to be delivered. The -warm day had been succeeded by a night that was almost bitter cold, and, -as we alighted from the train, tired, sleepy, and hungry, the cold, -fierce wind from the mountains swooped down on us, and pierced us -through and through. At that late hour, and in that semi-arid, scantily -populated country, there were patiently waiting, wrapped in their great -coats, nearly fifteen hundred people, most of whom had driven from -twenty to one hundred miles “to hear Bryan speak.” - -In the course of that day Mr. Bryan had already spoken sixteen times. To -do this he had risen before five o’clock in the morning and had traveled -over two hundred miles. At Benkelman, it was agreed, he should speak not -longer than fifteen minutes, and go to bed. - -The speaker’s stand was at the principal street intersection of the -village. It was gaily decorated with flags and bunting, and lighted by -flaring gas jets. The piercing mountain wind swooped down on it like a -wolf on the fold. Up on this eminence the worn and wearied campaigner, -half dead from want of sleep and his constant exertions, was hurried. -Shrill volleys of cheers and yells rose to the heavens. There was a -moment’s silence. Then, on the cold air, there fell the deep, melodious, -serene voice of the orator, in words of earnest protest and warning, in -a magnificent plea for the Republic. For ten or twelve minutes we, who -were his traveling companions, remained; and though our eyes were heavy -and our senses dulled, though we shivered from the cold even as we -trembled with exhaustion, the splendid enthusiasm of that hardy little -band of frontiersmen warmed our hearts, and we cheered with them. But, -in a few minutes, tired nature called loud to us, and we plodded to the -hotel, a block and a half away. We sat for a half hour about the blazing -fire, absorbing the grateful warmth. Through the closed doors and -windows there came to us, ever and anon, the rich and powerful voice of -the orator down the street, punctuated by the wild yells of applause -that came from the delighted men of the sand-hills. Again we -retreated,—this time to our bed chambers. My teeth chattered like -castanets as I disrobed. And now I could plainly hear the orator’s -voice,—sometimes his very words,—words that thrilled and pulsated with -the life of an animate thing. I pulled the blankets and comforters close -about me, and fell into the sleep of utter exhaustion. The next morning -we learned that, for just one hour and three quarters Mr. Bryan had -stood in that bitter, piercing wind, under the inscrutable stars of -midnight on the prairie, and preached the gospel of democracy. Do you -gather, now, what I mean in saying that Mr. Bryan’s intensity is -something most difficult to describe? It is something that knows not -fear, nor hunger, nor exhaustion; that keeps him moving on,—ever and -steadily on toward the goal, unswerved and unhindered by those -hardships, trials, and obstacles that check the course of other men, or -cause them to turn into broader and easier paths. - -It is this intensity of character and purpose that makes heroes and -martyrs. It also makes fanatics. But Mr. Bryan is no fanatic; his -stubborn determination and unyielding purpose is tempered with mental -equipoise, good judgment, and common sense. - -The first impression one receives of Bryan as a man, and the last one to -fade, is that of his reckless sincerity. Right or wrong, he is honest; -he is of such a nature that he can not be otherwise; and all things for -good or evil, for success or defeat, must subordinate themselves to his -personal conception of duty. He possesses all those qualities common to -all great men, and some that but very few great men can claim. He has -few friends among the rich men of the nation, and is a stranger to -fashionable “society;” but he is loved and trusted by the millions who -follow him with a devotion such as no other American has won. At his -home or abroad, among his children or with his neighbors, or on his -well-kept farm, may be found a kindly, upright, debt-paying, unassuming -citizen, full of a gentle rollicking humor, a man without an impure -thought or act, a profoundly religious Presbyterian, a man who does not -smoke, yet who does not hesitate, on occasion, to offer cigars to his -friends; who will sit hour after hour in tobacco-laden air, sharing in -the conversation of those whose mouths are chimneys for the time. He -never drinks wine or liquor, yet he never flaunted a phylactery, or -called names when the clink of glasses was heard. In all things a -temperate and abstemious man, yet, such is his toleration that there is -nothing oppressive about his being better than most of us. - -In personal appearance as well as mental gifts, Mr. Bryan is highly -favored. Before uttering a word, his magnetic influence wins for him the -favor of his audience. Simple is his delivery and bearing. “As he stands -before his listeners,” said Mr. R. L. Metcalfe, in a book published four -years ago: “he presents a bold and striking picture; intelligence is -stamped on every feature; he commences in the soft, pleasant tone, -instantly riveting your attention upon him. Your eyes are fastened upon -the orator. As he moves, you in spirit move with him; as he advances to -his climax his audience advances with him. In perfect harmony orator and -audience travel over the path of thought, until the climax is reached, -and then, as the last tone of the deep, rich, melodious voice of the -orator is uttered with a dramatic force, there breaks forth the full, -earnest applause that marks the approval of those who listen. The hand -of the orator is raised; instantly perfect silence follows. The sweet -tones of the marvelous voice are again heard within the enclosure, no -matter how vast. - -“There is much in Mr. Bryan’s oratory that recalls to us many of our -noted speakers of long ago. Search his speeches through, whether in -Congress, before the convention, or on the stump, and you will find them -absolutely free from personalities. No audience ever sat within the -sound of his voice and caught a word that would appeal to the lower -passions of anger, hate, or revenge. He is always the master of -himself.” - -The directness, simplicity, and purity of Mr. Bryan’s style as an orator -and the loftiness and beauty of his sentiment are well shown in the -appended excerpt from one of his Congressional speeches on “Money,” in -which occurs his famous apostrophe to Thomas Jefferson: - -“There are wrongs to be righted; there are evils to be eradicated; there -is injustice to be removed; there is good to be secured for those who -toil and wait. In this fight for equal laws we can not fail, for right -is mighty and will in time triumph over all obstacles. Even if our eyes -do not behold success, we know that our labor is not in vain, and we can -lay down our weapons, happy in the promise given by Bryant to the -soldier: - - ‘Yea, though thou lie upon the dust, - When they who help thee flee in fear - Die full of hope and manly trust - Like those who fall in battle here. - Another hand by sword shall yield; - Another hand the standard wave; - Till from the trumpet’s mouth is pealed - The blast of triumph o’er the grave.’ - -“Let us, then, with the courage of Andrew Jackson, apply to present -conditions the principles taught by Thomas Jefferson—Thomas Jefferson, -the greatest constructive statesman whom the world has ever known; the -greatest warrior who ever battled for human liberty. He quarried from -the mountain of eternal truth the four pillars upon whose strength all -popular government must rest. In the Declaration of American -Independence, he proclaimed the principles with which there is, without -which there can not be, ‘a government of the people, by the people, and -for the people.’ When he declared that ‘all men are created equal; that -they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that -among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to -secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their -just powers from the consent of the governed,’ he declared all that lies -between the alpha and omega of the Democracy. - -“Alexander ‘wept for other worlds to conquer,’ after he had carried his -victorious banner throughout the then known world. Napoleon ‘rearranged -the map of Europe with his sword’ amid the lamentations of those by -whose blood he was exalted; but when these and other military heroes are -forgotten and their achievements disappear in the cycle’s sweep of -years, children will still lisp the name of Jefferson, and freedom will -ascribe due praise to him who filled the kneeling subject’s heart with -hope and bade him stand erect—a sovereign among his peers.” - -In all of his rapid utterances and unpremeditated sentences one would -fail to detect the slightest lapse from good English; not only good, but -admirable. His talk is not that of a pedant,—far from it; but he does -speak like a cultivated, well-read man; like a polished man of letters, -but not so polished as to leave nothing but the gloss apparent. You may -search his numerous speeches, lectures, and addresses without finding -the slightest “_lapsus linguae_,” and all without sterility or banality. -In his speeches he shows a very remarkable versatility. “He will talk -along in a colloquial manner,” says Mr. Metcalfe, “making you laugh or -stirring your heartstrings with his pathos as he wills, and suddenly he -will throw forth his periods in language that makes one involuntarily -suspect of plagiarism from Milton or the prophets. Simplest words are -chosen, and they are formed in short, pithy sentences. No word is used -solely for its sound; the mere jingle of words has no place in the -mental workshop of our orator. To him words are the servants of thought, -and take their real beauty from the thought that blazes through them. -His style is as pure and captivating as that of Irving or Addison, and -not dissimilar to either. But style with him, as with those two great -masters, is valued not for itself, but because it conveys in the most -pleasing manner the thoughts which he would have others know. - -“Mr. Bryan is not averse to the employment of the thoughts of others -wherever they add force and attractiveness to the argument in hand. -Accordingly, we find his speeches interspersed with quotations from some -of the best writers in both prose and poetry, but in each instance the -quotation has a natural fitness for the place in which it is found. -There are some productions which pass for oratory that are mere -mechanisms—the offspring of minds cold and plodding without a ray of -genius to illumine their path. The work of genius springs spontaneously -from the depths of the heart ruled by purity.” - -In the preparation of his deliverances Mr. Bryan reads widely and -extensively, exhausting all the available sources of information. By -carefully and thoroughly acquainting himself with every possible phase -of his subject, by viewing it in all lights, he prepares himself not -only to prove the correctness of his own position, but to meet every -objection that may be offered against him. - -In the diction of his speech the most acceptable language is chosen, and -so clear and simple do the most profound thoughts appear when they come -fresh-coined from his brain, that men have no difficulty in -comprehending them in all their force. - -But it takes more than good English to make a great public man, though -good language is one of the most essential features of the part. An -instance that is told will illustrate one of his other qualifications. -On his arrival in a large city in the East, he had been taken for a -drive, and a number of people were waiting for him when he alighted on -his return. All the American people seem to consider it a duty to shake -hands with a public man, and these were there for that purpose. Among -them was a faded woman, apparently having worked out her hopes and -ambitions; while her face showed refinement and intellectuality, her -hands were gnarled by years of labor. As the candidate stepped from the -gay carriage, he was at once encircled by a throng of local dignitaries, -who successfully monopolized his attention, to the hopeless exclusion of -the woman, who was thoughtlessly jostled aside. - -Mr. Bryan, glancing quickly about, saw her turning away, her -disappointment shown in her worn face, and, maneuvering about, he -delicately managed to bring himself in front of her, and, as he saw her -face light with pleasure, he extended his hands and murmured a few words -of pleasant meaning to her and passed on. - -It is extremely doubtful if, among the public men of all time, there has -lived one more abounding in a superb vitality, or possessing so -magnificent a physique as Mr. Bryan. In his case, as in that of most men -of profound mentality, the powerful mind is found with powerful muscles -and a strong constitution to back it in its contests. His massively -moulded frame, capable of enduring the severest hardships and -nerve-racking strains, is the result of a clean, strong ancestry and -pure and temperate living in the life-giving atmosphere of the great -West. - -Altogether Mr. Bryan is a good specimen of an American. He is, for -example, neat in his dress, but his apparel is the least obtrusive part -of him. He is frank, companionable, courteous without subserviency, -aggressive without boorish insistence, well poised, witty and yet -cleanly minded, learned without conceit. And he loves his family above -all else on earth. At one place a hasty departure from a hotel had to be -made to catch a train, and one of the party took Mr. Bryan’s coat by -mistake. The discovery was made as soon as the garment was put on, and -to ascertain to whom it belonged the wearer put his hands in the pocket -to see if any article might be found that would serve for -identification. There were only two things found, and those were -photographs of Mr. Bryan’s family. He had evidently put them where he -could find them most readily. - -One can not help but remember the marvelous campaign Bryan made four -years ago. A terrible campaign for mind and body; no one who traveled -with him will ever forget it. As for Bryan himself—though, needless to -say, he worked harder, thought more, and shouldered an infinitely -heavier responsibility than all the newspaper reporters who kept -constantly in his wake—he was least fatigued of all. Hoarse and husky he -certainly did become toward the end—speaking from the rear end of a -train to open air crowds of thousands, a dozen times a day, and at the -top of his voice. But Bryan, upon a physique of the most vigorous and -massive kind, inspired by a stupendous vitality, which should keep him -in good condition for sixty years to come, had superimposed a brain of -the healthiest, keenest, and most capable sort. In addition he had a -colossal firmness, and an unmitigable will; he had thorough belief in -the goodness of his cause, and in himself as its champion; and finally -he understood the people, loved them, was in touch with them, and won -their confidence to an extent and to a degree of enthusiasm that can not -be paralleled in modern times. Had some of the qualities above named -been less in him, or more, he might have been a broader statesman; but -he would not have been so mighty and formidable a leader of men. - -Other men are admired or feared, or can spend money, or swing a machine; -but Bryan is personally trusted as no other man is, and as he deserves -to be. “Bryan is a man standing plumb on his own feet, other candidates -have been propped on their feet by other persons. Which will last the -longer? No man can count on the ultimate triumph of his cause, or even -know how strong or how weak it is, unless he comes out flat-footed and -tells the people exactly what it contemplates and requires. He must show -the seamy side as well as the smooth one; else, when the seamy side -shows itself (as it is certain to do) the people will leap to the -conclusion that the fabric is seamy on both sides, and the reaction will -sweep it out of existence. McKinley, in laboring to make the people -believe that his policy is all sweetness, honor, and virtue, is -preventing himself from discovering how abhorrent it really is to the -desires and wishes of the people.” - -Bryan’s method is just the opposite of President McKinley’s. The only -criticism to be passed on him is that he is too uncompromisingly -outspoken and sincere. He says things that make his own party friends -and managers shudder. He never strives for popularity except in so far -as it may be consistent with truth and right. He does not want to please -any one who can not be pleased with facts and realities. Bryan, in -short, from the standpoint of mere policy, always puts his ugly foot -forward, always turns his seamy side, always says “If you don’t have me -this way, I am not to be had at all.” - - - - - HOME LIFE - - -A very wholesome theory that a man’s home is his castle and that the -sanctuary of private life is one that must be respected has no -application in America to a public man. The fact that few public men -quarrel with the general idea upon this subject proves that it has its -basis in sound judgment and honest desire for greater intimacy rather -than in impertinent curiosity. - -In the case of Mr. Bryan he has never quarreled with this widely held -theory. For ten years he has been in the glare of publicity. From the -night, a decade ago, when he discomfited the champion of Republican -politics in the opening debate of his first congressional campaign, a -light has been constantly turned upon him and from him to his home life. -That he has come out from under this strong scrutiny a more commanding -figure, viewed either from the standpoint of the wise statesman or the -typical head of an American family, is a statement that will meet with -no attempt at refutation. - -[Illustration: THE BRYAN HOME] - -On the first day of October next Mr. Bryan will have been married -sixteen years. The ceremony was the culmination of a courtship extending -over a period of four years, a wooing that had its inspiration in the -atmosphere of school life, and which was continued during the years when -he was a diligent student of the law and a struggling young attorney -with the unblighted courage and the indomitable energy that have come to -be such marked characteristics of the man. They first met at a reception -given in the parlors of the Presbyterian Academy at Jacksonville, Ill., -to the young men of Illinois College. Mrs. Bryan, then Mary Baird, was a -student at the Academy, and Mr. Bryan was in attendance at the College. -There was little of romance attached to either their meeting or their -courtship. Both were young, he twenty, she nineteen. Some sentimentalist -has told that she was first attracted to him by hearing him recite some -school book classics. The fact is that some friend pointed her out to -Mr. Bryan as a girl he “ought to meet.” And mutual friends introduced -them. - -Miss Baird was born at Perry, Ill., on the seventeenth day of June, -1861. Her father was a merchant, one of a firm that conducted a general -store in that town. His employment gave Mr. Baird, naturally a studious -man, much leisure, and this he improved by reading. His daughter -inherited his taste for literature and it has abided with her. The -invalidism of her mother prevented her from finishing the course she had -begun at Monticello Seminary, at Godfrey, Ill., but later she was able -to attend the academy at Jacksonville, from which she graduated with -first honors of her class. - -The young couple began their married life in a little home of their own -in Jacksonville. With the prudent care that has always distinguished -both of them, they postponed their happiness until he had secured a -practice sufficient to support them and until they were able to have a -roof-tree of their own. Three years after their marriage Mr. Bryan came -west on a business trip for a client. At Lincoln he met an old friend -and classmate, A. R. Talbot. Talbot had made an excellent beginning in -the West, and he suggested to Bryan that he locate at Lincoln and join -his law firm. Mr. Bryan said little at the time. A few months after his -return, however, he wrote to Mr. Talbot and asked him if he was in -earnest in making the proposition. Mr. Talbot replied that he was, and -outlined the prospects in the West, then the center of a vast -speculation in lands and town lots. Mr. Bryan had been enchanted with -the city of Lincoln when he first saw it, and he had simply waited until -he could talk it over with his wife. - -In this sentiment lies the keynote of the perfect sympathy that has been -so marked a characteristic of their wedded life. Mr. Bryan came first, -his wife and his young daughter remaining in Jacksonville until he had -become settled. They then joined him. They immediately began the -erection of a modest home in Lincoln, buying a building lot on D street, -and upon it erected the home he now occupies, at No. 1625. The money was -furnished by Mr. Baird, but has long since been paid. Three children -have been born to them, Ruth, now nearly fifteen, William, aged eleven, -and Grace, aged nine. The first named is now a registered student at the -seminary at Godfrey, where the mother first began her college career. - -Even the most casual visitor to the Bryan residence is impressed with -the distinctive home atmosphere of the place. Mrs. Bryan, as its -presiding genius, has stamped upon it the impress of her individuality, -no less marked in that sphere than her husband’s in his. The house -itself is little more than a cottage, although it boasts of a second -story and a cupola. Outwardly its lines are a little more impressive -than when it was first built. This can be traced to the addition within -the past year of a many-columned porch, stretching across its entire -front and bending in a graceful curve to a point midway of the rear. -With its paneled roof and the electric lights, its cosy corners and -inviting arm chairs, it is an enticing retreat, and here the Bryan -family spend most of their waking hours in the summer months. - -There is no ostentation displayed in the furnishings of the Bryan -residence. The parlor is the parlor of the well-to-do middle class. The -sitting room is simply furnished, but home-like and inviting. The -library is the workshop and no unnecessary tools are lying about. On the -walls hang large portraits of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and -Lincoln, and steel engravings of Benton, Webster, and Calhoun. They are -inexpensive pictures, but typical of the ideals of the occupants of the -room. Another picture shows Henry Clay, addressing his colleagues in the -United States Senate. The artist’s perspective was sadly at fault, but -it was not the art, but the subject, that attracted Mr. Bryan. The -library is an extensive one, but unique in its character. Fiction and -the classics find very little room. In their places are histories, -orations, works on political economy, lives and speeches of famous men, -who have helped build the nation of the past, dissertations and -addresses upon the hundred and one questions that have vexed and still -perplex the modern school of statesmanship. Upon few of these has any -dust accumulated, and upon all of them are the unmistakable signs of -frequent usage. - -The characteristic that strikes the visitor most is the _bon homme_, the -_camaraderie_, of the household. A wholesome sympathy seems to be the -bond that unites all members. Neither the father nor the mother is a -strict disciplinarian. They do not believe in tyrannizing over their -children. They believe in encouraging their respective bents, and in -guiding them in the right channels, rather than in forcing in the ways -hallowed by tradition. Mrs. Bryan is essentially a home body; her -husband and children are her chiefest, but not her only cares. She is a -mentor to them all. Miss Ruth is much like her father in temperament. -She is quick and impulsive, warm-hearted and generous. Her popularity -among her girl friends is attested by the number that throng her lawn -every evening. William is a sturdy youth in build, and, boy-like, more -self assertive than his sisters. As his father is a typical American -man, so is the youth a typical American boy, fun-loving and possessed of -a harmless mischievousness that often disturbs the young girls who are -his older sister’s confidantes. Grace, the youngest, is delicate in -health, and her father’s favorite. It is to him she goes with her -childish troubles, sure of the sympathy that never fails her. - -Mr. Bryan takes great pride in his household, and he bends every energy -to the end that the bonds of mutual confidence and love, the elements so -essential in a perfect home, may be strengthened and cemented. Every -hour that he can give to them he gladly spares. For four years he has -had no other office, no other working place, than in this home. After -the campaign of 1896 he gave up, to all intents and purposes, his down -town office, and has spent his time at home. His office is now in his -library, an inviting room opening off the parlor on one side, and the -sitting room on the other. His work is performed on a big flat-topped -desk that occupies a goodly share of the floor space. Here he is -surrounded by book-cases and statuettes, by curious mementoes, ink -stands, canes, a hundred and one articles that admirers in all sections -and climes of the country have sent him. Most of these have been -gathered together in a glass-covered compartment that separates the two -big book-cases. - -Mr. Bryan finds that his best work is done with his wife as his -counselor and guide. She has a place on one side of the big desk, he on -the other. She is no less indefatigable as a worker than he. She finds -time between her consultations with him, when an important work is on -hand, to care for her household, and to direct the work of the one -domestic employed. Mrs. Bryan’s thorough understanding and appreciation -of every detail of his labors make her companionship and aid almost -indispensable. Together they have gone over the details of his campaigns -in the past years, and with him she still plans for the future. What he -writes, she either passes upon or assists in its production. Her -self-poise, marred by no self-consciousness, but marked by a quiet -dignity, is one of her remarkable possessions. Perhaps the best -delineation of the characteristics of this woman, remarkable in many -ways, is furnished by the eminent novelist, Julian Hawthorne, who spent -some time at the Bryan home during the past summer. Of her he said, -“Mrs. Bryan is as unusual a woman as her husband is a man, but she is so -unobtrusive that few people have much idea of her true character. I had -the opportunity to learn something of her during the campaign of ‘96, -and I well recollect her admirable bearing at the great meeting in -Madison Square Garden, when she was recognized and greeted on entering -her box by more than ten thousand people. It was a tremendous ordeal for -a woman to undergo. But she sustained herself with steadiness and -self-possession, remarkable in any woman, but more than remarkable in -her, who had always lived in quiet domestic ways, occupied with her -husband, her children, and her household duties. She is a woman of great -courage and unshakable faith, of exceptional intellect, also, nourished -with adequate education. She possesses the coolness of judgment which -must often have served him well in times of doubt. She is not led away -by imagination or hope, but sees things as they are, and resolutely -faces facts. Should the decrees of Providence see fit to place her in a -position of the first lady of the land, I should have no fear that she -would discharge her duties irreproachably. A true American woman, she is -such as you may always be glad to match against the great dames of the -old world. The dominant expression of her face is penetration, combined -with a gentle composure. But there is the sparkle of demure humor in her -eyes, and she can use speech as the most delicate of rapiers when she -chooses. It is easy to know her as an acquaintance, but I surmise that -no one really knows her except her husband, and probably she will be -able continually to discover new resources and depths even to him. She -is a good woman, with strong religious convictions, and she regards -Bryan’s political aspirations from that point of view. If it is the will -of God that he shall reach the highest place among his countrymen she -will accept the mission with good will and confidence. But should he be -defeated she will welcome the life of obscurity with unshaken -equanimity, believing that the councils of the Almighty are -unsearchable, but faithful. If she be destined to higher things, the -example to the nation, irrespective of party, of such a wife and such a -mother as she is, can not but be beneficial. If not, ‘Those also serve -who only stand and wait.’” - -Sociability is one of the graces that attach to her naturally. The -number of visitors to her husband is so large and his amiability so -great, that if Mrs. Bryan did not maintain a watchfulness over them they -would consume all of his hours. This guardianship of his time has imbued -her with a little more sternness than is her nature, but at the same -time has endowed her with shrewdness of discernment that enables her to -gauge every one’s errand with astonishing accuracy. The true democracy -of the man is shown in his earnest desire that even the lowest of his -callers shall be received with the same consideration bestowed upon the -great ones, and no visitor ever leaves the Bryan home, even though he -may not have gained his wish, without the consciousness of the gentle -courtesy and a full-souled welcome. - -But Mrs. Bryan is in no sense a society woman. She is of a turn of mind -too serious and too well poised to enable her to find enjoyment in the -frivolities and vanities that go to make up so much of the life of the -society woman. She likes to meet with her friends and talk with them, -and she misses no opportunity to indulge in this pleasure. Club and -church work take up much of her leisure. She has been active for years -in the work of the Nebraska state federation of women’s clubs. She can -write, and frequently does, for newspapers and periodicals. She can also -speak and speak well, but this she does rarely. Her range of information -is as varied as that of her husband, and she knows the ins and outs of -politics as well as she does the theories of good government, and the -vagaries of the different schools of political economy. For years Mrs. -Bryan’s father has resided with them. Now he is sightless and infirm, -but his hours are cheered and his burden lightened by the loving care of -his daughter. - -The passing years have dealt very gently with Mrs. Bryan. She is above -the average in height, but her figure is matronly. Her face is pale, but -there is no pallor, the graceful curves of youth have softened in -outline, but in manner she has gained the dignity that does not hint of -reserve. Mrs. Bryan is always well dressed, the unobtrusiveness and -appropriateness of her garments marking the taste of the wearer. Her -gowns are usually of one color, relieved here and there by the bright -tints women love. - -“Mrs. Bryan’s whole life has been one of study,” says Miss Wright, of -Lincoln, a friend of the family. “Long before she could read she knew -the names of all the bugs her little hoe turned up in the garden. In her -early life the doctor said she must be kept out of doors. Luckily she -did not like indoor life. All day long she tagged her father, and they -played together in the garden. By the time she was old enough for books -she was kin to everything they told about. She idealized the earth and -its generating and regenerating character. From a weak child she has -grown to be a strong woman with rare power of endurance and -concentration. She and her father would sit on the porch at night and -study the skies, and the Greek and Norse stories of the stars were -repeated until she had committed all of them to memory. He told her how -far away they were and what a speck the world would look if it could be -seen from Venus. The idea of the immensity of the Universe and the -relation of the world to the solar system seldom enters the mind of a -child, but with Mary Baird, it was the most interesting story that could -be told. Early star-gazing and her father’s influence trained her to -think of things abstractly, nakedly, and without the impediments of -custom and fashion. During her first days in school, her text-books were -distasteful, as they were new, but she studied them nevertheless, and -soon was at the head of her class. This habit of study has clung to her -ever since.” - -Social dissipation is unknown in the Bryan household. Since Miss Ruth -has grown to the dignity of young womanhood, and has gathered about her -a bevy of young friends, an added gaiety has been given. She has had her -little parties, but her parents receive rarely, and then but informally. -The Bryans have several carriages and horses, and in these they find -their chief amusement. Once in a while Mr. and Mrs. Bryan are seen at -the theatres, but only at the best plays. Mr. Bryan has grown much -stouter in late years, and has taken to frequent horseback rides as both -an exercise and a pleasure. His favorite animal is a Kentucky bred -saddle horse. It was presented him by ex-Governor W. J. Stone, of -Missouri, and in compliment to its donor, Mr. Bryan has named it -“Governor.” - -The figure of W. J. Bryan on horseback is a familiar one in the city of -Lincoln, a city where horseback riding has never been in vogue. Governor -is a coal-black, high-spirited animal, and prances and pirouettes with -nervousness at every halt. Mr. Bryan’s favorite ride is to his farm, -four miles east of the city. Here, on a thirty-acre tract, he has for -several years been making experiments in farming, or rather in -endeavoring to discover whether he has forgotten the lessons instilled -into his mind by his agricultural experiences in youth. Mr. Bryan -insists that he is not a farmer, but an agriculturalist, and defines the -difference tersely in this wise: “You see, a farmer is a man who makes -his money in the country, and spends it in the town. The agriculturalist -makes his money in town and spends it in the country.” - -Mr. Bryan has no intention of taking up the life of a farmer. Ten years -ago, in the boom days of Lincoln, he purchased a five-acre tract close -to the suburb of Normal. He had driven out east of the city one day, and -at the top of a hill stopped to rest his horse. As he sat in his -carriage the splendid panorama of field and house and tree unrolled -before him. He was enchanted. Then and there he resolved to build a -permanent home upon that spot some day. The original five acres cost him -a good round sum, but his later purchases, made now and then, have been -at greatly reduced figures. The buildings upon the farm are largely -temporary in character. The house is a small one of five rooms, and -shelters the man who does the real work on the place. Mr. Bryan has -found much pleasure and recreation during the summer at the farm. During -the planting season and in the weeks that followed, he made a visit -daily and spent several hours “puttering” about, directing things here -and bearing a hand there himself, at the harder tasks. In the rural -atmosphere, away from the conventions of the city, he threw aside every -care and every burden. His ordinary clothing was cast aside for the -habiliments that distinguish the farmer at work. Mr. Bryan confesses to -a weakness for high-top boots, in which his trouser ends can be -hidden,—and then to work. - -The one singular thing about everything that this man does is that he is -at all times able to preserve his dignity. There is nothing -selfconscious about that dignity. In the West, that sort is dangerous to -attempt. Simplicity is the dominant note in his character, his manners, -his talk, his walk. His amiability is inexhaustible, his patience -unending. If a delegation of Democrats passing through Lincoln do not -have time to go out and see Mr. Bryan, Mr. Bryan finds time to ride down -to the depot and see them. He has, since his nomination, made several -speeches from horseback, to boisterous but zealous delegations, and -always with the old charm and effect. - -As to his patience, no better witnesses to its enduring qualities need -be asked than the newspaper correspondents who form a corps of watchful -guardians upon his footsteps. Many are the questions, some of them -impertinent, that are asked him, and during a campaign, the presence of -the press representatives, unobtrusive as they are, really destroys -whatever privacy remained to him. And yet through it all, his courtesy -is ever gentle, his good nature unfailing, his temper always under such -control as to seem to be an absent quantity in his make-up. - -Lincoln, the city of his residence, has always been dominated by the -Republican party, and so great has been the preponderance of that -political organization that Mr. Bryan has never been able to carry it in -any of his campaigns. Mr. Bryan came to Lincoln a young man, and entered -into a very brisk competition with a number of other young lawyers, most -of them Republicans. None of these have risen above the political level -of county leaders, nor have they found fame or other reward at the bar. -The rapid flight of Mr. Bryan and his pre-eminence has engendered in -their breasts a bitterness of partisanship, accentuated and multiplied -by their personal jealousies, that has found its vent in mean and -malicious assaults upon his political integrity and attempted -belittlings of his abilities. This influence has in the past over-ridden -a local pride that would have justified an endorsement at least of his -Presidential candidacy, and added flame to the fires of partisanship -that particularly distinguishes the city. These two facts form the -solution to a mystery that has seemingly vexed a great many good people -in America, who do not understand the local conditions. Mr. Bryan seems, -too, to have pitched his tent in the most rabidly Republican section of -the city, as evidenced by the elaborate display of McKinley pictures in -the front windows of the houses of his neighbors, who are as lacking in -good taste as in civic pride. - -None of these elaborate attempts at incivility have ever ruffled his -temper, nor have they caused him to retaliate with the weapons he so -well knows how to use. The fact is, he has many warm friends among the -Republicans of the city. His old law partner has long been a Republican -leader, and is now president of the State Senate. This year he has -espoused Mr. Bryan’s cause. - -It has been said that the home of Mr. and Mrs. Bryan is a typical one. -It is more than a type; it is an ideal. The simplicity of the life his -family leads, the wholesomeness of the atmosphere, the absence of -affectation, the presence of a democracy that includes courtesy, -gentleness, amiability, and cordiality invariably impresses one. The -home life of a man is the mirror of his character; and in its limpid -depths one sees the secret springs of thought and reads the heart -aright. That that of Mr. Bryan reflects with truthful fidelity is a fact -within the knowledge of all who know the man and revere the woman. The -words he himself used in describing the beautiful home life of a friend -who had been called across the river apply with equal fitness to his -own: - -“He found his inspiration at his fireside, and approached his ideal of -the domestic life. He and his faithful wife, who was both his help-mate -and companion, inhabited as tenants in common that sacred spot called -home, and needed no court to define their relative rights and duties. -The invisible walls which shut in that home and shut out all else had -their foundation upon the earth and their battlements in the skies. No -force could break them down, no poisoned arrows could cross their top, -and at the gates thereof love and confidence stood ever upon guard.” - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's note: - - 1. Silently corrected typographical errors. - - 2. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed. - - 3. One instance of unpaired double quotation marks could not be - corrected. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN*** - - -******* This file should be named 53191-0.txt or 53191-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/3/1/9/53191 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook.</p> -<p>Title: William Jennings Bryan</p> -<p> A Concise But Complete Story of His Life and Services</p> -<p>Author: Harvey Ellsworth Newbranch</p> -<p>Release Date: October 2, 2016 [eBook #53191]</p> -<p>Language: English</p> -<p>Character set encoding: UTF-8</p> -<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN***</p> -<p> </p> -<h4>E-text prepared by Richard Tonsing<br /> - and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> - (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> - from page images generously made available by<br /> - Internet Archive<br /> - (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4> -<p> </p> -<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> - <tr> - <td valign="top"> - Note: - </td> - <td> - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - <a href="https://archive.org/details/williamjenningsb00newbr"> - https://archive.org/details/williamjenningsb00newbr</a> - </td> - </tr> -</table> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> - -<div> - <h1 class='c001'>William Jennings Bryan<br /> <span class='xlarge'>A CONCISE BUT COMPLETE STORY OF HIS LIFE AND SERVICES</span></h1> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c002'> - <div>BY</div> - <div class='c003'><span class='large'>HARVEY E. NEWBRANCH</span></div> - <p> </p> - <div class='c003'>LINCOLN, NEBRASKA</div> - <div>THE UNIVERSITY PUBLISHING CO.</div> - <div class='c003'>1900</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c004'> - <div><em>Copyrighted, 1900, by Harvey E. Newbranch. All rights reserved.</em></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id001'> -<img src='images/i_002.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>JACOB NORTH & CO., PRINTERS</div> - <div>LINCOLN, NEB.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c004'> - <div>DEDICATED</div> - <div class='c003'>TO</div> - <div class='c003'>THE BRAVE AND PATRIOTIC LEADER</div> - <div class='c003'>OF</div> - <div class='c003'>AN HONEST AND INTELLIGENT ELECTORATE</div> - <div class='c003'>William Jennings Bryan</div> - <div class='c003'>OF</div> - <div class='c003'>NEBRASKA</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span> - <h2 class='c005'>PREFACE</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>The author of this little volume, in giving it to the -reading public, feels called on for a few words by way -of explanation and apology.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The book is written because there seems to be a -field for it. Within the last few months hundreds of -thousands of American citizens have come to see -William Jennings Bryan in a new light. As a result, -while they no longer believe him a demagogue, some -still hesitate to accept him as a statesman. While -they have ceased to denounce him as an anarchist, -some are slow to realize that he stands with Andrew -Jackson and Abraham Lincoln as one of the great -conservators of American institutions.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Especially for the benefit of this class of his fellow -citizens this little “life” of Mr. Bryan is published. -For it is claimed no literary merit other than a conscientious -attempt at clearness, and no historical excellence -save a strict adherence to the truth in the -statement of facts. The work has had to be hurriedly -done and at irregular intervals, and the one object -aimed at has been to acquaint the reader with Mr. -Bryan’s character through a narration of his life -work.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It is candidly admitted that the book is written in -a friendly and sympathetic vein. To the author’s -thinking Mr. Bryan’s personality is one of the most -<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>beautiful and well-rounded in American history, and -his noble characteristics are dwelt on only because -they exist and deserve to be understood.</p> - -<p class='c000'>To many of Mr. Bryan’s old-time friends in Lincoln -the author is under obligations for valuable assistance. -Among these may be especially mentioned Mr. -Harry T. Dobbins, Judge J. H. Broady, Mr. T. S. Allen, -and Mr. W. F. Schwind. Others have contributed -to a greater or less degree, and to all due thanks and -acknowledgements are hereby rendered.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-r'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span class='sc'>Harvey E. Newbranch.</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-l'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Lincoln, Neb., August 29, 1900.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table class='table0' summary='CONTENTS'> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Introductory</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_5'>5</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Early Life</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_9'>9</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>In Congress</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_19'>19</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>The Tariff</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_30'>30</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>The Rise of the Silver Issue</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_40'>40</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>The Presidential Candidate</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_53'>53</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>New Issues</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Renomination</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_94'>94</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>The Indianapolis Speech</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_114'>114</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Bryan: the Man</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_148'>148</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Home Life</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_164'>164</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span> - <h2 class='c005'>INTRODUCTORY</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>About the life and services of William Jennings -Bryan will be centered the labors of those who, in -future time, shall contribute to the pages of history -the story of American states-craft and political tendencies -of the dying days of the nineteenth century -and the opening decade of the twentieth. The historian -who has to do with Bryan and his times will -deal not only with one of the most momentous and important -periods of American history, but with one -of the most remarkable and interesting characters -whose name adorns its pages.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It is not generally while the battle of ideas and -ideals is on, it is but rarely during the developing -period of great political and social movements, that -their relative and ultimate importance may be -judged; and it is as seldom, during the lifetime of a -public man, whose name is identified and whose services -are associated with the great issues which constitute -the line of demarcation in the field of political -thought, that his true character, his strength, and -his weaknesses, may be appreciated or understood.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the study of man and of history a proper sense -of perspective is as all-essential as in the limner’s -art. The warrior who, with heart aflame, strives on -a great battlefield, can know but little of the terrible -grandeur of the whole, and still less of the import of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>the movements of battalions, regiments, and corps. -It remains for him who, from an eminence of distance -or of time, surveys impartially the entire field, to -comprehend its sublimities and horrors, and to appreciate -the full significance of its waging and its outcome. -And even so, of necessity, it is most difficult -for us who live in the American republic, at this -century’s sunset, to be able or even willing rightly to -appreciate the full import of movements in the advancement -or retarding of which each bears howsoever -humble a part. Too frequently in politics, as in -battle, men do fiercely strive with blinded eyes and -deafened ears, and they sometimes wildly strike at -him who is their friend.</p> - -<p class='c000'>And yet there are many things in the life of a -public man which his neighbors and associates can -not fail of knowing, and which, when interpreted, -permit his contemporaries to estimate the quality of -his character, even though they may not know the -full value of his public services. In every man, of -whatever station, there are elements and traits which -prominently stand forth. These, with such things -as he has done and the words which he has spoken, -constitute the material from which we may form our -concepts of his worth.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In William Jennings Bryan are certain traits so -prominent and unmistakable that he who runs may -read. They have been well revealed, in few words, -by Judge Edgar Howard, of Papillion, Neb. In a -speech delivered before the Jacksonian Club of -Omaha, on July 15, 1900, Judge Howard said:</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>“Reverently I say it, that while I do not worship -the man, I do worship those traits in him that, as I -read the book, stand unparalleled in politics. There -is not a man of you here or anywhere to be found who -has the nerve to speak a profane or vulgar word in -the presence of our candidate for President. Nor -does a man dare suggest a move on the political -chess-board that honor will not approve. He brightens -and betters all those who come in contact with -him, no matter who they be. Then why should we -not go before the world and preach this man—the -personification of purity, clean in all things—as well -as his principles?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>In this little volume it will be attempted to tell -briefly the story of this American’s life and the movements -with which he has been associated. The tale -must be hurriedly moulded into form, and we fear its -rough lines and its crudities will be all too apparent. -And yet, withal, it will be the result of sincere endeavor -to aid his fellow-citizens to know William -Jennings Bryan even as he is. It is, we believe, a -laudable design, however poorly executed. For here, -on the farther side of the brown and swift Missouri, -there dwells a man of virile and rugged qualities, -typically American and truly Western, the story of -whose life is a wondrous inspiration to every citizen -of the Republic and a monument to the uplifting force -of right living and high ideals. For it tells that even -in the politics of to-day, honeycombed with cant, -hypocrisy, and insincerity, absolute honesty of motive -and candor of statement is still no bar to the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>truest leadership and the highest advancement. It -tells further of the marvelous opportunities of -humble American citizenship, demonstrating once -more, as in Abraham Lincoln’s time, that to the man -of conscience, brains, and courage, the highest walks -of life are open; to which neither poverty nor obscurity -is a bar. And finally it tells of the great potential -power of the idea, unaided and even bitterly opposed, -when forcefully and sincerely stated, to win its way -to the hearts of humankind.</p> - -<p class='c000'>And so it is that to such as will honestly study -William Jennings Bryan’s career, and learn the -lesson that it teaches, must come hope and inspiration -and promise of the dawn. For whether he ever hold -high political office or not; whether or not, in the -crucible of time, his political faith prove true or -prove fallacious; his life still teaches that courage -and plain honesty may win for a public man such -following and support, such exalted place in the -hearts of his countrymen, as has never yet rewarded -the tricks and wiles of even the most brilliant of -opportunists.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span> - <h2 class='c005'>EARLY LIFE</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>William Bryan, the great-grandfather of the presidential -nominee, the first of the Bryans known to the -present generation, lived in Culpepper county, Va. -In his family there were three children. One of these, -John Bryan, was the grandfather of William -Jennings Bryan. In 1807 John married Nancy -Lillard. To this couple ten children were born. One -of these was Silas L. Bryan, the father of William -Jennings Bryan.</p> - -<p class='c000'>He was born in Sperryville, Culpepper county, Va., -in 1822. In 1834 he came west, working his way -through the public schools, finally entering McKendree -College, at Lebanon, Ill., and graduating with -honors in 1849. After graduating, he studied law, -was admitted to the bar, and began his practice in -Salem, Marion county, Ill. In 1852 he was married to -Mariah Elizabeth Jennings. In 1860, he was elected -to the circuit bench, where he served twelve years. In -1872 he was nominated for Congress on the Democratic -ticket, receiving the endorsement of the Greenback -party. He died March 30, 1880, and was buried -in the cemetery of his much beloved town, Salem.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The union of Silas Bryan and Mariah Jennings -was blessed on March 19, 1860, by the birth of -William Jennings Bryan, twice the Democratic -nominee for President of the United States.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>When William Jennings Bryan was six years old, -his parents moved to their farm in the vicinity of -Salem. Until he was ten years of age his parents -taught him at home, hoping thus to mould his young -mind to better advantage. At ten years of age -William entered the public schools of Salem. There -he attended until he was fifteen, when he entered -Whipple Academy, Jacksonville, Ill., in the fall of -1875. Two years later he entered Illinois College, -and with this step a new life began.</p> - -<p class='c000'>His parents wished him to take a classical course -with its Latin, Greek, mathematics, and geometry. -This he did. He was, too, an earnest student of political -economy. During his first year at the Academy, -he delivered Patrick Henry’s masterpiece, and -was ranked well down toward the “foot.” Again in -the second year, nothing daunted by his failure to -be at the “head,” he selected “The Palmetto and the -Pine” as his subject. This time he was third, with -a large number following. Later in his second year -he delivered “Bernado del Carpio” and gained second -prize. In his sophomore and junior years, his essays -upon “Labor” and “Individual Powers” were each -awarded first prize. The winning of the junior prize -entitled him to represent Illinois College in the intercollegiate -oratorical contest, which was held at Galesburg, -Ill., in the fall of 1880. His oration was upon -“Justice,” which received the second prize of fifty -dollars. At the time of graduation, he was elected -class orator, and delivered the valedictory.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It was here, in his junior year that he first met his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>wife, Miss Mary Baird, of Perry, Ill., and she, speaking -of her first impression, says, “I saw him first in -the parlors of the young ladies’ school which I attended -in Jacksonville. He entered the room with -several other students, was taller than the rest, and -attracted my attention at once. His face was pale -and thin; a pair of keen, dark eyes looked out from -beneath heavy eyebrows; his nose was prominent—too -large to look well, I thought; a broad, thin-lipped -mouth and a square chin completed the contour of his -face. I noted particularly his hair and smile. The -former, black in color, fine in quality, and parted -distressingly straight. In later years his smile has -been the subject of considerable comment. Upon one -occasion a heartless observer was heard to remark, -‘That man can whisper in his own ear,’ but this was -cruel exaggeration.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The graduating exercises of Illinois College were -in June, 1881. The valedictory is given below, not -because it possesses great merit, but in order to show -his style and the turn of his mind at the time.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Beloved instructors, it is character not less than -intellect that you have striven to develop. As we -stand at the end of our college course, and turn our -eyes toward the scenes forever past, as our memories -linger on the words of wisdom which have fallen from -your lips, we are more and more deeply impressed -with the true conception of duty which you have ever -shown. You have sought not to trim the lamp of -genius until the light of morality is paled by its -dazzling brilliance, but to encourage and strengthen -<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>both. These days are over. No longer shall we -listen to your warning voices, no more meet you in -these familiar classrooms, yet on our hearts ‘deeply -has sunk the lesson’ you have given, and it shall not -soon depart.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“We thank you for your kind and watchful care, -and shall ever cherish your teachings with that devotion -which sincere gratitude inspires.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“It is fitting that we express to you also, honored -trustees, our gratitude for the privileges which you -have permitted us to enjoy.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“The name of the institution whose interest you -guard will ever be dear to us as the schoolroom, to -whose influence we shall trace whatever success coming -years may bring.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Dear classmates, my lips refuse to bid you a last -good-bye; we have so long been joined together in a -community of aims and interests; so often met and -mingled our thoughts in confidential friendship; so -often planned and worked together, that it seems like -rending asunder the very tissues of a heart to separate -us now.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“But this long and happy association is at an end, -and now as we go forth in sorrow, as each one must, -to begin alone the work which lies before us, let us -encourage each other with strengthening words.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Success is brought by continued labor and continued -watchfulness. We must struggle on, not for -one moment hesitate, nor take one backward step; for -in the language of the poet:</p> - -<div class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_017.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>MRS. BRYAN</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>‘The gates of hell are open night and day,</div> - <div class='line'>Smooth the descent and easy is the way;</div> - <div class='line'>But to return and view the cheerful skies,</div> - <div class='line'>In this, the past and mighty labor lies.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>We launch our vessels upon the uncertain sea of life -alone, yet not alone, for around us are friends who -anxiously and prayerfully watch our course. They -will rejoice if we arrive safely at our respective -havens, or weep with bitter tears if, one by one, our -weather-beaten barks are lost forever in the surges -of the deep.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“We have esteemed each other, loved each other, -and now must with each other part. God grant that -we may all so live as to meet in the better world, -where parting is unknown.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Halls of learning, fond Alma Mater, farewell. -We turn to take our ‘last, long, lingering look’ at the -receding walls. We leave thee now to be ushered -out into the varied duties of an active life.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“However high our names may be inscribed upon -the gilded scroll of fame, to thee we all the honor give, -to thee all the praises bring. And when, in after -years, we’re wearied by the bustle of the busy world, -our hearts will often long to turn and seek repose -beneath thy sheltering shade.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>In September, 1881, William Jennings Bryan entered -the Union College of Law at Chicago. Out of -school hours his time was spent in the office of ex-Senator -Lyman Trumbull, who had been a great -friend of young Bryan’s father. His vacation and -summer months were spent on the farm, and it was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>these years of rugged, outdoor life which gave to his -manhood that vigor, stability, and splendid physique -so helpful to him in his life as a student and in his -work since he has left college.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan stood well in the law school, taking an -especial interest in constitutional law. He was also -connected with the debating society of the college -and took an active part in its meetings.</p> - -<p class='c000'>At the age of twenty-three Mr. Bryan finished a -collegiate course and started in life for himself, leaving -the farm, robust and ambitious, to grow in the -knowledge of his profession. His parents were devout -Christians and members of the Baptist Church. -So Mr. Bryan was early taught those principles of -right and wrong, justice, equality, and the advantages -of a pure life. His father’s example convinced -him that the old saying that “no honest man can become -a lawyer” was a myth and a mistake. And on -July 4, 1883, William Jennings Bryan began the -practice of his profession in Jacksonville, Ill.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Stocked with a liberal education, a conscience void -of offense, a character unsullied, and an ambition to -know the law, and to apply this knowledge for the -benefit of the people, he began at the very bottom of -the ladder. The drudgery and disappointments, the -hardships and jokes common to a beginner without -means and alone, in competition with men of gray -hairs and wisdom that come from years of toil and -practice, was the portion of Mr. Bryan. But he was -a courageous man; Napoleon-like he knew no such -word as fail, and with that force and enthusiasm so -<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>characteristic of the man, he labored on, believing -that each disappointment contained its lesson, and -that every hardship endured had its counterpart in -a triumph. His early practice was not unlike that of -other beginners, taking such cases as usually come to -the young lawyer.</p> - -<p class='c000'>At the close of the first year, and during the fall -of 1884, his income was such that he could support a -wife; a modest home was planned and built, and in -October, 1884, he was married. During the next -three years he lived comfortably, though economically, -and laid by a small amount. Politics lost none -of its charms, and each campaign found Mr. Bryan -speaking, usually in his own county.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Three years after graduation he attended the commencement -at Illinois College, delivered the Master’s -oration, and received the degree, his subject being -“American Citizenship.” From that time until he -entered Congress in 1891, his only support for himself -and his wife was from his profession. Mr. Bryan -continued in a growing practice of law in Jacksonville -until October, 1887. In July of that year, while -on a western trip, he passed through Lincoln, Neb., -to visit friends, and in two days was so impressed -with the city and its possibilities that he disposed of -his business in Jacksonville, and located in Lincoln. -Political ambitions did not enter into this change, -as the city, county, and state were strongly Republican. -Mr. Bryan began his lot as a lawyer in Lincoln -by forming a partnership, the style of the firm being -“Talbot & Bryan.” He at once applied himself vigorously -<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>to the details of the practice in his new field, -and was soon recognized as a lawyer of unusual -strength.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the few years of practice at the bar of Lincoln -before he was elected to Congress, Mr. Bryan became -somewhat celebrated as the champion of the anti-sugar-bounty -doctrine, and as the pleader for equal -rights, under the law, for all classes of men. In the -spring of 1896, the city proposed to issue $500,000 of -its refunding bonds in gold. A number of citizens -believing such a contract unjust to the tax-payers, -consulted Mr. Bryan and secured his services in their -behalf. Without compensation, he at once devoted -his energies to restrain the city of Lincoln from issuing -and selling such bonds. A temporary restraining -order was issued by the court, and after a vigorous -contest an injunction against the city, preventing -such contract, was granted. In these cases was shown -Mr. Bryan’s genuine interest in public matters, and in -the general welfare of the people. Aside from many -of these cases involving public interest, his work as a -lawyer was the usual practice of the profession.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan is a man of great physical endurance. -As a lawyer as well as a legislator, he is a man of -great deliberation. Before acting, he believes in being -fully advised as to the subject upon which he is to -act. He was never known to champion a cause, accept -a case, or make a statement to a jury or elsewhere -that did not present the honest conviction of his mind, -always having a sincere belief in the correctness of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>the position assumed. In explaining a proposition of -law, he seeks the reason for the law, which he is always -able to present with peculiar clearness.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In his method of argument he is never emotional, -but makes strong applications of law and fact by the -statement of his case and proof, without any effort at -embellishment or oratory. His ability to crowd a -great deal in a few words and sentences is very -marked. The weakness of his opponents he easily detects, -and readily points out the fallacy. Mr. Bryan -is an ardent believer in the American jury system. -When in Congress, he introduced a bill providing that -a verdict agreed to by three-fourths of the members -of a jury should be a verdict of the jury in civil cases, -and he made an argument before the Congressional -Judiciary Committee in its support.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Mr. Bryan did not distinguish himself as a -lawyer.” Those who thus complain should consider -that he entered the practice at the age of twenty-three, -and left it at thirty, and in that period began twice, -and twice became more than self-supporting. He has -not had the time and opportunity in which to establish -the reputation at the bar which gives to many -American jurists the illustrious positions which they -occupy. However, at the time of his election to Congress, -his practice was in a thriving condition and -fully equal to that of any man of his age in the city.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Whatever may be said of Mr. Bryan by friend or -foe, it must be conceded that his convictions control -his actions on all questions, either as a lawyer or as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>a public man, and when employed in a case involving -great interests, he would, without question, acquit -himself with that distinction which has characterized -him as a leader in public affairs.</p> -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span> - <h2 class='c005'>IN CONGRESS</h2> -</div> -<p class='c006'>Mr. Bryan’s first political speech of importance -was made at Seward in the spring of 1888. At that -time Lincoln was known to be as strong as the rock of -Gibraltar in the Republican faith. On this occasion -of his first public appearance as a political orator in -Nebraska, he drew men to him by the power of the -orator, and held them there in subsequent years by -the virtue of the man. His extraordinary popularity -with the masses of his followers was universally acknowledged. -After his first few speeches, it did not -take long for his reputation to spread over the state, -and when he was elected as a delegate from Lancaster -county to the Democratic State convention in 1888 -he was in great demand. The sources of this popularity, -though less clear, were of profound significance, -being only in part personal. In fact, it seemed to be -this man’s fortune to embody a fresh democratic impulse, -which in time would make him the leader of a -new democratic movement.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The reports as to Mr. Bryan’s first speech in the -convention, say in part: “Mr. Bryan, of Lancaster -county, was then called. He came forward and delivered -a spirited address, in the course of which he -said that if the platform laid down by the President -in his message upon the tariff question were carried -out and vigorously fought upon in the state, it would, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>in the course of a short time, give Nebraska to the -Democracy. He thought if the Democrats went out -to the farmers and people who lived in Nebraska and -showed them the iniquity of the tariff system, they -would rally round the cause which their noble leader, -Grover Cleveland, had championed.” This short, but -pointed speech created the greatest amount of enthusiasm, -and the young orator impressed his personality -upon the public mind of his adopted state.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the fall of 1888, Mr. Bryan made a canvass of -the First Congressional District, in behalf of Hon. J. -Sterling Morton, and also visited some thirty counties -throughout the state. Mr. Morton was defeated by -three thousand four hundred, the district being normally -Republican.</p> - -<p class='c000'>When the campaign of 1890 opened, a few Democrats -who came to appreciate Mr. Bryan’s real ability -believed that with him as the nominee the Republicans -could be defeated. So when the Democratic convention -met at Lincoln, July 31, 1890, Mr. Bryan was -selected without opposition, and at once began a vigorous -campaign. He began a thorough canvass, speaking -about eighty times, and visiting every city and -village in the district. At the close of the last debate, -he presented to Mr. Connell (his opponent) a copy of -Gray’s Elegy, with the following remarks: “Mr. Connell: -We now bring to a close the series of debates -which was arranged by our committees. I am glad we -have been able to conduct these discussions in a courteous -and friendly manner. If I have in any way -offended you in word or deed, I offer apology and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>regret; and as freely forgive. I desire to present to -you, in remembrance of these pleasant meetings, this -little volume, because it contains ‘Gray’s Elegy,’ in -perusing which I trust you will find as much pleasure -and profit as I have found. It is one of the most -beautiful and touching tributes to human life that -literature contains. Grand in its sentiments and -sublime in its simplicity, we may both find in it a -solace in victory or defeat. If success crowns your -efforts in this campaign, and it should be your lot</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘The applause of listening senates to command’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>and I am left</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘A youth to fortune and to fame unknown,’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>forget not us who in the common walks of life perform -our part, but in the hour of your triumph recall -the verse:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘Let not ambition mock their useful toil,</div> - <div class='line'>Their homely joys and destiny obscure;</div> - <div class='line'>Nor grandeur hear, with a disdainful smile,</div> - <div class='line'>The short and simple annals of the poor.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>“If on the other hand, by the verdict of my countrymen, -I should be made your successor, let it not be -said of you</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘And melancholy marked him for her own’,</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>but find sweet consolation in the thought:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘Full many a gem of purest ray serene,</div> - <div class='line'>The dark unfathomed caves of ocean bear;</div> - <div class='line'>Full many a flower is born to blush unseen,</div> - <div class='line'>And waste its sweetness on the desert air.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>“But when the palm of victory is given to you or to -me, let us remember those of whom the poet says:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>‘Far from the madding crowd’s ignoble strife</div> - <div class='line'>Their sober wishes never learned to stray,</div> - <div class='line'>Along the cool, sequestered vale of life.</div> - <div class='line'>They kept the noiseless tenor of their way.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>“These are the ones most likely to be forgotten by -the Government. When the poor and weak cry out -for relief, they too often hear no answer but ‘the -echo of their cry,’ while the rich, the strong, the -powerful are given an attentive ear. For this reason -is class legislation dangerous and deadly; it takes -from those least able to lose, and gives to those who -are least in need. The safety of our farmers and our -laborers is not in special legislation, but in equal and -just laws that bear alike on every man. The great -masses of our people are interested, not in getting -their hands into other people’s pockets, but in keeping -the hands of other people out of their pockets. Let -me, in parting, express the hope that you and I may -be instrumental in bringing our Government back to -better laws which will give equal treatment without -regard to creed or condition. I bid you a friendly -farewell.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan closed his campaign at the city of Lincoln, -and was elected by a plurality of six thousand -seven hundred in the same district which two years -before had defeated Mr. Morton by a plurality of -three thousand four hundred. He was elected in one -of the fairest and most brilliant campaigns ever -fought; and became one of the most prominent members -of the lower House from the West.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The explanation of Mr. Bryan’s popularity must be -<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>sought in a cause which lies deeper than a political -issue.</p> - -<p class='c000'>When he entered Congress he gave his support -in caucus to Mr. Springer, for Speaker of the House, -in whose district he had lived when at Jacksonville. -In the House, he voted for Mr. Crisp, the -caucus nominee. Mr. Springer was made chairman -of the Committee on Ways and Means, and although -it was unprecedented to give to a first term member a -position on the all-important Ways and Means Committee, -Speaker Crisp conferred that unprecedented -honor upon Bryan of Nebraska. One of the first bills -introduced by Mr. Bryan was that providing for the -election of senators by the people, at the option of -each state.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In supporting this bill Mr. Bryan said: “Mr. -Speaker—I desire to call the attention of the House -to what I consider a very important question involved -in this joint resolution. I shall not consume time in -discussing the general principle of electing senators -by the people. If the people of a state have enough -intelligence to choose their representatives in the -state legislature, their executive officers, judges, and -their officials in all the departments of the state and -country, they have enough intelligence to choose the -men who shall represent them in the United States -Senate.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“And now, sirs, if we want to secure the election of -senators by the people, we must submit a proposition -free from the Republican idea of Federal interference, -and free from the Democratic idea of non-interference. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>We may just as well cease the attempt to secure this -reform if we are going to tie it to Federal election -laws. I appeal to members of both sides of the House, -members who in their hearts desire this reform, members -who in their own judgment believe that the time -has come to give the people a chance to vote for the -senators, Democrats, Republicans, and Populists -alike, to join in a proposition which will eliminate the -political question and leave us simply the question of -election by the people or not.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The bill attracted much attention through the -country, although it failed of final passage.</p> - -<p class='c000'>On March 16, 1892, Mr. Bryan made his great tariff -speech in the House, which is considered in another -chapter of this work. In the spring of 1892, the silver -sentiment began to show itself among the leaders of -the Nebraska Democracy. The state convention to -elect delegates to the National Democratic convention -was called for April 15, 1892, and found Mr. Bryan -back in Lincoln, by the consent of the House, making -a determined effort for the adoption of a plank favoring -the free coinage of silver. The fight was a hard -and bitter one. In supporting this part of the platform -Mr. Bryan said in part:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“<span class='sc'>Gentlemen</span>—I do not believe it is noble to dodge -any issue. If, as has been indicated, this may have -an effect on my campaign, then no bridegroom went -with gladder heart to greet his bride that I shall welcome -defeat. Vote this down if you will, but do not -dodge it; for that is not democratic.” The convention -went wild in a body, a vote was called, which brought -<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>defeat to the Bryan silver plank. By this act Mr. -Bryan incurred the hatred of the Cleveland administration.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Upon the return of Mr. Bryan to Nebraska at the -close of the 52d Congress, a series of debates had been -arranged with the Republican party nominee, Allen -W. Field, then judge of the district court. This was -even a more bitter contest than the first. Mr. McKinley, -Mr. Foraker, and others were called to Nebraska -to aid the Republican cause. They made desperate -efforts to “down” Bryan, but in spite of all he was -reelected by a majority of one hundred fifty-two.</p> - -<p class='c000'>As a congressman William Jennings Bryan was a -success. From the moment he entered Congress, he -was a leader. To those who knew him intimately, it -was no surprise that during the first term he sprang -suddenly into prominence. His speech on the tariff -question stamped him not only as an orator, but a -man who had made a deep political study of economic -questions.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It was not until his second term that he really -focussed public attention upon himself. When Congress -was convened in extraordinary session, he went -to Washington prepared to resist the repeal of the -purchasing clause of the Sherman act. He knew the -feeling of his constituents, and being thoroughly -familiar with every phase of the question, he entered -upon the fight like a gladiator. His conspicuous -record as an orator in the previous session was sufficient -to get him a place in the great debate, and, when -the opportunity came, Bryan was prepared for it. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>For several days it was known that he was to speak, -and the galleries of the House were crowded at each -session. Finally he was recognized by the Speaker, -and he began the most effective speech that had been -heard in Congress in years. Everybody was quiet and -listened. The oldest member could not remember -when a man had received such marked attention and -such spontaneous applause as Bryan got that day. -As he stood there, the picture of health, a physical -giant, his voice falling in easy cadence, he impressed -upon his hearers the thought that he meant every word -he was saying. He had every one in his grasp. As -he continued, the audience became worked up to a -high pitch, and when he concluded with a magnificent -peroration, quiet reigned for a moment, then suddenly -every one joined in tumultuous applause. Bryan had -finished; he had made a speech that for thought, logic, -and sentiment, to say nothing of its matchless delivery, -had few equals in the records of Congress. For -two hours and fifty minutes the young Nebraska -orator held the close attention of a full house and -crowded galleries. Instead of members leaving the -hall as usual, they crowded in, and every man was in -his seat. This speech made him famous. Occasionally -a single standard man would interrupt, but none did -it without subsequent regret. He knew his case too -well.</p> - -<p class='c000'>From that day to this, Bryan has been in the public -eye everywhere. Many who heard his tariff speech -predicted that it was a flash light, and would soon -grow dim, and its author be forgotten; but after he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>made his silver speech those who thought his first an -accident were compelled to admit that he possessed -all the qualifications of a statesman and that he was -bound to be a leader in his party.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Besides his silver and tariff speeches, Mr. Bryan -spoke briefly upon several other questions, namely, in -favor of foreclosure of Government liens on all -Pacific railways, and in favor of the anti-option bill. -He favored the application of the principle of arbitration -as far as Federal authority extends. On January -30, 1894, Mr. Bryan, in a speech in favor of the income -tax, brilliantly and successfully replied to the speech -of Bourke Cockran delivered in opposition to that -measure.</p> - -<p class='c000'>His record in Congress did not consist entirely of -speech-making. He was a tireless worker for his constituents, -and he secured more pensions for old -soldiers living in his district than all the Republican -congressmen who had preceded him. He personally -attended to the wants of every constituent, and no -man ever wrote a letter asking his assistance that he -did not at once enlist Bryan’s active support. He was -vigilant and watchful, and never missed an opportunity -to do a favor.</p> - -<p class='c000'>He was exceedingly active in Congress, dodging -nothing, and often speaking on the current questions. -Yet nothing that he did or said in Congress comes -back to plague him. It was then thought, and it has -since been hoped, that in the fulness of his record -something would come back to trip him. But what -he said then only makes him stronger now.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>It may not be amiss at this point to quote from Mrs. -Bryan, who said: “Quoting from a eulogy which Mr. -Bryan delivered upon a colleague in the 53d Congress, -this extract will serve a double purpose, in that it -gives his views upon immortality, and, at the same -time, presents a passage which I think may, without -impropriety, be called a finished bit of English. Mr. -Bryan said ‘I shall not believe that even now his light -is extinguished. If the Father deigns to touch with -divine power the cold and pulseless heart of the buried -acorn, and make it burst forth from its buried walls, -will He leave neglected in the earth, the soul of man, -who was made in the image of his Creator? If he -stoops to give to the rosebush, whose withered -blossoms float upon the breeze, the sweet assurance -of another springtime, will he withhold the words of -hope from the sons of man when the frosts of winter -come? If matter, mute and inanimate, though -changed by the forces of Nature into a multitude of -forms, can never die, will the imperial spirit of man -suffer annihilation after it has paid a brief visit, like -a royal guest, to this tenement of clay? Rather let -us believe that He, who, in His apparent prodigality, -makes the blade of grass or the evening’s sighing -zephyr, but makes them to carry out His eternal plan, -has given immortality to the mortal, and gathered to -Himself the generous spirit of our friend. Instead of -mourning, let us look up and address him in the -words of the poet:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line in6'><span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>“’The day has come, not gone;</div> - <div class='line in6'>The sun has risen, not set;</div> - <div class='line in6'>Thy life is now beyond</div> - <div class='line in6'>The reach of death or change,</div> - <div class='line in6'>Not ended—but begun</div> - <div class='line'>O, noble soul! O, gentle heart! Hail, and farewell.’”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan was singularly free from egotism, affectation, -or envy of the fame of others. That he was -brilliant goes without saying, but his brilliancy was -as natural and easy as to be like Shakespeare’s description -of mercy:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“The quality of mercy is not strained,</div> - <div class='line'>It dropped as the gentle rain from heaven</div> - <div class='line'>Upon the places beneath. It is twice blessed;</div> - <div class='line'>It blesses him that gives and him that takes.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span> - <h2 class='c005'>THE TARIFF</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>For twenty years prior to 1896 the chief tangible -point of difference between the Democratic and Republican -parties was the tariff question. It was, in -truth, a question on which the two great parties had -always differed since the days when they were known -as Federalists and Anti-Federalists.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Democratic party, in true accord with the principles -of Thomas Jefferson, has always held that government -to be best which interferes least with the -liberty of the individual. The purpose of government, -it has held, is to protect man in his personal rights -against the unjust encroachments of his neighbors. -But, according to the Democratic idea, government -should not interfere to arbitrarily promote the interests -of any class of its citizens at the expense of any -other class. All should be left, protected against -illegal encroachment, but otherwise unmolested, to -work out their own salvation. In other words, Democracy -believes that government to be best which -governs least.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Republican theory, on the other hand, has inclined -toward the exactly opposite point of view; that -that government is best which governs most. It has -acted consistently on the principle that it is not only -permissible but advisable for government to be made -an instrument for advancing the pecuniary or business -<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>interests of such of its citizens as seem most deserving -or are most fortunate in winning its ear. It -was this radical difference between the two parties, -involving, as it did, a basic and fundamental principle, -that lay at the root of the controversy regarding -tariff duties.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Democratic party, adhering to the strict letter -of the Constitution, held that the tariff should be -levied for one simple purpose, and that the purpose -contemplated by the Constitution—to raise revenue. -With this end in view, the party contended, tariff -duties should be levied mostly on such articles as are -not produced in this country, and, in order to equalize -the burden of taxation, be imposed rather on luxuries -than the strict necessities of life.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Republican party took a more radical position. -It advocated the levying of tariff duties, not primarily -for the purpose of raising revenue,—that was -made a secondary consideration,—but to protect -from foreign competition the manufacturing and industrial -enterprises of the United States. Then, it -argued, these establishments, protected by the fostering -arm of government, would grow great and strong, -furnishing at once employment for labor at high -wages, and a “home market” for the products of the -American farm and mine.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Controverting this alluring argument, the Democratic -party held that government had no right to -compel citizens of one class or section to contribute -involuntarily to the support of citizens of some other -class or section of the country. The only manner in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>which a protective tariff could protect, it pointed out, -was by enabling the home manufacturer to charge a -higher price because of the duty on foreign goods. -This added price, it showed, must be paid into the -pocket of the American manufacturer by the American -consumer. Moreover, it declared, the farmer -could only share the burden without receiving any of -the benefits of a high protective tariff, the price of his -products being fixed in the world’s markets at Liverpool -and London. And the same thing, it held, was -true of the laboring man, as the rate of his remuneration -was fixed mainly by “the iron law of wages.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>When Mr. Bryan was elected to Congress for his -first term this question of tariff was the all-absorbing -one before the people. The Republican party, in the -zenith of its power, had enacted the McKinley tariff -law, the embodiment of its views on this question, -levying tariff duties so high as almost to exclude -foreign competition. It was in this law, undoubtedly, -that most of the great trusts and monopolies since -formed read their birthright.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan, naturally, as a Democrat and a firm -believer in the principles of government laid down -by Thomas Jefferson, was vigorously opposed to the -theory of a high protective tariff. The Congress in -which he served his first term was Democratic, the -result of the enactment of the trust-breeding McKinley -tariff law. The Ways and Means Committee, -of which Mr. Springer of Illinois was chairman, decided -that relief might best be effected by the introduction -<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>of a series of bills, transferring certain -commodities to the free list.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It was in support of one of these—a bill placing -wool on the free list and reducing the duties on woolen -goods—that Mr. Bryan delivered his maiden speech in -the House. This was on Wednesday, March 16, 1892. -Like Byron, he awoke the next morning and found -himself famous. The speech had attracted the admiring -attention of the whole country. The young orator’s -logic, acute reasoning, powers of broad generalization, -and apt and homely illustration, not less than -his genuine eloquence, incisive wit, and brilliant repartee, -had, in one speech, won him a place at the -head of the list of American parliamentary orators.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In his speech Mr. Bryan thus effectually punctured -with his ridicule the Republican argument generally -advanced that a high tariff makes low prices:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Now, there are two arguments which I have never -heard advanced in favor of protection; but they are -the best arguments. They admit a fact and justify it, -and I think that is the best way to argue, if you have a -fact to meet. Why not say to the farmer, ‘Yes, of -course you lose; but does not the Bible say, “It is more -blessed to give than to receive”—[laughter]—and if -you suffer some inconvenience, just look back over -your life and you will find that your happiest moments -were enjoyed when you were giving something to -somebody, and the most unpleasant moments were -when you were receiving.’ These manufacturers are -self-sacrificing. They are willing to take the lesser -part, and the more unpleasant business of receiving, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>and leave to you the greater joy of giving. [Loud -laughter and applause on the Democratic side.]</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Why do they not take the other theory, which is -borne out by history—that all nations which have -grown strong, powerful, and influential, just as individuals, -have done it through hardship, toil, and -sacrifice, and that after they have become wealthy -they have been enervated, they have gone to decay -through the enjoyment of luxury, and that the great -advantage of the protective system is that it goes -around among the people and gathers up their surplus -earnings so that they will not be enervated or weakened, -so that no legacy of evil will be left to their children. -Their surplus earnings are collected up, and the -great mass of our people are left strong, robust, and -hearty. These earnings are garnered and put into the -hands of just as few people as possible, so that the injury -will be limited in extent. [Great laughter and applause -on the Democratic side.] And they say, ‘Yes, -of course, of course; it makes dudes of our sons, and it -does, perhaps, compel us to buy foreign titles for our -daughters [laughter], but of course if the great body -of the people are benefited, as good, patriotic citizens -we ought not to refuse to bear the burden.’ -[Laughter.]</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Why do they not do that? They simply come to -you and tell you that they want a high tariff to make -low prices, so that the manufacturer will be able to -pay large wages to his employees. [Laughter.] And -then, they want a high tariff on agricultural products -so that they will have to buy what they buy at the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>highest possible price. They tell you that a tariff -on wool is for the benefit of the farmer, and goes into -his pocket, but that the tariff on manufactured -products goes into the farmer’s pocket, too, ‘and -really hurts us, but we will stand it if we must.’ They -are much like a certain maiden lady of uncertain age, -who said, ‘This being the third time that my beau has -called, he might make some affectionate demonstration’; -and, summing up all her courage, she added, -‘I have made up my mind that if he does I will bear it -with fortitude.’” [Great laughter and applause.]</p> - -<p class='c000'>He thus pleaded for the protection of the greatest -of “home industries,”—the home-building of the common -people:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“I desire to say, Mr. Chairman, that this Republican -party, which is responsible for the present system, -has stolen from the vocabulary one of its dearest -words and debased its use. Its orators have prated -about home industries while they have neglected the -most important of home industries—the home of the -citizen. The Democratic party, so far from being -hostile to the home industries, is the only champion, -unless our friends here, the Independents, will join -with us, of the real home industry of this country.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“When some young man selects a young woman who -is willing to trust her future to his strong right arm, -and they start to build a little home, that home which -is the unit of society and upon which our Government -and our prosperity must rest—when they start to -build this little home, and the man who sells the lumber -reaches out his hand to collect a tariff upon that; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>the man who sells paints and oils wants a tariff upon -them; the man who furnishes the carpets, tablecloths, -knives, forks, dishes, furniture, spoons, everything -that enters into the construction and operation of -that home—when all these hands, I say, are stretched -out from every direction to lay their blighting weight -upon that cottage, and the Democratic party says, -‘Hands off, and let that home industry live,’ it is protecting -the grandest home industry that this or any -other nation ever had. [Loud applause on the Democratic -side.]</p> - -<p class='c000'>“And I am willing that you, our friends on the other -side, shall have what consolation you may gain from -the protection of those ‘home industries’ which have -crowned with palatial residences the hills of New -England, if you will simply give us the credit of being -the champions of the homes of this land. [Applause -on the Democratic side.] It would seem that -if any appeal could find a listening ear in this legislative -hall it ought to be the appeal that comes up from -those co-tenants of earth’s only paradise; but your -party has neglected them; more, it has spurned and -spit upon them. When they asked for bread you gave -them a stone, and when they asked for a fish you gave -them a serpent. You have laid upon them burdens -grievous to be borne. You have filled their days with -toil and their nights with anxious care, and when they -cried aloud for relief you were deaf to their -entreaties.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The conclusion of Mr. Bryan’s speech is here reproduced. -It is of greater length than would ordinarily -<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>justify its incorporation in a volume of this -size, but the objection is outweighed by the fact, that, -in most beautiful English, it outlines the idea of government -which has since been the beacon light that -has guided Mr. Bryan’s career:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“We can not afford to destroy the peasantry of this -country. We can not afford to degrade the common -people of this land, for they are the people who in time -of prosperity and peace produce the wealth of the -country, and they are also the people who in time of -war bare their breasts to a hostile fire in defense of -the flag. Go to Arlington or to any of the national -cemeteries, see there the plain white monuments -which mark the place ‘where rest the ashes of the nation’s -countless dead,’ those of whom the poet has so -beautifully written:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘On Fame’s eternal camping ground</div> - <div class='line'>Their silent tents are spread.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>Who were they? Were they the beneficiaries of -special legislation? Were they the people who are -ever clamoring for privileges? No, my friends; those -who come here and obtain from Government its aid -and help find in time of war too great a chance to -increase their wealth to give much attention to military -duties. A nation’s extremity is their opportunity. -They are the ones who make contracts, carefully -drawn, providing for the payment of their -money in coin, while the government goes out, if necessary, -and drafts the people and makes them lay -down upon the altar of their country all they have. -No; the people who fight the battles are largely the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>poor, the common people of the country; those who -have little to save but their honor, and little to lose -but their lives. These are the ones, and I say to you, -sir, that the country can not afford to lose them. I -quote the language of Pericles in his great funeral -oration. He says:</p> - -<p class='c000'>‘It was for such a country, then, that these men, -nobly resolving not to have it taken from them, fell -fighting; and every one of their survivors may well be -willing to suffer in its behalf.’</p> - -<p class='c000'>That, Mr. Chairman, is a noble sentiment and points -the direction to the true policy for a free people. It -must be by beneficent laws; it must be by a just government -which a free people can love and upon which -they can rely that the nation is to be preserved. We -can not put our safety in a great navy; we can not put -our safety in expensive fortifications along a seacoast -thousands of miles in extent, nor can we put our -safety in a great standing army that would absorb in -idleness the toil of the men it protects. A free government -must find its safety in happy and contented citizens, -who, protected in their rights and free from -unnecessary burdens, will be willing to die that the -blessings which they enjoy may be transmitted to -their posterity.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Thomas Jefferson, that greatest of statesmen and -most successful of politicians, tersely expressed the -true purpose of government when he said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“’With all these blessings, what more is necessary -to make us a happy and prosperous people? Still one -thing more, fellow citizens: a wise and frugal government, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>which shall restrain men from injuring one another; -shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their -own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall -not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has -earned. This is the sum of good government, and this -is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.’</p> - -<p class='c000'>“That is the inspiration of the Democratic party; -that is its aim and object. If it comes, Mr. Chairman, -into power in all of the departments of this government -it will not destroy industry; it will not injure -labor; but it will save to the men who produce the -wealth of the country a larger portion of that wealth. -It will bring prosperity and joy and happiness, not to -a few, but to every one without regard to station or -condition. The day will come, Mr. Chairman—the -day will come when those who annually gather about -this Congress seeking to use the taxing power for -private purposes will find their occupation gone, and -the members of Congress will meet here to pass laws -for the benefit of all the people. That day will come, -and in that day, to use the language of another, ‘Democracy -will be king! Long live the king!’” [Prolonged -applause on the Democratic side.]</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span> - <h2 class='c005'>THE RISE OF THE SILVER ISSUE</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>In every national campaign since the time silver -was demonetized in 1873 the demand for bimetallism -has been a platform plank always of one and frequently -of both of the two great political parties. The -first unequivocal renunciation of the policy and theory -of bimetallism on the part of any important national -convention occurred in June, 1900, at Philadelphia. -In 1896 the Republican party, in its platform adopted -at St. Louis, pledged itself to the promotion of bimetallism -by international agreement. The Democratic -party, both in 1896 and 1900, expressed its conviction -that bimetallism could be secured by the independent -action of the United States, and to that end demanded -“the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and -silver, at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without -waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Previous to 1896 each of the great political parties -made quadrennial expressions of faith in the bimetallic -theory, frequently demanded its enactment into -law, and generally condemned the opposing party for -“hostility to silver.” And yet, despite the universal -belief in bimetallism on the part of the American -people; despite the general demands for bimetallism -made by both political parties; despite the many and -eloquent speeches for bimetallism delivered in Congress -and out of it by party leaders of all complexions, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>the hope of its becoming an actuality seemed to wither -and wane in inverse ratio to the fervency of the expressions -of friendship on the part of the politicians. -Sometimes those who were most vehement in their -demands were most instrumental in the passage of -that series of legislative enactments that inevitably -broadened and deepened the gulf between gold and -silver.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In explanation of this phenomenon it may be said -that of all the functions of government none is more -important than the power to regulate the quality and -quantity of its circulating medium; none more -freighted either with prosperity or disaster to its -people; and none more liable to make demagogues -of statesmen and knaves and hypocrites of those in -authority.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The first overt act in the fight against bimetallism, -which theretofore had been insidious, was the demand -of the Cleveland administration and the powers -that were behind it for the repeal of the purchasing -clause of the Sherman Act. The clause which was -aimed at provided for the purchase by the government -of bar silver sufficient for the annual coinage of $54,000,000. -With its repeal would disappear from the -Federal statute books the last vestige of authority for -the coinage of silver money other than subsidiary -coins.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the fight against the administration over this -measure Mr. Bryan took a leading part. He was one -of the public men whose professions and practices in -the matter of financial legislation were not at variance. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>In his first campaign for Congress, in 1890, he -had inserted in his platform this plank, written by -himself:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“We demand the free coinage of silver on equal -terms with gold and denounce the efforts of the Republican -party to serve the interest of Wall Street as -against the rights of the people.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>In 1891 he had secured the adoption of a free silver -plank in the Nebraska Democratic platform. In 1892 -he made a hard fight for a similar plank in the state -platform, but lost by a very close vote. On the day -before the national convention which nominated Mr. -Cleveland for president, Mr. Bryan was renominated -for Congress on a platform in which free coinage was -made the paramount issue, and throughout the campaign -he devoted to it the major portion of his time. -In this way, from free choice and impelling conviction, -Mr. Bryan had committed himself to the doctrine of -bimetallism and had declared his plan for putting it -into practice.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan made his first speech in Congress against -unconstitutional repeal on February 9, 1893. In it he -said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“I call attention to the fact that there is not in this -bill a single line or sentence which is not opposed to -the whole history of the Democratic party. We have -opposed the principle of the national bank on all -occasions, and yet you give them by this bill an increased -currency of $15,000,000. You have pledged -the party to reduce the taxation upon the people, and -yet, before you attempt to lighten this burden, you -<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>take off one-half million of dollars annually from the -national banks of the country; and even after declaring -in your national platform that the Sherman act -was a ‘cowardly makeshift’ you attempt to take away -the ‘makeshift’ before you give us the real thing for -which the makeshift was substituted.... Mr. -Speaker, consider the effect of this bill. It means that -by suspending the purchase of silver we will throw -fifty-four million ounces on the market annually and -reduce the price of silver bullion. It means that we -will widen the difference between the coinage and -bullion value of silver and raise a greater obstacle in -the way of bimetallism. It means to increase by -billions of dollars the debts of our people. It means a -reduction in the price of our wheat and our cotton. -You have garbled the platform of the Democratic -party. You have taken up one clause of it, and refused -to give us a fulfilment of the other and more -important clause, which demands that gold and silver -shall be coined on equal terms without charge for -mintage.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Mr. Speaker, this can not be done. A man who -murders another shortens by a few brief years the -life of a human being; but he who votes to increase -the burden of debts upon the people of the United -States assumes a graver responsibility. If we who -represent them consent to rob our people, the cotton-growers -of the South and the wheat-growers of the -West, we will be criminals whose guilt can not be -measured by words, for we will bring distress and -disaster to our people.”</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>In thus boldly and positively aligning himself -against the policy of the dominant wing of his own -party, which would soon be backed by the incoming -Cleveland administration, Mr. Bryan acted with his -characteristic devotion to principle. He could not -help seeing that all the odds were apparently against -that faction of his party with which he threw in his -fortunes. Mr. Cleveland and most of the old, honored, -and powerful leaders of democracy, it was -known, would join in the fight against silver. They -would have the powerful aid of the great Republican -leaders and be backed by the almost united influence -of the hundreds of daily newspapers in all the large -cities. Wealth, influence, experience, and so-called -“respectability” were all to be the property of the -Cleveland wing. Many trusted leaders of the old-time -fight for silver succumbed to the temptation and identified -themselves with the dominant faction. Not so -Mr. Bryan. On the failure of the bill to pass he returned -home and devoted all his time to a thorough -study of finance and of money, making the most careful -and complete preparation for the fight which he -saw impending.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The great struggle, which Mr. Bryan has termed -“the most important economic discussion which ever -took place in our Congress” was precipitated by President -Cleveland when he called Congress to meet in -special session on August 7, 1893. Mr. Wilson, of -West Virginia, Chairman of the Ways and Means -Committee, introduced in the House the administration -measure for the unconditional repeal of the purchasing -clause of the Sherman Act.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_051.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>CHAS. A. TOWNE</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>The debate that ensued was one of the most brilliantly -and ably conducted in the annals of Congress. -On August 16, near the close of the debate, Mr. Bryan -delivered an extended argument against the bill. His -speech in point of profound reasoning and moving -oratory stands prominent in the list of congressional -deliverances. It concluded with the following magnificent -appeal:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“To-day the Democratic party stands between two -great forces, each inviting its support. On the one -side stand the corporate interests of the nation, its -moneyed institutions, its aggregations of wealth and -capital, imperious, arrogant, compassionless. They -demand special legislation, favors, privileges, and -immunities. They can subscribe magnificently to -campaign funds; they can strike down opposition -with their all-pervading influence, and, to those who -fawn and flatter, bring ease and plenty. They demand -that the Democratic party shall become their -agent to execute their merciless decrees.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“On the other side stands that unnumbered throng -which gave a name to the Democratic party, and for -which it has assumed to speak. Work-worn and dust-begrimed -they make their sad appeal. They hear of -average wealth increased on every side and feel the -inequality of its distribution. They see an overproduction -of everything desired because of an underproduction -of the ability to buy. They can not pay for -loyalty except with their suffrages, and can only -<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>punish betrayal with their condemnation. Although -the ones who most deserve the fostering care of Government, -their cries for help too often beat in vain -against the outer wall, while others less deserving find -ready access to legislative halls.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“This army, vast and daily growing, begs the party -to be its champion in the present conflict. It can not -press its claims mid sounds of revelry. Its phalanxes -do not form in grand parade, nor has it gaudy banners -floating on the breeze. Its battle hymn is ‘Home, -Sweet Home,’ its war cry ‘equality before the law.’ -To the Democratic party, standing between these two -irreconcilable forces, uncertain to which side to turn, -and conscious that upon its choice its fate depends, -come the words of Israel’s second law-giver: ‘Choose -you this day whom ye will serve.’ What will the answer -be? Let me invoke the memory of him whose -dust made sacred the soil of Monticello when he -joined</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘The dead but sceptered sovereigns who still rule</div> - <div class='line'>Our spirits from their urns.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>“He was called a demagogue and his followers a -mob, but the immortal Jefferson dared to follow the -best promptings of his heart. He placed man above -matter, humanity above property, and, spurning the -bribes of wealth and power, pleaded the cause of the -common people. It was this devotion to their interests -which made his party invincible while he lived, -and will make his name revered while history endures.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“And what message comes to us from the Hermitage? -When a crisis like the present arose and the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>national bank of the day sought to control the politics -of the nation, God raised up an Andrew Jackson, -who had the courage to grapple with that great enemy, -and by overthrowing it he made himself the idol of -the people and reinstated the Democratic party in -public confidence. What will the decision be to-day?</p> - -<p class='c000'>“The Democratic party has won the greatest success -in its history. Standing upon this victory-crowned -summit, will it turn its face to the rising or the setting -sun? Will it choose blessings or cursings—life or -death—Which? Which?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The bill passed the House by a considerable majority -and went to the Senate. In two months it came -back with Senate amendments. So earnest and determined -was Mr. Bryan in his opposition to the measure -that he resorted to dilatory tactics, employing every -legitimate parliamentary weapon to obstruct its progress. -When finally even the enemies of the bill would -no longer assist him in the fight for delay, Mr. Bryan -determined to abandon the fight in Congress to carry -it before the Democracy of the nation. In concluding -his last speech on the bill he said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“You may think that you have buried the cause of -bimetallism; you may congratulate yourselves that -you have laid the free coinage of silver away in a -sepulchre, newly made since the election, and before -the door rolled the veto stone. But, sirs, if our cause -is just, as I believe it is, your labor has been in vain: -no tomb was ever made so strong that it could imprison -a righteous cause. Silver will lay aside its -<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>grave clothes and its shroud. It will yet rise and in -its rising and its reign will bless mankind.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Though defeated in the first great contest, the silver -advocates were far from dismayed. They began at -once a systematic fight to wrest from the administration -the control of the party organization. The -factional fight within the ranks of Democracy gave -early promise of becoming exceedingly bitter. The -feeling was accentuated from the start by the personal -efforts of President Cleveland in behalf of the repeal -bill. In the Senate the silver men had what was considered -a safe majority, and it was to overcome this -and secure the passage of the bill that the President -had directed his energies. His great weapon was Federal -patronage, and he used it as a club. Never before -in the history of popular government in the United -States had the executive so boldly and so openly exerted -the tremendous influence of his position in an -attempt to force a coordinate branch of government -into unwilling compliance with his wishes. Mr. Cleveland’s -interference, which finally accomplished its -purpose, was angrily resented by the Silver Democrats, -and the lines between administration and -anti-administration were early closely drawn.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan, while the repeal bill was still under discussion -in the Senate, attended the Nebraska State -Democratic convention as a delegate, on October 4, -1893. In the convention the administration wing of -the party was regnant, imperious, and arrogant. A -platform endorsing the President and his fight against -silver was adopted by a large majority. Bryan was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>even denied a place on the resolutions committee, although -endorsed therefor by his Congressional district, -which almost alone had sent silver delegates. -His course in Congress was repudiated and himself -personally received with but scant courtesy or consideration -on the part of the great majority of the delegates. -When the gold men, flushed with victory, -were about to complete their conquest, the discredited -young Congressman sprang to the platform to address -the convention. His whole person was quivering with -emotion, and as he spoke he strode up and down the -platform with a mien of unconcealed anger and defiance. -Never was he more truly the orator, and never -was tame beast so abject and so pitiful under the -scourge of the master as was that convention, mute -and defenseless, under his scathing excoriation. The -following extract will give an idea of the substance of -the speech, though the flashing eyes of the orator, the -tense and quivering frame, the voice now ringing with -defiance, now trembling with emotion,—these may -never be described.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“<span class='sc'>Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention</span>—We -are confronted to-day by as important a -question as ever came before the Democracy of the -state of Nebraska. It is not a personal question. It is -a question that rises above individuals. So far as I am -personally concerned it matters nothing whether you -vote this amendment up or down; it matters nothing -to me whether you pass resolutions censuring my -course or endorsing it. If I am wrong in the position -I have taken on this great financial question, I shall -<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>fall though you heap your praises upon me; if I am -right, and in my heart, so help me God, I believe I -am, I shall triumph yet, although you condemn me in -your convention a hundred times. Gentlemen, you are -playing in the basement of politics; there is a higher -plane. You think you can pass resolutions censuring -a man, and that you can humiliate him. I want to -tell you that I still ‘more true joy in exile feel’ than -those delegates who are afraid to vote their own sentiments -or represent the wishes of the people, lest they -may not get Federal office. Gentlemen, I know not -what others may do, but duty to country is above duty -to party, and if you represent your constituents in -what you have done and will do—for I do not entertain -the fond hope that you who have voted as you -have to-day will change upon this vote—if you as -delegates properly represent the sentiment of the -Democratic party which sent you here; if the resolutions -which have been proposed and which you will -adopt express the sentiments of the party in this -state; if the party declares in favor of a gold standard, -as you will if you pass this resolution; if you declare -in favor of the impoverishment of the people of Nebraska; -if you intend to make more galling than the -slavery of the blacks the slavery of the debtors of this -country; if the Democratic party, after you go home, -endorses your action and makes your position its permanent -policy, I promise you that I will go out and -serve my country and my God under some other name, -even if I must go alone.”</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>But Mr. Bryan was not destined to be driven from -the Democratic party. He returned to Washington -to persistently fight the financial policy of the administration -until the Fifty-third Congress had adjourned. -The withdrawal of the greenbacks, the -granting of additional privileges to national banks, -the Rothschild-Morgan gold-bond contract—these he -opposed with the full measure of his mental and physical -powers. In the meantime the Silver Democrats -began the work of organization and propaganda in -every state in the Union. In 1894 Bryan triumphed -over his enemies in Nebraska in a convention whose -platform declared, “We favor the immediate restoration -of the free and unlimited coinage of gold and -silver at the present ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting -for the aid or consent of any other nation on earth.” -The Gold Democrats bolted the platform and the -ticket. And until the last delegate was elected to the -National convention which was to meet at Chicago -in July, 1896, the Silver Democrats continued everywhere -their efforts. They fought boldly and outspokenly -against the administration they had helped -to elect, and which was nominally Democratic. The -result of their fight was the instruction of almost two-thirds -of the delegates for an unambiguous free silver -plank, with a certainty that the Gold Democrats, -headed by President Cleveland, Secretary of the -Treasury Carlisle, and hundreds of the leaders of the -party, would bolt the action of the convention.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Thus torn and rent by dissentions, with little hope -<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>or prospect for success, the Democracy faced that remarkable -convention which was to repudiate the administration -itself had placed in power.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span> - <h2 class='c005'>THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE<br /> (1896)</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>In the fall of 1896, within the period of one hundred -days, William J. Bryan traveled eighteen thousand -miles. He delivered over six hundred speeches -to crowds aggregating five millions of people. Reduced -to figures more readily comprehended, he -averaged each day one hundred and eighty miles of -railroad travel, interrupted by the stops necessary -for the delivery of six speeches to crowds of over -eight thousand each and fifty thousand in all. This -was his personal service in the “first battle” for the -restoration of bimetallism, acting as the standard -bearer of three political parties.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The great presidential campaign of 1896 was in -many respects the most remarkable in the history of -the United States. It turned upon an issue which -was felt to be of transcending importance, and which -aroused the elemental passions of the people in a -manner probably never before witnessed in this -country save in time of war. It was an issue forced -by the voters themselves despite the unceasing efforts -of the leading politicians of both great parties to keep -it in the background. Beneath its shadow old party -war cries died into silence; old party differences were -forgotten; old party lines were obliterated. As it -existed in the hearts of men the issue had no name. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>Bimetallism was discussed; monometallism was discussed; -these were the themes of public speakers, -editors, and street corner gatherings when recourse -was had to facts and argument. But when one partisan -called his friend the enemy an “Anarchist!” and -when the latter retorted with the cry of “Plutocrat,” -then there spoke in epithets the feelings which were -stirring the American people, and which made the -campaign significant. For the terms indicated that -for the first time in the Republic founded on the doctrine -of equality, Lazarus at Dives’ gate had raised the -cry of injustice, whereat the rich man trembled.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Republican National convention met at St. -Louis on June 16. William McKinley, of Ohio, was -nominated for President and Garret A. Hobart, of -New Jersey, for Vice-President. A platform was -adopted declaring for the maintenance of “the existing -gold standard” until bimetallism could be secured -by international agreement, which the party was -pledged to promote. The doctrine of a high protective -tariff was strongly insisted on.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Against the financial plank of the platform there -was waged a bitter, if hopeless, fight by the silver men -of the West, under the honored leadership of United -States Senator Henry M. Teller, of Colorado. On the -adoption of the platform Senators Teller, Dubois, of -Idaho, Pettigrew, of South Dakota, Cannon, of Utah, -and Mantle, of Montana, with three congressmen and -fifteen other delegates, walked out of the convention. -They issued an address to the people declaring monetary -reform to be imperative, that the deadly curse of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>falling prices might be averted. The dominant figure -of this convention was Marcus A. Hanna, of Ohio, a -millionaire coal and shipping magnate with large industrial -and commercial interests in various sections -of the country. In taking charge of the campaign that -resulted in McKinley’s nomination he introduced his -business methods into politics. He had conducted the -canvass throughout along commercial lines. “He has -been as smooth as olive oil and as stiff as Plymouth -Rock,” said the New York <cite>Sun</cite>, since recognized as -President McKinley’s personal organ. “He is a manager -of men, a manipulator of events, such as you -more frequently encounter in the back offices of the -headquarters of financial and commercial centers -than at district primaries or in the lobbies of convention -halls. There is no color or pretense of statesmanship -in his efforts; he seems utterly indifferent to -political principles, and color-blind to policies, except -as they figure as counters in his game. He can be extremely -plausible and innocently deferential in his -intercourse with others, or can flame out on proper -occasion in an outburst of well-studied indignation. -He is by turns a bluffer, a compromiser, a conciliator, -and an immovable tyrant. Such men do not enter and -revolutionize national politics for nothing. Now, -what is Mark Hanna after?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The question was soon answered. Mark Hanna became -chairman of the National Republican committee, -United States senator from Ohio, and the most powerful, -if not the all-powerful, influence behind the -McKinley administration. His rapid rise to commanding -<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>position and the unyielding manner in which -he has utilized his power have furnished much argument -to such as are inclined to be pessimistic regarding -the enduring qualities of republics.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Early in July the Democratic National convention -assembled in Chicago. Mr. Bryan, who had attended -the St. Louis convention as editor-in-chief of the -Omaha <cite>World-Herald</cite>, was here present as a delegate-at-large -from Nebraska. Since the expiration of his -second congressional term he had been active and unwearying -in the fight to capture the convention for -free silver. As editor of the <cite>World-Herald</cite> he had -contributed numerous utterances that were widely -quoted by the silver press, and much of his time had -been devoted to delivering speeches and lectures in the -interests of bimetallism in almost every section of the -country. He came to Chicago fresh from a Fourth -of July debate at the Crete, Neb., Chautauqua, -with Hon. John P. Irish, of California, Cleveland’s -collector of the port at San Francisco. Except a few -intimate friends in Nebraska, who knew Bryan’s -capacities and ambitions, no man dreamed of the -possibility of his nomination for the presidency. -There were available, tried, and time-honored silver -leaders, men who had been fighting the white metal’s -battles for a score of years, notable among whom were -Richard P. Bland, of Missouri, and Henry M. Teller, -of Colorado. One of these, it was generally believed, -would be chosen to lead the forlorn hopes of a regenerated -but disrupted democracy.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan’s nomination was the spontaneous -<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>tribute of the convention to those qualities that since -have made him not famous only, but well-beloved. -These qualities are honesty, courage, frankness, and -sincerity. They had veritable life in every line and -paragraph of his great speech defending the free silver -plank of the platform, delivered in reply to the crafty-wise -David B. Hill, of New York. Hill, skilled and -experienced practical politician, had pleaded with the -convention that it pay the usual tribute at the shrine -of Janus. He had begged that the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ignus fatuus</span></i> “international -bimetallism” be used to lure the friends -of silver into voting the Democratic ticket. Nurtured -and trained in the same school of politics as William -McKinley,—the school whose graduates had for many -years dominated all party conventions,—Hill started -back in affright from the prospect of going before the -people on a platform that was straightforward and -unequivocal, with its various planks capable of but -one construction.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan’s speech was as bold and ringing as the -platform which he spoke to defend, with its plank, -written by himself, and twice utilized in Nebraska, -demanding “the free and unlimited coinage of both -gold and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, -without waiting for the aid or consent of any other -nation.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The letter and spirit of that plank were such as -the great majority of the convention were thoroughly -in sympathy with. The result of the great silver -propaganda of the two years preceding had been to -send to the convention honest and sincere men with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>profound convictions and the courage to express -them. To do this, they knew, would be revolutionary, -even as had been the platforms on which the Pathfinder, -Fremont, and the Liberator, Lincoln, ran. -But the spirit of revolution from cant and equivoque -was rife in that convention. Of that spirit William -Jennings Bryan was the prophet. In a speech that -thrilled into men’s minds and hearts his defiance and -contempt of the opportunists’ policy, his own fearless -confidence in the all-conquering power of truth, he -stirred into an unrestrained tempest the long pent -emotions of the delegates. When he had finished not -only was the adoption of the platform by a vote of -two to one assured, but the convention had found its -leader whom it would commission to go forth to -preach the old, old gospel of democracy, rescued from -its years of sleep. The nature of Mr. Bryan’s speech -may be gained from these brief extracts:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“When you (turning to the gold delegates) come -before us and tell us we are about to disturb your -business interests, we reply that you have disturbed -our business interests by your course. We say to you -that you have made the definition of a business man -too limited in its application. The man who is employed -for wages is as much a business man as his -employer; the attorney in a country town is as much -a business man as the corporation counsel in a great -metropolis; the merchant at a cross-roads store is as -much a business man as the merchant of New York; -the farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils -all day, who begins in the spring and toils all summer, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>and who, by the application of brain and muscle to -the natural resources of the country, creates wealth, is -as much a business man as the man who goes upon -the board of trade and bets upon the price of grain: -the miners who go down a thousand feet into the -earth, or climb two thousand feet upon the cliffs, and -bring forth from their hiding places the precious -metals to be poured into the channels of trade are as -much business men as the few financial magnates who, -in a back room, corner the money of the world. We -come to speak for this broader class of business men.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those -who live upon the Atlantic Coast, but the hardy -pioneers who have braved all the dangers of the -wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as -the rose,—the pioneers away out there (pointing to -the west), who rear their children near to Nature’s -heart, where they can mingle their voices with the -voices of the birds, out there where they have erected -schoolhouses for the education of their young, -churches where they praise their Creator, and cemeteries -where rest the ashes of their dead—these people, -we say, are as deserving of the consideration of -our party as any people in this country. It is for -these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. -Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting in -defense of our homes, our families, and posterity. -We have petitioned, and our petitions have been -scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have -been disregarded; we have begged, and they have -mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>we entreat no more; we petition no more. We defy -them....</p> - -<p class='c000'>“You come and tell us that the great cities are in -favor of the gold standard; we reply that the great -cities rest upon our broad and fertile prairies. Burn -down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities -will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our -farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every -city in the country....</p> - -<p class='c000'>“My friends, we declare that this nation is able to -legislate for its own people on every question, without -waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation on -earth.... It is the issue of 1776 over again. -Our ancestors, when but three millions in number, -had the courage to declare their political independence -of every other nation. Shall we, their descendants, -when we have grown to seventy millions, declare -that we are less independent than our forefathers? -No, my friends, that will never be the verdict of our -people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the -battle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good, but -that we can not have it until other nations help us, -we reply that, instead of having a gold standard because -England has, we will restore bimetallism, and -then let England have bimetallism because the United -States has it. If they dare come out in the open field -and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will -fight them to the uttermost. Having behind us the -producing masses of this nation and the world, supported -by the commercial interests, the laboring interest, -and the toilers everywhere, we will answer -their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: -You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this -crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon -a cross of gold.”</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_069.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>SENATOR J. K. JONES</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>Mr. Bryan was nominated for President on the fifth -ballot by a well-nigh unanimous vote, save for the 162 -eastern delegates who, while holding their seats, -sullenly refused to take any part in the proceedings. -The demonstration following the nomination was even -wilder and more prolonged than the memorable scene -that marked the conclusion of his speech.</p> - -<p class='c000'>For Vice-President Arthur Sewall, of Maine, was -nominated. With this ticket, on a platform declaring -for free silver, opposing the issue of bonds and national -bank currency, denouncing “government by injunction,” -declaring for a low tariff, the Monroe -doctrine, an income tax, and election of senators by -a direct vote of the people, the democracy went before -the country with a confidence and exuberance little -anticipated before the convention met, and scarcely -justified, as later proven, by the outcome.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Populist and Silver Republican conventions -met in St. Louis late in July. The latter endorsed the -nominees of the Chicago platform and made them -their own. The populists, however, while nominating -Mr. Bryan, refused to nominate Mr. Sewall, naming -for vice-president Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The gold democrats met at Indianapolis on September -2, and nominated John M. Palmer, of Illinois, and -Simon Buckner, of Kentucky, adopting the first gold -standard platform ever presented to the people of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>United States for endorsement. They called themselves -“National Democrats,” but in the outcome -carried but one voting precinct in the nation, and that -in Kansas. Four votes were cast in the precinct, two -for Palmer, and one each for Bryan and McKinley. -In the precinct in Illinois where Mr. Palmer himself, -with his son and coachman, voted, not a single ballot -was cast for the nominee of the “National Democracy.” -The fact was that a new party alignment was -the inevitable result of the Chicago convention, the reorganized -democracy gaining largely beyond the Missouri, -but losing heavily east of the Mississippi and -north of the Ohio. Hundreds of thousands of gold -Democrats in the populous states, under the leadership -of Grover Cleveland and John G. Carlisle, while -pretending to support Palmer and Buckner, voted -secretly for McKinley, whose platform was a virtual -endorsement of the Cleveland administration, as -Bryan’s platform repudiated and condemned it.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The campaign was remarkable not only for Bryan’s -wonderful campaigning, but for the bitter feeling that -pervaded both organizations. The Republicans particularly -excelled in vituperative abuse. They began -the use of billingsgate immediately after the Chicago -convention had adjourned, applying to it such terms -as “rabble,” “wild Jacobins,” “anarchists” and “repudiators,” -while Bryan was characterized as a “boy -orator” “a demagogue” and “an ass.” The Cleveland -<cite>Leader</cite> said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Bryan, with all his ignorance, his cheap demagogy, -his intolerable gabble, his utter lack of common sense, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>and his general incapacity in every direction, is a -typical Democrat of the new school. His weapon is -wind. His stock in trade is his mouth. Mr. McKinley’s -election—and we apologize to Mr. McKinley for -printing his name in the same column with that of -Bryan—is no longer in any doubt whatever. We -salute the next President. As for Bryan, he is a candidate -for the political ash-heap.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>For efficient campaigning the two party organizations -were most unevenly matched. The Republican -National committee, under the directing genius of -Mark Hanna, assisted liberally by the thoroughly -affrighted financial and corporation magnates of the -East, had at its disposal millions of dollars with which -to organize, pay for speakers and literature, reward -the efforts of newspapers and party workers, and debauch -the electorate in states thought to be doubtful. -It had the assistance of almost the entire metropolitan -press—with the notable exception of the New York -<cite>Journal</cite>—and the nearly united influence of the large -employers of labor. And even further, it had the -pulpit and the religious press. As the ministers of -Christ’s gospel, in 1856, denounced and vilified Garrison -and Phillips, so in 1896 they hurled <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">anathema -maranatha</span> at Bryan and Altgeld. Grave and reverend -preachers of national fame fulminated from their -pulpits against “the accursed and treasonable aims” -of Bryan and his supporters, and denounced them -as “enemies of mankind.” Bishop John P. Newman, -of the Methodist Episcopal Church, denounced Bryan -as an “anarchist,” and in the church conferences over -<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>which he presided urged the clergy to use their influence -to defeat the Democratic nominees. The Rev. -Cortland Myers, in the Baptist Temple at Brooklyn, -said that “the Chicago platform was made in hell.” -Rev. Thomas Dixon, Jr., at the Academy of Music, -New York, called Bryan “a mouthing, slobbering -demagogue, whose patriotism is all in his jaw bone.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Such were the cultured and scholarly contributions -made by the noblest of professions to the discussion -of an academic question of finance in the year of our -Lord 1896.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Democratic committee had little money. It -had the support of but few large newspapers. It was -fighting the battles of a party that had been disrupted -and rent in twain at the Chicago convention. In -every state and almost every county of the Union the -old local and national leaders of the party had deserted, -and the faithful but disorganized followers of -Bryan had to be moulded anew into the likeness of -an army.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The one inspiration of the party was in its leader. -The embodiment of faith, hope, and courage, tireless, -indomitable, undismayed by the fearful odds against -him, with the zeal of a crusader he undertook his -mission of spreading the message of democracy -through the length and breadth of the land. For -three months, accompanied most of the time by Mrs. -Bryan, he sped to and fro across the American continent, -an army of newspaper correspondents in his -train, resting little and sleeping less, preaching the -Chicago platform. His earnestness, his candor, his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>boldness, the simplicity of his style, the homeliness of -his illustrations, the convincing power of his argument, -the eloquence of his flights of oratory, and, -above all, the pure and lovable character of the man -as it impressed itself on those who met with him—these -were the sparks that fired the hearts of men and -left in his wake conviction fanned into enthusiasm all -aflame.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Yet, with all his efforts, despite a record of personal -campaigning such as never before was seen in the -recorded history of man, Mr. Bryan was defeated. -The tremendous influence wielded by the great corporate -interests, both by persuasion and by coercion, -were such as no man and no idea could overcome.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The popular vote stood 7,107,822 for McKinley and -6,511,073 for Bryan. Of the electoral votes McKinley -received 271 and Bryan 176, the solid South and almost -solid West going Democratic, while every state -north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi went -Republican.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Immediately after the result was assured Mr. -Bryan telegraphed Mr. McKinley as follows: “<span class='sc'>Hon. -Wm. McKinley, Canton, Ohio</span>—Senator Jones has -just informed me that the returns indicate your election, -and I hasten to extend my congratulations. We -have submitted the issue to the American people and -their will is law.—<span class='sc'>W. J. Bryan.</span>”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. McKinley responded: “<span class='sc'>Hon. W. J. Bryan, Lincoln, -Neb.</span>—I acknowledge the receipt of your courteous -message of congratulation with thanks, and beg -<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>you will receive my best wishes for your health and -happiness.—<span class='sc'>William McKinley.</span>”</p> - -<p class='c000'>While Mr. Bryan and his party accepted defeat -thus gracefully, victory seemed to have redoubled the -venom of the opposition. This post-election utterance -of the New York <cite>Tribune</cite>, founded by Horace Greeley, -and then and now edited by ex-Vice-President Whitelaw -Reid, will serve to close this chapter in the same -gentle spirit which marked the close of that memorable -campaign:</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> -<div class='nf-center c009'> - <div>“GOOD RIDDANCE</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c010'>“There are some movements so base, some causes -so depraved, that neither victory can justify them nor -defeat entitle them to commiseration. Such a cause -was that which was vanquished yesterday, by the -favor of God and the ballots of the American people. -While it was active and menacing, it was unsparingly -denounced and revealed as what it was, in all its -hideous deformity. Now that it is crushed out of the -very semblance of being, there is no reason why such -judgment of it should be revised. The thing was conceived -in iniquity and was brought forth in sin. It -had its origin in a malicious conspiracy against the -honor and integrity of the nation. It gained such -monstrous growth as it enjoyed from an assiduous -culture of the basest passions of the least worthy -members of the community. It has been defeated and -destroyed, because right is right and God is God. Its -nominal head was worthy of the cause. Nominal, because -the wretched, rattle-pated boy, posing in vapid -vanity and mouthing resounding rottenness, was not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>the real leader of that league of hell. He was only a -puppet in the blood-imbued hands of Altgeld, the anarchist, -and Debs, the revolutionist, and other desperados -of that stripe. But he was a willing puppet, -Bryan was, willing and eager. Not one of his masters -was more apt at lies and forgeries and blasphemies -and all the nameless iniquities of that campaign -against the Ten Commandments. He goes down with -the cause, and must abide with it in the history of -infamy. He had less provocation than Benedict -Arnold, less intellectual force than Aaron Burr, less -manliness and courage than Jefferson Davis. He was -the rival of them all in deliberate wickedness and -treason to the Republic. His name belongs with -theirs, neither the most brilliant nor the least hateful -in the list.</p> - -<p class='c010'>“Good riddance to it all, to conspiracy and conspirators, -and to the foul menace of repudiation and -anarchy against the honor and life of the Republic. -The people have dismissed it with no uncertain tones. -Hereafter let there be whatever controversies men -may please about the tariff, about the currency, about -the Monroe doctrine, and all the rest. But let there -never again be a proposition to repeal the moral law, -to garble the Constitution, and to replace the Stars -and Stripes with the red rag of anarchy. On those -other topics honest men may honestly differ, in full -loyalty to the Republic. On these latter there is no -room for two opinions, save in the minds of traitors, -knaves, and fools.”</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span> - <h2 class='c005'>NEW ISSUES</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>The half decade between 1895 and 1900 may justly -be considered one of the most important in American -history. It witnessed the fiercest battle between political -parties ever fought over the question of finance,—a -contest exceeding in bitterness and the general -participation of the people of the United States -therein even the great struggle in which Andrew Jackson -and Nicholas Biddle were the opposing leaders. -And, further, as the outcome of the war with Spain, -it saw the birth and growth of an issue theretofore -alien to American soil and portentous for its ultimate -influence over the form and structure of our government. -It was at once recognized as an issue overshadowing -in its importance, and in the face of the -greater danger the mutual fears of the friends of gold -and the friends of silver were laid away in one common -sepulchre.</p> - -<p class='c000'>On the part of the Democratic party the wraith of -imperialism hovering over the Republic was recognized -as the hideous and supreme exhalation from the -poison swamp of plutocracy from which high tariff, -trusts, and a gold standard had already sprung. -Through all these policies, asserted the Democracy, -through its recognized leader, Mr. Bryan, ran the -common purpose of exalting the dollar and debasing -the man. The Republican party hesitated long to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>recognize and admit the new issue, and when it finally -took up the gage of battle it was on the declaration -that a colonial policy, with alien and subject races -under its dominion, had become the “manifest destiny” -of the United States.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The cruelties and severities of General Weyler, the -commander of the Spanish forces in Cuba, toward the -insurrectionists who were in arms against Spain’s authority, -early in Mr. McKinley’s administration -aroused the indignation of the American people. The -fact that the Cubans were bravely fighting for liberty, -that their rebellion was against the exactions of an -old world monarchy, even as ours had been, won them -an instinctive sympathy that grew stronger each day -and that finally swept like a tidal wave into the -cabinet meetings at Washington, bearing the demands -of the people of the United States for the intervention -of our government in Cuba’s behalf.</p> - -<p class='c000'>On December 6, 1897, in his message to Congress, -the President discussed the Cuban question at some -length, arguing against any interference by the -United States, on the ground that “a hopeful change -has supervened in the policy of Spain toward Cuba.” -Speaking of the possible future relations between -this country and Cuba, the President used the words -since so widely quoted against his subsequent policy -in the Philippines: “I speak not of forcible annexation, -for that is not to be thought of. That, by our -code of morality, would be criminal aggression.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The evident reluctance of the administration to -recognize Cuban independence was shortly after -<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>forced to give way to the compelling power of public -opinion. On February 15, 1898, by the explosion of a -submarine mine, the Maine, a first-class United States -battleship, was destroyed in Havana harbor, with a -loss of 248 officers and men. A fierce hatred for Spain -was thereby added to the sympathy for Cuba, and -war, or the abandonment of Cuba by Spain, became -inevitable. A month after the destruction of the -Maine Congress voted the President $50,000,000 to be -used in the National defense. On April 11, President -McKinley, in a message to Congress exhaustively -reviewed the Cuban complications, disclaiming a -policy of annexation and arguing for neutral intervention -to enforce peace and secure for the Cubans -a stable government. On the 20th, Congress declared -Cuba to be free and independent, demanded that -Spain relinquish her claim of authority, and authorized -the President to use the land and naval forces of -the United States to enforce the demand.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Congress expressly declared: “The United States -hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise -sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said -island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts -its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave -the government and control of the island to its people.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>From such a lofty plane the United States entered -into that brief but glorious combat with Spain that -has rightly been called “the war for humanity.” On -April 23, the President called for 125,000 volunteers. -One of the first who offered the President his services -in the war for “<i><span lang="es" xml:lang="es">Cuba libre</span></i>” was William J. Bryan. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>Long before, Mr. Bryan had declared for intervention, -saying, “Humanity demands that we shall act. Cuba -lies within sight of our shores and the sufferings of -her people can not be ignored unless we, as a nation, -have become so engrossed in money-making as to be -indifferent to distress.” Mr. Bryan’s proffer was -ignored by the President. He was later commissioned -by Governor Holcomb, of Nebraska, to raise the Third -Nebraska regiment of volunteers. This he did, becoming -the colonel of the regiment. General Victor -Vifquain, of Lincoln, a gallant and distinguished -veteran of the Civil war was made lieutenant-colonel.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the meantime Admiral George Dewey commanding -the United States Asiatic fleet, had set forth from -Hong Kong, engaged the Spanish fleet in Manila bay -on May 1, and completely demolished it. Manila was -the capital of the entire Philippine archipelago, with -its eight to ten million inhabitants, then nominally -under Spanish sovereignty. The Filipinos themselves, -of whom Admiral Dewey said, “these people are far -superior in their intelligence and more capable of -self-government than the natives of Cuba,” were already -in successful revolt against Spain, battling -bravely for their independence. Under the leadership -of General Aguinaldo, and at the invitation of Dewey -and the representatives of the United States state -department, the insurgents cooperated as allies with -the American forces from the time of Dewey’s victory -until the surrender of Manila. They were furnished -arms and ammunition by Dewey, and were led to believe -that their own independence would be assured -<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>on the expulsion of Spain from the archipelago. -During this time they established a successful and -orderly civil government throughout the greater part -of the islands. But at home the United States government -was already beginning to indicate its intention -not to grant to the Filipinos, at the conclusion of the -war, the same liberty and self-government as had been -promised the Cubans. Rather, it was becoming evident -it was the purpose of Mr. McKinley and his -advisers to hold the islands as tributary territory, -subject to United States’ jurisdiction, while, at the -same time, the inhabitants should be denied the “inalienable -rights” proclaimed by the Declaration of -Independence and guaranteed by our Constitution.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The American people were at a loss what to make -of the situation. Their eyes dazzled by the glories of -war and conquest, their cupidity appealed to by the -vaunted richness of the “new possessions,” there still -was latent in their hearts the love for liberty as “the -heritage of all men in all lands everywhere,” and an -unspoken fear of incorporating the government of -alien and subject races as an integral portion of the -scheme of American democracy.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Such was the situation when, at Omaha, Neb., -on June 14, 1898, Colonel W. J. Bryan, shortly before -the muster-in of his regiment into the service of the -government, sounded the first note of warning against -the insidious dangers of imperialism; the first ringing -appeal to the Republic to remain true to its principles, -its traditions, and its high ideals. In taking his stand -on this great question Mr. Bryan acted with the boldness -<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>that has ever characterized him when matters of -principle were at stake. He spoke against the earnest -advice of numerous political friends, who warned -him he was taking the unpopular side, and that his -mistake would cost him his political life. Mr. Bryan, -because he believed the policy of the administration to -be radically wrong, paid no heed to all the well-meant -protestations, but earnestly warned the people against -the abandonment of the doctrines of the fathers of the -Republic. These were his words:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“History will vindicate the position taken by the -United States in the war with Spain. In saying this -I assume that the principles which were invoked in -the inauguration of the war will be observed in its -prosecution and conclusion. If a war undertaken -for the sake of humanity degenerates into a war of -conquest we shall find it difficult to meet the charge of -having added hypocrisy to greed. Is our national -character so weak that we can not withstand the temptation -to appropriate the first piece of land that comes -within our reach?</p> - -<p class='c000'>“To inflict upon the enemy all possible harm is -legitimate warfare, but shall we contemplate a -scheme for the colonization of the Orient merely because -our fleet won a remarkable victory in the harbor -at Manila?</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Our guns destroyed a Spanish fleet, but can they -destroy that self-evident truth that governments derive -their just powers—not from force—but from the -consent of the governed?</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Shall we abandon a just resistance to European -<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>encroachment upon the western hemisphere, in order -to mingle in the controversies of Europe and Asia?</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Nebraska, standing midway between the oceans, -will contribute her full share toward the protection of -our sea coast; her sons will support the flag at home -and abroad, wherever the honor and the interests of -the nation may require. Nebraska will hold up the -hands of the government while the battle rages, and -when the war clouds roll away her voice will be heard -pleading for the maintenance of those ideas which inspired -the founders of our government and gave the -nation its proud eminence among the nations of the -earth.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“If others turn to thoughts of aggrandizement, and -yield allegiance to those who clothe land covetousness -in the attractive garb of ‘national destiny,’ the people -of Nebraska will, if I mistake not their sentiments, -plant themselves upon the disclaimer entered by Congress, -and expect that good faith shall characterize -the making of peace as it did the beginning of war.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Goldsmith calls upon statesmen:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘To judge how wide the limits stand</div> - <div class='line'>Betwixt a splendid and a happy land.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>If some dream of the splendors of a heterogeneous empire -encircling the globe, we shall be content to aid in -bringing enduring happiness to a homogeneous people, -consecrated to the purpose of maintaining ‘a government -of the people, by the people, and for the -people.’”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Shortly after this speech Colonel Bryan left Nebraska -with his regiment to go into camp at Tampa, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>Florida, awaiting orders to Cuba or Porto Rico. Like -most of the other regiments called out by President -McKinley, Colonel Bryan’s was not destined ever to -come in sight of a battlefield. The amazing fact is -that while the enormous number of 274,717 soldiers -were mustered into service, only 54,000 ever left -American soil up to the time the protocol was signed, -August 12, 1898. The 220,000 were left through the -sweltering summer months in unsanitary camps to -broil under a southern sun. From May 1 to September -30, but 280 American soldiers were killed in -battle, while 2,565 died in fever-stricken camps -pitched in malarial swamps. The entire nation was -aroused to the highest pitch of indignation, and the -press, without regard to party, joined in denouncing -the careless, cruel, and incompetent treatment of the -volunteer soldier.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The New York <cite>Herald</cite> voiced the general feeling -when it said: “’Infamous’ is the only word to describe -the treatment that has been inflicted upon our patriotic -soldiers, and under which, despite the indignant -outbursts of a horror-stricken people, thousands -of them are still suffering to-day.” The <cite>Herald</cite> -further declared the soldiers to be “the victims of -job-and-rob politicians and contractors, and of -criminally incompetent and heartlessly indifferent -officials.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>For almost six months Colonel Bryan remained -with his regiment in camp. The quarters, the sanitative -conditions, and the general arrangements of the -“Third Nebraska” were the pride of the army. Colonel -<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>Bryan was at once “guide, counselor, and friend” to -his men, winning the almost idolatrous love of each -and all of them. He gave lavishly of his meager -funds to secure the comfort of the sick and maintain -the health of the strong. His days and nights were -devoted to the service of the regiment, and more than -one poor boy, dying of fever far from the wind-swept -Nebraska prairies, passed away holding his Colonel’s -hand and breathing into his Colonel’s ear the last -faltering message of farewell to loved ones at home.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id004'> -<img src='images/i_087.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c1'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>CHAS. POYNTER       SENATOR ALLEN       ADLAI STEVENSON       MRS. POYNTER       MISS POYNTER       C. A. TOWNE</div> - <div>LEWIS G. STEVENSON       WEBSTER DAVIS       MRS. W. C. POYNTER       W. J. BRYAN       GOV. POYNTER</div> - <div class='c003'>AT THE GOVERNOR’S MANSION, LINCOLN</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>In joining the volunteer army, as when he delivered -the first anti-imperialist speech, Colonel Bryan had -acted against the advice of many of his closest personal -and political friends. Despite his decisive defeat -for the presidency in 1896, he had not only maintained -but even strengthened his position as the -recognized leader of the Democratic party and its -allies. Undaunted by the result of the campaign, -he had almost immediately resumed the fight for -bimetallism. He had published a book reviewing the -contest under the suggestive and defiant title “The -First Battle.” He had taken to the lecture platform -and to the political hustings, vigorously, hopefully, -and earnestly propagating the principles of democracy, -unwavering, unwearying, and undisturbed by -the general depression of his followers and as general -exultation of his opponents. He was the incarnation -of the spirit of conservative reform, and all -parties had come to regard him as the prophet and -supreme leader of the new movement back to Jeffersonian -principles. His friends feared to have him -accept a commission, not only on the ground that his -doing so might later compel his silence at a time -when his voice ought to be heard, but more largely -because they dreaded the possibility of having his -motive impugned. It was evident to them, as to -Colonel Bryan himself, that by taking up the role of -colonel of a volunteer regiment, he had much to risk -and lose, and little, if anything, to gain. But the -Democratic leader was not to be dissuaded. Content -in his own knowledge that his motive was worthy and -patriotic, he assumed and bore unostentatiously and -yet with dignity the office of military leader of 1,300 -of his Nebraska friends and neighbors. He remained -faithfully with his regiment, living the slow and -tedious life of the camp, until the treaty of peace was -signed with Spain in December, 1898. That treaty -provided not only for the cession of Porto Rico to the -United States and Spanish relinquishment of all -claim to sovereignty over Cuba, but further for the -turning over of the Philippine Islands to the United -States on the payment of $20,000,000. This last concession -was wrung from Spain by the insistent and -uncompromising demand of the American Peace Commissioners, -under instructions from the state department -at Washington.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Shortly after the treaty was signed, President McKinley -blasted the fond hopes for independence that -had been planted in the Filipinos’ breasts by issuing -this proclamation:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“With the signature of the treaty of peace between -the United States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries -<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>at Paris on the tenth instant, and as the -result of the victories of American arms, the future -control, disposition, and government of the Philippine -Islands are ceded to the United States. In fulfilment -of the rights of sovereignty thus acquired, and -the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, -the actual occupation and administration of -the entire group of the Philippine Islands become -immediately necessary, and the military government -heretofore maintained by the United States in the -city, harbor, and bay of Manila is to be extended with -all possible dispatch to the whole of the ceded -territory.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Prior to this time, and later, the President explained -his position on the Philippine question, and -we quote from him at some length.</p> - -<p class='c000'>At Chicago, in October, 1898, he said: “My countrymen, -the currents of destiny flow through the hearts -of the people. Who will check them? Who will divert -them? Who will stop them? And the movements -of men, planned and designed by the Master -of men, will never be interrupted by the American -people.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>At the Atlanta (Ga.) Peace Jubilee in December -of the same year, he said: “That [the American] flag -has been planted in two hemispheres, and there it -remains, the symbol of liberty and law, of peace and -progress. Who will withhold it from the people over -whom it floats its protecting folds? Who will haul it -down?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>At Savannah, a day or two later he said: “If, following -<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>the clear precepts of duty, territory falls to -us, and the welfare of an alien people requires our -guidance and protection, who will shrink from the -responsibility, grave though it may be? Can we leave -these people who, by the fortunes of war and our own -acts, are helpless and without government, to chaos -and anarchy after we have destroyed the only government -that they had?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>At the Home Market Club, in Boston, on February -16, 1899, he explained himself more fully, saying: -“Our concern was not for territory or trade or empire, -but for the people whose interests and destiny, without -our willing it, had been put in our hands. It was -with this feeling that from the first day to the last -not one word or line went from the Executive in -Washington to our military and naval commanders -at Manila or to our Peace Commissioners at Paris that -did not put as the sole purpose to be kept in mind, -first, after the success of our arms and the maintenance -of our own honor, the welfare and happiness -and the rights of the inhabitants of the Philippine -Islands. Did we need their consent to perform a -great act for humanity? If we can benefit these remote -peoples, who will object? If, in the years of the -future, they are established in government under law -and liberty, who will regret our perils and sacrifices? -Who will not rejoice in our heroism and humanity?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>One more quotation. At Minneapolis, October 12, -1899, President McKinley delivered himself of this utterance: -“That Congress will provide for them [the -Filipinos] a government which will bring them blessings, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>which will promote their material interests, as -well as advance their people in the paths of civilization -and intelligence, I confidently believe.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>With such phrase-making as this, concealing in sonorous -periods the most un-American of sentiments, -Colonel Bryan’s utterance, delivered immediately -after he had resigned his commission, stands out in -bold and pleasing relief: “I may be in error, but in -my judgment our nation is in greater danger just now -than Cuba. Our people defended Cuba against foreign -arms; now they must defend themselves and their -country against a foreign idea—the colonial idea of -European nations. Heretofore greed has perverted -the government and used its instrumentalities for private -gains, but now the very foundation principles of -our government are assaulted. Our nation must give -up any intention of entering upon a colonial policy, -such as is now pursued by European countries, or it -must abandon the doctrine that governments derive -their just powers from the consent of the governed. -To borrow a Bible quotation ‘A house divided -against itself can not stand.’ Paraphrasing Lincoln’s -declaration, I may add that this nation can not endure -half republic and half colony, half free and half -vassal. Our form of government, our traditions, our -present interests, and our future welfare, all forbid -our entering upon a career of conquest....</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Some think the fight should be made against ratification -of the treaty, but I would prefer another plan. -If the treaty is rejected, negotiations must be renewed, -and instead of settling the question according -<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>to our ideas we must settle it by diplomacy, with the -possibility of international complications. It will be -easier, I think, to end the war at once by ratifying -the treaty and then deal with the subject in our own -way. The issue can be presented directly by a resolution -of Congress declaring the policy of the nation -upon this subject. The President in his message says -that our only purpose in taking possession of Cuba -is to establish a stable government and then turn that -government over to the people of Cuba. Congress -could reaffirm this purpose in regard to Cuba, and -assert the same purpose in regard to the Philippines -and Porto Rico. Such a resolution would make a -clear-cut issue between the doctrine of self-government -and the doctrine of imperialism. We should reserve -a harbor and coaling station in Porto Rico and -the Philippines in return for services rendered, and I -think we would be justified in asking the same concession -from Cuba.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“In the case of Porto Rico, where the people have as -yet expressed no desire for independent government, -we might with propriety declare our willingness to -annex the island, if the citizens desire annexation, -but the Philippines are too far away and their people -too different from ours to be annexed to the United -States, even if they desired it.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>In making this statement, and in his subsequent -active support of the treaty, Mr. Bryan’s course was -again opposed to the wishes and advice of many of -his close political friends. In fact, before Mr. Bryan -took his firm stand probably the majority of Democratic -<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>leaders in and out of Congress were opposed -to the ratification of the treaty because of its Philippine -clause. But Mr. Bryan, while as strongly opposed -to this clause as anyone, was anxious to see the -war finally ended. He knew that for the Senate to reject -the treaty would prolong the war perhaps a year -or more, and, further, that it might lead to endless -and unpleasant complications. Once the war was -ended, he held, the American people themselves could -dispose of the Philippine question.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Largely owing to the aid extended the administration -by Mr. Bryan, the treaty was ratified by the -Senate. Those senators who were opposed to the imperial -policy of President McKinley supported the -“Bacon resolution” as a declaration of this nation’s -purpose toward the Philippines and Filipinos. This -resolution declared:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“The United States hereby disclaim any disposition -or intention to exercise permanent sovereignty, jurisdiction, -or control over said islands, and assert their -determination, when a stable and independent government -shall have been erected therein, entitled in the -judgment of the government of the United States to -recognition as such, to transfer to said government, -upon terms which shall be reasonable and just, all -rights secured under the cession by Spain, and to -thereupon leave the government and control of the -islands to their people.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Democratic policy, as outlined by Mr. Bryan, -was the support of the treaty and of the foregoing -resolution. The treaty was ratified, but the resolution, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>though supported by practically the solid Democratic, -Populist, and Silver Republican strength in -the Senate, and by a number of Republican senators -who were opposed to the imperial policy, was defeated -by the deciding vote of Vice-President Hobart. Had -the resolution been adopted, and the Philippines been -given the same promise of independence and self-government -as had already been given Cuba, it is believed -that the long, bloody, and costly war in the Philippine -Islands might have been averted, and the abandoned -old-world heresy of the right of one man to rule another -without that other’s consent would not now -have regained a footing on the soil of the great -American Republic.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the meantime the President’s proclamation of -December 21, 1898, to the Filipinos, asserting the -sovereignty of the United States over them and theirs -had provoked a veritable hurricane of indignation -among that people.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The characteristic that distinguishes the Filipinos -from all other Asiatic races is their fierce, inherent -love for liberty. For three hundred years they had -been intermittently battling with the Spaniard to -regain what they had lost, and the palm of victory -was within their eager reach on the day that Dewey’s -guns first thundered across Manila bay. Knowing as -they did that the United States had gone to war to -secure liberty for the Cubans, why should they doubt -the securing of their own liberty as well?</p> - -<p class='c000'>The President’s proclamation came like a thunder -clap. General Otis, who was commander-in-chief of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>the American forces in the Philippines, reported its -effect as follows:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Aguinaldo met the proclamation by a counter one -in which he indignantly protested against the claim of -sovereignty by the United States in the islands, which -really had been conquered from the Spaniards -through the blood and treasure of his countrymen, and -abused me for my assumption of the title of military -governor. Even the women of Cavite province, in a -document numerously signed by them, gave me to understand -that after all the men are killed off they are -prepared to shed their patriotic blood for the liberty -and independence of their country.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The revulsion was complete. Before the proclamation -was issued, it is true, there had been growing -among the Filipinos a feeling of distrust of the Americans, -and of doubt whether, after all, they were to be -conceded their independence. For, at the surrender -of Manila, although its capture had been impossible -without the aid of the insurgents, they were studiously -excluded from any share of the honor, and thus -given the first intimation of the final treachery of the -administration. Later the Filipinos were refused a -hearing at Washington, and again before the Peace -Commission which was to dispose of them like -chattels.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Actual hostilities broke out February 4, 1899, and -are thus referred to by President McKinley in his -message to Congress December 4, 1899: “The aggression -of the Filipinos continually increased, until -finally, just before the time set by the Senate of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>United States for a vote upon the treaty, an attack, -evidently prepared in advance, was made all along -the American lines, which resulted in a terribly destructive -and sanguinary repulse of the insurgents.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The report of General Otis, reads as follows (page -<a href='#Page_96'>96</a>): “The battle of Manila commenced at half past -eight o’clock, on the evening of February 4 (1899), -and continued until five o’clock the next evening. The -engagement was strictly defensive on the part of the -insurgents, and one of vigorous attack by our forces.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, in a letter to the -Springfield (Mass.) <cite>Republican</cite>, January 11, 1900, -is responsible for this statement regarding the first -battle: “The outbreak of hostilities was not their -fault, but ours. We fired upon them first. The fire -was returned from their lines. Thereupon it was returned -again from us, and several Filipinos were -killed. As soon as Aguinaldo heard of it he sent a -message to General Otis saying that the firing was -without his knowledge and against his will; that he -deplored it, and that he desired hostilities to cease, -and would withdraw his troops to any distance General -Otis should desire. To which the American general -replied that, as the firing had begun, it must -go on.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Thus began the War in the Philippine Islands. It -has cost thousands of lives and millions of treasure. -It has burned the homes and uprooted the fields of a -frugal, intelligent, and industrious people in whose -minds and hearts have been seared the ringing words -of Patrick Henry: “Give me liberty or give me death!” -<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>It has not brought to the United States either riches -or glory, but, on the contrary, lost to us much in -taxes on our people, more in the death of our youth, -and most of all in the sullying of the noble and lofty -ideals which animated the Fathers of the Republic -and made their lives sublime. An American soldier -writing to the Minneapolis <cite>Times</cite>, in describing a -captured city, thus simply sets forth the enormity of -our national offense:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Every inhabitant had left Norzagaray, and no -article of value remained behind. The place had -probably been the home of fifteen hundred or two -thousand people, and was pleasantly situated on a -clear mountain stream in which a bath was most refreshing. -It was not a city of apparent wealth, but in -many houses were found evidences of education. In a -building which probably had been used as a schoolhouse -were found a number of books, and a variety of -exercises written by childish hands. Pinned to a -crucifix was a paper upon which was written the following -in Spanish: ‘American soldiers—How can you -hope mercy from Him when you are slaughtering a -people fighting for their liberty, and driving us from -the homes which are justly ours?’ On a table was a -large globe which did not give Minneapolis, but had -San Pablo (St. Paul) as the capital of Minnesota. -On a rude blackboard were a number of sentences, -which indicated that the teacher had recently been -giving lessons in the history of the American -revolution.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The demoralizing effect of this war against liberty -<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>on the American conscience became early apparent. -If it were permissible to make war on the Filipinos -because they would not yield to our government, it -was no far cry to withhold from the Porto Ricans the -protecting aegis of the Constitution, to levy a discriminating -tariff against them, and to tax them without -their consent. And it of course became impossible -for the United States to express sympathy for the -Boers in their war against British aggression, or even -to maintain neutrality between the two. As a consequence -horses, mules, arms, and ammunition were -permitted to be freely shipped from our ports for the -use of British soldiers, while British ships were permitted -to intercept and capture American ships laden -with American breadstuffs, when consigned to the -Boers. In fact, an “Anglo-Saxon alliance” was more -than hinted at by John Hay, then United States Ambassador -to Great Britain, and later Secretary of -State, when he said at London, on April 20, 1898, -speaking of England and the United States:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“The good understanding between us is based on -something deeper than mere expediency. All who -think can not but see that there is a sanction like that -of religion which binds us in partnership in the serious -work of the world. We are bound by ties we did not -forge, and that we can not break. We are joint ministers -in the sacred work of freedom and progress, -charged with duties we can not evade by the imposition -of irresistible hands.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>To this sentiment Joseph Chamberlain, the British -<span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>Secretary of the Colonies, replied in kind on May 13, -at Birmingham, saying:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“I would go so far as to say that, terrible as war -may be, even war itself would be cheaply purchased -if, in a great and noble cause, the Stars and Stripes -and the Union Jack should wave together over an -Anglo-Saxon alliance. At the present time these two -great nations understand each other better than they -ever have done, since, over a century ago, they were -separated by the blunder of a British government.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>So we come to the close of the recital of the most -salient events which gave rise to the greatest issue -save that of independence, and later, of slavery, with -which the American people have ever stood face to -face.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Contemporaneous with the growth of the question -of imperialism, and allied to it, another great issue -arose,—the problem of the trusts.</p> - -<p class='c000'>A “trust” may be defined as an industrial combination -of such huge proportions as to enable it not only -arbitrarily to fix the price of the finished product in -which it deals, through the stifling of competition, -but frequently to determine alone the price of the -raw material it uses and to fix the rate of wages of -those whom it employs. Of these great and dangerous -combinations there were formed, during the years -1897 to 1900, a number exceeding all those already in -existence. That this was permitted to be done with -the Sherman anti-trust law on the Federal statute -books has puzzled many. Its explanation may be -found in the following candid admission made by Dr. -Albert Shaw in the <cite>Review of Reviews</cite> for February, -1897:</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>“The great sound-money campaign of 1896 was carried -on by money contributed by corporations—money -voted by the directors out of the funds held by them -in trust for the stockholders. Nobody, probably, -would even care to deny that this is literally the -truth.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>When the “great sound money campaign” was concluded, -it was but fair, of course, that those who had -given so lavishly should be allowed to replenish their -depleted coffers. And so neither anti-trust laws, supreme -court decisions, nor the cry of protest rising -from the people was allowed to stand in the way of -those generous corporations to whom President McKinley -owed so much.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the last six months of 1898 the movement toward -centralization that meant monopoly was most alarmingly -pronounced. During this time there were filed -articles of incorporation by more than one hundred -companies of abnormal capitalization. The most important -trusts were:</p> - -<table class='table1' summary=''> - <tr> - <th class='c007'></th> - <th class='c011'>CAPITAL</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Gas trusts</td> - <td class='c008'>$  432,771,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Steel and iron</td> - <td class='c008'>347,650,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Coal combines</td> - <td class='c008'>161,000,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Oil trusts</td> - <td class='c008'>153,000,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Flour trust</td> - <td class='c008'>150,000,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Electrical combinations</td> - <td class='c008'>139,327,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Sugar</td> - <td class='c008'>115,000,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Cigarettes and tobacco</td> - <td class='c008'>108,500,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Alcoholic</td> - <td class='c008'>67,300,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Telephone</td> - <td class='c008'>56,700,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Miscellaneous</td> - <td class='c008'>1,349,250,000</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'>———————</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'>$2,717,768,000</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>Among those classed as “miscellaneous” were trusts -in leather, starch, lumber, rubber, dressed beef, lead, -knit goods, window glass, crockery, furniture, crackers, -sheet copper, paper, acids and chemicals, wall -paper, typewriters, axes, bolts and nuts, salt, saws, -rope, twine, thread, stock yards, matches, refrigerators, -potteries, marbles, packing and provisions.</p> - -<p class='c000'>After the formation of each trust the first step was -almost invariably to limit production by shutting -down a portion of the mills controlled by the combination, -thus reducing the number of wage earners. -And almost as invariably the next step was to increase -prices. By thus reducing expenses and increasing -receipts the result was, though much of the trust property -had been put in at an enormously inflated valuation, -the watered stock yet earned exceedingly large -dividends. The evil was not only that these unnatural -dividends were earned at the expense of the laborer -and the consumer, but that concentration of profits -was leading to congestion of capital in certain sections -of the country at the expense of other sections.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The great friend and helper of the trust-promoter -was, of course, the high protective tariff. Without -the tariff, to shut out competition from abroad, it -would be impossible for the domestic concerns to form -a close corporation and arbitrarily to fix prices. But -Congress, instead of attempting to remedy the evil by -lowering the tariff, deliberately raised it, being particularly -careful to see that the percentage on trust-controlled -goods was made sufficiently high to render -foreign competition impossible. This led the Philadelphia -<cite>Ledger</cite>, a Republican newspaper, to remark:</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>“If Congress had any genuine regard for the interests -of the people, or if it were sincere of purpose respecting -their common welfare, or in regard to the -proper protection of labor, it would promptly transfer -to the free list every product controlled by a conscienceless -and predatory trust which reduces production, -cuts off working people from work and wages, -and increases prices to the tens of millions of consumers.” -The correctness of this view was testified -to, before the United States Industrial Commission, -in June, 1899, by no less a personage than Henry O. -Havemeyer, president of the sugar trust, who said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“The existing [tariff] bill and the preceding one -have been the occasion of the formation of all the -large trusts with very few exceptions, inasmuch as -they provide for an inordinate protection to all the -interests of the country—sugar refining excepted. All -this agitation against trusts is against merely the -business machinery employed to take from the public -what the government in its tariff laws says it is -proper and suitable they should have. It is the government, -through its tariff laws, which plunders the -people, and the trusts, etc., are merely the machinery -for doing it.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The showing regarding trusts made in the “Commercial -Year Book” for 1899 was startling. Its -salient features may be thus tabulated:</p> - -<table class='table1' summary=''> - <tr> - <th class='c007'></th> - <th class='c012'>1899</th> - <th class='c011'>1898</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Number of trusts</td> - <td class='c013'>353</td> - <td class='c008'>200</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Stock</td> - <td class='c013'>$5,118,494,181</td> - <td class='c008'>$3,283,521,452</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Bonded debt</td> - <td class='c013'>714,388,661</td> - <td class='c008'>378,720,091</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>Stock and bonds</td> - <td class='c013'>5,832,882,842</td> - <td class='c008'>3,662,241,543</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>This shows an increase for the year of 76 per cent. -in the number of institutions and of 60 per cent. in -stock and bonded debt. But it shows more than this. -According to the census of 1890 the entire capital employed -in manufacturing and mechanical industries -was $6,525,000,000. A comparison of this figure with -the stock and bonds of trusts for 1899 shows that the -capitalization of these gigantic combines was equal to -90 per cent. of the entire manufacturing investments -of 1890.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It was such significant figures as these that woke -the country to a realization of the imminence and -great importance of the trust problem. It was felt -that the most stupendous industrial revolution in the -history of the world was on, because it was realized -how closely our industrial system had approached to -complete absorption under monopolistic control. Industry -at large was becoming organized into a system -of feudalized corporations. Each was stifling competition, -discouraging enterprise, and padlocking the -gates of opportunity. Together they were in absolute -mastery of the industrial field.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The menacing danger of the situation was early -realized, and the “anti-trust” movement progressed -side by side with the opposition to imperialism. The -fight was to be one of individualism against a gigantic -and arrogant plutocracy, the forces of individualism -contending for the doctrines of liberty and equal opportunity -as against the reactionary tendencies of -which trusts and imperialism were the supremest -manifestations. In this Titanic struggle it was but -fitting that the Jeffersonian hosts should be marshaled -under the leadership of the brave, aggressive, -eloquent, and inspired evangel of the doctrines of -the Fathers—William J. Bryan.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_105.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>DAVID B. HILL</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span> - <h2 class='c005'>RENOMINATION</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>When the result of the great presidential contest of -1896 was made known, Mr. Bryan’s political enemies, -both in and out of the Democratic party, loudly proclaimed -that “Bryanism”—or “Bryanarchy,” as a -green-eyed relict of Mr. Cleveland’s second cabinet -terms it—was dead and buried. Some said it was -“too dead to bury.” And Bryan himself, they gleefully -asserted, had died with the death of ideas to -which he was wedded. Doubtless many of them believed -this. The fierce and determined onslaught of -the silver men in that memorable campaign had so -wrought upon the fears of the class of Americans of -whom Marcus A. Hanna and Pierpont Morgan are -representative, that, in their nervous hysteria after -their narrow escape, they were in a frame of mind -where but little evidence was required to induce great -faith. And, moreover, the decisive defeat which -Bryan had suffered, considered in its probable effect -on his disorganized following, was such as naturally -gave birth to the hope that to the outstretched palms -of the repudiated and disowned leaders of the party, -such as Mr. Cleveland, might soon be restored in contrition -the insignia of power and authority.</p> - -<p class='c000'>But even those who most sincerely believed and -uproariously heralded the death of Bryanism and of -Bryan continued their flagellations of both as earnestly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>as of yore. To them the good old Latin rule -“<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">De mortuis nihil nisi bonum</span></i>” was obsolete and cobwebby.</p> - -<p class='c000'>And so, for almost three years succeeding Mr. McKinley’s -election, the funeral notices of Democracy’s -leader were daily published and his requiems daily -sung. But, through all this time, the faith of the -allied forces of reform that their leader was still of -the living abode with them, and, firm in the belief, -they were neither faltered nor dismayed, and never a -man broke ranks.</p> - -<p class='c000'>And it was not long before faith that was of the -spirit gave way to that certainty which comes of -knowledge that is of the brain and senses. The first -evidence was the remarkable sale and popularity of -“The First Battle.” Another was the increasing demand -for Mr. Bryan’s services as lecturer and public -speaker, and the rapturous enthusiasm with which he -was received, excelling, if possible that which greeted -the Presidential candidate. Then, when he fearlessly -took a stand against imperialism, which seemed to be -sweeping the country like a great forest fire, and at -once, in response to his appeal, the great Democratic -party lined up against that policy, it became clearly -evident that the powers of the great popular leader -had not waned; neither had his influence over the -minds and hearts of the people been lost. Finally, -just as he was the first great public man of the United -States to raise his voice in protest against the abandonment -of the Republic, so he was the first to propose -a definite and coherent remedy for the overshadowing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>evil of the trusts. This again demonstrated his natural -fitness for leadership. Mr. Bryan first outlined -his views at the Anti-Trust Conference held in Chicago -in 1899. Because of its importance, as well as -because it was the first tangible remedy proposed, it -is here reproduced:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“I believe we ought to have remedies in both state -and nation, and that they should be concurrent remedies. -In the first place, every state has, or should -have, the right to create any private corporation, -which, in the judgment of the people of the state, is -conducive to the welfare of the people of that state. -I believe we can safely entrust to the people of -a state the settlement of a question which concerns -them. If they create a corporation, and it becomes -destructive of their best interests, they can destroy -that corporation, and we can safely trust them both -to create and annihilate, if conditions make annihilation -necessary. In the second place, the state has, or -should have, the right to prohibit any foreign corporation -from doing business in the state, and it has, or -should have, the right to impose such restrictions and -limitations as the people of the state may think necessary -upon foreign corporations doing business in the -state. In other words, the people of the state not only -should have a right to create the corporations they -want, but they should be permitted to protect themselves -against any outside corporation.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“But I do not think this is sufficient. I believe, in -addition to a state remedy, there must be a Federal -remedy, and I believe Congress has, or should have, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>the power to place restrictions and limitations, even -to the point of prohibition, upon any corporation organized -in any state that wants to do business outside -of the state. I say that Congress has, or should have, -power to place upon the corporation such limitations -and restrictions, even to the point of prohibition, as -may to Congress seem necessary for the protection of -the public.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Now, I believe that these concurrent remedies will -prove effective. To repeat, the people of every state -shall first decide whether they want to create a corporation. -They shall also decide whether they want any -outside corporation to do business in the state; and, -if so, upon what conditions; and then Congress shall -exercise the right to place upon every corporation -doing business outside of the state in which it is organized -such limitations and restrictions as may be -necessary for the protection of the public.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The legislation to be enacted by Congress Mr. -Bryan roughly outlined as follows:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Suppose that Congress should say that whenever -a corporation wants to do business outside of the -state, it must apply to and receive from some body, -created by Congress for the purpose, a license to do -business. Suppose the law should provide three conditions -upon which the license could be issued:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“1. That the evidence should show that there was -no water in the stock.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“2. That the evidence should show that the corporation -has not attempted in the past and is not now -<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>attempting, to monopolize any branch of industry or -any article of merchandise; and</p> - -<p class='c000'>“3. Providing for that publicity which everybody -has spoken of and about which everybody agrees.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>This plan of Mr. Bryan’s for the suppression of -monopolistic trusts is given here, not especially because -of the intrinsic merit it may possess, but as illustrating -one of the important phases of his character.</p> - -<p class='c000'>When the tariff question was under discussion, Mr. -Bryan was an outspoken advocate of a tariff for revenue -only. When the silver question arose Mr. Bryan -wrote and stood squarely upon the first platform that -declared for the “free and unlimited coinage of both -gold and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, -without waiting for the aid or consent of any other -nation on earth.” When the dark cloud of imperialism -rose on the horizon his was the first voice to -point out the danger, and he took an unequivocal position -in favor of granting independence to the Filipinos. -And now, at the Trust Conference, while -many joined with him in denunciation of the evil, he -alone proposed and ably defended a definite and explicit -remedy. So it has been with every other question -with which Mr. Bryan has had to deal, in his -career as a public man; he has never failed to state his -exact position and to take the American people fully -and freely into his confidence. And his frankness and -honesty have been appreciated. Of the thousand -delegates chosen during the first six months of the -year 1900 to attend the great Democratic National -<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>convention at Kansas City, those from every state but -two were instructed for Bryan for President. When -it is remembered that this was done in spite of the -earnest desire of a number of well-known Democrats -who wished it otherwise, but absolutely dared not -make a fight, the full significance of this great popular -tribute to the defeated candidate of four years before -may be understood. It was this unanimity as regarded -the candidate, together with the unanimity regarding -the issue, the feeling of enthusiasm aroused by the -one, and of patriotic fervor excited by the other, that -made the Kansas City convention one destined to be -memorable in American history. And while the name -on the lips of every Democrat was the same name as -was pronounced at Chicago four years before, the -issue which aroused them by the compelling force of -events was entirely different. Then the question was: -What kind of money shall this nation have, and who -shall issue it and control its volume? Now the question -was: What form of government shall this nation -have; shall it remain a Republic, as contemplated by -the fathers,—the world’s beacon light of liberty,—or -shall it turn its face to the past, extinguish its light, -and on the dark sea of empire, littered with the flotsam -and jetsam of nations that once were great and -free, set forth toward the orient? The issue was -worthy of the man, and the man, with a reunited and -virile Democracy behind him, was prepared to meet it.</p> - -<p class='c000'>No man who was so fortunate as to be present at -the Kansas City convention can live long enough -to forget it. It was epoch-marking not only for its -<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>outward appearance, but for its inward significance. -To the onlooker, stirred by its emotional enthusiasm, -by the wildness and frenzy of its patriotic manifestations, -these were its memorable and significant features. -But to him who looked beneath the surface, -who knew and saw the strange combat being waged -between one man and many hundreds of men,—a -combat one of the strangest in nature and most remarkable -in its outcome ever waged in a parliamentary -body,—it was this that held him entranced to -the end, and sent him home marveling at that one -man’s strength and greatness. It came about in this -wise: Of the hundreds of thousands of Gold Democrats -who left the Democratic party in 1896 because -of the silver question, ninety per cent. or more were -anxious to come back and aid in Mr. Bryan’s nomination -and election, now that they believed they saw -the Republic itself in danger at the hand of President -McKinley and his advisers. They saw, as did the Silver -Democrats, as did Mr. Bryan himself, that imperialism -was to be the dominating, all-important -issue of the campaign. In the shadow of the great -danger of the conversion of the Republic into an empire -they were willing to subordinate all minor differences -and join to defeat the President they had themselves -helped to elect four years before. It is true that -to these men “free silver” was still a bugaboo. At the -same time they were convinced that, because of the -complexion of the Senate, with its heavy Republican -majority, even should Mr. Bryan and a Democratic -House of Representatives be elected on a free silver -<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>platform, it would be impossible for them, in four -years, to enact any legislation along that line. But -nevertheless, after the manner of many a returning -prodigal, they demanded a concession. It was a very -modest and moderate concession they wanted. They -asked the party only to reaffirm instead of reiterating -the free silver plank of the Chicago platform.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It can hardly be denied that to reaffirm is, in effect, -to reiterate. The difference is only in seeming,—and, -possibly, that it gives opportunity for “interpretation” -and “construction.” At all events, the Gold -Democrats had early gone to work to secure this concession. -They had been successful in enlisting in their -behalf scores and hundreds of sincere friends of bimetallism -in the Democratic party. And when the -delegates were gathered at Kansas City it became -evident that a large majority of them were favorable -to the policy of a general reaffirmation of the Chicago -platform without a specific repetition of the demand -for free silver at the ratio of sixteen to one. Not only -were the most of the delegates inclined to this course, -but it was advocated, before the convention met, by a -large majority of the influential party leaders. It -was, on the part of the leaders, as of most of the delegates, -a sincere and honest advocacy, by men whose -fealty to the doctrine of bimetallism was undoubted. -It was their intent, not to abandon the demand for -free silver,—far from it,—for the platform would reaffirm -the demand made in 1896,—but to subordinate -it in such a way as would do least damage in the fight -for the preservation of the Republic. Such was their -honest position.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>But here the trouble arose. The Gold Democrats, -by their very insistence, had made “free silver” the -only issue, so far as the convention was concerned. -There was no difference among Democrats as to any -other plank of the platform. This very fact, and the -fact that in every newspaper in the country the one -question of discussion and of speculation concerning -the convention was whether it would “reaffirm” -or “reiterate” had brought the old issue so prominently -to the fore-ground that not to reiterate would -mean practically to abandon the position, while under -fire. Had the issue never been raised, had the fight -thereon never been precipitated, it is conceivable, even -probable, that there had come from no source any -objection to the policy of reaffirming the Chicago platform -so far as the old issues were concerned, and making -specific declarations on the new ones. But the -issue had been raised, and the objection came,—came -from William J. Bryan, at his home in Lincoln.</p> - -<p class='c000'>On July 1, R. L. Metcalfe, a delegate at large from -Nebraska, after a long consultation with Mr. Bryan -gave out an authorized interview in which he declared -that there must be a specific declaration on the money -question. This was taken as a statement of Mr. -Bryan’s position, and David B. Hill, the leader of the -Gold Democrats, at once hastened from Kansas City -to Lincoln on a futile mission. He wished to induce -Mr. Bryan to recede from his position. It became at -once evident that there was to be a contest over the -money plank of the platform.</p> - -<p class='c000'>On July 3, the day before the convention met, A. S. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>Tibbets of Lincoln, another delegate-at-large from -Nebraska, threw this bomb-shell: “Bryan will not -run on any platform which does not contain a specific -declaration in favor of free coinage at the ratio of -sixteen to one. If this convention does not put that -declaration in the platform it will have to nominate -another candidate for president.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>This authorized statement was a bugle call to Democrats, -reminding them that parties are founded on the -bed-rock of principle, and that platforms are made -unequivocally to express convictions. Many of the -leaders of the party, assembled at Kansas City, took -their stand by Bryan’s side, and the fight for sturdy, -honest, and manly candor waged fiercely to the end.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Ex-Governor Hill, who had returned from Lincoln, -alone among the leaders who had fought for a specific -silver plank, boldly and openly continued his fight. -He is a hard and stubborn fighter, and he centered his -efforts on the organization of the committee on resolutions. -He sent for heads of delegations known to be -favorable to his plan, and urged upon them the necessity -of selecting “careful, conservative, long-headed -men,” as members of that important committee. He -argued vehemently for the necessity of such action as -would “reorganize the party” and make victory assured. -“Good God, gentlemen,” the famous New -Yorker exclaimed to one delegation with which he was -closeted, “we must not lose this election. It means -fifty years of republican rule. And if we are wise,” -he said, wagging his head solemnly, “we will not lose -it. The people want to be with us. Shall we be so -<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>generous”—with an oratorical flourish and Frenchified -shrug of his expressive shoulders—“as to refuse -to allow them to fight our battles?”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Here a Kansan spoke up. “I am not a delegate, -senator,” he said, “but I want a conservative platform. -If we don’t get it I’ll go home and quit, and -I’ve voted the Democratic ticket for fifty years.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Wait, wait, my friend,” came the quick response; -“don’t, don’t, I pray you, say that. Whether the platform -pleases us or not, we must fight, fight to win, -fight to the death.” The eyes of the shrewd and wily -politician flashed. In quick, nervous staccato he continued: -“Mark my words, mark my words. If McKinley -and a Republican Congress are elected inside the -year a force bill will be fastened upon us. Why? -Kentucky; that will be the excuse. And the next -move—do you know what it will be? On the pretext -that the negro vote is not cast nor counted, the representation -of the southern states in Congress will be -reduced. Their vote in the electoral college will be -diminished, and they’ll have the Democratic party by -the throat, bound hand and foot. We must not permit -it. We must not.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The second day before the convention met, the -writer of this chapter, in a dispatch to the Omaha -<cite>World-Herald</cite>, said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“There are many Democrats in Kansas City to-night -who profess to deplore what they term William -J. Bryan’s lack of skill as a “practical politician,” -who murmur their complaints that the leader of their -party does not understand the gentle art of constructing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>a platform that will “catch ‘em acomin’ and catch -‘em a gwine,” who complain that Mr. Bryan does not -understand that the end and aim of a political party -is to get into power—to hold offices and control the -patronage of the administration. These men, crafty, -cunning diplomats, though not always successful -withal, are, it may frankly be admitted, grieved and -disappointed at Mr. Bryan’s insistence that the Democratic -platform should clearly and explicitly set -forth the conviction and the purpose of Democracy’s -heart and brain.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“But in all Kansas City, among all the sweltering -and noisy crowds that throng the lobbies and march -up and down the streets, there can not be found a -single man—Democrat, Populist, or Republican—but -will confess his admiration of Mr. Bryan’s honesty -and courage.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“To the leaders and manipulators of parties, to the -men taught and accustomed to play to the pit, Mr. -Bryan is a source of ever-increasing wonder and surprise. -It is hard for the politician to understand the -statesman.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“It it not to be doubted that Mr. Bryan’s wishes -are to prevail in the great convention of American -patriotism which is to convene to-morrow on the anniversary -of the Republic’s birth, to proclaim anew the -unchanged and never-changing truths to perpetuate -which the blood of heroes and of martyrs was shed on -a hundred battlefields.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“The platform will be an honest platform, it will -be an easily understood platform, it will conceal nothing, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>and it will evade nothing. It will there declare, -in explicit terms, for independent bimetallism by this -country alone, at the present legal ratio of sixteen to -one. This prediction may be safely hazarded.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“All day long the leaven has been working, all day -long the gospel of candor and righteousness has been -preached, and to-night there is not a delegate but -knows that Mr. Bryan demands that the Democratic -party deal in unequivocal good faith with the people -of this country.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>In truth the bold and manly position taken by Mr. -Bryan had won him the admiration and respect of -the whole country. It demonstrated anew those noble -qualities which he possesses in such an unusual degree. -The strength of his position was well outlined -in an interview given to the New York <cite>Herald</cite> by Mr. -Metcalfe, who led the fight for a specific declaration. -Mr. Metcalfe said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“When the American people know Mr. Bryan -better, they will learn that he is not a politician in the -popular acceptation of that term, but that he is honestly -devoted to his views of fundamental principles, -and that, while not an obstinate man, on this question -of principle he is as firm as a rock. Men who know -him best know him to be a man of iron. He stands -to-day determined that the platform on which he is to -be a candidate shall contain a plank explicitly pledging -independent bimetallism at the ratio of sixteen to -one. Those men of the East who do not know the man, -and who may be inclined to regard his position on -this question as an obstinate one, should know that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>the same firmness of purpose, the same indifference -to appeal even by men known to be friendly to him -that characterizes his adherence to the principle in -which some of the men of the East believe him to be -wrong, will sustain him in the White House on the -many great questions on which they believe him to -be right.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“The situation is an unusual one as political situations -have gone in this country, but the man who is to -be the nominee of this convention is an exceptional -man. As the prospective nominee of this convention -he will not surrender his convictions. As the nominee -of the Democratic party in the coming campaign he -will not be a dodger. In the White House he will not -be a wabbler. When he shall be elected, men who may -be saddened by the thought that they have a President -who believes in bimetallism at the ratio of sixteen to -one may find consolation in the demonstration of the -fact that they also have an American president who -adheres to the policies and traditions of a republic -in preference to the habits of an empire; who draws -his inspiration from the great mass of the people, -rather than from a coterie of trust agents; whose purpose -it is to discharge his duties so that the result -shall be the greatest good to the greatest number, -rather than to surrender to a handful of men the -privilege of administering the government to the end -that the many shall bear all the burdens and the few -shall enjoy all the benefits.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The fight in the resolutions committee was a hard -and long one. So closely was the committee divided -<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>that it was evident that neither side had more than -two or three majority. It seemed almost inevitable -that a minority and majority report, differing only -as to the wording in which the party’s allegiance to -silver should be expressed, would go before the convention. -And in this event hard feeling would in all -probability be engendered, harsh words be spoken, -and factionalism and disunion might result. In this -crisis, one of the members of the resolutions committee -was seized with an inspiration. In a half hour the -whole difficulty was solved. The committee unanimously -agreed to a specific demand for free silver -coupled with the declaration that imperialism was -the paramount issue of the campaign.</p> - -<p class='c000'>On July 5 the platform was read and adopted by -the convention, and Bryan nominated for president -of the United States.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Again the writer incorporates a portion of a dispatch -sent by him to the <cite>World-Herald</cite> descriptive of -this memorable session of the convention:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Never in the history of popular government has -there been held a national convention of a great political -party that can be likened to that which at Kansas -City to-day promulgated its declaration of -principles and nominated its candidate for the chief -magistracy of the great commonwealth of sovereign -American states.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_123.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>ADLAI STEVENSON</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>“To-day’s session witnessed scenes of turbulent enthusiasm, -of intense patriotic ardor such as have never -before been witnessed and such as promise a victory -at once glorious and complete for William J. Bryan -at the polls next November. It has been a day -marked by loftiest patriotism and noblest purposes, -a day that for centuries to come will stand clear and -distinct as marking an epoch in the cause of human -liberty.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“To-day was fired the first gun of that great war -which is to be waged during the next four months for -the preservation of the Republic and the perpetuation -of American institutions. And to-day, on a Democratic -platform, addressing a Democratic convention, -Webster Davis, Republican orator, statesman, and -publicist, denounced in words of burning eloquence -Republican abandonment of republican principles, -and pledged his loyal and unswerving support to -William J. Bryan. And on that same platform David -B. Hill, Gold Democrat, stood before wildly cheering -thousands, and announced a reunited Democracy.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“’Save the Republic,’ is to be the battle cry, the -Declaration of Independence the party creed, ‘The -Battle Hymn of the Republic’ the battle hymn, and -the American flag the party emblem. And the leader, -honest, unswerving, and undaunted, is to be the same -gallant chieftain who breathed anew the breath of life -into Democracy four years ago and marched it to -glorious battle. Such, while the fire of patriotism -burned fiercely in its heart, was the unanimous decision -reached to-day by the Democratic National -convention.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“As has been daily predicted in these dispatches, -the Democratic party took no backward step on the -question of finance.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>“There is no attempt at quibbling, at subterfuge, or -equivocation. Honesty and candor of the highest -order live in this plank of the platform as they have -their being in every other plank. There is not a line, -a word, or a syllable capable of more than the one -meaning; there are no omissions, no half statements, -no dodgings of any question. The platform is in every -sense worthy of the man—candid, bold, honest, and -sincere even as he is candid, bold, honest, and sincere. -Most wondrously were the schemes and machinations -of the enemies of the Democratic party confounded. -For on the single question on which the delegates were -divided, as to whether there should be a specific demand -for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen -to one by this nation alone, the committee on -resolutions brought in a unanimous report and the -demand was boldly and specifically made. And the -platform in which that demand was incorporated was -adopted by the convention, not only with absolute -unanimity, but amid the wildest, the most general, -and most prolonged enthusiasm.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“In this unanimity spoke the love of every delegate -for the Republic. It came because of a realizing sense -that popular government and free institutions are in -danger. And with that danger threatening, not a man -in the convention but felt that all other differences -must be buried while the party that founded and -builded the Republic rallies to guard the sacred edifice -from the vandal hands that are outstretched for its -destruction. And thus it was that the great Democratic -party reunited, north, south, east, and west -<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>clasping hands, love of country in every man’s heart -and ‘save the Republic’ on each man’s lip, gave its -platform and its candidate to the country.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>So Mr. Bryan won his greatest fight. It was a -fight not only for principle and honesty, but for absolute -candor and sincerity in dealing with any question -before the American people. And, having won -it, he was again the candidate for President of three -political parties. For at Kansas City, at a convention -held at the same time as the Democratic, the Silver -Republican party, under the leadership of that pure -and disinterested patriot, Charles A. Towne, had made -Bryan and Stevenson, the Democratic nominees, its -own nominees. And the Peoples’ party, at Sioux -Falls, South Dakota, early in May had, in a spirit of -noble self-sacrifice, gone outside its own party in its -search for candidates, naming Mr. Bryan for President -and Mr. Towne for Vice-President. Mr. Towne, -believing that by so doing he could better further Mr. -Bryan’s election, later withdrew from the ticket.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Republican party met at Philadelphia in June, -and renominated President McKinley, choosing as its -Vice-Presidential candidate Governor Theodore -Roosevelt of New York. The platform declared for -the permanent retention of the Philippine Islands as -property of the United States.</p> - -<p class='c000'>President McKinley, in his speech of acceptance, -thus outlined his Philippine policy:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“There must be no scuttle policy. We will fulfil -in the Philippines the obligations imposed by the triumph -of our arms, by the treaty of peace, and by international -<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>law, by the nation’s sense of honor, and, more -than all, by the rights, interests, and conditions of -the Filipinos themselves.... The Philippines -are ours, and American authority must be supreme -throughout the archipelago.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Those who find this declaration vague and unsatisfactory -may well turn to Mr. Bryan’s great speech of -acceptance delivered at Indianapolis on August 8, in -which he makes this distinct pledge:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“If elected, I shall convene Congress in extraordinary -session as soon as I am inaugurated and recommend -an immediate declaration of the nation’s purpose, -first, to establish a stable form of government in -the Philippine Islands, just as we are now establishing -a stable form of government in Cuba; second, to give -independence to the Filipinos, just as we have promised -to give independence to the Cubans; third, to -protect the Filipinos from outside interference while -they work out their destiny, just as we have protected -the republics of Central and South America and are, -by the Monroe Doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. A -European protectorate often results in the exploitation -of the ward by the guardian. An American protectorate -gives to the nation protected the advantage -of our strength without making it the victim of our -greed. For three-quarters of a century the Monroe -Doctrine has been a shield to neighboring republics, -and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>So is the issue drawn in the important campaign -in which, for a second time, William J. Bryan and -William McKinley are the opposing candidates for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>the highest elective office in the world. For weal or -for woe, who can doubt that the outcome will be of -serious and far-reaching import to the people of the -United States and to their children and children’s -children who shall live after them?</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span> - <h2 class='c005'>THE INDIANAPOLIS SPEECH</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>Mr. Bryan was notified of his second nomination -for the Presidency by the Democratic party at Indianapolis, -Ind., on August 8, 1900. The ceremonies took -place in the presence of an immense multitude of -people, the number being conservatively estimated at -fifty thousand, among whom were included many of -the most distinguished members of the party. In -formally accepting the nomination Mr. Bryan delivered -a speech which will not only rank as incomparably -the best of his numerous public utterances, -but which is destined to immortality in the brief list -of the world’s great orations.</p> - -<p class='c000'>For purity and simplicity of style, and beauty and -strength of structure, as well as for its masterful logic -and sublimity of sentiment, this speech has never -been excelled. While it has not the stately sweep of -Demosthenes’ Philippics, the incisiveness of Cicero’s -invectives, or the grandeur of Burke’s sonorous -periods, in its every sentence lives such honesty, sincerity, -ardent patriotism, and lofty purpose that it -thrills the hearts and stirs the consciences of men as -no other speech, save only Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg -Address, has ever done before.</p> - -<p class='c000'>This speech, not only because of its wondrous effect -on the American people and its direct bearing on the -great issue with which Mr. Bryan’s life has become -<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>wedded, but as much because of the glowing light it -sheds upon the character of the man, his ideals, and -his motives, is here reproduced in full:</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='sc'>Mr. Chairman and Members of the Notification -Committee</span>—I shall, at an early day, and in a more -formal manner accept the nomination which you -tender, and I shall at that time discuss the various -questions covered by the Democratic platform. It -may not be out of place, however, to submit a few -observations at this time upon the general character -of the contest before us and upon the question which -is declared to be of paramount importance in this -campaign.</p> - -<p class='c000'>When I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest between -democracy on the one hand and plutocracy on -the other, I do not mean to say that all our opponents -have deliberately chosen to give to organized wealth -a predominating influence in the affairs of the government, -but I do assert that, on the important issues -of the day, the Republican party is dominated by -those influences which constantly tend to substitute -the worship of mammon for the protection of the -rights of man.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican party believed -in the man and the dollar, but that in case of -conflict it believed in the man before the dollar. This -is the proper relation which should exist between the -two. Man, the handiwork of God, comes first; money, -the handiwork of man, is of inferior importance. Man -is the master, money the servant, but upon all important -<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>questions to-day Republican legislation tends -to make money the master and man the servant.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The maxim of Jefferson, “Equal rights to all and -special privileges to none,” and the doctrine of Lincoln -that this should be a government “of the people, -by the people, and for the people,” are being disregarded -and the instrumentalities of government are -being used to advance the interests of those who are -in a position to secure favors from the government.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Democratic party is not making war upon the -honest acquisition of wealth; it has no desire to discourage -industry, economy, and thrift. On the contrary, -it gives to every citizen the greatest possible -stimulus to honest toil when it promises him protection -in the enjoyment of the proceeds of his labor. -Property rights are most secure when human rights -are most respected. Democracy strives for a civilization -in which every member of society will share according -to his merits.</p> - -<p class='c000'>No one has a right to expect from society more than -a fair compensation for the service which he renders -to society. If he secures more it is at the expense of -someone else. It is no injustice to him to prevent -his doing injustice to another. To him who would, -either through class legislation or in the absence of -necessary legislation, trespass upon the rights of another -the Democratic party says, “Thou shalt not.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Against us are arrayed a comparatively small but -politically and financially powerful number who -really profit by Republican policies; but with them -are associated a large number who, because of their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>attachment to their party name, are giving their support -to doctrines antagonistic to the former teachings -of their own party. Republicans who used to advocate -bimetallism now try to convince themselves that -the gold standard is good; Republicans who were -formerly attached to the greenback are now seeking -an excuse for giving national banks control of the -nation’s paper money; Republicans who used to boast -that the Republican party was paying off the national -debt are now looking for reasons to support a perpetual -and increasing debt; Republicans who formerly -abhorred a trust now beguile themselves with the delusion -that there are good trusts and bad trusts, while, -in their minds, the line between the two is becoming -more and more obscure; Republicans who, in times -past, congratulated the country upon the small expense -of our standing army are now making light of -the objections which are urged against a large increase -in the permanent military establishment; Republicans -who gloried in our independence when the -nation was less powerful now look with favor upon a -foreign alliance; Republicans who three years ago -condemned “forcible annexation” as immoral and even -criminal are now sure that it is both immoral and -criminal to oppose forcible annexation. That partisanship -has already blinded many to present dangers -is certain; how large a portion of the Republican -party can be drawn over to the new policies remains -to be seen.</p> - -<p class='c000'>For a time Republican leaders were inclined to -deny to opponents the right to criticise the Philippine -<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>policy of the administration, but upon investigation -they found that both Lincoln and Clay asserted and -exercised the right to criticise a president during the -progress of the Mexican war.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Instead of meeting the issue boldly and submitting -a clear and positive plan for dealing with the Philippine -question, the Republican convention adopted a -platform, the larger part of which was devoted to -boasting and self-congratulation.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In attempting to press economic questions upon the -country to the exclusion of those which involve the -very structure of our government, the Republican -leaders give new evidence of their abandonment of the -earlier ideals of the party and of their complete subserviency -to pecuniary considerations.</p> - -<p class='c000'>But they shall not be permitted to evade the stupendous -and far-reaching issue which they have deliberately -brought into the arena of politics. When -the president, supported by a practically unanimous -vote of the House and Senate, entered upon a war with -Spain for the purpose of aiding the struggling patriots -of Cuba, the country, without regard to party, applauded. -Although the Democrats recognized that -the administration would necessarily gain a political -advantage from the conduct of a war which in the -very nature of the case must soon end in a complete -victory, they vied with the Republicans in the support -which they gave to the President. When the -war was over and the Republican leaders began to -suggest the propriety of a colonial policy, opposition -at once manifested itself. When the President finally -<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>laid before the Senate a treaty which recognized the -independence of Cuba, but provided for the cession of -the Philippine islands to the United States, the menace -of imperialism became so apparent that many preferred -to reject the treaty and risk the ills that might -follow rather than take the chance of correcting the -errors of the treaty by the independent action of this -country.</p> - -<p class='c000'>I was among the number of those who believed it -better to ratify the treaty and end the war, release the -volunteers, remove the excuse for war expenditures, -and then give to the Filipinos the independence which -might be forced from Spain by a new treaty.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In view of the criticism which my action aroused in -some quarters, I take this occasion to restate the -reasons given at that time. I thought it safer to trust -the American people to give independence to the -Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment of that -purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly nation. Lincoln -embodied an argument in the question when he -asked, “Can aliens make treaties easier than friends -can make laws?” I believe that we are now in a better -position to wage a successful contest against imperialism -than we would have been had the treaty been rejected. -With the treaty ratified, a clean-cut issue is -presented between a government by consent and a -government by force, and imperialists must bear the -responsibility for all that happens until the question -is settled. If the treaty had been rejected, the opponents -of imperialism would have been held responsible -for any international complications which might have -<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>arisen before the ratification of another treaty. But, -whatever differences of opinion may have existed as to -the best method of opposing a colonial policy, there -never was any difference as to the importance of the -course to be pursued.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The title of Spain being extinguished, we were at -liberty to deal with the Filipinos according to American -principles. The Bacon resolution, introduced a -month before hostilities broke out at Manila, promised -independence to the Filipinos on the same terms -that it was promised to the Cubans. I supported this -resolution and believe that its adoption prior to the -breaking out of hostilities would have prevented -bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subsequent -time would have ended hostilities.</p> - -<p class='c000'>If the treaty had been rejected considerable time -would have necessarily elapsed before a new treaty -could have been agreed upon and ratified, and during -that time the question would have been agitating the -public mind. If the Bacon resolution had been -adopted by the Senate and carried out by the President, -either at the time of the ratification of the treaty -or at any time afterwards, it would have taken the -question of imperialism out of politics and left the -American people free to deal with their domestic -problems. But the resolution was defeated by the -vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that -time to this a Republican Congress has refused to take -any action whatever in the matter.</p> - -<p class='c000'>When hostilities broke out at Manila Republican -speakers and Republican editors at once sought to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>lay the blame upon those who had delayed the ratification -of the treaty, and, during the progress of the -war, the same Republicans have accused the opponents -of imperialism of giving encouragement to the -Filipinos. This is a cowardly evasion of -responsibility.</p> - -<p class='c000'>If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine -islands permanently and imitate European empires -in the government of colonies, the Republican -party ought to state its position and defend it, but it -must expect the subject races to protest against such -a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability. -The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from -Americans now living. Our whole history has been -an encouragement, not only to the Filipinos, but to all -who are denied a voice in their own government. If -the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have -used language calculated to make the Filipinos hate -foreign domination let them condemn the speech of -Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate -appeal, “Give me liberty or give me death,” he expressed -a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts -of men. Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen -of history none have used words so offensive to -those who would hold their fellows in political bondage. -Let them censure Washington, who declared -that the colonists must choose between liberty and -slavery. Or, if the statute of limitations has run -against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, -let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg -speech will be quoted in defense of popular government -<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>when the present advocates of force and conquest -are forgotten.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Some one has said that a truth once spoken can -never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can -set a limit to its ever-widening influence. But if it -were possible to obliterate every word written or -spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the -Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would -still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was -God Himself who placed in every human heart the -love of liberty. He never made a race of people so -low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it -would welcome a foreign master.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Those who would have this nation enter upon a -career of empire must consider not only the effect of -imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also calculate -its effects upon our own nation. We can not -repudiate the principle of self-government in the -Philippines without weakening that principle here.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Lincoln said that the safety of this nation was not -in its fleets, its armies, its forts, but in the spirit which -prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, -everywhere, and he warned his countrymen that they -could not destroy this spirit without planting the -seeds of despotism at their own doors.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing -influence of imperialism. Heretofore, this nation has -been prompt to express its sympathy with those who -were fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere of -activity has been limited to the western hemisphere, -our sympathies have not been bounded by the seas. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>We have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as -well as to those who were struggling for the right to -govern themselves, to proclaim the interest which our -people have, from the date of their own independence, -felt in every contest between human rights and arbitrary -power. Three-quarters of a century ago, when -our nation was small, the struggles of Greece aroused -our people, and Webster and Clay gave eloquent expression -to the universal desire for Grecian independence. -In 1896, all parties manifested a lively interest -in the success of the Cubans, but now when a war is -in progress in South Africa, which must result in the -extension of the monarchial idea, or in the triumph of -a republic, the advocates of imperialism in this -country dare not say a word in behalf of the Boers. -Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any -unfriendliness towards England; the American people -are not unfriendly toward the people of any nation. -This sympathy is due to the fact that, as stated in our -platform, we believe in the principles of self-government, -and reject, as did our forefathers, the claims of -monarchy. If this nation surrenders its belief in the -universal application of the principles set forth in the -Declaration of Independence, it will lose the prestige -and influence which it has enjoyed among the nations -as an exponent of popular government.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their -cause, seek to confuse imperialism with expansion, -and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter -of their policy. Jefferson spoke so freely and used -language with such precision that no one can be ignorant -<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>of his views. On one occasion he declared: -“If there be one principle more deeply rooted than -any other in the mind of every American, it is that we -should have nothing to do with conquest.” And again -he said: “Conquest is not in our principles; it is -inconsistent with our government.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The forcible annexation of territory to be governed -by arbitrary power differs as much from the acquisition -of territory to be built up into states as a monarchy -differs from a democracy. The Democratic -party does not oppose expansion, when expansion enlarges -the area of the Republic and incorporates land -which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to -our population people who are willing to become citizens -and are capable of discharging their duties as -such. The acquisition of the Louisiana territory, -Florida, Texas, and other tracts which have been secured -from time to time enlarged the Republic, and -the Constitution followed the flag into the new territory. -It is now proposed to seize upon distant territory, -already more densely populated than our own -country, and to force upon the people a government -for which there is no warrant in our Constitution or -our laws. Even the argument that this earth belongs -to those who desire to cultivate it and who have the -physical power to acquire it can not be invoked to -justify the appropriation of the Philippine islands by -the United States. If the islands were uninhabited -American citizens would not be willing to go there -and till the soil. The white race will not live so near -the equator. Other nations have tried to colonize in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>the same latitude. The Netherlands have controlled -Java for 300 years, and yet to-day there are less than -60,000 people of European birth scattered among the -25,000,000 natives. After a century and a half of -English domination in India, less than one-twentieth -of one per cent of the people of India are of English -birth, and it requires an army of 70,000 British -soldiers to take care of the tax collectors. Spain had -asserted title to the Philippine islands for three centuries -and yet, when our fleet entered Manila bay, -there were less than 10,000 Spaniards residing in the -Philippines.</p> - -<p class='c000'>A colonial policy means that we shall send to the -Philippine islands a few traders, a few taskmasters, -and a few office holders, and an army large enough -to support the authority of a small fraction of the -people while they rule the natives.</p> - -<p class='c000'>If we have an imperial policy we must have a great -standing army as its natural and necessary complement. -The spirit which will justify the forcible annexation -of the Philippine islands will justify the -seizure of other islands and the domination of other -people, and with wars of conquest we can expect a -certain, if not rapid, growth of our military establishment. -That a large permanent increase in our -regular army is intended by Republican leaders is not -a matter of conjecture, but a matter of fact. In his -message of December 5, 1898, the President asked for -authority to increase the standing army to 100,000. -In 1896 the army contained about 25,000. Within two -years the President asked for four times that many, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>and a Republican House of Representatives complied -with the request after the Spanish treaty had been -signed, and when no country was at war with the -United States. If such an army is demanded when -an imperial policy is contemplated, but not openly -avowed, what may be expected if the people encourage -the Republican party by endorsing its policy at the -polls? A large standing army is not only a pecuniary -burden to the people and, if accompanied by compulsory -service, a constant source of irritation, but it is -ever a menace to a Republican form of government. -The army is the personification of force, and militarism -will inevitably change the ideals of the people -and turn the thoughts of our young men from the arts -of peace to the science of war. The government which -relies for its defense upon its citizens is more likely -to be just than one which has at call a large body of -professional soldiers. A small standing army and a -well equipped and well disciplined state militia are -sufficient at ordinary times, and in an emergency the -nation should, in the future as in the past, place its -dependence upon the volunteers who come from all -occupations at their country’s call and return to productive -labor when their services are no longer required—men -who fight when the country needs fighters -and work when the country needs workers.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine -islands will be retained under American sovereignty, -and we have a right to demand of the Republican -leaders a discussion of the future status of the -Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a subject? Are we -<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>to bring into the body politic eight or ten million -Asiatics, so different from us in race and history that -amalgamation is impossible? Are they to share with -us in making the laws and shaping the destiny of this -nation? No Republican of prominence has been bold -enough to advocate such a proposition. The McEnery -resolution, adopted by the Senate immediately after -the ratification of the treaty, expressly negatives this -idea. The Democratic platform describes the situation -when it says that the Filipinos can not be citizens -without endangering our civilization. Who will dispute -it? And what is the alternative? If the Filipino -is not to be a citizen, shall we make him a subject? -On that question the Democratic platform speaks with -equal emphasis. It declares that the Filipino can not -be a subject without endangering our form of government. -A republic can have no subjects. A subject is -possible only in a government resting upon force; he is -unknown in a government deriving its just powers -from the consent of the governed.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Republican platform says that “the largest -measure of self-government consistent with their welfare -and our duties shall be secured to them [the -Filipinos] by law.” This is a strange doctrine for a -government which owes its very existence to the men -who offered their lives as a protest against government -without consent and taxation without representation. -In what respect does the position of the -Republican party differ from the position taken by the -English government in 1776? Did not the English -government promise a good government to the colonists? -<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>What king ever promised a bad government to -his people? Did not the English government promise -that the colonists should have the largest measure -of self-government consistent with their welfare and -English duties? Did not the Spanish government -promise to give to the Cubans the largest measure of -self-government consistent with their welfare and -Spanish duties? The whole difference between a monarchy -and a republic may be summed up in one sentence. -In a monarchy, the king gives to the people -what he believes to be a good government; in a republic -the people secure for themselves what they -believe to be a good government. The Republican -party has accepted the European idea and planted -itself upon the ground taken by George III., and by -every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people -for self-government or denies them a voice in their -own affairs.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The Republican platform promises that some measure -of self-government is to be given the Filipinos by -law; but even this pledge is not fulfilled. Nearly sixteen -months elapsed after the ratification of the treaty -before the adjournment of Congress last June, and yet -no law was passed dealing with the Philippine situation. -The will of the President has been the only law -in the Philippine Islands wherever the American -authority extends. Why does the Republican party -hesitate to legislate upon the Philippine question? -Because a law would disclose the radical departure -from history and precedent contemplated by those -who control the Republican party. The storm of protest -<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an indication -of what may be expected when the American -people are brought face to face with legislation upon -this subject. If the Porto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, -are to be denied the guarantees of our Constitution, -what is to be the lot of the Filipinos, who -resisted our authority? If secret influences could -compel a disregard of our plain duty toward friendly -people, living near our shores, what treatment will -those same influences provide for unfriendly people -7,000 miles away? If, in this country where the -people have the right to vote, Republican leaders -dare not take the side of the people against the -great monopolies which have grown up within the -last few years, how can they be trusted to protect the -Filipinos from the corporations which are waiting -to exploit the islands?</p> - -<p class='c000'>Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by -the people of the United States, and the twilight of -semi-citizenship endured by the people of Porto Rico, -while the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage covers -the Philippines? The Porto Rico tariff law asserts -the doctrine that the operation of the Constitution is -confined to the forty-five states. The Democratic -party disputes this doctrine and denounces it as repugnant -to both the letter and spirit of our organic -law. There is no place in our system of government -for the deposit of arbitrary and irresponsible power. -That the leaders of a great party should claim for any -president or congress the right to treat millions of -people as mere “possessions” and deal with them unrestrained -<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>by the Constitution or the bill of rights -shows how far we have already departed from the ancient -land marks, and indicates what may be expected -if this nation deliberately enters upon a career of empire. -The territorial form of government is temporary -and preparatory, and the chief security a citizen -of a territory has is found in the fact that he enjoys -the same constitutional guarantees and is subject to -the same general laws as the citizen of a state. Take -away this security and his rights will be violated and -his interests sacrificed at the demand of those who -have political influence. This is the evil of the colonial -system, no matter by what nation it is applied.</p> - -<p class='c000'>What is our title to the Philippine Islands? Do -we hold them by treaty or by conquest? Did we buy -them or did we take them? Did we purchase the people? -If not, how did we secure title to them? Were -they thrown in with the land? Will the Republicans -say that inanimate earth has value, but that when -that earth is molded by the Divine hand and stamped -with the likeness of the Creator it becomes a fixture -and passes with the soil? If governments derive their -just powers from the consent of the governed, it is -impossible to secure title to people, either by force or -by purchase. We could extinguish Spain’s title by -treaty, but if we hold title we must hold it by some -method consistent with our ideas of government. -When we made allies of the Filipinos and armed them -to fight against Spain, we disputed Spain’s title. If -we buy Spain’s title we are not innocent purchasers. -But even if we had not disputed Spain’s title, she -<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>could transfer no greater title than she had, and her -title was based on force alone. We can not defend -such a title, but as Spain gave us a quit-claim deed, -we can honorably turn the property over to the party -in possession. Whether any American official gave to -the Filipinos formal assurance of independence is not -material. There can be no doubt that we accepted -and utilized the services of the Filipinos, and that -when we did so we had full knowledge that they were -fighting for their own independence, and I submit -that history furnishes no example of turpitude baser -than ours if we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish -yoke.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been -given in support of an imperialistic policy. Some say -that it is our duty to hold the Philippine Islands. But -duty is not an argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain -what our duty is in any emergency, we must apply -well settled and generally accepted principles. It -is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter whether the -thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is our -duty to avoid killing a human being, no matter where -the human being lives or to what race or class he belongs. -Everyone recognizes the obligation imposed -upon individuals to observe both the human and -moral law, but as some deny the application of those -laws to nations, it may not be out of place to quote -the opinions of others.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Jefferson, than whom there is no higher political -authority, said:</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>“I know of but one code of morality for men, whether -acting singly or collectively.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Franklin, whose learning, wisdom, and virtue are a -part of the priceless legacy bequeathed to us from the -Revolutionary days, expressed the same idea in even -stronger language when he said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Justice is as strictly due between neighbor nations -as between neighbor citizens. A highwayman is as -much a robber when he plunders in a gang as when -single; and the nation that makes an unjust war is -only a great gang.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Men may dare to do in crowds what they would not -dare to do as individuals, but the moral character of -an act is not determined by the number of those who -join it. Force can defend a right, but force has never -yet created a right. If it were true, as declared in the -resolutions of intervention, that the Cubans “are and -of right ought to be free and independent” (language -taken from the Declaration of Independence), it is -equally true that the Filipinos “are and of right -ought to be free and independent.” The right of the -Cubans to freedom was not based upon their proximity -to the United States, nor upon the language which -they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which -they belonged. Congress by a practically unanimous -vote declared that the principles enunciated at Philadelphia -in 1776 were still alive and applicable to the -Cubans. Who will draw a line between the natural -rights of the Cuban and the Filipino? Who will say -that the former has a right to liberty and the latter -has no rights which we are bound to respect? And, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>if the Filipinos “are and of right ought to be free and -independent,” what right have we to force our government -upon them without their consent? Before our -duty can be ascertained, their rights must be determined, -and when their rights are once determined, it -is as much our duty to respect those rights as it was -the duty of Spain to respect the rights of the people of -Cuba or the duty of England to respect the rights of -the American colonists. Rights never conflict; duties -never clash. Can it be our duty to usurp political -rights which belong to others? Can it be our duty to -kill those who, following the example of our forefathers, -love liberty well enough to fight for it?</p> - -<p class='c000'>Some poet has described the terror which overcame -a soldier who in the midst of battle discovered that he -had slain his brother. It is written “All ye are brethren.” -Let us hope for the coming of the day when -human life—which when once destroyed can not be -restored—will be so sacred that it will never be taken -except when necessary to punish a crime already committed, -or to prevent a crime about to be committed!</p> - -<p class='c000'>If it is said that we have assumed before the world -obligations which make it necessary for us to permanently -maintain a government in the Philippine Islands, -I reply, first, that the highest obligation of this -nation is to be true to itself. No obligation to any -particular nation, or to all the nations combined, -can require the abandonment of our theory of government -and the substitution of doctrines against -which our whole national life has been a protest. And, -second, that our obligation to the Filipinos, who inhabit -<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>the islands, is greater than any obligation which -we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary residence -in the Philippines or desire to trade there.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable -of self-government and that, therefore, we owe -it to the world to take control of them. Admiral -Dewey, in an official report to the navy department, -declared the Filipinos more capable of self-government -than the Cubans and said that he based his -opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will -not rest the case upon the relative advancement of -the Filipinos. Henry Clay, in defending the right of -the people of South America to self-government, said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant -to govern himself. Their partisans assert his incapacity -in reference to all nations; if they can not -command universal assent to the proposition, it is -then demanded to particular nations; and our pride -and our presumption too often make converts of us. -I contend that it is to arraign the disposition of Providence -Himself to suppose that He has created beings -incapable of governing themselves, and to be -trampled on by kings. Self-government is the natural -government of man.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Clay was right. There are degrees of proficiency -in the art of self-government, but it is a reflection upon -the Creator to say that He denied to any people -the capacity for self-government. Once admit that -some people are capable of self-government and that -others are not and that the capable people have a -right to seize upon and govern the incapable, and you -<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>make force—brute force—the only foundation of government -and invite the reign of a despot. I am not -willing to believe that an all-wise and an all-loving -God created the Filipinos and then left them thousands -of years helpless until the islands attracted -the attention of European nations.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Republicans ask, “Shall we haul down the flag that -floats over our dead in the Philippines?” The same -question might have been asked when the American -flag floated over Chapultepec and waved over the dead -who fell there; but the tourist who visits the City of -Mexico finds there a national cemetery owned by the -United States and cared for by an American citizen. -Our flag still floats over our dead, but when the treaty -with Mexico was signed, American authority withdrew -to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion -that during the last fifty years the people of Mexico -have made more progress under the stimulus of independence -and self-government than they would have -made under a carpet bag government held in place by -bayonets. The United States and Mexico, friendly -republics, are each stronger and happier than they -would have been had the former been cursed and the -latter crushed by an imperialistic policy, disguised as -“benevolent assimilation.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Can we not govern colonies?” we are asked. The -question is not what we can do, but what we ought to -do. This nation can do whatever it desires to do, but -it must accept responsibility for what it does. If the -Constitution stands in the way, the people can amend -the Constitution. I repeat, the nation can do whatever -<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>it desires to do, but it can not avoid the natural -and legitimate results of its own conduct. The young -man upon reaching his majority can do what he -pleases. He can disregard the teachings of his parents; -he can trample upon all that he has been taught -to consider sacred; he can disobey the laws of the -state, the laws of society, and the laws of God. He -can stamp failure upon his life and make his very existence -a curse to his fellow men, and he can bring -his father and mother in sorrow to the grave; but he -can not annul the sentence, “The wages of sin is -death.” And so with the nation. It is of age, and it -can do what it pleases; it can spurn the traditions of -the past; it can repudiate the principles upon which -the nation rests; it can employ force instead of -reason; it can substitute might for right; it can conquer -weaker people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate -their property, and kill their people; but it can -not repeal the moral law or escape the punishment -decreed for the violation of human rights.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Would we tread in the paths of tyranny,</div> - <div class='line in2'>Nor reckon the tyrant’s cost?</div> - <div class='line'>Who taketh another’s liberty</div> - <div class='line in2'>His freedom is also lost.</div> - <div class='line'>Would we win as the strong have ever won,</div> - <div class='line in2'>Make ready to pay the debt,</div> - <div class='line'>For the God who reigned over Babylon</div> - <div class='line in2'>Is the God who is reigning yet.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>Some argue that American rule in the Philippine -Islands will result in the better education of the Filipinos. -Be not deceived. If we expect to maintain -<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>a colonial policy, we shall not find it to our advantage -to educate the people. The educated Filipinos -are now in revolt against us, and the most ignorant -ones have made the least resistance to our domination. -If we are to govern them without their consent -and give them no voice in determining the taxes which -they must pay, we dare not educate them, lest they -learn to read the Declaration of Independence and -the Constitution of the United States and mock us for -our inconsistency.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The principal arguments, however, advanced by -those who enter upon a defense of imperialism, are:</p> - -<p class='c000'>First—That we must improve the present opportunity -to become a world power and enter into international -politics.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Second—That our commercial interests in the Philippine -Islands and in the orient make it necessary for -us to hold the islands permanently.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Third—That the spread of the Christian religion -will be facilitated by a colonial policy.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Fourth—That there is no honorable retreat from -the position which the nation has taken.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The first argument is addressed to the nation’s -pride and the second to the nation’s pocket-book. The -third is intended for the church member and the -fourth for the partisan.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It is a sufficient answer to the first argument to say -that for more than a century this nation has been a -world power. For ten decades it has been the most -potent influence in the world. Not only has it been a -world power, but it has done more to affect the politics -<span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>of the human race than all the other nations of -the world combined. Because our Declaration of Independence -was promulgated, others have been promulgated. -Because the patriots of 1776 fought for -liberty, others have fought for it; because our constitution -was adopted, other constitutions have been -adopted. The growth of the principle of self government, -planted on American soil, has been the overshadowing -political fact of the nineteenth century. It -has made this nation conspicuous among the nations -and given it a place in history such as no other nation -has ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to check the -onward march of this idea. I am not willing that this -nation shall cast aside the omnipotent weapon of -truth to seize again the weapons of physical warfare. -I would not exchange the glory of this republic for the -glory of all the empires that have risen and fallen -since time began.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The permanent chairman of the last Republican -National convention presented the pecuniary argument -in all its baldness, when he said:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“We make no hypocritical pretense of being interested -in the Philippines solely on account of others. -While we regard the welfare of those people as a -sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American -people first. We see our duty to ourselves as well as -to others. We believe in trade expansion. By every -legitimate means within the province of government -and constitution, we mean to stimulate the expansion -of our trade and open new markets.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>This is the commercial argument. It is based upon -<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>the theory that war can be rightly waged for pecuniary -advantage, and that it is profitable to purchase -trade by force and violence. Franklin denied both of -these propositions. When Lord Howe asserted that -the acts of parliament, which brought on the Revolution, -were necessary to prevent American trade from -passing into foreign channels, Franklin replied:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining -of any trade, how valuable soever, is an object -for which men may justly spill each other’s blood; -that the true and sure means of extending and securing -commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities, -and that the profits of no trade can ever be -equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it -by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, -therefore, as both unjust and unwise.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>I place the philosophy of Franklin against the sordid -doctrine of those who would put a price upon the -head of an American soldier and justify a war of conquest -upon the ground that it will pay. The Democratic -party is in favor of the expansion of trade. It -would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful -means; but it is not willing to make merchandise -of human blood.</p> - -<p class='c000'>But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is unrighteous. -A harbor and coaling station in the Philippines -would answer every trade and military necessity, and -such a concession could have been secured at any time -without difficulty.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It is not necessary to own people in order to trade -with them. We carry on trade to-day with every part -<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>of the world, and our commerce has expanded more -rapidly than the commerce of any European empire. -We do not own Japan or China, but we trade with -their people. We have not absorbed the republics of -Central and South America, but we trade with them. -It has not been necessary to have any political connection -with Canada or the nations of Europe, in order -to trade with them. Trade can not be permanently -profitable unless it is voluntary. When trade is -secured by force, the cost of securing it and retaining -it must be taken out of the profits, and the profits are -never large enough to cover the expense. Such a system -would never be defended but for the fact that the -expense is borne by all the people, while the profits are -enjoyed by a few.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Imperialism would be profitable to the army contractors; -it would be profitable to the ship owners, -who would carry live soldiers to the Philippines and -bring dead soldiers back; it-would be profitable to -those who would seize upon the franchises, and it -would be profitable to the officials whose salaries -would be fixed here and paid over there; but to the farmer, -to the laboring man, and to the vast majority of -those engaged in other occupations, it would bring -expenditure without return and risk without reward.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small -incomes, and, under systems which place the tax upon -consumption, pay more than their fair share of the -expenses of government. Thus the very people who -receive least benefit from imperialism will be injured -most by the military burdens which accompany it.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id004'> -<img src='images/i_157.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>THE BRYAN FARM</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>In addition to the evils which he and the farmer -share in common, the laboring man will be the first -to suffer if oriental subjects seek work in the United -States; the first to suffer if American capital leaves -our shores to employ oriental labor in the Philippines -to supply the trade of China and Japan; the first to -suffer from the violence which the military spirit -arouses, and the first to suffer when the methods of -imperialism are applied to our own government.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It is not strange, therefore, that the labor organizations -have been quick to note the approach of these -dangers and prompt to protest against both militarism -and imperialism.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The pecuniary argument, though more effective -with certain classes, is not likely to be used so often -or presented with so much emphasis as the religious -argument. If what has been termed the “gun-powder -gospel” were urged against the Filipinos only, it -would be a sufficient answer to say that a majority of -the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the -Christian church; but the principle involved is one of -much wider application and challenges serious consideration.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The religious argument varies in positiveness from -a passive belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos -into our hands for their good and our glory, to -the exultation of the minister who said that we ought -to “thrash the natives (Filipinos) until they understand -who we are,” and that “every bullet sent, every -cannon shot, and every flag waved means righteousness.”</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>We can not approve of this doctrine in one place unless -we are willing to apply it everywhere. If there is -poison in the blood of the hand it will ultimately -reach the heart. It is equally true that forcible Christianity, -if planted under the American flag in the faraway -orient, will sooner or later be transplanted upon -American soil. If true Christianity consists in carrying -out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ, who -will say that we are commanded to civilize with dynamite -and proselyte with the sword? He who would -declare the divine will must prove his authority either -by Holy Writ or by evidence of a special dispensation. -Imperialism finds no warrant in the Bible. The command -“go ye into all the world and preach the gospel -to every creature” has no gatling gun attachment. -When Jesus visited a village of Samaria and the people -refused to receive Him, some of the disciples suggested -that fire should be called down from Heaven -to avenge the insult, but the Master rebuked them -and said: “Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are -of; for the Son of Man is not come to destroy men’s -lives, but to save them.” Suppose He had said: “We -will thrash them until they understand who we are,” -how different would have been the history of Christianity! -Compare, if you will, the swaggering, bullying, -brutal doctrine of imperialism with the golden -rule and the commandment “Thou shalt love thy -neighbor as thyself.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Love, not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene; -sacrifice for others, not the exploitation of them, was -His method of reaching the human heart. A missionary -<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>recently told me that the stars and stripes once -saved his life because his assailant recognized our -flag as a flag that had no blood upon it. Let it be -known that our missionaries are seeking souls instead -of sovereignty; let it be known that instead of being -the advance guard of conquering armies, they are -going forth to help and to uplift, having their loins -girt about with truth and their feet shod with the preparation -of the gospel of peace, wearing the breastplate -of righteousness and carrying the sword of the -spirit; let it be known that they are citizens of a nation -which respects the rights of the citizens of other -nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its own -citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries -will be more cordial than the welcome extended to -the missionaries of any other nation.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The argument made, by some, that it was unfortunate -for the nation that it had anything to do with -the Philippine islands, but that the naval victory at -Manila made the permanent acquisition of those islands -necessary is also unsound. We won a naval victory -at Santiago, but that did not compel us to hold -Cuba. The shedding of American blood in the Philippine -Islands does not make it imperative that we -should retain possession forever; American blood was -shed at San Juan hill and El Caney, and yet the President -has promised the Cubans independence. The -fact that the American flag floats over Manila does -not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty over -the islands; the American flag waves over Havana -to-day, but the President has promised to haul it -<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>down when the flag of the Cuban republic is ready to -rise in its place. Better a thousand times that our -flag in the orient give way to a flag representing the -idea of self government than that the flag of this republic -should become the flag of an empire.</p> - -<p class='c000'>There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the -Philippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic -platform and it is submitted with confidence to the -American people. This plan I unreservedly endorse. -If elected, I will convene Congress in extraordinary -session as soon as inaugurated and recommend an immediate -declaration of the nation’s purpose, first, to -establish a stable form of government in the Philippine -Islands, just as we are now establishing a stable -form of government in Cuba; second, to give independence -to the Filipinos just as we have promised to give -independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the -Filipinos from outside interference while they work -out their destiny, just as we have protected the republics -of Central and South America and are, by the -Monroe Doctrine, pledged to protect Cuba. A European -protectorate often results in the plundering of -the ward by the guardian. An American protectorate -gives to the nation protected the advantage of our -strength, without making it the victim of our greed. -For three-quarters of a century the Monroe Doctrine -has been a shield to neighboring republics, and yet it -has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us. After -the Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain, -we could not honorably turn them over to their former -masters; we could not leave them to be the victims of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>the ambitions designs of European nations, and since -we do not desire to make them a part of us or to hold -them as subjects, we propose the only alternative, -namely, to give them independence and guard them -against molestation from without.</p> - -<p class='c000'>When our opponents are unable to defend their position -by argument they fall back upon the assertion -that it is destiny, and insist that we must submit to it, -no matter how much it violates moral precepts and -our principles of government. This is a complacent -philosophy. It obliterates the distinction between -right and wrong and makes individuals and nations -the helpless victims of circumstance.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Destiny is the subterfuge of the invertebrate, who, -lacking the courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible -excuse for supporting it. Washington said that -the destiny of the Republican form of government -was deeply, if not finally, staked on the experiment -entrusted to the American people. How different -Washington’s definition of destiny from the Republican -definition! The Republicans say that this nation -is in the hands of destiny; Washington believed that -not only the destiny of our own nation but the destiny -of the Republican form of government throughout the -world was entrusted to American hands. Immeasurable -responsibility! The destiny of this Republic is -in the hands of its own people, and upon the success -of the experiment here rests the hope of humanity. -No exterior force can disturb this Republic, and no -foreign influence should be permitted to change its -course. What the future has in store for this nation -<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>no one has authority to declare, but each individual -has his own idea of the nation’s mission, and he owes -it to his country as well as to himself to contribute -as best he may to the fulfilment of that mission.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee: I -can never fully discharge the debt of gratitude which -I owe to my countrymen for the honors which they -have so generously bestowed upon me; but, sirs, -whether it be my lot to occupy the high office for -which the convention has named me, or to spend the -remainder of my days in private life, it shall be my -constant ambition and my controlling purpose to aid -in realizing the high ideals of those whose wisdom and -courage and sacrifices brought this Republic into -existence.</p> - -<p class='c000'>I can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the -glories of the present and the past—a destiny which -meets the responsibilities of to-day and measures up -to the possibilities of the future. Behold a republic, -resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried -by Revolutionary patriots from the mountain of -eternal truth—a republic applying in practice and -proclaiming to the world the self-evident proposition, -that all men are created equal; that they are endowed -with inalienable rights; that governments are instituted -among men to secure these rights; and that governments -derive their just powers from the consent -of the governed. Behold a republic in which civil and -religious liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor, and -in which the law restrains every hand uplifted for a -neighbor’s injury—a republic in which every citizen -<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>is a sovereign but in which no one cares to wear a -crown. Behold a republic standing erect while empires -all around are bowed beneath the weight of their -own armaments—a republic whose flag is loved while -other flags are only feared. Behold a republic increasing -in population, in wealth, in strength and in -influence, solving the problems of civilization and -hastening the coming of an universal brotherhood—a -republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies -by its silent example and gives light and inspiration -to those who sit in darkness. Behold a -republic gradually but surely becoming the supreme -moral factor in the world’s progress and the accepted -arbiter of the world’s disputes—a republic whose -history, like the path of the just, “is as the shining -light that shineth more and more unto the perfect -day.”</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span> - <h2 class='c005'>BRYAN: THE MAN</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>The firm hold which Mr. Bryan has over the confidence, -esteem, and love of his followers was strikingly -proven in the dark days that followed November, -1896. It is certain that no other public man of his -time could have been the candidate of the Democratic -party on the Chicago platform, suffered that severe -reversal, and yet retained, undisputed and undisturbed, -the acknowledged leadership of the party. -Whoso learns why it was that Mr. Bryan stood -stronger in defeat then he was before has found the -key to the man’s greatness. Certainly it was not that -he was a great and eloquent orator. For the orator, -while always assured a hearing and a place under the -lime-light, is still far from the actual leadership of his -party. It was not because of the views which he entertained -on public questions, for they were those of -scores of other well known and able men. It was not -because of his honesty and sincerity alone, any more -than of his undoubted courage or his clean and upright -personality and blameless home life. These, -while all real qualifications, were not essentials. -Each and all of them were marked characteristics of -other notable public men, although it is doubtful if -any possessed them all alike in the same degree as -Bryan. But there were other and rarer qualities, the -most important, his cheerful and contagious optimism -<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>and his intensity of character, which spoke in his -every act and utterance. His optimism is an unwavering -faith in the ways and ends of the Creator; a firm -and abiding belief that “He doeth all things well.” -The verse from Ella Wheeler Wilcox with which Mr. -Bryan closes his “First Battle” well illustrates this -phase of his character:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Let those who have failed take courage;</div> - <div class='line'>Tho’ the enemy seems to have won,</div> - <div class='line'>Tho’ his ranks are strong, if he be in the wrong</div> - <div class='line'>The battle is not yet done;</div> - <div class='line'>For sure as the morning follows</div> - <div class='line'>The darkest hour of the night,</div> - <div class='line'>No question is ever settled</div> - <div class='line'>Until it is settled right.”</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>It is this inspiring belief, planted on a foundation -so deep and so secure that no storm can shake it, that -leaves Mr. Bryan as hopeful, confident, and serene in -the darkest hour of defeat as his opponent can possibly -be with the paeans of victory ringing in his ears. -It is a rare trait, this superb optimism. It wins, instinctively, -the hearts and affections of men, only to -inspire them to heroic effort under the most adverse -surroundings. But its strongest feature is its effect -on the possessor. For when that discouragement -which comes from failure, and the inertia which discouragement -brings in its train, is eliminated from -a strong man’s composition he becomes a god, with -the power and greatness of the immortals. The scope -of his vision is broadened, his mental horizon enlarges, -fear and weakness are banished from his heart, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>his might becomes irresistible as he battles for the -right as he sees the right. So Mr. Bryan’s optimism -has made him a strong, self-poised, cheerful, happy -man, whose confidence and good spirits are contagious -and whose following increases as his reverses -multiply.</p> - -<p class='c000'>His second marked characteristic, his intensity, -is one even rarer than the first. The extent to which -it is his it is most difficult to make clear. It may, perhaps, -be best done by illustration drawn from the -writer’s personal experience.</p> - -<p class='c000'>One Saturday, toward the end of the 1899 campaign, -Mr. Bryan was speeding across southern Nebraska -from east to west on a special train. Every half or -quarter hour stops were made at stations along the -route, and Mr. Bryan would hastily emerge from his -car, make his way, generally unassisted, to a nearby -platform, and speak for from ten minutes to an hour -to the crowds assembled to hear him. It was most -fatiguing work and done by a thoroughly worn-out -man. For Mr. Bryan had for two weeks been constantly -traveling by train and carriage, speaking from -two to a dozen times daily, eating at irregular intervals, -and sleeping not more than four or five hours -out of each twenty-four. As a natural result his face -was drawn and haggard, his muscles frequently -twitching, and under his eyes were great black hollows. -Yet at every stopping point, when he rose to -face his fellow Nebraskans, the worn look would give -way, the deep-set eyes would lighten with the fires of -a holy zeal, and, in a voice that rang out clear and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>strong and passionate he pleaded for the preservation -of the Republic and its ideals, inviolate and intact. -The train was running on schedule time, of -course, and at each stopping point it was necessary -for the engineer to toot his whistle and ring his bell, -not once, but continuously, in order to tear Mr. Bryan -away from his audience when the alloted time had -expired. Then the indefatigable campaigner, shaking -scores of outstretched hands as he ran, would -hasten to his car, and the train would speed along -to the next stopping place. Mr. Bryan would no -sooner enter his car than he dropped his head on a -pillow and slept until a tap on the shoulder awoke -him, and he rushed out to make another speech, generally -differing in form from any made that day or -any previous day, though the substance of all was, of -course, largely the same. Once, as the train was -screaming along between stations Mr. Bryan called -the writer to his state-room, where he lay at rest. He -raised his head from the pillow as I entered, and -started to speak. What words of suggestion or advice -were on his tongue I shall never know, for, in the -middle of his first sentence the tired head fell back, -the lustrous eyes were closed, and his heavy breathing -alone told that life remained in the man’s worn and -exhausted frame as he lay there fast asleep.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Late in the afternoon of that same day Mr. Bryan’s -dinner was brought him on the train, and he ate—as -he slept—between stations. His traveling companions, -it may be observed, had eaten hearty meals at a -town long passed, dining in leisure while Mr. Bryan, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>standing with bared head on a wind-swept platform, -with a scorching sun beating down upon him, addressed -five thousand or more wildly cheering people. -As he sat in his little compartment, hastily munching -his food, there were with him Mr. Joseph A. Altsheler, -of the New York <cite>World</cite>, and the writer, representing -the Omaha <cite>World-Herald</cite>. One of us chanced to mention -some interruption made at the last meeting, -where a shrewd Republican partisan had raised a -point which Mr. Bryan’s ready repartee had quickly, -if not efficiently, disposed of. As soon as the matter -was mentioned Mr. Bryan turned from the tray on -which were his fried chicken, cold slaw, and coffee. -And there, his eyes glowing like lakes of molten metal, -his expressive features all in play, in the voice of one -who addressed a multitude, he took up that Republican’s -sophism and analyzed it for the benefit of us -twain. Such was the concentrated and awful intensity -of the man that it thrilled me to the core, and, -under that burning gaze and vibrant, moving voice, -in such an unusual entourage, I trembled with an -emotion I could not name.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It was near midnight of that day when the train -reached Benkelman, in far western Nebraska, where -the last speech was to be delivered. The warm day -had been succeeded by a night that was almost bitter -cold, and, as we alighted from the train, tired, sleepy, -and hungry, the cold, fierce wind from the mountains -swooped down on us, and pierced us through and -through. At that late hour, and in that semi-arid, -scantily populated country, there were patiently waiting, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>wrapped in their great coats, nearly fifteen hundred -people, most of whom had driven from twenty -to one hundred miles “to hear Bryan speak.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the course of that day Mr. Bryan had already -spoken sixteen times. To do this he had risen before -five o’clock in the morning and had traveled over two -hundred miles. At Benkelman, it was agreed, he -should speak not longer than fifteen minutes, and go -to bed.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The speaker’s stand was at the principal street intersection -of the village. It was gaily decorated with -flags and bunting, and lighted by flaring gas jets. The -piercing mountain wind swooped down on it like a -wolf on the fold. Up on this eminence the worn and -wearied campaigner, half dead from want of sleep and -his constant exertions, was hurried. Shrill volleys -of cheers and yells rose to the heavens. There was -a moment’s silence. Then, on the cold air, there fell -the deep, melodious, serene voice of the orator, in -words of earnest protest and warning, in a magnificent -plea for the Republic. For ten or twelve minutes -we, who were his traveling companions, remained; -and though our eyes were heavy and our senses dulled, -though we shivered from the cold even as we trembled -with exhaustion, the splendid enthusiasm of that -hardy little band of frontiersmen warmed our hearts, -and we cheered with them. But, in a few minutes, -tired nature called loud to us, and we plodded to the -hotel, a block and a half away. We sat for a half hour -about the blazing fire, absorbing the grateful warmth. -Through the closed doors and windows there came to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>us, ever and anon, the rich and powerful voice of the -orator down the street, punctuated by the wild yells -of applause that came from the delighted men of the -sand-hills. Again we retreated,—this time to our -bed chambers. My teeth chattered like castanets as -I disrobed. And now I could plainly hear the orator’s -voice,—sometimes his very words,—words that -thrilled and pulsated with the life of an animate -thing. I pulled the blankets and comforters close -about me, and fell into the sleep of utter exhaustion. -The next morning we learned that, for just one hour -and three quarters Mr. Bryan had stood in that bitter, -piercing wind, under the inscrutable stars of midnight -on the prairie, and preached the gospel of democracy. -Do you gather, now, what I mean in saying that Mr. -Bryan’s intensity is something most difficult to describe? -It is something that knows not fear, nor hunger, -nor exhaustion; that keeps him moving on,—ever -and steadily on toward the goal, unswerved and -unhindered by those hardships, trials, and obstacles -that check the course of other men, or cause them to -turn into broader and easier paths.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It is this intensity of character and purpose that -makes heroes and martyrs. It also makes fanatics. -But Mr. Bryan is no fanatic; his stubborn determination -and unyielding purpose is tempered with mental -equipoise, good judgment, and common sense.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The first impression one receives of Bryan as a man, -and the last one to fade, is that of his reckless sincerity. -Right or wrong, he is honest; he is of such a -nature that he can not be otherwise; and all things for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>good or evil, for success or defeat, must subordinate -themselves to his personal conception of duty. He -possesses all those qualities common to all great men, -and some that but very few great men can claim. He -has few friends among the rich men of the nation, and -is a stranger to fashionable “society;” but he is loved -and trusted by the millions who follow him with a -devotion such as no other American has won. At his -home or abroad, among his children or with his neighbors, -or on his well-kept farm, may be found a kindly, -upright, debt-paying, unassuming citizen, full of a -gentle rollicking humor, a man without an impure -thought or act, a profoundly religious Presbyterian, -a man who does not smoke, yet who does not hesitate, -on occasion, to offer cigars to his friends; who will -sit hour after hour in tobacco-laden air, sharing in the -conversation of those whose mouths are chimneys for -the time. He never drinks wine or liquor, yet he never -flaunted a phylactery, or called names when the clink -of glasses was heard. In all things a temperate and -abstemious man, yet, such is his toleration that there -is nothing oppressive about his being better than most -of us.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In personal appearance as well as mental gifts, Mr. -Bryan is highly favored. Before uttering a word, his -magnetic influence wins for him the favor of his audience. -Simple is his delivery and bearing. “As he -stands before his listeners,” said Mr. R. L. Metcalfe, -in a book published four years ago: “he presents a bold -and striking picture; intelligence is stamped on every -feature; he commences in the soft, pleasant tone, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>instantly riveting your attention upon him. Your -eyes are fastened upon the orator. As he moves, you -in spirit move with him; as he advances to his climax -his audience advances with him. In perfect harmony -orator and audience travel over the path of thought, -until the climax is reached, and then, as the last tone -of the deep, rich, melodious voice of the orator is -uttered with a dramatic force, there breaks forth the -full, earnest applause that marks the approval of -those who listen. The hand of the orator is raised; -instantly perfect silence follows. The sweet tones of -the marvelous voice are again heard within the enclosure, -no matter how vast.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“There is much in Mr. Bryan’s oratory that recalls -to us many of our noted speakers of long ago. Search -his speeches through, whether in Congress, before the -convention, or on the stump, and you will find them -absolutely free from personalities. No audience ever -sat within the sound of his voice and caught a word -that would appeal to the lower passions of anger, hate, -or revenge. He is always the master of himself.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The directness, simplicity, and purity of Mr. Bryan’s -style as an orator and the loftiness and beauty -of his sentiment are well shown in the appended excerpt -from one of his Congressional speeches on -“Money,” in which occurs his famous apostrophe to -Thomas Jefferson:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“There are wrongs to be righted; there are evils to -be eradicated; there is injustice to be removed; there -is good to be secured for those who toil and wait. In -this fight for equal laws we can not fail, for right is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>mighty and will in time triumph over all obstacles. -Even if our eyes do not behold success, we know that -our labor is not in vain, and we can lay down our -weapons, happy in the promise given by Bryant to -the soldier:</p> - -<div class='lg-container-b'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>‘Yea, though thou lie upon the dust,</div> - <div class='line'>When they who help thee flee in fear</div> - <div class='line'>Die full of hope and manly trust</div> - <div class='line'>Like those who fall in battle here.</div> - <div class='line'>Another hand by sword shall yield;</div> - <div class='line'>Another hand the standard wave;</div> - <div class='line'>Till from the trumpet’s mouth is pealed</div> - <div class='line'>The blast of triumph o’er the grave.’</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'>“Let us, then, with the courage of Andrew Jackson, -apply to present conditions the principles taught -by Thomas Jefferson—Thomas Jefferson, the greatest -constructive statesman whom the world has ever -known; the greatest warrior who ever battled for human -liberty. He quarried from the mountain of eternal -truth the four pillars upon whose strength all -popular government must rest. In the Declaration -of American Independence, he proclaimed the principles -with which there is, without which there can not -be, ‘a government of the people, by the people, and for -the people.’ When he declared that ‘all men are created -equal; that they are endowed by their creator -with certain inalienable rights; that among these are -life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to -secure these rights governments are instituted among -men, deriving their just powers from the consent of -the governed,’ he declared all that lies between the -alpha and omega of the Democracy.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>“Alexander ‘wept for other worlds to conquer,’ -after he had carried his victorious banner throughout -the then known world. Napoleon ‘rearranged the -map of Europe with his sword’ amid the lamentations -of those by whose blood he was exalted; but when -these and other military heroes are forgotten and -their achievements disappear in the cycle’s sweep of -years, children will still lisp the name of Jefferson, -and freedom will ascribe due praise to him who filled -the kneeling subject’s heart with hope and bade him -stand erect—a sovereign among his peers.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>In all of his rapid utterances and unpremeditated -sentences one would fail to detect the slightest lapse -from good English; not only good, but admirable. -His talk is not that of a pedant,—far from it; but he -does speak like a cultivated, well-read man; like a -polished man of letters, but not so polished as to leave -nothing but the gloss apparent. You may search -his numerous speeches, lectures, and addresses without -finding the slightest “<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">lapsus linguae</span></i>,” and all -without sterility or banality. In his speeches he -shows a very remarkable versatility. “He will talk -along in a colloquial manner,” says Mr. Metcalfe, -“making you laugh or stirring your heartstrings -with his pathos as he wills, and suddenly he will -throw forth his periods in language that makes -one involuntarily suspect of plagiarism from Milton -or the prophets. Simplest words are chosen, and -they are formed in short, pithy sentences. No word -is used solely for its sound; the mere jingle of words -has no place in the mental workshop of our orator. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>To him words are the servants of thought, and take -their real beauty from the thought that blazes through -them. His style is as pure and captivating as that of -Irving or Addison, and not dissimilar to either. But -style with him, as with those two great masters, is -valued not for itself, but because it conveys in the -most pleasing manner the thoughts which he would -have others know.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Mr. Bryan is not averse to the employment of the -thoughts of others wherever they add force and attractiveness -to the argument in hand. Accordingly, we -find his speeches interspersed with quotations from -some of the best writers in both prose and poetry, but -in each instance the quotation has a natural fitness -for the place in which it is found. There are some -productions which pass for oratory that are mere -mechanisms—the offspring of minds cold and plodding -without a ray of genius to illumine their path. -The work of genius springs spontaneously from the -depths of the heart ruled by purity.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the preparation of his deliverances Mr. Bryan -reads widely and extensively, exhausting all the available -sources of information. By carefully and -thoroughly acquainting himself with every possible -phase of his subject, by viewing it in all lights, he -prepares himself not only to prove the correctness of -his own position, but to meet every objection that may -be offered against him.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the diction of his speech the most acceptable -language is chosen, and so clear and simple do the -most profound thoughts appear when they come -<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>fresh-coined from his brain, that men have no difficulty -in comprehending them in all their force.</p> - -<p class='c000'>But it takes more than good English to make a great -public man, though good language is one of the most -essential features of the part. An instance that is -told will illustrate one of his other qualifications. On -his arrival in a large city in the East, he had been -taken for a drive, and a number of people were waiting -for him when he alighted on his return. All the -American people seem to consider it a duty to shake -hands with a public man, and these were there for -that purpose. Among them was a faded woman, apparently -having worked out her hopes and ambitions; -while her face showed refinement and intellectuality, -her hands were gnarled by years of labor. As -the candidate stepped from the gay carriage, he was -at once encircled by a throng of local dignitaries, -who successfully monopolized his attention, to the -hopeless exclusion of the woman, who was thoughtlessly -jostled aside.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan, glancing quickly about, saw her turning -away, her disappointment shown in her worn -face, and, maneuvering about, he delicately managed -to bring himself in front of her, and, as he saw her face -light with pleasure, he extended his hands and murmured -a few words of pleasant meaning to her and -passed on.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It is extremely doubtful if, among the public men of -all time, there has lived one more abounding in a -superb vitality, or possessing so magnificent a physique -as Mr. Bryan. In his case, as in that of most -<span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>men of profound mentality, the powerful mind is -found with powerful muscles and a strong constitution -to back it in its contests. His massively moulded -frame, capable of enduring the severest hardships and -nerve-racking strains, is the result of a clean, strong -ancestry and pure and temperate living in the life-giving -atmosphere of the great West.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Altogether Mr. Bryan is a good specimen of an -American. He is, for example, neat in his dress, but -his apparel is the least obtrusive part of him. He is -frank, companionable, courteous without subserviency, -aggressive without boorish insistence, well -poised, witty and yet cleanly minded, learned without -conceit. And he loves his family above all else on -earth. At one place a hasty departure from a hotel -had to be made to catch a train, and one of the party -took Mr. Bryan’s coat by mistake. The discovery was -made as soon as the garment was put on, and to ascertain -to whom it belonged the wearer put his hands in -the pocket to see if any article might be found that -would serve for identification. There were only two -things found, and those were photographs of Mr. -Bryan’s family. He had evidently put them where he -could find them most readily.</p> - -<p class='c000'>One can not help but remember the marvelous campaign -Bryan made four years ago. A terrible campaign -for mind and body; no one who traveled with -him will ever forget it. As for Bryan himself—though, -needless to say, he worked harder, thought -more, and shouldered an infinitely heavier responsibility -than all the newspaper reporters who kept -<span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>constantly in his wake—he was least fatigued of all. -Hoarse and husky he certainly did become toward the -end—speaking from the rear end of a train to open -air crowds of thousands, a dozen times a day, and at -the top of his voice. But Bryan, upon a physique of -the most vigorous and massive kind, inspired by a -stupendous vitality, which should keep him in good -condition for sixty years to come, had superimposed -a brain of the healthiest, keenest, and most capable -sort. In addition he had a colossal firmness, and an -unmitigable will; he had thorough belief in the goodness -of his cause, and in himself as its champion; and -finally he understood the people, loved them, was in -touch with them, and won their confidence to an extent -and to a degree of enthusiasm that can not be -paralleled in modern times. Had some of the qualities -above named been less in him, or more, he might -have been a broader statesman; but he would not have -been so mighty and formidable a leader of men.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Other men are admired or feared, or can spend -money, or swing a machine; but Bryan is personally -trusted as no other man is, and as he deserves to be. -“Bryan is a man standing plumb on his own feet, -other candidates have been propped on their feet by -other persons. Which will last the longer? No man -can count on the ultimate triumph of his cause, or -even know how strong or how weak it is, unless he -comes out flat-footed and tells the people exactly what -it contemplates and requires. He must show the -seamy side as well as the smooth one; else, when the -seamy side shows itself (as it is certain to do) the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>people will leap to the conclusion that the fabric is -seamy on both sides, and the reaction will sweep it out -of existence. McKinley, in laboring to make the -people believe that his policy is all sweetness, honor, -and virtue, is preventing himself from discovering -how abhorrent it really is to the desires and wishes of -the people.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Bryan’s method is just the opposite of President -McKinley’s. The only criticism to be passed on him is -that he is too uncompromisingly outspoken and sincere. -He says things that make his own party friends -and managers shudder. He never strives for popularity -except in so far as it may be consistent with truth -and right. He does not want to please any one who -can not be pleased with facts and realities. Bryan, -in short, from the standpoint of mere policy, always -puts his ugly foot forward, always turns his seamy -side, always says “If you don’t have me this way, I -am not to be had at all.”</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span> - <h2 class='c005'>HOME LIFE</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c006'>A very wholesome theory that a man’s home is his -castle and that the sanctuary of private life is one -that must be respected has no application in America -to a public man. The fact that few public men -quarrel with the general idea upon this subject proves -that it has its basis in sound judgment and honest -desire for greater intimacy rather than in impertinent -curiosity.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In the case of Mr. Bryan he has never quarreled -with this widely held theory. For ten years he has -been in the glare of publicity. From the night, a -decade ago, when he discomfited the champion of -Republican politics in the opening debate of his first -congressional campaign, a light has been constantly -turned upon him and from him to his home life. That -he has come out from under this strong scrutiny a -more commanding figure, viewed either from the -standpoint of the wise statesman or the typical head -of an American family, is a statement that will meet -with no attempt at refutation.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id004'> -<img src='images/i_183.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>THE BRYAN HOME</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>On the first day of October next Mr. Bryan will -have been married sixteen years. The ceremony was -the culmination of a courtship extending over a -period of four years, a wooing that had its inspiration -in the atmosphere of school life, and which was continued -during the years when he was a diligent student -of the law and a struggling young attorney with -the unblighted courage and the indomitable energy -that have come to be such marked characteristics of -the man. They first met at a reception given in the -parlors of the Presbyterian Academy at Jacksonville, -Ill., to the young men of Illinois College. Mrs. Bryan, -then Mary Baird, was a student at the Academy, and -Mr. Bryan was in attendance at the College. There -was little of romance attached to either their meeting -or their courtship. Both were young, he twenty, she -nineteen. Some sentimentalist has told that she was -first attracted to him by hearing him recite some -school book classics. The fact is that some friend -pointed her out to Mr. Bryan as a girl he “ought to -meet.” And mutual friends introduced them.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Miss Baird was born at Perry, Ill., on the seventeenth -day of June, 1861. Her father was a merchant, -one of a firm that conducted a general store in that -town. His employment gave Mr. Baird, naturally -a studious man, much leisure, and this he improved by -reading. His daughter inherited his taste for literature -and it has abided with her. The invalidism of her -mother prevented her from finishing the course she -had begun at Monticello Seminary, at Godfrey, Ill., -but later she was able to attend the academy at Jacksonville, -from which she graduated with first honors -of her class.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The young couple began their married life in a little -home of their own in Jacksonville. With the prudent -care that has always distinguished both of them, they -postponed their happiness until he had secured a practice -<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>sufficient to support them and until they were -able to have a roof-tree of their own. Three years -after their marriage Mr. Bryan came west on a business -trip for a client. At Lincoln he met an old -friend and classmate, A. R. Talbot. Talbot had made -an excellent beginning in the West, and he suggested -to Bryan that he locate at Lincoln and join his law -firm. Mr. Bryan said little at the time. A few -months after his return, however, he wrote to Mr. -Talbot and asked him if he was in earnest in making -the proposition. Mr. Talbot replied that he was, and -outlined the prospects in the West, then the center of -a vast speculation in lands and town lots. Mr. Bryan -had been enchanted with the city of Lincoln when he -first saw it, and he had simply waited until he could -talk it over with his wife.</p> - -<p class='c000'>In this sentiment lies the keynote of the perfect -sympathy that has been so marked a characteristic of -their wedded life. Mr. Bryan came first, his wife and -his young daughter remaining in Jacksonville until he -had become settled. They then joined him. They -immediately began the erection of a modest home in -Lincoln, buying a building lot on D street, and upon -it erected the home he now occupies, at No. 1625. The -money was furnished by Mr. Baird, but has long since -been paid. Three children have been born to them, -Ruth, now nearly fifteen, William, aged eleven, and -Grace, aged nine. The first named is now a registered -student at the seminary at Godfrey, where the mother -first began her college career.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Even the most casual visitor to the Bryan residence -<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>is impressed with the distinctive home atmosphere -of the place. Mrs. Bryan, as its presiding -genius, has stamped upon it the impress of her individuality, -no less marked in that sphere than her -husband’s in his. The house itself is little more than -a cottage, although it boasts of a second story and a -cupola. Outwardly its lines are a little more impressive -than when it was first built. This can be -traced to the addition within the past year of a many-columned -porch, stretching across its entire front -and bending in a graceful curve to a point midway of -the rear. With its paneled roof and the electric -lights, its cosy corners and inviting arm chairs, it is -an enticing retreat, and here the Bryan family spend -most of their waking hours in the summer months.</p> - -<p class='c000'>There is no ostentation displayed in the furnishings -of the Bryan residence. The parlor is the parlor of -the well-to-do middle class. The sitting room is -simply furnished, but home-like and inviting. The -library is the workshop and no unnecessary tools are -lying about. On the walls hang large portraits of -Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln, and -steel engravings of Benton, Webster, and Calhoun. -They are inexpensive pictures, but typical of the ideals -of the occupants of the room. Another picture shows -Henry Clay, addressing his colleagues in the United -States Senate. The artist’s perspective was sadly at -fault, but it was not the art, but the subject, that -attracted Mr. Bryan. The library is an extensive one, -but unique in its character. Fiction and the classics -find very little room. In their places are histories, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>orations, works on political economy, lives and -speeches of famous men, who have helped build the -nation of the past, dissertations and addresses upon -the hundred and one questions that have vexed and -still perplex the modern school of statesmanship. -Upon few of these has any dust accumulated, and -upon all of them are the unmistakable signs of frequent -usage.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The characteristic that strikes the visitor most is -the <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">bon homme</span></i>, the <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">camaraderie</span></i>, of the household. A -wholesome sympathy seems to be the bond that unites -all members. Neither the father nor the mother is a -strict disciplinarian. They do not believe in tyrannizing -over their children. They believe in encouraging -their respective bents, and in guiding them in -the right channels, rather than in forcing in the ways -hallowed by tradition. Mrs. Bryan is essentially a -home body; her husband and children are her chiefest, -but not her only cares. She is a mentor to them all. -Miss Ruth is much like her father in temperament. -She is quick and impulsive, warm-hearted and generous. -Her popularity among her girl friends is attested -by the number that throng her lawn every -evening. William is a sturdy youth in build, and, -boy-like, more self assertive than his sisters. As his -father is a typical American man, so is the youth a -typical American boy, fun-loving and possessed of a -harmless mischievousness that often disturbs the -young girls who are his older sister’s confidantes. -Grace, the youngest, is delicate in health, and her -father’s favorite. It is to him she goes with her -<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>childish troubles, sure of the sympathy that never -fails her.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan takes great pride in his household, and -he bends every energy to the end that the bonds of -mutual confidence and love, the elements so essential -in a perfect home, may be strengthened and cemented. -Every hour that he can give to them he gladly spares. -For four years he has had no other office, no other -working place, than in this home. After the campaign -of 1896 he gave up, to all intents and purposes, -his down town office, and has spent his time at home. -His office is now in his library, an inviting room opening -off the parlor on one side, and the sitting room -on the other. His work is performed on a big flat-topped -desk that occupies a goodly share of the floor -space. Here he is surrounded by book-cases and -statuettes, by curious mementoes, ink stands, canes, -a hundred and one articles that admirers in all sections -and climes of the country have sent him. Most -of these have been gathered together in a glass-covered -compartment that separates the two big book-cases.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan finds that his best work is done with his -wife as his counselor and guide. She has a place on -one side of the big desk, he on the other. She is no -less indefatigable as a worker than he. She finds time -between her consultations with him, when an important -work is on hand, to care for her household, -and to direct the work of the one domestic employed. -Mrs. Bryan’s thorough understanding and appreciation -of every detail of his labors make her companionship -<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>and aid almost indispensable. Together they -have gone over the details of his campaigns in the -past years, and with him she still plans for the future. -What he writes, she either passes upon or assists in -its production. Her self-poise, marred by no self-consciousness, -but marked by a quiet dignity, is one of -her remarkable possessions. Perhaps the best delineation -of the characteristics of this woman, remarkable -in many ways, is furnished by the eminent -novelist, Julian Hawthorne, who spent some time at -the Bryan home during the past summer. Of her he -said, “Mrs. Bryan is as unusual a woman as her husband -is a man, but she is so unobtrusive that few -people have much idea of her true character. I had -the opportunity to learn something of her during the -campaign of ‘96, and I well recollect her admirable -bearing at the great meeting in Madison Square -Garden, when she was recognized and greeted on entering -her box by more than ten thousand people. It -was a tremendous ordeal for a woman to undergo. -But she sustained herself with steadiness and self-possession, -remarkable in any woman, but more than -remarkable in her, who had always lived in quiet -domestic ways, occupied with her husband, her -children, and her household duties. She is a woman -of great courage and unshakable faith, of exceptional -intellect, also, nourished with adequate education. -She possesses the coolness of judgment which must -often have served him well in times of doubt. She is -not led away by imagination or hope, but sees things -as they are, and resolutely faces facts. Should the decrees -<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>of Providence see fit to place her in a position of -the first lady of the land, I should have no fear that -she would discharge her duties irreproachably. A -true American woman, she is such as you may always -be glad to match against the great dames of the old -world. The dominant expression of her face is penetration, -combined with a gentle composure. But there -is the sparkle of demure humor in her eyes, and she -can use speech as the most delicate of rapiers when -she chooses. It is easy to know her as an acquaintance, -but I surmise that no one really knows her except -her husband, and probably she will be able -continually to discover new resources and depths even -to him. She is a good woman, with strong religious -convictions, and she regards Bryan’s political aspirations -from that point of view. If it is the will of -God that he shall reach the highest place among his -countrymen she will accept the mission with good -will and confidence. But should he be defeated she -will welcome the life of obscurity with unshaken -equanimity, believing that the councils of the Almighty -are unsearchable, but faithful. If she be destined -to higher things, the example to the nation, -irrespective of party, of such a wife and such a mother -as she is, can not but be beneficial. If not, ‘Those also -serve who only stand and wait.’”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Sociability is one of the graces that attach to her -naturally. The number of visitors to her husband is -so large and his amiability so great, that if Mrs. -Bryan did not maintain a watchfulness over them -they would consume all of his hours. This guardianship -<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>of his time has imbued her with a little more -sternness than is her nature, but at the same time has -endowed her with shrewdness of discernment that -enables her to gauge every one’s errand with astonishing -accuracy. The true democracy of the man is -shown in his earnest desire that even the lowest of his -callers shall be received with the same consideration -bestowed upon the great ones, and no visitor ever -leaves the Bryan home, even though he may not have -gained his wish, without the consciousness of the -gentle courtesy and a full-souled welcome.</p> - -<p class='c000'>But Mrs. Bryan is in no sense a society woman. -She is of a turn of mind too serious and too well -poised to enable her to find enjoyment in the frivolities -and vanities that go to make up so much of the -life of the society woman. She likes to meet with her -friends and talk with them, and she misses no opportunity -to indulge in this pleasure. Club and church -work take up much of her leisure. She has been -active for years in the work of the Nebraska state -federation of women’s clubs. She can write, and frequently -does, for newspapers and periodicals. She -can also speak and speak well, but this she does rarely. -Her range of information is as varied as that of her -husband, and she knows the ins and outs of politics -as well as she does the theories of good government, -and the vagaries of the different schools of political -economy. For years Mrs. Bryan’s father has resided -with them. Now he is sightless and infirm, but his -hours are cheered and his burden lightened by the -loving care of his daughter.</p> - -<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>The passing years have dealt very gently with Mrs. -Bryan. She is above the average in height, but her -figure is matronly. Her face is pale, but there is no -pallor, the graceful curves of youth have softened in -outline, but in manner she has gained the dignity that -does not hint of reserve. Mrs. Bryan is always well -dressed, the unobtrusiveness and appropriateness of -her garments marking the taste of the wearer. Her -gowns are usually of one color, relieved here and there -by the bright tints women love.</p> - -<p class='c000'>“Mrs. Bryan’s whole life has been one of study,” -says Miss Wright, of Lincoln, a friend of the family. -“Long before she could read she knew the names of all -the bugs her little hoe turned up in the garden. In -her early life the doctor said she must be kept out of -doors. Luckily she did not like indoor life. All day -long she tagged her father, and they played together -in the garden. By the time she was old enough for -books she was kin to everything they told about. She -idealized the earth and its generating and regenerating -character. From a weak child she has grown to -be a strong woman with rare power of endurance and -concentration. She and her father would sit on the -porch at night and study the skies, and the Greek and -Norse stories of the stars were repeated until she had -committed all of them to memory. He told her how -far away they were and what a speck the world would -look if it could be seen from Venus. The idea of the -immensity of the Universe and the relation of the -world to the solar system seldom enters the mind of a -child, but with Mary Baird, it was the most interesting -<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>story that could be told. Early star-gazing and -her father’s influence trained her to think of things -abstractly, nakedly, and without the impediments of -custom and fashion. During her first days in school, -her text-books were distasteful, as they were new, -but she studied them nevertheless, and soon was at -the head of her class. This habit of study has clung -to her ever since.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Social dissipation is unknown in the Bryan household. -Since Miss Ruth has grown to the dignity of -young womanhood, and has gathered about her a bevy -of young friends, an added gaiety has been given. She -has had her little parties, but her parents receive -rarely, and then but informally. The Bryans have -several carriages and horses, and in these they find -their chief amusement. Once in a while Mr. and Mrs. -Bryan are seen at the theatres, but only at the best -plays. Mr. Bryan has grown much stouter in late -years, and has taken to frequent horseback rides as -both an exercise and a pleasure. His favorite animal -is a Kentucky bred saddle horse. It was presented -him by ex-Governor W. J. Stone, of Missouri, and in -compliment to its donor, Mr. Bryan has named it -“Governor.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>The figure of W. J. Bryan on horseback is a familiar -one in the city of Lincoln, a city where horseback -riding has never been in vogue. Governor is a coal-black, -high-spirited animal, and prances and -pirouettes with nervousness at every halt. Mr. Bryan’s -favorite ride is to his farm, four miles east of the -city. Here, on a thirty-acre tract, he has for several -<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>years been making experiments in farming, or rather -in endeavoring to discover whether he has forgotten -the lessons instilled into his mind by his agricultural -experiences in youth. Mr. Bryan insists that he is -not a farmer, but an agriculturalist, and defines the -difference tersely in this wise: “You see, a farmer -is a man who makes his money in the country, and -spends it in the town. The agriculturalist makes his -money in town and spends it in the country.”</p> - -<p class='c000'>Mr. Bryan has no intention of taking up the life -of a farmer. Ten years ago, in the boom days of -Lincoln, he purchased a five-acre tract close to the -suburb of Normal. He had driven out east of the -city one day, and at the top of a hill stopped to rest -his horse. As he sat in his carriage the splendid -panorama of field and house and tree unrolled before -him. He was enchanted. Then and there he resolved -to build a permanent home upon that spot some day. -The original five acres cost him a good round sum, -but his later purchases, made now and then, have been -at greatly reduced figures. The buildings upon the -farm are largely temporary in character. The house -is a small one of five rooms, and shelters the man who -does the real work on the place. Mr. Bryan has found -much pleasure and recreation during the summer at -the farm. During the planting season and in the -weeks that followed, he made a visit daily and spent -several hours “puttering” about, directing things here -and bearing a hand there himself, at the harder tasks. -In the rural atmosphere, away from the conventions -of the city, he threw aside every care and every -<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>burden. His ordinary clothing was cast aside for the -habiliments that distinguish the farmer at work. Mr. -Bryan confesses to a weakness for high-top boots, in -which his trouser ends can be hidden,—and then to -work.</p> - -<p class='c000'>The one singular thing about everything that this -man does is that he is at all times able to preserve -his dignity. There is nothing selfconscious about -that dignity. In the West, that sort is dangerous to -attempt. Simplicity is the dominant note in his character, -his manners, his talk, his walk. His amiability -is inexhaustible, his patience unending. If a delegation -of Democrats passing through Lincoln do not -have time to go out and see Mr. Bryan, Mr. Bryan -finds time to ride down to the depot and see them. -He has, since his nomination, made several speeches -from horseback, to boisterous but zealous delegations, -and always with the old charm and effect.</p> - -<p class='c000'>As to his patience, no better witnesses to its enduring -qualities need be asked than the newspaper correspondents -who form a corps of watchful guardians -upon his footsteps. Many are the questions, some of -them impertinent, that are asked him, and during a -campaign, the presence of the press representatives, -unobtrusive as they are, really destroys whatever -privacy remained to him. And yet through it all, his -courtesy is ever gentle, his good nature unfailing, his -temper always under such control as to seem to be an -absent quantity in his make-up.</p> - -<p class='c000'>Lincoln, the city of his residence, has always been -dominated by the Republican party, and so great has -<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>been the preponderance of that political organization -that Mr. Bryan has never been able to carry it in any -of his campaigns. Mr. Bryan came to Lincoln a -young man, and entered into a very brisk competition -with a number of other young lawyers, most of them -Republicans. None of these have risen above the -political level of county leaders, nor have they found -fame or other reward at the bar. The rapid flight of -Mr. Bryan and his pre-eminence has engendered in -their breasts a bitterness of partisanship, accentuated -and multiplied by their personal jealousies, that has -found its vent in mean and malicious assaults upon -his political integrity and attempted belittlings of his -abilities. This influence has in the past over-ridden a -local pride that would have justified an endorsement -at least of his Presidential candidacy, and added -flame to the fires of partisanship that particularly -distinguishes the city. These two facts form the solution -to a mystery that has seemingly vexed a great -many good people in America, who do not understand -the local conditions. Mr. Bryan seems, too, to have -pitched his tent in the most rabidly Republican section -of the city, as evidenced by the elaborate display -of McKinley pictures in the front windows of the -houses of his neighbors, who are as lacking in good -taste as in civic pride.</p> - -<p class='c000'>None of these elaborate attempts at incivility have -ever ruffled his temper, nor have they caused him to -retaliate with the weapons he so well knows how to -use. The fact is, he has many warm friends among -the Republicans of the city. His old law partner has -<span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>long been a Republican leader, and is now president -of the State Senate. This year he has espoused Mr. -Bryan’s cause.</p> - -<p class='c000'>It has been said that the home of Mr. and Mrs. -Bryan is a typical one. It is more than a type; it is -an ideal. The simplicity of the life his family leads, -the wholesomeness of the atmosphere, the absence of -affectation, the presence of a democracy that includes -courtesy, gentleness, amiability, and cordiality invariably -impresses one. The home life of a man is the -mirror of his character; and in its limpid depths one -sees the secret springs of thought and reads the heart -aright. That that of Mr. Bryan reflects with truthful -fidelity is a fact within the knowledge of all who -know the man and revere the woman. The words he -himself used in describing the beautiful home life of a -friend who had been called across the river apply with -equal fitness to his own:</p> - -<p class='c000'>“He found his inspiration at his fireside, and approached -his ideal of the domestic life. He and his -faithful wife, who was both his help-mate and companion, -inhabited as tenants in common that sacred -spot called home, and needed no court to define their -relative rights and duties. The invisible walls which -shut in that home and shut out all else had their foundation -upon the earth and their battlements in the -skies. No force could break them down, no poisoned -arrows could cross their top, and at the gates thereof -love and confidence stood ever upon guard.”</p> - -<div class='tnotes'> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 class='c005'>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE</h2> -</div> - <ol class='ol_1 c002'> - <li>Silently corrected typographical errors.</li> - <li>Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.</li> - <li>One instance of unpaired double quotation marks could not be - corrected.</li> - </ol> -<div class='tnotes covernote'> -<p class='c000'>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN***</p> -<p>******* This file should be named 53191-h.htm or 53191-h.zip *******</p> -<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/3/1/9/53191">http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/1/9/53191</a></p> -<p> -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed.</p> - -<p>Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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