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diff --git a/old/52997-0.txt b/old/52997-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ab7572e..0000000 --- a/old/52997-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3732 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Frijoles: A Hidden Valley in the New World, by -Jerome William Hendron - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Frijoles: A Hidden Valley in the New World - -Author: Jerome William Hendron - -Editor: Dorothy Thomas - -Illustrator: Jocelyn Taylor - -Release Date: September 7, 2016 [EBook #52997] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRIJOLES: A HIDDEN VALLEY *** - - - - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, Dave Morgan and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - - FRIJOLES - A Hidden Valley in the New World - - - _by_ - - J. W. Hendron - - - _Edited by_ - DOROTHY THOMAS - - _Drawings by_ - JOCELYN TAYLOR - - - THE RYDAL PRESS, INC., SANTA FE, NEW MEXICO - 1946 - - _Copyright, 1946, by J. W. Hendron - All rights reserved. - Manufactured by The Rydal Press, Inc., Santa Fe, New Mexico, U.S.A._ - - [Illustration: NORTHWESTERN NEW MEXICO] - - - - - FRIJOLES, - A Hidden Valley in the New World - - - - - THE POTSHERD - - - To a layman like me it helps a lot - To know a potsherd is just a piece of broken pot; - To know, behind the talk of color, shade, design, - It helped a hungry aborigine to dine; - To see in this broken bit of clay - A brown-skinned baby, clumsy at his play - Cuffed by a weary mother, and whimpering so - Because he broke a dish a thousand years ago! - Hugh M. Miller - - By special permission of - _New Mexico Magazine_. - Printed June, 1936. - - - - - ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS - - -My grateful acknowledgements are due to Dr. H. P. Mera and Mr. Stanley -Stubbs of the Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, for their expert -advice and criticism in their respective fields; Dr. Leslie Spier, -Professor of Anthropology, University of New Mexico, for his helpful -suggestions; the late Professor Lansing B. Bloom, Professor of History, -University of New Mexico, for helpful information on history; Mrs. -Evelyn C. Frey, Bandelier National Monument; Mrs. M. H. Sharp, for the -many hours she gave to patient listening and constructive suggestion; -Mr. Wayne Mauzy, Museum of New Mexico, for permission to use photographs -and cuts; Mr. Natt Dodge, Region Three Office, National Park Service, -for his helpful suggestions and time spent in obtaining cuts; my Mother, -Mrs. J. H. Hendron, for her encouragement and assistance; and to all -others who rendered services. - - - _For my wife_ - “MISSIE” - who made this book possible by her patient listening and constructive - criticism. - - - - - TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER PAGE - I. Some Twenty Years Ago 1 - II. The Pueblo Indian Meets The White Man 6 - III. Tyuonyi 18 - IV. Building In The Great Period 32 - V. Living In The Great Period 55 - VI. Cliff Dwellers Again 66 - VII. The Spanish Era 76 - VIII. Present Times 79 - Source Material 83 - Glossary 85 - Index 90 - - - - - INTRODUCTION - - -Because of my association with the beautiful Canyon of the Rito de Los -Frijoles in Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico, and because of my -deep interest in this Monument, the loose ends of a story, about the -primitive people who made it their home, have been shaping themselves -into a history beginning in America long before either Spaniards or -Englishmen came to this country. - -The material is based upon the work of many students who have done -actual research in Frijoles Canyon and adjacent areas. It is a -combination of legendary material, observation, speculation, scientific -fact and logic. The text in the following pages is not presented as -absolute and unquestionable fact in its entirety, and the author does -not intend that it be interpreted that way. There will be some, no -doubt, who, for the sake of convenience, will mutter indiscreetly about -its content—that it isn’t scientific—as if the book had been intended -for the exact scientist. Rather, it is meant for the lay reader who -visits the Monument area and who would like to understand some of the -customs and ways of life of its ancient inhabitants. This ancient world -of the cliff dweller of New Mexico is recreated for the visitor through -the firing of his imagination by an understanding of the archæological -facts revealed here. - -Until a great amount of research is done, a more accurate account of the -archæology of this area will not be had. But because of the thousands of -visitors to Bandelier National Monument each year, and their interest in -its ancient inhabitants, this popular narrative is presented. Throughout -the text are many uncommon words and names used frequently in New -Mexico. The reader will find a helpful list of these with simplified -pronunciations and meanings at the end of the book. - - - - - FRIJOLES, - A HIDDEN VALLEY IN THE NEW WORLD - - - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - FACING PAGE - Looking Up the Canyon From Ceremonial Cave xvi - The Old North Trail 1 - Bandelier National Monument and Vicinity 8 - The Painted Cave 14 - Stone Lions of Cochiti 15 - Ruins of Long House 30 - A Part of Long House Ruins 31 - Artist’s Restoration of Puwige 42 - Aerial View of Puwige.—Restored 43 - Ceremonial Cave 44 - Kiva in Ceremonial Cave 45 - A Section of Long House 60 - Reconstructed Cliff House 60 - Ruins of Puwige 61 - Ruins of Large Kiva 61 - The Author at an Old Hidden Trail 76 - A Party of Visitors at Long House 77 - - - - - PLATES - (in pocket) - - - Large Kiva. Ground Plan - Large Kiva. Section Drawings - Ceremonial Cave. Ground Plan - Ceremonial Cave. Section Drawings - Ground Plan of Frijoles Canyon. Ruins Area - Northern Wall of Frijoles Canyon - - - [Illustration: PHOTO BY GEORGE THOMPSON LOOKING UP THE CANYON FROM - CEREMONIAL CAVE] - - [Illustration: PHOTO BY U.S. FOREST SERVICE THE OLD NORTH TRAIL] - - - - - CHAPTER I - Some Twenty Years Ago - - -It has been some twenty odd years since I, as a child, first peered over -the north rim of Frijoles Canyon. This was not so long ago when one -thinks of the hundreds of others, still alive, who passed this way -before me. I do not pretend to be an ancient but the number of -individuals who saw the Frijoles in those days are microscopic when -compared with the multitudes who have seen it since. There is not -sufficient room here to discuss those who knew the place in the early -days, long before my time, except to mention such personages as Adolph -Bandelier, Charles Lummis, H. P. Mera, Edgar L. Hewett, Sylvanus G. -Morley, A. V. Kidder, Jesse Nusbaum, Kenneth Chapman and many others who -have distinguished themselves in the field of archæology or related -fields. They all knew the place in its infancy, so to speak, and have -contributed their share to the story of primitive Pueblo Indians who -lived in the Valley of the Rito de Los Frijoles in times anterior to the -coming of the Spanish. - -As I remember it, there was a short-cut road into the Frijoles, little -more than a cow path which left the Albuquerque-Santa Fe highway just on -top of La Bajada Hill. It must have been fifteen miles across La Bajada -Mesa west to the Rio Grande. Over the rolling hills of mesa-land the -gears of our car ground a good part of the way in low until the little -settlement of Buckman on the banks of the Rio Grande was reached. A man -by this name, Buckman, used to cut and haul timber from the high -potreros; he built a sawmill, and also a narrow bridge across the river -here. It was a rickety old bridge with planks for runners but we got -across. The winding, bumpy road led us up a steep climb from the Rio -Grande to the forested land extending toward the high mountains. Once on -top the mesa we drove between two of many high potreros and on into -Water Canyon where the road followed the narrow valley for a few miles. -We crossed a winding creek several times and drove through green -pastures until the high-walled canyon became narrow. - -Presently, the road turned to the left winding up the side of the -mountain. Fortunately it was not muddy or we might never have made the -steep grade. Once on top of the plateau the road headed south and a -little west in the direction of Frijoles Canyon a few miles distant. We -wound through majestic yellow pines, piñons and scrubby junipers. Here -the road turned again and paralleled the Canyon for a few miles, up and -down hills, ever twisting and turning. We drove to the top of an old -trail which might have been used by ancient Indians some four hundred -years ago. I walked to the brink of the Canyon, my mother constantly -reminding me not to go too near. The height was terrific. It must have -been six hundred feet to the bottom of the gorge—almost straight down. -It made me dizzy. I had never seen such a thing before in all my life. -It was to me a Hidden Valley and I wondered why any people wanted to -come away out here to live—even prehistoric Indians. Of course, it was -awe-inspiring but I was too young to be inspired. - -There were saddle horses at the brink of the Canyon for folk who -couldn’t or who were too lazy to walk down the trail. And then there -were benches and tables underneath the pines for picnickers who wanted -to eat either before they began the long descent into the valley, or -after they returned from it. For years and years people walked or rode -horseback up and down the steep old trail. Perhaps some never reached -the bottom. Individuals came from all over the world. Some painted, some -viewed, some fished, some wrote and some prayed to God that they might -make it back to the top. Others, enthralled by the grandeur of the -Canyon, desired to cast themselves off its rim into the mystery of its -depth. I myself distinctly remember climbing down that old winding trail -from the north rim. It seemed that we would never reach the bottom. The -trail was a precipitous one, zigzagging and narrow, to the valley floor -far below. - -At a short distance across the narrow Rito we could see a little stone -ranch house surrounded by huge pine trees and box-elders. A woman was -standing on the porch probably wondering if we were to be guests for the -night at the famous “Ten Elder Ranch.” But my father and I were fishing -for mountain trout, and, if I remember correctly, it was he who caught -the limit because he was the fisherman, not I. I might have been -included among those unschooled people who had in their blood simply the -desire for “pioneering” and “roughing-it,” but who understood little -about what they saw. - -This excursion of ours took place when roads in New Mexico were almost -nil. A buckboard would have been better than an automobile with high -pressure tires which blew out about twice a day. We broke an axle on the -way home and had to spend the night on La Bajada Mesa between the Rio -Grande and the highway in what was locally known as “Old Man Pankey’s -Pastures.” The Valley of the Frijoles impressed me, then a little boy, -and, I well remember the hundreds of smoke-blackened caves hewn out of -the soft cliffs by Indians sometime in the dim past. But I knew not the -significance of these caves. I knew nothing of the story of how -prehistoric Indians lived four hundred years ago. They were merely -blackened holes to me occupied by a people about whom I knew little. I -remember the ruins of the big community house. It was located across the -little river from the stone ranch house. I thought it foolish for -Indians to build houses out in the sun when there were so many shade -trees close to the Rito. I now believe that this first visit of my -childhood created within me the desire to solve for myself the questions -then arising in my mind concerning the Canyon. Since that time hundreds -of famous personages have passed this way: artists, archæologists, -doctors, botanists, psychologists, statesmen, preachers, governors, -engineers, students and romancers, each finding satisfaction in his own -particular line of interest. - -Life in this place two decades ago can best be described by the owner of -the old ranch, Mrs. Evelyn C. Frey, who has made Frijoles Canyon her -home for twenty odd years. She can tell some very interesting stories -about the early days. She knows the country and the trails, the flowers -and the birds; and she still calls folks, who live thirty miles away, -her neighbors. She recalls many lonely hours spent with her baby in the -stillness of the Canyon. She remembers how the sun would go down over -the south cliff at twelve noon and then how the day would change toward -cold evenings and bitter winter nights. Ofttimes a howling wind would -arise, then followed a calm, and in the morning a foot of deep snow. And -there was no way out of the valley except over the old north trail. She -tells how deer pranced around in full view, unafraid. Wild turkeys -rested upon the wall behind the old ranch place and could be seen from -her kitchen window. But she was never afraid and said she knew how to -use a six-shooter if she had to. Mrs. Frey had told me many times, how, -after a rough and tiresome drive from Santa Fe over fire trails, all -supplies were packed on horses and mules and brought down to the floor -of the Canyon. - -A heavy pack mule, once upon a time, loaded with lumber, just didn’t -make one of the sharp turns in the trail. It dropped one hundred fifty -feet and went to mule heaven, bumping from first one level to another, -lumber and all. The carcass was left for the scavengers of the air to -feast upon. Mrs. Frey has described how she often bundled her tiny baby -up in blankets to protect it from the cold on bitter winter nights, and, -bearing the child in her arms she herself had swung into the saddle at -the top of the old trail. The narrow path was covered with snow all the -way down, and although she was afraid, the faithful horse had always -carried them safely to their home. - -The time came when pack horses were replaced by a cable-way strung from -the north cliff to the floor of the Canyon. It was a thousand feet long -and the tram-car was operated by a gasoline engine. This was the way -supplies were brought in for the operation of the dude ranch—even the -winter’s supply of wood. It was not until 1933 that the old trail was -abandoned. At this time an automobile road was blasted from the side of -the steep cliff in the lower end of Frijoles Canyon. - -The history, if written, might prove far more interesting to many people -than the prehistory. There would be some interesting tales to tell about -folk and their affairs, but our main concern is with the prehistory. I -do not think I exaggerate the situation when I say, despite a visitor’s -interest or profession, most guests have come to Frijoles to visit the -hundreds of ruins of homes built by the ancestors of some of our -present-day Pueblo Indians. The Canyon and its extensive cliff dwellings -and pueblo ruins are well-known the world over. Neolithic people, stone -age people with implements of bone and stone and wood, lived here in -ancient times and when they deserted their homes in the cliffs and on -the valley floor, they left one of the most outstanding and spectacular -sites in the southwestern part of America to be preserved for posterity. - - - - - CHAPTER II - The Pueblo Indian Meets the White Man - - -Could there be, in the Southwest, a man or woman who has not heard -something of the Spanish expeditions into the New World during the -sixteenth century? And, narrowing it down, about Coronado’s famed Seven -Cities of Cibola and how they turned out to be six instead of seven poor -little pueblos of stone and mud. They are now reduced to but one called -Zuñi. Marcos de Nisa, a Franciscan friar, had led the little army of -conquerors to nothing here except grief and disappointment in trade for -fabulous stories about gold and silver. - -New Mexico was a new country and besides extending the domain of His -Majesty, King Charles, and forcing Christianity on the Indians, there -were many wonders that would stand investigation. Had it not been for an -Indian who was named Bigotes by the Spaniards, the conquerors might -never have reached the Rio Grande during that expedition. Bigotes means -“whiskers” and his appearance must have been a sight to His Majesty’s -soldiers when this half-clad native came strolling into their camp with -a few companions from Pecos far to the east. Unlike most of his kind, -Bigotes wore a long mustache. He had brought buffalo hides to trade to -the Spanish and he persuaded them to visit his country. It was on August -29, 1540, that the little band pushed out under the guidance of Bigotes. -On September 7 of that year they reached the Province of Tiguex, which -was between the present towns of Albuquerque and Bernalillo. - -There were twelve Indian villages on the banks of the Rio Grande within -a distance of some fifteen miles or so. The Rio Grande was described by -the Spanish, at that time, as large and mighty in a spacious valley two -leagues wide. Although the valley was broad and fertile, the Spanish -description was certainly an over-estimation. Two leagues equalled five -or six miles. They also said that the river froze so hard that laden -animals and carts could cross over it. Tiguex was the winter camp of the -entire Spanish expedition. It was here that Coronado and his band of -weary and disappointed explorers spent that miserable and -never-to-be-forgotten winter of 1540-1541. Glowing accounts of how -Indians lived were told by the romantic Spanish chroniclers. Still, they -found only a poor simple people living by the soil and a little -hunting—but no gold. - -Tiguex was not the only province along the river. There were others -whose people had the same ways and peculiar customs as the people at the -Tiguex villages. One of these provinces was that of Quirex. It has been -determined that this was the district where the Keres language is spoken -today by five very primitive Indian Pueblos. They are Cochiti, Santo -Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana and Sia. Moved by an indomitable spirit -and determination, a small band of soldiers pushed far north from -Tiguex, past the Keres-speaking villages where another province was -discovered on the upper Rio Grande. It was reported that two very fine -villages were to be seen. According to some students these were in the -vicinity of the present Tewa-speaking village of San Juan. The entire -Indian population moved out at the sight of the Spanish. They retreated -into the mountains where they said they had four very strong villages in -a rough country where it was impossible for the Spanish to follow on -horseback. Had they followed these people they would, no doubt, have -found almost inaccessible Indian trails. Instead, they returned to -Tiguex and left this northern province in peace. Little did the Spanish -realize what extensive villages they might have seen in the rough -mountains mentioned by the Indians. - -Indians also spoke of villages on rivers flowing into the Rio Grande. -Could these villages have been on the banks of the Rio Chama or were -they on the Pajarito Plateau? They likely were in the Pajarito region -and could have been the same villages mentioned by the Indians living -near San Juan. But the towns of the Pajarito remained unexplored, -unplundered and unstripped of what little they had. How fortunate were -these people to have escaped the attentions of the Spanish with their -shining armor, pointed lances and firearms. Otherwise, these poor -Indians might have found themselves without adequate clothing and food -for the approaching winter of 1541-1542 as did the Indians at Tiguex. -But the passing of that second uneventful winter by disheartened and -spirit-broken Spanish soldiers ended a chapter which was never to be -forgotten by the other little pueblo dwellers. In the spring of 1542, -the remnants of the Spanish were gathered together and the return to -Mexico was begun. This must have been a day of rejoicing for the Indians -at Tiguex. They had experienced a great deal. Murder, insincerity on the -part of the Spanish, and violation of their living standards were just a -few of their trials. - -Life went on in the pueblos. Slowly but surely the Indians reorganized. -Summers and winters passed and the Indians tilled their fields of corn -for two generations before the Spanish came again. This next expedition -up the Rio Grande in 1581 was that of Captain Francisco Sanchez -Chamuscado with nine soldiers. This combined treasure-hunt and -missionary expedition ended in tragedy. Chamuscado died before he -returned to Mexico, and two padres, who accompanied the little party, -were murdered by the Indians at Tiguex. So elated were the Indians with -their success that they drew pictures of the killings. - - [Illustration: BANDELIER NAT’L MONUMENT & VICINITY] - -Dreams of conquest and fabulous empires caused the launching of still -another expedition into New Mexico in 1583. It was headed by Antonio de -Espejo. Espejo, too, passed northward from the villages of the Province -of Tiguex which had been visited by Coronado some forty years before and -by Chamuscado in 1581. This little handful went north to a place called -Cachiti. This was one of the pueblos of the Keres-speaking group -mentioned by Coronado. People who were peaceful came from other pueblos -and tried to persuade the Spanish to go with them. They told stories of -most of the houses being three stories high. The Spanish named this -place Los Confiados because the people were not disturbed. But where was -Los Confiados? It has never been determined. - -It would be a guess to say where these other Indians came from. It has -been suggested that they might have come from villages on the Jemez -River when they heard of the arrival of the Spanish. There is still -another explanation which is also conjectural but possible. These people -could have come from villages in the mountains. Archæologists and -historians are unable to give us the exact extent of the Keres villages -in those days although careful study and research suggest that only -seven remained extant at the time of the Spanish Conquest. Yet, who can -say that towns were not still being occupied back in the hills? On the -forested mesa tops and in the deep water-worn canyons northwest of -Cachiti, the Indian Pueblo known today as Cochiti, are hundreds of -Indian villages now in ruins. They were occupied, hundreds of years ago, -by Indians who were probably speaking the Keres language like the folks -at Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana and Sia. These people -have told some interesting tales, legends mostly, about how all their -present villages came to be: about their wanderings, about their Gods -and about their troubles with Indians who spoke different languages. - -Why was it that Espejo’s chroniclers did not leave us more information -about the town of Los Confiados and its people? Was it not important? -They told us about Zuñi and its Seven Cities, about the Tiguex villages -and Cochiti. Coronado’s little group, some forty years before, had -visited the Province of Hemes, now Jemez, whose people spoke yet another -language, the Towa. And history tells us that Espejo made a two-day -visit to the town of Los Confiados in 1583. This ended his contact with -the Indians at Cochiti and other Keres-speaking villages. Could it be -that Espejo’s soldiers looked back up into those forbidden and forested -hills against a high range of snow-covered mountains northwest of -Cochiti and decided that they had seen enough of the Indian? Or were -they told that they would have to leave their horses behind and go afoot -if they wanted to visit the villages on streams running into the Rio -Grande? The thought of wearing heavy armor might not have been too -fascinating. And if these people were from villages in the mountains, -what was their motive in attempting to lead the Spanish there? Was it a -trap? Did they have some other motive in mind, or was their mission one -of peaceful intent? Archæologists now tell us that it probably has been -centuries since Keres-speaking people lived in these mountains northwest -of Cochiti. - -If one had sufficient imaginative ability he might work up a -hypothetical case of what could possibly have taken place during this -February of 1583. To get at the basis of our story and the things to be -talked about hypothesis seems to be our only recourse. Nothing seems -exact when dealing with early New Mexican history, but this hypothesis -could be as correct, possibly, as some of the accounts given by the -Spanish possessed of romanticism. But how close were the explorers to -Hidden Valley, the like of which they would never again be able to see! -They stayed clear of the mountains and kept to the valleys. In all of -their travels and wanderings, the Spanish kept out of the watershed -between the Jemez Mountain Range and the Rio Grande Valley. It is today -known as the Pajarito (little bird) Plateau. The Cañada de Cochiti is -its southern boundary, not far from the pueblo of Cochiti. The Rio -Grande bounds it on the east, the Rio Chama on the north and the Jemez -Mountains on the west. The entire plateau is made up of deposits of soft -volcanic ash, known as tuff, and deposits of black basalt. Geologists -tell us that all this happened an inconceivably long time ago—three -million years, let us say, in geological times known as the Pliocene and -Pleistocene periods. - -Today the Pajarito Plateau is a profusion of high potreros (narrow mesas -), and deep canyons cut by streams and arroyos which carry off seasonal -rains. Some of the canyons have sheer vertical cliffs of volcanic ash, -hundreds of feet high in places, and this ash is soft enough to be -carved and hewn into various shapes and forms. The cliffs are even soft -enough for the wind to carve what appear to be statues which stand out -as exceptional works of nature. The mesa tops are beautiful. They are -covered with thick growths of pine and juniper, piñon and scrub oak. A -profusion of flowers dot the landscape during the summer months. - -It was the Pajarito Plateau that both Coronado and Espejo failed to -plunder, not because of any lack of desire on their part, perhaps, but -because it was a forbidden land to them and was marked by defying cliff -boundaries which rose to terrific heights. Could one say that the -Spanish did not wonder what these hills possessed when they heard about -villages on streams which ran into the Rio Grande? And no doubt, if -these peaceful people, whom the Spanish followed to Los Confiados, were -of the Keres nation—and they likely were—then they knew every valley, -stream, trail and water hole in the Pajarito country. Espejo dispatched -some of his men to accompany these Indians. Where were they led? Did -they go up into the sandy foothills below the Jemez Mountains and its -finger-like plateaus or did they penetrate almost inaccessible territory -northwest of Cochiti? Or did they march straight north up the almost -inaccessible White Rock Canyon of the Rio Grande? They were gone two -days from the pueblo of Cochiti. Where did they go? Where was this town -of Los Confiados to which Espejo was invited and about which he gave us -no fact? - -The Keres-speaking people are possessed with legends of having been -driven from the Pajarito by a race of “dwarfs” at some time in the -remote past. But no one is sure that this race of “dwarfs” was not the -Tewa-speaking people from the northern part of the Pajarito region who -descended into Frijoles Canyon and drove the Keres from their Hidden -Valley long before the Spanish came to America. Nor can one be certain -that Keres people were not still living in Frijoles Canyon with the -Tewas during Coronado’s time in 1540 or even some forty years later -during Espejo’s time. Could one go so far as to suggest that Keres -groups still remembered how their ancestors perhaps had been driven from -their homes by “the little strong people” and that now they could have a -well-earned revenge by directing the attentions of the Spanish toward -the Valley of the Frijoles? - -Had Espejo been gullible enough, and had the spirit of adventure been -strong enough; had it been summer and not February, and had these -peaceful Indians been Keres bent on revenge against the Tewas, his -soldiers might have been led northwest up the Cañada de Cochiti. After -an hour or so the trail would have become so difficult that the Indian -method of travel would have been an issue. Horses would have been left -behind and the little party would have ascended to the potrero tops on -foot; over snow-covered precipitous trails; up and down canyon walls and -deep into ancient Keres land. - -It would have been no “picnic” even on foot. So rough is the country it -is even doubted that the wily Navaho used these trails as has been so -often suggested. The Keres might have picked a more direct route; up the -banks of the Rio Grande to the mouth of Capulin Canyon, over high -potreros, following a dim rough trail which skirted the Rio Grande for -several miles then north to the mesa bordering Frijoles Canyon. And it -is quite possible that the Spanish could have gone horseback deep into -Keres territory, up Capulin Canyon to La Cueva Pintada, the Painted -Cave. The cave gets its name from the many pictographs on its walls. -Around it are the ruins of many houses built against the cliff at the -top of the talus slope. Some of the Indian legends have it that the -Painted Cave was one of six towns occupied when their ancestors were -driven from the Valley of the Frijoles. - -Travel from the Painted Cave on into Keres land probably would have been -on foot. Up the rough Capulin Canyon [** Error: possible line-wrapped -glossary phrase]for an hour’s march, over snow-covered potrero tops, -they would have passed the ruins of innumerable villages. There they -might have rested and drunk the icy water from a running creek during -this cold month of February. And from there they made their way up to -the potrero tops again, winding and twisting, half walking and half -climbing and stopping somewhere, in a cave perhaps, to spend the night. -And then they marched on to the pueblo of the Stone Lions, now bleak and -desolate and worn by time. The pueblo of the Stone Lions, according to -the Cochitenos, was the first village built and occupied by the -Keres-speaking people after they were driven from the Valley of the -Frijoles. The village is known as Yapashi which means “sacred -enclosure.” - -Only a half-mile away is the Stone Lions Shrine. Carved out of native -tuff are the life-size images of two mountain lions and around them is -an enclosure—a low wall of blocks of volcanic tuff. It is said that even -the Zuñi Indians made pilgrimages to this shrine because they believed -this to be the entrance to Shipapolima, the underworld from which their -ancestors emerged. It is important even today to the Cochitenos who -visit it frequently and leave bits of their ceremonial paraphernalia. -Moving along slowly, Espejo’s little party would have trudged up the -slopes to the high potrero tops again and then across the steep-walled -Canyon del Alamo. They would have had a long march to Frijoles over -trails known only to Indians. No, this could hardly have happened. The -Spanish might never have survived. - -Had these Keres-led Spanish peered into the Frijoles—known to Indians as -Tyuonyi—this Hidden Valley in the New World, they would have seen the -unbelievable. They would have looked into a valley six hundred feet deep -and several hundred feet across. The opposite or north side was a sheer -perpendicular cliff of pinkish rock. There were houses terraced high in -the air, three or four stories at the base of the cliff. There were cave -openings in the cliff, over some of the houses, which led out to open -porches built of poles and brush. Small houses of stone and mud extended -up and down the north wall of the Canyon almost as far as the human eye -could see. People were walking around, microscopic in size because of -the distance, climbing up and down tiny ladders to and from the tops of -their houses. They were clothed in cotton cloth, hides and furs. - -In the center of the valley, seemingly equidistant from both sides, was -a huge circular house comprised of many small rooms, one on top of -another, with tiny ladders extending from the ground to the roofs. -Indians were going in and out of small roof openings. Their house was a -veritable fort of primitive style. Four hundred rooms, or more, were -built in the form of a circle. The structure had an opening or hallway -through one side which led to an inner court or plaza. A sentry was -stationed inside the entrance which was a high, thick wall built in the -shape of a semi-circle with a narrow opening. A lone Indian, or maybe -two, with bow and arrow in hand, might have been seen carrying a deer -down a narrow trail. Queer looking creatures were these Indians with -long stringy hair tied down by a band around their foreheads. They wore -moccasins of deer skin on their feet. Kilts covered their thighs. They -could have been a short muscular sort of people much the same as our -modern pueblo dwellers. But they were known as the “pygmies” or “the -little strong people.” - - [Illustration: COURTESY MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO THE PAINTED CAVE] - - [Illustration: COURTESY MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO STONE LIONS OF COCHITI] - -Smoke emerged from tiny openings in the roofs. Occasionally an Indian -woman would appear, black hair stringing and her body draped with a -manta of cotton cloth or animal skins. The bark of a dog or the gobble -of a turkey which the Indians had domesticated might have broken the -silence. The waters of the little river far below could be heard rolling -over and onward toward the Rio Grande. The occasional thud of a boulder -was heard as it bumped down stream. - -Only one side of the valley was occupied—the north side. The south side -was covered with trees, bare now because winter was here. The south wall -of the Canyon was not as conducive to habitation as the north because it -was worn down at a sharp angle. There were no vertical cliffs from which -to carve out caves and no talus slopes on which to build little houses -of stone and mud. No sun directed its rays toward the south cliff. The -snow lay there all winter and helped cut it down at a sharp angle from -top to bottom. The north side was sunny and dry—a perfect place for -habitation. - -There were not many people here during these last years of the sixteenth -century. Great numbers had gone: but where, and why? A few cronies could -have been seen crouching against stone houses at the base of the cliff, -basking in the afternoon sun. A woman or two could have been grinding -corn on flat stone slabs inside a cliff house, keeping time to a weird -monotonous chant sung by old men as they pounded drums. Things were -hanging from the ends of roof poles protruding through the front walls -of houses—perhaps a piece of highly prized venison. House tops were -strewn with corncobs. A weather-beaten corn field had spent itself. - -This was the valley known to the Keres as “Tyuonyi.” It was the place -where their people had lived only a few generations before. It was a -valley over which most any group of primitive people would fight and was -a place where the water supply was constant except in times of intense -drought. Tyuonyi is a Keres word which signifies a treaty or contract -and was so-called because of a treaty made with Tewa-speaking people -years before, marking it as the boundary between Keres and Tewa -territory. But who was to occupy Tyuonyi, the Hidden Valley and the most -ideal spot on all the Pajarito Plateau? It seems that the Tewas (the -little strong people) were the ones who occupied it until the very last. -This was perhaps the reason why the Keres became envious and that is why -to this day they retain a feeling of criticism for the Tewa-speaking -people. Legend has it that relations between the two groups in -prehistoric times were normally unfriendly. - -No Spanish expedition ever reached Hidden Valley, or at least, -archæologists have never found anything to indicate such a visit. And I -repeat, the Spanish expeditions clung to the low valleys and kept away -from the mountains. Tyuonyi then, is our subject. The Spanish never -visited it and if they ever heard of its extensive settlement by Pueblo -Indians direct mention was never made of it. It was a Hidden Valley in -the New World occupied before recorded history began in America. And -today its ruins are mellowed with age. It has yet to give up all its -secrets about the cliff dweller who hewed three hundred caves from its -north cliff with stone axes and knives, and built over twice as many -small houses at its base. They constructed five community villages on -its floor, and raised corn and beans and squash and pumpkins. And in so -doing, these prehistoric pueblo and cave dwellers, and I might say -historic, too, left in Hidden Valley so much material evidence about the -way they lived that in 1916 the entire area, including some of the -ancient Keres land to the south, was created a National Monument. Later, -a detached section of ancient Tewa territory, a few miles to the north, -was added to the area. It is known today as Bandelier National Monument -and is comprised of some 27,000 acres. - -The thousands of interested visitors, who go to Bandelier every year to -prowl through the ruined homes located in the Valley of the Frijoles, -spend an hour or so turning the clock back to Neolithic times when man -had only bone, stone and wood tools with which to work. They relax in -Hidden Valley—and in imagination try to reconstruct the story connected -with these ruins which hold so closely the secrets of the past. - - - - - CHAPTER III - Tyuonyi - - -Could one be so bold as to say that the Moslem Invasion of Spain in the -eighth century A.D. took place after the first occupation of the Rio -Grande Valley by prehistoric Indians? Archæologists, who tell us stories -based on the remains of things they have found, broken pottery mostly, -say that Indians might have known the Rio Grande before this time. We -believe that they have occupied it continuously since about the eleventh -century A.D. - -Drought seems to have always been one of the main controlling factors in -the migrations of Southwestern Indians. The study of tree-rings tells us -this. By matching ring patterns formed by the annual growth of certain -kinds of trees, pines chiefly, archæologists are able to determine the -years in which age-old timbers were cut. Those they are interested in -are the ones used by prehistoric Indians long years ago for building -roofs on their houses. So naturally, if an Indian had cut a tree down -with a stone axe and laid it across the walls of his house, then the -year that the tree was cut would correspond to the approximate time his -house was built and occupied. Indians did not cut timbers until they -were ready to use them. Felling timbers with crude stone axes was -somewhat of a chore. Old beams from houses show that long periods of -drought reigned in the Southwest. It is thought that these dry spells -caused Indian families to leave their homes and seek new lands for -settlement and cultivation. - -Such a condition seems to have existed in the entire San Juan area of -northwestern New Mexico, northeastern Arizona and southwestern Colorado. -The greatest of the large centers of Indian population, which may have -numbered hundreds or even thousands of people, were the towns of Chaco -Canyon in northwestern New Mexico and the Mesa Verde cliff dwellings in -southwestern Colorado. Many of these towns, it seems, were abandoned -when the great drought was at its height between 1276-1299, a period of -twenty-three years. And so we find shifts in population. It is believed -that some of these shifts were toward the Valley of the Rio Grande. - -Before this time small individual groups or migrant bands took to -wandering. Other Indians could have remained even after the time of the -twenty-three year drought period, dreading to leave their homes as we -would ours today. No, there was no great exodus of population. The -people from the great towns in the west did not move out all at one time -and completely abandon their homes and desiccated lands. They moved out -in small bands, or even families. In some way, a traveler might have -reported high mountain ranges, water and fertile lands to the east—the -next best to the places they knew as home which they and their ancestors -had occupied for hundreds of years. - -It is possible that even in the 1000’s A.D., small groups pushed out -over dry desert wastes, following sandy arroyo beds—thought of water -ever paramount. They were people struggling again for existence. Some -likely stopped along the way and built temporary homes. They broke -pottery vessels which they had brought along. The archæologist found -some of the broken pieces nine hundred years later to help tell the -story. Whether these migrant bands had a goal or not is questionable but -the Valley of the Rio Grande was finally reached and scant evidence of -these early people has been found. More and more Indians moved out of -the San Juan area and drifted in a southeasterly direction. Some clung -to the valleys, others took to the mountains, but all settled in the -general locality where we find most of our colorful and picturesque -Indian Pueblos so well-known the world over—northern New Mexico. - -It is evident that by constant roaming, and penetrating unknown and -fascinating country, some of these primitive Indians stumbled into the -deep valleys and upon the high forested mesa tops of the Pajarito -Plateau, about twenty miles west of the present city of Santa Fe. The -spot on which Santa Fe is located was then nothing but arid mesa land -and low foothills ascending to the Sangre de Cristo Range of Mountains. -Four things were paramount in the minds of these primitive people. They -were water, food, protective shelter and clothing. These were the things -the Pajarito offered. Anyone journeying through the deep canyons and -over the high mesa tops today could easily see why prehistoric Indians -settled here. - -For centuries the wind pounded tiny sharp particles against cliff -surfaces. It whipped up close to the ground and hollowed out shallow -caves. Very likely, these places were not large enough for Indians to -crawl in out of the weather but the cliff composition was so soft that -these natural caves could easily be made larger. A crude stone of basalt -with a sharp edge made a perfect hand axe. Indian men hacked out caves -large enough for a little family group to enter. Rain and cold created -the necessity for heat. Drills of wood were used to start fires in these -crude cave dwellings. Fires made them warm—suffocatingly so. There was -no way for the smoke to escape except through a wide front opening. This -lack of ventilation created a very serious problem for the early cave -dweller on the Pajarito Plateau. - -There were other Indians who preferred to build their homes on the high -mesas during these early times. Adobe was used almost exclusively to -build the low walls of rooms. Some bedded small stones into the walls -before they were dry. This helped to hold them together. Others -preferred to use larger stone, picked up at random, in building their -house walls. The adobe huts were undoubtedly unsatisfactory because of -their low resistance to weather. Since older styles of pottery have been -found in the ruins of these houses, it is logical to suppose that -Indians migrating onto the Pajarito built adobe houses first. Later they -dug themselves out homes in the cliffs which gave them greater -protection from the weather and from any invaders. - -In this wilderness a mule deer could have fed in a little valley or -drunk from a creek. This would mean food for the entire family or group -if a crude arrow would hit its mark. Small razor-sharp fleshers of -chalcedony or basalt were used to remove the hide from the carcass. The -hide could be used for making clothing or moccasins. Some of the smaller -bones might have been used as drills and awls until better ones could be -obtained. A flock of wild turkeys would have solved this problem. Turkey -bones made excellent awls. Just what the people used for arrow points -during these early times is questionable. Maybe they brought them along -from the west. They could have used chipped chalcedony or basalt which -was readily found, and quite common in this area. An occasional nodule -of black volcanic glass, called obsidian, washed down the creek and was -found bedded in its soft sandy bottom. Obsidian might have been more -popular during later times as the early dweller in this country may not -have discovered the ledges of black glass immediately upon his arrival. -Such could have been life on the Pajarito Plateau eight hundred years -ago. - -More groups of people came in. Hand-hewn caves could have dotted the -soft workable walls of every canyon which would support human life. The -well-known canyon of today, the Frijoles, was one such place. The lower -part of the valley formed a sort of a bulb for about two miles. Its -sheer cliffs on the north side rose to terrific heights. And throughout -the countless years, as boulders and dust fell from the cliffs, a talus -slope or base had formed. A little river, the Rito de Los Frijoles, ran -for seventeen miles from its source in the high mountains to the west -and emptied into the Rio Grande. This Canyon was the best in the entire -Pajarito—the most coveted of all habitable places. The water supply was -apparently constant and the valley was broad and open at the lower end, -most suitable for agriculture. The floor was densely covered with -growths of scrub oak, piñon and pine. This was all that primitive groups -needed for successful living. And so we find that some of these -wandering Indians from a world a hundred miles to the west, which was to -become a thing of the past, penetrated the Valley of the Frijoles over -eight hundred years ago. But Frijoles Canyon was not the only place -occupied. There were other canyons nearby. There was plenty of room for -all. But was there enough water in these other canyons? - -Indian families cut their crude shelters deep enough for occupation by -several individuals. Caves were uncomfortable, but certainly better than -no shelter at all. This was a strange sort of stone which nature had -provided. It was very poor to build with, thought the Indian. It was -soft and bulky. But years of living would eventually solve the problem. -Why worry about it! In time necessity would produce some means of -shelter more satisfactory. Later on, more people moved into the area. -These people occupied adjacent canyons and mesas as well as Frijoles. -During many years population increased and the dwellers on the Pajarito -became settled in their locality. - -There is no way of telling how many Indians lived in the Valley of the -Frijoles during very early times—close to water and well protected. -Indians could sit at the openings of their cave homes above the talus -slope and see for great distances up and down the Canyon. And it was -safe. No jealous enemy lurking above could roll a boulder down on them. -Their cave was their protection. But caves were not adequate as homes. -Fires could not be built inside without smoking out its occupants. -Something better had to replace them. This new soft rock certainly was -not suitable for building walls or at least these simple valley folk did -not know how to use it. Crude mud huts were erected at the base of the -cliff at the same time that caves were occupied as home sites. Mud was -all they could find for building walls. It took lots of water to make -mud and then it was so soft and crumbly that the little walls cracked -and fell when they dried out. - -Soon it was found that by picking up small stones and packing them into -the soft mud as temper the walls would stand longer. Larger rocks and -less mud made better walls and saved a lot of toil and unnecessary -labor. There were many rocks to be picked up at random. Walls were -raised high enough for the Indian to stand upright inside the rooms. -Sharp stone axes of basalt were used to fell small trees which were laid -over the tops of walls for the support of the roofs. The blunt ends of -the timbers were inserted in holes gouged out of the cliff. Brush and -grass were placed over them; thick mud coats were smeared over the top. -Holes were cut in the roofs. Fires were built and the smoke could escape -through these holes. How much better this than a cave! These tiny rooms -were stuffy and smoky inside but not as unpleasant as a cave room. An -Indian would soon suffocate inside a cave. During the rainy seasons the -roofs leaked and great quantities of mud were stirred up and spread over -the top and smoothed down flat. The women could always find more when -that washed off. In time weeds and wild grasses took root in these dirt -roofs. - -But somewhere, somehow, not at Tyuonyi perhaps, but in some nearby -valley or on some high mesa top at one of a hundred colony sites, Indian -neighbors found that still larger chunks of tuff could be used for -building blocks. This would save much labor. So much mud in a wall would -not be necessary. It is possible that this use of larger building stones -was not a matter of independent origin at any one of many primitive -villages on the high mesas and in the deep canyons of the Pajarito. -Indians, after years and years of living, simply came into the use of -larger building blocks by the trial and error method. They served the -purpose better. A dry spell or so, when it did not rain, might have made -it necessary to transport more and more water in urns from water holes -or nearby streams. This was women’s work and hard work too. And more -stone and less mud made stronger walls for houses anyway. Some of the -stone was so soft that it could be shaped into blocks to fit into the -walls. These blocks did not lay absolutely flat because their surfaces -were irregular. Small stones were forced between the cracks and when the -mud mortar dried the walls were solid. This practice went on for years -and years. Indians experimented with all the materials at their -disposal. They could not send an order to the Gods for building -materials. - -Everywhere on the Pajarito are seen the remains of homes belonging to -this period of occupation. There are hundreds of them—small family -houses, in deep canyons or in a forest on high mesa tops. Debris has -filled them up and today they look like piles of rock. Building blocks -are strewn all over the surface. Most of the blocks had been picked up -at random after they had been carved by nature. Others were square or -rectangular, showing that they had been fashioned by Indian hands. - -The Indians who lived in the Valley of the Frijoles communicated with -the other groups who lived in deep canyons to the south and to the -north. They visited each other and even traded back and forth. Little -colonies were formed when one, two, three or four families lived -together in a house with several rooms. But the time was to come when -this living all over the country would stop; people would come together -to live in communities. And the little colony sites would be abandoned -forever for the archæologist to discover centuries later. - -A touchy subject is that of linguistics. It is a tricky one. But -students know that five different languages are spoken among the Pueblo -Indians of New Mexico today. They are: Tiwa, Tewa, Towa, Keres, and -Zuñian. To be on the safe side, one should not touch too heavily upon -languages spoken by Indians, especially in a writing of this kind. But -languages and dialects do play an important part in our story. When -those early people drifted from Chaco Canyon and Mesa Verde toward the -Rio Grande, they spoke a language. But, it is unknown. Students have -ideas, but are reluctant to advance opinions based on the ruins they -excavate or the artifacts they discover. But, two groups of Indians -speaking different languages drifted onto the Pajarito. People speaking -different languages have never gotten along well together even from the -Tower of Babel until the present time. - -It has been mentioned before that Keres-speaking Indians have a legend -that long years ago a treaty or contract was made between their -ancestors and Tewa-speaking people. It is said that certain loosely -defined ranges of territory were to belong to each of the two groups. -The meeting place or the place where the treaty was made was called -“Tyuonyi.” “Tyuonyi” means “place of treaty.” Thus the dividing line -between Tewa and Keres lands became sharply defined by what is now known -as “Frijoles Canyon.” But how long was such a treaty to last among -primitive people? All the lands to the south of Frijoles Canyon were -supposedly Keres and those to the north were Tewa. After this treaty was -made, Indians probably spread out on each side of the Canyon like the -parting of the waters of the Red Sea. Small house sites dotted the mesas -and canyons on both sides. But still, members of both groups could -possibly have lived here together. Legend hints at this. - -As time went on more houses sprang up at the base of the north cliff and -crude pueblos were erected on the floor of the Canyon. Kivas or -ceremonial chambers were dug out of the valley floor and lined with -walls of rock. Indians gathered cobble stone because they might not have -known how to cut blocks during these early times with which to lay -masonry walls. They gathered thousands of them and built their kiva -walls eight or ten feet thick. This was their attempt to utilize the -pieces of crudely shaped felsite or volcanic ash. They laid huge timbers -fifteen or more inches in diameter across the walls of their large -underground chambers. Then smaller poles of pine were cut and laid on -top of the large vigas. Splittings were hacked from down trees. Pine, -cottonwood, juniper, piñon—anything that would split easily with crude -stone implements—were used for the next roof course. Then brush and -grass and mud were put on top. The roofs must have been two or more feet -thick but little did the Indians realize that the tremendous weight -might crack the big timbers after they dried out. How ingenious were -these Indians in their simple way! - -Many a moon passed. Many houses were built. Jealousy might have arisen -between these two groups of Indians. Who was to raise corn on this or -that little patch of fertile ground? Who should have a right to hunt -deer and turkey in the Valley of the Frijoles? How could Keres-speaking -people go to Tewa kivas or how could Tewas go to Keres kivas? Trouble -reigned over the entire plateau and most of it was possibly in the -Valley of the Frijoles. Was it ever decided which group should live in -Hidden Valley when it was given the name Tyuonyi? - -Jealousy could have arisen over pottery. When the Frijoles area was -first occupied clay deposits were discovered in arroyos and along river -banks. Indian women began moulding pottery with local clays. They -discovered mineral pigments. They used paints from wild plants which -fired the black designs in fast color in the vessels. The color would -never come out. But slowly and surely the women began to depart from the -techniques which they and their ancestors had previously used. Out of -these techniques new styles of pottery were developed by using local -materials. These white wares with black designs became thick and coarse -as time went on and probably decreased in popularity as far as -usefulness was concerned. - -The Keres-speaking people had kin far to the south of the Pajarito -Plateau. And these people were ingenious. Sometime in the thirteenth -century, it seems, Indians living in the Little Colorado River district -of what is now eastern Arizona and western New Mexico, were making a -style of red pottery with black designs. This pottery was apparently -very popular and spread by trade to the Rio Grande Valley. Indians in -this same region eventually learned to produce a glaze paint by using -lead-manganese ore. This ware also spread to the Rio Grande and glaze -paint was used in decorating pottery from about 1350 A.D. to the time of -the Pueblo Rebellion in 1680. It is thought that shortly after its -inception and perhaps by 1400 A.D. this red pottery spread by trade to -Tyuonyi. - -The Keres living here might have brought this red ware in from their -southern relatives living below the Pajarito Plateau. On the other hand, -it is possible that they might not have lived in the Canyon before the -time of the glaze pottery. The most plausible explanation seems to be -that the people to the south brought the materials to their kin in the -Frijoles. These materials were then transformed into the beautiful new -hard red ware to catch the eye of the Tewa-speaking people who likely -were modeling inferior white wares with black designs. However, there is -a remote possibility that this glaze ware was never manufactured in -Frijoles Canyon and this possibility brings up the question as to -whether or not the ware was used as a wedge to gain entrance into -Tyuonyi. The folk who were living here, either Tewa or Keres, or it -could have been both, were making an inferior type of black-on-white -pottery with local materials. It was inferior because it was so porous. -So, the Tewa-speaking people might have readily accepted this red ware -in trade from the Keres. And it seems this trading might have been -carried on for a half-century or thereabout. No one is sure. At this -particular time there seems to have been a definite decrease in the -manufacture or trading of glaze pottery. - -Something very drastic must have taken place. Could it be that there was -just not enough room in the beautiful Frijoles for two groups of people -who spoke different languages? It was easily a prize spot. It was a -green valley—a perfect place to live and the water supply was constant. -It might have been the envy of Indians for many miles around. There was -not this constant water supply either to the north or to the south. Some -groups living on the high mesas might even have depended on open basins -hollowed out of soft rock to catch the rain water. Great jealousy could -have arisen between individuals or even groups. And one might safely -guess that love affairs were broken up between Tewa maidens and Keres -boys or vice versa. And who can say with certainty that the Tyuonyi was -not the earliest known home of the Keres-speaking people in this -vicinity? Or that it was not the Tewas from the north who did the -encroaching and forced their way into the Valley of the Frijoles and -lived and traded pottery with the Keres? - -By the time of the fifteenth century, there were many of the Indians -living to the north of Tyuonyi. Little house sites were being abandoned. -People were drawing closer together to live in larger communities. -Surely, the soft volcanic ash from the cliffs was being fashioned into -building blocks with stone axes. Some were square, some were -rectangular—long heavy four-sided blocks. It had taken Indians years and -years, possibly, to learn that this soft stone could be quarried and -then shaped. These blocks were definitely better and single thickness -coursed masonry walls were in vogue by this time. This was the highest -type of prehistoric pueblo architecture on the Pajarito Plateau. - -This was most likely the period in which the terraced communal apartment -houses were developed and erected. There were centers of population from -this time on. There were no more small family houses. Indians built -houses with several hundred rooms, at least two, and, in some cases, -three stories high. What was the reason? Was it for defense purposes or -was it just a normal outgrowth of the discovery of the fashioned block -technique? There were several main villages occupied by the -Tewa-speaking people to the north. They were all built in defensible -positions: on a knoll, a high mesa top overlooking the entire -surrounding country, or in a valley away from the cliffs from which -heavy objects could be thrown down by enemies. These four villages were -Potsui’i, Sankawi, Navawi and Tshirege. Potsui’i was located in a deep -valley on a knoll. It was known as “gap where the water sinks.” Sankawi -was “gap of the sharp round cactus.” It was built high on a mesa top in -a defensible position. A trail was worn in the soft rock by thousands of -moccasined feet going and coming from the pueblo. Another of their -villages, Navawi, was so-called because of a pitfall gap or game trap. -Game coming from either direction on the trail was caught in a deep pit. -Tshirege was “House of the Bird People.” It was the largest pueblo on -the Pajarito and had extensive villages built at the base of the cliff. -The numbers of Indians who lived at these sites during these times -cannot be estimated though all four villages were large. It would appear -that nothing but Tewas lived here. But there also lived their kin and -kind in Frijoles Canyon. - -Keres people were living to the south of Frijoles—in large pueblos too. -They had been living in this south country for years at Yapashi, “pueblo -of the Stone Lions,” and at Haatze, “House of the Earth People.” These -were communal apartment houses also but the Keres population on the -Pajarito probably was not as great as that of the Tewas in those days. -Nobody but Keres lived here to the south of Tyuonyi. - -But certainly some groups held on at Tyuonyi. Who can say what happened -half a millenium ago? Likely, the Tewas in Frijoles were few. They could -have been outnumbered by the Keres people who might have refused to -leave their Tyuonyi. Runners could have been dispatched across trails to -the north to the big villages for help. War chiefs held council. -Warriors were called into action and could have streaked out over -age-old trails. Hideous looking creatures with flying black hair, bow -and arrow and war club in hand, went whooping and yelling to the Tyuonyi -and entered the Canyon at half a dozen places over the north cliff. Two -groups of Indians speaking different languages simply could not live in -the same valley, farm the same fields, live in the same caves and drink -the same water. This was the last of the Keres. They could not hold -their own because they were outnumbered and out-fought by “the little -strong people.” They were driven off and the Valley of the Frijoles was -Tewa from then on. - -So these beaten Indians pushed south to move in with their kin at the -pueblo of the Stone Lions. Whether they ever went back to Tyuonyi and -attempted another stand against “the little strong people” is not known. -It has been legendarily hinted that a race of “dwarfs” again attacked -them at the pueblo of the Stone Lions, slaughtering many and driving off -the rest. But we know of no race of “dwarfs” in the Southwest during -either prehistoric or historic times. The poor Keres! They were beaten -at every turn. But they knew it and moved on, occupying first one place -and then another, moving in for awhile with other kin and kind. The -farther away from Tyuonyi, the better! - - [Illustration: COURTESY MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO RUINS OF LONG HOUSE] - - [Illustration: COURTESY MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO A PART OF LONG HOUSE - RUINS] - -Haatze, or “House of the Earth People” was their next stop but not for -long. They lived here with their kind and then moved on, down to the -village of Cuapa only to be attacked again by “the little strong -people.” Great numbers were slaughtered, so the legends go, and the -remainder driven off and pursued almost to the present town of Santo -Domingo. Legend has it that one group went off by themselves and formed -the pueblos of Cochiti and Santo Domingo. Another group, it is said, -climbed up a high rock and took refuge there from their attackers. The -rock is known as the “Potrero Viejo” and here they built a village. One -San Felipe legend tells us this: nearly all the people at Cuapa were -slain, except a woman with a parrot who hid in a metate and a boy who -hid in a store-room. These two moved to the Tiwa-speaking village of -Sandia and got a cold reception so they went east to live with the -Tanos, where the woman gave birth to five children. Things were made so -miserable for them here that they left and moved to the Rio Grande and -eventually went to San Felipe. That is why we have the pueblo of San -Felipe today. These people still know the Pajarito as their ancestral -home and it is not an uncommon thing for them to organize a communal -hunt to the homes of their ancestors or trudge to the Shrine of the -Stone Lions and paint the noses of the life-size fetiches or sprinkle a -little sacred meal—deep in ancient Keres land. - - - - - CHAPTER IV - Building in the Great Period - - -Time has a peculiar way of curing all ills. The Keres had been driven -from the Tyuonyi by the “little strong people” and possibly did not make -further attempt to re-occupy this Valley of the Frijoles. They were -contented to stay in the broad Valley of the Rio Grande where the water -supply was constant and where their enemies did not care to go. The -boundary line was set. And even the hostile Tewas had probably -experienced enough of war and trouble. - -Tyuonyi, the Hidden Valley, might have been like an oasis in the desert. -Who can say that there was sufficient water in the canyons and on the -mesas to the north—that water holes did not go dry and that the Tewas -did not have to depend upon waters from the heavens to make their corn -grow? And who can say that the waters of El Rito de Los Frijoles dried -up? One can only suppose. But judging by climatic conditions as they are -today, Frijoles Canyon was one of the main sources of water on the -Pajarito. Since water was a controlling factor in the lives of these -people, what primitive group of Indians would not fight over the right -to live in a well-watered valley—a green and beautiful valley—where -adequate shelter was afforded by the vertical walls of a high north -cliff? Certain things hint that little time passed before Tewa-speaking -groups penetrated the Valley of the Frijoles again and in larger numbers -than before. Slowly and surely they trickled in a few at a time. Over a -period of years the infiltration was heavy. Deep trails were worn in the -soft rock ledges by the passing over of thousands of moccasined feet -going to and from the northern villages some ten miles distant. The -steam of hatred between the jealous groups could have cooled off but -probably never completely. Toward the close of the fifteenth century -primitive Tewa farmers, it seems, had again settled in Frijoles Canyon. - - [Illustration: Building house] - -They went to work in earnest this time, building houses; not with mud -walls which would wash down when it rained, but with walls of stone, -which type of construction their predecessors had begun. Some of the -caves occupied by the earlier people could have eroded away while others -could have been re-hewn by these later occupants. Who knows? Crumbling -remains of old talus houses might have been leveled off at the base of -the cliff and new homes built over them. Indian men carved the heavy -stones into square and rectangular blocks with stone axes. The stones -lay almost flat and the masons did not have to be too careful in their -fashioning because small pieces of rock hammered tight in the joints -would hold the blocks steady. These walls were laid on footings of -smooth-worn river pebbles. Block after block was carved and laid into -structures seven feet high. Indian women carried water from the little -river in ollas on the tops of their heads and trudged day after day up -the steep slopes to the cliff. They gathered clay, perhaps not from -Frijoles Canyon, because it was hard to find. They might have traveled -miles for enough to apply a thin coating of wash over the stone walls of -their homes. - -Indian men labored with stone axes to fell the trunks of pines which -they used in building roofs to their houses. They gouged holes out of -the soft cliff to insert the ends of roof beams and sealed them in -tightly with mud mortar. Across these vigas they laid small poles. Many -miles were covered to obtain long slender canes and cat-tail stems from -the muddy low banks of the Rio Grande for the next roof layer. Then pine -needles and brush supplied the next coat. Something leafy had to hold -the thick mud coats which were smoothed flat over the top. Sometimes -Indian houses had doors in the front walls and sometimes they did not. -It all depended upon the wish of the individual builder. Most of the -houses had two-pole ladders of pine. Rungs were lashed down tight with -willows, pliable reeds or even strings of rawhide or rope made from the -yucca fiber. By means of ladders the Indian could climb to his roof-top -and go down through a small hatchway or opening. This gave added -protection against hostile groups. In any one of many cavate or house -rooms was a fireplace. In the ceiling above was an opening for the -escape of the smoke. Cliff dwellings were smoky places regardless of the -type or style. - -Time developed the terraced community apartment house for the -prehistoric Pueblo Indian in the cliff as well as in the open flats on -the floor of the Canyon. Second stories, it seems, came quite late in -the evolution of house types at Frijoles. Narrow mud walls of such poor -quality as were built in earlier times at Tyuonyi would never have held -two stories but the new walls of fashioned rock would hold them because -they were more stable. It stands to reason that when stone and mortar -were laid into a wall, the process of drying out transformed the wall -into a unit. This process reminds me of an expression I remember from my -freshman days in college, that: “Pre-Cambrian rocks are homogeneous in -their heterogeneity,” and it is certainly true that stone walls built by -our prehistoric friends of the sixteenth century could enjoy the same -comment. Floors to these houses were plastered with fine adobe mortar. -The rough surfaces of walls were plastered over too, from floor to roof -timbers. And the cliff dweller was lucky if no water got inside his -house. The secret was to keep them dry. It might not have been an -uncommon sight to have witnessed the mudding of roofs by Indian women of -sixteenth century Tyuonyi. After a good rain they could have taken -advantage of water caught in pottery vessels which had been set outside -the houses. This would have saved the women many a weary step to water -and return. - - [Illustration: Roofing a house] - -One story was not sufficient so up, up, up went the houses to two and -three stories. The cliff formed the back walls of the rooms—then Mr. -Prehistoric Indian had only three walls to lay instead of four. Walls of -stone, ten and twelve inches thick, would hold the weight of one or two -additional stories and especially when they leaned against the steady -cliff. But additional rooms meant more poles, more cane, brush and mud. -When second and third story rooms were added the smoke from fires in -rooms below escaped through a front opening. There was no way for the -smoke to escape through the upper rooms and the cliff dweller was smart -enough not to cut a hole in the floor and let the smoke into his house -above. And, too, second and third story rooms likely were much safer -than first story rooms. Ladders could be pulled up to the roofs. Who -knows that these Tewas were not thinking of revengeful Keres people to -the south? - -In some cases caves were hewn and used independently of the talus houses -to the front but certainly it was impossible to stay inside while large -fires were burning. The poor cliff dweller would have suffocated. Many -attempts were made to ventilate caves by boring smoke holes above the -doorways. But it was impossible to ventilate a cave successfully. Not -much of a draft was created. Indians attempted to ventilate their cave -homes by cutting as many as three holes through the soft cliff and then -plastering the holes on the inside to facilitate the passage of the -smoke. They met with little success. - -Fires were kindled inside and when smoke filled the room the Indian -either had to go outside or into his talus house. I once had an -experience with fires in caves. Undoubtedly, the Indian of long ago -experienced the same as I. When a fire was kindled the smoke circled -around and filled the chamber. The vents did not work. Smoke hovered -down to the height of the door and went out at that point leaving a -definite line of demarkation around the cave wall. The Indian plastered -the wall underneath this smoke line so that his house would not be so -filthy and so that he could crouch down and lean his shoulders against -it without getting soot all over his back. I have seen cave walls -exhibiting as many as thirteen thin plaster coats. Never let it be said -that caves were popular places in which to live while large fires were -burning inside. Perhaps our prehistoric friend knew that if he built a -fire inside his cave the walls would warm up. Then hours later, after -most of the smoke had gone out, he could return and be quite comfortable -without suffocating. And he, no doubt, would have rolled down a deer -skin or matting of corn shucks over the opening to keep out the cold -during the winter months. - -The majority of the caves at Tyuonyi were connected with the talus -houses to the front. Caves entered from second-story rooms were very -popular and likely were used, for the most part, as ante-chambers and -not as independent dwellings. They were excellent for storage purposes -and if the Indian wanted to live he had to hold food over from one -season to the next. Covering a period of a little more than a hundred -years, let us say, the Indians of Frijoles Canyon cut over three hundred -cave rooms in the north cliff. Some were, used independently of the -houses to the front but most of them were not. Caves were hewn before -houses were built, and likely, a great number of them were cut after the -talus houses were erected against the cliff. They built just as many -houses as caves, if not more. Houses extended as far as four rows of -rooms out from the cliff and they were terraced up as high as three -stories. On top of them were open porches which we call “ramadas” today. -They were mere shelters with four corner poles and a few cross pieces of -juniper or pine with brush and leaves over the top. What delight some -old cronies might have had basking in the sun during some hot summer -afternoon! - -This was the valley of the cliff dweller, the Ancient Tewa more than -likely, who built houses and cut caves for almost two miles up and down -the north cliff of Frijoles Canyon. Here he could see for great -distances—he could look up and he could look down. He could hear the -water rippling in the Rito below and he could live in true Indian -fashion. But these villages were not built in a day or a year. It took -many years. Although there are the ruins of enough houses and caves -along the north wall to have housed two thousand primitive Indians, no -more than a few hundred ever lived here at one time. There simply wasn’t -land enough to farm, or game enough to supply food for a greater number. -It would seem that Tyuonyi never had a static occupation but an ever -moving one. - -The cliff dwellers at Frijoles, like their kin to the north, knew that -the only safe method of living was in communities. So they erected what -is known today as the “Long House.” One section of the north cliff was -almost vertical and its base sloped gently down to the waters of the -little river. This must have been the concentration of the cliff homes. -Rooms were built side by side for over seven hundred feet. There were -few cave rooms here to crawl back into and out of the weather. These -people must have learned by experience how uncomfortable caves were, -because they stuck to houses with stone walls and roofs of poles and -brush and grass and mud. And they built these homes solid against the -cliff and even carved recesses in the cliff so that the ends of the -building stones would fit perfectly. Then the walls would not slip. The -Long House was not very far from water—fifty yards. This was just a step -for the women. - -Some of the dwellers carved and painted pictures on the back walls of -their houses or even in the caves which had barely enough room for three -or four people to occupy. Call it writing if you like. It likely was -“doodling.” They had no written language. They were forced to record -what they thought and what they believed or had seen on the walls of -their houses or in the designs of their pottery. Birds were the most -common design. A mountain sheep was occasionally drawn, or a squirrel, -or a rabbit; perhaps a bear or a katsina—a supernatural being. They -might have tried to depict their ancestors emerging from the darkness -and climbing up a high pole from the underworld of Sipapu. The awanyu or -“plumed serpent” was quite common. It was the guardian spirit of -springs. In one cave there was a drawing of a horse and certainly this -was not an ancient drawing for the Spanish brought the horse to New -Mexico. Some wandering Tewa could have seen the Spanish on horseback—on -creatures which Indians thought devoured people. It might have been that -other Tewa-speaking people from around the pueblo of San Juan, far to -the north, described a horse by pictograph, when they hurried into the -mountain homes of their kin after seeing the Spanish in 1540. Or it -might have been drawn by some visitor after the evacuation of the -Indians. It could even have been someone’s joke. - -About a quarter-mile from the cliff dwellings, and where the Canyon -becomes narrow, is a deep natural cave. It is eighty feet across and its -opening faces the valley one hundred fifty feet above the waters of the -Rito. One prehistoric group lived here for a time. They were certainly -secluded. Hand holds were gouged from the soft cliffs with sharp pointed -rocks and here in this, now called “Ceremonial Cave,” Indians built -seventeen first-story rooms and several second-story rooms around the -back. They excavated a kiva or ceremonial chamber to the front of the -cave. Think of the task these Indians had when they carted water and -poles and sticks and perhaps stones up the side of the cliff. Tons of -rock were required to build these houses and the ceremonial chamber. -This little group built their kiva twelve feet in diameter. It was a -circular affair dug to a depth of nine feet and lined with a wall of -stone which was plastered on the inside. The floor was of a special -kind. It was hard, black and shiny. It had been polished with a smooth -stone like the ones the Indian women use today to polish their black -pottery. Only this floor was made of blood—animal blood. The Indians -carefully saved the blood from animals which they killed and then mixed -it with fine silt and soot from the fire and smeared it over their kiva -floor in thin layers. When the blood coagulated the plaster hardened and -then it was polished by rubbing a smooth stone over it in backward and -forward motion. This must have been an important room to have had such -an elaborately made floor. But kivas in prehistoric times may have been -more important than they are today. - -In the floor were six small holes in a straight line. While the plaster -was still wet small pieces of oak or some other tough pliable wood was -bent in loops and the ends of each piece were pushed down into the soft -mud plaster. Then these holes, or round depressions were made around the -loops leaving them exposed. These were directly below a horizontal pole -suspended from the ceiling. This was a loom. By an arrangement of long -straight sticks these ingenious Indians devised a method of weaving. -Since it is thought that in years gone by women and children were not -allowed in the kivas to break up the complacency of a man’s ceremony, we -might suppose that some old man sat here and ran a shuttle through warp -cords of cotton strung vertically from roof poles to floor loops. Here -he carried on weaving of a ceremonial nature with cotton or animal hair -while the smoke from a ceremonial fire in the fireplace circled around -making the kiva a very unpleasant place to be despite an elaborate -system of ventilation. - -These “high-up” cave dwellers had their houses built like the ones at -Mesa Verde, completely sheltered by the overhanging cave roof. To the -side of the dwellings, situated near the back wall of the cave, was a -turkey pen of little cleanliness. When I discovered this pen hundreds of -years later, the floor was covered with human feces, turkey and rodent -droppings. They had all lived here in times anterior to the coming of -the Spaniards—Indians, turkeys and rodents. The Indian hauled his water -and food from the valley below. He secluded himself from the bulk of the -Indian population at Tyuonyi. The question will always be, why? Of -course, there was a small pueblo on the other side of the Canyon on a -little knoll across the river but this might have been built, occupied -and abandoned before Indians ever occupied the big cave as a place of -residence. - -And then, there were Indians who preferred to live on the floor of the -Canyon in pueblos—terraced community apartment houses. Several hundred -yards below the concentration of the cliff dwellings and in the lower -end of the Tyuonyi they built such an apartment house. Little is known -about it because it has never been excavated. Broken pieces of pottery, -the most important tool of the archæologist, are found strewn over its -ruins today. Its walls are down now and its rooms are almost completely -filled in with debris. This particular group of Indians preferred to -have their dwelling close to water and they erected it with stone and -mud mortar. This is all that is known of this isolated settlement. - -It is quite possible that the most popular dwelling places in Frijoles -Canyon were the dwellings at the Long House, so well protected by the -sheer vertical cliff wall. These could have been over-crowded. Indians -might have cared little about living in other sections of the cliff. It -might have been that some of the cliff dwellers had experienced terrible -slides when hundreds of tons of loose rock and boulders came tumbling -down on their little houses, crushing them like pasteboard boxes and -burying the occupants alive. All the man-power in the northern part of -the Pajarito Plateau could never have rescued their kin who might have -been caught in these cave homes. Those rocks had rolled from the top to -stay and there they remain today. One wonders what stories those buried -caves hold—if, by chance, the skeletons of the occupants are still -there. Indians perhaps have died scratching at the boulders which -covered the entrances to their caves or tearing their hair and clutching -their throats as they suffocated and fell extended on the hard plaster -floors in their rooms. Those caves have never been opened. - -It is easy to see that the valley floor could have been more popular as -a dwelling place than sections of the cliff more susceptible to slides -than the Long House. A part of the main population built and lived in a -large terraced community apartment house known as “Puwige” or “pueblo -where the women scraped the bottoms of the pottery vessels clean.” This -is now the famous ruin known the world over. It has been featured in the -_National Geographic Magazine_ and many other publications. - -Puwige never existed during the very early occupation of the Canyon. Its -initial wall stones were not laid until the beginning of the Great -Period. Any Indian family might have erected a few rooms near the little -river—close to water. Then another family came along and built a few -more rooms. A son took on a wife and the entire family helped to build -his house, since house-building was a community proposition. Indian men -went to the slopes where boulders had rolled down and broke them with -heavy stones and fashioned the pieces into uneven building blocks. This -was no small job. Walls were laid in mud mixed by the small brown hands -of Indian women. Poles were cut and laid across the walls, then -splittings and cane and brush were laid over the tops and sealed with -thick coats of mud. Thick coats of crude plaster were spread over the -inside of walls and over floors. These Indians had little clay, none for -walls anyway, without hauling it in on their backs, so, they poured hot -ashes into the mud to make it stick. Hot ashes formed a sort of lime. -Coronado, in 1540, found the Indians at Tiguex making a mortar and -plaster in this manner. Slabs of basalt were brought in and set edgewise -in the rooms as fireplaces. This was the home of the newlyweds—built -right next to the groom’s father’s house. The young bride could have -come from the Long House to live at Puwige, the community house, with -her husband’s family. - - [Illustration: FEDERAL ART PROJECT, NATIONAL PARK SERVICE. CUT - COURTESY MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO ARTIST’S RESTORATION OF PUWIGE] - - [Illustration: COURTESY NAT’L. PARK SERVICE AERIAL VIEW OF PUWIGE - RESTORED] - -The place on which Puwige was erected was so situated that the Indians -had to make walls with sharp turns to follow the contour of the land. -This must have been a popular place to live for as time went on more and -more rooms were added. Indians evidently preferred this to the -vulnerable cliffs. It was not all planned and executed at one time. Some -second-story rooms were added and then porches of poles and brush were -built. Additions of rooms continued until Puwige was shaped in the form -of a crescent with the open part facing the little river which was only -a few feet away. Indians lived here for untold years. Something -happened. I know not what. It seems that they closed the gap by building -three rows of rooms. It was no more a crescent but a circle of rooms -built around a large plaza or inner court. Rooms were built in rows, -seven deep on the east side of the circle and three on the west side. -There were about three hundred rooms on the ground floor and many second -and third-story rooms—four hundred in all, more or less. The place was -turned into a veritable fort. These people were cunning. They cut seven -rooms out through the east side and formed a narrow passageway through -which everyone had to pass in order to enter his home. They went from -the outside of the pueblo through this narrow passage, dodging -obstructions, until they reached the huge inner court. And then they -ascended to their respective dwellings by means of small ladders, -pulling them to their roof-tops during times of danger. Leave it to the -Tewas, “the little strong people,” to find ways and means of protecting -themselves from lurking danger. - -I was once told a story by some San Ildefonso Indians about this Puwige -hallway. Guarding the hallway was a half-circle barricade of stone and -mud. It was several feet thick and both ends joined the walls of the -main building. Through this circular wall was a small opening. The wall -must have stood six or eight feet high to have been effective. Now the -Tewas contend that at one time, long ago, a sentry was stationed day and -night inside the circle. When Puwige was attacked the alarm was given -and a huge boulder was rolled in front of the opening. This was to slow -down the attackers. If they were fortunate enough to get by the boulder -then it was intended that they stumble over a slab of basalt set -edgewise in the passageway. It must have stood a foot or more in the -air. If the attackers got by the stone without losing balance, then they -encountered numerous wooden posts bedded upright in the dirt floor of -the long narrow passage. How confusing and prohibitive! Entrance to -Puwige was almost impossible unless “the little strong people” desired -it. For the villager, an Indian woman with a water jar on her head, -moving along slowly, entrance was easy, but for the enemy—no. Warriors -stood on housetops, high in the air, and shot sharp-pointed arrows at -enemies. They threw rocks and pottery vessels. They fought with -clubs—anything they could get their hands on. Puwige was not easy to -penetrate. - -Was this Puwige occupied by any particular group or were the people of -the cliff houses allowed to scramble down and hurry to the inside for -protection? Was it a fort for the entire community or just for the -people who lived here? The cliff homes were being lived in at the same -time as Puwige and might have been more effective as defense units. -There was only one side to protect in the cliff homes—the front. And who -were the attackers: Navaho, Keres or other groups? Legend has it that -the Navaho plundered the pueblos for years and years and history tells -us so. They stole the hard-earned stores of food from the pueblos and -ran off with the women and children whom they made slaves. But it isn’t -likely that the Navaho, on foot during the days of Puwige, cared much -about penetrating the mountain homes. It would have been a chore to -carry the loot back with them. The Navajo likely did not relish the idea -of coming over the high range of mountains from the west for a few pots -of beans and corn. Would it not be more likely that the so-called -“little strong people” might have feared attacks during the night by the -Keres to the south who had been driven from their Canyon homes? Tyuonyi -was “the oasis of the Pajarito” and the Tewas did not intend to be -driven from their fertile valley. Some lurking band could have crept -over the south cliff when all was quiet—while Tewas were resting -peacefully below. And the attackers were quiet too, with their -moccasined feet, like the mountain lion which creeps upon a fawn. A -falling rock or the crackling of a dead branch would be a dead -give-away. This was not to happen to “the little strong people.” - - [Illustration: COURTESY MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO CEREMONIAL CAVE] - - [Illustration: COURTESY MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO KIVA IN CEREMONIAL - CAVE] - - [Illustration: Raising the ladders] - -In 1540 the Spanish explorers passed the Keres province and moved -northward, it would appear, near the present site of San Juan Pueblo. -The entire Indian population fled to the mountains, as you will recall, -where they said they had four very strong villages. It is entirely -possible that some of these people from the north pushed deep into the -mountain country and on to the Valley of the Frijoles where the Spanish -could not go on horseback. It was a Hidden Valley. If this had been -true, if these northern people had moved into Tyuonyi with their kith -and kin and had told about how the Spanish stormed pueblos and shot -cannon at other Indians and readily conquered the inhabitants, “the -little strong people” might have had incentive to fortify their Puwige -against the undesirable attentions of the conquerors. Or it might have -been some visitor from the Valley of the Rio Grande who told about -depredations at Tiguex. But would a Keres warn a Tewa? We must not -overlook the fact that it would have been possible for friendly -relations to have existed between the rival groups of people at the time -of the Spanish Conquest. They could have lived close together and traded -pottery and other articles back and forth. One might go so far as to say -that they could have lived at Tyuonyi together a few years prior to its -abandonment. But taking all these things into consideration it was -likely the Keres whom the Tewas fortified themselves against, and from -whom they had probably experienced hostile visits. So they fortified -their Puwige and drew up their ladders to the roof-tops in defiance. And -the people in the cliffs also drew up their ladders. - -Within the inner court of this big community house were three kivas. -These deep underground ceremonial chambers lined with rock walls were -built adjacent to the rooms on the north side. Puwige was large. It was -more than two hundred seventy-five feet across and the tiers of rooms -formed a wide band around the outside of the circular court. Why the -Indians erected three kivas so close together is uncertain unless it was -to have more room in the plaza. It is possible that the kivas were -erected first, outside of the village, and as the pueblo grew the three -little ceremonial chambers were entirely enclosed within it. But why -three kivas inside Puwige? Indians had their reasons. These three -ceremonial chambers were small. They were not more than twelve or -fifteen feet in diameter. The hard plaster floors were seven or eight -feet below the surface of the ground. Their roofs were of poles laid -across the stone walls with brush and grass and mud for a covering. -Small combination hatchways and smoke vents were cut in the roofs and -ladders were put down to the floors as a means of getting in and out. -These chambers were likely society kivas of which there were several in -every Indian village. Or we might compare them with club rooms in our -own society. They were places where the elders met in council, or where -they came to spend an hour or so, perhaps a week, visiting with their -spiritual fathers. Kivas were places where policy was discussed and -decided upon—or a kiva might have been a place where a group of hunters -gathered before going on a hunt to pray that their hunt would be -successful. We will never know what went on in the secret chambers at -Tyuonyi, or as a matter of fact, in any other prehistoric kiva. - -And speaking of kivas or ceremonial chambers, some groups preferred to -have theirs in the cliffs, hewn out like the smoky cave rooms but -generally larger. And the kivas, like the cave rooms, were plastered -half-way up the walls whenever they became smoked. This happened quite -often if fires were kept burning. - -The greatest period of occupation of Hidden Valley must have begun -sometime during the fifteenth century. It was to last about a hundred -years. With the beginning of this Great Period, the period in which -Puwige and all of the talus houses were most likely built and occupied, -there certainly must have been some social or ceremonial organization -similar to that in the modern pueblos. There were likely two moieties. -The dual system where every person in the village belonged to one of two -kivas—either Turquoise or Squash, or, Winter or Summer respectively. -Presumably a baby born in the winter belonged to the Turquoise kiva. If -it was a patrilineal society then the individual might have belonged to -the same kiva as his father. Who knows but that it was a matter of -personal choice? Each kiva, Turquoise or Squash, had a ruler or cacique -whose word was absolute. He was the father of the village to whom -villagers looked for guidance and his appointment was for life. The -moieties were under the spiritual guidance of the two town chiefs who -were responsible for the welfare of the people. An important office was -that of cacique. He had been chosen because of his thorough knowledge of -chants, sacred rituals, ceremonial procedure and prayers. No one doubted -the word of the cacique. And all Indians owed duties to their respective -kivas. Although the groups, Turquoise and Squash, were in opposition -they also depended upon one another for the common good of the pueblo. - -If the dual system was in vogue at Tyuonyi, there must have been two -kivas to support it. A peculiar thing, it seems, took place here. At -least one tribal kiva was built and was in use before the Great Period -of occupation came along. It was a large structure forty-two feet in -diameter. Sixty Indians could have crouched down around the inside -against the wall. Indian men, years before, excavated a large concave -depression in the side of a hill a hundred yards or so down the Canyon -from Puwige. Days and days were required to bring in thousands of cobble -stones. They labored untiringly. They brought them from the river and -they brought chunks from the cliff. Around this deep concave depression -which they had laboriously scooped out of the earth with broken pieces -of pottery, sticks, flat stones and whatever else they had to work with, -Indian men laid stone after stone of this volcanic tuff in crude mortar. -They laid a wall ten feet thick. It required thousands of the unworked -stones to line this deep pit. It was a circular affair and was their way -of creating a semi-subterranean chamber when they did not know how to -lay single thickness masonry walls with fashioned blocks. - -No prehistoric Rio Grande kiva, that I know of, has an entrance through -its wall such as this which was found at Frijoles. They all were entered -through the roof. Such things as wall entrances are customary in kivas -in the San Juan area but not in the Rio Grande Valley. And these early -people dug five pits in the floor of their kiva and lined them with -cobble stones. They must have had some use for them of which we know -nothing. Pits of this type are something else not seen in prehistoric -Rio Grande kivas. They are found in the kivas at Chaco Canyon though, -and it is possible that they could have been vestiges of that early -culture. - -This particular ceremonial chamber had apparently fallen into disuse for -a time. But during the Great Period of occupation, when “the little -strong people” presumably occupied the Tyuonyi, it was rebuilt. There -was little use in going to work and building an entirely new kiva when -one was already here and could be rebuilt. The old roofing had fallen to -the inside and there were hundreds of pounds of debris in the kiva -chamber. All this was cleaned out. Building a kiva was a community -enterprise. Men again began cutting and fashioning rectangular blocks -from large chunks fallen from the cliff. As each block was fashioned it -was laid into a single thickness coursed masonry wall around the inside -of the thick wall of cobble stone which belonged to the earlier -occupation. The Indian was smart. He laid this circular wall sloping -outward toward the top so that the pressure from the heavy roof would be -diverted downward when it was laid over the walls. When the wall was -finished it was nine feet high from the floor of the kiva to the -ceiling. And then to keep it from falling down, the Indians dug -underneath the footing stones, and objects modeled of clay which looked -like doughnuts were laid in the holes. When we discovered these -doughnut-shaped affairs I was mystified until an old Indian from San -Ildefonso told me they were put there purposely to hold the wall up, in -a spiritual way of course. - - [Illustration: Felling trees] - -What a large structure this was! It was almost as large as the kivas at -Chaco Canyon where the ancestors of these Indians probably lived several -hundred years before. There was no kiva this large in the entire Rio -Grande Valley. Huge timbers forty-five feet long were required to span -its diameter and timbers that large were difficult to carry. But with -crude stone axes and obsidian knives these kiva builders penetrated the -forest to cut girders for their ceremonial chamber. In the year 1513 -A.D. or thereabout, they cut three trees with trunks fifteen inches or -more in diameter. It took hours, days perhaps. They hacked and they -pounded with their Neolithic implements of toil until all three trees -had been felled. I would hate to estimate the time required to fell -these timbers but time meant nothing to the Indian. Then there was the -job of removing all the branches, needles and bark. - -Preparing a girder in prehistoric times was a great task. Green timber -is much heavier than seasoned wood. And so these timbers weighing a ton -or more were dragged out of the forest to the kiva with stout ropes made -of yucca fiber. Sheer strength was all these people had. There were no -carts with wheels on them to bear the brunt of the load. Heavy objects -had to either be dragged or carried. After much sweat and toil the ends -of the huge poles were rolled over into position in shallow trenches -worked out for this purpose on both sides of the kiva. These three -timbers formed the under structure of the roof. When they were placed -exactly like the Indian wanted them, pointed rocks were driven into the -ground around the ends and the open spaces were packed with adobe so -that these huge round logs would not roll. They placed much smaller -timbers of pine across the huge vigas. These were not so difficult to -cut and they were laid about three feet apart. From down-timbers of -pine, piñon, cottonwood or any other type of fallen trees they hacked -and ripped long narrow sections for the next roof course. The splittings -were transported in bundles to the kiva and one by one they were laid -close together over the small pine poles. Great quantities of thin -willow branches, cane or cat-tail stems were used for the next course. -Pine needles, brush, yucca leaves and whatever leafy material they could -gather was placed on the top. They needed this brush and leafy material -because it was to hold the thick heavy mud coats which were spread over -the top. Indian women carried urn after urn of water on their heads from -the Rito and stamped and mixed this mud. The only chore left was to -throw dirt over the top. - -When the ceremonial chamber was finished it looked like a huge, low -mound—almost level with the ground. The Indians did not forget the -square opening in the top for the exit of the smoke. Kivas were stuffy -places inside. And as in all kivas there was a ventilator. This had been -built during the earlier period of occupation and reused during the -Great Period. It was a mere tunnel which looked like a fireplace and it -suddenly turned upward like a fireplace chimney. The mouth of the -chimney was level with the ground so that the draft would be downward -and would go into the kiva and lift the smoke from the firebox to the -ceiling and eventually out the square opening. The Indian of Tyuonyi did -understand something about ventilating a kiva. He was smart enough to -know that if the top of the ventilator was built very far above ground -level it would work like a fireplace. Then all the smoke would be drawn -to the floor of the kiva and sucked out through the low tunnel. And in -this case he could not have remained inside. But he never found out how -to ventilate his cave room in the cliff. How unfortunate! - -Directly across the kiva in the west side was the entrance which had -also been put here years before. It was merely a tunnel with a roof of -small juniper branches. The outside end was open and was just large -enough for the ends of a two-pole ladder to rest. Indians usually go -into their kivas through the roofs, but not here. They climbed down the -ladder, stooped, and with knees in a flexed position scurried through -the tunnel to the inside. - -The five pits in the floor, which have been mentioned before, were -apparently no longer needed for they were filled in with dirt and stones -tightly packed. A thin layer of dirt was thrown over the entire floor -surface. Kiva floors are generally plastered over and during this period -of occupation the Tyuonyi women, more than likely, were the ones who -smeared four fine coats of adobe over the floor and smoothed it out with -their hands. - -I have neglected to mention one of the most important things of all—the -Sipapu or ceremonial entrance from the underworld. It was the place of -ceremonial emergence into this earthly life. Archæologists generally -find a small hole in the floor of almost every kiva. But here at Tyuonyi -a special kind of Sipapu was made. A piece of soft volcanic ash was -formed into a rectangular block and buried edgewise in the floor. A -small hole shaped like an icecream cone was drilled in the top as the -spirit entrance. The Indians have a legend about this. It is symbolic of -the entrance to the land of “Earth Old Women” and of the place where the -human race originated. Long ago they climbed up a Douglas Spruce Tree -and came into this world through a lake called Sipapu. And when they die -the spirits go to Sipapu and on to the underworld. It is said that this -lake is located in the sand hills north of Alamosa, Colorado. How -important the kiva was to the Indians of Tyuonyi! Sipapu represented the -place of creation and to them it was important in no small way. The -cacique of each one of the big tribal kivas, both Squash and Turquoise, -was a direct representative of the Earth Mother or “Earth Old Woman.” - -But the dweller at Tyuonyi had forgotten something. He did not realize -how tremendously heavy the roof of his big kiva was. He did not know -that the small pine timbers, the splittings, brush, grass, mud and dirt -would cause the big pine vigas to bend and sag and crack in the middle. -It is a question whether or not the roof fell in during some important -ceremony. The situation had to be remedied at any rate. Pine poles, nine -or ten inches in diameter were cut so they would support the weight of -the roof. Six holes were dug in the kiva floor, two under each of the -big vigas. Flat rocks were put in the bottoms of the holes and the ends -of the six timbers were inserted and swung into place under the big -girders, and driven with heavy rocks into an upright position. The big -vigas might have sagged a little but the roof never fell after this -time. Flat stones were driven tight around the bottoms of the support -posts and the holes in which they rested were packed solid with mud and -rocks to keep the timbers from slipping. And this was how the -prehistoric Indian at Tyuonyi built his ceremonial chambers in which -women were not allowed unless requested by the men. There might have -been more than one roof put on this kiva. The first one could have been -laid during the latter part of the fifteenth century. It could have -fallen and then been rebuilt. Archæologists do know that the last time -this large kiva was roofed over was during the early part of the -sixteenth century. We found one of the large charred ends of a big roof -timber and it had been cut in 1513 A.D. So it was about this time that -the last kiva roof was laid. Just how long it was in use is a question. -It was surely used until the end of the occupation of Frijoles Canyon -sometime near the close of the sixteenth century. - -The Indians of Tyuonyi during the Great Period had developed the -dwellings in the north cliff extensively to the number of some three -hundred caves. There might have been twice as many talus houses to the -front, some one story and others two and three stories high. The cliff -population centered around the Long House while other groups built -houses in different locations at the base of the north cliff. And still -other groups built the big community apartment house of about four -hundred rooms to a height of possibly three stories and called it -“Puwige” or “pueblo where the Indian women scraped the bottoms of the -pottery vessels clean.” And they built it in the form of a fort with a -narrow hallway through the east side as the only means of entrance. And -here they fortified themselves during times of attack by other Indians -like themselves who might have been jealous of the watered Valley of the -Frijoles. Another group preferred to remove themselves down the Canyon a -quarter-mile and they erected a circular pueblo, a miniature of Puwige, -seemingly. Still another group preferred to be more isolated and so they -chose a deep cave one hundred fifty feet above the Canyon floor in which -to build their house and kiva. - -One would think, looking at the ruined home sites, that thousands of -prehistoric Indians dwelt at Tyuonyi but that was never the case. -Although the dwellings were extensive they were not all occupied at any -one time. Small groups moved in. Others moved out. They could have taken -turns living in Hidden Valley and then returned to the northern villages -of Potsui’i, Sankawi, Navawi or Tshirege, where their kin and kind -lived. Tyuonyi might have been a place for summer occupation during the -growing season. When planting time came little groups trickled in from -the large northern community villages and remained for a while. One -cannot be sure of what went on in the Canyon. It was a suitable place -for continued occupation with the possibility of an influx of population -during the summer months. One can only speculate. Scientific -investigation reveals nothing in this regard. The legends are scant -now—the old men who remembered them are just about gone. So one is left -with little about how Indians lived on the Pajarito Plateau during -prehistoric times. - - - - - CHAPTER V - Living in the Great Period - - -It would have been an utter impossibility for thousands of Indians to -have lived off the corn, beans, squash and pumpkins raised in the Valley -of the Frijoles. But the several hundred who did live here had to eat -and in order to eat they had to work. The Indians of Tyuonyi were -farmers and were largely dependent upon the products of the soil. Only a -small part of their sustenance was from animals and birds. Of course, -there was game of all kinds. There were deer, perhaps elk and mountain -sheep, bears, turkeys, rabbits, and fish in the creek. But even though -this was wild country, several hundred Indians living in the locality -would soon have depleted the stock with their communal hunts. In the -fall of the year there were grouse in the high mountains and ducks along -the Rio Grande. But imagine how difficult it would have been to kill a -grouse or a duck with a crude bow and arrow. The deer might have been -the prize of the Indians at Frijoles. They ate the meat and used the -hides for buckskin. They knew the rabbit and the mouse and knew that the -woodrat gathered the edible piñon nuts to store away in its hiding -place. The robber, since there was a large crop of the nuts only once -every few years! They ate the squirrel. Skunk skins were probably used -for ceremonial purposes. The raccoon, however scarce, likely formed part -of the diet of the cliff dweller. And although Indians knew the birds of -the forest, they probably did not digest the meat of hawks very well. As -a matter of fact, most birds were too fast for the ever-seeking valley -dweller with his crude weapons. - -Few Indian ruins are excavated in which the remains of corn are not -found. The ancient inhabitants raised corn—much corn. It was the most -important item in their diet. The fields in the lower end of the Canyon -were fertile. The valley was a paradise for primitive people. During -corn planting time tiny kernels were sown in the rich fertile ground -which had been broken with digging sticks and crude hoes. There were -likely no large continuous fields in this valley but only small patches -where individuals might have had separate fields. Adolph Bandelier -suggested that the ancient people irrigated in the Valley of the -Frijoles. How lucky they were if this were true. It is more likely that -they depended on the waters from the heavens. When it was extremely dry -the Indian women transported water from the little river in urns on the -tops of their heads. And so heavy were the jars filled with water that -they were obliged to use soft pot-rests of grass. Corn was planted in -April and was likely sown under a waxing moon so that it would grow with -the moon. The Tewas believed that when corn was sown under a waning -moon, the seeds quit growing. With careful nursing and watering from -April until September, the pigmy ears grew. In the early fall the corn -was gathered by the men. - - [Illustration: Cultivating corn] - - [Illustration: Carrying water] - -A day at Tyuonyi during “corn gathering month” about 1537 A.D. was an -interesting one. The large plaza inside Puwige was swept clean, if -customs of yesteryear parallel those of today, and the corn was brought -therein. Corn, they believed, had life like people and would be glad to -be brought in and housed and protected. It was placed in piles and -everybody from the pueblo helped with the husking—men, women and -children. And when they finished they might have gone to the cliffs to -help their relatives with their husking. As fast as the ears were husked -they were thrown on the flat mud roofs of the houses to dry. These -Indians did not use all the corn at once. The old women thought of crop -failures the next year and so they saved a double amount of the -life-giving grains to plant the year after. After all the husking was -done, the pueblo was swept clean with brooms made of grass bound with -yucca fiber or corn husks. This was in preparation for a festival—a -dance perhaps, to observe the gathering-in of the crop. Strange customs -these Indians had! While corn was standing in the fields it was the -property of the men. As soon as it was gathered, husked and stored, it -belonged to the women who were the caretakers, even though they took -little part in pueblo life at Frijoles which was predominantly a -masculine society. - -Not all the four hundred rooms at Puwige were used for dwellings. -Perhaps no more than a hundred Indians lived here. The smaller rooms -around the inside of the circle, more than likely, were used for storage -purposes. If this were so, it was here that great stores of corn were -kept—inside the circle, safe from plunderers and robbers. How important -this corn was! It might have been offered to the Gods as a request for -various favors and Indian women might have taken corn along when they -went to look for pottery clay, for clay was a scarce item here. And some -of the people might have worn little bags of corn around their necks. -Even in prehistoric times a corn cake would have tasted good. Green corn -was pounded into a pulp, patted into a cake and then baked on a hearth -of black stone over a little fireplace. And Indian women could have -greased the little cakes with the fat of a deer to make them tasty. When -the corn was all dry old women knelt before their angled metates set in -bins and with a hand-piece or mano of black basalt they ground. Their -fingernails were worn oblique on the ends from constant rubbing in -rhythmic time with a corn-grinding chant sung by the men as they beat a -drum or two. And they ground on three or four metates. First, they broke -the corn, then by the time it was passed on and ground on each of the -metates, it was transformed into fine corn flour. And lastly, it was -stored away or perhaps packed over the mountains to other villages. Some -of it might have been traded for buffalo hides by traders who penetrated -the buffalo region to the east, far out of the realm of the pueblos of -the Rio Grande and adjacent mountains. - - [Illustration: Grinding corn meal] - -There were many uses for corn. Bundles of grass were bound together at -the tops with twisted corn shucks and used as brooms. And even -cigarettes could have been made by wrapping corn husks around the dry -leaves of some tobacco plant. Only the old men smoked. Smoking could -have taken place in one of the kivas at a time when a delegation arrived -from another pueblo. Keres and Tewas might have held council at Tyuonyi, -about Tyuonyi itself, and passed around from each to other a fire-stick -with a glowing end from the fireplace as a lighter. Mats and door-flaps -were made of plaited corn husks and it would not have been an uncommon -sight to find these coverings over the openings of some of the houses at -the base of the cliff. Corn was certainly an important item. - -Archæologists have recovered beans also—pinto beans. It was a type known -to the Indians before the Spaniards ever thought about the New World. -During some of our excavation work I found that the people who had lived -in the Ceremonial Cave, far above the concentration of the Canyon’s -population, knew about beans as well as the rest of the dwellers. Beans -were one of the staple foods. The people at San Ildefonso today know -them as “tewatu.” It is possible that the same name was given beans at -prehistoric Frijoles. - -There were many uses for gourds also. Half-sections were scraped clean -of their pulp and used as dippers and ladles. Whole gourds were used as -rattles in ceremonial dances. Broken pieces could have been used to -scrape and smooth wet pottery before it was fired. - -Almost everywhere were products of the earth. And they were used to -their fullest extent. These people even knew about cotton. Whether it -was ever raised in Hidden Valley is questionable. Pieces of the simple -over-and-under weave cloth have been found in the ruins. The growing -season in the mountains might have been too short. It might be that -these Indians traded with their neighbors to the south for their -necessary supply of cotton. Cotton was woven into ceremonial -paraphernalia and also into garments. Men wore cotton breech clouts -while women wore large mantas of cotton cloth. This cloth was suspended -from one shoulder downward covering one side of the breast, wrapped once -around the waist and then taken up the back of the shoulder and tied in -a knot. A very important item was cotton. - -All of the wild plants were utilized and especially when cultivated -crops gave out. There were many in the valley growing wild along the -fertile banks of the Rio de Los Frijoles. There were gooseberries, -currants, the berries of sumac, onions, milkweed, strawberries, blazing -star, horsemint, dandelions and prickly pears from the round leaf -cactus. Even the ball cactus might have been eaten. And surely many of -these were stored for later use. Little did these primitive dwellers -know what might befall them. Raids by hostile bands often destroyed -their fields. Fire might have been set to the roofs of their homes. A -period of drought could have been one of their worries even here in the -Valley of the Tyuonyi. - -Mother Earth gave the Indian everything. She lavishly produced juniper -and piñon wood for fires, choke-cherry, juniper and oak for stout bows. -And there was hard wood for the foreshafts of arrows and cane for the -hind shafts to which turkey feathers were fastened as guides. She -produced sticks for clubbing rabbits to death. There was rabbit brush -for yellow paint. The leaves of yucca, when pounded up and dried, could -be twisted into stout rope and cord. Extremely tiny cords were used in -making fishnets. Strips of yucca were used in making baskets and also -for making brushes used in painting and decorating pottery. Stout strips -of the tough leaf were used for tying. And the Indian even knew how to -extract the medicinal properties from plants. The Valley of the Frijoles -produced for the primitive dweller most of the things he had to have for -successful living. - - [Illustration: Making pottery] - -While Indian men, it seems, laid the walls of the houses and repaired -them, and cut the heavy roof timbers—while they planted corn and hunted, -the women were not idle. The art of pottery making has long been the -pride of pueblo women. They did the whole job from beginning to end. -They searched the river and arroyo banks for clay and they carried it to -their homes where it was kneaded and rolled out into long rod-like -strands. All pottery was coiled. They began at the very bottom and -brought the long strands of tempered clay round and round in the general -shape they desired. And then they patted and smoothed the vessel out -with wood or gourd scrapers. When it was dry, they applied a slipping or -wash coat over the outside. When this was done the vessel was decorated -with various crude designs. It was then put into an open fire smothered -with wood, corncobs, pine needles and grasses so that the heat would be -retained. This was their method of firing. When a vessel was removed -from the fire and the ashes wiped off, a dirty white background with -black designs appeared. There were several different types of this ware -made at Frijoles. Today we call this pottery a black-on-white ware. - - [Illustration: COURTESY MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO A SECTION OF LONG - HOUSE] - - [Illustration: COURTESY NAT’L. PARK SERVICE RECONSTRUCTED CLIFF - HOUSE] - - [Illustration: COURTESY NAT’L. PARK SERVICE RUINS OF PUWIGE] - - [Illustration: COURTESY NAT’L. PARK SERVICE RUINS OF THE LARGE KIVA] - -The most common type known to the archæologist today is Biscuit ware. It -is so-called because it is exceptionally thick and porous. These Indians -made flat squatty bowls, and ollas—the common wide-necked jars. These -were inferior types and not nearly as good pottery as was made by other -Indian women at other villages. It was tempered with soft volcanic ash. -Tiny particles were worked into the soft clay to keep it from cracking -and resulted in a soft powdery ware which was easily broken. It is -possible that these women were not very well satisfied with their -pottery made from local materials. The same thing was true at all the -villages on the Pajarito. When water was put in the jars and bowls they -became soft. It certainly was not a satisfactory type of ware. And the -Indian women might have been very much ashamed. Pottery making was their -work, their art and their pride. But the materials in this country -simply did not make good hard pottery despite the ability of any -individual potter. - -However, the Keres women made good hard pottery. They had the clays and -the tempers with which to work. They were still making the ware with the -slick red finish and glaze designs on the outside which was developed in -the Little Colorado district of western New Mexico and eastern Arizona. -They were even making the polychromes or multi-colored wares by this -time. Trading this pottery might have been the solution to the problem -of the Tewas even after the Keres-speaking people had been driven from -the Tyuonyi. New generations of Keres might have had a different way of -looking at things. Although the red glaze ware had become coarse and -heavy by this time, it surpassed the soft Biscuit wares made by these -valley women. They were probably glad to accept it in trade. From about -1400 A.D. all through to the abandonment of Frijoles Canyon, the glaze -wares were present. The glazes did not stop here but are found at Tewa -villages far to the north. These people, too, had been making the same -soft ware as did the dwellers in the Frijoles. So it does appear that -some sort of a relationship could have existed between Keres and -Tewa-speaking groups of people even during these late times. - - [Illustration: Pueblo beside a cliff] - -The main occupation, it seems, lasted well up toward the close of the -sixteenth century. Several generations of Indians had lived here either -in cliff homes or pueblos on the floor of the Canyon. Any night might -have witnessed hundreds of tiny smokes emerging from smoke holes in -roofs. The glow from tiny fires inside the cliff rooms lighted the -doorways in the front walls. A sentry, perhaps, with bow and -sharp-pointed arrow was posted at the entrance to Puwige, the big -community house, or on some nearby high point where he could comb the -landscape with sharp eyes and would warn the pueblo dwellers that -warriors were approaching. A summer day would suggest men basking in the -sun or attempting to net out fish from the little river below. Women had -jars on their heads. Others were gathering berries and greens. A hunter -was greeted as he strolled forth triumphantly with wild game for a meal -or two. A sudden summer cloudburst of rain or hail—delightful and -refreshing and good for the corn too, interrupted the sameness of -things. The tiny drops sent an Indian mother with baby on her back -scampering for shelter. Children were running and laughing but ever -alert. These are only a few of the incidents of six hundred years of -living, primitive and insecure living, which went on in the Valley of -the Tyuonyi. - - [Illustration: Welcome rain] - -Toward the close of the century the waters from the heavens stopped. -Corn fields dried up and the waters of the little river were no more. -The curse of the Southwest had hit again. The lands became drier and -drier as the days passed. Cliff homes were like ovens as the hot sun -beat down upon them. The same thing happened here as happened to their -ancestors in the west centuries before. The Tewas, living in the big -villages to the north, were experiencing the same thing. There was no -water in the canyons. Water holes had gone dry. And there was no water -from the heavens to be caught in great rock cisterns. Small groups began -to move. Others hung on. Could it be that Hidden Valley was to go the -way of all the rest? It was true. Moving was a necessity now. - - [Illustration: Abandoning the pueblo] - -It is not known how many Indians lived at this place during those last -days of drought and it is possible that those who might have remained -did not wish to be left in Hidden Valley close to Keres land to the -south. So, slowly but surely, group after group trickled out of the -Valley of the Frijoles, leaving their homes to the mercy of the -elements. Within the course of a very short time the entire population -had evacuated. They crossed deep canyons and high potrero tops—dry -now—and helped to cut just a little deeper the very same old trails in -the soft rock, which had been worn down by thousands of moccasined feet -for countless generations. Before they left it seems that they must have -destroyed almost everything they possessed. Fire was set to the roof of -their large kiva. This was the end of the Tyuonyi. Hidden Valley had -witnessed its last great occupation. It had been occupied by Indians for -six centuries—Indians who had lived, raised corn and beans and squash -and pumpkins, and who had fought and died. The occupation of Frijoles -possibly was tottering at the time the Espejo expedition came up the Rio -Grande Valley in February of the year 1583. A few stragglers could have -still been here—who knows? But certainly by the close of the century -Tyuonyi was a thing of the past. The roofs to the houses were falling -in—timbers were rotting and cracking under the tremendous weight of -poles and brush and mud. Walls fell. It was a deserted town with a -background as colorful as any other pueblo in the Southwest. Hidden -Valley was still here but its actors were no more. - - - - - CHAPTER VI - Cliff Dwellers Again - - -By the close of the sixteenth century, it seems, all of the great -towns—the terraced community apartment houses on the Pajarito—had been -abandoned. Life in the hills and mountains had grown unbearable because -of a shortage of water. These people, I have no doubt, disliked leaving -their mountain homes. The mountains were more conducive to successful -living than the hot sandy banks of the Rio Grande. But this made no -difference now—moving was a necessity. Groups pushed off the mesa tops -and down the canyons into the Valley of the Rio Grande. Soon little -settlements sprang up. This move certainly must have been a step down -for the cliff and pueblo dwellers. They had lived for centuries on the -wooded mesa tops near high mountains and had drunk spring water. Now -they had only the muddy waters of the Rio Grande. They established the -village of Perage on the west bank of the river about a mile west of -their present pueblo of Powhoge or San Ildefonso. Other groups could -have gone to other Tewa-speaking villages. Just when the pueblo of San -Ildefonso was established is not certain but it was long, long ago. - -Tewas could live in peace now and raise corn, beans, squash and -pumpkins, for here the muddy waters of the Rio Grande were ever flowing. -But it was not for the Tewas to say, or think, that they could live in -peace. The next Spanish expedition taught them this. The expedition -headed by Don Juan de Oñate was the colonizing expedition into New -Mexico. In 1598, soldiers, colonists, carts and baggage streamed up the -Valley of the Rio Grande and took possession of New Mexico in the name -of His Majesty, the King of Spain. This time the occupation was in -earnest. Four hundred or more settlers and soldiers marched up the -valley, the settlers with everything they possessed in the way of tools -and personal effects. Thousands of domestic animals were brought in. The -Spanish meant to stay this time. - -In the north Tewa country, beyond San Ildefonso, was the Province of -Yunqueyunque which is thought to have been located near the present San -Juan Pueblo. It was here that the first capital city of New Mexico was -established by the Spanish on July 11, 1598. It was called San Gabriel. - -It was about this time that the Tewa-speaking people on the Pajarito -Plateau were abandoning their homes in canyons and on mesa tops and -moving to the banks of the Rio Grande where they built the pueblo of San -Ildefonso. These Indians built the pueblo with rows of houses two and -three stories high and built their kivas on top of the ground instead of -below the ground as they had done in their former homes. - -After Oñate had been removed from office as Governor of New Mexico, the -Viceroy appointed Don Pedro de Peralta and the capital was moved from -San Gabriel to Santa Fe in 1610. Governors changed. Each made new laws. -Indians were used as slaves. They produced goods for the Spanish. -Children went to school and all went to church. They took on -Christianity—yes, but they retained their old beliefs and old forms of -worship. Roman Catholic Missionaries built churches in many of the Rio -Grande pueblos which the Indians paid for. Some were flogged for not -wanting to go to church, but this new form of religion was forced upon -them. Hours were long and hard and taxes imposed by the Spanish were -exorbitant. This kept up for seven decades. - -Rebellion was on the way. Acoma, the Sky City, was the first village to -rebel. This was quelled. Then the Jemez, then the pueblos of San Felipe -and Cochiti, our Keres-speaking friends, rebelled. Alameda and Isleta -were next. But these uprisings were not put down. It all ended up in the -bloody and terrible Pueblo Rebellion of 1680. Spaniards were murdered -right and left all over New Mexico. The Tewas of San Ildefonso were in -sympathy with the Rebellion. They had suffered too, and so they marched -with their allies regardless of creed, clan or language spoken, to Santa -Fe, the capital city. The remaining little handful of Spanish refugees -had gathered in the Palace of the Governors as a last resort. One white -cross and one red cross were sent to the Spanish Governor Otermin by the -Indians. White meant peace. Red meant war. The Governor chose war. But -the cause was hopeless now. The Spanish were outnumbered and their food -and water supply had been cut off. Surrender was the only alternative, -so, on August 21, the Spanish left the Palace and back-tracked down the -Valley of the Rio Grande. The Indian now had his land back. He could -live in peace along the banks of the river and raise his crops, so he -thought. No more toil and no more taxes. But this Utopia was not to be -realized. - -Even though the Navaho had taken an active part in the uprisings, he -began to cause trouble as soon as the Spanish were out of New Mexico. -The Pueblo people had not counted on this. The Navaho had taken -everything from the Spaniard that he could use against him, including -the horse. As soon as the weakened Pueblo people thought they had rid -themselves of trouble and war and killing, the wild Navaho took -advantage of the situation. Terror reigned for a decade or more. The -Navaho swooped down upon the pueblos at night, plundering and killing. -Putting up with the Spanish might have been easier to take than this. -But all was to change again. Don Diego de Vargas marched up the Rio -Grande with another colonizing expedition, soldiers and missionaries. -Pueblo after pueblo was reconquered and Santa Fe was re-entered in 1693. -The Pueblo people were not too hard to bring to submission this time. -The Spanish would help their warriors to drive off their enemies. The -pueblos had had about all they could take from the Navaho. - -Then there were the Tewa villages to be dealt with up the Rio Grande -between Santa Fe and the pueblo of San Juan. The San Ildefonso Tewa fled -to a high black rock known as “Black Mesa.” It had been used by them for -years as a place of defense. From its top the country can be seen for -miles around. It was here that they held out against the Spanish -soldiers from January until September of 1694. They finally surrendered -after several unsuccessful assaults at their rock and a siege which -lasted for five days. Black Mesa figures considerably in the mythology -of the Tewas. They say that during this seven-months period while their -people were besieged on the high mesa top, brave men descended through -the precipitous gap during the night to the Rio Grande below to get -water for their marooned people. Black Mesa is sometimes known as -“Mesita Huerfano” or “Orphan Mesa.” It is said that a giant lived here -at one time and caught children from the pueblo which he and his wife -and daughter ate. He was at last killed by the Tewa War Gods. Legend has -it that the giant’s heart is still on the mesa top in the form of a -white rock. - -We have almost forgotten the Keres-speaking people to the south who were -also having trouble. During the Rebellion, the Cochitenos abandoned -their pueblo and moved back up the Cañada de Cochiti to Kotyiti. This -was, according to their legends, the last site they occupied after being -driven from the Tyuonyi and before establishing the present Cochiti on -the banks of the Rio Grande. Kotyiti was built on top of a high mesa -known to the Spanish as “Potrero Viejo.” It is a mesa about two miles -long and several hundred feet high. It was a natural fortress for the -Indians, and it was to this fortress that the Keres moved back and built -their homes shortly after the beginning of the Rebellion. This fortress -was known as “Hanat Cochiti” or “Cochiti Above.” With the coming of -Diego de Vargas in 1693, the Indians fled from the pueblo on the river -to their mesa and put up a stiff battle, but in vain. After their -reconquest, broken and tired of trouble, they moved back to Cochiti in -1694 where they have been ever since. - -But what trouble the Tewas of San Ildefonso did have! There suddenly -came another outburst of pueblo rebellion in June of 1696 and the people -of San Ildefonso burned their beautiful church which had been built for -them by the Spanish with Indian labor, sweat, blood and taxes. Two -priests were caught in the burning building as well as several other -Spaniards. There they all perished. The San Ildefonso Tewa have a legend -and a belief that they should always move to the south and never to the -north. But someone wanted the pueblo moved to the north. And so there -was a contest between good people and sorcerers, and the sorcerers won -by witchcraft. The pueblo was moved to the north. The San Ildefonso -people believe that this is the reason why they had pestilence and -famines, and why their people decreased in numbers. Such trouble they -had! - -Could it be that during these trying and troublesome years at the close -of the seventeenth century, some of these heart-sick and war-weary -Indians decided that life back on the high forested mesa tops or in deep -canyons to the south where their ancestors had lived, just a century -before, would be better than this? Could they tear themselves away from -their brethren at night and sneak south, back into the hills and down -into deep canyons protected by high vertical cliffs, even into Hidden -Valley? Spanish soldiers on horseback could not find them here. They -could not follow the old Indian trails. Perhaps those known as the “good -people” of San Ildefonso were so opposed to moving their pueblo a little -to the north that they refused to have any part in this plan and -preferred moving far to the south. - -To assume that such a move took place would not be folly even if we had -no supporting evidence. Families could have removed themselves to the -hills of the Pajarito. Here Hidden Valley offered them protection. It -was deep in the south country and water had returned to the creek. The -drought period was over and there would be water from the heavens again. -The old abandoned dwellings in Frijoles Canyon were in ruins. Roof -timbers had rotted and walls had fallen. These were the homes of their -ancestors. But with very little work these homes could be made livable -again. And so, in a remote section in the lower end of Frijoles, the -Indians again went to work in a group of rooms high above the floor of -the Canyon. They were a quarter-mile from the ruins of the Long House -and Puwige which were in open sight. - -Like true cliff dwellers in prehistoric times they rebuilt old homes -into new ones. Rooms were cleaned out. The old roof structures were -removed from the inside. Loose building stones were removed from the -broken-down walls. And the cave rooms above were also cleaned out. -Indian men again cut pine timbers for roof poles with crude stone axes. -They rebuilt walls and laid the poles over the tops. Indian women mixed -mud—good hard Tewa mud. They brought in clay from nearby arroyos or from -the Rio Grande and raised their talus houses two stories high. Some of -the caves, after a hundred years, had eroded beyond use. Doorways and -fronts had fallen. Indians gathered fallen building blocks strewn along -the base of the cliff which had been fashioned by their ancestors. They -built artificial fronts to the caves and plastered them over with mud. -Fine clay mortar was smeared over the floor and rough surfaced walls. -Doorways were built in the front walls of houses. Ladders were built. A -corn patch was planted. Game likely was plentiful now. Black volcanic -glass was chipped into sharp arrow points. A deer or two were brought in -triumphantly from a hunt. And they created new homes for themselves and -brought life back to Hidden Valley while their kin and kind struggled on -and on with Spaniard and Navaho. - -Safe at last, they lived again. Corn was harvested in the fall of the -year and shucked and stored. Indian women ground corn on old worn -metates left there a century before and the men again chanted away in -time with the beat of a drum which echoed between steep canyon walls. -Baskets were made of juniper and yucca. Blankets of fur and feathers -were sewn together. Stout cord was twisted from the fibers of yucca. -Indian women made brooms of grass tied with corn husks and yucca fiber -to sweep their sooty rooms, while brown-skinned babies rolled in the -dust. Gourds were scraped and made into utility vessels and Indian women -again carried water in urns on the tops of their heads from the little -creek far below. - -It undoubtedly took some readjustment to live in the cliffs again after -a century of acculturational contact with the Spanish. Just how many -Indians or how large a group returned to the Canyon homes is not known. -But by this time we see that the Indian had acquired a few things from -the Spanish either by trade or thievery. This little group brought with -them pieces of metal and wooden objects of possible foreign origin, -objects brought in by the Spanish to the Rio Grande. One such object, -which we found, was a two-pronged pick of viburnum, elaborately carved -on top with a sharp steel blade. It was not much longer than a hair-pin -and reminded one of such. Its use is still puzzling. And the Indians -brought woolen cloth which was definitely post-Spanish. The Spaniards -had brought the sheep to New Mexico. The weave of the cloth was such -that it could not be mistaken. Could it have been from a Spanish garment -or was it Indian-made? It is even possible that these people were -wearing woven garments of wool when they reoccupied the Frijoles. - -The little community was a poor one. There is no doubt about it. The -Indian made fire in the same old way with fire drills. A blunt round -piece of wood was turned so fast in the groove of a flat piece of wood -that fire was produced. These people used cultivated tobacco at this -time—a variety never before discovered in the Southwest of this early -age. During a moment of temptation, the writer rolled a cigarette from -part of this Indian mix which he found buried in a small red bowl. He -smoked it without any ill effects. It looked like tobacco, smelled like -tobacco and tasted like tobacco. Discarded fragments of pipes were found -which had bowls of hard wood burned through. Moccasins of deer skin sewn -together with sinew were found. Could they have been made in Frijoles -Canyon or were they brought into the valley by these Indians? Whichever -was the case, they were worn out. One pair was half-soled—not like our -half-soles today, but on the inside. A new piece of buckskin had been -cut and fitted and sewn to the inside of one of the worn-out moccasins -which had been discarded. - -The chirp of a turkey hen or the gobble of a gobbler created a dead -silence in any primitive household. The calls echoed and could be heard -for a half-mile. Even today, we stop and listen and follow the call just -for a glimpse of the wild turkey. It is exciting. A tenseness of nerve -and muscle envelops a person. An Indian father crept noiselessly down -the steep slope to the valley far below—stopped, listened—not a sound -but the whining of the wind through the high tops of pines or the caw of -a raven flying high above, or the rolling waters of the little river. -Following again and picking each step, bow and arrow in hand, ready to -draw, he stopped. The turkeys were coming closer and behind a rock he -hid or laid close to the little river out of sight. They were almost -upon him, feeding peacefully on grasshoppers and bugs. A well directed -arrow would mean meat for the whole family. That the Indian used only -the feathers of the turkey is an idea of the past. The broken food bones -are found in the ruins of ancient homes. Besides using the meat of the -turkey for food, the Indian used the feathers for ceremonial purposes -and strips of turkey feather spines made excellent wrappings for making -arrow guides. - - [Illustration: Decaying pueblo] - -Such was life in Hidden Valley after the conquest of New Mexico by the -Spanish. Living in the Tyuonyi at this time was apparently a necessity. -It could again have been our Tewa-speaking friends who raised corn, -beans, squash and pumpkins in the beautiful and colorful Valley of the -Frijoles and who watched the sun, day after day, pass down behind the -cliff to the land of Sipapu. But time again had a way of making things -right, though not just as the Indian desired it. After the close of the -seventeenth century, it seems, Frijoles was abandoned again. The Indians -left their cliff homes and moved back to the Valley of the Rio Grande. -There was little trouble with the Spanish from then on and the Indian -wars were over and all were subdued and the ancient homes in Frijoles -continued to crumble and walls continued to fall. A little time was all -that was necessary to completely cover the abandoned dwellings. Howling -winds beat sharp particles of dirt against crumbling walls and -eventually filled them in and covered them. Deep kivas were no more. -Small stones, boulders and dust fell from the cliffs covering up talus -houses. Huge slides covered many homes and the wind and rain beat -against the vulnerable cliff walls and eroded many of the caves almost -beyond identification. Indian occupation was ended now but Hidden Valley -still remained. The Rito de Los Frijoles continued to cut its course -deeper and deeper through the soft volcanic ash as it had done through -six hundred years of Indian living. Struggle had ended over the Tyuonyi. -It was deserted to the ravages of time. To the south the Keres were -settled now, and to the north the Tewas. They were content; and Hidden -Valley was left alone. - - - - - CHAPTER VII - The Spanish Era - - -The early part of the eighteenth century saw the Spanish interested in -more than Pueblo Indians. There was the actual colonization of New -Mexico and the war with France which drew their attention. New Mexican -land was divided into tracts or land grants. The Spanish had combed it -all. They knew about the canyon today known as the “Frijoles,” the -Tyuonyi of the Cochiti Indians. The tract lay just south of the bounds -of what is known as the “Ramon Vigil Grant.” It was in litigation much -of the time. The land was cleared, broken and put under cultivation -during the latter part of the eighteenth century. The valley floor was -cleared and no doubt some of the homes occupied by Indians years before -were obliterated. This valley was given the name of El Rito de Los -Frijoles sometime prior to the year 1780. For years, people have said -that the Canyon derived its name from the fact that Indians raised beans -here in prehistoric times. True, prehistoric Indians did grow beans at -Frijoles but the derivation of its name probably had no connection with -any Indian occupation. - -With the coming of a new century, Spanish people were accused of living -in the caves of the Rito like barbarians. This picturesque Hidden Valley -was a rendezvous for cattle thieves and persons whose characters could -be questioned. It was a den for robbers who greatly troubled the people -around the country, so, in 1811 the Spanish Governor ordered all its -inhabitants to move out. The Canyon must have been occupied more or less -continuously throughout the nineteenth century by farming groups of -Spanish-Americans. And they were troubled by Indian raids from time to -time until the latter part of the century. - - [Illustration: PHOTO BY GEORGE THOMPSON THE AUTHOR AT AN OLD HIDDEN - TRAIL] - - [Illustration: COURTESY NAT’L. PARK SERVICE A PARTY OF VISITORS AT - LONG HOUSE] - -The walls of ancient caves today are pocked with nail holes. -Sheepherders might have camped for a while and left initials and dates -picked in the soft stone. Cow bones strewn at the base of the cliff, now -dry and white and brittle with age, are the only sad memorials of what -went on. And many are the hidden legends. Every little canyon in the -locality has a name. Something happened to give them their names. One, -Water Canyon, was formerly known as “Diesmo” or “Ten-Percent Canyon,” -because a priest collected ten percent of the lambs from sheep owners as -a tithe for the church and herded his flocks in this valley. Everything -has a meaning in this colorful land. There still exists today a circular -platform of blocks of tuff on the floor of Frijoles Canyon. Local -farmers claim that it belonged to them and their fathers before them. It -was used as a threshing floor. I have heard that it was a dance pavilion -or platform and was advised that if I brought over some of the Indian -women from San Ildefonso and asked them to do what they were supposed to -do, they would begin dancing the ring dance. The stories are many but -will the truth ever be known? Time is slipping by. - -Within quite recent years the Navaho has used the old trails, just -passing through, going to some pueblo to trade perhaps. Even Zuñi -Indians have passed through the Valley of the Tyuonyi—resting a few -minutes and drinking of the waters of El Rito de Los Frijoles as they -might have done in years past when they were supposed to have visited -the Stone Lions to the south. And Indians from Cochiti have returned to -their Tyuonyi during summer months to raise a little corn. These people -religiously return to the homes of their ancestors. Even today, certain -of the old Tewa men from northern pueblos trudge south into timbered -mountainous country and erect shrines near their ancestral homes. They -carve miniature pueblos three and four stories high out of volcanic -boulders of soft ash. They build altars and burn ceremonial fires. They -dig holes in the soft ground, line them with little rocks and cover the -holes with green branches from the juniper tree. Many times I have seen -evidences of these ceremonies along dry arroyo banks on the Pajarito -Plateau. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII - Present Times - - -In 1880, Adolph F. Bandelier, famous Swiss ethnologist, archivist and -historian, entered the Valley of the Frijoles. - -At the time, he was connected with the Archæological Institute of -America and had been sent to New Mexico to work among the Indians who -today live in mud-walled pueblos up and down the banks of the Rio -Grande. Bandelier spent a great many days at Santo Domingo and Cochiti -seeking out legends and myths regarding the people’s past and present -and it was from the Cochitenos that Bandelier learned of Tyuonyi. -Bandelier’s descriptions of the surrounding country are thoroughly -detailed. He must have possessed a very keen mind to have so well -described geographical features in such brief association. He entered -Frijoles Canyon, the Tyuonyi of the Cochiti Indians, on October 23 of -that year. - -It has been said that Bandelier lived in the caves of the Rito de Los -Frijoles, and, according to stories passed around by hearsay, he could -have lived in a dozen different caves. It would be nice, and perhaps -poetic, to say that the famous student hung his coat or his hat on such -and such a nail, when wire nails such as are found in these caves -probably did not exist during Bandelier’s visits to the Canyon. The -general opinion among people who remember Bandelier is that he did spend -some time in one particular cave high above the Canyon floor. It was a -double-chambered cave overlooking Puwige and the entire broad and open -lower end of the Canyon. The view was perfect. It might have been here -that Bandelier organized some of his notes which resulted in the -never-to-be-forgotten ethno-historic novel, _The Delight Makers_. People -have said that Adolph Bandelier lived for years at Frijoles, but this is -not true. His investigation of practically the entire Southwest took -only five years to complete. So we might limit his stay to days, but -those days counted. It was Bandelier’s intent to portray history and -archæology in the guise of fiction and here he laid the basis for his -famous novel which brought fifteenth-century dwellers of the Tyuonyi to -life again. - -The works of Charles F. Lummis will never be forgotten—_The Land of Poco -Tiempo_; _Mesa, Canyon and Pueblo_. Bandelier and Lummis were very good -friends and although their opinions and ideas conflicted at times, this -friendship was never broken. Many times has Lummis visited Frijoles and -many times has he stayed in the old Indian cave rooms, even in quite -recent times, when other accommodations were available. - -In 1907, Judge A. J. Abbot settled in the Valley of the Frijoles. He -built a ranch house out of the ancient building stones of volcanic ash. -The stones came from Puwige, the big community house. Cut and fashioned -in the sixteenth century or thereabout, by prehistoric Indians, they -were used again. The place was known as “Ten Elder Ranch,” because of -the box-elder trees growing nearby. The ranch changed hands three times -and was subsequently known as “Frijoles Canyon Ranch” until the old -buildings were torn down and replaced by modern unique pueblo style -buildings designed by government engineers and known as “Frijoles Canyon -Lodge.” It would be an utter impossibility to name all of the famous -personages who have visited Frijoles or were entertained at the old -ranch place. The Commoners and the Nobility, people from the four -corners of the globe came, some of them leaving a little remembrance or -token of their appreciation—a poem about the Frijoles perhaps, a card, a -thank-you letter, an invitation—they are too numerous to mention. - -In 1916, the area was created a National Monument and named in honor of -Adolph Francis Alphonse Bandelier. It has been known as such ever since. -But to the “old timers” it is still the “Rito” or “El Rito de Los -Frijoles.” They remember the times they either walked or came on -horseback from the north rim into the boundary valley—the valley between -ancient Keres and Tewa lands—into a Hidden Valley clustered with the -works of primitive Indians, the ruins alone being capable of revealing -the incidents of a buried and hidden past. Their heads are gray now and -they remember with the semblance of tears in their eyes. - -From 1916 until 1932, the entire area was under the administration of -the United States Forest Service of the Department of Agriculture. At -this time it was transferred to the National Park Service, Department of -the Interior. Thousands of visitors go to Bandelier every year chiefly -just to look at this magnificent Valley of the Frijoles. A new modern -highway replaces the old trail from the north cliff. The visitor now -drives down to the valley floor to spend an hour or so on a tour -conducted by the National Park Service, to hear the story of how Indians -lived in the cliff homes and in pueblos long before Columbus discovered -America. They wonder about cliff dwellers while ravens soar above the -valley floor and caw just as they did four hundred years ago. They see -the visible remains of the great kiva on the Canyon floor and stroll on -to Puwige, the big community house. They view over two hundred excavated -rooms, four hundred years old. They see the narrow passage through the -east side and the remains of obstructions used to slow down the -attackers of old. And then they climb to the base of the weathered and -sun-drenched cliffs where many an Indian woman swept rubbish from her -kitchen out on to the steep slope and ground many an ear of corn on -crude metate. Visitors climb into caves, the floors covered with dust -and ceilings still blackened with smoke. They push the hands of the -clock back to the Stone Age, while the Keres to the south go on living -on the banks of the muddy Rio Grande, apparently forgetting that there -ever was a Tyuonyi, war or trouble; and while the Tewas to the north, -having settled themselves, seem to have forgotten their ancestral -home—the “Frijoles,” the National Park Service strives to protect, -preserve, and make the ruins in Hidden Valley live again. - - - - - SOURCE MATERIAL - - - Bandelier, A. F. _Final Report of Investigations Among the Indians of - the Southwestern United States._ Part II, Papers of the - Archæological Institute of America, American Series, No. IV, - Cambridge, 1892. - —— _Documentary History of the Rio Grande Valley._ In _Indians of the - Rio Grande Valley_, Hewett and Bandelier. 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W., _The Stabilization of the Large Kiva, Frijoles Canyon, - Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico._ Unpublished report, - typed copies available at Southwestern Monuments, Santa Fe, - and at Bandelier National Monument. 1937. - —— _The Stabilization of the Restored Talus House. The Rito de Los - Frijoles, Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico._ - Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report Supplement, Coolidge, - Arizona, December, 1937. - —— _The Stabilization of the Kiva in the Great Ceremonial Cave, El - Rito de Los Frijoles, Bandelier National Monument, New - Mexico._ Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report Supplement, - Coolidge, Arizona, January, 1938. - —— _Archaeological Report on the Stabilization of Tyuonyi, The Rito de - Los Frijoles, Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico._ - Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report Supplement, Coolidge, - Arizona, February, 1938. - —— _Prehistory of El Rito de Los Frijoles._ Southwestern Monuments - Association, Technical Series, No. 1, Coolidge, Arizona, 1940. - Hewett, E. L., _Antiquities of the Jemez Plateau, New Mexico._ - Bulletin 32, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1906. - —— _The Excavations at El Rito de Los Frijoles, in 1909._ American - Anthropologist, n. s. II, No. 4, 1909. - —— _The Excavations at Tyuonyi, New Mexico, in 1908._ American - Anthropologist, n. s. II, No. 3, 1909. - —— _Pajarito Plateau and Its Ancient People._ Handbook of - Archæological History. University of New Mexico and School of - American Research, Albuquerque, 1938. - Luxan. See Hammond and Rey. - Mera, H. P. _A Proposed Revision of the Rio Grande Glaze-Paint - Sequence._ Laboratory of Anthropology, Technical Series, - Bulletin No. 5, Santa Fe, 1932. - —— _Wares Ancestral to Tewa Polychrome._ Laboratory of Anthropology, - Technical Series, Bulletin No. 4, Santa Fe, 1933. - —— _A Survey of the Biscuit Ware Area in Northern New Mexico._ - Laboratory of Anthropology, Technical Series, Bulletin No. 6, - Santa Fe, 1934. - —— _Ceramic Clues to the Prehistory of North Central New Mexico._ - Laboratory of Anthropology, Technical Series, Bulletin No. 8, - Santa Fe, 1935. - —— _Some Aspects of the Largo Cultural Phase, Northern New Mexico._ - American Antiquity III-3, January, 1938. - —— _Style Trends of Pueblo Pottery._ Memoirs of the Laboratory of - Anthropology, VIII, Santa Fe, N. M., 1939. - —— _Population Changes in the Rio Grande Glaze-Paint Area._ Laboratory - of Anthropology, Technical Series, Bulletin No. 9, Santa Fe, - New Mexico, 1940. - Morley, S. G. _The Rito de Los Frijoles in the Spanish Archives._ - Appendix II, _The Pajarito Plateau and Its Ancient People_. - Edgar L. Hewett, Albuquerque, 1938. - Parsons, E. C., _Taos Pueblo_. George Banta Publishing Co., Menasha, - Wisconsin, 1936. - Reiter, Paul. _The Jemez Pueblo of Unshagi._ Parts I and II. - University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1938. - Shepard, Anna O. _Rio Grande Glaze Paint Ware._ Reprinted from - Carnegie Institution of Washington Publication 528, pp. - 129-262, 1942. - Stallings, W. S., Jr. _A Tree-Ring Chronology for the Rio Grande - Drainage in Northern New Mexico._ Reprinted from the - Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Vol. 19, No. - 9, Washington, 1933. - —— _Southwestern Dated Ruins._ Tree-Ring Bulletin, V. 4, No. 2, - Tucson, 1937. - White, L. A. _The Pueblo of San Felipe._ Memoirs of the American - Anthropological Association, No. 38, Menasha, Wisconsin, 1932. - Whitman, W. _The San Ildefonso of New Mexico._ In _Acculturation in - Seven American Indian Tribes_, Ralph Linton, D. - Appleton-Century Co., New York, 1940. - Winship, G. P. _The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542._ Fourteenth Annual - Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Pt. 1, 1896. - - - - - GLOSSARY - - - A - Acoma (áh-ko-mah). “People of the White Rock”; Keres-speaking village - of the western group occupied since prehistoric times. - adobe (a-dóugh-bay). Thick mud with high clay content; also a - sun-baked brick made of clay. - Alameda (alah-máy-dah). “Cottonwood Grove”; Spanish-American village. - Albuquerque (al-bu-kér-keh). Largest city in New Mexico; named after - the Duke of Alburquerque, Viceroy of Mexico. - Antonio de Espejo (day es-páy-ho). Leader of the third Spanish - expedition into New Mexico in 1583. - arroyo (ah-ró-yo). Water course or channel seasonally dry. - awanyu (uh-wan-you). “Plumbed or feathered serpent”; mythological - guardian of springs. - - - B - Bandelier (ban-duh-leér). Author of _The Delight Makers_; student, - archæologist, historian and linguist who spent much time among - the Keres. Bandelier lived at the pueblo of Cochiti and was - very popular among the Indians. - Bernalillo (bear-nah-lée-yoh). Apparently a diminutive of Bernal; - founded by Vargas in 1695; present-day Spanish-American - village. - bigotes (bee-gó-tes). “Whiskers.” - buckskin. The tanned hide of a deer. - - - C - canyon. A deep valley with high steep slopes. - Canyon del Alamo (del á-lah-mo). “Cottonwood Canyon.” - Cachiti (ká-chee-tee). Keres-speaking village of the sixteenth - century; of obscure etymology. - Cañada de Cochiti (ka-nyá-da day kó-cha-tee). “Cochiti Canyon.” Cañada - refers to a shallow and wide canyon. - Capulín (ka-poo-léen). “Chokecherry.” Chokecherry Canyon. - Chaco (chá-ko). A canyon in northwestern New Mexico. Chaco Canyon - National Monument. - cibola (sée-bo-lah). “Buffalo.” - Cochiti. Spanish for Cachiti. - cacique (ka-cee-ke). Chief religious officer in a pueblo. There are - usually two town chiefs in each pueblo representing two - separate moities either Turquoise or Squash. - Coronado (koro-náh-tho). Leader of the first Spanish expedition into - New Mexico in 1540. - cronies. Old people; friends; chums. - Cuapa (coo-áh-pa). Prehistoric village of the Keres-speaking people; - meaning unknown. - - - D - diesmo (diéz-mo). “Ten percent”; tithe; refers to present-day Water - Canyon. - Don Diego de Vargas (don deeáy-go day vár-gas). Leader of the - reconquest of New Mexico in 1693 after the Pueblo Rebellion of - 1680. - Don Juan de Oñate (hwan day o-yná-te). Leader of the colonizing - expedition into New Mexico in 1598. - Don Pedro de Peralta (páy-dro day pe-rál-tah). Successor to Oñate as - Governor of New Mexico in 1610. - - - E - El Rito de Los Frijoles (el ree-toe day los free-hó-lays). “The little - river of the beans”; bean creek. - - - F - Franciscans (fran-cis-cans). Religious order established by Saint - Francis of Assisi. - Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado (fran-cées-co sán-chess chamoos-cáh-tho). - Leader of the second Spanish expedition into New Mexico in - 1581. - friar (fryer). Member of a male religious order. - - - H - Haatze (ha-áht-say). “Earth”; “World”; a ruin of the Keres southwest - of Tyuonyi. - Hanat Cochiti (há-not kó-cha-tee). “Cochiti Above”; Potrero Viejo. - Hemes (háy-mess). Indian pueblo thirty odd miles west of Bandelier - National Monument. - Hernando de Alvarado (er-nán-do day al-var-áh-tho). Captain under - Coronado during the expedition of 1540. - - - I - Isleta (ees-láy-tah). “Little Island”; modern Indian village located - about thirteen miles south of Albuquerque on the banks of the - Rio Grande. - - - J - Jemez (háy-mess). Spanish for Hemes. - - - K - katsina (cot-sée-nah). Supernatural being. - Keres (care-es). Language spoken by the people at Cochiti, Santo - Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana and Sia; there are also the - western Keres villages of Acoma and (historic) Laguna not - included here. - kiva (key-vah). Ceremonial chamber; men’s club house. - Kotyiti (cóat-yi-tee). Of obscure etymology; Old Cochiti; Hanat - Cochiti; Potrero Viejo. - - - L - La Bajada (lah bah-háh-tha). “The steep slope”; a hill between - Albuquerque and Santa Fe was given this name. - La Cueva Pintada (lah cuáy-vah peen-táh-tha). “The Painted Cave”; - located southwest of Tyuonyi in Capulin Canyon. - Los Confiados (los cone-feeáh-thos). “The Trusting Souls” (people); a - mythical town near Cochiti named by the Spanish in 1583. - - - M - mano (máh-no). “Hand”; hand-piece of flat stone for grinding corn. - manta (mán-ta). “Dress”; “Blanket.” - Marcos de Nisa (már-kos day née-sah). A Franciscan friar. - mesa (máy-sah). Flat-topped high hill or table land. - Mesa Verde (vér-they). “Green”; now a National Park in southwestern - Colorado. - Mesita Huerfano (may-sée-tah weár-fa-no). “Orphan Mesa”; Black Mesa. - metate (may-táh-tay). Flat stone for grinding corn. Base stone. - moccasins. Heel-less shoe of soft leather worn by Indians, - moiety. A division of a tribe in which the cacique, either Summer or - Winter, has charge of the ceremonials during his respective - season. - - - N - Navaho (náh-vah-ho). Semi-nomadic Indians living west of the pueblo - area. - Navawi (náh-vah-wee). “Place of a hunting trap”; “pit-fall gap”; - ruined pueblo northeast of Tyuonyi. - neolithic (nee-o-lith-ik). New stone age. - - - O - olla (ó-yah). Pottery jar for water. - Otermin (o-ter-méen). Governor of New Mexico at the outbreak of the - Pueblo Rebellion of 1680. - - - P - padre (páh-dray). Monk or priest. - Pajarito (pah-ha-rée-toe). “Little Bird”; Pajarito Plateau. - Pecos (pay-kos). “Place down where the stone is on top”; Indian - village east of the Rio Grande. - Perage (pear-áh-gay). “Small rodent which jumps like a kangaroo”; - “place of a species of kangaroo rat”; a ruined pueblo across - the Rio Grande from San Ildefonso. - pinto (peen-toe). A type of bean grown by Indians in prehistoric - times. - piñon (pee-ynón). Edible seed of pine; pinus edulis. - plaza (pláh-sah). “Inner court”; area in the center of a town for - public gathering. - potrero (po-tré-roh). High, narrow mesa-top between canyons. - Potsui’i (póte-su-wee-ee). “Gap where the water sinks”; prehistoric - pueblo northeast of Tyuonyi. - Pohoge (po-hó-gay). “Where the water cuts down through”; Tewa name for - San Ildefonso. - prehistoric. Referring to times before the Coronado expedition of - 1540. - pueblo (pwé-blo). “Village”; “Town.” - Puwige (poo-wí-gay). “Where the bottoms of the pottery vessels are - wiped or smoothed thin”; ruined pueblo on the floor of - Frijoles Canyon; the big community house. Sometimes called - Tyuonyi. - - - Q - Quirex (keer-esh). Province of five Keresan villages on the Rio Grande - in 1540. - - - R - ramada (rah-máh-tha). Open flat-roofed porch built of poles and brush; - a shelter. - Ramon Vigil Grant (rah-móan vee-híll). Huge tract of land north of - Frijoles Canyon. - Rio Chama (ree-oh chá-mah). “Chama River.” - Rio Grande (ree-oh grán-day). “Big River.” - - - S - Sandia (san-déea). “Watermelon”; also a modern Tiwa-speaking Indian - pueblo twelve miles north of Albuquerque occupied since - prehistoric times. - Sangre de Cristo (sán-gray day crées-to). “Blood of Christ”; refers to - a mountain range rising to great heights. - San Felipe (san fay-leé-pay). “Saint Phillip”; modern pueblo of the - Keres group occupied since prehistoric times. - San Gabriel (san gah-breeáyl). First capital of New Mexico; in the - vicinity of San Juan Pueblo. - San Ildefonso (san ill-day-fáhn-so). Modern Indian village speaking - the Tewa language; twenty miles northwest of Santa Fe on the - banks of the Rio Grande. - San Juan (san hwán). Modern Indian village speaking the Tewa language; - about thirty miles northwest of Santa Fe. Not to be mistaken - for the San Juan area in northwestern New Mexico. - Sankawi (sáng-ka-wee). “Gap of the sharp round cactus”; “place of the - round cactus”; prehistoric pueblo northeast of Tyuonyi. - Santa Ana (sán-tah ana). Modern Indian village speaking the Keres - language. - Santo Domingo (sánto do-míng-go). Modern Indian village speaking the - Keres language. - Shipapolima (she-pa-po-lee-ma). Place where the Zuñi people entered - this world; spiritual entrance to the underworld. - Sia (see-a). Modern Indian village speaking the Keres language; - occupied since prehistoric times. - Sipapu (see-pa-poo). Spiritual entrance to the underworld of certain - Pueblo Indians; an opening is generally found in the kiva - floor and is called Sipapu; similar to Shipapolima. - - - T - talus (tay-lus). A slope formed at the base of a cliff by material - falling from above. - Tanos (táh-nos). Applied to various groups of people who inhabited the - country east of the Rio Grande south of the San - Ildefonso-Tesuque Tewa region. - Tewa (tay-wa). Language spoken by certain Pueblo Indians; they are: - San Ildefonso, Nambe, Tesuque, Santa Clara and San Juan. - tewatu (tay-wa-too). “Tewa beans”; pinto beans. - Tiguex (tee-wesh). Province of prehistoric Indian villages on the - banks of the Rio Grande between Bernalillo and Albuquerque, a - distance of about seventeen miles. - Tiwa (tee-wa). Language spoken by certain groups of Indians; Taos, - Picuris, Sandia and Isleta. - Towa (toe-wa). Language spoken by Jemez Indians and by those of Pecos - before its abandonment in 1837. - Tshirege (ser-i-gay). “House of the Bird People”; prehistoric pueblo - northeast of Tyuonyi. - Tyuonyi (q’own-yee). A word having a signification akin to that of - treaty or contract; Frijoles Canyon, Hidden Valley. - - - V - viejo (veeáy-ho). “Old”; old man. - viga (vee-gah). “Roof beam.” - - - Y - Yapashi (yap-a-she). “Sacred Enclosure”; name of pueblo ruin south of - Tyuonyi. - yucca (yuc-cuh). Plant with long spiked leaves; commonly known as - Spanish bayonet. - Yuqueyunque (you-gay-o-wíng-gay). Of obscure etymology; “down at the - mocking bird place”; province visited by the Spanish in 1540. - - - Z - Zuñi (zoo-nee). Indian Pueblo of western New Mexico; only survivor of - the Seven Cities of Cibola. - Zuñian (zoo-nee-un). Linguistic stock of Zuñi Indians. - - - - - INDEX - - - A - Abbot, Judge A. J., 80 - Acoma, 67 - Agriculture, 55, 74 - Alameda, 67 - Albuquerque, 6 - Archaeological Institute of America, 79 - Articrafts, 72, 73 - Awanyu, 38 - - - B - Bandelier, Adolph F., 1, 79, 80, 81 - Bandelier National Monument, 17 - created, 81 - Beans in Ceremonial Cave, 59 - Bernalillo, 6 - Bigotes, 6 - Biscuit ware, 61, 62 - Black Mesa, 69 - Blood floors, 39 - Bowls, 61 - Buckman, settlement of, 1 - the man, 1 - - - C - Cable-way, 5 - Cachiti, 9 - Cacique, 47, 52 - Canada de Cochiti, 10, 12, 69 - Canyon del Alamo, 14 - Capulin Canyon, 12, 13 - Ceremonial Cave, 39 - loom in, 40 - Chaco Canyon, 19, 25 - Chamuscado, Captain Francisco Sanchez, 8, 9 - Chapman, Kenneth, 1 - Christianity, 6 - Cochiti Pueblo, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 67, 70 - people, 13, 69, 77, 79 - origin, 31 - Community apartment houses, 34, 40, 53 - Corn, 56 - uses, 57, 58 - trading, 58 - Coronado, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 42 - Cotton, 59 - Cuapa, 31 - - - D - Drought, 18, 60, 63, 71 - 1276-1299, 19 - Dwarfs, 12, 30 - - - E - Espejo, Antonio de, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 65 - - - F - Frey, Mrs. Evelyn C., 4 - Frijoles Canyon Lodge, 80 - - - G - Glaze pottery, 28, 61, 62 - Gourds, 59 - Great Period, 42, 47, 48, 51, 53 - - - H - Haatze, 29, 30 - Hanat Cochiti, 69 - Hemes, Province of, 10 - Hewett, Edgar L., 1 - - - I - Isleta Pueblo, 67 - - - J - Jemez River, 9 - mountain range, 10, 11 - Pueblo, 67 - - - K - Keres, 26, 27, 29, 30, 36, 44, 45 - language, 7, 9, 10, 25 - lead Spanish, 11, 14, 15 - legends, 12, 25, 30, 31, 32 - ancient territory, 13, 22 - make treaty, 16 - lands as a Monument, 17 - pottery, 61 - Kidder, A. V., 1 - King Charles, 6 - King of Spain, 66 - Kivas, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53 - in cliffs, 47 - entrances, 48, 51 - legends, 49 - ventilators, 51 - pits, 51 - plastering, 52 - sipapu, 52 - visitors see, 81 - Kotyiti, 69 - - - L - La Baja Hill, 1 - Mesa, 1, 3 - La Cueva Pintada, 13 - Ladders, 34, 35, 43, 46 - Little Colorado River District, 27, 61 - Little Strong People, 12, 15, 16, 30, 31, 32, 43, 45, 48 - Long House, 38, 41, 42, 53 - Los Confiados, 9, 10 - Spanish visit, 11, 12 - Lummis, Charles F., 80 - - - M - Manes, 58 - Mera, H. P., 1 - Mesa Verde, 19, 25, 40 - Metates, 58 - Morley, Sylvanus, G., 1 - Moslem Invasion of Spain, 18 - - - N - National Park Service, 81, 82 - Navaho, 12, 44, 68, 72, 77 - Navawi, 29, 54 - New Mexico, colonization of, 76 - Nisa, Marcos de, 6 - Nusbaum, Jesse, 1 - - - O - Old Man Pankey’s Pasture, 3 - Ollas, 33, 56, 61 - Old trail, 2, 3, 4, 5, 81 - Oñate Don Juan de, 66 - removed, 67 - Otermin, 68 - - - P - Pajarito Plateau, 8, 10, 11, 16, 22, 24, 25, 27, 31, 32, 41, 54, - 71 - Keres driven out, 12 - first occupation, 20, 21 - pueblo architecture, 29 - abandonment, 66 - Palace of the Governors, 68 - Pecos, 6 - Perage, 66 - Peralta, Don Pedro de, 67 - Pictographs, 38 - Plants, 59, 60, 72 - Pleistocene Period, 11 - Pliocene Period, 11 - Plumed serpent, 38 - Potrero Viejo, 31 - Potsui’i, 29, 54 - Pottery, 33, 56, 60, 61 - trading, 62 - Powhoge, 66 - Pre-Cambrian Rocks, 34 - Pueblo of the Stone Lions, 13, 30 - Pueblo Rebellion, 27, 68 - Puwige, the big community house, 3, 41, 42, 44, 47, 53 - shape, 43 - halfway, 43, 62 - fortified, 45, 46 - kivas, 46 - plaza, 57 - Bandelier’s cave, 79 - stones for ranch house, 80 - visitors, 81 - Pygmies, 15 - - - Q - Quirex, Province of, 7 - - - R - Ramadas, 37 - Ramon Vigil Grant, 76 - Ring Dance, 77 - Rio Chama, 8 - as a boundary, 11 - Rio Grande, 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 22, 25, 31, 32, 34 - description, 7 - as a boundary, 11 - White Rock Canyon, 12 - first occupation, 18, 19 - trade, 27 - as a hunting ground, 55 - expedition in 1598, 66 - churches, 67 - Spanish leave, 68 - expedition in 1693, 68 - Rito de Los Frijoles, 22, 32, 51, 75, 77, 81 - derivation of name, 76 - Roman Catholic Missionaries, 67 - - - S - Sandia Pueblo, 31 - San Felipe Pueblo, 7, 9, 31, 67 - San Gabriel, 67 - Sangre de Cristo Mountains, 20 - San Ildefonso, 43, 66, 67, 70 - legends, 70 - San Juan area, 18 - San Juan Pueblo, 7, 8, 38, 45, 67 - Sankawi, 29, 54 - Santa Ana Pueblo, 7, 9 - Santa Fe, 4, 20 - capital moved, 67 - Santo Domingo Pueblo, 7, 9, 31, 79 - origin, 31 - Seven Cities of Cibola, 6 - Shipapolima, 13 - Sia Pueblo, 7, 9 - Sipapu, 38, 52, 74 - Social and ceremonial organization, 47 - Stone Age, 82 - Stone Lions Shrine, 13, 31, 77 - - - T - Tanos, 31 - Ten Elder Ranch, 3, 80 - Tewa, 7, 16, 25, 26, 27, 30, 36, 38, 43, 45, 68 - dwarfs, 12 - lands as a Monument, 7 - villages, to north, 29, 32, 62, 63 - penetrate Frijoles, 32, 33 - contact Spanish, 39 - villages during Rebellion, 69 - War Gods, 69 - men trudge south, 77 - Threshing floor, 77 - Tiguex, Province of, 6, 7, 9, 10, 42 - Spanish return, 7, 45 - winter of Spanish expedition, 8 - Tiwa, 25, 31 - Tobacco, discovery of, 73 - Towa, 10, 25 - Tshirege, 29, 54 - Turkey pens, 40 - feathers, 60, 72, 73 - Tyuonyi, 14, 15, 23, 26, 34, 35, 37, 40, 44, 45, 48, 51, 53, 74, - 76 - as a boundary, 16, 81 - meaning, 25 - trade, 27 - earliest home, 28, 30, 32 - caves, 36 - community apartment houses, 41 - secret chambers, 46, 58 - population, 54 - farmers, 55 - game, 55 - weapons, 55 - abandonment, 64 - reoccupation, 72 - final abandonment, 74 - - - V - Vargas, Don Diego de, 68 - - - W - War with France, 76 - Water Canyon, 2, 77 - White Rock Canyon, 11 - Woolen cloth, 72 - - - Y - Yapashi, 13, 29 - Yunqueyunque, Province of, 67 - - - Z - Zuñi, 6, 9, 13, - Indians pass through Tyuonyi, 77 - Zuñian, 25 - - - - - PLATES - - - [Illustration: - - [Illustration: - - [Illustration: - - [Illustration: - - [Illustration: Ground Plan of Frijoles Canyon. Ruins Area] - - [Illustration: Ground Plan of Frijoles Canyon. Ruins Area (_left_)] - - [Illustration: Ground Plan of Frijoles Canyon. Ruins Area - (_center_)] - - [Illustration: Ground Plan of Frijoles Canyon. Ruins Area (_right_)] - - [Illustration: Northern Wall of Frijoles Canyon] - - [Illustration: Northern Wall of Frijoles Canyon (_left_)] - - [Illustration: Northern Wall of Frijoles Canyon (_center_)] - - [Illustration: Northern Wall of Frijoles Canyon (_right_)] - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - -—Corrected a few palpable typos. - -—Included a transcription of the text within some images. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Frijoles: A Hidden Valley in the New -World, by Jerome William Hendron - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FRIJOLES: A HIDDEN VALLEY *** - -***** This file should be named 52997-0.txt or 52997-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/2/9/9/52997/ - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, Dave Morgan and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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