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diff --git a/old/52940-0.txt b/old/52940-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 7c1741c..0000000 --- a/old/52940-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,17364 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Life of John Knox, Fifth Edition, Vol. 2 of -2, by Thomas M'Crie - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Life of John Knox, Fifth Edition, Vol. 2 of 2 - Containing Illustrations of the History of the Reformation in Scotland - -Author: Thomas M'Crie - -Release Date: August 30, 2016 [EBook #52940] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 5TH ED., VOL 2 *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Hulse, Heather Clark and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - ┌────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐ - │ │ - │ Transcriber’s Notes │ - │ │ - │ │ - │ Punctuation has been standardized. │ - │ │ - │ Characters in small caps have been replaced by all caps. │ - │ │ - │ The symbol ‘‡’ indicates the description in parenthesis has │ - │ been added to an illustration. This may be needed if there │ - │ is no caption or if the caption does not describe the image │ - │ adequately. │ - │ │ - │ The page numbers from the original book are shown in braces │ - │ {} for reference purposes. │ - │ │ - │ Non-printable characteristics have been given the following │ - │ transliteration: │ - │ Italic text: --> _text_ │ - │ superscripts --> x{th} │ - │ │ - │ This book was written in a period when many words had │ - │ not become standardized in their spelling. Words may have │ - │ multiple spelling variations or inconsistent hyphenation in │ - │ the text. These have been left unchanged unless indicated │ - │ with a Transcriber’s Note. │ - │ │ - │ Footnotes are identified in the text with a number in │ - │ brackets [2] and have been accumulated in a single section │ - │ at the end of the text. │ - │ │ - │ Transcriber’s Notes are used when making corrections to the │ - │ text or to provide additional information for the modern │ - │ reader. These notes are not identified in the text, but have │ - │ been accumulated in a single section at the end of the book. │ - │ │ - └────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┘ - - - - - Illustration: Engraved by J. Cochran. - - JAMES STUART, EARL OF MURRAY. - - FROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE COLLECTION AT - - HOLYROOD PALACE, EDINBURGH. - - - _Published by W. Blackwood, Edinburgh, April 10, 1831._ - - - - -{i} - LIFE - - OF - - JOHN KNOX: - - CONTAINING - - ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE HISTORY OF - - THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. - - WITH BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF THE PRINCIPAL REFORMERS, - AND SKETCHES OF THE PROGRESS OF LITERATURE IN - SCOTLAND DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY; - - AND - - AN APPENDIX, - - CONSISTING OF ORIGINAL PAPERS. - - BY - - THOMAS M‘CRIE, D.D. - - THE FIFTH EDITION. - - VOL. II. - - - WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH; AND - T. CADELL, STRAND, LONDON. - MDCCCXXXI. - - - - -{ii} - EDINBURGH: - PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE AND COMPANY, - PAUL’S WORK, CANONGATE. - - - - -{iii} - CONTENTS - OF - VOLUME SECOND. - - - PERIOD SEVENTH. - - Knox resumes his situation in Edinburgh――urges the settlement - of ecclesiastical polity――aversion to this on the part - of the nobles――Knox is employed in compiling the Book of - Discipline――this is approved by General Assembly and subscribed - by greater part of Privy Council――sketch of the form and - order of the reformed church of Scotland――attention to - education――avarice of the nobility――influence of the Reformation - on literature――introduction of Hebrew into Scotland――John - Row――return of Buchanan――remarks on Mr Hume’s representation - of the rudeness of Scotland――literary hours in a - Scottish minister’s family――cultivation of the vernacular - language――David Ferguson――First General Assembly――Knox - loses his wife――corresponds with Calvin――his anxiety for - the safety of the reformed church――Queen Mary arrives in - Scotland――her education――her fixed determination to restore - popery――alarm excited by her setting up of mass――behaviour of - Knox on this occasion――remarks on this――sanguinary spirit and - proceedings of Roman Catholics――hostile intentions of the Queen - against Knox――first interview between them――Knox’s opinion of - her character――his austerity and vehemence useful――he vindicates - the right of holding ecclesiastical assemblies――inveighs - against the inadequate provision made for the ministers of - the church――his own stipend――attention of town‑council to his - support and accommodation――he installs two superintendents――is - employed in reconciling the nobility――the Queen is offended at - one of his sermons――second interview between them――his great - labours in Edinburgh――he obtains a colleague――incidents - in the {iv} life of John Craig――the Prior of St Andrew’s - created Earl of Murray, and made prime minister――insurrection - under Huntly――conduct of Knox on that occasion――Quintin - Kennedy――dispute between him and Knox――Ninian - Wingate――excommunication of Paul Methven――reflections on the - severity of the protestant discipline――third interview between - Knox and the Queen――artifice of Mary――she prevails on the - parliament not to ratify the protestant religion――indignation - of Knox at this――breach between him and Earl of Murray――his - sermon at the dissolution of parliament――fourth interview - between him and the Queen――apology for the sternness of his - behaviour――slander against his character――he is accused of - high treason――the courtiers endeavour to intimidate him into a - submission――his trial and defence――indignation of the Queen at - his acquittal, Page 1 - - - PERIOD EIGHTH. - - The courtiers charge Knox with usurping a papal power――the - General Assembly vindicate him――he marries a daughter of - Lord Ochiltree――splenetic reflections of the papists on this - alliance――dissensions between the court and preachers――apology - for the liberty of the pulpit――debate between Knox and secretary - Maitland――on Knox’s form of prayer for the Queen――and on - his doctrine respecting resistance to civil rulers――Craig’s - account of a similar dispute in Bologna――the Queen marries Lord - Darnley――change in the court――reasons which induced the nobles who - opposed the marriage to take up arms――Queen amuses the protestant - ministers――Knox is reconciled to Earl of Murray――gives offence to - the King――is inhibited from preaching――town‑council remonstrate - against this――he resumes his employment――Goodman leaves - St Andrew’s――petition for Knox’s translation to that town refused - by Assembly――he is employed to write different treatises for the - church――extract from the treatise of Fasting――measures taken by - the queen for restoring popery――assassination of Rizzio――sudden - changes in the court――Knox retires to Kyle――queen refuses to - permit his return to the capital――he resolves to visit his - sons in {v} England――receives a recommendation from the General - Assembly――carries a letter to the English bishops――archbishop - Hamilton restored to his ancient jurisdiction――spirited letter - of Knox on that occasion――alienation between Mary and her - husband――the King murdered by Bothwell――the Queen’s participation - in the murder――her marriage to Bothwell――independent behaviour of - John Craig――the queen resigns the crown to her son――Knox returns - to Edinburgh――preaches at the coronation of James VI.――his opinion - concerning the punishment of Mary――the Earl of Murray is installed - in the Regency――act of parliament in favour of the protestant - church――state of the church during the regency of Murray――Knox - cherishes the desire of retiring from public life――the regent - opposed by a party attached to Mary――attempts made on his life――he - is assassinated by Hamilton of Bothwelhaugh――national grief at - this event――character of Murray――Knox bewails his loss――fabricated - conference between them――Thomas Maitland insults over the death of - the regent――Knox’s denunciation against him――his pathetic sermon - before the regent’s funeral――is struck with apoplexy, Page 107 - - - PERIOD NINTH. - - Knox recovers from the apoplectic stroke――Kircaldy of Grange - joins the Queen’s party――Knox involved in a personal quarrel - with him――interposition of the gentlemen of the west in his - favour――anonymous libels against him――his spirited answers from - the pulpit――Queen’s party take possession of the capital――danger - to which Knox is exposed――he is prevailed on to retire to - St Andrew’s――civil war――hostility of the Queen’s faction against - Knox――he is opposed by their adherents at St Andrew’s――John - Hamilton――Archibald Hamilton――execution of archbishop - Hamilton――the regent Lennox slain――is succeeded by Earl - of Mar――invasion on the jurisdiction of the church――tulchan - bishops――not approved of by the General Assembly――Knox’s letter to - the assembly at Stirling――his sentiments respecting episcopacy――he - refuses to install Douglas as archbishop of St Andrew’s――gradual - decay of his health――striking description of his appearance and - {vi} pulpit eloquence――his familiarity with the students at the - university――he publishes an answer to a Scots Jesuit――ardently - desires his dissolution――his last letter to the General - Assembly――his subscription to Ferguson’s sermon――he returns to - Edinburgh――requests a smaller place of worship――Craig removes from - Edinburgh――Lawson chosen as successor to Knox――Knox’s letter to - him――Bartholomew massacre in France――Knox’s denunciation against - Charles IX.――he begins to preach in the Tolbooth church――his last - sermon――his sickness――interview between him and his session――his - message to Kircaldy――his religious advices, meditations, and - comfort during his last illness――his death――his funeral――opinions - entertained respecting him by the papists――by foreign - reformers――by Scottish protestants――by divines of the church - of England――origin and causes of prejudices against him――his - character――reflections on the prophecies ascribed to him――account - of his family――sufferings of John Welch, his son‑in‑law――interview - between him and Lewis XIII.――interview between Mrs Welch and - James VI.――character of Knox’s writings――conclusion, Page 180 - - - NOTES, 281 - - APPENDIX, 374 - - SUPPLEMENT, 429 - - INDEX, 465 - - - - -{1} - THE LIFE - OF - JOHN KNOX. - - - - - PERIOD VII. - - FROM AUGUST 1560, WHEN HE WAS SETTLED AS MINISTER OF EDINBURGH, - AT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMATION, TO DECEMBER 1563, - WHEN HE WAS ACQUITTED FROM A CHARGE OF TREASON. - - -IN appointing the protestant ministers to particular stations, a -measure which engaged the attention of the privy council immediately -after the conclusion of the civil war, the temporary arrangements that -had been formerly made were in general confirmed, and our Reformer -resumed his charge as minister of Edinburgh.[1] For several months he -had officiated as minister of St Andrews;[2] but in the end of April -1560, {2} he left that place, and returned to the capital,[3] where he -preached during the siege of Leith, and the negotiations which issued -in a peace. - -Although the parliament had abolished the papal jurisdiction and -worship, and ratified the protestant doctrine, as laid down in the -Confession of Faith, the reformed church was not yet completely -organized in Scotland. Hitherto the Book of Common Order, used by -the English church at Geneva, had been generally followed as the rule -of public worship and discipline. But this having been compiled for -a single congregation, and for one that consisted chiefly of men of -education, was found inadequate for the use of an extensive church, -composed of a multitude of confederated congregations. Our reformers -were anxious to provide the means of religious instruction to the -whole people in the kingdom; but they were very far from approving -of the promiscuous admission of persons of all descriptions to the -peculiar privileges of the church of Christ. From the beginning, they -were sensible of the great importance of ecclesiastical discipline, -to the prosperity of religion, the maintenance of order, and the -preservation of sound doctrine and morals. In the petition presented -to parliament in August, the establishment of this was specially -requested.[4] And Knox, who had observed the great advantages which -attended the observance of a strict discipline at Geneva, {3} and the -manifold evils which resulted from the want of it in England, insisted -very particularly on this topic, in the discourses which he delivered -from the book of Haggai during the sitting of parliament.[5] The -difficulties which the reformed ministers had to surmount, before they -could accomplish this important object, began to present themselves -at this early stage of their progress. When it is considered, that -Calvin was subjected to a sentence of banishment from the senate of -Geneva, and exposed to a popular tumult, before he could prevail on -the citizens to submit to ecclesiastical discipline,[6] we need not -be surprised at the opposition which our reformers met with in their -endeavours to introduce it into Scotland. Knox’s warm exhortations -on this head were at first disregarded; he had the mortification to -find his plan of {4} church‑polity derided as a “devout imagination,” -by some of the professors of the reformed doctrine;[7]――and the -parliament dissolved without coming to any decision on this important -point. - -As the ministers, however, continued to urge the subject, and the -reasonableness of their demands could not be denied, the privy council, -soon after the dissolution of the parliament, gave a commission -to Knox, and four other ministers, who had formerly been employed -along with him in composing the Confession, to draw up a plan of -ecclesiastical government.[8] They immediately set about this task, -with a diligence and care proportioned to their convictions of its -importance. They “took not their example,” says Row, “from any kirk in -the world, no, not from Geneva;” but drew their plan from the sacred -scriptures. Having arranged the subject under different heads, they -divided these among them; and, after they had finished their several -parts, they met together and examined them with great attention, -spending much time in reading and meditation on the subject, and in -earnest prayers for divine direction. When they had drawn up the whole -in form, they laid it before the General Assembly, by whom it was -approved, after they had caused some of its articles to be abridged.[9] -It was also submitted to the privy {5} council; but, although many -of the members highly approved of the plan, it was warmly opposed by -others. This opposition did not arise from any difference of sentiment -between them and the ministers respecting ecclesiastical government, -but partly from aversion to the strict discipline which it appointed -to be exercised against vice, and partly from reluctance to comply -with its requisition for the appropriation of the revenues of the -popish church to the support of the new religious and literary -establishments. Though not formally ratified by the council, it was, -however, subscribed by the greater part of the members;[10] and as the -sources of prejudice against it were well known, it was submitted to -by the nation, and carried into effect in most of its ecclesiastical -{6} regulations.[11] It is known in history by the name of the Book of -Policy, or First Book of Discipline. - -Considering the activity of Knox in constructing and recommending -this platform, and the importance of the subject in itself, it cannot -be foreign to our object to take a view of the form and order of the -protestant church of Scotland, as delineated in the Book of Discipline, -and in other authentic documents of that period. - -The ordinary and permanent office‑bearers of the church were of four -kinds: the minister, or pastor, to whom the preaching of the gospel -and administration of the sacraments belonged; the doctor, or teacher, -whose province it was to interpret scripture and confute errors -(including those who taught theology in schools and universities); the -ruling elder, who assisted the minister in exercising ecclesiastical -discipline and government; and the deacon, who had the special -oversight of the revenues of the church and the poor. But, besides -these, it was found necessary, at this time, to employ some persons -in extraordinary and temporary charges. As there was not a sufficient -number of ministers to supply the different parts of the country, -that the people might not be left altogether destitute of public -worship and instruction, certain pious persons, who had received a -common education, were appointed to read the scriptures and the common -prayers. These were called _readers_. In large parishes, {7} persons -of this description were also employed to relieve the ministers from -a part of the public service. If they advanced in knowledge, they -were encouraged to add a few plain exhortations to the reading of the -scriptures. In this case they were called _exhorters_; but they were -examined and admitted, before entering upon this employment. - -The same cause gave rise to another temporary expedient. Instead of -fixing all the ministers in particular charges, it was judged proper, -after supplying the principal towns, to assign to the rest the -superintendence of a large district, over which they were appointed -regularly to travel, for the purpose of preaching, of planting -churches, and inspecting the conduct of ministers, exhorters, and -readers. These were called _superintendents_. The number originally -proposed was ten; but, owing to the scarcity of proper persons, or -rather to the want of necessary funds, there were never more than -five appointed.[12] The deficiency was supplied by commissioners, -or visitors, appointed from time to time by the General Assembly. - -{8} None was allowed to preach, or to administer the sacraments, till -he was regularly called to this employment. Persons were invested -with the pastoral office in the way of being freely elected by the -people,[13] examined by the ministers, and publicly admitted in the -presence of the congregation. On the day of admission, the minister -who presided, after preaching a sermon suited to the occasion, put a -number of questions to the candidate, to satisfy the church as to his -soundness in the faith, his willingness to undertake the charge, the -purity of his motives, and his resolution to discharge the duties of -the office with diligence and fidelity. Satisfactory answers having -been given to these questions, and the people having signified their -adherence to their former choice, the person was admitted and set -apart by prayer, without the imposition of hands;[14] and the service -was concluded with an exhortation, the singing of a psalm, and the -pronouncing of the blessing. Superintendents were admitted in the -same way as other ministers.[15] The affairs of each congregation -were managed by the minister, elders, and deacons, who constituted -the kirk‑session, which met regularly once a‑week, and oftener if -business required. There was a meeting called the weekly exercise, -or prophesying, held in every considerable town, consisting of -the ministers, {9} exhorters, and learned men in the vicinity, for -expounding the scriptures. This was afterwards converted into the -presbytery, or classical assembly. The superintendent met with the -ministers and delegated elders of his district, twice a‑year, in the -provincial synod, which took cognizance of ecclesiastical affairs -within its bounds. And the General Assembly, which was composed of -ministers and elders commissioned from the different parts of the -kingdom, met twice, sometimes thrice, in a year, and attended to the -interests of the national church. - -Public worship was conducted according to the Book of Common -Order, with a few variations adapted to the state of Scotland. On -Sabbath‑days, the people assembled twice for public worship; and, to -promote the instruction of the ignorant, catechising was substituted -for preaching in the afternoon. In towns, a sermon was regularly -preached on one day of the week besides Sabbath; and on almost every -day, the people had an opportunity of hearing public prayers and -the reading of the scriptures. Baptism was never dispensed unless it -was accompanied with preaching or catechising. The Lord’s supper was -administered four times a‑year in towns, and there were ordinarily -two “ministrations,” one at an early hour of the morning, and another -later in the day. The sign of the cross in baptizing, and kneeling -at the Lord’s table, were condemned and laid aside; and anniversary -holidays were wholly abolished.[16] We {10} shall afterwards have -occasion to advert to the discipline under which offenders were -brought. - -The compilers of the First Book of Discipline paid particular -attention to the state of education. They required that a school -should be erected in every parish, for the instruction of youth in the -principles of religion, grammar, and the Latin tongue. They proposed -that a college should be erected in every “notable town,” in which -logic and rhetoric should be taught, along with the learned languages. -They seem to have had it in their eye to revive the system adopted by -some of the ancient republics, in which the youth were considered as -the property of the public rather than of their parents, by obliging -the nobility and gentry to educate their children, and by providing, -at the public expense, for the education of the children of the poor -who discovered talents for learning. Their regulations for the three -national universities discover an enlightened regard to the interests -of literature, and may suggest hints which deserve attention in the -present age.[17] If these were not reduced to practice, the blame -cannot be imputed to the reformed ministers, but to the nobility and -gentry whose avarice defeated the execution of their plans. - -To carry these important measures into effect, permanent funds were -requisite; and for these it was natural to look to the patrimony of -the church. The hierarchy had been abolished, and the popish clergy -excluded from all religious services, by the alterations {11} which -the parliament had introduced; and, whatever provision it was proper -to allot for the dismissed incumbents during life, it was unreasonable -that they should continue to enjoy those emoluments which were -attached to offices for which they had been found totally unfit. -No successors could be appointed to them; and there was not any -individual, or class of men in the nation, who could justly claim -a title to the rents of their benefices. The compilers of the Book -of Discipline, therefore, proposed that the patrimony of the church -should be appropriated, in the first instance, to the support of the -new ecclesiastical establishment. Under this head they included the -ministry, the schools, and the poor. For the ministers they required -that such “honest provision” should be made, as would give “neither -occasion of solicitude, neither yet of insolencie and wantonnesse.” In -ordinary cases, they thought that forty bolls of meal, and twenty‑six -bolls of malt, with a reasonable sum of money, to purchase other -necessary articles of provision for his family, was an adequate -stipend for a minister. To enable superintendents to defray the -extraordinary expenses of travelling in the discharge of their duty, -six chalders of bear, nine chalders of meal, three chalders of oats, -and six hundred merks in money, were thought necessary as an annual -stipend. The salaries of professors were fixed from one to two hundred -pounds; and the mode of supporting the poor was left undetermined, -until means should be used to suppress “stubborne and idle beggars,” -and to ascertain the number of the really {12} necessitous in each -parish. The stipends of ministers were to be collected by the deacons -from the tithes; but all illegal exactions were to be previously -abolished, and measures taken to relieve the labourers of the ground -from the oppressive manner in which the tithes had been gathered by -the clergy, or by those to whom they had farmed them. The revenues -of bishoprics, and of cathedral and collegiate churches, with the -rents arising from the endowments of monasteries and other religious -foundations, were to be divided, and appropriated to the support of -the universities, or of the churches within their bounds. - -Nothing could be more unpalatable than doctrine of this kind to a -considerable number of the protestant nobility and gentry. They had -for some time fixed a covetous eye on the rich revenues of the popish -clergy. Some of them had seized upon church‑lands, or retained the -tithes in their own hands. Others had taken long leases of them from -the clergy for small sums of money, and were anxious to have these -private bargains legalized. Hence their aversion to have the Book -of Discipline ratified;[18] hence the poverty and the complaints of -the ministers, {13} and the languishing state of the universities. -The Swiss Reformer, by his eloquence and his firmness, enabled -his countrymen to gain a conquest over their avarice, which was -more honourable to them than any of their other victories, when he -prevailed on them to appropriate the whole revenues of the popish -establishment to the support of the protestant church and seminaries -of literature.[19] But it was not so easy a matter to manage the -turbulent and powerful barons of Scotland, as it was to sway the minds -of the burgomasters of Zurich. When we consider, however, the extent -of the establishments proposed by our reformers, including the support -of the ministry, of parochial schools, of city colleges, and of -national universities, we cannot regard the demand which they made on -the funds devoted to the church as extravagant or unreasonable. They -showed themselves disinterested by the moderate share which they asked -for themselves; and the worst that we can say of their plan is, that -it was worthy of a more enlightened and liberal age, in which it might -have met with rulers more capable of appreciating its utility, and -better disposed to carry it into execution.[20] - -It is peculiarly pleasing to observe the restoration of religion and -of letters going hand in hand, in our {14} native country. Everywhere, -indeed, the Reformation had the most powerful influence, direct and -remote, on the general promotion of literature. It aroused the human -mind from the lethargy in which it had slumbered for ages, released -it from the fetters of implicit faith and blind obedience to human -authority, and stimulated it to the exertion of its powers in the -search of truth. It induced the learned to study with care the -original languages in which the sacred books were written; and -it diffused knowledge among the illiterate, by laying open the -scriptures, and calling upon all to examine them for themselves. The -unintelligible jargon which had long infested the schools began to be -discarded. Controversies were now decided by appeals to scripture and -to common sense; and the disputes which were eagerly maintained led to -the improvement of the art of reasoning, and a more rational method of -communicating knowledge. Superstition and credulity being undermined, -the spirit of enquiry was soon directed to the discovery of the true -laws of nature, as well as the genuine doctrines of revelation. - -In the south of Europe, the revival of letters preceded the -reformation of religion, and materially facilitated its progress. -In the north, this order was reversed; and Scotland, in particular, -must date the origin of her literary acquirements from the first -introduction of the protestant opinions. As the one gained ground, -the other was brought forward. We have already seen that the -Greek language began to be studied almost as soon as the light of -Reformation {15} dawned upon this country; and I have now to state, -that the first school for teaching the Hebrew language in Scotland was -opened immediately after the establishment of the protestant church. -Hebrew was one of the branches of education appointed by the Book of -Discipline to be taught in the reformed seminaries, and Providence had -furnished a person who was well qualified for that task, which those -who filled the chairs in our universities were totally unfit to -undertake. - -The person to whom I refer was John Row. After finishing his education -at St Andrews, and practising for some time as an advocate before the -consistorial court there, he left the country about the year 1550, -with the view of prosecuting his studies to greater advantage on the -continent. Within a short time he received the degree of Doctor of -Laws from two Italian universities. He did not, however, confine -himself to one branch of study; but, improving the opportunity which -he enjoyed, made himself master of the Greek and Hebrew languages. His -reputation as a lawyer being high, the Scottish clergy employed him -as agent to manage some of their causes before the court of Rome. This -introduced him to the friendship of Guido Ascanio Sforza, cardinal -of Sancta Flora, and to the acquaintance of two sovereign pontiffs, -Julius III. and Paul IV. Had he remained in Italy, it is highly -probable that he would soon have attained to honourable preferment -in the church; but having lost his health, he determined, in 1558, to -return to his native country. The reigning {16} pope had heard, with -deep concern, of the progress which the new opinions were making in -Scotland, and, as he had great confidence in Row’s talents, appointed -him his nuncio, with instructions to use his utmost exertions to -oppose them. When he came home, he endeavoured for some time to -discharge his commission; but despairing of success, and foreseeing -the confusions in which the country was about to be involved, he -resolved on returning to Italy. From this resolution he was diverted -by the prior of St Andrews, who admired his learning, and conceived -good hopes of his conversion, from the candour which he displayed in -the management of religious controversy. His constancy was soon after -shaken by the discovery of the imposture which the clergy attempted to -practise at Musselburgh;[21] and, having held several conferences with -Knox, he became a complete convert to the protestant faith. Upon the -establishment of the reformation, he was admitted minister of Perth, -and, at the recommendation of his brethren, began to give lessons in -the Hebrew language to young men who were placed under his tuition.[22] - -The interests of literature in Scotland were not a little promoted -at this time by the return of Buchanan to his native country. That -accomplished scholar, since his flight in 1538, had visited the most -celebrated seminaries on the continent, greatly improved his stock of -learning, and given ample proof {17} of those talents which, in the -opinion of posterity as well as of his contemporaries, have placed him -indisputably at the head of modern Latin poets. The reception which he -obtained from his countrymen evinced that they were not incapable of -estimating his merits; and the satisfaction with which he spent the -remainder of his life among them, after he had enjoyed the society of -the most learned men in Europe, is a sufficient proof that they had -already made no inconsiderable advances in the acquisition of polite -literature.[23] - -We are apt to form false and exaggerated notions of the rudeness -of our ancestors. Scotland was, indeed, at that period, as she is -still at the present day, behind many of the southern countries in -the cultivation of some of the fine arts, and she was a stranger -to that refinement of manners which has oftener been a concealment -to vice than an ornament to virtue. But that her inhabitants were -“men unacquainted with the pleasures of conversation, ignorant of -arts and civility, and corrupted beyond their usual rusticity by a -dismal fanaticism, which rendered them incapable of all humanity or -improvement,”[24] is an assertion which argues either inexcusable -ignorance or deplorable prejudice. Will this character apply to such -men as Buchanan, Knox, Row, Willock, Balnaves, Erskine, Maitland, -Glencairn, and James Stewart, not to name many others; men who -excelled in their respective ranks and professions, who had {18} -received a liberal education, travelled into foreign countries, -conversed with the best company, and, in addition to their -acquaintance with ancient learning, could speak the most polite -languages of modern Europe? Perhaps some of our literati, who -entertain such a diminutive idea of the taste and learning of those -times, might have been taken by surprise, had they been set down at -the table of one of our Scottish reformers, surrounded with a circle -of his children and pupils, where the conversation was all carried on -in French, and the chapter of the bible, at family worship, was read -by the boys in French, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. Perhaps they might -have blushed, if the book had been put into their hands, and they -had been required to perform a part of the exercises. Such, however, -was the common practice in the house of John Row.[25] Nor was the -improvement of our native tongue neglected at that time. David -Ferguson, minister of Dunfermline, was celebrated for his attention -to this branch of composition. He had not enjoyed the advantage of a -university education, but, possessing a good taste and lively fancy, -was very successful in refining and enriching the Scottish language, -by his discourses and writings.[26] - -The first meeting of the General Assembly of the church of Scotland -was held at Edinburgh on the 20th of December, 1560. It consisted -of forty members, only six of whom were ministers.[27] Knox was -one of these; and he continued to sit in most of the meetings {19} -of that judicatory until the time of his death. Its deliberations -were conducted at first with great simplicity and unanimity. It is -a singular circumstance that there were seven different meetings -of Assembly without a moderator or president. But as the number of -members increased, and business became more complicated, a moderator -was appointed to be chosen at every meeting; and he was invested with -authority to maintain order. The first person who occupied that place -was John Willock, superintendent of Glasgow and the West. Regulations -were also enacted concerning the constituent members of the court, the -causes which ought to come before them, and the mode of procedure.[28] - -In the close of this year, our Reformer suffered a heavy domestic loss, -by the death of his valuable wife, who, after sharing the hardships -of exile along with her husband, was removed from him just when he -had obtained a comfortable settlement for his family.[29] He was left -with the charge of two young children, in addition to his other cares. -His mother‑in‑law was still with him; but though he took pleasure in -her religious conversation, the dejection of mind to which she was -subject, and which all his efforts could never completely cure, rather -increased than lightened his burden.[30] His acute feelings were -severely wounded by this stroke; but he endeavoured to moderate his -grief by the consolations which he {20} administered to others, and -by application to public duty. He had the satisfaction of receiving, -on this occasion, a letter from his much respected friend Calvin, -in which expressions of great esteem for his deceased partner were -mingled with condolence for his loss.[31] - -I may take this opportunity of mentioning, that Knox, with the consent -of his brethren, consulted the Genevan reformer upon several difficult -questions which occurred respecting the settlement of the Scottish -Reformation, and that a number of letters passed between them on this -subject.[32] - -Anxieties on a public account were felt by Knox along with domestic -distress. The Reformation had hitherto advanced with a success equal -to his most sanguine expectations; and, at this time, no opposition -was publicly made to the new establishment. But matters were still in -a very critical state. There were a party in the nation, by no means -inconsiderable in numbers and power, who remained addicted to popery; -and, though they had given way to the torrent, they anxiously waited -for an opportunity to {21} embroil the country in another civil war, -for the restoration of the ancient religion. Queen Mary, and her -husband, the king of France, had refused to ratify the late treaty, -and dismissed the deputy sent by the parliament, with marks of the -highest displeasure at the innovations which they had presumed to -introduce. A new army was preparing in France for the invasion of -Scotland against the spring; emissaries were sent, in the mean time, -to encourage and unite the Roman catholics; and it was doubtful if the -queen of England would subject herself to new expense and odium, by -protecting them from a second attack.[33] - -The danger was not unperceived by our Reformer, who laboured to -impress the minds of his countrymen with its magnitude, and to excite -them speedily to complete the settlement of religion throughout the -kingdom, which, he was persuaded, would prove the principal bulwark -against the assaults of their adversaries. His admonitions were now -listened to with attention by many who had formerly treated them -with indifference.[34] The threatened storm, however, blew over, in -consequence of the death of the French king; but this necessarily led -to a measure which involved the Scottish protestants in a new struggle, -and exposed the reformed church to dangers less obvious and striking, -but, on that account, not less to be dreaded, than open violence and -hostility. This was the invitation given by the protestant nobility -to {22} their young queen, who, on the 19th of August, 1561, arrived -in Scotland, and assumed the reins of government into her own hands. - -The education which Mary had received in France, whatever -embellishments it added to her beauty, was the very worst which can -be conceived for fitting her to rule her native country in the present -juncture. Of a temper naturally violent, the devotion which she had -been accustomed to see paid to her personal charms, rendered her -extremely impatient of contradiction.[35] Habituated to the splendour -and gallantry of the most luxurious and dissolute court in Europe, she -could not submit to those restraints which the severer manners of her -subjects imposed; and while they took offence at the freedom of her -behaviour, she could not conceal the antipathy and disgust which she -felt at theirs.[36] Full of high notions of royal prerogative, she -regarded the late proceedings in Scotland as a course of rebellion -against her legitimate authority. Nursed from her infancy in a blind -attachment to the Roman catholic faith, every means had been employed, -before she left France, to strengthen this prejudice, and to inspire -her with aversion to the {23} religion which had been embraced by -her people. She was taught that it would be the great glory of her -reign to reduce her kingdom to the obedience of the Roman see, and -to co‑operate with the popish princes on the continent in extirpating -heresy. If she forsook the religion in which she had been educated, -she would forfeit their powerful friendship; if she persevered in it, -she might depend upon their assistance to enable her to chastise her -rebellious subjects, and to prosecute her claims to the English crown -against a heretical usurper. - -With these fixed prepossessions, Mary came into Scotland; and she -adhered to them with singular pertinacity to the end of her life. -To examine the subjects of controversy between the papists and -protestants, with the view of ascertaining on which side the truth -lay,――to hear the reformed preachers, or permit them to lay before her -the grounds of their faith, even in the presence of the clergy whom -she had brought along with her,――to do any thing, in short, which -might lead to a doubt in her mind respecting the religion in which -she had been brought up, were compliances against which she had formed -an unalterable determination. As the protestants were in possession -of power, it was necessary for her to temporize; but she resolved to -withhold her ratification of the late proceedings, and to embrace the -first favourable opportunity to overturn them, and re‑establish the -ancient system.[37] - -{24} The reception which she met with on landing in Scotland was -flattering; but an occurrence that took place soon after, damped the -joy which had been expressed, and prognosticated future jealousies -and confusion. The deputies sent to France with the invitation from -the nobles, could not promise her more than the private exercise of -her religion; but her uncles, by whom she was accompanied, wishing to -take advantage of the spirit of loyalty which had been displayed since -their arrival, insisted that she should cause the Roman catholic rites -to be performed with all publicity. Influenced by their opinion, and -willing to give her subjects an early proof of her firm determination -to adhere to the ancient faith, Mary directed preparations to be made -for the celebration of a solemn mass in the chapel of Holyroodhouse, -on the first Sabbath after her arrival. This service had not been -performed in Scotland since the conclusion of the civil war, and was -prohibited by an act of the late parliament. So great was the horror -with which the protestants viewed its restoration, and the alarm which -they felt at finding it countenanced by their queen, that the first -rumour of the design excited expressions of strong discontent, which -would have burst into an open tumult, had not some of the leading -men among the protestants interfered, and exerted their authority -in repressing the zeal of the multitude. From regard to public -tranquillity, and reluctance to offend the queen at her first return -to her native kingdom, Knox used his influence in private conversation -to allay the fervour of the more zealous reformers, who were ready {25} -to prevent the service by force. But he was not less alarmed at the -precedent than his brethren were; and, having exposed the evils of -idolatry on the following Sabbath, he concluded his sermon by saying, -that “one mass was more fearfull unto him, than if ten thousand armed -enemies wer landed in ony parte of the realme, of purpose to suppress -the whole religioun.”[38] - -At this day, we are apt to be struck with surprise at the conduct -of our ancestors, to treat their fears as visionary, or at least as -highly exaggerated, and summarily to pronounce them guilty of the same -intolerance of which they complained in their adversaries. Persecution -for conscience’ sake is so odious, and the least approach to it so -dangerous, that we deem it impossible to express too great detestation -of any measure which tends to countenance or seems to encourage it. -But let us be just as well as liberal. A little reflection upon the -circumstances in which our reforming fathers were placed may serve -to abate our astonishment, and to qualify our censures. They were -actuated by a strong abhorrence of popish idolatry, a feeling which -is fully justified by the spirit and precepts of Christianity; and -the prospect of the land being again defiled by the revival of its -impure rites produced on their minds a sensation, with which, from our -ignorance and lukewarmness, as much as our ideas of religious liberty, -we are incapable of sympathizing. But they were also {26} influenced -by a proper regard to their own preservation; and the fears which they -entertained were not fanciful, nor the precautions which they adopted -unnecessary. - -The warmest friends of toleration and liberty of conscience (some -of whom will not readily be charged with protestant prejudices) have -granted, that persecution of the most sanguinary kind was inseparable -from the system and spirit of popery which was at that time dominant -in Europe; and they cannot deny the inference, that the profession -and propagation of it were, on this account, justly subjected to -penal restraints, as far, at least, as was requisite to prevent it -from obtaining the ascendency, and from reacting the bloody scenes -which it had already exhibited.[39] The protestants of Scotland had -these scenes before their eyes, and fresh in their recollection; and -infatuated and criminal indeed would they have been, if, listening -to the siren song of toleration, by which their adversaries, with no -less impudence than artifice, now attempted to lull them asleep, they -had suffered themselves to be thrown off their guard, and neglected -to provide against the most distant approaches of the danger by -which they were threatened. Could they be ignorant of the perfidious, -barbarous, and unrelenting cruelty with which protestants were treated -in every Roman catholic kingdom? In France, where so many of their -brethren had been put to death, under the influence of the {27} house -of Guise; in the Netherlands, where such multitudes had been tortured, -beheaded, hanged, drowned, or buried alive; in England, where the -flames of persecution were but lately extinguished; and in Spain and -Italy, where they still continued to blaze? Could they have forgotten -what had taken place in their own country, or the perils from which -they had themselves so recently and so narrowly escaped? “God forbid!” -exclaimed the lords of the privy council, in the presence of Queen -Mary, at a time when they were not disposed to offend her,――“God -forbid! that the lives of the faithful stood in the power of the -papists; for just experience has taught us what cruelty is in their -hearts.”[40] - -Nor was this an event so incredible, or so unlikely to happen, as -many seem to imagine. The rage for conquest, on the continent, was -now converted into a rage for proselytism; and steps had already been -taken towards forming that league among the popish princes, which -had for its object the universal extermination of protestants. The -Scottish queen was passionately addicted to the intoxicating cup -of which so many of “the kings of the earth had drunk.” There were -numbers in the nation who were similarly disposed. The liberty taken -by the queen would soon be demanded for all who declared themselves -catholics. Many of those who had hitherto ranged under the protestant -standard were lukewarm in the cause; the zeal of others had already -suffered a sensible {28} abatement since the arrival of their -sovereign;[41] and it was to be feared, that the favours of the court, -and the blandishments of an artful and accomplished princess, would -make proselytes of some, and lull others into security, while designs -were carried on pregnant with ruin to the religion and liberties of -the nation. In one word, the public toleration of the popish worship -was only a step to its re‑establishment, and this would be the signal -for kindling afresh the fires of persecution. It was in this manner -that some of the wisest men in the kingdom reasoned at that time;[42] -and, had it not been for the uncommon spirit which then existed among -the reformers, there is every reason to think that their predictions -would have been realized. - -To those who accuse the Scottish protestants of displaying the same -spirit of intolerance by which the Roman catholics were distinguished, -I would recommend the following statement of a French author, who had -formed a more just notion of these transactions than many of our own -writers. “Mary (says he,) was brought up in France, accustomed to see -protestants burnt to death, and instructed in the maxims of her uncles, -the Guises, who maintained {29} that it was necessary to exterminate, -without mercy, the pretended reformed. With these dispositions she -arrived in Scotland, which was wholly reformed, with the exception -of a few lords. The kingdom received her, acknowledged her as their -queen, and obeyed her in all things according to the laws of the -country. I maintain, that, in the state of men’s spirits at that time, -if a Huguenot queen had come to take possession of a Roman catholic -kingdom, with the slender retinue with which Mary went to Scotland, -the first thing they would have done would have been to arrest her; -and if she had persevered in her religion, they would have procured -her degradation by the pope, thrown her into the Inquisition, and -burnt her as a heretic. There is not an honest man who can deny -this.”[43] - -After all, it is surely unnecessary to apologize for the restrictions -which our ancestors were desirous of imposing on queen Mary, to those -who approve of the present constitution of Britain, according to -which every papist is excluded from succeeding to the throne, and the -reigning monarch, by setting up mass in his chapel, would virtually -forfeit his crown. Is popery {30} more dangerous now than it was two -hundred and fifty years ago? - -Besides his fears for the common cause, Knox had at this time grounds -of apprehension as to his personal safety. The queen was peculiarly -incensed against him on account of the active part which he had taken -in the late revolution; the popish clergy who left the kingdom had -represented him as the ringleader of her factious subjects; and she -had publicly declared, before she left France, that she was determined -he should be punished. His book against female government was most -probably the ostensible charge on which he was to be prosecuted; -and, accordingly, we find him making application, through the English -resident at Edinburgh, to secure the favour of Elizabeth; reasonably -suspecting that she might be induced to abet the proceedings against -him on this ground.[44] But whatever perils he apprehended, {31} -from the personal presence of the queen, either to the public or -to himself, he used not the smallest influence to prevent her being -invited home. On the contrary, he concurred with his brethren in this -measure, and also in using means to defeat a scheme which the duke -of Chastelherault, under the direction of the archbishop of St Andrew, -had formed to exclude her from the government.[45] But when the -prior of St Andrews was sent to France with the invitation, he urged -that her desisting from the celebration of mass should be one of the -conditions of her return; and when he found him and the rest of the -council disposed to grant her this liberty within her own chapel, he -predicted that “her liberty would be their thraldom.”[46] - -In the beginning of September,[47] only a few days after her arrival -in Scotland, the queen sent for Knox to the palace, and held a long -conversation with him, in the presence of her brother, the prior -of St Andrews. Whether she did this of her own accord, or at the -suggestion of some of her counsellors, is uncertain; but she seems to -have expected to awe him into submission by her authority, if not to -confound him by her arguments. The bold freedom with which he replied -to all her charges, and vindicated his own conduct, convinced her -that the one expectation was not more vain than the other; and the -impression {32} which she wished to make on him was left on her own -mind. - -She accused him of raising her subjects against her mother and -herself; of writing a book against her just authority, which, she -said, she would cause the most learned in Europe to refute; of being -the cause of sedition and bloodshed, when he was in England; and of -accomplishing his purposes by magical arts. - -To these heavy charges Knox replied, that, if to teach the truth of -God in sincerity, to rebuke idolatry, and exhort a people to worship -God according to his word, were to excite subjects to rise against -their princes, then he stood convicted of that crime; for it had -pleased God to employ him, among many others, to disclose unto that -realm the vanity of the papistical religion, with the deceit, pride, -and tyranny of the Roman antichrist. But if the true knowledge of God -and his right worship were the most powerful inducements to subjects -cordially to obey their princes, (as they certainly were,) then was -he innocent. Her grace, he was persuaded, had at present as unfeigned -obedience from the protestants of Scotland, as ever her father, or -any of her ancestors, had from those called bishops. With respect to -what had been reported to her majesty concerning the fruits of his -preaching in England, he was glad that his enemies laid nothing to his -charge but what the world knew to be false. If they could prove, that -in any of the places where he had resided there was either sedition -or mutiny, he would confess himself to be a malefactor. But so far -from this being the case, he was not {33} ashamed to say, that in -Berwick, where bloodshed had formerly been common among the military, -God so blessed his weak labours, that there was as great quietness, -during the time he resided in that town, as there was at present -in Edinburgh. The slander of practising magic, (an art which he had -always condemned,) he could more easily bear, when he recollected -that his master, Jesus Christ, had been defamed as one in league with -Beelzebub. As to the book which seemed to have offended her majesty -so highly, he owned that he wrote it, and he was willing that all -the learned should judge of it. He understood that an Englishman had -written against it, but he had not read his work. If that author had -sufficiently confuted his arguments, and established the contrary -opinion, he would confess his error; but to that hour he continued to -think himself able to maintain the propositions affirmed in that book -against any ten in Europe. - -“You think, then, I have no just authority?” said the queen. “Please -your majesty,” replied he, “learned men in all ages have had their -judgments free, and most commonly disagreeing from the common judgment -of the world; such also have they published both with pen and tongue; -notwithstanding, they themselves have lived in the common society with -others, and have borne patiently with the errors and imperfections -which they could not amend. Plato, the philosopher, wrote his book -on the commonwealth, in which he condemned many things that then were -maintained in the world, and required {34} many things to have been -reformed; and yet, notwithstanding, he lived under such policies as -then were universally received, without farther troubling of any state. -Even so, madam, am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, and with -a testimony of a good conscience.” He added, that his sentiments on -that subject should be confined to his own breast; and that, if she -refrained from persecution, her authority would not be hurt, either -by him or his book, “which was written most especially against that -wicked Jesabell of England.” - -“But ye speak of women in general,” said the queen. “Most true it is, -madam; yet it appeareth to me, that wisdom should persuade your grace -never to raise trouble for that which to this day has not troubled -your majesty, neither in person nor in authority: for of late years -many things, which before were held stable, have been called in doubt; -yea they have been plainly impugned. But yet, madam, I am assured that -neither protestant nor papist shall be able to prove, that any such -question was at any time moved either in public or in secret. Now, -madam, if I had intended to have troubled your estate, because ye are -a woman, I would have chosen a time more convenient for that purpose -than I can do now, when your presence is within the realm.” - -Changing the subject, she charged him with having taught the people -to receive a religion different from that which was allowed by their -princes; and she asked, if this was not contrary to the divine command, -{35} that subjects should obey their rulers. He replied, that true -religion derived its origin and authority not from princes, but -from God; that princes were often most ignorant on this point; and -that subjects were not bound to frame their religious sentiments and -practice according to the arbitrary will of their rulers, else the -Hebrews ought to have conformed to the religion of Pharaoh, Daniel and -his associates to that of Nebuchadnezzar and Darius, and the primitive -Christians to that of the Roman emperors. “Yea,” replied the queen, -qualifying her assertion; “but none of these men raised the sword -against their princes.”――“Yet you cannot deny,” said he, “that they -resisted; for those who obey not the commandment given them do in some -sort resist.”――“But they resisted not with the sword,” rejoined the -queen, pressing home the argument. “God, madam, had not given unto -them the power and the means.”――“Think you,” said the queen, “that -subjects, having the power, may resist their princes?”――“If princes -exceed their bounds, madam, no doubt they may be resisted, even by -power. For no greater honour, or greater obedience, is to be given to -kings and princes, than God has commanded to be given to father and -mother. But the father may be struck with a frenzy, in which he would -slay his children. Now, madam, if the children arise, join together, -apprehend the father, take the sword from him, bind his hands, and -keep him in prison, till the frenzy be over, think you, madam, that -the children do any wrong? Even so, madam, is it with princes that -would murder {36} the children of God that are subject unto them. -Their blind zeal is nothing but a mad frenzy; therefore, to take the -sword from them, to bind their hands, and to cast them into prison, -till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no disobedience against -princes, but just obedience, because it agreeth with the will of God.” - -Mary, who had hitherto maintained her courage in reasoning, was -completely overpowered by this bold answer; her countenance changed, -and she remained in a silent stupor. Her brother spoke to her, -and enquired the cause of her uneasiness; but she made no reply. -Recovering herself at length, she said, “Well, then, I perceive that -my subjects shall obey you, and not me, and will do what they please, -and not what I command; and so must I be subject to them, and not -they to me.”――“God forbid!” replied the Reformer, “that ever I take -upon me to command any to obey me, or to set subjects at liberty to -do whatever pleases them. But my travel is, that both princes and -subjects may obey God. And think not, madam, that wrong is done -you, when you are required to be subject unto God; for it is he who -subjects people under princes, and causes obedience to be given unto -them. He craves of kings that they be as foster‑fathers to his church, -and commands queens to be nurses to his people. And this subjection, -madam, unto God and his church, is the greatest dignity that flesh can -get upon the face of the earth; for it shall raise them to everlasting -glory.” - -{37} “But you are not the church that I will nourish,” said the -queen; “I will defend the church of Rome; for it is, I think, the -true church of God.”――“Your _will_, madam, is no reason, neither doth -your _thought_ make the Roman harlot to be the true and immaculate -spouse of Jesus Christ. Wonder not, madam, that I call Rome an harlot, -for that church is altogether polluted with all kinds of spiritual -fornication, both in doctrine and manners.” He added, that he was -ready to prove that the Roman church had declined farther from the -purity of religion taught by the apostles, than the Jewish church -had degenerated from the ordinances which God gave them by Moses and -Aaron, at the time when they denied and crucified the Son of God. “My -conscience is not so,” said the queen.――“Conscience, madam, requires -knowledge; and I fear that right knowledge you have none.”――“But I -have both heard and read.”――“So, madam, did the Jews who crucified -Christ Jesus read the law and the prophets, and heard the same -interpreted after their manner. Have you heard any teach but such -as the pope and cardinals have allowed? and you may be assured, that -such will speak nothing to offend their own estate.” - -“You interpret the scriptures in one way,” said the queen -evasively, “and they in another; whom shall I believe, and who shall -be judge?”――“You shall believe God, who plainly speaketh in his word,” -replied the Reformer; “and farther than the word teacheth you, you -shall believe neither the one nor the other. The word of God is plain -in itself; and {38} if there appear any obscurity in one place, the -Holy Ghost, who is never contrary to himself, explains the same more -clearly in other places, so that there can remain no doubt, but unto -such as are obstinately ignorant.” As an example, he selected one -of the articles in controversy between the church of Rome and the -protestants, and was proceeding to show, that the popish doctrine of -the sacrifice of the mass was destitute of all foundation in scripture; -but the queen, who was determined to avoid all discussion of the -articles of her creed, interrupted him, by saying, that she was unable -to contend with him in argument, but if she had those present whom -she had heard, they would answer him. “Madam,” replied the Reformer, -fervently, “would to God that the learnedest papist in Europe, and he -whom you would best believe, were present with your grace to sustain -the argument, and that you would wait patiently to hear the matter -reasoned to the end! For then, I doubt not, madam, but you would hear -the vanity of the papistical religion, and how little ground it hath -in the word of God.”――“Well,” said she, “you may perchance get that -sooner than you believe.”――“Assuredly, if ever I get that in my -life, I get it sooner than I believe; for the ignorant papist cannot -patiently reason, and the learned and crafty papist will never come, -in your audience, madam, to have the ground of their religion searched -out. When you shall let me see the contrary, I shall grant myself to -have been deceived in that point.” - -The hour of dinner afforded an occasion for breaking {39} off this -singular conversation. At taking leave of her majesty, the Reformer -said, “I pray God, madam, that you may be as blessed within the -commonwealth of Scotland, as ever Deborah was in the commonwealth of -Israel.”[48] - -I have been the more minute in the narrative of this curious -conference, because it affords the most satisfactory refutation of the -charge, that Knox treated Mary with rudeness and disrespect. For the -same reason I shall lay before the reader a circumstantial account of -the subsequent interviews between them, from which we shall perceive -that, though the Reformer addressed her with a plainness to which -crowned heads are seldom accustomed, he never lost sight of that -respect which was due to the person of his sovereign, nor of that -decorum which became his own character. - -The interview between the queen and the Reformer excited great -speculation, and different conjectures were formed as to its probable -consequences. The catholics, whose hopes now depended solely on -the queen, were alarmed, lest Knox’s rhetoric should have shaken -her constancy. The protestants cherished the expectation that she -would be induced to attend the protestant sermons, and that her -religious prejudices would gradually abate.[49] Knox indulged no such -flattering expectations. He had made it his study, during the late -conference, to discover the real character of the queen; and when -some of his confidential {40} friends asked his opinion of her, he -told them that he was very much mistaken if she was not proud, crafty, -obstinately wedded to the popish church, and averse to all means -of instruction.[50] Writing to Cecil, he says, “The queen neyther -is, neyther shal be of our opinion; and, in very dead, her whole -proceedings do declair that the cardinalle’s lessons ar so deaplie -printed in her heart, that the substance and the qualitie are like to -perishe together. I wold be glad to be deceaved, but I fear I shal not. -In communication with her, I espyed such craft as I have not found in -such aige. Since, hath the court been dead to me and I to it.”[51] - -He resolved, therefore, vigilantly to watch her proceedings, and to -give timely warning of any danger which might result from them to -the reformed interest; and the more that he perceived the zeal of the -protestant nobles to cool, and their jealousy to be laid asleep by the -winning arts of the queen, the more frequently and loudly did he sound -the alarm. Vehement and harsh as his expressions often were――violent, -seditious, and insufferable, as his sermons and prayers have been -pronounced to be, I have no hesitation in saying, that, as the -public peace was never disturbed by them, so they were useful to -the public safety, and a principal means of warding off for a time -those confusions in which the country was afterwards involved, and -which brought on the ultimate ruin {41} of the infatuated queen. His -uncourtly and rough manner was not, indeed, calculated to gain upon -her mind, (nor is there any reason to think that an opposite manner -would have had this effect,) and his admonitions often irritated her; -but they obliged her to act with greater reserve and moderation; and -they operated, to an indescribable degree, in arousing and keeping -awake the zeal and the fears of the nation, which, at that period, -were the two great safeguards of the protestant religion in Scotland. -We may form an idea of the effect produced by his pulpit‑orations, -from the account of the English ambassador, who was one of his -constant hearers. “Where your honour,” says he, in a letter to Cecil, -“exhorteth us to stoutness, I assure you the voice of one man is -able, in an hour, to put more life in us, than six hundred trumpets -continually blustering in our ears.”[52] - -The Reformer was not ignorant that some of his friends thought him too -severe in his language, nor was he always disposed to vindicate the -expressions which he employed. Still, however, he was persuaded that -the times required the utmost plainness; and he {42} was afraid that -snares lurked under the smoothness which was recommended and practised -by courtiers. Cecil having given him an advice on this head in one -of his letters, Knox replied: “Men deliting to swym betwix two waters -have often compleaned upon my severitie. I do fear that that which -men terme lenitie and dulcenes, do bring upon themselves and others -more fearful destruction, than yit hath ensewed the vehemency of any -preacher within this realme.”[53] - -That abatement of zeal which he had dreaded from “the holy water of -the court,” soon began to appear among the protestant leaders. The -general assemblies of the church were a great eye‑sore to the queen, -who was very desirous to have them put down. At the first General -Assembly held after her arrival, the courtiers, through her influence, -absented themselves, and when challenged for this, began to dispute -the propriety of such conventions without her majesty’s pleasure. -On this point, there was sharp reasoning between Knox and Maitland, -who was now made secretary of state. “Take from us the liberty of -assemblies, and take from us the gospel,” said the Reformer. “If the -liberty of the church must depend upon her allowance or disallowance, -we shall want not only assemblies, but also the preaching of the -gospel.” It was proposed that the Book of Discipline should be -ratified by the queen; but this was keenly opposed by the secretary. -“How many of those that {43} subscribed that book will be subject to -it?” said he, scoffingly. “All the godly,” it was answered. “Will the -duke?” said he. “If he will not,” replied lord Ochiltree, “I wish that -his name were scraped, not only out of that book, but also out of our -number and company; for to what end shall men subscribe, and never -mean to keep word of that which they promise?” Maitland said, that -many subscribed it, _in fide parentum_, implicitly. Knox replied, -that the scoff was as untrue as it was unbecoming; for the book was -publicly read, and its different heads discussed, for a number of -days, and no man was required to subscribe what he did not understand. -“Stand content,” said one of the courtiers; “that book will not be -obtained.”――“And let God require the injury which the commonwealth -shall sustain, at the hands of those who hinder it,” replied the -Reformer.[54] - -He was still more indignant at their management in settling the -provision for the ministers of the church. Hitherto they had lived -chiefly on the benevolence of their hearers, and many of them had -scarcely the means of subsistence; but repeated complaints having -obliged the privy council to take up the affair, they came at last to -a determination, that the ecclesiastical revenues should be divided -into three parts; that two of these should be given to the ejected -popish clergy; and that the third part should be divided between the -court and the protestant ministry![55] The persons {44} appointed -to “modify the stipends,”[56] were disposed to gratify the queen, -and her demands were readily answered, while the sums allotted to -the ministers were as ill paid as they were paltry and inadequate. -“Weall!” exclaimed Knox, when he heard of this disgraceful arrangement, -“if the end of this ordour, pretendit to be takin for sustentatioun -of the ministers, be happie, my judgement failes me. I sie twa pairtis -freelie gevin to the devill, and the third mon be devyded betwix God -and the devill. Who wald have thocht, that when Joseph reulled in -Egypt, his brethren sould have travellit for victualles, and have -returned with emptie sackes unto thair families? O happie servands -of the devill, and miserabill servants of Jesus Christ, if efter this -lyf thair wer not hell and heavin!”[57] At a conference held on this -subject, {45} Maitland complained of the ingratitude of the ministers, -who did not acknowledge the queen’s liberality to them. “Assuredly,” -replied Knox, with a derisive smile, “such as receive any thing of -the queen are unthankful, if they acknowledge it not; but whether -the ministers be of that rank or not, I greatly doubt. Has the queen -better title to that which she usurps, be it in giving to others, -or in taking to herself, than such as crucified Christ had to divide -his garments among them? Let the papists who have the two parts, some -that have their thirds free, and some that have gotten abbacies and -feu‑lands, thank the queen; the poor preachers will not yet flatter -for feeding their bellies. To your dumb dogs, formerly ten thousand -was not enough; but to the servants of Christ, that painfully preach -his evangell, a thousand pound! how can that be sustained?”――“These -words,” he himself tells us, “were judged proud and intolerable, and -engendered no small displeasure to the speaker.”[58] - -Knox gave vent to his feelings on this subject the more freely, as -his complaints could not be imputed to personal motives; for his -own stipend, though moderate, was liberal when compared with those -of the most of his brethren. From the time of his last return to -Scotland, until the conclusion of the war, he had been indebted to the -liberality of individuals for the support of his family. After that -period, he {46} lodged in the house of David Forrest, a burgess of -Edinburgh, from which he removed to the lodging which had belonged to -Durie, abbot of Dunfermline. As soon as he began to preach statedly -in the city, the town council assigned him an annual stipend of two -hundred pounds, which he was entitled to receive quarterly; and they -also paid his house‑rent, and his board, during the time that he -had resided with Forrest. Subsequent to the settlement made by the -privy council, it would seem that he received, at least, a part of -his income from the common fund allotted to the ministers of the -church; but the good town had still an opportunity of testifying -their generosity, by supplying the deficiencies of the legal allowance. -Indeed, the uniform attention of the town council to his external -support and accommodation, was honourable to them, and deserves to be -recorded to their commendation.[59] - -In the beginning of the year 1562, he went to Angus to preside in the -election and admission of John Erskine of Dun, as superintendent of -Angus and Mearns. That respectable baron was one of those whom the -first General Assembly declared “apt and able to minister;”[60] and -having already contributed in different ways to the advancement of the -Reformation, he now devoted himself to the service of the church, in -a laborious employment, at a time when she stood eminently in need of -the assistance of all {47} the learned and pious. Knox had formerly -presided at the installation of John Spotswood, as superintendent of -Lothian.[61] - -The influence of our Reformer appears from his being employed on -different occasions to act as umpire and mediator in disputes of a -civil nature among the protestants. He was frequently requested to -intercede with the town council in behalf of such of the inhabitants -as had subjected themselves to punishment by their disorderly -conduct.[62] Soon after his return to Scotland, he had composed a -domestic variance between the earl and countess of Argyle.[63] In -the year 1561, he had been employed as arbitrator in a difference -between Archibald, earl of Angus, and his brothers.[64] And he was -now urged by the earl of Bothwell to assist in removing a deadly feud -which subsisted between him and the earl of Arran. He was averse to -interfere in this business, which had already baffled the authority -of the privy council;[65] but at the desire of friends, he yielded, -and, after considerable pains, had the satisfaction of bringing the -parties to an amicable interview, at which they mutually promised to -bury their former differences. But all the fair hopes which he had -formed from this reconciliation were speedily blasted. For, {48} in -the course of a few days, Arran came to him in great agitation, with -the information that Bothwell had endeavoured to engage him in a -conspiracy, to seize upon the person of the queen, and to kill the -prior of St Andrews, Maitland, and the rest of her counsellors. Knox -does not seem to have given much credit to this information; he even -endeavoured to prevent Arran from making it public; in this, however, -he did not succeed, and both noblemen were imprisoned. It soon after -became evident that Arran was lunatic, but the fears of the courtiers -show that they did not altogether disbelieve his accusation, and that -they suspected that Bothwell had formed a design of which his future -conduct proved him not incapable.[66] - -In the month of May, Knox had another interview with the queen, on the -following occasion. The family of Guise were making the most vigorous -efforts to regain that ascendency in the French councils of which they -had been deprived since the death of Francis II.; and, as zeal for -the catholic religion was the cloak under which they concealed their -ambitious designs, they began by stirring up persecution against the -protestants. The massacre of Vassy, in the beginning of March, was a -prelude to this; in which the duke of Guise and cardinal of Lorrain -attacked, with an armed force, a congregation peaceably assembled -for worship, killed a number of them, and {49} wounded and mutilated -others, not excepting women and children.[67] Intelligence of the -success which attended the measures of her uncles was brought to -queen Mary, who immediately after gave a splendid ball to her foreign -servants, at which the dancing was prolonged to a late hour. - -Knox was advertised of the festivities in the palace, and had no doubt -that they were occasioned by the accounts which the queen had received -from France. He always felt a lively interest in the concerns of the -French protestants, with many of whom he was intimately acquainted; -and he entertained a very bad opinion of the princes of Lorrain. In -his sermon on the following Sabbath, after discoursing of the dignity -of magistrates, and the obedience which was due to them, he proceeded -to lament the abuse which the greater part of rulers made of their -power, and introduced some severe strictures upon the vices to which -they were commonly addicted, their oppression, ignorance, hatred of -virtue, attachment to bad company, and fondness for foolish pleasures. -Glancing at the amusements which were common in the palace, he said -that princes were more exercised in dancing and music than in reading -or hearing the word of God, and delighted more in fiddlers and -flatterers than in the company of wise and grave men, who were capable -of giving them wholesome counsel. As to dancing, he said, that, -although he did not find it praised in scripture, and profane writers -had termed {50} it a gesture more becoming mad than sober men, yet -he would not utterly condemn it, provided those who practised it did -not neglect the duties of their station, and did not dance, like the -Philistines, from joy at the misfortunes of God’s people. If they -were guilty of such conduct, their mirth would soon be converted into -sorrow. Information of this discourse was quickly conveyed to the -queen, with many exaggerations; and the preacher was next day ordered -to attend at the palace. Being conveyed into the royal chamber, where -the queen sat with her maids of honour and principal counsellors, he -was accused of having spoken of her majesty irreverently, and in a -manner calculated to bring her under the contempt and hatred of her -subjects. - -After the queen had made a long speech on that theme, he was allowed -to state his defence. He told her majesty, that she had been treated -as persons usually were who refused to attend the preaching of the -word of God; she had been deceived by the false reports of flatterers. -For, if she had heard the calumniated discourse, he did not believe -she could have been offended with any thing that he had said. She -would now, therefore, be pleased to hear him repeat, as exactly as he -could, what he had preached yesterday. Mary was obliged for once to -listen to a protestant sermon. Having finished the recapitulation -of his discourse, he said, “If any man, madam, will say that I spake -more, let him presently accuse me; for I think I have not only touched -the sum, but the very words as I spake them.” Several of the company, -{51} who had heard the sermon, attested that he had given a fair and -accurate account of it. After turning round to the informers, who -were dumb, the queen told him, that his words, though sharp enough -as related by himself, had been reported to her in a different way. -She added, that she knew that her uncles and he were of a different -religion, and therefore did not blame him for having no good opinion -of them; but if he heard any thing about her conduct which displeased -him, he ought to come to herself privately, and she would willingly -listen to his admonitions. Knox easily saw through this proposal; and, -from what he already knew of Mary’s character, was convinced that she -had no inclination to receive his private instructions, but wished -merely to induce him to refrain in his sermons from every thing that -might be displeasing to the court. He replied, that he was willing to -do any thing for her majesty’s contentment, which was consistent with -his office; if her grace chose to attend the public sermons, she would -have an opportunity of knowing what pleased or displeased him in her -and in others; or if she chose to appoint a time when she would hear -the substance of the doctrine which he preached in public, he would -most gladly wait upon her grace’s pleasure, time, and place; but to -come and wait at her chamber‑door, and then to have liberty only to -whisper in her ear what people thought and said of her, that would -neither his conscience nor his office permit him to do. “For,” added -he, in a strain which he sometimes used even on serious occasions, -{52} “albeit, at your grace’s commandment, I am heir now, yit can I -not tell what uther men shall judge of me, that, at this time of day, -am absent from my buke, and waitting upon the court.”――“Ye will not -alwayes be at your buke,” said the queen, pettishly, and turned her -back. As he left the room “with a reasonable merry countenance,” -he overheard one of the popish attendants saying, “He is not -afraid!”――“Why should the plesing face of a _gentilwoman_ afray me?” -said he, regarding them with a sarcastic scowl; “I have luiked in -the faces of mony angry _men_, and yit have not bene affrayed above -measour.”[68] - -There was at that time but one place of worship in the city of -Edinburgh.[69] The number of inhabitants was, indeed, small, when -compared with its present population; but still they must have formed -a very large congregation. St Giles’s church, the place then used for -worship, was capacious; for we learn that, on some occasions, three -thousand persons assembled in it to hear sermon.[70] In this church, -Knox had, since 1560, performed all the parts of ministerial duty, -without any other assistant than John Cairns, who acted as reader.[71] -He preached twice every Sabbath, and thrice on other days of the -week.[72] He met regularly once every week with his {53} kirk‑session -for discipline,[73] and with the assembly of the neighbourhood for -the exercise on the scriptures. He attended, besides, the meetings of -the provincial synod and general assembly; and at almost every meeting -of the latter, he received an appointment to visit and preach in some -distant part of the country. These labours must have been oppressive -to a constitution which was already much impaired; especially as he -did not indulge in extemporaneous effusions, but devoted a part of -every day to study. His parish was sensible of this; and, in April -1562, the town council came to a unanimous resolution to solicit the -minister of Canongate to undertake the half of the charge. The ensuing -general assembly approved of the council’s proposal, and appointed -the translation to take place.[74] It was not, however, accomplished -before June 1563, owing, as it would seem, to the difficulty of -obtaining an additional stipend.[75] - -The person who was appointed colleague to our Reformer was John Craig. -A short account of this distinguished minister cannot be altogether -foreign to the history of one with whom he was so strictly associated, -and it will present incidents which are curious in themselves, and -illustrative of the singular manner in which many of the promoters of -the Reformation were fitted by providence for engaging in that great -undertaking. He was born in 1512, and {54} soon after lost his father -in the battle of Flodden, which proved fatal to so many families -in Scotland. After finishing his education at the university of -St Andrews, he went to England, and became tutor to the family of -Lord Dacres; but war having broken out between England and Scotland, -he returned to his native country, and entered into the order of -Dominican friars. The Scottish clergy were at that time eager in -making inquisition for Lutherans; and owing to the circumstance of -his having been in England, or to his having dropped some expressions -respecting religion which were deemed too free, Craig fell under the -suspicion of heresy, and was thrown into prison. The accusation was -found to be groundless, and he was set at liberty. But although still -attached to the Roman catholic religion, the ignorance and bigotry -of the clergy gave him such a disgust at his native country, that -he left it in 1537, and, after remaining a short time in England, -went to France, and from that to Italy. At the recommendation of the -celebrated cardinal Pole, he was admitted among the Dominicans in the -city of Bologna, and was soon raised to an honourable employment in -that body. In the library of the Inquisition, which was attached to -the monastery, he found a copy of Calvin’s Institutions. Being fond -of books, he determined to read that work; and the consequence was, -that he became a thorough convert to the reformed opinions. In the -warmth of his first impressions, he could not refrain from imparting -his change of sentiments to his associates, and must {55} soon have -fallen a sacrifice to the vigilant guardians of the faith, had not the -friendship of a father in the monastery saved him. The old man, who -was a native of Scotland, represented the danger to which he exposed -himself by avowing such tenets in that place, and advised him, if -he was fixed in his views, to retire immediately to some protestant -country. With this prudent advice he complied so far as to procure -his discharge from the monastery. - -At an early period of the Christian era, there were converts to the -gospel “in Cæsar’s household;” and in the sixteenth century, the light -of reformation penetrated into Italy, and even into the territories of -the Roman pontiff. On leaving the monastery of Bologna, Craig entered -as tutor into the family of a neighbouring nobleman, who had embraced -protestant principles; but he had not resided long in it, when, along -with his host, he was delated for heresy, seized by the familiars -of the Inquisition, and carried to Rome. After being confined nine -months in a noisome dungeon, he was brought to trial, and condemned -to be burnt, along with some others, on the 20th of August, 1559. On -the evening previous to the day appointed for their execution, the -reigning pontiff, Paul IV., died; and, according to an accustomed -practice on such occasions, the prisons in Rome were all thrown open. -While those who were confined for debt and other civil offences were -liberated, heretics, after being allowed to go without the walls of -their prison, were conveyed back to their cells. A tumult, however, -having been raised that night in the city, {56} Craig and his -companions effected their escape, and took refuge in a house at a -small distance from Rome. They had not been long there when they were -followed by a company of soldiers, sent to apprehend them. On entering -the house, the captain looked Craig eagerly in the face, and taking -him aside, asked, if he recollected of once relieving a poor wounded -soldier in the vicinity of Bologna. Craig was in too great confusion -to remember the circumstance. “But I remember it,” replied the captain, -“and I am the man whom you relieved, and providence has now put it -in my power to return the kindness which you showed to a distressed -stranger. You are at liberty; your companions I must take along with -me, but, for your sake, shall show them every favour in my power.” He -then gave him what money he had upon him, with directions how to make -his escape. - -We are not yet done with the wonderful incidents in the life of Craig. -“Another accident,” says archbishop Spotswood, “befell him, which I -should scarcely relate, so incredible it seemeth, if to many of good -place he himself had not often repeated it as a singular testimony of -God’s care of him.” In the course of his journey through Italy, while -he avoided the public roads, and took a circuitous route to escape -from pursuit, the money which he had received from the grateful -soldier failed him. Having laid himself down by the side of a wood to -ruminate on his condition, he perceived a dog approaching him with a -purse in its teeth. It occurred to him that it had been sent by some -evil‑disposed person who was concealed in {57} the wood, and wished -to pick a quarrel with him. He therefore endeavoured to drive it away, -but the animal continuing to fawn upon him, he at last took the purse, -and found in it a sum of money which enabled him to prosecute his -journey. Having reached Vienna, and announced himself as a Dominican, -he was employed to preach before the archduke of Austria, who -afterwards wore the imperial crown, under the title of Maximilian II. -That discerning prince, who was not unfriendly to a religious reform, -was so much pleased with the sermon, that he was desirous of retaining -Craig; but the new pope, Pius IV., having heard of his reception -at the Austrian capital, applied to have him sent back to Rome as -a condemned heretic; upon which the archduke dismissed him with a -safe‑conduct. When he arrived in England, in 1560, and was informed -of the establishment of the reformed religion in his native country, -he immediately repaired to Scotland, and was admitted to the ministry. -Having in a great measure forgotten his native language during an -absence of twenty‑four years, he preached for a short time in Latin to -some of the learned in Magdalene chapel. He was afterwards appointed -minister of the parish of Canongate, where he had not officiated long, -till he was elected colleague to Knox.[76] - -{58} The queen still persevered in the line of policy which she -had adopted at her first arrival in Scotland, and employed none but -protestant counsellors. She intrusted the chief direction of public -affairs to the prior of St Andrews, who, in 1562, was created earl of -Murray,[77] and married a daughter of the earl marischal. The marriage -ceremony was performed by Knox publicly before the congregation, -according to the custom at that time; and on that occasion the -Reformer reminded the earl of the benefit which the church had -hitherto received from his services, and exhorted him to persevere in -the same course, lest, if an unfavourable change was perceived, the -blame should be imputed to his wife.[78] The fact, however, was, that -Knox was more afraid that Murray would be corrupted by his connexion -with the court, than by his matrimonial alliance. - -Although the protestants filled the cabinet, it was well known that -they did not possess the affection and confidence of her majesty, -and in consequence of this, various plots were laid to displace and -ruin them. During the autumn of 1562, the Roman catholics in Scotland -entertained great hopes of a change in their favour. After several -unsuccessful attempts to cut off the principal courtiers,[79] the -earl of Huntly openly {59} took arms in the north, to rescue the -queen from their hands; while the archbishop of St Andrews endeavoured -to unite and rouse the papists of the south. On this occasion, our -Reformer acted with his usual zeal and foresight. Being appointed by -the General Assembly as commissioner to visit the churches of the west, -he persuaded the gentlemen of that quarter to enter into a new bond of -defence. Hastening into Nithsdale and Galloway, he, by his sermons and -conversation, confirmed the protestants in these places. He employed -the master of Maxwell to write to the earl of Bothwell, who had -escaped from confinement, and meant, it was feared, to join Huntly. -He himself wrote to the duke of Chastelherault, warning him not to -listen to the solicitations of his brother, the archbishop, nor accede -to a conspiracy which would infallibly prove the ruin of his house. -By these means the southern parts of the kingdom were preserved in -a state of peace, while the vigorous measures of Murray crushed the -rebellion in the north.[80] The queen expressed little satisfaction -at the victory gained over Huntly, and there is every reason to think, -that, if not privy to his rising, she expected to turn it to the -advancement of her projects.[81] According to archbishop Spotswood, -she {60} scrupled not to say, at this time, that she “hoped, before -a year was expired, to have the mass and catholic profession restored -through the whole kingdom.”[82] - -While these hopes were indulged, the popish clergy thought it -necessary to gain credit to their cause, by appearing more openly -in defence of their tenets than they had lately done. They began to -preach publicly in different parts of the country, and boasted that -they were ready to dispute with the protestant ministers.[83] - -The person who stept forward as their champion was Quintin Kennedy, -uncle to the earl of Cassilis, and abbot of Crossraguel. Though his -talents were not of a superior order, the abbot was certainly one of -the most respectable of the popish clergy in Scotland, not only in -birth, but also in regularity and decorum of conduct. He seems to have -spent the greater part of his life in the same neglect of professional -duty which characterised his brethren; but he was roused from his -inactivity by the zeal and success of the protestant preachers, who, -in the years 1556 and 1557, attacked the popish faith, and inveighed -against the idleness and corruption of the clergy.[84] At an age -when others retire from the field, {61} he began to rub up his -long‑neglected armour, and descended into the theological arena. - -His first appearance as a polemical writer was in 1558, when he -published a short system of catholic tactics, under the title of -_Ane Compendius Tractive_, showing “the nerrest and onlie way to -establish the conscience of a Christian man,” in all matters which -were in debate concerning faith and religion. This way was no other -than implicit faith in the decisions of the church or clergy. When -any point of religion was controverted, the scripture might be cited -as a witness, but the church was the judge, whose determinations, in -general councils canonically assembled, were to be humbly received and -submitted to by all the faithful.[85] It was but “a barbour saying,” -which the protestants had commonly in their mouths, that every man -ought to examine the scriptures for himself. It was sufficient for -those who did not occupy the place of teachers, that they had a -general knowledge of the creed, the ten commandments, and the Lord’s -prayer, according to the sense in which these were explained by the -church. And “as to the sacramentis, and all other secretis of the -scripture,” every Christian man ought to “stand to the judgement of -his pastor, who did bear his burden in all matters doubtsome above his -knowledge.”[86] - -This was doubtless a very near way to stability of mind, and a most -compendious mode of deciding every {62} controversy which might arise, -without having recourse to examination, reasoning, or debate. But as -the wilful and stubborn reformers would not submit to this easy and -short mode of decision, the abbot was reluctantly obliged to enter the -lists of argument with them. Accordingly, in the beginning of 1559, -he challenged Willock, who was preaching in his neighbourhood, to -a dispute on the sacrifice of the mass. The challenge was accepted, -the time and place of meeting were fixed; but the dispute did not -take place, as Kennedy refused to appear, unless his antagonist would -previously engage to submit to the interpretations of scripture which -had been given by the ancient doctors of the church.[87] From this -time he seems to have made the mass the great subject of his study, -and in 1561 wrote a book in its defence, which was answered by George -Hay.[88] - -On the 30th of August, 1562, the abbot read, in his chapel of -Kirkoswald, a number of articles respecting the mass, purgatory, -praying to saints, the use of images, and other points, which, he -said, he would defend against any who should impugn them, {63} and he -promised to declare his mind more fully on the following Sabbath. Knox, -who was in the vicinity, came to Kirkoswald on that day, with the -design of hearing the abbot, and granting him the disputation which -he had courted. In the morning, he sent some gentlemen who accompanied -him to acquaint Kennedy with the reason of his coming, and to desire -him either to preach according to his promise, or to attend Knox’s -sermon, and afterwards to state his objections to the doctrine which -might be delivered. The abbot did not think it proper to appear, and -Knox preached in the chapel. When he came down from the pulpit, a -letter from Kennedy was put into his hand, which led to an epistolary -correspondence between them, fully as curious as the dispute which -followed. - -The abbot wrote to Knox, that he was informed he had come to that -quarter of the country “to seik disputation,” which he was so far from -refusing that he “earnestlie and effectuouslie covated the samin,” -and with that view should meet him next Sunday in any house in Maybole -that he choosed, provided not more than twenty persons on each side -were allowed to be present. The Reformer replied, that he had come -to that quarter for the purpose of preaching the gospel, and not of -disputing; that he was under a previous engagement to be in Dumfries -on the day mentioned by the abbot, but that he would return with all -convenient speed, and fix a time for meeting him. To this letter the -abbot sent an answer, to which Knox merely returned a verbal message -at the {64} time; but when he afterwards published the correspondence, -affixed short notes to it by way of reply. The abbot proposed that -they should have “familear, formall, and gentill ressoning.”――“With -my whole hart I accept the condition,” replies the Reformer; “for -assuredlie, my lord, (so I stile you by reason of blood, and not of -office,) chiding and brawling I utterlie abhor.” To Knox’s declaration -that he had come to “preach Jesus Christ crucified to be the only -Saviour of the world,” the abbot answers, “Praise be to God, that was -na newings in this countrie, or ye war borne.”――“I greatlie dout,” -replies the Reformer, “if ever Christ Jesus wes truelie preached by -a papistical prelat or monk.” As an excuse for his not preaching at -Kirkoswald on the day he had promised, the abbot says, that Knox had -come to the place convoyed by five or six score strangers. “I lay the -night before,” says Knox, “in Mayboil, accompanied with fewer than -twentie.” The abbot boasted, that Willock, at a former period, and Hay, -more lately, had refused to dispute with him, until they consulted -the council and their brethren. “Maister George Hay offered unto you -disputation, but ye fled the barrass.” Knox wished the dispute to -be conducted publicly in St John’s church, Ayr; for, says he, “I -wonder with what conscience ye can require privat conference of those -artikles that ye have publicklie proponed. Ye have infected the ears -of the simple, ye have wounded the hartes of the godlie, and ye have -spoken blasphemie in oppen audience. Let your owne conscience now be -judge, if we be bound to answer you in the {65} audience of twenty -or forty, of whom the one half are alreadie persuaded in the treuth, -and the other perchance so addicted to your error, that they will not -be content that light be called light, and darknes, darknes.”――“Ye -said ane lytill afore,” answers the abbot, “ye did abhor all chiding -and railing, bot nature passis nurtor with yow.”――“I will neither -interchange nature nor nurtor with yow, for all the proffets of -Crosraguell.”――“Gif the victorie consist in clamor or crying out,” -says the abbot, objecting to a public meeting, “I wil quite you the -cause but farder pley;[89] and yet, praise be to God, I may whisper in -sic manner as I will be hard sufficientlie in the largest house in all -Carrick.”――“The larger the house, the better for the auditor and me,” -replied the Reformer. - -The earl of Cassilis wrote to Knox, expressing his disapprobation -of the proposed dispute, as unlikely to do any good, and calculated -to endanger the public peace; to which the Reformer replied, by -signifying, that his relation had given the challenge, which he was -resolved not to decline, and that his lordship ought to encourage -him to keep the appointment, from which no bad effects were to be -dreaded. Upon this the abbot wrote a letter to Knox, charging him with -having procured Cassilis’s letter, to bring him into disgrace, and to -advance his own honour; and saying, that he would have “rancountered” -him the last time he was in that country, had it not been for the -interposition of his nephew. “Ye sal be assured,” {66} adds he, “I -sal keip day and place in Mayboill, according to my writing, an I haif -my life, and my feit louse;” and in another letter to Knox and the -bailies of Ayr, he says, “keip your promes, and pretex na joukrie, by -my lorde of Cassilis writing.”――“To nether of these,” says Knox, “did -I answer otherwise than by appointing the day, and promising to keap -the same. For I can pacientlie suffer wantone men to speak wantonlie, -considering that I had sufficientlie answered my lord of Cassilis in -that behalf.” - -The conditions of the combat were now speedily settled. They agreed to -meet on the 28th of September, at eight o’clock in the morning, in the -house of the provost of Maybole. Forty persons on each side were to be -admitted as witnesses of the dispute, with “as many mo as the house -might goodly hold, at the sight of my lord of Cassilis.” And notaries, -or scribes, were chosen on each side to record the papers which might -be given in by the parties, and the arguments which they advanced in -the course of reasoning, to prevent unnecessary repetition, or a false -report of the proceedings. These conditions were formally drawn out, -and subscribed by the Abbot and the Reformer, on the day preceding the -meeting. - -When they met, “Johne Knox addressed him to make publict prayer, -whereat the abbot wes soir offended at the first, but whil the -said John wold in nowise be stayed, he and his gave audience; -which being ended, the abbote said, ‘Be my faith, it is weill -said.’” The reasoning commenced by reading a paper presented by the -abbot, in which, after rehearsing the {67} occasion of his present -appearance, and protesting, that his entering into dispute was not to -be understood as implying that the points in question were disputable -or dubious, being already determined by lawful general councils, he -declared his readiness to defend the articles which he had exhibited, -beginning with that concerning the sacrifice of the mass. To this -paper Knox gave in a written answer in the course of the disputation; -and, in the meantime, after stating his opinion respecting general -councils, he proceeded to the article in dispute. It was requisite, he -said, to state clearly and distinctly the subject in controversy; and -he thought the mass contained the four following things: the name, the -form and action, the opinion entertained of it, and the actor, with -the authority which he had to do what he pretended to do; all of which -he was prepared to show, were destitute of any foundation in scripture. -The abbot was aware of the difficulty of managing the point on such -broad ground, and he had taken up ground of his own, which he thought -he could maintain against his antagonist. “As to the masse that he -will impung,” said he, “or any mannes masse, yea, an it war the paipes -awin masse, I will mantein na thing but Jesus Christes masse, conforme -to my article, as it is written, and diffinition contened in my buik, -whilk he hes tane on hand to impung.” - -Knox expressed his delight at hearing the abbot say, that he would -defend nothing but the mass of Christ, for if he adhered to this, -they were “on the verray point of an christiane agrement,” as he was -{68} ready to allow whatever could be shown to have been instituted -by Christ. As to his lordship’s book, he confessed he had not read it, -and (without excusing his negligence) requested the definition to be -read to him from it. The abbot qualified his assertion by saying, that -he meant to defend no other mass, except that which in its “substance, -institution, and effect,” was appointed by Christ; and he defined the -mass, in its substance and effect, to be the sacrifice and oblation of -the Lord’s body and blood, given and offered by him in the last supper; -and for the first confirmation of this, he rested upon the oblation of -bread and wine by Melchizedec. His argument was, that the scripture -declared Christ to be a priest after the order of Melchizedec: -Melchizedec offered bread and wine to God: therefore Christ offered or -made oblation of his body and blood in the last supper, which was the -only instance in which the priesthood of Christ and Melchizedec could -agree. - -Knox said, that the ceremonies of the mass, and the opinion -entertained of it, (as procuring remission of sins to the quick and -the dead,) were viewed as important parts of it, and, having a strong -hold of the consciences of the people, ought to be taken into the -argument; but as the abbot declared himself willing to defend these -afterwards, he would proceed to the substance, and proposed, in the -first place, to fix the sense in which the word sacrifice or oblation -was used in this question. There were sacrifices _propitiatoriæ_, for -expiation, and _eucharisticæ_, for thanksgiving; in which last sense -the mortification of the body, prayer, {69} and almsgiving were called -sacrifices in scripture. He wished, therefore, to know whether the -abbot understood the word in the first or second of these senses in -this dispute. The abbot said, that he would not at present enquire -what his opponent meant by a sacrifice _propitiatorium_; but he held -the sacrifice on the cross to be the only sacrifice of redemption, and -that of the mass to be the sacrifice of commemoration of the death and -passion of Christ. Knox replied, that the chief head which he intended -to impugn, seemed to be yielded by the abbot; and he, for his part, -cheerfully granted, that there was a commemoration of Christ’s death -in the right use of the ordinance of the supper. - -The abbot insisted that Knox should proceed to impugn the warrant -which he had taken from scripture for his article. “Protesting,” said -the Reformer, “that this mekle is win, that the sacrifice of the messe -being denied by me to be a sacrifice propitiatorie for the sins of the -quick and the dead (according to the opinion thereof before conceaved), -hath no patron at the present, I am content to procede.”――“I protest -he hes win nothing of me as yit, and referres it to black and white -contened in our writing.”――“I have openlie denied the masse to be an -sacrifice propitiatorie for the quick, &c., and the defence thereof -is denied. And, therefore, I referre me unto the same judges that -my lord hath clamed.”――“Ye may denie what ye pleis; for all that ye -denie I tak not presentlie to impung; but whair I began, there will -I end, that is, to defend the messe conform to my artickle.”――“Your -lordship’s ground,” said Knox, after some altercation, “is, that {70} -Melchizedeck is the figure of Christe in that he did offer unto God -bread and wine, and that it behoved Jesus Christ to offer, in his -latter supper, his body and blude under the forms of bread and wine. -I answer to your ground yet againe, that Melchizedeck offered neither -bread nor wine unto God; and, therefore, it that ye would thereupon -conclude hath no assurance of your ground.”――“Preve that,” said the -abbot. Knox replied, that according to the rules of just reasoning, he -could not be bound to prove a negative; that it was incumbent on his -opponent to bring forward some proof for his affirmation, concerning -which, the text was altogether silent; and that until the abbot did -this, it was sufficient for him simply to deny. But the abbot said, he -“stuck to his text,” and insisted that his antagonist should show for -what purpose Melchizedec brought out the bread and the wine, if it was -not to offer them to God. After protesting that the abbot’s position -remained destitute of support, and that he was not bound, in point of -argument, to show what became of the bread and wine, or what use was -made of them, Knox consented to state his opinion, that they were -intended by Melchizedec to refresh Abraham and his company. The abbot -had now gained what he wished; and he had a number of objections ready -to start against this view of the words, by which he was able at least -to protract and involve the dispute. And thus ended the first day’s -contest. - -When the company convened on the following day, the abbot proceeded -to impugn the view which his {71} opponent had given of the text. -He urged, first, that Abraham and his company had a sufficiency of -provision in the spoils which they had taken from the enemy in their -late victory, and did not need Melchizedec’s bread and wine; and, -secondly, that the text said that Melchizedec brought them forth, and -it was improbable that one man, and he a king, should carry as much -as would refresh three hundred and eighteen men. To these objections -Knox made such replies as will occur to any person who thinks on the -subject. And in this manner did the second day pass. - -When they met on the third day, the abbot presented a paper, in which -he stated another objection to Knox’s view of the text. After some -more altercation on this subject, Knox desired his opponent to proceed, -according to his promise, to establish the argument upon which he had -rested his cause. But the abbot, being indisposed, rose up, and put -into Knox’s hand a book to which he referred him for the proof. By -this time, the noblemen and gentlemen present were completely wearied -out. For, besides the tedious and uninteresting mode in which the -disputation had been managed, they could find entertainment neither -for themselves nor for their retinue in Maybole; so that if any person -had brought in bread and wine among them, it is presumable that they -would not have debated long upon the purpose for which it was brought. -Knox proposed that they should adjourn to Ayr and finish the dispute, -which was refused by the abbot, who said he would come to Edinburgh -for that purpose, provided he could {72} obtain the queen’s permission. -Upon this the company dismissed. - -The dispute was never resumed, though Knox says that he applied to -the privy council for liberty to the abbot to come to Edinburgh for -this purpose. Kennedy died in August 1564. It has been said that he -was canonized as a saint after his death,[90] and Dempster makes him -both a saint and a martyr.[91] I have not seen his name in the Romish -calendar, but I find (what is of as great consequence) that the grand -argument upon which he insisted in his disputation with the Reformer -has been canonized. For in the calendar, at “March 25,” it is written, -“Melchezedec sacrifeit breid and wyne in figure of ye bodie and bloud -of our lord, whilk is offerit in ye messe.”[92] Doubtless, those who -knew the very month and day on which this happened, must have been -better acquainted with the design of Melchizedec, than either Moses -or Paul. - -The abbot, and his friends, having circulated the report that he had -the advantage in the disputation, Knox, in 1563, published the account -of it from the {73} records of the notaries, to which he added a -prologue and short marginal notes. The prologue and his answer to the -abbot’s first paper, especially the latter, are pieces of good writing. -I have been the more minute in the narrative of this dispute than its -merits deserve, because no account of it has hitherto appeared, the -tract itself being so exceedingly rare, as to have been seen by few -for a long period.[93] - -Another priest who defended the Roman catholic cause at this time was -Ninian Wingate. He had been schoolmaster of Linlithgow, from which -situation he was removed by Spotswood, superintendent of Lothian, -on account of his devoted attachment to popery. In the month of -February 1562, he sent to Knox a writing, consisting of eighty‑three -questions upon the principal topics of dispute between the papists -and protestants, which he had drawn up in the name of the inferior -clergy, and laity, of the catholic persuasion in Scotland. To some -of these, particularly the questions which related to the call of the -protestant ministers, the Reformer returned an answer from the pulpit, -and Wingate addressed {74} several letters to him, complaining that -his answers were not satisfactory. These letters, with addresses to -the queen, nobility, bishops, and magistrates of Edinburgh, Wingate -committed to the press, but the impression being seized in the -printer’s house, (according to bishop Lesley,) the author made his -escape, and went to the continent.[94] Knox intended to publish an -answer to Wingate’s questions, and to defend the validity of the -protestant ministry; but it does not appear that he carried his design -into execution.[95] - -In the beginning of 1563, Knox went to Jedburgh, by appointment -of the General Assembly, to investigate a scandal which had -broken out against Paul {75} Methven, the minister of that place, -who was suspected of adultery. Methven was found guilty, and -excommunicated.[96] Having fled to England, he sent a letter to -the General Assembly, professing his willingness to submit to the -discipline of the church, but requesting that the account of his -process should be deleted from the records of the church. The Assembly -declared that he might return with safety to his native country, -and that he should be admitted to public repentance, but refused to -erase the process from their minutes. [97] He afterwards returned to -Scotland; and a severe and humiliating penance was prescribed to him. -He was enjoined to appear at the church‑door of Edinburgh, when the -second bell rang for public worship, clad in sackcloth, bareheaded, -and barefooted; to stand there until the prayer and psalms were -finished, when he was to be brought into the church to hear sermon, -during which he was to be “placeit in the public spectakell above -the peiple.” This appearance he was to make on three several -preaching‑days, and on the last of them, being a Sabbath, he was, at -the close of the sermon, to profess his sorrow before the congregation, -and to request their forgiveness; upon which he was again to be “clad -in his awin apparell,” and received into the communion of the church. -He was to repeat this course at Dundee and at Jedburgh, where he had -officiated as minister.[98] Methven went through {76} a part of this -humbling scene, with professions of deep sorrow; but being overwhelmed -with shame, and despairing to regain his lost reputation, he stopped -in the midst of it, and again retired to England.[99] Prudential -considerations were not wanting to induce the reformed church of -Scotland to stifle this affair, and to screen from public ignominy -a man who had acted a distinguished part in the late reformation of -religion. But they refused to listen to these; and by instituting a -strict scrutiny into the fact, and inflicting an exemplary punishment -upon the criminal, they “approved themselves to be clear in this -matter,” and effectually shut the mouths of their popish adversaries. - -The mode of public repentance enjoined on this occasion was appointed -to be afterwards used in all cases of aggravated immorality.[100] -There was nothing in which the Scottish reformers approached nearer -to the primitive church than in the rigorous and impartial exercise of -ecclesiastical discipline, the relaxation of which, under the papacy, -they justly regarded as one great cause of the universal corruption -of religion. While they rejected many of the ceremonies which were -introduced into the worship of the christian church during the -three first centuries, they, from detestation of vice, and a desire -to restrain it, did not scruple to conform to a number of their -penitential regulations. In some instances they might carry their -rigour against offenders to an {77} extreme; but it was a virtuous -extreme, compared with the dangerous laxity, or rather total disuse -of discipline, which has gradually crept into almost all the churches -which retain the name of reformed: even as the scrupulous delicacy -with which our forefathers shunned the society of those who had -transgressed the rules of morality, is to be preferred to modern -manners, by which the vicious obtain easy admission into the company -of the virtuous. - - “’Twas hard, perhaps, on here and there a waif, - Desirous to return, and not received: - But was an wholesome rigour in the main, - And taught the unblemish’d to preserve with care - That purity, whose loss was loss of all. - ――――――――――――――But now――yes, now, - We are become so candid and so fair, - So liberal in construction, and so rich - In christian charity, (good‑natured age!) - That they are safe, sinners of either sex, - Transgress what laws they may.” - -In the month of May, the queen sent for Knox to Lochleven. The popish -priests, presuming upon her avowed partiality to them, and her secret -promises of protection, had of late become more bold; and, during -the late Easter, masses had been openly celebrated in different -parts of the kingdom. Repeated proclamations had been issued against -this practice by the queen in council, but none of them were carried -into execution. The gentlemen of the west country, who were the most -zealous protestants, perceiving that the laws were eluded, came to -the resolution {78} of executing them, without making any application -to the court, and apprehended some of the offenders by way of example. -These decided proceedings, which were calculated to defeat the scheme -of policy which she had formed, gave great offence to her majesty; but -finding that the signification of her displeasure had not the effect -of stopping them, she wished to avail herself of the Reformer’s -influence for accomplishing her purpose. - -She dealt with him very earnestly, for two hours before supper, to -persuade the western gentlemen to desist from all interruption of the -catholic worship. He told her majesty, that if she would exert her -authority in executing the laws of the land, he could promise for the -peaceable behaviour of the protestants; but if she thought to elude -them, he feared there were some who would let the papists understand -that they should not offend with impunity. “Will ye allow, that they -shall take _my_ sword in their hands?” said the queen. “The sword of -justice is _God’s_,” replied the Reformer with equal firmness, “and -is given to princes and rulers for one end, which, if they transgress, -sparing the wicked and oppressing the innocent, they who, in the -fear of God, execute judgment where God has commanded, offend not -God, although kings do it not.” Having produced some examples from -scripture to show that criminals might be punished by persons who did -not occupy the place of supreme rulers, he added, that the gentlemen -of the West were acting strictly according to law; for the act of -parliament gave {79} power to all judges within their bounds, to -search for and punish those who should transgress its enactments. -He concluded with inculcating a doctrine which has seldom been very -pleasing to princes. “It shall be profitable to your majesty to -consider what is the thing your grace’s subjects look to receive of -your majesty, and what it is that ye ought to do unto them by mutual -contract. They are bound to obey you, and that not but in God: ye -are bound to keep laws to them. Ye crave of them service: they crave -of you protection and defence against wicked doers. Now, madam, if -you shall deny your duty unto them, (which especially craves that ye -punish malefactors,) think ye to receive full obedience of them? I -fear, madam, ye shall not.” The queen broke off the conversation with -evident marks of displeasure. - -Having imparted the substance of what had passed between them to the -earl of Murray, Knox meant to return to Edinburgh next day without -waiting for any further communications with the queen. But a message -was delivered to him at an early hour in the morning, desiring him not -to depart until he had again spoken with her majesty. He accordingly -met her at a place in the neighbourhood of Kinross, where she took the -amusement of hawking. This interview was very different from that of -the preceding evening. Waiving entirely the subject on which they had -differed, she conversed with him upon a variety of topics, with the -greatest familiarity and apparent confidence. Lord Ruthven (she said) -had offered her {80} a ring; but she could not love that nobleman. She -knew that he used enchantment;[101] yet he had been made a member of -her privy council; and she blamed secretary Lethington for procuring -his admission into that body. Knox excused himself from saying any -thing of the secretary in his absence. “I understand,” said she, -introducing another subject of discourse, “that ye are appointed to -go to Dumfries, for the election of a superintendent to be established -in these countries.” He answered in the affirmative. “But I understand -the bishop of Athens[102] would be superintendent.”――“He is one, madam, -that is put in election.”――“If you knew him as well as I do, you would -not promote him to that office, nor yet to any other within your kirk.” -Knox said that the bishop deceived many, if he did not fear God. “Well, -do as you will; but that man is a dangerous man.” - -Knox wished to take his leave of her majesty, but she pressed him to -stay. “I have one of the greatest matters that have touched me, since -I came into this {81} realm, to open to you, and I must have your -help in it,” said she, with an air of condescension and confidence as -enchanting as if she had put a ring on his finger. She then entered -into a long discourse with him concerning a domestic difference -between the earl and countess of Argyle. Her ladyship had not, she -said, been so circumspect in every thing as could have been wished, -but still she was of opinion that his lordship had not treated her -in an honest and godly manner. Knox said that he was not unacquainted -with the disagreeable variance which had subsisted between that -honourable couple, and, before her majesty’s arrival in this -country, had effected a reconciliation between them. On that occasion, -the countess had promised not to complain to any creature before -acquainting him; and having never heard from her on that subject, he -had concluded that there was nothing but concord between her and his -lordship. “Well,” said the queen, “it is worse than ye believe. But -do this much _for my sake_, as once again to put them at unity, and if -she behave not herself as she ought to do, she shall find no favour of -me; but in any wise let not my lord know that I have requested you in -this matter.” Then introducing the subject of their reasoning on the -preceding evening, she said, “I promise to do as ye required: I shall -cause summon all offenders; and ye shall know that I shall minister -justice.”――“I am assured then,” said he, “that ye shall please God, -and enjoy rest and tranquillity within your realm, which to your -majesty is {82} more profitable than all the pope’s power can be.” -Upon this he took his leave of the queen.[103] - -This interview exhibits one part of Mary’s character in a very -striking light. It shows how far she was capable of dissembling, -what artifice she could employ, and what condescensions she could -make, when she was bent on accomplishing a favourite object. She had -formerly attacked the Reformer on another quarter without success, and -was convinced that it was vain to think of working on his fears; she -now resolved to try if she could soothe his stern temper by flattering -his vanity, and disarm his jealousy by strong marks of confidence. -There is reason to think that she partly succeeded in her design. -For, though he was not very susceptible of flattery, and must have -been struck with the sudden change in the queen’s views and behaviour, -there are few minds that can altogether resist the impression made -by the condescending familiarity of persons of superior rank; and our -feelings, on such occasions, chide as uncharitable the cold suspicions -suggested by our judgment. In obedience to her majesty’s request, he -wrote a letter to the earl of Argyle, which was not very pleasing to -that nobleman. From deference to the opinion which she had expressed, -he enquired more narrowly into the conduct of the bishop of Galloway, -and finding some grounds of suspicion, postponed the election. And the -report {83} which he gave of the queen’s gracious answer operated in -her favour on the public mind.[104] - -But if his zeal suffered a temporary intermission, it soon kindled -with fresh ardour. On the 19th of May, the archbishop of St Andrews -and a number of the principal papists were arraigned by the queen’s -orders, before the Lord Justice General, for transgressing the laws; -and, having come in her majesty’s will, were committed to ward. But -this was merely a stroke of policy, to enable her the more easily to -carry her measures in the parliament which met on the following day; -and accordingly the prisoners were set at liberty as soon as it was -dissolved.[105] - -This was the first parliament which had been held since the queen’s -arrival in Scotland; and it was natural to expect that their first -business would be to ratify the treaty of peace made in July 1560, -and the establishment of the protestant religion. If the acts of the -former parliament were invalid, as the queen had repeatedly declared, -the protestants had no law on their side; they held their religion at -the mercy of their sovereign, and might be required, at her pleasure, -to submit to popery, as the religion which still possessed the legal -establishment. But so well had she laid her plans, such was the -effect of her insinuating address, and, above all, so powerful was -the temptation of self‑interest on the minds of the protestant leaders, -that, by general consent, they passed from this demand, and lost the -only favourable {84} opportunity which presented itself, during the -reign of Mary, for giving a legal security to the reformed religion, -and thereby removing one principal source of national fears and -jealousies. An act of oblivion, securing indemnity to those who had -been engaged in the late civil war, was indeed passed; but the mode of -its enactment virtually implied the invalidity of the treaty in which -it had been originally embodied; and the protestants, on their bended -knees,[106] supplicated, as a boon from their sovereign, what they -had formerly won with their swords, and repeatedly demanded as their -right. The other acts made to please the more zealous reformers were -expressed with such studied and glaring ambiguity, as to offer an -insult to their understandings.[107] - -Our Reformer was thunderstruck when first informed of the measures -which were in agitation, and could scarcely believe that it was -seriously intended to carry them into execution. He immediately -procured an interview with some of the leading members of parliament, -to whom he represented the danger of allowing that meeting to dissolve -without obtaining the ratification of the acts of the preceding -parliament, or at least those acts which established the Reformation. -They alleged that the queen would never have agreed to call them -together, if they had persisted in these demands; but that there was -a {85} prospect of her being soon married, and on that occasion they -would obtain all their wishes. In vain he reminded them that poets -and painters had represented _Occasion_ with a bald hind‑head; in -vain he urged, that the event to which they looked forward would be -accompanied with difficulties of its own, which would require all -their skill and circumspection. Their determination was fixed. He -now perceived the full extent of the queen’s dissimulation; and the -selfishness and servility of the protestant leaders affected him -deeply. - -So hot was the altercation between him and the earl of Murray on -this subject, that an open rupture ensued. Knox had long looked upon -that nobleman as one of the most sincere and steady adherents of the -reformed cause; and therefore felt the greater disappointment at his -conduct. Under his first irritation he wrote a letter to Murray, in -which, after reminding him of his condition when they first became -acquainted in London,[108] and the honours to {86} which he had been -raised by providence, he solemnly renounced friendship with him, as -one who preferred his own interest and the pleasure of his sister -to the advancement of religion, left him to the guidance of the new -counsellors whom he had chosen, and exonerated him from all future -concern in his affairs. This variance, which continued nearly two -years, was very gratifying to the queen, and to others who disliked -their former familiarity, and who failed not (as Knox informs us) -to “cast oil into the flame, until God did quench it by the water -of affliction.”[109] - -Before the dissolution of the parliament, the Reformer embraced an -opportunity of disburdening his mind in the presence of the greater -part of the members assembled in his church. After discoursing of the -great mercy of God shown to Scotland, in marvellously delivering them -from bondage of soul and body, and of the deep ingratitude which he -perceived in all ranks of persons, he addressed himself particularly -to the nobility. He praised God that he had an opportunity of pouring -out the sorrows of his heart in the presence of those who could attest -the truth of all that he said. He appealed to their consciences, {87} -if he had not, in their greatest extremities, exhorted them to depend -upon God, and assured them of preservation and victory, provided they -preferred the divine glory to their own lives and secular interests. -“I have been with you in your most desperate temptations (continued -he, in a strain of impassioned eloquence): in your most extreme -dangers I have been with you. St Johnston, Cupar‑moor, and the Craggs -of Edinburgh,[110] are yet recent in my heart; yea, that dark and -dolorous night wherein all ye, my lords, with shame and fear, left -this town, is yet in my mind;[111] and God forbid that ever I forget -it! What was, I say, my exhortation to you, and what has fallen in -vain of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth, ye yourselves -yet live to testify. There is not one of you, against whom was death -and destruction threatened, perished: and how many of your enemies -has God plagued before your eyes! Shall this be the thankfulness that -ye shall render unto your God? To betray his cause when you have -it in your hands to establish it as you please?” He saw nothing (he -said) but a cowardly desertion of Christ’s standard. Some had even the -effrontery to say that they had neither law nor parliament for their -religion. They had the authority of God for their religion, and its -truth was independent of human {88} laws; but it was also accepted -within this realm in public parliament, and that parliament he would -maintain to have been as lawful and as free as any parliament that had -ever been held within the kingdom of Scotland. - -In the conclusion of his discourse, he adverted to the reports of -her majesty’s marriage, and of the princes who courted her hand; -and (desiring the audience to mark his words) he predicted the -consequences which would ensue, if ever the nobility consented that -their sovereign should marry a papist. - -Protestants, as well as papists, were offended with the freedom of -this sermon, and some who had been most familiar with the preacher -now shunned his company. Flatterers were not wanting to run to the -queen, and inform her that John Knox had preached against her marriage. -After surmounting all opposition to her measures, and managing so -successfully the haughty and independent barons of her kingdom, Mary -was incensed to think that there should yet be one man of obscure -condition, who ventured to condemn her proceedings; and as she could -not tame his stubbornness, she determined to punish his temerity. -He was ordered instantly to appear before her. Lord Ochiltree, -with several gentlemen, accompanied him to the palace; but the -superintendent of Angus, Erskine of Dun, was the only person allowed -to go with him into the royal presence. - -Her majesty received him in a very different manner from what she had -done at Lochleven. Never had prince been handled (she passionately -exclaimed) {89} as she was; she had borne with him in all his rigorous -speeches against herself and her uncles――she had sought his favour by -all means――she had offered unto him audience whenever he pleased to -admonish her; “and yet,” said she, “I cannot be quit of you. I vow to -God I shall be once revenged!” On pronouncing these words with great -violence, she burst into a flood of tears, which interrupted her -speech. When the queen had composed herself, Knox proceeded calmly to -make his defence. Her grace and he had (he said) at different times -been engaged in controversy, and he never before had perceived her -offended with him. When it should please God to deliver her from the -bondage of error in which she had been trained up, through want of -instruction in the truth, he trusted that her majesty would not find -the liberty of his tongue offensive. Out of the pulpit, he believed, -few had occasion to complain of him; but there he was not his own -master, but was bound to obey Him who commanded him to speak plainly, -and to flatter no flesh on the face of the earth. - -“But what have you to do with my marriage?” demanded the queen. He was -proceeding to state the extent of his commission as a preacher, and -the reasons which led him to touch on that delicate subject; but she -interrupted him by repeating her question, “What have ye to do with -my marriage? Or what are you in this commonwealth?”――“A subject born -within the same, madam,” replied the Reformer, piqued by the last -question, and by the contemptuous tone in which it was proposed. “And -albeit I be {90} neither earl, lord, nor baron in it, yet has God made -me (how abject that ever I be in your eyes) a profitable member within -the same. Yea, madam, to me it appertains no less to forewarn of such -things as may hurt it, if I foresee them, than it doth to any of the -nobility; for both my vocation and conscience require plainness of me. -And, therefore, madam, to yourself I say that which I spake in public -place: Whensoever the nobility of this realm shall consent that ye be -subject to an unfaithful husband, they do as much as in them lieth to -renounce Christ, to banish his truth from them, to betray the freedom -of this realm, and perchance shall in the end do small comfort to -yourself.” At these words, Mary began again to sob and weep with -great bitterness. The superintendent, who was a man of mild and -gentle spirit, tried to mitigate her grief and resentment; he praised -her beauty and her accomplishments; and told her, that there was -not a prince in Europe who would not reckon himself happy in gaining -her hand. During this scene, the severe and inflexible mind of the -Reformer displayed itself. He continued silent, and with unaltered -countenance, until the queen had given vent to her feelings. He then -protested, that he never took delight in the distress of any creature; -it was with great difficulty that he could see his own boys weep when -he corrected them for their faults, and far less could he rejoice -in her majesty’s tears; but seeing he had given her no just reason -of offence, and had only discharged his duty, he was constrained, -though unwillingly, to sustain her tears, rather than {91} hurt his -conscience, and betray the commonwealth by his silence. - -This apology inflamed the queen still more: she ordered him instantly -to leave her presence, and to wait the signification of her pleasure -in the adjoining room. There he stood as “one whom men had never seen;” -all his friends, lord Ochiltree excepted, being afraid to show him -the smallest countenance. In this situation he addressed himself -to the court‑ladies, who sat in their richest dress in the chamber: -“O fair ladies, how plesing war this lyfe of yours, if it sould ever -abyde, and then, in the end, that we might pas to hevin with all this -gay gear! But fye upon that knave Death, that will come whidder we -will or not!” Having engaged them in conversation, by a mixture of -seriousness and raillery, he passed the time, till the superintendent -came, and informed him that he was allowed to go home until her -majesty had taken further advice. The queen insisted to have the -judgment of the lords of Articles, whether the words he had used -in the pulpit were not actionable; but she was persuaded by her -counsellors to abandon the idea of a prosecution. “And so that storme -quietit in appearance, bot nevir in the hart.”[112] - -No expressions are sufficiently strong to describe the horror which -many feel at the monstrous inhumanity of Knox, in remaining unmoved, -while “youth, beauty, and royal dignity,”[113] were dissolved in tears -{92} before him. Enchanting, surely, must the charms of the queen of -Scots have been, and ironhearted the Reformer who could resist the -impression of them, when they continue to this day to exercise such -a sway over the hearts of men, that even grave and serious authors, -not addicted to the language of gallantry and romance, protest, that -they cannot read of the tears which she shed on this occasion, without -feeling an irresistible inclination to weep along with her. There -may be some, however, who, knowing how much real misery there is in -the world, are not disposed to waste their feelings unnecessarily, -and who are of opinion, that there was not much to commiserate in -the condition of the queen, nor to reprobate in the conduct of the -Reformer. Considering that she had been so fortunate in her measures, -and had found the nobility so ready to gratify all her wishes, -the passion by which she suffered herself to be transported was -extravagant, and her tears must have been those of anger more than -of grief. On the other hand, when we consider that Knox was at this -time deserted by his friends, and stood almost alone in resisting the -will of a princess, who accomplished her measures chiefly by caresses -and tears, we may be disposed to form a more favourable idea of his -conduct and motives. We behold not, indeed, the enthusiastic lover, -mingling his tears with those of his mistress, and vowing to revenge -her wrongs; nor {93} the man of nice sensibility, who loses every -other consideration in the gratification of his feelings; but we -behold, what is more rare, the stern patriot――the rigid reformer, who, -in the discharge of his duty, and in a public cause, can withstand the -tide of tenderness as well as the storm of passion. There have been -times when such conduct was regarded as the proof of a superior mind; -and the man who, from such motives, “hearkened not to the wife of his -bosom, nor knew his own children,” has been the object not of censure, -but of admiration, in pagan as well as sacred story. - - Fertur pudicæ conjugis osculum, - Parvosque natos, ut capitis minor, - Ab se removisse, et virilem - Torvus humi posuisse vultum. - -While Knox lay under the displeasure of the court, and had lost -the confidence of his principal friends, his enemies judged it a -favourable opportunity for attacking him in (what had been universally -allowed to be irreproachable) his moral conduct. At the very time -that he was engaged in scrutinizing the scandal against Methven, -and inflicting upon him the highest censure of the church, it was -alleged that he was himself guilty of the same crime. Euphemia Dundas, -an inhabitant of Edinburgh, inveighing one day, in the presence of -a circle of her acquaintance, against the protestant doctrine and -ministers, said, among other things, that John Knox had been a common -whoremonger all his life, and that, within a few {94} days past, -he “was apprehendit and tane furth of ane killogie with ane common -hure.” This might have been passed over by Knox and the church, as an -effusion of popish spleen or female scandal; but the recent occurrence -at Jedburgh, the situation in which the Reformer at present stood with -the court, the public manner in which the charge bad been brought, and -the specification of a particular instance, seemed to them to justify -and call for a legal investigation. Accordingly, the clerk of the -General Assembly, on the 18th of June, gave in a formal representation -and petition to the town council, praying, that the woman might be -brought before them, and the matter examined; that, if the accusation -was found true, the accused might be punished with every degree -of merited rigour; and that, if false, the accuser might be dealt -with according to the demerit of her offence. She was called, and, -appearing before the council, flatly denied that she had ever used any -such words; although Knox’s procurator afterwards produced respectable -witnesses to prove that she had spoken them.[114] - -This convicted calumny, which never gained the smallest credit at -the time, would not have deserved notice, had it not been revived, -after the Reformer’s death, by the popish writers, who, having -caught hold of the report, and dressed it out in all the horrid -colours which malice or credulity could suggest, circulated it -industriously, by their publications, through {95} the continent. -Though I had not been able to trace their slanders to this source, -the atrocity of the imputed crimes, the unspotted reputation which -Knox uniformly maintained among all his contemporaries, the glaring -self‑contradictions of the accusers, and, above all, the notorious -spirit of slander and defamation of which they have long stood -convicted in the learned world, would have been grounds sufficient -for rejecting such charges with detestation. Those who are acquainted -with the writings of that period will not think that I speak too -strongly; such as are ignorant of them may be satisfied by looking -into the notes.[115] - -The queen flattered herself that she had at last caught the Reformer -in an offence, which would infallibly subject him to punishment. -During her residence at Stirling, in the month of August, the -domestics whom she left behind her in Holyroodhouse, celebrated -the popish worship with greater publicity than had been usual when -she was present; and, at the time when the sacrament of the supper -was dispensed in Edinburgh, they revived certain superstitious -practices which had been laid aside by the Roman catholics, since -the establishment of the Reformation. This boldness offended the -protestants, and some of them went down to the palace to mark the -inhabitants who repaired to the service. Perceiving numbers entering, -they burst into the chapel, and presenting themselves at the altar, -which was prepared for mass, asked the priest how he “durst be {96} -so malapert” as to proceed in that manner, when the queen was absent. -Alarmed at this intrusion, the mistress of the household dispatched a -messenger to the comptroller, who was attending sermon in St Giles’s -church, desiring him to come instantly to save her life and the palace. -Having hurried down, accompanied with the magistrates and a guard, -the comptroller found every thing quiet, and no appearance of tumult, -except what was occasioned by the retinue which he brought along with -him.[116] When the report of this affair was conveyed to the queen, -she declared her determination not to return to Edinburgh until -this riot was punished, and indicted two of the protestants, who had -entered the chapel, to stand trial “for forethought felony, hamesucken, -and invasion of the palace.” Fearing an intention to proceed to -extremities against these men, and that their condemnation would -be a preparative to some hostile attempt against their religion, -the protestants in Edinburgh {97} resolved that Knox, agreeably -to a commission which he had received from the church, should write -a circular letter to the principal gentlemen of their persuasion, -informing them of the circumstances, and requesting their presence on -the day of trial. He wrote the letter according to their request[117] -A copy of it having come into the hands of Sinclair, bishop of Ross, -and president of the Court of Session, who was a great personal enemy -to Knox, he conveyed it immediately to the queen at Stirling. She -communicated it to the privy council, who, to her great satisfaction, -pronounced it treasonable; but, to give the greater solemnity to the -proceedings, it was resolved that an extraordinary meeting of the -counsellors, assisted by other noblemen, should be held at Edinburgh, -in the end of December, to try the cause; and the Reformer was -summoned to appear before this convention.[118] - -Previously to the day of trial, great influence was {98} used in -private to persuade him to acknowledge a fault, and to throw himself -on the queen’s mercy. This he peremptorily refused to do. The master -of Maxwell, (afterwards lord Herries,) with whom he had long been -intimate, threatened him with the loss of his friendship, and told him -that he would repent, if he did not submit to the queen, for men would -not bear with him as they had hitherto done. He replied, that he did -not understand such language: he had never opposed her majesty except -in the article of religion, and surely it was not meant that he should -bow to her in that matter; if God stood by him, (which he would do as -long as he confided in him, and preferred his glory to his own life,) -he regarded little how men should behave towards him; nor did he know -wherein they had borne with him, unless in hearing the word of God -from his mouth, which, if they should reject, he would lament it, but -the injury would be their own. - -The earl of Murray, and secretary Maitland, sent for him to the clerk -register’s house, and had a long conversation with him to the same -purpose. They represented the pains which they had taken to mitigate -the queen’s resentment, and intimated that nothing could save him but -a timely submission. His reply was similar to that which he had given -to Maxwell, that he never would confess a fault when he was conscious -of none, and had not learned to “cry treason at every thing which -the multitude called treason, nor to fear what they feared.” The wily -secretary, finding him determined to abide the consequences {99} of a -trial, endeavoured to bring on a dispute on the subject, with the view -of ascertaining the grounds on which he meant to defend himself; but -Knox, aware of his craft, declined the conversation, and told him -it would be foolish to intrust with his defence one who had already -prejudged his cause, and pronounced him guilty. - -On the day appointed for the trial, the public anxiety was raised -to a high pitch, and the palace‑yard and avenues were crowded with -people, who waited to learn the result. The Reformer was conducted to -the chamber in which the lords were already assembled, and engaged in -consultation. When the queen had taken her seat, and perceived Knox -standing uncovered at the foot of the table, she burst into a loud -fit of laughter. “That man,” said she, “made me weep, and shed never -a tear himself: I will now see if I can make him weep.” The secretary -opened the proceedings with greater gravity, by stating, in a speech -addressed to the Reformer, the reasons why the queen had convened him -before her nobility. “Let him acknowledge his own handwriting,” said -the queen, “and then we shall judge of the contents of the letter.” -A copy of the circular letter being handed to him, he looked at the -subscription, and owned that it was his; adding, that though he had -subscribed a number of blanks, he had such confidence in the fidelity -of the scribe, that he was ready to acknowledge the contents as well -as the subscription. “You have done more than I would have done,” said -Maitland. “Charity is not suspicious,” {100} replied the Reformer. -“Well, well,” said the queen, “read your own letter, and then answer -to such things as shall be demanded of you.”――“I will do the best -I can,” said he; and having read the letter with an audible voice, -returned it to the queen’s advocate, who was commanded to accuse him. - -“Heard you ever, my lords, a more despiteful and treasonable letter?” -said the queen, looking round the table. “Mr Knox, are you not sorry -from your heart, and do you not repent that such a letter has passed -your pen, and from you has come to the knowledge of others?” said -Maitland. “My lord secretary, before I repent, I must be taught my -offence.”――“Offence! if there were no more but the convocation of the -queen’s lieges, the offence cannot be denied.”――“Remember yourself, -my lord; there is a difference between a lawful convocation and an -unlawful. If I have been guilty in this, I offended oft since I came -last into Scotland; for what convocation of the brethren has ever been -to this hour, unto which my pen served not?”――“Then was then, and now -is now,” said the secretary; “we have no need of such convocations as -sometimes we have had.”――“The time that has been is even now before -my eyes,” rejoined the Reformer; “for I see the poor flock in no -less danger than it has been at any time before, except that the -devil has got a vizor upon his face. Before, he came in with his own -face, discovered by open tyranny, seeking the destruction of all that -refused idolatry; and then, I think, you will confess the brethren -lawfully assembled themselves for defence of their lives; {101} and -now the devil comes under the cloak of justice, to do that which God -would not suffer him to do by strength”―――― - -“What is this?” interrupted her majesty, who was offended that he -should be allowed such liberty of speech, and thought that she could -bring him more closely to the question than any of her counsellors. -“What is this? Methinks you trifle with him. Who gave him authority -to make convocation of my lieges? Is not that treason?”――“No, madam,” -replied lord Ruthven, displeased at the keenness which the queen -showed in the cause; “for he makes convocation of the people to hear -prayers and sermon almost daily; and whatever your grace or others -will think thereof, we think it no treason.”――“Hold your peace,” said -the queen; “and let him make answer for himself.”――“I began, madam,” -resumed Knox, “to reason with the secretary (whom I take to be a -better dialectician than your grace) that all convocations are not -unlawful; and now my lord Ruthven has given the instance.”――“I will -say nothing against your religion, nor against your convening to your -sermons; but what authority have you to convocate my subjects when you -will, without my commandment?” He answered, that at his own will he -had never convened four persons in Scotland, but at the orders of his -brethren he had given many advertisements, and great multitudes had -assembled in consequence of them; and if her grace complained that -this had been done without her command, he begged leave to answer, -that the same objection might be made to {102} all that had been done -respecting the reformation of religion in this kingdom. He had never, -he said, loved to stir up tumults――never been a preacher of rebellion; -on the contrary, he had always taught the people to obey princes and -magistrates in all their lawful commands. If he had been more active -than the rest of his brethren in calling extraordinary assemblies -of the protestants, it was owing to a charge which he had received -from the church to do so, as often as he saw a necessity for such -meetings, and especially when religion was exposed to danger; and -he had repeatedly requested to be exonerated from this irksome and -invidious charge, but could not obtain his wish. He must, therefore, -be convicted by a just law, before he would profess sorrow for what -he had done: he thought he had done no wrong. - -“You shall not escape so,” said the queen. “Is it not treason, -my lords, to accuse a prince of cruelty? I think there be acts of -parliament against such whisperers.” Several of their lordships said -that there were such laws. “But wherein can I be accused of this?” -asked Knox. “Read this part of your own bill,” said the queen, who -showed herself an acute prosecutor. She then ordered the following -sentence to be read from his letter:――“This fearful summons is -directed against them, [the two persons who were indicted,] to make -no doubt a preparative on a few, that a door may be opened to execute -cruelty upon a greater multitude.”――“Lo!” exclaimed the queen, -exultingly; “what say you to that?” The eyes of the assembly were -fixed on the Reformer, and {103} all were anxious to know what answer -he would make to this charge. - -“Is it lawful for me, madam, to answer for myself? or, shall I be -condemned unheard?”――“Say what you can; for I think you have enough -to do,” said the queen. “I will first then desire of your grace, madam, -and of this most honourable audience, whether your grace knows not, -that the obstinate papists are deadly enemies to all such as profess -the gospel of Jesus Christ, and that they most earnestly desire -the extermination of them, and of the true doctrine that is taught -within this realm?” Mary was silent; but the lords, with one voice, -exclaimed, “God forbid, that ever the lives of the faithful, or yet -the staying of the doctrine, stood in the power of the papists! for -just experience has taught us what cruelty lies in their hearts.”――“I -must proceed, then,” said the Reformer. “Seeing that I perceive -that all will grant, that it was a barbarous thing to destroy such -a multitude as profess the gospel of Christ within this realm, which -oftener than once or twice they have attempted to do by force,――they, -by God and by his providence being disappointed, have invented more -crafty and dangerous practices, to wit, to make the prince a party -under colour of law; and so what they could not do by open force, they -shall perform by crafty deceit. For who thinks, my lords, that the -insatiable cruelty of the papists (within this realm I mean) shall -end in the murdering of these two brethren, now unjustly summoned, and -more unjustly to {104} be accused?――And therefore, madam, cast up, -when you list, the acts of your parliament, I have offended nothing -against them; for I accuse not, in my letter, your grace, nor yet -your nature, of cruelty. But I affirm yet again, that the pestilent -papists, who have inflamed your grace against those poor men at -this present, are the sons of the devil, and therefore must obey -the desires of their father, who has been a liar and manslayer -from the beginning.”――“You forget yourself! you are not now in the -pulpit,” said the chancellor. “I am in the place where I am demanded -of conscience to speak the truth; and therefore the truth I speak, -impugn it whoso list.” He added, again addressing the queen, that -persons who appeared to be of honest, gentle, and meek natures, had -often been corrupted by wicked counsel; and that the papists, who had -her ear, were dangerous counsellors, and such her mother had found -them to be. - -Mary, perceiving that nothing was to be gained by reasoning, began -now to upbraid him with his harsh behaviour to her, at their last -interview. He spake “fair enough” at present before the lords, she -said; but on that occasion he caused her to shed many salt tears, and -said, “he set not by her weeping.” This drew from him a vindication -of his conduct, in the course of which he gave a narrative of that -conference. After this, the secretary, having spoken with the queen, -told Knox that he was at liberty to return home for that night. “I -thank God and the queen’s majesty,” said he, and retired. - -{105} When Knox had withdrawn, the judgment of the nobility was -taken respecting his conduct. All of them, with the exception of the -immediate dependents of the court, gave it as their opinion, that he -had not been guilty of any breach of the laws. The secretary, who had -assured the queen of his condemnation, was enraged at this decision. -He brought her majesty, who had retired, again into the room, and -proceeded to call the votes a second time. This attempt to overawe -them incensed the nobility. “What!” said they, “shall the laird of -Lethington have power to control us? or, shall the presence of a woman -cause us to offend God, and to condemn an innocent man, against our -consciences?” They then repeated the vote which they had already given, -absolving him from all offence, and, at the same time, praising his -modest appearance, and the judicious manner in which he had conducted -his defence. - -Mary was unable to conceal the mortification and displeasure which -she felt at this unexpected acquittal. When the bishop of Ross, who -had been the informer, gave his vote on the same side with the rest, -she taunted him openly in the presence of the court. “Trouble not the -child!” said she; “I pray you trouble him not! for he is newly wakened -out of his sleep. Why should not the old fool follow the footsteps -of those that have passed before him?” The bishop replied coldly, -that her majesty might easily know, that his vote was not influenced -by partiality to the person accused.――“That nicht was nyther {106} -dancing nor fiddeling in the court; for madam was disappoynted of hir -purpose, whilk was to have had Johne Knox in hir will, by vote of her -nobility.”[119] - - - - -{107} - PERIOD VIII. - - FROM DECEMBER 1563, WHEN HE WAS ACQUITTED FROM A CHARGE OF - TREASON, TO THE YEAR 1570, WHEN HE WAS STRUCK WITH APOPLEXY. - - -The indignation of the queen at the Reformer’s escape from punishment -did not soon abate;[120] and the effects of it fell upon the -courtiers who had voted for his exculpation, and upon those who had -been unsuccessful in opposing it. The Earl of Murray was among the -former,[121] Maitland among the latter. In order to appease her wrath, -they again attempted to persuade Knox to soothe her by some voluntary -submission; and they engaged that, if he would only agree to go within -the walls of the castle, he should be allowed to return immediately -to his own house. To this he refused to yield, being convinced that -by such a compliance he would throw discredit on the judgment of the -nobility who had acquitted him, and confess himself to have been a -mover of sedition. Disappointed in their object, they endeavoured -to injure him by whispers and detraction; circulating that he had -no authority from his brethren for what {108} he had done, and that -he arrogated a papal power over the Scottish church, by issuing his -letters at pleasure, and exacting an implicit obedience to them. These -charges were very groundless and unjust; for there never was, perhaps, -an individual who possessed as much influence, and at the same time -was so careful to avoid all appearance of assuming superiority over -his brethren, or of acting by his own private authority, in matters -of public and common concern. - -At the meeting of the General Assembly, held in the close of this -year, he declined taking any share in the deliberations; but after -the public business had been disposed of, he requested liberty to -speak on an affair which concerned himself. He stated what he had -done in writing the late circular letter, the proceedings to which -it had given rise, and the surmises which were still circulating to -his prejudice; and he insisted that the church should now examine -his conduct in that matter, and particularly that they should declare -whether or not they had given him a commission to advertise the -brethren, when he foresaw any danger threatening their religion, -or any difficult case which required their advice. The courtiers -strenuously opposed the discussion of this question; but it was taken -up, and the assembly, by a great majority, found that he had been -charged with such a commission, and that, in the advertisement which -he had lately given, he had not exceeded his powers.[122] - -{109} Knox had remained a widower upwards of three years. But in March -1564, he contracted a second marriage with Margaret Stewart, daughter -of lord Ochiltree, a nobleman of amiable dispositions, who had been -long familiar with our Reformer, and had steadily adhered to him when -he was deserted by his other friends.[123] She continued to discharge -the duties of a wife to him, with the most pious and affectionate -assiduity, until the time of his death. The popish writers, who envied -the honours of the Scottish Reformer, have represented this marriage -as a proof of his great ambition, and, in the excess of their spleen, -have ridiculously imputed to him the project of aiming to raise his -progeny to the throne of Scotland; because the family of Ochiltree -was of the blood royal! They are quite clear, too, that he gained the -heart of the young lady by means of {110} sorcery, and the assistance -of the devil. But it seems, that, powerfully as he was seconded, he -could not succeed in another attempt which he had previously made; for -the same writers inform us, that he paid his addresses to lady Barbara -Hamilton, eldest daughter of the duke of Chastelherault, and widow of -Lord Fleming, by whom he was repulsed. The account of the appearance -that he made at the time of his marriage, which shall be inserted -in the notes, the reader will receive according to the degree of its -probability, and the credit he may think due to the authorities upon -which it rests.[124] - -The country continued in a state of quietness during the year 1564; -but the same jealousies still subsisted between the court and the -church.[125] Her majesty’s prejudices against the reformed religion -were unabated, and she maintained a correspondence with its sworn -enemies on the continent, which could not altogether escape the -vigilance of her protestant subjects.[126] The preachers, on their -side, did {111} not relax in their zealous warnings against popery, -and as to the dangers which they apprehended; while they complained of -the beggary to which the greater part of their own number was reduced, -and of the growing lukewarmness of the protestant courtiers. The -latter felt uneasy under these reproaches, and, in concert with the -queen, were anxious to restrain the license of the pulpit. They began -by addressing themselves privately to the more moderate and complying -of the ministers, whom they gained over, by their persuasions, to a -partial approbation of their measures; and having so far succeeded, -they ventured to propose the matter in public, and to request the -sanction of the leading members of the General Assembly. - -Without intending to vindicate the latitude which was taken by -particular preachers at that time, it may be said, in general, that -a systematic attempt to restrain the liberty of speech in the pulpit, -farther than the correction of occasional excesses might require, -would have been a measure fraught with danger to the protestant -interest. The reformed preachers were the most vigilant and incorrupt -guardians of national liberty; an honourable distinction which their -successors maintained during the remainder of that century. It is -better to be awaked with rudeness, or even by a false alarm, than -to be allowed to sleep on in the midst of dangers. Who would muzzle -{112} the mouth of the wakeful animal which guards the house against -thieves, because the inmates are sometimes disturbed by his nocturnal -vociferation? or substitute in his place a “dumb dog, that cannot -bark, sleeping, lying down, loving to slumber?” - -Knox, the freedom and sharpness of whose censures the courtiers felt -most deeply, was the person whom they chiefly wished to restrain; -but it was no easy matter either to overawe him by authority, or -by reasoning to procure his acquiescence in their proposals. In the -month of June, a conference was held between the principal statesmen -and ministers of the church, when this subject was discussed; and in -an elaborate debate with Maitland, Knox defended the leading points -of his doctrine which had given offence to the court. This debate -“admirably displays the talents and character of both the disputants; -the acuteness of the former, embellished with learning, but prone to -subtlety; the vigorous understanding of the latter, delighting in bold -sentiments, and superior to all fear.”[127] - -Maitland opened the conference with a plausible speech. He set forth -the benefits which they had enjoyed under her Majesty’s government, -and dwelt on the liberty which she had granted them in religious -matters; he urged the great importance of the ministers of the church -cultivating her friendship by every good office in their power, and -endeavouring to inspire the people with a favourable opinion of {113} -her person and administration; and pointed out the hurtful effects of -their being observed to disagree in their form of prayer for her, and -in their doctrine concerning the duty of subjects. Addressing himself -particularly to Knox, he told him, with much politeness and address, -that it was the earnest wish of the council that he should study -greater caution, when he had occasion to speak of her majesty from -the pulpit: not that they were afraid of his saying any thing very -improper, but because the liberty which he used would be taken by -persons less modest and prudent. Knox replied to the secretary’s -speech. He drew a very different picture of the state of affairs since -the queen came to the country; stated the grievances under which the -church laboured, and which were daily increasing, instead of being -redressed; and added, that, in these circumstances, the courtiers -ought not to be surprised at the complaints of the ministers, and -the liberties which they took in rebuking sins, which were openly -committed, and persisted in notwithstanding all due admonition. At the -same time, he professed his readiness to account for any part of his -own conduct which had given offence, and to listen to the objections -which might be urged against it. - -Maitland specified the mode in which the Reformer usually prayed for -her majesty, as one thing which gave offence to him and his colleagues. -Prayers and tears, it has often been alleged, are the only arms -which Christians ought to employ against injuries. But those who have -deprived them of other {114} weapons, have usually envied them the -use of these also; and if their prayers have not been smoothed down to -the temper of their adversaries, so as to become mere compliments to -princes under colour of an address to the Almighty, they have often -been pronounced to be seditious and treasonable.[128] Knox repeated -his common form of prayer for the queen, and requested to be informed -in what respects it was deserving of reprehension. “Ye pray for -the queen’s majesty with a condition,” replied Maitland, “saying, -‘Illuminate her heart, if thy good pleasure be.’ Where have ye example -of such prayer?”――“Wherever the examples are,” rejoined Knox, “I -am assured of the rule, ‘If we shall ask any thing according to his -will, he will hear us;’ and Christ commanded us to pray, ‘Thy will be -done.’”――“But in so doing ye put a doubt in the people’s head of her -conversion,” said Maitland.――“Not I, my lord; but her own obstinate -rebellion causes more than me to doubt of her conversion.”――“Wherein -rebels she against God?”――“In all the actions of her life, but in -these two heads especially: that she will not hear the preaching of -the blessed evangel of Jesus Christ, and that she maintains that idol -the mass.”――“She thinks not that rebellion, but good religion.”――“So -{115} thought they who offered their children to Moloch, and yet the -spirit of God affirms, that they offered them unto devils, and not -unto God.”――“But yet ye can produce the example of none that has so -prayed before you,” said the secretary, pressing his former objection. -“Well then,” said Knox; “Peter said these words to Simon Magus, -‘Repent of this thy wickedness, and pray to God, that, if it be -possible, the thought of thine heart may be forgiven thee.’ And -think ye not, my lord secretary, that the same doubt may touch my -heart as touching the queen’s conversion, that then touched the heart -of the apostle?”――“I would never hear you or any other call that -in doubt,” replied Maitland.――“But your will is no assurance to my -conscience.”――“Why say ye that she refuses admonitions?” said Maitland; -“she will gladly hear any man.”――“But what obedience ensues? Or, when -shall she be seen to give her presence to the public preaching?”――“I -think never, so long as she is thus entreated,” replied the secretary. -“And so long,” rejoined the Reformer, “ye and all others must be -content that I pray so as I may be assured to be heard of my God, -either in making her comfortable to his church, or, if he has -appointed her to be a scourge to the same, that we may have patience, -and she may be bridled.” - -“Well then,” said the secretary, “let us come to the second head. -Where find ye that the scripture calls any ‘the bond slaves of -Satan?’ or, that the prophets spake so irreverently of kings and -princes?”――“If the sharpness of the term offend you,” replied {116} -the Reformer, “I have not invented that phrase of speaking, but have -learned it out of God’s scriptures; for these words I find spoken unto -Paul, ‘Behold, I send thee unto the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that -they may turn from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto -God.’ Mark thir words, my lord, and stur not at the speaking of the -Holy Ghost.” - -The secretary, who, during the greater part of the dispute, had -leaned on the master of Maxwell’s breast, said that he was fatigued, -and desired some other person to reason with Knox on the point which -remained to be discussed, respecting the authority of magistrates -and the duty of subjects. Chancellor Morton ordered George Hay to -perform this part. Knox was aware, that the object of the court was, -if possible, to divide the ministers, and that they would improve any -appearance of diversity of opinion among them, to the prejudice of -the common cause. He therefore told Hay, that he had no objections -to reason with him, knowing him to be a man of learning and modesty; -but he should be sorry to think that they opposed each other, like -two scholars of Pythagoras, to show the quickness of their parts by -supporting either side of a question; and as he, for his own part, -protested that he durst no more support a proposition which he knew -to be untrue, than he durst teach false doctrine in the pulpit, so -he hoped that his brother would, on the present occasion, advance or -maintain nothing but what he was persuaded of in his conscience. This -caution had the desired effect, and Hay declared, before the {117} -whole assembly, that his judgment exactly coincided with Knox’s on -the subject proposed for discussion. “Marry,” said the disappointed -secretary, “ye are the well worst of the two; for I remember our -reasoning when the queen was in Carrick.” - -Perceiving that none of the company was disposed to enter the lists -with the Reformer, Maitland again returned to the charge, and engaged -to defend the uncontrollable authority of rulers. “Well,” said he, -“I am somewhat better provided in this last head, than I was in the -other two. Mr Knox, yesterday we heard your judgment upon the 13th -to the Romans; we heard the mind of the apostle well opened; we heard -the causes why God has established powers upon earth; we heard the -necessity that mankind has of the same; and we heard the duty of -magistrates sufficiently declared. But in two things I was offended, -and I think some more of my lords that then were present: The one was, -ye made difference betwixt the ordinance of God, and the persons that -are placed in authority; and ye affirmed, that men might resist the -persons, and yet not offend God’s ordinance: The other was, that -subjects were not bound to obey their princes if they commanded -unlawful things, but that they might resist their princes, and were -not ever bound to suffer.” Knox said that the secretary had given -a correct statement of his sentiments. “How will you prove your -division and difference,” said Maitland, “and that the person placed -in authority may be resisted, and God’s ordinance not transgressed, -seeing that the {118} apostle says, ‘He that resists the power, -resists the ordinance of God?’” Knox replied, that the difference -was evident from the words of the apostle, and that his affirmative -was supported by approved examples. For the apostle asserts, that the -powers ordained of God are for the preservation of quiet and peaceable -men, and for the punishment of malefactors; whence it is plain, that -God’s ordinance is wholly intended for the preservation of mankind, -the punishment of vice, and the maintenance of virtue; but the persons -placed in authority are often corrupt, unjust, and oppressive. Having -referred to the conduct of the people of Israel in rescuing Jonathan -from the hands of Saul, which is recorded with approbation, and to -the conduct of Doeg, in putting to death the priests at the command -of that monarch, which is recorded with disapprobation in scripture, -he proceeded thus: “And now, my lord, in answer to the place of the -apostle, I say, that ‘the power’ in that place is not to be understood -of the unjust commandment of men, but of the just power wherewith -God has armed his magistrates to punish sin and to maintain virtue. -As if any man should enterprise to take from the hands of a lawful -judge a murderer, an adulterer, or any other malefactor that by God’s -law deserved the death, this same man resisted God’s ordinance, and -procured to himself vengeance and damnation, because that he stayeth -God’s sword to strike. But so it is not, if that men, in the fear of -God, oppose themselves to the fury and blind rage of princes; for so -they resist not God, but the devil, who abuses {119} the sword and -authority of God.”――“I understand sufficiently,” said Maitland, “what -you mean; and unto the one part I will not oppose myself, but I doubt -of the other. For if the queen would command me to slay John Knox, -because she is offended at him, I would not obey her; but if she would -command others to do it, or yet by a colour of justice take his life -from him, I cannot tell if I be bound to defend him against the queen, -and against her officers.”――“Under protestation,” replied the Reformer, -“that the auditory think not that I speak in favour of myself, I say, -my lord, that if ye be persuaded of my innocence, and if God hath -given you such power or credit as might deliver me, and yet ye suffer -me to perish, that in so doing ye should be criminal, and guilty of -my blood.”――“Prove that, and win the plea,” said Maitland. “Well, my -lord,” answered Knox, “remember your promise, and I shall be short -in my probation.” He then produced the example of Jeremiah, who, when -accused by the priests and false prophets, said to the princes, “Know -ye for certain, that if ye put me to death, ye shall surely bring -innocent blood upon yourselves, and upon this city, and upon the -inhabitants thereof.”――“The cases are not like,” said Maitland. “And I -would learn,” said Knox, “wherein the dissimilitude stands.”――“First,” -replied Maitland, “the king had not condemned him to death. And -next, the false prophets, the priests, and the people, accused him -without a cause, and therefore they could not but be guilty of his -blood.”――“Neither of these fights with my argument,” said {120} Knox; -“for, albeit neither the king was present, nor yet had condemned -him, yet were the princes and chief counsellors there sitting in -judgment, who represented the king’s person and authority. And if ye -think that they should all have been criminal only because they all -accused him, the plain text witnesses the contrary; for the princes -defended him, and so, no doubt, did a great part of the people, and -yet he boldly affirms that they should be all guilty of his blood, if -that he should be put to death.”――“Then will ye,” said the secretary, -“make subjects to control their princes and rulers?”――“And what harm,” -asked the Reformer, “should the commonwealth receive, if the corrupt -affections of ignorant rulers were moderated, and so bridled, by the -wisdom and discretion of godly subjects, that they should do wrong or -violence to no man?” - -The secretary, finding himself hard pushed, said that they had -wandered from the argument; and he professed that if the queen should -become a persecutor, he would be as ready as any within the realm to -adopt the doctrine of the Reformer. “But our question,” said he, “is, -whether that we may, and ought, suppress the queen’s mass. Or, whether -that her idolatry should be laid to our charge.”――“Idolatry ought not -only to be suppressed,” said Knox, “but the idolater ought to die the -death.”――“I know,” answered Maitland, “that the idolater ought to die -the death; but by whom?”――“By the people,” rejoined the Reformer; “for -the commandment was made to Israel, as ye may read, ‘Hear, O Israel, -{121} saith the Lord, the statutes and commandments of the Lord thy -God.’”――“But there is no commandment given to the people to punish -their king, if he be an idolater.”――“I find no privilege granted -unto kings,” said Knox, “more than unto the people, to offend God’s -majesty.”――“I grant,” said the secretary; “but yet the people may not -be judge unto their king, to punish him, albeit he be an idolater. The -people may not execute God’s judgment, but must leave it unto himself, -who will either punish it by death, by war, by imprisonment, or by -some other kind of plagues.”――“I know,” replied Knox, “the last part -of your reason to be true; but for the first I am assured ye have no -other warrant except your own imagination, and the opinion of such as -more fear to offend princes than God.” - -“Why say you so?” said Maitland. “I have the judgments of the most -famous men within Europe, and of such as ye yourself will confess -both godly and learned.” Upon which he produced a bundle of papers, -and read extracts from the writings of the principal reformed divines -against resistance to rulers; adding, that he had bestowed more -labour on the collection of these authorities than on the reading -of commentaries for seven years. Knox replied, that it was a pity he -had given himself so much labour, for none of the extracts which he -had read bore upon the question under discussion; some of them being -directed against the anabaptists, who denied that Christians should -be subject to magistrates, or that it was lawful for them to hold -the {122} office of magistracy; and the rest referring to the case -of a small number of Christians scattered through heathen and infidel -countries, which was the situation of the primitive church. In this -last case, he said, he perfectly agreed with the writers whom Maitland -had quoted; but when the majority of a nation were professors of the -true religion, the case was very different. While the posterity of -Abraham were few in number, and while they sojourned in different -countries, they were merely required to avoid all participation in -the idolatrous rites of the heathen; but as soon as they “prospered -into a kingdom,” and obtained possession of Canaan, they were strictly -charged to suppress idolatry, and to destroy all its monuments and -incentives. The same duty was now incumbent on the professors of the -true religion in Scotland, whose release from bondage, temporal and -spiritual, was no less wonderful than the redemption of the Israelites -from Egypt. Formerly, when not more than ten persons in a country -were enlightened, and when these were called to seal their testimony -to the truth by giving their bodies to the flames, it would have -been foolishness to have demanded of the nobility the suppression of -idolatry. But now, when knowledge had increased, and God had given -such a signal victory to the truth, that it had been publicly embraced -by the realm, if they suffered the land to be again defiled, both they -and their queen should drink of the cup of divine indignation――she, -because, amidst the great light of the gospel, she continued -obstinately addicted to {123} idolatry, and they, because they -tolerated, and even countenanced her in such conduct. - -Maitland challenged his opponent to prove that the apostles or -prophets ever taught that subjects might suppress the idolatry of -their rulers. Knox appealed to the conduct of the prophet Elisha in -anointing Jehu, and giving him a charge to punish the idolatry and -bloodshed of the royal family of Ahab. “Jehu was a king before he put -any thing in execution,” said the secretary.――“My lord, he was a mere -subject, and no king, when the prophet’s servant came to him; yea, -and albeit that his fellow captains, hearing of the message, blew -the trumpet, and said ‘Jehu is king,’ yet I doubt not but Jezebel -both thought and said he was a traitor, and so did many others in -Israel and Samaria.”――“Besides this,” said Maitland, “the fact is -extraordinary, and ought not to be imitated.”――“It had the ground of -God’s ordinary judgment, which commands the idolater to die the death,” -answered Knox. “We are not bound to imitate extraordinary examples,” -rejoined Maitland, “unless we have like commandment and assurance.” -Knox granted that this was true when the example was repugnant to -the ordinary precept of the law, as in the case of the Israelites -borrowing from the Egyptians without repayment. But when the example -agreed with the law, he insisted that it was imitable; and of this -kind was the instance to which he had appealed. But, said Maitland, -“whatsoever they did, was done at God’s commandment.”――“That -fortifies my argument,” retorted the Reformer; “for God, {124} by -his commandment, has approved that subjects punish their princes for -idolatry and wickedness by them committed.”――“We have not the like -commandment,” said the secretary.――“That I deny; for the commandment, -that the idolater shall die the death, is perpetual, as ye yourself -have granted; ye doubted only who should be the executioner, and I -have sufficiently proven that God has raised up the people, and by his -prophet has anointed a king, to take vengeance upon the king and his -posterity, which fact God since that time has never retracted.”――“Ye -have produced but one example,” said Maitland.――“One sufficeth; -but yet, God be praised, we lack not others, for the whole people -conspired against Amaziah, king of Judah, after he had turned away -from the Lord.”――“I doubt whether they did well, or not,” said -Maitland.――“God gave sufficient approbation of their fact, for -he blessed them with victory, peace, and prosperity, the space of -fifty‑two years after.”――“But prosperity does not always prove that -God approves the facts of men.”――“Yes, when the facts of men agree -with the law of God, and are rewarded according to his promise, I say -that the prosperity succeeding the fact is a most infallible assurance -that God has approved that fact. And now, my lord, I have but one -example to produce, and then I will put an end to my reasoning, -because I weary longer to stand.” The lords desired him to take a -chair; but he declined it, saying, “that melancholic reasons needed -some mirth to be intermixed with them.” After a short dispute on the -resistance of the {125} priests to Uzziah, the Reformer recapitulated -the propositions which he thought had been established in the course -of the debate. “Well,” said Maitland, “I think ye shall not have many -learned men of your opinion.” Knox replied, that the truth ceased -not to be the truth, because men misunderstood or opposed it, and -yet he did not want the suffrages of learned men to his opinions. -Upon which he presented a copy of the Apology of Magdeburgh, desiring -the secretary to look at the names of the ministers who had approved -of the defence of that city against the emperor, and subscribed the -proposition, that to resist a tyrant is not to resist the ordinance -of God. “Homines obscuri!”[129] said Maitland, slightingly, after -perusing the list. “Dei tamen servi!”[130] replied the Reformer. - -The secretary now insisted that the questions which they had discussed -should be put to the vote, and that the determination of the meeting -should fix a rule for uniformity of doctrine among the ministers. Knox -protested against this motion, and reminded their lordships that the -General Assembly had agreed to the present conference upon the express -condition that nothing should be voted or decided at it. At last it -was agreed, that the opinions of those who were present should be -taken, but that they should not be considered as decisive. Winram, -superintendent of Fife, and Douglas, rector of the university of -St Andrew’s, were the principal persons among the ministers, {126} -who agreed in sentiment with the courtiers. Knox’s colleague, in -delivering his opinion, took occasion to give an account of a public -dispute at which he had been present in Bologna, upon the question, -Whether subjects have a right to control and reform their rulers, -when they have been guilty of violating their oaths of office. Thomas -de Finola, rector of the University, and Vincentius de Placentia, -persons celebrated for their learning, maintained the affirmative on -this question, and their opinion was adopted after long discussion. -“Ye tell us what was done in Bologna,” exclaimed one of the courtiers; -“we are in a kingdom, and they are but a commonwealth.”――“My lord,” -replied Craig, “my judgment is, that every kingdom is a commonwealth, -or at least should be, albeit that every commonwealth is not a kingdom; -and therefore I think that in a kingdom no less diligence ought to be -taken that laws be not violated than in a commonwealth, because the -tyranny of princes who continually reign in a kingdom, is more hurtful -to the subjects than the misgovernment of those that from year to -year are changed in free commonwealths.” He added, that the dispute to -which he had referred was conducted on general principles, applicable -equally to monarchies and republics; and that one of the conclusions -adopted was, that, although laws contrary to the law of God, and to -the true principles of government, had been introduced, through the -negligence of the people or the tyranny of princes, yet the same -people, or their posterity, had a right to demand that all things -{127} should be reformed according to the original institution of -kings and commonwealths.[131] - -The speech of Craig alarmed the courtiers as to the issue of the vote; -and the clerk register took occasion to observe that, at a former -conference, it had been agreed that Knox should write to Calvin to -obtain his opinion on this question. Knox corrected this statement, by -saying that the secretary had undertaken to consult that reformer, but -although repeatedly reminded of his promise, had never fulfilled it. -Maitland acknowledged this, and said that upon mature deliberation -he durst not, considering his station, ask advice respecting any -controversy between the queen and her subjects, without her majesty’s -consent. It was now proposed that Knox should write to Calvin; but -he refused to be employed in the business. Before he returned to -the kingdom, he said, he had obtained the judgment of the most -eminent foreign divines on that question, and he could not renew -his application to them, without exposing himself to the charge of -forgetfulness or inconsistency. The proper course was for them to -write, complaining that he had taught such doctrines as he had now -defended, and requesting Calvin to {128} communicate his judgment -respecting them. This proposal was thought reasonable, but none -would undertake the task; and the conference broke up without any -determinate resolution being adopted.[132] - -The reader must be struck with the difference between this dispute, -and that which Knox formerly maintained with the abbot of Crossraguel. -Although long, it was kept up by the disputants with great spirit; -nor did they take refuge under those ambiguities of speech, or those -sophistical forms of argument, of which persons trained to wrangle -in the schools were ever ready to avail themselves, to perplex an -adversary, or to conceal their own defeat. Few secretaries of state -in modern times would, it is presumed, be able to acquit themselves -so well as Maitland did, on questions which were decided chiefly by -an appeal to the scriptures. But learned and acute as he was, Knox -was fully a match for him, and, on the greater part of the topics -introduced into the debate, evidently had the advantage, according to -the principles held, and the concessions made, by his opponent. For -both parties maintained, that idolatry ought to be punished by death; -a sentiment which they were led to adopt in consequence of their -holding the untenable opinion, that Christian nations are bound to -enact the same penalties against all breaches of the moral law, which -were enjoined by the judicial laws of Moses.[133] This being taken -for granted, {129} the dispute between them resolved itself entirely -into a question respecting the prerogatives of princes and the rights -and duties of subjects. It may be questioned, too, whether Knox’s -reasoning from extraordinary examples, qualified as it was by him, -is sufficiently guarded and correct; for the instances in which -punishment was inflicted in an extraordinary way on criminals, -although the punishment itself was merited and agreeable to law, -cannot be pleaded as precedents in ordinary cases. But even when -we cannot approve of his reasonings, we are compelled to admire the -openness with which he avowed, and the boldness with which he defended, -sentiments so opposite to those which were generally received in that -age. - -In the month of August, Knox went, by appointment of the General -Assembly, as visitor of the {130} churches, to Aberdeen and other -parts of the north, where he remained six or seven weeks.[134] At the -subsequent meeting of Assembly, he received a similar appointment to -Fife and Perthshire.[135] - -Our Reformer’s predictions at the last meeting of parliament were -now fully realized. Another parliament was held in the end of 1564, -but nothing was done for securing the protestant religion.[136] -The queen’s marriage had long engaged the anxious attention of her -ministers, and had been the subject of much negotiation with England -and at foreign courts; but the various proposals which had been made -with a view to it, and the political intrigues to which they gave -rise, were all thwarted by the sudden and strong passion which Mary -conceived for Henry, lord Darnley, the son of the earl of Lennox. -As this young nobleman, so far as he had discovered any religious -sentiments, was inclined to popery,[137] the match could not be very -agreeable to the great body of the nation, who had already testified -the strongest jealousy at the queen’s attachment to that religion. -It was, therefore, natural for the nobility, in the prospect of this -event, to provide additional securities {131} for the protestant -church, and to insist that the royal sanction, hitherto withheld, -should now be granted to its legal establishment. Upon this condition, -they promised their consent to the marriage.[138] The queen agreed -to summon a parliament to settle this important affair, but she found -some pretext for proroguing its meeting;[139] and, having gained a -number of the nobility by favours and promises, she proceeded, in July -1565, not only to solemnize the nuptials, but to proclaim her husband -king, without the consent of the estates of the kingdom. - -The dissatisfaction produced by these precipitate and illegal steps -was heightened by the conduct of Darnley. Naturally vain, rash, -and vindictive, his unexpected prosperity rendered him insolent and -overbearing; and it required all the prudence of the queen to preserve -him from falling into contempt, even before their marriage.[140] -Although he could not have come to Scotland, and his father could not -have been restored to his honours and possessions, considering the -opposition made by the house of Hamilton, without the concurrence and -interest of the earl of Murray; yet, he no sooner found himself seated -in the affections of Mary, than he exerted his influence to deprive -that nobleman of her favour, represented the honours which she had -conferred on him as excessive, and leagued with those who were hostile -to him and to the reformed religion. Lennox, Athole, and David Rizzio, -a low‑bred Italian, who had insinuated himself {132} into the good -graces of Mary, now ruled the court, to the exclusion of the most -able counsellors.[141] Murray had been urged in private to sign an -approbation of the intended marriage, but refused to do it until the -nobility were consulted.[142] His refusal to gratify the queen, by -forwarding a match on which she was passionately bent, obliterated -the memory of all his past services, and drew upon him the furious -resentment of Darnley. Having declined to attend a convention at Perth, -from just apprehensions of personal danger, he was summoned to court -by the queen. The summons was repeated three days after her marriage, -and because he refused to intrust his person, on her safe conduct, -to a court where the influence of his declared enemies prevailed, -he was immediately proclaimed an outlaw.[143] In the meantime, the -persons who had discovered the greatest hostility to him were openly -encouraged. Bothwell was invited to return; lord George Gordon was set -at liberty, and the earldom of Huntly restored to him; and the earl -of Sutherland was recalled from banishment.[144] The lords who were -dissatisfied with the late proceedings, assembled at Stirling, and, -after agreeing to request the protection of Elizabeth, retired to -their houses;[145] but the queen taking the field with all the forces -which she could collect, they were at last compelled {133} to arm in -their own defence.[146] Even after they were driven to this extremity, -they neglected no means of conciliation. They professed their -steadfast loyalty to the queen. They declared that their sole desire -was, that the reformed religion should be secured against the dangers -to which it was exposed, and that the administration of public affairs -should be put into the hands of those whom the nation could trust. -And they offered to submit their own cause to be tried by the laws -of their country.[147] But the queen spurned all their offers of -submission, refused to listen to any intercession in their favour, -and advancing against them with an army, obliged them to take refuge -in England.[148] - -While her marriage with Darnley was in dependence, and she laboured -to surmount the opposition made to it by the nobility, Mary had -condescended to court the protestant ministers. Having sent for the -superintendents of Lothian, Glasgow, and Fife, (for Knox could not now -be admitted to her presence,) she amused them with fair words. She was -not yet persuaded, she said, of the truth of their religion, but was -willing to hear conference and reasoning on the subject; she was also -content to attend the public sermons of some of them; and, “above all -others, she would gladly hear the superintendent of Angus, for he was -a mild and sweet‑natured man, with true honesty and uprightness, Sir -John Erskine of Dun.”[149] {134} She even went so far as to be present -at a sermon preached by one of the ministers in Callendar‑house, at -the baptism of a child of lord Livingston.[150] But as soon as her -marriage was accomplished, she told the commissioners of the church, -in very plain and determined language, “her majesty neither will, nor -may, leave the religion wherein she has been nourished and brought -up.”[151] And there was no further proposal of attending either sermon -or conference. - -The friendship between the earl of Murray and the Reformer had been -renewed in the beginning of 1565. Knox was placed in a very delicate -predicament by the insurrection under Murray, and the other lords -who opposed the queen’s marriage. His father‑in‑law was one of their -number. They professed that the security of the protestant religion -was the principal ground of their taking arms; and they came to -Edinburgh to collect men to their standard. But whatever favour he -might have for them, he kept himself clear from any engagement.[152] -If he had taken part in this unsuccessful revolt, we need not doubt -that her majesty would have embraced the opportunity of punishing him -for it, when his principal friends had fled the kingdom. - -We find, in fact, that she immediately proceeded against him on a -different, but far more slender ground. The young king, who could be -either papist {135} or protestant, as it suited him, went sometimes to -mass with the queen, and sometimes attended the reformed sermons.[153] -To silence the suspicions of his alienation from the protestant -religion, circulated by the insurgent lords, he, on the 19th of August, -made a solemn appearance in St Giles’s church, sitting on a throne -which had been prepared for his reception. Knox preached that day, and -happened to prolong the service beyond his usual time. In one part of -the sermon, he quoted these words of scripture, “I will give children -to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them,――children are -their oppressors, and women rule over them;” and in another part of it, -he mentioned that God punished Ahab, because he did not correct his -idolatrous wife, Jezabel.[154] Though no particular application was -made by the preacher, the king applied these passages to himself and -the queen, and, returning to the palace in great wrath, refused to -taste dinner. The papists, who had accompanied him to church, inflamed -his resentment and that of the queen by their representations. - -{136} That very afternoon Knox was taken from bed,[155] and carried -before the privy council. Some respectable inhabitants of the city, -understanding his citation, accompanied him to the palace. He was told -that he had offended the king, and must desist from preaching as long -as their majesties were in Edinburgh. He replied, that “he had spoken -nothing but according to his text; and if the church should command -him to speak or abstain, he would obey, so far as the word of God -would permit him.”[156] Spotswood says, that he not only stood to -what he had said in the pulpit, but added, “That as the king, for -the queen’s pleasure, had gone to mass, and dishonoured the Lord God, -so should He in his justice make her the instrument of his overthrow. -This speech,” continues the archbishop’s manuscript, “esteemed {137} -too bold at the time, came afterwards to be remembered, and was -reckoned among other his prophetical sayings, which certainly were -marvellous. The queen, enraged at this answer, burst forth into -tears.”[157] - -The report of the inhibition laid upon the Reformer created great -agitation in the city. His colleague, who was appointed to supply -his place during his suspension, threatened to desist entirely from -preaching. The town council met, and appointed a deputation to wait -on their majesties, and request the reversal of the sentence; and -at a second meeting held on the same day, they came to a unanimous -resolution that they would, “in no manner of way, consent or grant -that his mouth be closed,” but that he should be desired, “at his -pleasure, and as God should move his heart, to proceed forward to -true doctrine as before, which doctrine they would approve and abide -at to their life’s end.”[158] - -It does not appear that he continued any time suspended from preaching. -For the king and queen {138} left Edinburgh before next Sabbath[159] -and the prohibition extended only to the time of their residence -in the city. Upon their return, it is probable that they judged it -advisable not to enforce an order which had already created much -discontent, and might alienate the minds of the people still farther -from the present administration. Accordingly, we find him exercising -his ministry in Edinburgh with the same boldness as formerly. -Complaints were made to the council of the manner in which he prayed -for the exiled noblemen; but secretary Maitland, who had formerly -found so much fault with his prayers, defended them on the present -occasion, saying, that he had heard them, and they were such as nobody -could blame.[160] - -Christopher Goodman had officiated, with much approbation, as minister -of St Andrew’s, since the year 1560; but he was prevailed on, by the -solicitations of his friends in England, to return, about this time, -to his native country.[161] The commissioners from St Andrew’s were -instructed to petition the General Assembly, which met in December -this year, that Knox should be translated from Edinburgh to their -city. They claimed a right to him, as he had commenced his ministry -among them; and they might think, that the dissensions in which he -was involved with the court would induce him to prefer a more retired -situation. But their petition was refused.[162] - -This Assembly imposed on him several important {139} services. He -was commissioned to visit the churches in the south of Scotland, and -appointed to write “a comfortable letter,” to encourage the ministers, -exhorters, and readers, throughout the kingdom, to persevere in the -discharge of their functions, which many of them were threatening -to abandon, on account of the non‑payment of their stipends; and -to excite the people among whom they laboured to relieve their -necessities.[163] He had formerly received an appointment to draw -up The Form of Excommunication and of Public Repentance.[164] And -he was now required to compose a Treatise of Fasting. The Assembly, -having taken into consideration the troubles of the country, and the -dangers which threatened the whole protestant interest, had appointed -a general fast to be kept through the kingdom. The form and order to -be observed on that occasion they left to be drawn out by Knox and -his colleague; and as nothing had been hitherto published expressly on -this subject, they were authorized to explain the duty, as well as to -state the reasons which at that period called for this solemn exercise. -This treatise does credit to the compilers, {140} both as to matter -and form. It is written in a perspicuous and nervous style. In the -grounds assigned for fasting, the critical state of all the reformed -churches, the late decree of the council of Trent for the extirpation -of the protestant name, the combination of the popish princes for -carrying it into execution, and the persecutions suffered by their -brethren in different countries, are all held forth as a warning to -the protestants of Scotland, and urged as calls to repentance and -prayer. - -The following may serve as a specimen:――“Supposing, we say, that -wee had none of these foresaid causes to moove us, yet is there one -which if it moove us not to humiliation, wee show ourselves more than -insensible. For now is Satan so enlarged against Jesus Christ, and so -odious is the light of his gospel unto the Romaine antichrist, that -to suppresse it in one province, realme, or nation, he thinketh it -nothing, unlesse that in all Europe the godly, and such as abhorre -the papisticall impietie, be therewith also utterlie destroyed, and -so rased from the face of the earth, that no memory of them shal after -remaine. If any thinke that suche crueltie cannot fall into the hearts -of men, we send them to be resolved of those fathers of the last -councel of Trent, who, in one of their sessions, have thus concluded: -All Lutherans, Calvinists, and such as are of the new religion, shall -utterly be rooted out. The beginning shall be in France, by conducting -of the catholike king, Philip of Spaine, and by some of the nobilitie -of France; which matter (they say) put in execution, the whole {141} -power of both, together with the popes armie, and force of the duke -of Savoy and Ferrar, shall assault Geneva, and shall not leave it till -that they have put it to sacke, saving in it no living creature. And -with the same mercie shall so many of France as have tasted of the new -religion be served. From thence expedition shall be made against the -Germanes, to reduce them to the obedience of the apostolike seate. -And so shall they proceed to other realmes and nations, never ceasing -till that all be rooted out that will not make homage to that Romane -idoll. How fearefull a beginning this conclusion and determination -had, France will remember moe ages then one. For how manie, above -a hundreth thousand men, women, babes, virgines, matrones, and -aged fathers suffered, some by sworde, some by water, some by fire, -and other torments, the verie enemies themselves are compelled to -acknowledge. And albeit that God of his mercie in part disappoynted -their cruell enterprises, yet let us not thinke that their will is -changed, or their malice asswaged. No; let us be assured, that they -abide but opportunitie to finish the worke that cruellie against God, -against his trueth, and the true professors of the same, they have -begunne, the whisperings whereof are not secreete, neither yet the -tokens obscure. For the traffike of that dragon now with the princes -of the earth, his promises and flattering enticements, tende to none -other ende, but to inflame them against Jesus Christ, and against -the true professours of his gospel. For who can thinke that the pope, -cardinals, and horned {142} bishops, will offer the greatest portion -of their rents, for sustaining of a warre, whereof no commoditie -should redound (as they suppose) to themselves?” Having quoted that -part of the decree of the council which relates to the assessment -imposed on the clergy, for carrying on this holy war, the compilers -of the treatise add: “But let us hear their conclusion: France and -Germanie (say they) being by these meanes so chastised, abased, and -brought to the obedience of the holy Romane church, the fathers doubt -not but time shall provide both counsell and commoditie, that the rest -of the realmes about may be reduced to one flocke, and one apostolike -governour and pastour.――But some shall say, they are yet far from the -end of their purpose, and therefore wee neede not be so fearefull, nor -so troubled. We answere, the danger may be nearer than we beleeve, yea, -perchance a part of it hath bene nearer to our neckes than we have -considered. But how so ever it be, seeing that God of his mercie hath -brought foorth to light their cruell and bloodie counsell, in which we -neede not to doubt but still they continue, it becummeth us not to be -negligent or slouthful.”[165] - -Strong as their apprehensions were, the danger was nearer to them than -they imagined. The most zealous and powerful of the protestant nobles -being exiled, the queen determined to carry into execution the design -of which she had never lost sight; and while she amused the nation -with proclamations {143} against altering the received religion, and -tantalized the ministers with offers of more adequate support, was -preparing for the speedy restoration of the Roman catholic worship. -No means were left unattempted for gaining over the nobility to the -ancient religion. The king openly professed himself a convert to it, -and officiated in some of its most superstitious rites. The earls -of Lennox, Cassilis, and Caithness, with lords Montgomery and Seton, -followed his example.[166] The friars were employed to preach at -Holyroodhouse, and, to gain the favour of the people, endeavoured to -imitate the popular method of the protestant preachers.[167] In the -beginning of February 1566, a messenger arrived from the cardinal -of Lorrain, with a copy of the catholic league for extirpating the -protestants, and instructions to obtain the queen’s subscription to -it, and to urge the propriety of adopting the most rigorous measures -against the exiled noblemen. Mary scrupled not to set her hand to the -league.[168] Previous to this, it is said that she was inclined to -yield to the intercessions {144} made in behalf of the exiles; but if -ever she felt such a disposition, it is certain that, from the arrival -of this embassy, the door of mercy was shut. Murray and his associates -were immediately summoned to appear before the parliament which was to -meet on the twelfth of March. The lords of the Articles were chosen -according to the queen’s pleasure; the popish ecclesiastics were -restored to their place in parliament; and the altars to be erected in -St Giles’s church, for the celebration of the Roman catholic worship, -were already prepared.[169] - -But these measures, when ripe for execution, were blasted, in -consequence of a secret engagement which the king had entered into -with some of the protestant nobles. The first effect produced by this -engagement was the well‑known assassination of Rizzio, the unworthy -favourite of the queen, who was the principal instigator of the -measures against the protestant religion and the banished lords, and -had now incurred the jealousy of the king, as well as the contempt of -the nobility and the hatred of the people. To have removed this minion -from her majesty’s counsels and presence by legitimate means would -have been meritorious; but the manner in which it was accomplished was -equally inconsistent with law and humanity, and fixes a deep stigma on -the characters of those who perpetrated the deed.[170] - -{145} A complete change on the state of the court succeeded this -event. The popish counsellors fled from the palace; the exiled lords -returned out of England; and the parliament was prorogued, without -accomplishing any of the objects for which it had been assembled. But -Mary soon persuaded the weak and uxorious king to desert the noblemen -whom he had made the instruments of his revenge, to retire with her -to Dunbar, and to issue a proclamation, disowning his consent to -the late attempt; by which he exposed himself to the contempt of the -nation, without regaining her affection. Having collected an army, -she returned to Edinburgh, threatening to inflict the most exemplary -vengeance on all who had been accessory to the murder of her secretary, -and the indignity shown to her person. She found herself, however, -unable to resume her former plans; and, while the conspirators against -Rizzio were forced to flee to England, the earl of Murray, and the -other lords who {146} had opposed her marriage, were allowed to remain -in the country, and soon after pardoned. - -When the queen returned to Edinburgh, Knox left it, and retired to -Kyle. There is no reason to think that he was privy to the conspiracy -which proved fatal to Rizzio. But it is probable that he had expressed -his satisfaction at an event which contributed to the safety of -religion and the commonwealth, if not also his approbation of the -object of the conspiracy.[171] At any rate, he was sufficiently -obnoxious to the queen on other grounds; and as her resentment, on -the present occasion, was exceedingly inflamed, it was deemed prudent -for him to withdraw.[172] - -Having, at last, “got quit” of one who had so long been troublesome -to her, Mary was determined to prevent his return to the capital. The -town‑council and inhabitants, who had formerly refused to acquiesce -in his suspension from preaching for a short time, exerted themselves -to obtain his restoration; and powerful intercession was made in his -behalf by many of the nobility and gentry. But the queen was deaf to -all entreaties. She was even unwilling that he should find a refuge -within the kingdom, and wrote {147} to a nobleman in the west country, -with whom he resided, to banish him from his house.[173] It does not -appear that he returned to Edinburgh, or, at least, that he resumed -his ministry in it, until the queen was deprived of the government. - -Being banished from his flock, he judged this a favourable opportunity -for paying a visit to England. Parental affection increased the -desire which he had long felt to accomplish this journey. His two -sons had been lately sent by him into that kingdom, to reside with -some of their mother’s relations, and to obtain their education in the -English seminaries. Having procured the safe conduct of Elizabeth, he -applied to the General Assembly, which met in December 1566, for their -permission to remove. This was readily granted by them, upon condition -of his returning against the time of their next meeting in June. The -Assembly likewise gave him a most ample and honourable testimonial, in -which they describe him as “a true and faithfull minister, in doctrine -pure and sincere, in life and conversation in our sight inculpable,” -and one who “has so fruitfully used that talent granted to him by the -Eternal, to the advancement of the glory of his godly name, to the -propagation {148} of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, and edifying of -them who heard his preaching, that of duty we must heartily praise -His godly name, for that so great a benefit granted unto him for our -utility and profit.”[174] - -Knox was charged with a letter from the General Assembly to the -bishops and ministers of England, interceding for lenity to such of -their brethren as scrupled to use the sacerdotal dress enjoined by -the laws. The controversy on that subject was at this time carried on -with great heat among the English clergy. It is not improbable, that -the Assembly interfered in this business at the desire of Knox, to -whom the composition of the letter was committed.[175] He could not -have forgotten the trouble which he had himself suffered on a similar -ground, and he had a high regard for many of the scruplers. This -interposition did not procure them any relief. Though the superior -clergy had been more zealous to obtain it than they were, Elizabeth -was inflexible, and would listen neither to the supplications of her -bishops, nor to the advice of her counsellors. Knox’s good opinion -of the English queen does not seem to have been improved by this -visit.[176] - -{149} He performed one important piece of public service before -undertaking this journey to England. On the 23d of December, the -queen granted a commission, under the privy seal, to the archbishop -of St Andrews, restoring him to his ancient jurisdiction, which had -been abolished in 1560, by act of parliament.[177] This step was -taken, partly to prepare for the restoration of the popish religion, -and partly to facilitate another dark design which was soon after -disclosed. The protestants could not fail to be both alarmed and -enraged at this daring measure. Moved by his own zeal no less than -by the advice of his brethren, the Reformer addressed a circular -letter to the principal protestants in the kingdom, requesting their -immediate advice on the measures most proper to be adopted on this -occasion, and enclosing a copy of a proposed supplication to the queen. -This letter discovers all the ardour of the writer’s spirit, called -forth by such an alarming occurrence. After mentioning the late acts -for the provision of the ministry,[178] by which the queen attempted -to blind them, he says, “How that any such assignation, or any promise -made thereof, can stand in any stable assurance, when that Roman -antichrist, by just laws once banished from this realm, shall be -intrusted {150} above us, we can no ways understand. Yea, farther, -we cannot see what assurance can any within this realm, that hath -professed the Lord Jesus, have of life, or inheritance, if the head -of that odious beast be cured among us. As from the beginning we have -neither spared substance nor life, so mind we not to faint unto the -end, to maintain the same, so long as we can find the concurrence -of brethren; of whom (as God forbid) if we be destitute, yet we are -determined never to be subject to the Roman antichrist, neither yet -to his usurped tyranny; but when we can do no farther to suppress -that odious beast, we mind to seal it with our blood to our posterity, -that the bright knowledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that Man -of Sin, and his venomous doctrine, from our hearts and consciences. -Let this our letter and request bear witness before God, before his -church, before the world, and before your own consciences.”[179] The -supplication of the General Assembly to the lords of the privy council, -on the same subject, also bears marks of the Reformer’s pen.[180] - -During the time that Knox was in England, that tragedy, so well known -in Scottish history, was acted, which led to a complete revolution -in the government of the kingdom, and, contrary to the designs of -the principal actors, threw the power wholly into the hands of the -protestants. Mary’s affection for her husband, which had cooled -soon after their marriage, {151} was, from the time of Rizzio’s -assassination, converted into a fixed hatred, which she was at little -pains to conceal. The birth of an heir to the crown produced no -reconciliation between the royal parents; the king was not allowed -to be present at the baptism of his own son, and was treated with -such marked disrespect, even by the servants, that he abandoned the -court, and shut himself up in his father’s house. In proportion as -the queen’s mind was alienated from her husband, the unprincipled -earl of Bothwell grew in her favour. He engrossed the whole management -of public affairs, was loaded with honours, and treated by her -majesty with every mark of personal regard and affection. In these -circumstances, the neglected, unhappy king, was decoyed to Edinburgh, -lodged in a solitary dwelling at the extremity of the city, and -murdered on the morning of the 10th of February, 1567; the house in -which he lay being blown up with gunpowder. - -It would be unsuitable to the nature of the present work to enter into -the controversy respecting the authors of this murder, which has been -agitated with uncommon keenness from that day to the present time. The -accusation of the earl of Murray as a party to the deed, is destitute -of all proof, and utterly incredible. It was at first circulated -with the evident design of turning away the public mind from the -real perpetrators; it was insinuated, and afterwards directly brought -forward, in the conferences at York and Westminster, as a retaliation -upon him for the charge which he exhibited against the queen; {152} -and it is now kept up only by the most blind and bigoted of her -partisans. That Bothwell was the prime contriver and agent in the -murder, cannot admit of a doubt with any impartial and judicious -enquirer. And that Mary was privy to the design, and accessory to its -execution by permission and approbation, there is, I think, all the -evidence, moral and legal, which could reasonably be expected in a -case of this kind. The whole of her behaviour towards the king, from -the time that she brought him from Glasgow till she left him on the -fatal night; the remissness which she discovered in enquiring into -the murder; the shameful manner in which she suffered the farce of -Bothwell’s trial to be conducted; the glaring act (which struck the -whole of Europe, and even her own friends, with horror) of taking -to her bed, with indecent haste, the man who was stigmatized as the -murderer of her husband; and the manner in which she refused to defend -herself, and broke off the conference to which she had agreed, as -soon as the charge of accession to the murder was brought against -her,――afford the strongest presumptions of her guilt; and, when -taken in connexion with the direct evidence arising from letters and -depositions, would have been sufficient long ago to shut the mouths -of any but the defenders of Mary queen of Scots.[181] - -{153} Knox was absent from Edinburgh at the time of the queen’s -marriage with Bothwell; but his colleague ably supported the honour -of his place and order on that occasion, when the whole nobility of -Scotland preserved a passive and disgraceful silence. Being required -by both the parties to publish the banns, Craig reluctantly complied, -after taking the advice of his session; but, at the same time, he -protested from the pulpit, on three several days, and took heaven and -earth to witness, that he abhorred and detested the intended marriage -as unlawful and scandalous, and solemnly charged the nobility to use -their influence to prevent the queen from taking a step, which would -inevitably cover her with infamy, and involve her in ruin. Being -called before the council, and accused of having exceeded the -bounds of his commission, he boldly replied, that the bounds of his -commission were the word of God, good laws, and natural reason, to -all of which the proposed marriage was contrary. And Bothwell being -present, he charged him with the crime of adultery, the precipitancy -with which the process of divorce had been carried through, and the -suspicions entertained of collusion between him and his wife, of his -having {154} murdered the king, and ravished the queen, all of which -would be confirmed if they carried their purpose into execution.[182] - -The events which followed in rapid succession upon this infamous -marriage――the confederation of the nobility for revenging the king’s -death, and preserving the person of the infant prince; the flight of -Bothwell; the surrender and imprisonment of Mary; her resignation of -the government; the coronation of her son; and the appointment of the -earl of Murray as regent during his minority, are all well known to -the readers of Scottish history. - -Knox seems to have returned to his charge at the time that the queen -fled with Bothwell to Dunbar. He was present in the General Assembly -which met at Edinburgh on the 25th of June, and was delegated by them -to go to the west country, and endeavour to persuade the Hamiltons, -and others who stood aloof from the confederated lords, to join -with them in settling the distracted affairs of the country, and -to attend a general convention of the delegates of the churches, to -be held on the 20th of July following.[183] In this negotiation he -was unsuccessful. But the {155} convention was held, and the nobles, -barons, and commissioners of boroughs, who were present, subscribed a -number of important articles, with reference to religion and the state -of the nation.[184] - -On the 29th of July, 1567, the Reformer preached the sermon at the -coronation of James VI., in the parish church of Stirling.[185] He -objected to the ceremony of unction, as a Jewish rite abused under -the papacy; but it was deemed inexpedient, on the present occasion, -to depart from the accustomed ceremonial. It was therefore performed -by the bishop of Orkney; the superintendents of Lothian and Angus -assisting him to place the crown on the king’s head.[186] After the -coronation, Knox, along with some others, took instruments, and craved -extracts of the proceedings.[187] - -When the queen was confined by the lords in {156} the castle of -Lochleven, they had not resolved in what manner they should dispose -of her person for the future. Some proposed that she should be allowed -to leave the kingdom; some that she should be imprisoned during life; -while others insisted that she ought to be capitally arraigned. Of -this last opinion was Knox, with almost all the ministers, and the -great body of the people. The chief ground upon which they insisted -for this, was not her maladministration in the government, or the -mere safety and peace of the commonwealth; which were the reasons upon -which the parliament of England, in the following century, proceeded -to the execution of her grandson. But they founded their opinion upon -the personal crimes with which Mary was charged. Murder and adultery, -they reasoned, were crimes to which the punishment of death was -allotted by the law of God and of nations. From this penalty persons -of no rank could plead exception. The ordinary forms of judicial -procedure made no provision for the trial of a supreme magistrate, -because the laws did not suppose that such enormous crimes could -be committed by him; but extraordinary cases required extraordinary -remedies, and new offences gave birth to new laws. There are examples -in Scripture of the capital punishment of princes, nor are precedents -of it wanting in the history of Scotland.[188] - -{157} Upon these grounds, Knox scrupled not publicly to maintain, -that the estates of the kingdom ought to bring Mary to a trial; -and, if she was found guilty of the murder of her husband, and an -adulterous connexion with Bothwell, that she ought to be put to death. -Throkmorton, the English ambassador, held a conference with him, with -the view of mitigating the rigour of this judgment; but though he -acquiesced in the resolution adopted by the nobility to detain her -in prison, he retained his own sentiments, and, after the civil war -was kindled by her escape from confinement, repeatedly said, that he -considered the nation as suffering for their criminal lenity.[189] - -Though the earl of Murray, after his return from banishment, had -been pardoned, and re‑admitted to his place in the privy council, he -did not regain the confidence of her majesty. Perceiving the ruinous -tendency of the course on which she was bent, and despairing of being -able to prevent it by his advice, he declined taking any active part -in the management of public affairs, and appeared very seldom at court. -Soon after the king was murdered, he obtained liberty to leave the -kingdom, and retired to France, where he remained till recalled by -a message from the confederated lords, after Mary had subscribed the -instruments by which she resigned the crown, and appointed him regent -during the minority of her son. Having arrived in Scotland, he was -formally invested with {158} the regency, on the 22d of August, 1567. -No sooner was he confirmed in the government, than he exerted himself -with great zeal and prudence to secure the peace of the kingdom, and -settle the affairs of the church. A parliament being summoned to meet -in the middle of December, he, with the advice of the privy council, -previously nominated certain barons, and commissioners of boroughs, -to consult upon and digest such overtures as were proper to be laid -before that assembly. With these he joined Knox, and four other -ministers, to assist in matters which related to the church. This -committee met in the beginning of December, and sat until the opening -of the parliament. The record of their proceedings, both as to civil -and ecclesiastical affairs, has been preserved; and, as many of their -propositions were not adopted by the parliament, it is valuable as a -declaration of the sentiments of a number of the most able men in the -kingdom.[190] - -On the 15th of December, Knox preached at the opening of the -parliament, and exhorted them to begin with the affairs of religion, -in which case they would find better success in their other business. -The parliament ratified all the acts which had been passed in 1560, -in favour of the protestant religion and against popery. New statutes -of a similar kind were added. It was provided, that no prince should -afterwards be admitted to the exercise of authority in the kingdom, -without taking an oath to maintain the {159} protestant religion; -and that none but protestants should be admitted to any office, with -the exception of those that were hereditary or held for life. The -ecclesiastical jurisdiction, exercised by the assemblies of the church, -was formally ratified, and commissioners appointed to define more -exactly the causes which came within the sphere of their judgment. -The thirds of benefices were appointed to be paid at first hand to -collectors nominated by the church, who, after paying the stipends -of the ministers, were to account to the exchequer for the surplus. -And the funds of provostries, prebendaries, and chaplainries were -appropriated to maintain bursars in colleges.[191] - -In the act ratifying the jurisdiction of the church, Knox was -appointed one of the commissioners for drawing out the particular -points which pertained to ecclesiastical judgment, to be presented to -next meeting of parliament. The General Assembly, which met about the -same time, gave him a commission, along with some others, to act for -them in this matter, and, in general, to consult with the regent and -council on such ecclesiastical questions as might occur after their -dissolution. He was also appointed to assist the superintendent of -Lothian in his visitation, and afterward to visit the churches in -Kyle, Carrick, and Cunningham.[192] - -During the regency of Murray there were no jars between the church -and the court, nor any of those {160} unpleasant complaints which had -been made at every meeting of the General Assembly before that period, -and which were renewed under the succeeding regents.[193] All the -grievances of which they complained were not, indeed, redressed; and -the provision made by law was still inadequate for the support of -such an ecclesiastical establishment as the nation required, including -the seminaries of education. But the regent not only received the -addresses of the general assemblies in a “manner very different from -that to which they had been accustomed;” but showed a disposition to -grant their petitions, whenever it was in his power. It was chiefly -through his influence that the favourable arrangement concerning -the thirds of benefices was made; and he endeavoured, though -unsuccessfully, to obtain the {161} consent of parliament to the -dissolution of the prelacies, and the appropriation of their revenues -to the common fund of the church.[194] - -Our Reformer had now reached that point from which he could take -a calm and deliberate view of the bustling scene through which he -had passed, and of the arduous struggle which he had been so long -engaged in, and had at length brought to a happy termination. Papal -superstition and tyranny were suppressed and abolished by law; the -protestant religion was established; the supreme government of the -nation was in the hands of one in whose wisdom and integrity he had -the greatest confidence; the church was freed from many of those -grievances under which she had hitherto groaned, and enjoyed the -prospect of obtaining the redress of such as still remained. The work -on which his heart had been so ardently set for such a long period, -and for the success of which he had so often trembled, had prospered -beyond his utmost expectation. He now congratulated himself on the -prospect of being released from all burden of public affairs, and -of spending the remainder of his days in religious meditations, and -in preparation for that event of whose near approach he was daily -admonished by the increasing infirmities of his body.[195] He even -secretly cherished the wish of resigning his charge in Edinburgh, and -of retiring to that privacy, from which he had been {162} drawn at the -commencement of the Scottish Reformation. Speaking of the congregation -of which he had been pastor at Geneva, he says, in one of his -confidential letters, “God comfort that dispersed little flock, among -whom I lived with quietness of conscience and contentment of heart; -and amongst whom I would be content to end my days, if so it might -stand with God’s good pleasure. For, seeing it hath pleased his -majesty, above all men’s expectations, to prosper the work for the -performing whereof I left that company, I would even as gladly return -to them, if they stood in need of my labours, as ever I was glad to be -delivered from the rage of mine enemies. I can give you no reason that -I should so desire, other than that my heart so thirsteth.”[196] - -But “the way of man is not in himself.” Providence had allotted him -farther trials of a public nature: he was yet to see the security of -the reformed religion endangered, and the country involved in another -civil war, even more distressing than the former, inasmuch as the -principal persons on both sides were professed protestants. - -From the time that the queen was imprisoned, and the government -transferred to the young prince under the regency of Murray, a -considerable number of the nobility had withheld their approbation of -these proceedings. The popish party were decidedly attached to Mary, -and inimical to a revolution, which crushed the hopes which they had -all along cherished of accomplishing {163} the restoration of the -ancient religion. Others, though professed protestants, were induced -by various motives to oppose the new government. Argyle was at this -time alienated from Murray by a family quarrel.[197] The house of -Hamilton followed that line of narrow and interested policy which they -had adopted on former occasions of a similar kind. They were jealous -lest the late settlement of the crown should invalidate the right of -their chief, the duke of Chastelherault, to the succession; and they -were offended that the regency, which they considered as due to him, -should have been conferred on Murray.[198] No governor can gratify the -expectations of all; and some of those who were early friends of the -regent, or had contributed to his advancement, thought that they were -not sufficiently rewarded. The very means which he found it necessary -to employ, to restore tranquillity and order to the kingdom, created -him enemies. During the late confusions, many parts of the country -had fallen into a state of anarchy; and the northern counties and the -borders presented {164} nothing but scenes of rapine and bloodshed. -It was impossible to repress these disorders without making severe -examples of the most guilty; and the turbulent and licentious -naturally sought the overthrow of a government by which they felt -themselves overawed and restrained.[199] But the abilities of the -regent enabled him to overcome these difficulties; and he was daily -receiving submissions from the most powerful of the opposite party, -when, on the 2d of May, 1568, the queen escaped from her confinement -in Lochleven. The discontented nobles immediately joined her standard, -and, having mustered a large force, avowed their determination to -restore her to the exercise of that authority which she had renounced -by constraint. This formidable insurrection was defeated by the -promptitude of the regent; and, in consequence of the battle of -Langside, Mary was driven into England, and her party broken. -Elizabeth having procured herself to be chosen umpire between the two -parties, the conferences were protracted during so long a period, and -the conduct of the English court was so equivocal and contradictory, -that the friends of Mary were encouraged to renew their attempts to -restore her by force of arms. But although the duke of Chastelherault -returned from France with a large sum of money contributed by the -popish princes, and came into Scotland in the character of lieutenant -of the queen,[200] the regent, {165} by his vigilance, and his -vigorous measures, prevented any insurrection, and preserved the -kingdom in obedience to the young king’s authority. - -Despairing to accomplish their darling object during his life, the -partisans of Mary resolved to cut off Murray by private means. During -the year 1568, two persons were employed to assassinate him; but the -design was discovered and prevented.[201] This did not hinder new -machinations. Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh, a nephew of the archbishop -of St Andrews, undertook to perpetrate the deed. He was one of the -prisoners taken at the battle of Langside; but, after being arraigned, -condemned, and brought out to execution, he had his life given him -by the regent, and was soon after set at liberty along with the -other prisoners.[202] It is said that he was actuated by revenge, on -account of an injury which he had received, by detaining one of his -forfeited estates, or by the cruel manner in which his wife had been -dispossessed of it.[203] Whether this was {166} really the case, or -whether it was afterwards alleged to diminish the odium of his crime, -and turn it away from his party, cannot perhaps be now certainly -determined. But it does not appear, that any part of the regent’s -conduct towards him was such as to afford the slightest alleviation -of a crime, in the commission of which he burst the ties of gratitude, -as well as of humanity and justice. On the other hand, there is ample -proof that he was incited to make the attempt by the political party -with which he was connected.[204] Having formed his resolution, -{167} he deliberately followed the regent in his progress to Glasgow, -Stirling, and Linlithgow; and, finding an opportunity in the last of -these places, shot him through the body with a musket‑ball. The wound -proved mortal, and the regent died the same evening. While some of his -friends, who stood round his bed, lamented the excessive lenity which -he had shown to his enemies, and particularly to his murderer, he -replied, with a noble and christian spirit, that nothing would ever -make him repent of an act of clemency.[205] - -The consternation which is usually produced by the fall of a -distinguished leader, was absorbed in the deep distress which the -tidings of the regent’s murder spread through the nation. The common -people, who had experienced the beneficial effects of his short -administration, to a degree altogether unprecedented in the country, -felt as if each had lost a father, and loudly demanded vengeance upon -the authors of the parricide. Many who had envied or hated him during -his life, were now forward to do justice to his virtues. Those who had -not been able to conceal their satisfaction on the first intelligence -of his death, became ashamed of the indecent exultation which they -had so imprudently expressed. The Hamiltons were anxious to clear -themselves from the imputation of a crime which they saw to be -universally detested. They dismissed the murderer, who was glad -to escape {168} from ignominy by condemning himself to perpetual -banishment. The only one of his crimes for which the archbishop of -St Andrews afterwards expressed contrition before his execution, -was his accession to the murder of the regent.[206] Nor were these -feelings confined to Scotland; the sensation was general through -England, and the expressions of grief and condolence from that -country evinced the uncommon esteem in which he was held by all ranks. - -It was the happiness of the regent, that, in his youth, he fell into -the company of men, who cultivated his vigorous understanding, gave -a proper direction to his activity, and instilled into his mind the -principles of religion and virtue. His early adoption of the reformed -sentiments, the steadiness with which he adhered to them, the uniform -correctness of his morals, his integrity, sagacity, and enterprising -but cool courage, soon placed him in the first rank among those -who embarked in the struggle for the reformation {169} of religion, -and the maintenance of national liberties, and secured to him their -cordial and unbounded confidence. The honours which Mary conferred -on him were not too great for the services which he performed; and -had she continued to act by his advice, those measures would have -been avoided which brought on her ruin. He was repeatedly placed in -a situation which would have tempted the ambition of persons possessed -of far inferior abilities; yet he showed no disposition to grasp -at the supreme authority. When he accepted the regency, it was in -compliance with the decided and uncorrupted choice of the acting -majority in the kingdom, pointing him out as the fittest person for -occupying that high station; and his conduct, in one of the most -delicate and embarrassing situations in which a governor was ever -placed, showed that his countrymen were not mistaken in their choice. -He united, in no ordinary degree, those qualities, which are rarely -combined in the same individual, and which form the character of an -accomplished prince. Excelling equally in the arts of war and peace, -he reduced the country to obedience by his military skill and valour, -and preserved it in a state of tranquillity and order by the wise and -impartial administration of justice. Successful in all his warlike -enterprises, he never once tarnished the laurels of victory by cruelty -or unnecessary rigour to the vanquished. He knew how to maintain -the authority of the laws, and to bridle the licentious, by salutary -severity, and at the same time to temper the rigour of justice by the -interposition {170} of mercy. He used to sit personally in the courts -of judicature, and exerted himself to obtain for all the subjects an -easy and expeditious decision of litigated causes. His hospitality, -his unostentatious charity, his uncommon liberality to the learned, -and the anxiety he showed to confer his favours in the manner least -calculated to hurt their feelings, have been celebrated by one who -had the best opportunities of becoming acquainted with these amiable -traits of his character.[207] Nor has the breath of calumny, which has -attempted in many ways to blast his reputation, ever insinuated that -he oppressed or burdened the public, during his regency, in order -to enrich himself or his family. Add to all these qualities, his -exemplary piety, the only source of genuine and exalted virtue. His -family was so regulated as to resemble a church rather than a court. -Not a profane or lewd word was to be heard from any of his domestics. -A chapter of the bible was always read at table after dinner and -supper; and it was his custom, on such occasions, to require his -chaplain, or some learned man present, to give his opinion upon the -passage, for his own instruction and that of his family. “A man truly -good,” says archbishop Spotswood, “and worthy to be ranked among the -best governors that this kingdom hath enjoyed, and, therefore, to this -day honoured with the title of The Good Regent.”[208] - -This may perhaps be deemed, by some readers, an improper digression. -But though it had been less {171} connected with the subject of this -work than it is, and though the familiarity and co‑operation between -the regent and the Reformer had been less intimate and cordial than -they really were, I could not have denied myself the satisfaction of -paying a small tribute to the memory of one of the greatest men of -his age, who has been traduced and vilified in a most unjustifiable -manner, and whose character has been drawn with unfavourable, and, in -my opinion, with unfair colours, by the most moderate and impartial -of our historians. All that I have attempted, is to sketch the more -prominent features of his character. That he was faultless, I am far -from wishing to insinuate; but the principal charges which have been -brought against him, I consider as either irrelevant, or unproved, -or greatly exaggerated. That his exaltation to the highest dignity in -the state which a subject could enjoy, produced no unfavourable change -on his temper and behaviour, is what none can be prepared to affirm; -but I have not seen the contrary established. The confidence which -he reposed in his friends was great, and he was inclined to pay much -deference to their advice; but that he became the dupe of worthless -favourites, and fell by listening to their flattery, and refusing to -hearken to wholesome advice, and not by the treachery of his friends -and the malice of his enemies, are assertions which have been repeated -upon the authority of a single witness, unsupported by facts, and -capable of being disproved.[209] - -{172} The regent died on the evening of Saturday, the 23d of January, -1570; and the intelligence of his murder was conveyed early next -morning to Edinburgh. It is impossible to describe the anguish which -the Reformer felt on this occasion. The loss of a noble and endeared -friend was the least evil which he had to deplore. Of all the Scottish -nobility, he placed the greatest confidence in Murray’s attachment -to religion; and his conduct after his elevation to the regency, had -served to heighten the good opinion which he formerly entertained of -him. He looked upon his death as the greatest calamity which could -befall the nation, and as a forerunner of many evils.[210] When the -shock produced by the melancholy tidings had subsided, the first -thought that rushed into his mind was, that he had himself been the -instrument of obtaining, from his clemency, a pardon to the man who -had become his murderer; a thought which naturally produced a very -different impression on him from what it did on the mind of the dying -regent.[211] - -In his sermon that day, he introduced the melancholy subject; and -after saying, that God in his great mercy raised up pious rulers, and -took them away in his displeasure, on account of the sins of a nation, -he thus poured out the sorrows of his heart: {173} “O Lord, in what -misery and confusion found he this realm! To what rest and quietness -now by his labours, suddenly he brought the same, all estates, but -especially the poor commons, can witness. Thy image, O Lord, did so -clearly shine in that personage, that the devil, and the people to -whom he is prince, could not abide it; and so to punish our sins and -our ingratitude, (who did not rightly esteem so precious a gift,) -thou hast permitted him to fall, to our great grief, in the hands of -cruel and traitorous murderers. He is at rest, O Lord; we are left in -extreme misery.”[212] - -Only a few days before this, and after the plan of the murder was -fully concerted, Gavin Hamilton, abbot of Kilwinning, applied to Knox -to intercede with the regent in behalf of some of his kinsmen, who -were confined for practising against the government. He signified his -readiness to do all in his power for the relief of any of that family -who were willing to own the authority of the king, but entreated the -abbot not to abuse him by employing his services, if his relations -intended to do any mischief to the regent;[213] for “I protest,” said -he, “before {174} God, who is the only witness now betwixt us, that -if there be any thing attempted, by any of that surname, against the -person of that man, in that case I discharge myself to you and them -for ever.” After the assassination, the abbot sent to desire another -interview; but Knox refused to see him, and desired the messenger -to say, “I have not now the regent to make suit unto for the -Hamiltons.”[214] - -At this time there was handed about a fabricated account of a -pretended conference held by the late regent with lord Lindsay, -Wishart of Pittarrow, the tutor of Pitcur, James Macgill, and Knox; -in which they were represented as advising him to set aside the young -king, and place the crown on his own head. To give it the greater -air of credibility, the modes of expression peculiar to each of the -persons were carefully imitated in the speeches put into their mouths. -The evident design of circulating it at this time, was to lessen the -odium of the murder, and the veneration of the people for the memory -of Murray; but it was universally regarded as an impudent and gross -forgery. The person who fabricated it was Thomas Maitland, a young -man of talents, but corrupted by his brother, the secretary, who had -previously engaged himself to the queen’s party, and was suspected of -having had a deep hand in the plot for assassinating the regent.[215] - -On the day on which the weekly conference was held in Edinburgh, the -same person slipped into the {175} pulpit a schedule, containing words -to this effect: “Take up now the man whom you accounted another God, -and consider the end to which his ambition hath brought him.” It was -Knox’s turn to preach that day. On entering the pulpit he took up -the paper, supposing it to be a note requesting the prayers of the -congregation for a sick person, and having read it, laid it aside -without any apparent emotion. But towards the conclusion of his -sermon, after deploring the loss which the church and commonwealth had -recently sustained, and declaring the account of the conference, which -had been circulated, to be false and calumnious, he said that there -were persons who rejoiced at the treasonable murder, and scrupled not -to make it the subject of their merriment; and particularly, there was -one present who had thrown into the pulpit a paper exulting over an -event which was the cause of grief to all good men: “that wicked man, -whosoever he be, shall not go unpunished, and shall die where there -shall be none to lament him.” Maitland, after he went home, said -to his sister, that the preacher was raving, when he spake in such -a manner of a person who was unknown to him; but she, suspecting -that her brother had written the line, reproved him, saying with -tears, that none of that man’s denunciations were wont to prove idle. -Spotswood (who had his information personally from the mouth of that -lady) says, that Maitland died in Italy, “having no known person to -attend him.”[216] - -{176} On Tuesday the 14th of February, the regent’s corpse was brought -from the palace of Holyroodhouse, and interred in the south aisle of -the collegiate church of St Giles. Before the funeral, Knox preached -a sermon on these words, “Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord.” -Three thousand persons were dissolved in tears before him, while -he described the virtues of the regent, and bewailed his loss.[217] -Buchanan paid a tribute to the memory of his deceased patron, by -writing the inscription placed on his monument, with that expressive -simplicity and brevity which are dictated by genuine grief.[218] A -convention of the nobility was held after the funeral, at which it was -resolved to avenge his death; but different opinions were entertained -as to the mode of doing this, and the commons complained loudly of -the remissness with which the resolution was prosecuted. The General -Assembly, at their first meeting, testified {177} their detestation of -the crime, by ordering the assassin to be publicly excommunicated in -all the chief towns of the kingdom, and by appointing the same process -to be used against all who should afterwards be convicted of accession -to the murder.[219] - -During the sitting of the convention, Knox received a number of -letters from his acquaintances in England, expressive of their -high regard for the character of the regent, and their sorrow at -so grievous a loss.[220] One of these was from Christopher Goodman, -and another from John Willock, who either had not complied with -the invitation of the General Assembly, or had again returned to -England.[221] The other letters were from Englishmen, who had no -immediate {178} connexion with Scotland. Dr Laurence Humphrey[222] -urged Knox to write a memoir of the deceased. Had he done this, his -intimate acquaintance with the regent would, no doubt, have enabled -him to communicate many particulars of which we must now be content -to remain ignorant; but though he had been disposed to undertake this -task, the state of his health would have prevented its execution. - -The grief which he indulged on account of this mournful event, and -the confusions which followed it, preyed upon his spirits, and injured -his health.[223] In the month of October, he had a stroke of apoplexy, -which affected his speech to a considerable degree. On this occasion, -his enemies exulted, and circulated the most exaggerated tales -respecting his disorder. The report ran through Scotland and England, -that John Knox would never preach or speak more,――that his face was -turned into his neck,――that he was become the most deformed creature -ever seen,――that he was actually dead.[224] A most unequivocal proof -{179} of the high consideration in which he was held, which our -Reformer received in common with other great men of his age![225] - - - - -{180} - PERIOD IX. - - FROM OCTOBER 1570, WHEN HE WAS STRUCK WITH APOPLEXY, - TO HIS DEATH, IN NOVEMBER 1572. - - -THOSE who flattered themselves that the Reformer’s disorder was mortal, -were disappointed; for he was restored to the use of his speech, and -was able, in the course of a few days, to resume preaching, at least -on Sabbath days.[226] He never recovered, however, from the debility -which was produced by the apoplectic stroke. - -The confusions which he had augured from the death of the good regent -soon broke out, and again spread the flames of civil discord through -the nation. The earl of Lennox, who was the natural guardian of his -grandson, was advanced to the regency; but he was deficient in the -talents which were requisite for so difficult a station, and the -knowledge of his weakness emboldened and increased the party which was -attached to the queen. The Hamiltons openly raised her standard, and -were strengthened by the influence and abilities of Maitland. William -Kircaldy of Grange, whom Murray had made governor of the castle of -Edinburgh, after concealing his defection for some time under the flag -of neutrality, declared {181} himself on the same side, and became -a principal agent in attempting to overturn that government which he -had been so zealous in erecting. Maitland’s tergiversation surprised -nobody; but the defection of Kircaldy was deeply felt by those with -whom he had been so long associated. It proved a source of the keenest -distress to Knox. The acquaintance which they had formed in the castle -of St Andrews,[227] grew into intimacy during their confinement in -the French galleys; and Knox could never forget the services which -Kircaldy performed during the subsequent struggle for reformation, -and continued to the last to cherish the hope that he was at heart a -friend to religion. Under the influence of these feelings, he spared -no pains in endeavouring to prevent him from renouncing his fidelity -to the king, and afterwards to reclaim him from his apostacy. But in -both attempts he was unsuccessful. - -In the end of the year 1570, he was personally involved in a -disagreeable quarrel with Kircaldy. One of the soldiers belonging to -the castle having been imprisoned by the magistrates on a charge of -murder, the governor sent a party from the garrison, who broke open -the tolbooth, and carried off the prisoner. In his sermon on the -following Sabbath, Knox condemned {182} this riot, and violation -of the house of justice. Had it been done by the authority of a -bloodthirsty man, or one who had no fear of God, he would not, he said, -have been so much moved at it; but he was affected to think that one -of whom all good men had formed so great expectations, should have -fallen so far as to act such a part; one too, who, when formerly -in prison, had refused to purchase his own liberty by the shedding -of blood.[228] An erroneous and exaggerated report of this censure -being conveyed to the castle, the governor, in great rage, made his -complaint, first to Knox’s colleague, and afterwards formally to the -kirk‑session, that he had been calumniated as a murderer, and required -that his character should be vindicated as publicly as it had been -traduced. Knox, understanding that his words had been misrepresented, -embraced the first opportunity of explaining and vindicating them -from the pulpit. On a subsequent day, Kircaldy, who had absented -himself from the church nearly a whole year, came down to St Giles’s, -accompanied with a number of the persons who had been active in -the murder and riot. Regarding this as an attempt to overawe the -authorities, and set public opinion at defiance, the Reformer dwelt -particularly, in his discourse, upon the sinfulness of forgetting -benefits received from God, and warned his hearers against confiding -in the divine mercy, while they were knowingly transgressing any of -the commandments, or proudly defending their transgression. - -{183} Kircaldy was much incensed at this admonition, which he -considered as levelled at him, and made use of very threatening -language in speaking of the preacher. The report spread that the -governor of the castle was become a sworn enemy to Knox, and intended -to kill him. Upon this, several noblemen and gentlemen of Kyle and -Cunningham sent a letter to Kircaldy, in which, after reminding him of -his former appearances for religion, and mentioning the reports which -had reached their ears, they warned him against doing any thing to -the hurt of that man, whom “God had made the first planter and chief -waterer of his church among them,” and protested that “his death and -life were as dear to them as their own.”[229] - -Knox was not to be deterred from doing what he considered to be his -duty. He persisted in warning his hearers to avoid all participation -with those who prevented the punishment of atrocious crimes, by -supporting the pretensions of the queen, and who exposed the reformed -religion to the utmost hazard, by opposing the king’s authority. When -the General Assembly met in March, 1571, anonymous libels were thrown -into the house where they were sitting, and placards affixed to -the church‑doors, accusing him of seditious railing against their -sovereign, the queen, refusing to pray for her welfare and conversion, -representing her as a reprobate whose repentance was hopeless, and -uttering imprecations against her. One of the placards concluded with -a threat, that, if {184} the assembly did not restrain him by their -authority from using such language, the complainers would themselves -apply a remedy to the evil “with greater unquietness.” The assembly -having, by public intimation, required the complainers to come forward -and substantiate their charges, another anonymous writing appeared, -promising that accusers should not be wanting against next assembly, -if the preacher continued his offensive speeches, and was “then -law‑byding, and not fugitive, according to his accustomed manner.” - -Several of his friends dealt with him to pass over these -unauthenticated libels in silence, but he refused to comply with this -advice, considering that the credit of his ministry was implicated. -Accordingly, he produced them in the pulpit, and returned a particular -answer to the accusations which they contained. That he had charged -the late queen with the crimes of which she had been notoriously -guilty, he granted,――that he had railed against her, he denied; nor -would they be able to substantiate this charge against him, without -at the same time proving Isaiah, Jeremiah, and other inspired writers, -to have been railers. “From them he had learned plainly and boldly to -call wickedness by its own terms, a fig, a fig, and a spade, a spade.” -He had never called the queen reprobate, nor said that her repentance -was impossible; but he had affirmed that pride and repentance could -not remain long together in one heart. He had prayed, that God, for -the comfort of his church, would oppose his power to her pride, and -confound her and {185} her assistants in their impiety: this prayer, -let them call it imprecation or execration as they pleased, had -stricken, and would yet strike, whoever supported her. To the charge -of not praying for the queen, he answered, “I am not bound to pray -for her in this place, for sovereign to me she is not; and I let them -understand that I am not a man of law that has my tongue to sell for -silver, or favour of the world.”[230] What title she now had, or ever -had to the government, he would not dispute; the estates had deprived -her of it, and it belonged to them to answer for this: as for him, -he had hitherto lived in obedience to all lawful authority within the -kingdom. To the threatening against his life, and the insinuation that -he might not be “law‑byding, but fugitive” against next assembly, he -replied, that his life was in the custody of Him who had hitherto -preserved him from many dangers, that he had reached an age at which -he was not apt to flee far, nor could any yet accuse him of having -left the people committed to his charge, except at their own command. - -{186} After these answers, his enemies fled, as their last resort, -to an attack upon his Blast of the Trumpet, and accused him of -inconsistency in writing against female government, and yet praying -for queen Elizabeth, and seeking her support against his native -country. This accusation he also met in the pulpit, and refuted with -great spirit. After vindicating his consistency, he concluded in the -following manner:――“One thing in the end, I may not pretermit, that is, -to give him a lie in his throat that either dare, or will say, that -ever I sought support against my native country. What I have been to -my country, albeit this unthankful age will not know, yet the ages to -come will be compelled to bear witness to the truth. And thus I cease, -requiring of all men that has to oppose any thing against me, that he -will do it so plainly as I make myself and all my doings manifest to -the world; for to me it seems a thing most unreasonable, that, in my -decrepit age, I shall be compelled to fight against shadows, and -howlets that dare not abide the light.”[231] - -The conduct of our Reformer at this period affords a striking display -of the unextinguishable ardour of his mind. Previous to the breaking -out of the late disturbances, he had given up attendance on church -courts. He never went abroad except on Sabbath‑days, to preach in the -forenoon. He was so debilitated as to be unable to go to the pulpit -without {187} assistance.[232] He had weaned his heart from the world, -and expressed his resolution to take no more part in public affairs. -In answer to a letter of his esteemed friend, Sir William Douglas of -Lochleven, who had informed him of an intended attempt on the castle -of St Andrews by archbishop Hamilton, and requested his good offices -for certain preachers, we find him, on the 31st of March, 1570, -writing as follows:――“How such troublers may be stayed in their -enterprises, I commit to God, to whose counsels I commit you in -that and all other causes worldly, for I have taken my good‑night -of it; and therefore bear with me, good sir, albeit I write not to -the superintendent of Fife in the action that ye desire.”[233] But -whenever he saw the church and commonwealth seriously in danger, -he forgot his infirmities and his resolutions, and entered into -the cause with all the keenness of his more vigorous days. Whether -the public proceedings of the nation, or his own conduct, were -arraigned,――whether the attacks upon them were open or clandestine, -he stood prepared to repel them, and convinced the adversaries, that -they could not accomplish their designs without opposition, as long -as he was able to move or speak.[234] - -{188} His situation became very critical in April 1571, when Kircaldy -received the Hamiltons, with their forces, into the castle. Their -inveteracy against him was so great, that his friends were obliged to -watch his house during the night. They proposed forming a guard for -the protection of his person when he went abroad; but the governor of -the castle forbade this, as implying a suspicion of his own intentions, -and offered to send Melvil, one of his officers, to conduct him to -and from the church. “He wold gif the woulf the wedder to keip,” -says Bannatyne. Induced by the importunity of the citizens, Kircaldy -applied to the duke and his party for a protection to Knox; but they -refused to pledge their word for his safety, because “there were many -rascals and others among them who loved him not, that might do him -harm without their knowledge.”[235] Intimations were often given -him of threatenings against his life; and one evening a musket‑ball -was fired in at his window, and lodged in the roof of the apartment -in which he was sitting. It happened that he sat at the time in a -different part of the room from that which he had been accustomed -to occupy, otherwise the ball, from the direction it took, must have -struck him.[236] Alarmed by this occurrence, a deputation of the -citizens, accompanied by his colleague, waited upon him, and {189} -renewed a request which they had formerly made, that he would remove -from Edinburgh, to a place where his life would be in greater safety, -until the queen’s party should evacuate the town. But he refused to -yield to them, apprehending that his enemies wished to intimidate -him into flight, that they might carry on their designs more quietly, -and then accuse him of cowardice. Being unable to persuade him by any -other means, they had recourse at last to an argument which prevailed. -They told him that if he was attacked, they were determined to risk -their lives in his defence, and if blood was shed in the quarrel, -which was highly probable, they would leave it on his head. Upon this -he consented to remove from the city, “sore against his will.”[237] - -He left Edinburgh on the 5th of May, 1571, and crossing the Frith at -Leith, travelled by short stages to St Andrews, which he had chosen -as the place of his retreat.[238] His pulpit was filled by Alexander -Gordon, bishop of Galloway, who preached and prayed in a manner more -acceptable to the queen’s party than his predecessor, but little -to the satisfaction of the people, who despised him on account -of his weakness, and disliked him for supplanting their favourite -pastor.[239] A number of the most respectable inhabitants {190} were -driven from the capital by violence, while others were induced to -quit it, and retire to Leith, that they might not be understood as -even practically submitting to the queen’s authority. The church of -Edinburgh was for a time dissolved. The celebration of the Lord’s -supper was suspended. And, whereas formerly scarce a day passed -without some public exercise of religion, there was now, during a -whole week, “neither preaching nor prayer; neither was there any sound -of bell heard in all the town, except the ringing of the cannon.”[240] - -The kingdom was now subjected to all the miseries of civil war and -intestine faction. In almost every part of the country there were -adherents to the king and to the queen, who exasperated each other by -reciprocal reproaches and injuries. The regent fortified Leith, while -the queen’s party kept possession of the castle and town of Edinburgh. -As the two armies lay at a small distance from one another, and -neither of them was sufficiently strong for undertaking to dispossess -the other, they were daily engaged in petty skirmishes; and several -acts of disgraceful retaliation, which rarely happen in the open field, -were committed on both sides. The evidence which the queen’s friends -gave of their personal antipathy to the Reformer, clearly showed that -his life {191} would have been in imminent danger, if he had remained -among them. An inhabitant of Leith was assaulted and his body -mutilated, because he was of the same name with him. A servant of -John Craig, being met one day by a reconnoitring party, and asked who -was his master, answered, in his trepidation, Mr Knox; upon which he -was seized, and, although he immediately corrected his mistake, they -desired him to “hold at his first master,” and dragged him to prison. -Having fortified St Giles’s steeple to overawe the inhabitants, -the soldiers baptized one of the cannons by the name of Knox, which -they were so fond of firing, that it burst, killed two of the party, -and wounded others.[241] They circulated the most ridiculous tales -respecting his conduct at St Andrews. John Law, the letter‑carrier -of that city, being in the castle of Edinburgh, “the ladie Home and -utheris wald neidis thraip in his face, that” John Knox “was banist -the said toune, becaus that in the yarde he had reasit sum sanctis, -amongis whome thair came up the devill with hornis, which when his -servant Richart sawe, [he] ran woode, and so died.”[242] - -Although he was now free from personal danger, Knox did not find -St Andrews that peaceful retreat which he had expected. The friends of -Kircaldy, and of Sir James Balfour,[243] resided in the neighbourhood, -{192} and the Hamiltons had their relations and partisans both in the -university and among the ministry. These were thorns in the Reformer’s -side, and made his situation very uneasy, as long as he resided among -them. Having left Edinburgh, because he could not be permitted to -disburden his conscience, by testifying against the designs of persons -whom he regarded as conspirators against the legal government of the -country, and favourers of a faction who intended nothing less than the -overthrow of the reformed religion, it was not to be expected that he -would preserve silence on this subject at St Andrews. Accordingly, in -the discourses which he preached on the eleventh chapter of Daniel’s -prophecy, he frequently took occasion to advert to recent transactions, -and to inveigh against the murder of the late king, and of the -regent. This was very grating to the ears of the opposite faction, -particularly to Robert and Archibald Hamilton, the former one of -the ministers of the city, and the latter a professor in one of the -colleges. Irritated by the censures which Knox pronounced against -his kinsmen, Robert Hamilton attempted to injure his reputation, -by circulating in private that it did not become him to exclaim so -loudly against murderers; for he had seen his subscription, along -with that of the earl of Murray, to a bond for assassinating Darnley -at Perth. When this came to the Reformer’s ears, he immediately wrote -a letter to Hamilton, desiring him to say, whether he was the author -of the slanderous report. Not receiving a satisfactory answer, he -communicated {193} the matter to Douglas, rector of the university, -and Rutherford, provost of St Salvator’s college; requesting them -to converse with their colleague on the subject, and to inform him, -that if he did not give satisfaction for the slander which he had -propagated, a complaint would be lodged against him before the church. -Upon this he came to Knox’s room, and denied that he had ever given -any ground for such a scandalous surmise.[244] - -Archibald Hamilton being complained of for withdrawing from Knox’s -sermons, and for accusing him of intolerable railing, endeavoured to -bring the matter under the cognizance of the masters of the university, -{194} among whom he possessed considerable influence.[245] Knox did -not scruple to give an account of his conduct before the professors -for their satisfaction; but he judged it necessary to enter a protest, -that his appearance before them should not invalidate the liberty -of the pulpit, nor the authority of the regular church‑courts, to -which, and not to any university, the judgment of religious doctrine -belonged.[246] This incident accounts for the zeal with which he -expresses himself on this subject, in one of his letters to the -General Assembly; in which he exhorts them, above all things, to -preserve the church from the bondage of the universities, and not to -exempt them from ecclesiastical jurisdiction, or allow them to become -judges of the doctrine taught from the pulpit.[247] - -The military operations during the civil war were chiefly -distinguished by two enterprises, which claim {195} our notice from -the influence which they had upon the affairs of the church. The one -was the taking of Dunbarton castle, which was surprised, on the 2d of -April, 1571, by a small party of the regent’s forces, led by captain -Crawford of Jordanhill. Archbishop Hamilton having fallen into the -hands of the captors, was soon after condemned, and ended his life -on the gibbet. The execution of prisoners, although chargeable with -crimes which merit death, is ordinarily avoided in civil contests, -because it produces reprisals from the opposite party; but in every -other respect the fate of Hamilton is not a subject of regret or of -censure. Of all the queen’s adherents, his motives for supporting her -cause appear to have been the most unworthy; and his talents and rank -in the church ought not to be pleaded in extenuation of the vices by -which his private character was stained, or the crimes of which he -had been guilty.[248] The death {196} of Hamilton gave occasion to -a change in the ecclesiastical government, of which I shall speak -immediately. - -An enterprise equally bold with Crawford’s, but less successful, was -planned by Kircaldy. While the regent Lennox was holding a parliament -at Stirling, which was numerously attended, a party of soldiers -suddenly entered the town early on the morning of September 3, 1571, -seized the regent and the nobility who were along with him, and -carried them away prisoners. The alarm having been given, the earl of -Mar sallied from the castle, and with the assistance of the townsmen, -dispersed the assailants, and rescued the noblemen.[249] But this -was not accomplished without the loss of the regent, who was slain -by the orders of lord Claud Hamilton, in revenge for the death of the -archbishop of St Andrews. Lennox was succeeded in the regency by the -earl of Mar, a nobleman of great moderation, who, during the short -time that he held that office, exerted himself to restore peace to the -kingdom, and brought the negotiations for this purpose very near to a -successful termination. - -{197} During these transactions the courtiers were devising a scheme -for securing to themselves the principal part of the ecclesiastical -revenues, which led to an alteration of the polity of the church. We -have repeatedly had occasion to notice the aversion of the nobility -to the Book of Discipline, and the principal source from which this -aversion sprung. While the earl of Murray administered the government, -he prevented any new encroachments upon the rights of the church; -but the succeeding regents were either less friendly to them, or -less able to check the avarice of the more powerful nobles. Several -of the richest benefices having become vacant by the death or by the -forfeiture of the popish incumbents who had been permitted to retain -them, it was necessary to determine in what manner they should be -disposed of. The church had uniformly required that their revenues -should be divided, and applied to the support of the religious -and literary establishments; but with this demand the courtiers -were as much indisposed to comply as ever. At the same time, the -secularization of them was deemed too bold a step; nor could laymen, -with any shadow of consistency, or by a valid title, hold benefices -which the law declared to be ecclesiastical. The expedient resolved on -was, that the bishoprics and other rich livings should be presented to -certain ministers, who, previous to their admission, should make over -the principal part of the revenues to such noblemen as had obtained -the patronage of them from the court. This plan, which was concerted -under the regency of Lennox, was {198} carried into execution during -that of Mar, chiefly by the influence of the earl of Morton. - -Morton having obtained from the court a gift of the archbishopric -of St Andrews, vacant by the execution of Hamilton, entered into a -private agreement respecting its revenues with John Douglas, rector -of the university, whom he presented to that see. At the meeting of -parliament in Stirling, August 1571, the commissioners of the General -Assembly protested against this transaction; but through the interest -of Morton, Douglas, though not yet elected, was admitted to a seat -in parliament, and the new scheme for seizing on the ecclesiastical -livings was confirmed, notwithstanding the warm remonstrances of the -ministers of the church, and the strenuous opposition of the more -zealous and disinterested barons.[250] Bishoprics and other great -benefices were now openly conferred on noblemen, on persons totally -unqualified for the ministry, and even on minors. Pluralities were -multiplied; the ecclesiastical courts were hindered in the exercise -of their jurisdiction;[251] and the collectors of the church were -prohibited from gathering the thirds, until some new regulation was -adopted for supplying the necessities of the court.[252] - -These proceedings having created great dissatisfaction through the -nation, the regent and council called an extraordinary assembly of -superintendents and other ministers, to meet at Leith in January {199} -1572, to consult about an order which might prove more acceptable. -Through the influence of the court, this convention consented that -the titles of archbishop, and other ecclesiastical dignitaries, -should be retained; that the bounds of the ancient dioceses should -not be altered during the king’s minority; and that qualified parsons -from among the ministers should be advanced to these dignities. They, -however, allotted no greater power to archbishops and bishops than -to superintendents, with whom they were to be equally subject to the -assemblies of the church.[253] These regulations were submitted to the -ensuing General Assembly at St Andrews, but as that meeting was thinly -attended, it came to no determination respecting them. The Assembly -held at Perth, in August 1572, resumed the subject, and came to the -following resolution:――That the regulations contained certain titles, -such as archbishop, dean, archdean, chancellor, and chapter, which -savoured of popery, and were scandalous and offensive to their ears; -and that the whole assembly, including the commissioners which had -met at Leith, unanimously protested that they did not approve of these -titles, that they submitted to the regulations merely as an interim -arrangement, and that they would exert themselves to obtain a more -perfect order from the regent and {200} council.[254] Such was the -origin and nature of that species of episcopacy which was introduced -into the reformed church of Scotland, during the minority of James VI. -It was disapproved of by the ministers of the church; and on the part -of the courtiers and nobility, it does not appear to have proceeded -from predilection to hierarchical government, but from the desire -which they felt to obtain possession of the revenues of the church. -This was emphatically expressed by the name of tulchan bishops,[255] -which was commonly applied to those who were at that time admitted to -the office. - -Knox did not fail from the beginning to oppose these encroachments -on the rights and property of the church. Being unable to attend -the General Assembly held at Stirling in August 1571, he addressed a -letter to it, warning the members of the new contest which he foresaw -they would have to maintain, and animating them to fidelity and -courage. “And now, brethren,” says he, “because the daily decay of -natural strength threateneth my certain and sudden departing from -the misery of this life, of love and conscience I exhort you, yea, -in the fear of God, I charge and command you, that ye take heed unto -yourselves, and to the flock over which God hath placed you pastors. -Unfaithful and traitorous to the flock shall ye be before the Lord -Jesus Christ, {201} if, with your consent directly, ye suffer unworthy -men to be thrust into the ministry of the church, under whatever -pretence it shall be. Remember and judge before whom we must make our -account, and resist that tyranny as ye would avoid hell‑fire. This -battle will be hard, but in the second point it will be harder; that -is, that with the like uprightness and strength in God, ye gainstand -the merciless devourers of the patrimony of the church. If men -will spoil, let them do it to their own peril and condemnation, but -communicate ye not with their sins, of whatsoever estate they be, by -consent nor by silence; but with public proclamation make this known -unto the world, that ye are innocent of robbery, whereof ye will -seek redress of God and man. God give you wisdom and stout courage -in so just a cause, and me an happy end.”[256] In a letter which he -afterwards wrote to Wishart of Pitarrow, he also expresses himself -in a strain of honest but keen indignation at the avarice of the -nobility.[257] - -It has been insinuated that Knox gave his approbation to the -resolutions of the convention at Leith to restore the episcopal office; -and the articles sent by him to the General Assembly, in August, 1572, -{202} have been appealed to as a proof of this. But all that can be -fairly deduced from these articles is, that he desired the conditions -and limitations agreed upon by that convention to be strictly -observed in the election of bishops, in opposition to the granting of -bishoprics to laymen,[258] and to the simoniacal pactions which the -ministers made with the nobles on receiving presentations. Provided -one of the propositions made by him to the Assembly had been enforced, -and the bishops had been bound to give an account of the whole of -their rents, and either to support ministers in the particular places -from which they derived these, or else to pay into the funds of -the church the sums requisite for this purpose, it is evident that -the mercenary views both of patrons and presentees would have been -defeated, and the church would have gained her object, the use of the -episcopal revenues. The prospect of this induced some honest ministers -to agree to the proposed regulations, at the convention held in Leith. -But it required a greater portion of disinterested firmness than falls -to most men, to act upon this principle;[259] and the nobles were -able to find, even at that period, a sufficient {203} number of pliant, -needy, or covetous ministers, to be the partners or the dupes of their -avarice. - -Though our Reformer was of opinion, that, in certain circumstances of -the church, a power might be delegated to some ministers to inspect -the congregations within a particular district, and accordingly -recommended the appointment of superintendents at the first -establishment of the Reformation in Scotland, yet he did not allow of -any class of office‑bearers in the church, under whatever name, who -were superior either in office or in order to ministers or presbyters. -His sentiments were not more favourable to diocesan episcopacy in -his latter than they had been in his earlier days. Writing to a -correspondent in England, in the year 1568, he says, “I would most -gladly pass through the course that God hath appointed to my labours, -giving thanks to his holy name, for that it hath pleased his mercy -to make me not a lord bishop, but a painful preacher of his blessed -evangel.”[260] In his correspondence with Beza, he had informed him -of the government established in the Scottish church; and at this very -time he received a letter from that reformer, congratulating him that -he had banished the order of bishops, and admonishing him and his -colleagues to beware of suffering it to re‑enter under the deceitful -pretext of preserving unity.[261] He had an opportunity of {204} -publicly declaring his sentiments on this subject, at the installation -of Douglas as archbishop of St Andrews. Having preached as usual -on Sabbath, February 13, 1572, the earl of Morton, who was present, -desired him to inaugurate Douglas; but he positively refused, and -pronounced an anathema against both the donor and the receiver of -the bishopric. The provost of St Salvator’s college having said that -Knox’s conduct proceeded from disappointment, because the bishopric -had not been conferred on himself, he, on the following Sabbath, -repelled this invidious charge. He had refused, he said, a greater -bishopric than that of St Andrews, which he might have had by the -favour of greater men than Douglas had his:[262] what he had spoken -was for the exoneration of his conscience, that the church of Scotland -might not be subject to that order, especially after a very different -one had been settled in the Book of Discipline, subscribed by the -nobility, and ratified by parliament. He lamented also that a burden -should have been laid upon an old man, which twenty men of the -greatest ability could not sustain.[263] In the General Assembly -held {205} at St Andrews in the following month, he not only entered -a protest against the election of Douglas,[264] but also “opponed -himself directly to the making of bishops.”[265] - -While he was engaged in these contests, his bodily strength was every -day sensibly decaying. Yet he continued to preach, although unable -to walk to the pulpit without assistance; and, when warmed with his -subject, he forgot his weakness, and electrified the audience with his -eloquence. James Melville, afterwards minister of Anstruther, was then -a student at the college, and one of his constant hearers. The account -which he has given of his appearance is exceedingly striking; and, as -any translation would enfeeble it, I shall give it in his own words. -“Of all the benefits I had that year [1571], was the coming of that -maist notable profet and apostle of our nation, Mr Johne Knox, to St -Andrews, who, be the faction of the queen occupeing the castell and -town of Edinburgh, was compellit to remove therefra, with a number of -the best, and chusit to come to St Andrews. I heard him teache there -the prophecies of Daniel, that simmer and the wintar following. I -had my pen and my little buike, and tuke away sic things as I could -comprehend. In the opening up of his text, he was moderat the space of -an half houre; but when he entered to application, he made me so {206} -to grew[266] and tremble, that I could not hald a pen to wryt.――He -was very weik. I saw him, everie day of his doctrine, go hulie and -fear,[267] with a furring of marticks about his neck, a staffe in the -ane hand, and gude, godlie Richart Ballanden, his servand, halden up -the uther oxter,[268] from the abbey to the parish kirk, and, by the -said Richart, and another servand, lifted up to the pulpit, whar he -behovit to lean at his first entrie; bot, er he haid done with his -sermone, he was sa active and vigorous, that he was lyk to ding the -pulpit in blads,[269] and flie out of it.”[270] - -The persons with whom the Reformer was most familiar at St Andrews, -were the professors of St Leonard’s college, who often visited him -at his lodging {207} in the abbey. This college was distinguished by -its warm attachment to the doctrines of the Reformation, which it had -embraced at a very early period;[271] while the two other colleges -were disaffected to the authority of the king, and several of their -teachers suspected of leaning to popery. The Reformer was accustomed -to amuse himself by walking in St Leonard’s Yard, and to look with -peculiar complacency on the students, whom he regarded as the rising -hope of the church. He would sometimes call them to him, and bless -them, and exhort them to be diligent in their studies, to attend to -the instructions of their teachers, and imitate the good example which -they set before them, to acquaint themselves with God, and with the -great work which he had lately performed in their native country, and -to cleave to the good cause. These familiar advices, from a person so -venerable, made a deep impression on the minds of the young men. He -even condescended to be present at a college‑exercise performed by -them at the marriage of one of their regents, in which the siege and -taking of Edinburgh castle was dramatically represented.[272] - -During his stay at St Andrews, he published a vindication of the -reformed religion, in answer to a letter written by Tyrie, a Scottish -Jesuit. The argumentative part of the work was finished by him in 1568; -but he sent it abroad at this time, with additions, as a farewell -address to the world, and a {208} dying testimony to the truth which -he had long taught and defended.[273] Along with it he published -one of the religious letters which he had formerly written to his -mother‑in‑law, Mrs Bowes; and, in an advertisement prefixed to this, -he informs us that she had lately departed this life, and that he -could not allow the opportunity to slip of acquainting the public, by -means of this letter, with the intimate Christian friendship which had -so long subsisted between them. - -The ardent desire which he felt to be released by death from the -troubles of the present life, appears in all that he wrote about this -time. “Weary of the world,” and “thirsting to depart,” are expressions -frequently used by him. The dedication of the above‑mentioned work is -thus inscribed:――“John Knox, the servant of Jesus Christ, now wearie -of the world, and daylie luiking for the resolution of this my earthly -tabernakle, to the faithful that God of his mercie shall appoint to -fight after me.” In the conclusion of it, he says, “Call for me, deir -brethren, that God, in his mercy, will pleis to put end to my long -and panefull battell. For now being unable to {209} fight, as God -sumtymes gave strength, I thirst an end befoir I be more troublesum -to the faithfull. And yet, Lord, let my desyre be moderate be thy -holy spirit.” In a prayer subjoined to the dedication, are these -words:――“To thee, O Lord, I commend my spirit. For I thirst to be -resolved from this body of sin, and am assured that I shall rise -agane in glorie; howsoever it be that the wicked for a tyme sall trode -me and others, thy servandes, under their feit. Be merciful, O Lord, -unto the kirk within this realme; continew with it the light of thy -evangell; augment the number of true preicheris. And let thy mercifull -providence luke upon my desolate bedfellow, the fruit of hir bosome, -and my two deir children, Nathanael and Eleazar.[274] Now, Lord, put -end to my miserie.” The advertisement “to the faithful reader,” dated -at St Andrews, 12th July 1571, concludes in the following manner:――“I -hartly salute and take my good night of all the faithful of both -realmes, earnestly desyring the assistance of their prayers, that, -without any notable {210} slander to the evangel of Jesus Christ, I -may end my battel; for, as the worlde is wearie of me, so am I of it.” - -The General Assembly being appointed to meet at Perth on the 6th of -August, he took his leave of them in a letter, along with which he -transmitted certain articles and questions which he recommended to -their consideration. The Assembly returned him an answer, declaring -their approbation of his propositions, and their earnest desires for -his preservation and comfort.[275] The last piece of public service -which he performed at their request, was to examine and approve of -a sermon which had been lately preached by David Ferguson, minister -of Dunfermline. His subscription to this sermon, like every thing -which proceeded from his mouth or pen about this time, is uncommonly -striking. “John Knox, with my dead hand, but glaid heart, praising -God, that of his mercy he levis such light to his kirk in this -desolation.”[276] - -From the rapid decline of his health, in the spring of 1572, there -was every appearance of his ending his days at St Andrews; but it -pleased God that he {211} should be restored once more to his flock, -and allowed to die peaceably among them. In consequence of a cessation -of arms agreed to, in the end of July, between the regent and the -adherents of the queen, the city of Edinburgh was abandoned by the -forces of the latter, and secured from the annoyance of the garrison -in the castle. As soon as the banished citizens returned to their -houses,[277] they sent a deputation to St Andrews, with a letter to -Knox, expressive of their earnest desire “that once again his voice -might be heard among them,” and entreating him immediately to come to -Edinburgh, if his health would at all permit; for, said they, “loath -we are to disease or hurt your person any ways, but far loather to -want you.”[278] After reading the letter, and conversing with the -commissioners, he expressed his willingness to return, but under -the express condition, that he should not be urged to preserve -silence respecting the conduct of those who held the castle; “whose -treasonable and tyrannical deeds he would {212} cry out against, as -long as he was able to speak.” He, therefore, desired them to acquaint -their constituents with this, lest they should afterwards repent of -his austerity, and be apprehensive of ill‑treatment on his account. -The commissioners assured him, that they did not mean to put a bridle -in his mouth, but wished him to discharge his duty as he had been -accustomed to do. He repeated this intimation, after his arrival at -Edinburgh, to the principal persons of his congregation, and received -the same assurance from them, before he would resume preaching.[279] - -On the 17th of August, to the great joy of the queen’s faction, whom -he had overawed during his residence among them, the Reformer left -St Andrews, along with his family. He was accompanied so far on his -journey by the principal persons of his acquaintance in the town, -who sorrowfully took their leave of him, in the prospect of seeing -his face no more. Being obliged by his weakness to travel slowly, it -was the 23d of the month before he reached Leith, from which, after -resting a day or two, he came to Edinburgh. The inhabitants enjoyed -the satisfaction of seeing him again in his own pulpit, on the first -Sabbath after he arrived; but his voice was now so enfeebled that he -could not be heard by the half of the congregation. Nobody was more -sensible of this than himself. He therefore requested his session to -provide a smaller house, in which he could be heard, if it were only -by a hundred persons; for his voice, {213} he said, was not able, even -in his best time, to extend over the multitude which assembled in that -large church, much less now when he was so greatly debilitated. This -request was readily complied with by the session.[280] - -During his absence, a coolness had taken place between his colleague -and the parish, who found fault with him for temporizing during -the time that the queen’s party retained possession of the city. In -consequence of this, they had mutually agreed to separate.[281] After -preaching two years in Montrose, Craig removed to Aberdeen, where he -acted as visitor of the churches in Buchan and Mar; and was afterwards -chosen minister to the royal household, a situation which he held -until his death in 1600, at the advanced age of eighty‑eight.[282] -Being deprived of both their pastors, and having no prospect that Knox, -although he should return, would be capable of performing the public -service among them, the kirk‑session of Edinburgh had instructed their -delegates to the General Assembly lately held at Perth, to petition -that court for liberty to choose from the ministry a colleague -to the Reformer. The Assembly granted their request, and ordained -any minister (those of Perth and Dundee excepted) who might be -{214} chosen by Knox, the superintendent of Lothian, and the church -of Edinburgh, to comply with their invitation, and remove to the -capital.[283] When the commissioners came to St Andrews, they found -the superintendent along with Knox, and having consulted with them, -it was agreed to nominate and recommend James Lawson, sub‑principal -of the university of Aberdeen, a man eminent for his piety, learning, -and eloquence.[284] Perceiving, on his return to Edinburgh, that he -could not long be able to endure the fatigue of preaching, and that he -was already incapacitated for all other ministerial duties, Knox was -extremely solicitous to have this business speedily settled, lest the -congregation should be left “as sheep without a shepherd,” when he was -called away. The session and the superintendent having sent letters -of invitation to Lawson, the Reformer wrote him at the same time, -urging his speedy compliance with their requests. This letter is very -descriptive of the state of his mind at this interesting period. - -“All worldlie strenth, yea ewin in thingis spirituall, decayes; and -yet sall never the work of God decay. Belovit brother, seeing that God -of his mercie, far above my expectatione, has callit me ones againe to -Edinburgh, and yet that I feill nature so {215} decayed, and daylie to -decay, that I luke not for a long continewance of my battell, I wald -gladlie anes discharge my conscience into your bosome, and into the -bosome of utheris, in whome I think the feare of God remanes. Gif I -hath had the habilitie of bodie, I suld not have put you to the pane -to the whilk I now requyre you, that is, anes to visite me, that we -may conferre together of heawinlie thingis; for into earth there is -no stability, except the kirk of Jesus Christ, ever fightand vnder -the crosse, to whose myghtie protectione I hartlie comitt you. Of -Edinburgh the vii of September, 1572. Jhone Knox. - -“Haist, leist ye come too lait.”[285] - -In the beginning of September, intelligence reached Edinburgh, that -the admiral of France, the brave, the generous, the pious Coligni, -was murdered in the city of Paris, by the orders of Charles IX. -Immediately on the back of this, tidings arrived of that most -detestable and unparalleled scene of barbarity and treachery, the -general massacre of the protestants throughout that kingdom. Post -after post brought fresh accounts of the most shocking and unheard‑of -cruelties. Hired cut‑throats and fanatical cannibals marched from city -to city, paraded the streets, and entered into the houses of those -that were marked out for destruction. No reverence was shown to the -hoary head, no respect to rank or talents, no pity to tender age or -sex. Infants, aged matrons, and women {216} upon the point of their -delivery, were trodden under the feet of the assassins, or dragged -with hooks into the rivers; others, after being thrown into prison, -were instantly brought out and butchered in cold blood. Seventy -thousand persons were murdered in one week. For several days, the -streets of Paris literally ran with blood. The savage monarch, -standing at the windows of the palace, with his courtiers, glutted -his eyes with the inhuman spectacle, and amused himself with firing -upon the miserable fugitives who sought shelter at his merciless -gates.[286] - -The intelligence of this massacre (for which a solemn thanksgiving -was offered up at Rome by order of the pope[287]) produced the same -horror and consternation in Scotland as in every other protestant -country.[288] It inflicted a deep wound on the exhausted spirit of -Knox. Besides the blow struck at the reformed body, he had to lament -the loss of many {217} individuals, eminent for piety, learning, and -rank, whom he numbered among his acquaintance. Being conveyed to the -pulpit, and summoning up the remainder of his strength, he thundered -the vengeance of Heaven against “that cruel murderer and false traitor, -the king of France,” and desired Le Croc, the French ambassador, to -tell his master, that sentence was pronounced against him in Scotland, -that the divine vengeance would never depart from him, nor from his -house, if repentance did not ensue; but his name would remain an -execration to posterity, and none proceeding from his loins should -enjoy his kingdom in peace. The ambassador complained of the indignity -offered to his master, and required the regent to silence the preacher; -but this was refused, upon which he left Scotland.[289] - -Lawson, having received the letters of invitation, hastened to -Edinburgh. He had the satisfaction to find that Knox was still able -to receive him; and, having preached to the people, gave universal -satisfaction. On the following Sabbath, the 21st of September, Knox -began to preach in the Tolbooth church, which was now fitted up for -him. He chose for the subject of his discourses, the account of our -Saviour’s crucifixion, as recorded in the twenty‑seventh chapter -of the Gospel according to Matthew, a theme with which he had often -expressed a wish to close his ministry. On Sabbath, the 9th of -November, he presided at the installation of Lawson as his colleague -and successor. {218} The sermon was preached by him in the Tolbooth -church; after which he removed, with the audience, to the large church, -where he went through the accustomed form of admission, by proposing -the questions to the minister and people, addressing an exhortation -to both, and praying for the divine blessing upon their connexion. -On no former occasion did he give more satisfaction to those who were -able to hear him. After declaring the respective duties of pastor -and people, he protested, in the presence of him to whom he expected -soon to give an account, that he had walked among them with a good -conscience, preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ in all sincerity, not -studying to please men, nor to gratify his own affections; he praised -God, that he had been pleased to give them a pastor in his room, when -he was now unable to teach; he fervently prayed, that any gifts which -had been conferred on himself might be augmented a thousand fold -in his successor; and, in a most serious and impressive manner, he -exhorted and charged the whole assembly to adhere steadfastly to -the faith which they had professed. Having finished the service, -and pronounced the blessing with a cheerful but exhausted voice, he -descended from the pulpit, and leaning upon his staff and the arm of -an attendant, crept down the street, which was lined with the audience, -who, as if anxious to take the last sight of their beloved pastor, -followed him until he entered his house, from which he never again -came out alive.[290] - -{219} On Tuesday following, the 11th of November, he was seized -with a severe cough, which greatly affected his breathing.[291] When -his friends, anxious to prolong his life, proposed to call in the -assistance of physicians, he readily acquiesced, saying that he would -not neglect the ordinary means of health, although he was persuaded -that death would soon put an end to all his sorrows. It had been his -ordinary practice to read every day some chapters of the Old and New -Testament; to which he added a certain number of the Psalms of David, -the whole of which he perused regularly once a‑month. On Thursday -the 13th, he sickened, and was obliged to desist from his course of -reading; but he gave directions {220} to his wife, and his secretary, -Richard Bannatyne, that one of them should every day read to him, with -a distinct voice, the seventeenth chapter of the Gospel according to -John, the fifty‑third of Isaiah, and a chapter of the Epistle to the -Ephesians. This was punctually complied with during the whole time -of his sickness; and scarcely an hour passed in which some part of -scripture was not read in his hearing. Besides the above passages, -he, at different times, fixed on certain Psalms, and some of Calvin’s -French sermons on the Ephesians. Thinking him at times to be asleep, -when they were engaged in reading, they enquired if he heard them, -to which he answered, “I hear, (I praise God,) and understand far -better;” words which he uttered for the last time, within four hours -of his death. - -The same day on which he sickened, he desired his wife to -discharge the servants’ wages; and wishing next day to pay one of -his men‑servants himself, he gave him twenty shillings above his fee, -saying, “Thou wilt never receive more from me in this life.” To all -of them he addressed suitable exhortations to walk in the fear of God, -and as became Christians who had lived in his family. - -On Friday, the 14th, he rose from bed at an earlier hour than usual; -and thinking that it was Sabbath, said, that he meant to go to church, -and preach on the resurrection of Christ, upon which he had been -meditating through the night. This was the subject on which he should -have preached in his ordinary course. But he was so weak, that he -needed to be {221} supported from his bedside by two men, and it was -with great difficulty that he could sit on a chair. - -Next day, at noon, John Durie, one of the ministers of Leith, and -Archibald Steward, who were among his most intimate acquaintance, -came into his room. Perceiving that he was very sick, they wished to -take their leave, but he insisted that they should remain, and having -prevailed with them to stay dinner, he rose from bed, and came to -the table, which was the last time that he ever sat at it. He ordered -a hogshead of wine which was in his cellar to be pierced for them; -and, with a hilarity which he delighted to indulge among his friends, -desired Steward to send for some of it as long as it lasted, for he -would not tarry until it was all drunk. - -On Sabbath, the 16th, he kept his bed, and mistaking it for the first -day of the fast appointed on account of the French massacre, refused -to take any dinner. Fairley of Braid, who was present, informed -him that the fast did not commence until the following Sabbath, and -sitting down, and dining before his bed, prevailed on him to take a -little food. - -He was very anxious to meet once more with the session of his -church, to leave them his dying charge, and bid them a last farewell. -In compliance with this wish, his colleague, the elders, and deacons, -with David Lindsay, one of the ministers of Leith, assembled in his -room on Monday the 17th, when he addressed them in the following words, -which made a deep and lasting impression on the minds of all:――“The -day approaches, and is now before the door, {222} for which I have -frequently and vehemently thirsted, when I shall be released from my -great labours and innumerable sorrows, and shall be with Christ. And -now, God is my witness, whom I have served in the spirit in the gospel -of his Son, that I have taught nothing but the true and solid doctrine -of the gospel of the Son of God, and have had it for my only object to -instruct the ignorant, to confirm the faithful, to comfort the weak, -the fearful, and the distressed, by the promises of grace, and to -fight against the proud and rebellious by the divine threatenings. -I know that many have frequently complained, and do still loudly -complain, of my too great severity; but God knows that my mind was -always void of hatred to the persons of those against whom I thundered -the severest judgments. I cannot deny that I felt the greatest -abhorrence at the sins in which they indulged, but still I kept this -one thing in view, that, if possible, I might gain them to the Lord. -What influenced me to utter whatever the Lord put into my mouth, so -boldly, and without respect of persons, was a reverential fear of -my God, who called and of his grace appointed me to be a steward of -divine mysteries, and a belief that he will demand an account of the -manner in which I have discharged the trust committed to me, when I -shall stand at last before his tribunal. I profess, therefore, before -God, and before his holy angels, that I never made merchandise of the -sacred word of God, never studied to please men, never indulged my own -private passions or those of others, but faithfully {223} distributed -the talents intrusted to me for the edification of the church over -which I watched. Whatever obloquy wicked men may cast on me respecting -this point, I rejoice in the testimony of a good conscience. In the -meantime, my dear brethren, do you persevere in the eternal truth of -the gospel: wait diligently on the flock over which the Lord hath set -you, and which he redeemed with the blood of his only begotten Son. -And thou, my dearest brother Lawson, fight the good fight, and do -the work of the Lord joyfully and resolutely. The Lord from on high -bless you, and the whole church of Edinburgh, against whom, as long -as they persevere in the word of truth which they have heard of me, -the gates of hell shall not prevail.”[292] Having warned them against -countenancing those who disowned the king’s authority, and made some -observations on a complaint which Maitland had lodged against him -before the session, he became so exhausted as to be obliged to desist -from speaking. Those who were present were filled both with joy and -grief by this affecting address. After reminding him of the warfare -which he had endured, and the triumph which awaited him, and joining -in prayer, they took their leave of him, drowned in tears. - -When they were going out, he desired his colleague and Lindsay to -remain behind. “There is one thing that greatly grieves me,” said -he to them. {224} “You have been witnesses of the former courage and -constancy of Grange in the cause of God; but now, alas! into what -a gulf has he precipitated himself! I entreat you not to refuse the -request which I now make to you. Go to the castle, and tell him: -‘John Knox remains the same man now when he is about to die, that ever -he knew him when able in body, and wills him to consider what he was, -and the estate in which he now stands, which is a great part of his -trouble. Neither the craggy rock in which he miserably confides, nor -the carnal prudence of that man [Maitland] whom he esteems a demi‑god, -nor the assistance of strangers, shall preserve him; but he shall -be disgracefully dragged from his nest to punishment, and hung on a -gallows before the face of the sun, unless he speedily amend his life, -and flee to the mercy of God.’ That man’s soul is dear to me, and I -would not have it perish, if I could save it.” The ministers undertook -to execute this commission; and going up to the castle, they obtained -an interview with the governor, and delivered their message. He at -first exhibited symptoms of relenting, but having consulted apart with -Maitland, he returned, and gave them a very unpleasant answer. This -being reported to Knox, he was much grieved, and said, that he had -been earnest in prayer for that man, and still trusted that his soul -would be saved, although his body should come to a miserable end.[293] - -{225} After his interview with the session he became much worse; his -difficulty of breathing increased, and he could not speak without -great and obvious pain. Yet he continued still to receive persons -of every rank, who came in great numbers to visit him, and suffered -none to go away without advices, which he uttered with such variety -and suitableness as astonished those who waited upon him. Lord Boyd, -coming into his chamber, said, “I know, sir, that I have offended -you in many things, and am now come to crave your pardon.” The answer -was not heard, as the attendants retired and left them alone; but his -lordship returned next day in company with Drumlanrig and Morton. The -Reformer’s private conversation with the latter was very particular, -as afterwards related by the earl himself. He asked him, if he -was previously acquainted with the design to murder the late king. -Morton having answered in the negative,[294] he said, “Well, God has -beautified you with many benefits which he has not given to every man; -as he has given you riches, wisdom, and {226} friends, and now is to -prefer you to the government of this realm.[295] And, therefore, in -the name of God, I charge you to use all these benefits aright, and -better in time to come than ye have done in times bypast; first to -God’s glory, to the furtherance of the evangel, the maintenance of -the church of God, and his ministry; next for the weal of the king, -and his realm and true subjects. If so ye shall do, God shall bless -you and honour you; but if ye do it not, God shall spoil you of these -benefits, and your end shall be ignominy and shame.”[296] - -On Thursday, the 20th, lord Lindsay, the bishop of Caithness, and -several gentlemen, visited him. He exhorted them to continue in the -truth which they had heard, for there was no other word of salvation, -and besought them to have nothing to do with those in the castle. -The earl of Glencairn (who had often visited him) came in, with lord -Ruthven. The latter, who called only once, said to him, “If there be -any thing, Sir, that I am able to do for you, I pray you {227} charge -me.” His reply was, “I care not for all the pleasure and friendship of -the world.” - -A religious lady of his acquaintance desired him to praise God for -what good he had done, and was beginning to speak in his commendation, -when he interrupted her. “Tongue! tongue! lady; flesh of itself is -over‑proud, and needs no means to esteem itself.” He put her in mind -of what had been said to her long ago, “Lady, lady, the black one has -never trampit on your fute;” and exhorted her to lay aside pride, and -be clothed with humility. He then protested as to himself, as he had -often done before, that he relied wholly on the free mercy of God, -manifested to mankind through his dear Son Jesus Christ, whom alone -he embraced for wisdom, and righteousness, and sanctification, and -redemption. The rest of the company having taken their leave of him, -he said to Fairley of Braid, “Every one bids me good‑night; but when -will you do it? I have been greatly indebted unto you; for which I -shall never be able to recompense you; but I commit you to one that -is able to do it, to the eternal God.” - -On Friday, the 21st, he desired Richard Bannatyne to order his coffin -to be made. During that day he was much engaged in meditation and -prayer. These words dropped from his lips at intervals: “Come, Lord -Jesus.――Sweet Jesus, into thy hand I commend my spirit.――Be merciful, -Lord, to thy church which thou hast redeemed.――Give peace to this -afflicted commonwealth.――Raise up faithful pastors who will take the -charge of thy church.――Grant {228} us, Lord, the perfect hatred of sin, -both by the evidences of thy wrath and mercy.” In the midst of his -meditations, he often addressed those who stood by, in such sentences -as these:――“O serve the Lord in fear, and death shall not be terrible -to you. Nay, blessed shall death be to those who have felt the power -of the death of the only begotten Son of God.” - -On Sabbath, the 23d, (which was the first day of the national fast,) -during the afternoon sermon, after lying a considerable time quiet, he -suddenly exclaimed, “If any be present, let them come and see the work -of God.” Thinking that his death was at hand, Bannatyne sent to the -church for Johnston of Elphingston. When he came to the bedside, Knox -burst out in these rapturous expressions:――“I have been these two last -nights in meditation on the troubled state of the church of God, the -spouse of Jesus Christ, despised of the world, but precious in the -sight of God. I have called to God for her, and have committed her to -her head, Jesus Christ. I have fought against spiritual wickedness in -heavenly things, and have prevailed. I have been in heaven, and have -possession. I have tasted of the heavenly joys where presently I am.” -He then repeated the Lord’s prayer and the creed, interjecting devout -aspirations between the articles of the latter. - -After sermon, many came to visit him. Perceiving that he breathed -with great difficulty, some of them asked, if he felt much pain. -He answered, that he was willing to lie there for years, if God -so pleased, and if he continued to shine upon his soul through -{229} Jesus Christ. He slept very little; but was employed almost -incessantly either in meditation, in prayer, or in exhortation. “Live -in Christ. Live in Christ, and then flesh need not fear death.――Lord, -grant true pastors to thy church, that purity of doctrine may be -retained.――Restore peace again to this commonwealth, with godly -rulers and magistrates.――Once, Lord, make an end of my trouble.” Then, -stretching his hands towards heaven, he said, “Lord, I commend my -spirit, soul, and body, and all, into thy hands. Thou knowest, O Lord, -my troubles: I do not murmur against thee.” His pious ejaculations -were so numerous, that those who waited on him could recollect only -a small portion of what he uttered; for seldom was he silent, when -they were not employed in reading or in prayer. - -Monday, the 24th of November, was the last day that he spent on earth. -That morning he could not be persuaded to lie in bed, but, though -unable to stand alone, rose between nine and ten o’clock, and put on -his stockings and doublet. Being conducted to a chair, he sat about -half an hour, and then was put to bed again. In the progress of the -day, it appeared evident that his end drew near. Besides his wife and -Bannatyne, Campbell of Kinyeancleugh, Johnston of Elphingston, and -Dr Preston, three of his most intimate acquaintance, sat by turns at -his bedside. Kinyeancleugh asked him if he had any pain. “It is no -painful pain, but such a pain as shall soon, I trust, put end to the -battle. I must leave the care of my wife and children to you,” {230} -continued he, “to whom you must be a husband in my room.” About three -o’clock in the afternoon, one of his eyes failed, and his speech -was considerably affected. He desired his wife to read the fifteenth -chapter of the first epistle to the Corinthians. “Is not that a -comfortable chapter?” said he, when it was finished. “O what sweet -and salutary consolation the Lord hath afforded me from that chapter!” -A little after, he said, “Now, for the last time, I commend my soul, -spirit, and body, (touching three of his fingers,) into thy hand, -O Lord.” About five o’clock, he said to his wife, “Go, read where -I cast my first anchor;” upon which she read the seventeenth chapter -of John’s Gospel, and afterwards a part of Calvin’s sermons on the -Ephesians. - -After this he appeared to fall into a slumber, interrupted by -heavy moans, during which the attendants looked every moment for his -dissolution. But at length he awaked, as if from sleep, and being -asked the cause of his sighing so deeply, replied:――“I have formerly, -during my frail life, sustained many contests, and many assaults of -Satan; but at present he hath assailed me most fearfully, and put -forth all his strength to devour, and make an end of me at once. -Often before has he placed my sins before my eyes, often tempted me -to despair, often endeavoured to ensnare me by the allurements of the -world; but these weapons were broken by the sword of the Spirit, the -word of God, and the enemy failed. Now he has attacked me in another -way: the cunning serpent has laboured to persuade me {231} that I have -merited heaven and eternal blessedness, by the faithful discharge of -my ministry. But blessed be God, who has enabled me to beat down and -quench this fiery dart, by suggesting to me such passages of Scripture -as these:――‘What hast thou that thou hast not received?――By the grace -of God I am what I am:――Not I, but the grace of God in me.’ Upon -this, as one vanquished, he left me. Wherefore I give thanks to my -God through Jesus Christ, who has been pleased to give me the victory; -and I am persuaded that the tempter shall not again attack me, but, -within a short time, I shall, without any great pain of body, or -anguish of mind, exchange this mortal and miserable life for a blessed -immortality through Jesus Christ.” - -He then lay quiet for some hours, except that now and then he desired -them to wet his mouth with a little weak ale. At ten o’clock, they -read the evening prayer, which they had delayed beyond the usual -hour, from an apprehension that he was asleep. After this exercise was -concluded, Dr Preston asked him if he had heard the prayers. “Would -to God,” said he, “that you and all men had heard them as I have heard -them; I praise God for that heavenly sound.” The doctor rose up, and -Kinyeancleugh sat down before his bed. About eleven o’clock, he gave -a deep sigh, and said, “Now it is come.” Bannatyne immediately drew -near, and desired him to think upon those comfortable promises of our -Saviour Jesus Christ, which he had so often declared to others; and, -perceiving that he was {232} speechless, requested him to give them a -sign that he heard them, and died in peace. Upon this he lifted up one -of his hands, and, sighing twice, expired without a struggle.[297] - -He died in the sixty‑seventh year of his age, not so much oppressed -with years, as worn out and exhausted by his extraordinary labours of -body and anxieties of mind. Few men were ever exposed to more dangers, -or underwent greater hardships. From the time that he embraced the -reformed religion till he breathed his last, seldom did he enjoy a -respite from trouble; and he emerged from one scene of difficulty and -danger, only to be involved in another still more distressing. Obliged -to flee from St Andrews to escape the fury of cardinal Beatoun, -he found a retreat in East Lothian, from which he was hunted by -archbishop Hamilton. He lived for several years as an outlaw, in daily -apprehension of falling a prey to those who eagerly sought his life. -The few months during which he enjoyed protection in the castle of -St Andrews, were succeeded by a long and rigorous captivity. After -enjoying some repose in England, he was again driven into banishment, -and for five years wandered as an exile on the continent. When he -returned to his native country, it was to engage in a struggle of -the most perilous and arduous {233} kind. After the Reformation was -established, and he was settled in the capital, he was involved in -a continual contest with the court. When he was relieved from this -warfare, and thought only of ending his days in peace, he was again -called into the field; and, although scarcely able to walk, was -obliged to remove from his flock, and to avoid the fury of his enemies -by submitting to a new banishment. He was repeatedly condemned for -heresy, and proclaimed an outlaw; thrice he was accused of high -treason, and on two of these occasions he appeared and underwent a -trial. A price was publicly set on his head; assassins were employed -to kill him; and his life was attempted both with the pistol and the -dagger. Yet he escaped all these perils, and finished his course in -peace and in honour. No wonder that he was weary of the world, and -anxious to depart; and with great propriety might it be said, at his -decease, that “he rested from his labours.” - -On Wednesday, the 26th of November, he was interred in the churchyard -of St Giles.[298] His funeral {234} was attended by the newly elected -regent, Morton, by all the nobility who were in the city, and a great -concourse of people. When his body was laid in the grave, the regent -emphatically pronounced his eulogium, in these words, “There lies he, -who never feared the face of man.”[299] - -The character of this extraordinary man has been drawn in opposite -colours, by different writers, and at different times. And the changes -which have taken place in the public opinion about him, with the -causes which have produced them, form a subject neither uncurious, -nor unworthy of attention. - -The interest excited by the revolutions of Scotland, ecclesiastical -and political, in which he acted so conspicuous a part, caused his -name to be known throughout Europe, more extensively than those of -most of the reformers. When we reflect, that the Roman catholics -looked upon him as the principal instrument in overthrowing their -religious establishment in this country, we are prepared to expect -that writers of that persuasion would represent his character in an -unfavourable light; and that, in addition to the common charges of -heresy and apostasy, they would describe him as a man of a restless, -turbulent spirit, and of rebellious principles. We will not even be -greatly surprised though we find them charging him with whoredom, -because, being a priest, he entered {235} into wedlock, once and -a second time; and imputing his change of religion to a desire of -releasing himself from the bonds by which the popish clergy were -professionally bound to chastity. But all this is nothing to the -portraits which they have drawn of him, in which, to the violation of -all credibility, he is unblushingly represented as a man, or rather -a monster, of the most profligate character, who gloried in depravity, -who avowedly indulged in the most vicious practices, and upon whom -providence fixed the most evident marks of reprobation at his death, -which was accompanied with circumstances that excited the utmost -horror in the beholders.[300] This might astonish us, did we not -know, from undoubted documents, that there were at that time a class -of writers, who, by inventing or retailing such malignant calumnies, -attempted to blast the fairest and most unblemished characters among -those who appeared in opposition to the church of Rome; and that, -absurd and outrageous as the accusations were, they were greedily -swallowed by the numerous slaves of prejudice and credulity. The -memory of no one was loaded with a greater share of this obloquy than -our Reformer’s. But these accounts have long ago lost every degree of -credit; and they now remain only as a proof of the spirit of lies or -of strong delusion, by which these writers were actuated, and of the -deep and deadly hatred which they had conceived against the object -of their calumny, on account of his strenuous and {236} successful -exertions in overthrowing the fabric of papal superstition and -despotism. - -Knox was known and esteemed by the principal persons among the -reformed in France, Switzerland, and Germany. We have had occasion -repeatedly to mention his friendship with the reformer of Geneva. -Beza, the successor of Calvin, was also personally acquainted with -him; the letters which he wrote to him abound with expressions of the -warmest regard, and highest esteem; and, in his Images of Illustrious -Men, he afterwards raised an affectionate tribute to our Reformer’s -memory. This was done, at a subsequent period, by the German -biographer, Melchior Adam, the Dutch Van Heiden, and the French -La Roque. The late historian of the literature of Geneva, (whose -religious sentiments are very different from those of Calvin and Beza,) -although he is displeased with the philippics which Knox sometimes -pronounced from the pulpit, says, that “he immortalized himself by his -courage against popery, and his firmness against the tyranny of Mary; -and that though a violent, he was always an open and honourable, enemy -to the catholics.”[301] - -The affectionate veneration in which his memory continued to be held -in Scotland after his death, evinces that the influence which he -possessed among his countrymen during his life was not constrained, -but founded on the high opinion which they entertained of his virtues -and talents. Bannatyne has {237} drawn his character in the most -glowing colours; and, although allowances must be made for the -enthusiasm with which a favourite servant[302] wrote of a beloved and -revered master, yet, as he lived long in the Reformer’s family, and -was himself a man of respectability and learning, his testimony is by -no means to be disregarded. In a speech which he delivered before the -General Assembly in March 1571, when in his master’s name he craved -justice against the calumnies circulated by the queen’s party, he said, -“It has pleased God to make me a servant to that man John Knox, whom -I serve, as God bears me witness, not so much in respect of my worldly -commodity, as for that integrity and uprightness which I have ever -known, and presently understand, to be in him, especially in the -faithful administration of his office, in teaching of the word of God; -and if I understood, or knew that he was a false teacher, a seducer, a -raiser of schism, or one that makes division in the church of God, as -he is reported to be by the former accusations, I would not serve him -for all the substance in Edinburgh.”[303] And, in his journal, after -giving an account of Knox’s death, he adds:――“In {238} this manner -departed this man of God: the light of Scotland, the comfort of -the church within the same, the mirror of godliness, and pattern -and example to all true ministers, in purity of life, soundness of -doctrine, and boldness in reproving of wickedness; one that cared -not the favour of men, how great soever they were. What dexterity -in teaching, boldness in reproving, and hatred of wickedness was in -him, my ignorant dullness is not able to declare, which if I should -preis[304] to set out, it were as one who would light a candle to -let men see the sun; seeing all his virtues are better known and -notified to the world a thousand fold than I am able to express.”[305] - -Principal Smeton’s character of him, while it is less liable to the -suspicion of partiality, is equally honourable and flattering. “I -know not,” says he, “if ever so much piety and genius were lodged in -such a frail and weak body. Certain I am, that it will be difficult -to find one in whom the gifts of the Holy Spirit shone so bright, -to the comfort of the church of Scotland. None spared himself less -in enduring fatigues bodily and mental; none was more intent on -discharging the duties of the province assigned to him.” And again, -addressing his calumniator Hamilton, he says, “This illustrious, I say -illustrious servant of God, John Knox, I shall clear from your feigned -accusations and slanders, by the testimony of a venerable assembly -rather than by my own denial. {239} This pious duty, this reward of -a well‑spent life, all its members most cheerfully discharge to their -excellent instructor in Christ Jesus. This testimony of gratitude -they all owe to him, who, they know, ceased not to deserve well of all -till he ceased to breathe. Released from a body exhausted in Christian -warfare, and translated to a blessed rest, where he has obtained the -sweet reward of his labours, he now triumphs with Christ. But beware, -sycophant, of insulting him when dead; for he has left behind him as -many defenders of his reputation as there are persons who were drawn, -by his faithful preaching, from the gulf of ignorance to the knowledge -of the gospel.”[306] - -The divines of the church of England, who were contemporary with Knox, -entertained a great respect for his character, and ranked him along -with the most eminent of their own reformers.[307] I have already -produced the mark of esteem which bishop Bale conferred on him, and -the terms of approbation in which he was mentioned by Dr Fulke, one of -the most learned of the English divines in the sixteenth century.[308] -Aylmer, in a work written to confute one of his opinions, bears a -voluntary testimony to his {240} learning and integrity.[309] And -Ridley, who stickled more for the ceremonies of the church than any -of his brethren in the reign of Edward VI., and who was displeased -with the opposition which Knox made to the introduction of the -English liturgy at Frankfort, expressed his high opinion of him, as -“a man of wit, much good learning, and earnest zeal.”[310] Whatever -dissatisfaction they felt at his pointed reprehension of several -parts of their ecclesiastical establishment, the English dignitaries, -under Elizabeth, rejoiced at the success of his exertions, and without -scruple expressed their approbation of many of his measures which were -afterwards severely censured by their successors.[311] I need scarcely -add, that his memory was held in veneration by the English Puritans. -Some of the chief men among them were personally acquainted with -him during his residence in England and on the continent; and others -of them corresponded with him by letter. They highly esteemed his -writings, sought for his manuscripts with avidity, and published them -with testimonies of the warmest approbation.[312] - -{241} Towards the close of the sixteenth century, there arose -another race of prelates, of very different principles from the -English reformers, who began to maintain the divine right of diocesan -episcopacy, with the intrinsic excellency of a ceremonious worship, -and to adopt a new language respecting other reformed churches. -Dr Bancroft, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, was the first -writer among them who spoke disrespectfully of Knox,[313] after whom -it became a fashionable practice among the hierarchical party. This -was resented by the ministers of Scotland, who warmly vindicated -the character of their Reformer,[314] at the expense of incurring -the frowns and resentment of their sovereign. Though educated under -the greatest scholar of the age, and one who was a decided friend to -popular liberty, James, in spite of {242} the instructions of Buchanan, -proved a pedant, and cowardice alone prevented him from becoming a -tyrant. His early favourites flattered his vanity, fostered his love -of arbitrary power, and inspired him with the strongest prejudice -against the principles and conduct of those men who, during his early -years, had been the instruments of preserving his life and supporting -his authority. To secure his succession to the English crown, he -entered into a private correspondence with Bancroft, and concerted -with him the scheme of introducing episcopacy into the church of -Scotland. The presbyterian ministers incurred his deep and lasting -displeasure by their determined resistance to this design, and by the -united and firm opposition which they made to the illegal and despotic -measures of his government. He was particularly displeased at the -testimony which they publicly bore to the characters of Knox, Buchanan, -and the regent Murray, who “could not be defended,” he said, “but by -traitors and seditious theologues.” Andrew Melville told him that they -were the men who had set the crown on his head, and deserved better -of him than to be so traduced. James complained that Knox had spoken -disrespectfully of his mother; to which Patrick Galloway, one of the -ministers of Edinburgh, replied, “If a king or a queen be a murderer, -why should they not be called so?” Walter Balcanquhal, another -minister of the city, having, in one of his sermons, rebuked those -who disparaged the Reformer, the king sent for him, and in a passion -protested that “either he should lose his crown, or Mr Walter {243} -should recant his words.” Balcanquhal “prayed God to preserve his -crown; but said, that if he had his right wits, the king should have -his head, before he recanted any thing he spake.”[315] - -James carried his antipathies to the presbyterian church and reformers -along with him to England, and he found it an easy matter to infuse -them into the minds of his new subjects. Incensed at the freedom which -Buchanan had used in his history of the transactions during the reign -of Mary, he had, before leaving Scotland, procured the condemnation of -that work by an act of parliament. And now he did not think it enough -that he had got Camden’s history of that period manufactured to his -mind, but employed agents to induce the French historian, De Thou, -to adopt his representations; and because that great man scrupled to -receive the royal testimony respecting events which happened before -James was born, or when he was a child, in opposition to the most -credible evidence, his majesty was pleased to complain that he had -been treated disrespectfully.[316] Charles I. carried these prejudices -even farther than his father had done. During his reign, passive -obedience, arminianism, and semi‑popery, formed the court religion; -Calvinism and presbytery were held in the greatest detestation, and -proscribed both as {244} political and religious heresies. In the -reign of the second Charles, the court, the bench, the pulpit, the -press, and the stage, united in loading presbyterians with every -species of abuse, and in holding them forth as a gloomy, unsocial, -turbulent, and fanatical race. And a large share of these contumelies -uniformly fell on the head of Knox, who, it was alleged, had brought -the obnoxious principles of the sect from Geneva, and planted them -in his native country, from which they had spread into England. The -revolution was effected in England by a coalition of parties of very -different principles, some of which were not of the most liberal kind. -Though this event abated the force of the prejudices alluded to, it -by no means removed them; and a considerable time after it took place, -the great, the fashionable, and even the learned, among the English, -regarded the Scots as only beginning to emerge from that inelegance -and barbarism which had been produced by the peculiar sentiments of -Knox and his followers. - -The great body of his countrymen, however, continued long to entertain -a just sense of the many obligations which they were under to Knox. -After the government of the church of Scotland was conformed to the -English model, the Scottish prelates still professed to look back to -their national Reformer with sentiments of gratitude and veneration; -and archbishop Spotswood describes him as “a man endued with rare -gifts, and a chief instrument that God used for the work of those -times.”[317] For a considerable {245} time after the revolution, the -presbyterians of Scotland treated with deserved contempt the libels -which English writers had published against him; and blushed not to -avow their admiration of a man to whose labours they were indebted for -an ecclesiastical establishment, more scriptural and more liberal than -that of which their neighbours could boast. The Union first produced -a change in our national feelings on this subject. The shortlived -jealousy of English predominance, felt by many of our countrymen -on that occasion, was succeeded by a passion for conformity to our -southern neighbours; and so fond did we become of their good opinion, -and so eager to secure it, that we were disposed to sacrifice to their -taste and their prejudices, sentiments which truth as well as national -honour required us to retain and cherish. Our most popular writers -are not exempt from this charge; and even in works professing to be -executed by the united talents of our literati, the misrepresentations -and gross blunders of which English writers had been guilty in their -accounts of our reformation, and the false and scandalous accusations -which they had brought against our reformers, have been generally -adopted and widely circulated, instead of meeting with the exposure -and reprobation which they so justly merited. - -The prejudices entertained against our Reformer by the friends of -absolute monarchy, were taken up in all their force, subsequently to -the revolution, by the adherents of the Stuart family, whose religious -notions, approximating very nearly to the popish, {246} joined with -their slavish principle respecting non‑resistance to kings, led -them to disapprove of almost every measure adopted at the time of -the Reformation, and to condemn the whole as a series of disorder, -sedition, and rebellion against lawful authority. The spirit by which -the Jacobitish faction was actuated, did not become extinct with -the family which had so long been the object of their devotion; and -while they transferred their allegiance to the house of Hanover, they -retained those principles which had incited them repeatedly to attempt -its expulsion from the throne. The alarm produced by that revolution -which of late has shaken the thrones of so many of the princes -of Europe, has greatly increased this party; and with the view of -preserving the present constitution of Britain, principles have been -widely disseminated, which, if they had been generally received in -the sixteenth century, would have perpetuated the reign of popery and -arbitrary power in Scotland. From persons of such principles, nothing -favourable to our Reformer can be expected. But the greatest torrent -of abuse, poured upon his character, has proceeded from those literary -champions who have come forward to avenge the wrongs, and vindicate -the innocence, of the peerless and immaculate Mary, queen of Scots! -Having conjured up in their imagination the image of an ideal -goddess, they have sacrificed to the object of their adoration all -the characters, which, in that age, were most estimable for learning, -patriotism, integrity, and religion. As if the quarrel which they had -espoused exempted them {247} from the ordinary laws of controversial -warfare, and conferred on them the absolute and undefeasible privilege -of calumniating and defaming at pleasure, they have pronounced -every person who spoke, wrote, or acted against that queen, to be -a hypocrite or a villain. In the raving style of these writers, Knox -was “a fanatical incendiary――a holy savage――the son of violence and -barbarism――the religious Sachem of religious Mohawks.”[318] - -I cannot do justice to the subject without adverting here to the -influence of the popular histories of those transactions written -by two distinguished individuals of our own country. The political -prejudices and sceptical opinions of Mr Hume are well known, and -appear prominently in every part of his History of England. Regarding -the various systems of religious belief and worship as distinguished -from one another merely by different shades of falsehood and -superstition, he has been led, by a strange but not inexplicable bias, -almost uniformly to show the most marked partiality to the grosser and -more corrupt forms of religion; has spoken with greater contempt of -the protestants than of the Roman catholics, and treated the Scottish -with greater severity than the English reformers. Forgetting what was -due to the character of a philosopher, which he was so ambitious {248} -to maintain in his other writings, he has acted as the partisan and -advocate of a particular family; and, in vindicating some of the worst -measures of the Stuarts, has done signal injustice to the memory of -the most illustrious patriots of both kingdoms. Though convinced that -the queen of Scotland was guilty of the crimes laid to her charge, -he has laboured to screen her from the infamy to which a fair and -unvarnished statement of facts must have exposed her character, by -fixing the attention of his readers on an untrue and exaggerated -representation of the rudeness of Knox and the other reformers by whom -she was surrounded, and by absurdly imputing to their treatment of her -the faults into which she was betrayed. No person who is acquainted -with the writings of Dr Robertson will accuse him of being actuated -by such improper motives. But the warmest admirers of his History of -Scotland cannot deny, that he has been misled by the temptation of -making Mary the heroine of his story, and of thus interesting his -readers deeply in his narrative, by blending the tender and romantic -with the more dry and uninteresting detail of public transactions. By -a studious exhibition of the personal charms and accomplishments of -the queen, by representing her faults as arising from the unfortunate -circumstances in which she was placed, by touching gently on the -errors of her conduct, while he dwells on the cruelty and the -dissimulation of her rival, and by describing her sufferings as -exceeding the tragical distresses which fancy has feigned to excite -sorrow and commiseration, {249} he throws a veil over those vices -which he could not deny; while the sympathy which his pathetic account -of her death naturally awakens in the minds of his readers, effaces -the impressions of her guilt which his preceding narrative had -produced. However amiable the feelings of the author might be, the -tendency of such a representation is evident. The Dissertation on the -murder of king Henry has, no doubt, convinced many of Mary’s accession -to the perpetration of that deed; but the History of Scotland has -done more to prepossess the public mind in favour of that princess, -than all the defences of her most zealous and ingenious advocates, -and consequently to excite prejudice against her opponents, who, -on the supposition of her guilt, acted a most meritorious part, and -are entitled, in other respects, to the gratitude and veneration of -posterity. - -The increase of infidelity and indifference to religion in modern -times, especially among the learned, has contributed, in no small -degree, to swell the tide of prejudice against our Reformer. Whatever -satisfaction persons of this description may express or feel at the -reformation from popery, as the means of emancipating the world from -superstition and priestcraft, they naturally despise and dislike -men who were inspired with the love of religion, and in whose plans -of reform the acquisition of civil liberty, and the advancement of -literature, held a subordinate place to the revival of primitive -Christianity. - -Nor can it escape observation, that prejudices against the characters -and proceedings of our reformers {250} are now far more general than -they formerly were among those who still profess to adhere to their -doctrine and system of church government. Impressed with a high -idea of the illumination of the present age, and entertaining a low -estimate of the attainments of those which preceded it; imperfectly -acquainted with the enormity and extent of the corrupt system of -religion which existed in this country at the era of the reformation; -inattentive to the spirit and principles of the adversaries with -whom our reformers were obliged to contend, and to the dangers and -difficulties with which they had to struggle,――they have too easily -lent an ear to the calumnies which have been circulated to their -prejudice, and rashly condemned measures which will be found, on -examination, to have been necessary to secure and to transmit the -invaluable blessings which we now enjoy. - -Having given this account of the opinions entertained respecting our -Reformer, I shall endeavour to sketch, with as much truth as I can, -the leading features of his character. - -That he possessed strong natural talents is unquestionable. -Inquisitive, ardent, acute; vigorous and bold in his conceptions, -he entered into all the subtilties of the scholastic science then -in vogue; yet, disgusted with its barren results, sought out a new -course of study, which gradually led to a complete revolution in his -sentiments. In his early years he had not access to that finished -education which many of his contemporaries obtained in foreign {251} -universities, and he was afterwards prevented, by his unsettled -and active mode of life, from prosecuting his studies with leisure; -but his abilities and application enabled him in a great measure to -surmount these disadvantages, and he remained a stranger to none of -the branches of learning which in that age were cultivated by persons -of his profession. He united in a high degree the love of study with -a disposition to active employment. The truths which he discovered, -he felt an irresistible impulse to impart to others, for which he -was qualified by a bold, fervid, and impetuous eloquence, singularly -adapted to arrest the attention, and govern the passions, of a fierce -and unpolished people. - -From the time that he embraced the reformed doctrine, the desire of -propagating it, and of delivering his countrymen from the delusions -and thraldom of popery, became his ruling passion, to which he was -always ready to sacrifice his ease, his interest, his reputation, and -his life. An ardent attachment to civil liberty held the next place in -his breast to love of the reformed religion. That the zeal with which -he laboured to advance these objects, was of the most disinterested -kind, no candid person who has paid attention to his life can doubt -for a moment, whatever opinion may be entertained of some of the means -which he employed for that purpose. He thought only of advancing the -glory of God, and promoting the welfare of his country. Intrepidity, -independence and elevation of mind, indefatigable activity, and -constancy which no disappointments {252} could shake, eminently -qualified him for the hazardous and difficult post which he occupied. -His integrity was above the suspicion of corruption; his firmness -proof equally against the solicitations of friends and the threats -of enemies. Though his impetuosity and courage led him frequently -to expose himself to danger, we never find him neglecting to take -prudent precautions for his safety. The confidence reposed in him by -his countrymen, shows the high opinion which they entertained of his -sagacity as well as of his honesty. The measures taken for advancing -the Reformation, were either adopted at his suggestion, or sanctioned -by his advice; and we must pronounce them to have been as wisely -planned as they were boldly executed. - -His ministerial functions were discharged with the greatest -assiduity, fidelity, and fervour. No avocation or infirmity prevented -him from appearing in the pulpit. Preaching was an employment in -which he delighted, and for which he was qualified, by an extensive -acquaintance with the scriptures, and by the happy art of applying -them, in the most striking manner, to the existing circumstances of -the church and of his hearers. His powers of alarming the conscience, -and arousing the passions, have been frequently celebrated; but -he excelled also in unfolding the consolations of the gospel, and -in calming the breasts of those who were agitated by a sense of -guilt, or suffering under the ordinary afflictions of life. When he -discoursed of the griefs and joys, the conflicts and triumphs, of -genuine christians, he described {253} what he had himself known and -experienced. The letters which he wrote to his familiar acquaintances -breathe the most ardent piety. The religious meditations in which -he spent his last sickness, were not confined to that period of his -life; they had been his habitual employment from the time that he was -brought to the knowledge of the truth, and his solace amidst all the -hardships and perils through which he had passed. - -With his brethren in the ministry he lived in the utmost cordiality. -We never read of the slightest variance between him and any of his -colleagues. While he was dreaded and hated by the licentious and -profane, whose vices he never spared, the religious and sober part -of his countrymen felt a veneration for him, which was founded on his -unblemished reputation, as well as his popular talents as a preacher. -In private life, he was beloved and revered by his friends and -domestics. He was subject to the illapses of melancholy and depression -of spirits, arising partly from natural constitution, and partly from -the maladies which had long preyed upon his health; which made him -(to use his own expression) churlish, and less capable of pleasing -and gratifying his friends than he was otherwise disposed to be. This -he confessed, and requested them to excuse;[319] but his friendship -was sincere, affectionate, and steady. When free from this morose -affection, he relished the pleasures {254} of society, and, among -his acquaintances, was accustomed to unbend his mind, by indulging in -innocent recreation, and in the sallies of wit and humour, to which he -had a strong propensity, notwithstanding the graveness of his general -deportment. In the course of his public life, the severer virtues of -his character were more frequently called into action; but we have met -with repeated instances of his acute sensibility; and the unaffected -tenderness which occasionally breaks forth in his private letters, -shows that he was no stranger to any of the charities of human life, -and that he could “rejoice with them that rejoiced, and weep with them -that wept.” - -Most of his faults may be traced to his natural temperament, and to -the character of the age and country in which he lived. His passions -were strong; he felt with the utmost keenness on every subject which -interested him; and as he felt he expressed himself, without disguise -and without affectation. The warmth of his zeal was apt to betray him -into intemperate language; his inflexible adherence to his opinions -inclined to obstinacy; and his independence of mind occasionally -assumed the appearance of haughtiness and disdain. In one solitary -instance, the anxiety which he felt for the preservation of the -great cause in which he was so deeply interested, betrayed him -into an advice which was not more inconsistent with the laws of -strict morality, than it was contrary to the stern uprightness, and -undisguised sincerity, which characterised the rest of his conduct. A -stranger to complimentary or smooth {255} language, little concerned -about the manner in which his reproofs were received, provided they -were merited, too much impressed with the evil of the offence to -think of the rank or character of the offender, he often “uttered -his admonitions with an acrimony and vehemence more apt to irritate -than to reclaim.” But he protested, at a time when persons are least -in danger of deception, and in a manner which should banish every -suspicion of the purity of his motives, that, in his sharpest rebukes, -he was influenced by hatred of vice, not of the vicious; that his -great aim was to reclaim the guilty, and that in using those means -which were necessary for this end, he frequently did violence to his -own feelings. - -Those who have charged him with insensibility and inhumanity, have -fallen into a mistake very common with superficial thinkers, who, in -judging of the character of persons who lived in a state of society -very different from their own, have pronounced upon their moral -qualities from the mere aspect of their exterior manners. He was -austere, not unfeeling; stern, not savage; vehement, not vindictive. -There is not an instance of his employing his influence to revenge any -personal injury which he had received. Rigid as his maxims respecting -the execution of justice were, there are numerous instances on record -of his interceding for the pardon of criminals; and, unless when -crimes were atrocious, or when the welfare of the state was in the -most imminent danger, he never exhorted the executive government -to the exercise of severity. The boldness {256} and ardour of his -mind, called forth by the peculiar circumstances of the times, led -him to push his sentiments on some subjects to an extreme, and no -consideration could induce him to retract an opinion of which he -continued to be persuaded; but his behaviour after his publication -against female government, proves that he satisfied himself with -declaring his own views, without seeking to disturb the public -peace by urging their adoption. His conduct at Frankfort evinced his -moderation in religious differences among brethren of the same faith, -and his disposition to make all reasonable allowances for those -who could not go the same length with him in reformation, provided -they abstained from imposing upon the consciences of others. The -liberties which he took in censuring from the pulpit the actions of -individuals of the highest rank and station, appear the more strange -and intolerable to us, when contrasted with the reserve and timidity -of modern times; but we should recollect that they were then common, -and that they were not without their utility, in an age when the -licentiousness and oppression of the great and powerful often set at -defiance the ordinary restraints of law. - -In contemplating such a character as that of Knox, it is not the _man_ -so much as the _reformer_, that ought to engage our attention. The -talents which are suited to one age and station would be altogether -unsuitable to another; and the wisdom displayed by Providence, in -raising up persons endowed with qualities singularly adapted to the -work which they {257} have to perform for the benefit of mankind, -demands our particular consideration. We must admire the austere and -rough reformer, whose voice once cried in the wilderness, who was -clothed with camel’s hair, and girt about the loins with a leathern -girdle, who came neither eating nor drinking, but laying the axe to -the root of every tree, warned a generation of vipers to flee from the -wrath to come, saying even to the tyrant upon the throne, “It is not -lawful for thee.” And we must consider him as fitted for “serving the -will of God in his generation,” according to his rank and place, as -well as his Divine Master, whose advent he announced, who “did not -strive, nor cry, nor cause his voice to be heard in the streets, nor -break the bruised reed, nor quench the smoking flax.” To those who -complain, that they are disappointed at not finding, in our national -Reformer, courteous manners, and a winning address, we may say, in the -language of our Lord to the Jews concerning the Baptist: “What went ye -out into the wilderness for to see? A reed shaken with the wind? What -went ye out for to see? A man clothed in soft raiment? Behold, they -which are gorgeously apparelled, and live delicately, are in kings’ -courts. But what went ye out for to see? A prophet? Yea, I say unto -you, and more than a prophet.” To the men of this generation, as well -as to the Jews of old, may be applied the parable of the children -sitting in the market‑place, and calling one to another, and saying, -“We have piped unto you, and ye {258} have not danced; we have mourned -unto you, and ye have not wept.” Disaffection to the work often lurks -under cavils against the instruments by which it is carried on; and -had Knox been softer and more yielding in his temper, he would have -been pronounced unfit for his office by the very persons who now -censure his harshness and severity. “But wisdom is justified of all -her children.” Before the Reformation, superstition, shielded by -ignorance, and armed with power, governed with gigantic sway. Men -of mild spirits, and of gentle manners, would have been as unfit -for taking the field against this enemy, as a dwarf or a child for -encountering a giant. What did Erasmus in the days of Luther? What -would Lowth have done in the days of Wickliffe, or Blair in those of -Knox? It has been justly observed concerning our Reformer, that “those -very qualities which now render his character less amiable, fitted -him to be the instrument of providence for advancing the Reformation -among a fierce people, and enabled him to face danger, and surmount -opposition, from which a person of a more gentle spirit would have -been apt to shrink back.”[320] Viewing his character in this light, -those who cannot regard him as an amiable man, may, without hesitation, -pronounce him a Great Reformer. - -The most disinterested of the nobility, who were embarked with him -in the same cause, sacrificed on some occasions the public good to -their private interests, {259} and disappointed the hopes which he -had formed of them. The most upright of his associates in the ministry -relaxed their exertions, or suffered themselves at times to be drawn -into measures that were unsuitable to their station, and hurtful to -the reformed religion. Goodman, after being adopted by the church of -Scotland, and ranked among her reformers, yielded so far to the love -of country as to desert a people who were warmly attached to him, and -return to the bosom of a less pure church, which received him with -coldness and distrust. Willock, after acquitting himself honourably -from the commencement of the interesting conflict, withdrew before the -victory was completely secured, and, wearied out with the successive -troubles in which his native country was involved, sought a retreat -for himself in England. Craig, being left without the assistance of -his colleague, and placed between two conflicting parties, betrayed -his fears by having recourse to temporizing measures. Douglas, in his -old age, became the dupe of persons whose rapacity impoverished the -protestant church. And each of the superintendents was, at one time or -another, complained of for neglect or for partiality, in the discharge -of his functions. But from the time that the standard of truth was -first raised by him in his native country, till it dropped from his -hands at death, Knox never shrunk from danger――never consulted his -own ease or advantage――never entered into any compromise with the -enemy――never was bribed or frightened into cowardly silence; but -keeping {260} his eye singly and steadily fixed on the advancement -of religion and of liberty, supported throughout the character of the -Reformer of Scotland. - -Knox bore a striking resemblance to Luther in personal intrepidity -and in popular eloquence. He approached nearest to Calvin in his -religious sentiments, in the severity of his manners, and in a -certain impressive air of melancholy which pervaded his character. -And he resembled Zuinglius in his ardent attachment to the principles -of civil liberty, and in combining his exertions for the reformation -of the church with uniform endeavours to improve the political state -of the people. Not that I would place our Reformer on a level with -this illustrious triumvirate. There is a splendour which surrounds -the great German reformer, partly arising from the intrinsic heroism -of his character, and partly reflected from the interesting situation -in which his long and doubtful struggle with the court of Rome placed -him in the eyes of Europe, which removes him at a distance from -all who started in the same glorious career. The Genevese reformer -surpassed Knox in the extent of his theological learning, and in the -unrivalled solidity and clearness of his judgment. And the reformer -of Switzerland, though inferior to him in masculine elocution, and in -daring courage, excelled him in self‑command, in prudence, and in that -species of eloquence which steals into the heart, convinces without -irritating, and governs without assuming the tone of authority. But -although “he attained not to the first three,” I know not, among {261} -all the eminent men who appeared at that period, any name which is -so well entitled to be placed next to theirs as that of Knox, whether -we consider the talents with which he was endowed, or the important -services which he performed. - -There are perhaps few who have attended to the active and laborious -exertions of our Reformer, who have not been insensibly led to form -the opinion that he was of a robust constitution. This is however a -mistake. He was of small stature, and of a weakly habit of body;[321] -a circumstance which serves to give us a higher idea of the vigour of -his mind. His portrait seems to have been taken more than once during -his life, and has been frequently engraved.[322] It continues still -to frown in the antechamber of queen Mary, to whom he was often an -ungracious visitor. We discern in it the traits of his characteristic -intrepidity, austerity, and keen penetration. Nor can we overlook his -beard, which, according to the custom of the times, he wore long, and -reaching to his middle; a circumstance which I mention the rather, -because some writers have gravely assured us, that it was the chief -thing which procured him reverence among his countrymen.[323] A popish -author {262} has informed us, that he was gratified with having his -picture drawn, and has expressed much horror at this, seeing he had -caused all the images of the saints to be broken.[324] - -One charge against him has not yet been noticed. He has been accused -of setting up himself for a prophet, of presuming to intrude into -the secret counsel of God, and of enthusiastically confounding the -suggestions of his own imagination, and the effusions of his own -spirit, with the dictates of inspiration, and immediate communications -from heaven. Let us examine this accusation a little. It is proper, -in the first place, to hear his own statement of the grounds on which -he proceeded in many of those warnings which have been denominated -predictions. Having, in one of his treatises, denounced the judgments -to which the inhabitants of England exposed themselves, by renouncing -the gospel, and returning to idolatry, he gives the following -explication of the {263} warrant which he had for his threatenings. -“Ye would know the groundis of my certitude. God grant that, hearing -thame, ye may understand, and stedfastlie believe the same. My -assurances are not the mervalles of Merlin, nor yit the dark sentences -of prophane prophesies; but the plane treuth of Godis word, the -invincibill justice of the everlasting God, and the ordinarie course -of his punismentis and plagis frome the beginning, are my assurance -and groundis. Godis word threatneth destructioun to all inobedient; -his immutabill justice must requyre the same; the ordinarie -punishments and plaguis schaw exempillis. What man then can ceise to -prophesie?”[325] We find him expressing himself in a similar way, in -his defence of the threatenings which he uttered against those who -had been guilty of the murder of king Henry, and the regent Murray. -He denies that he had spoken “as one that entered into the secret -counsel of God,” and insists that he had merely declared the judgment -which was pronounced in the divine law against murderers, and which -had often been exemplified in the vengeance which overtook them, even -in this life.[326] In so far then his threatenings, or predictions, -(for so he repeatedly calls them,) do not stand in need of an apology. -Though sometimes expressed in absolute or indefinite language, it -is but fair and reasonable to understand {264} them, like similar -declarations in scripture, as implying a tacit condition. - -There are, however, several of his sayings which, perhaps, cannot be -vindicated upon these principles, and which he himself seems to have -rested upon different grounds.[327] Of this kind are the assurances -which he expressed, from the beginning of the Scottish troubles, that -the cause of the congregation would ultimately prevail; his confident -hope of again preaching in his native country and at St Andrews, -avowed by him during his imprisonment on board the French galleys, -and frequently repeated during his exile; with the intimations which -he gave respecting the death of Thomas Maitland, and Kircaldy of -Grange. It cannot be denied that his contemporaries considered these -as proceeding from a prophetic spirit, and have attested that they -received an exact accomplishment. Without entering on a particular -examination of these instances, or venturing to give a decisive -opinion respecting any of them, I shall confine myself to a few -general observations. - -The most easy way of getting rid of this delicate subject is to -dismiss it at once, and summarily to pronounce that all pretensions -to extraordinary premonitions, since the completing of the canon of -inspiration, are unwarranted, and that they ought, without examination, -to be discarded and treated as fanciful and visionary. Nor would this -fix any {265} peculiar imputation on the character or talents of our -Reformer, when it is considered that the most learned persons of that -age were under the influence of a still greater weakness, and strongly -addicted to the belief of judicial astrology. But I doubt much if -this method of determining the question would be doing justice to -the subject. _Est periculum, ne, aut neglectis his impia fraude, aut -susceptis, anili superstitione, obligemur._[328] On the one hand, the -disposition which mankind discover to pry into the secrets of futurity, -has been always accompanied with much credulity and superstition; -and it cannot be denied, that the age in which Knox lived was prone -to credit the marvellous, especially as to the infliction of divine -judgments on individuals. A judicious person, who is aware of this, -will not be disposed to acknowledge as preternatural whatever was -formerly regarded in this light, and will be on his guard against the -illusions of imagination as to impressions which may be made on his -own mind. - -Nor would it be difficult to produce instances in which writers -of a subsequent age, through mistake or under the influence of -prepossession, have given a prophetical meaning to words, which -originally were not intended to convey any such idea. But, on the -other hand, is there not a danger of running into scepticism, and -of laying down general principles which may lead us obstinately to -contest the truth of the best authenticated facts, if not also to -limit the {266} operations of divine providence? This is the extreme -to which the present age inclines. That there are instances of persons -having had presentiments as to events which afterwards did happen to -themselves and others, there is, I think, the best reason to believe. -Those who laugh at vulgar credulity, and exert their ingenuity in -accounting for such phenomena on ordinary principles, have been -exceedingly puzzled with some of these facts――a great deal more -puzzled than they have confessed; and the solutions which they have -given are, in some cases, as mysterious as any thing included in -the intervention of superior spirits, or in preternatural and divine -intimations.[329] The canon of our faith, as Christians, is contained -in the scriptures of the Old and New Testaments; we must not look to -impressions or new revelations as the rule of our duty; but that God -may, on particular occasions, forewarn persons of some things which -shall happen, to testify his approbation of them, to encourage them -to confide in him in circumstances of peculiar difficulty, or to serve -other important purposes, is not, I think, inconsistent with {267} -the principles of either natural or revealed religion. If to believe -this be enthusiasm, it is an enthusiasm into which some of the most -enlightened and sober men, in modern as well as ancient times, have -fallen.[330] The reformers were men of singular piety; they were -exposed to uncommon opposition, and had uncommon services to perform; -they were endued with extraordinary gifts, and why may we not suppose -that they were occasionally favoured with extraordinary premonitions, -with respect to certain events which concerned themselves, other -individuals, or the church in general? But whatever intimations of -this kind they received, they never proposed them as a rule of action -to themselves or others, nor rested the authority of their mission -upon these, nor appealed to them as constituting any part of the -evidence of those doctrines which they preached to the world. - -Our Reformer left behind him a widow and five children. His two sons -were born to him by his {268} first wife, Marjory Bowes. We have -already seen, that, about the year 1566, they went to England, where -their mother’s relations resided. They received their education at -St John’s college, in the university of Cambridge; their names being -enrolled in the matriculation‑book only eight days after the death -of their father. Nathanael, the eldest of them, after obtaining the -degrees of bachelor and master of arts, and being admitted fellow of -the college, died in 1580. Eleazar, the youngest son, in addition to -the honours attained by his brother, was created bachelor of divinity, -ordained one of the preachers of the university, and admitted to the -vicarage of Clacton‑Magna. He died in 1591, and was buried in the -chapel of St John’s college.[331] It appears that both sons died -without issue, and the family of the Reformer became extinct in the -male line. His other children were daughters by his second wife. The -General Assembly testified their respect for his memory by assigning -his stipend, for the year after his death, to his widow and three -daughters, and this appears to have been continued for some time -by the regent Morton, who, though charged with avarice during his -administration, treated them with uniform attention and kindness.[332] -Margaret Stewart, his widow, was afterwards married to Sir Andrew Ker -of Fadounside, a strenuous supporter {269} of the Reformation.[333] -The names of his daughters were Martha, Margaret, and Elizabeth.[334] -The first was married to James Fleming, a minister of the church of -Scotland;[335] the second, to Zachary, son of the celebrated Robert -Pont;[336] and the third to John Welch, minister of Ayr. - -Mrs Welch seems to have inherited no inconsiderable portion of -her father’s spirit, and she had her share of similar hardships. -Her husband was one of those patriotic ministers who resisted the -arbitrary measures pursued by James VI. for overturning the government -and liberties of the presbyterian church of Scotland. Being determined -to abolish the General Assembly, James had, for a considerable time, -prevented the meetings of that court by successive prorogations. -Perceiving the design of the court, a number of the delegates from -synods resolved to keep the diet which had been appointed to be held -at Aberdeen in July 1605. They merely constituted the Assembly and -appointed a day for its next meeting, and being charged by Laurieston, -the king’s commissioner, to dissolve, immediately obeyed; but the -commissioner, having ante‑dated the charge, several of the leading -members were thrown into prison. {270} Welch and five of his brethren, -when called before the privy council, declined that court, as -incompetent to judge the offence of which they were accused, according -to the laws of the kingdom; on which account they were indicted to -stand trial for treason at Linlithgow. Their trial was conducted -in the most illegal and unjust manner. The king’s advocate told the -jury that the only thing which came under their cognizance was the -fact of the declinature, the judges having already found that it was -treasonable; and threatened them with an “azize of error,” if they -did not proceed as he directed them. After the jury were empannelled, -the justice‑clerk went in and threatened them with his majesty’s -displeasure, if they acquitted the prisoners. The greater part of the -jurors being still reluctant, the chancellor went out and consulted -with the other judges, who promised that no punishment should be -inflicted on the prisoners, provided the jury brought in a verdict -agreeable to the court. By such disgraceful methods, they were induced, -at midnight, to find, by a majority of three, that the prisoners -were guilty, upon which, they were condemned to suffer the death -of traitors.[337] - -Leaving her children at Ayr, Mrs Welch attended {271} her husband in -prison, and was present at Linlithgow, with the wives of the other -prisoners, on the day of trial. When informed of the sentence, these -heroines, instead of lamenting their fate, praised God who had given -their husbands courage to stand to the cause of their Master, adding, -that, like him, they had been judged and condemned under the covert of -night.[338] - -The sentence of death having been changed into banishment, she -accompanied her husband to France, where they remained for sixteen -years. Mr Welch applied himself with such assiduity to the acquisition -of the language of the country, that he was able, in the course of -fourteen weeks, to preach in French, and was chosen minister to a -protestant congregation at Nerac, from which he was translated to -St Jean d’Angely, a fortified town in Lower Charente. War having -broken out between Lewis XIII. and his protestant subjects, St Jean -d’Angely was besieged by the king in person. On this occasion, Welch -not only animated the inhabitants of the town to a vigorous resistance -by his exhortations, but he appeared on the walls, and gave his -assistance to the garrison. The king was at last admitted into the -town in consequence of a treaty, and being displeased that Welch -preached during his residence in it, sent the duke d’Espernon, with -a company of soldiers, to take him from the pulpit. When the preacher -saw the duke enter the church, he ordered his hearers to make {272} -room for the marshal of France, and desired him to sit down and hear -the word of God. He spoke with such an air of authority that the -duke involuntarily took a seat, and listened to the sermon with great -gravity and attention. He then brought Welch to the king, who asked -him, how he durst preach there, since it was contrary to the laws of -the kingdom for any of the pretended reformed to officiate in places -where the court resided. “Sir,” replied Welch, “if your majesty knew -what I preached, you would not only come and hear it yourself, but -make all France hear it; for I preach not as those men you use to hear. -First, I preach that you must be saved by the merits of Jesus Christ, -and not your own; and I am sure your conscience tells you that your -good works will never merit heaven. Next, I preach, that, as you are -king of France, there is no man on earth above you; but these men -whom you hear, subject you to the pope of Rome, which I will never do.” -Pleased with this reply, Lewis said to him, “_Hé bien, vous seriez mon -ministre_;”[339] and addressing him by the title of Father, assured -him of his protection. And he was as good as his word; for St Jean -d’Angely being reduced by the royal forces in 1621, the king gave -directions to De Vitry, one of his generals, to take care of his -minister; in consequence of which, Welch and his family were conveyed, -at his majesty’s expense, to Rochelle.[340] - -{273} Having lost his health, and the physicians informing him that -the only prospect which he had of recovering it, was by returning -to his native country, Mr Welch ventured, in the year 1622, to come -to London. But his own sovereign was incapable of treating him with -that generosity which he had experienced from the French monarch; and, -dreading the influence of a man who was far gone with a consumption, -he absolutely refused to give him permission to return to Scotland. -Mrs Welch, by means of some of her mother’s relations at court, -obtained access to James, and petitioned him to grant this liberty -to her husband. The following singular conversation took place on -that occasion. His majesty asked her, who was her father. She replied, -“John Knox.”――“Knox and Welch!” exclaimed he, “the devil never made -such a match as that.”――“It’s right like, sir,” said she, “for we -never speired[341] his advice.” He asked her how many children her -father had left, and if they were lads or lasses. She said three, and -they were all lasses. “God be thanked!” cried the {274} king, lifting -up both his hands; “for an they had been three lads, I had never -bruiked[342] my three kingdoms in peace.” She again urged her request, -that he would give her husband his native air. “Give him his native -air!” replied the king, “give him the devil!”――“Give that to your -hungry courtiers,” said she, offended at his profaneness. He told -her at last, that if she would persuade her husband to submit to the -bishops, he would allow him to return to Scotland. Mrs Welch, lifting -up her apron, and holding it towards the king, replied, in the true -spirit of her father, “Please your majesty, I’d rather kep[343] his -head there.”[344] - -Welch was soon after released from the power of the despot, and -from his own sufferings. “This month of May, 1622,” says one of his -intimate friends, “we received intelligence of the death of that -holy servant of God, Mr Welch, one of the fathers and pillars of -{275} that church, and the light of his age, who died at London, an -exile from his native country, on account of his opposition to the -re‑establishment of episcopal government, and his firm support of the -presbyterian and synodical discipline, received and established among -us; and that after eighteen years’ banishment――a man full of the Holy -Spirit zeal, charity, and incredible diligence in the duties of his -office.” The death of his wife is recorded by the same pen. “This -month of January, 1625, died at Ayr, my cousin, Mrs Welch, daughter of -that great servant of God, the late John Knox, and wife of that holy -man of God, Mr Welch, above‑mentioned; a spouse and daughter worthy of -such a husband, and such a father.”[345] - -The account of our Reformer’s publications has been partly anticipated -in the course of the preceding narrative. Though his writings were -of great utility, it was not by them, but by his personal exertions, -that he chiefly advanced the Reformation, and transmitted his name to -posterity. He did not view this as the field in which he was called -to labour. “That I did not in writing communicate my judgment upon the -scriptures,” says he, “I have ever thought myself to have most just -reason. For, considering myself rather called of my God to instruct -the ignorant, comfort the sorrowful, confirm the weak, and rebuke the -proud, by tongue and lively {276} voice, in these most corrupt days, -than to compose books for the age to come, (seeing that so much is -written, and by men of most singular erudition, and yet so little -well observed,) I decreed to contain myself within the bounds of -that vocation whereunto I found myself especially called.”[346] -This resolution was most judiciously formed. His situation was very -different from that of the first protestant reformers. They found the -whole world in ignorance of the doctrines of Christianity. Men were -either destitute of books, or such as they possessed were calculated -only to mislead. The oral instructions of a few individuals could -extend but a small way; it was principally by means of their writings, -which circulated with amazing rapidity, that they benefited mankind, -and became not merely the instructors of the particular cities and -countries where they resided and preached, but the reformers of Europe. -By the time that Knox appeared on the field, their translations of -scripture, their judicious commentaries on its different books, and -their able defences of its doctrines, were laid open to the English -reader.[347] What was more immediately required of him was to use {277} -the peculiar talent in which he excelled, and, “by tongue and lively -voice,” to imprint the doctrines of the Bible upon the hearts of his -countrymen. When he was deprived of an opportunity of doing this -during his exile, there could not be a more proper substitute than -that which he adopted, by publishing familiar epistles, exhortations, -and admonitions, in which he briefly reminded them of the truths which -they had embraced, and warned them to flee from the abominations of -popery. These could be circulated and read with far more ease, and to -a far greater extent, than large treatises. - -Of the many sermons preached by him during his ministry, he published -but one, which was extorted from him by peculiar circumstances. It -affords a very favourable specimen of his talents; and shows, that -if he had applied himself to writing, he was qualified for excelling -in that department. He had a ready command of language, and expressed -himself with great perspicuity, animation, and force. Though he -despised the tinsel of rhetoric, he was acquainted with the principles -of that art, and when he had leisure and inclination to polish his -style, wrote with propriety, and even with elegance. Those who have -read his Letter to the Queen Regent, his Answer to Tyrie, or his -papers in the account of the dispute with Kennedy, will be satisfied -of this. During his residence in England, he acquired the habit of -writing the language according to the manner of that country; and in -all his publications which appeared during his lifetime, the English -and not the Scottish {278} orthography and mode of expression are -used.[348] In this respect, there is a very evident difference between -them and the vernacular writings of Buchanan. - -His practical treatises are among the least known, but most valuable, -of his writings. In depth of religious feeling, and in power of -utterance, they are superior to any works of the same kind which -appeared in that age. The thoughts are often original, and always -expressed in a style of originality, possessing great dignity and -strength, without affectation or extravagance.[349] - -The freedoms which have been used in the republication of such of -his works as are best known, have contributed to injure his literary -reputation. They were translated into the language commonly used in -the middle of the seventeenth century, by which they were deprived of -the antique costume which they formerly wore, and contracted an air -of vulgarity which did not originally belong to them. Besides this, -they have been reprinted with innumerable omissions, interpolations, -and alterations, {279} which frequently affect the sense, and always -enfeeble the language. The two works which have been most read, -are the least accurate and polished, in point of style, of all his -writings. His tract against female government was hastily published by -him, under great irritation of mind at the increasing cruelty of Mary, -queen of England. His History of the Reformation was undertaken during -the confusions of the civil war, and was afterwards continued by him -at intervals snatched from numerous avocations. The collection of -historical materials is a work of labour and time; the digesting and -arranging of them into a regular narrative require much leisure and -undivided attention. The want of these sufficiently accounts for the -confusion that is often observable in that work. But notwithstanding -this, and particular mistakes from which no work of the kind can be -free, it still continues to be the principal source of information -as to ecclesiastical proceedings in that period; and although great -keenness has been shown in attacking its authenticity and accuracy, -it has been confirmed, in all the leading facts, by an examination of -those ancient documents which the industry of later times has brought -to light.[350] - -His defence of Predestination, the only theological treatise of any -extent which was published by him, is rare, and has been seen by -few. It is written with perspicuity, and discovers his controversial -acuteness, with becoming caution, in handling that {280} delicate -question. A catalogue of his publications, as complete as I have been -able to draw up, will be found in the notes.[351] - - * * * * * - -I have thus attempted to give an account of our national Reformer, -of the principal events of his life, his sentiments, writings, and -exertions in the cause of religion and liberty. If what I have done -shall contribute to set his character in a more just light than -that in which it has been generally represented, and to correct the -erroneous views of it which have long been prevalent; or if it shall -tend to elucidate the ecclesiastical history of the eventful period in -which he lived, and be the means of illustrating the superintendence -of a wise and merciful Providence, in the accomplishment of a -revolution of all others the most interesting and beneficial to this -country, I shall not think any labour which I have bestowed on the -subject to have been thrown away, or unrewarded. - - - - -{281} - NOTES - TO - VOLUME SECOND. - - - Note A, Footnote 16. - -I SHALL, in this note, add some particulars respecting the early -practice of the reformed church of Scotland, under the following -heads: - -_Of Doctors._――The doctrine of the church of Scotland, and indeed of -other reformed churches, on this head, has not been very uniform and -decided. The first Book of Discipline does not mention doctors, but it -seems to take for granted what has been stated respecting them in the -Book of Common Order, where they are declared to be “a fourth kind of -ministers left to the church of Christ,” although the English church -at Geneva could not attain them. Knox’s Liturgy, p. 14. Dunlop’s -Confessions, ii. 409, 410. In the second Book of Discipline, the -office of doctor is expressly mentioned as “ane of the twa ordinar and -perpetual functions that travel in the world,” and “different from the -pastor, not only in name, but in diversity of gifts.” The doctor is -to “assist the pastor in the government of the kirk, and concur with -the elders his brethren in all assemblies,” but not “to minister the -sacraments or celebrate marriage.” Dunlop, ii. 773, 774. The Book of -Common Order and second Book of Discipline agree in comprehending, -under the name and office of a doctor, “the order in schooles, -colledges, and universities.” Ibid. The fact seems to be, that there -never were any doctors in the church of Scotland, except the teachers -of divinity in the universities. “Quamvis ecclesia nostra,” says -Calderwood, “post primam reformationem, quatuor agnoscat ministrorum -genera, pastorum, doctorum, presbyterorum, et diaconorum, tamen -doctores alios nondum habuit quam scholarchas.” De Regimine Ecclesiæ -Scoticanæ Brevis Relatio, {282} p. 1, 2. Anno, 1618. Some writers have -asserted, that it was as doctors that Buchanan and Andrew Melville sat, -and sometimes presided, in the church courts. The episcopalians having -objected, that the church of Scotland admitted persons to act as -moderators in her assemblies who were in no ecclesiastical office, and -having appealed to the instances of the two persons above mentioned, -Mr Baillie gives this answer: “Mr Melvil was a doctor of divinity, -and so long as episcopal persecution permitted, did sit with great -renowne in the prime chair we had of that faculty: George Buchanan had -sometimes, as I have heard, been a preacher at St Andrews: after his -long travells he was employed by our church and state to be a teacher -to king James and his family: of his faithfulnesse in this charge -he left, I believe, to the world good and satisfactory tokens: the -eminency of this person was so great, that no society of men need be -ashamed to have been moderated by his wisdome.” Historical Vindication, -p. 21, 22. The report which Mr Baillie had heard of Buchanan having -been a preacher, probably originated from the divinity lectures which -Calderwood informs us he read with great applause in the university of -St Andrews. “Buchanan and Mr Melvill were doctors of divinity,” says -Rutherford, in his Lex Rex, pref. p. 5. Lond. 1644. - -_Of Readers._――Those employed as readers appear to have often -transgressed the bounds prescribed to them, and to have both -solemnized marriage, and administered the sacraments. Different acts -of Assembly were made to restrain these excesses. The General Assembly, -in October 1576, prohibited all readers from ministering “the holie -sacrament of the Lord, except such as hes the word of exhortation.” -The Assembly which met in July 1579 inhibited them from celebrating -marriage, unless they were found meet by “the commission, or synodal -assembly.” At length, in April 1581, the order was suppressed. “Anent -readers: Forsamekle as in assemblies preceding, the office thereof -was concludit to be no ordinar office in the kirk of God, and the -admission of them suspendit to the present assemblie, the kirk in -ane voyce hes votit and concludit farder, that in na tymes coming any -reider be admitted to the office of reider, be any having power within -the kirk.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, in loc. - -{283} _Of Superintendents.――The church of Scotland did not consider -superintendents as ordinary or permanent office‑bearers in the church. -They are not mentioned in the Book of Common Order. The first Book of -Discipline explicitly declares, that their appointment was a matter -of temporary expedience, for the plantation of the church, and on -account of the paucity of ministers. Its words are, “Because we have -appointed a larger stipend to them that shall be superintendents than -to the rest of the ministers, we have thought good to signifie to your -honours such reasons as moved us to make difference betwixt teachers -at this time.” And again: “We consider that if the ministers whom God -hath endowed with his singular graces amongst us should be appointed -to several places, there to make their continual residence, that then -the greatest part of the realme should be destitute of all doctrine; -which should not onely be the occasion of great murmur, but also be -dangerous to the salvation of many. And therefore we have thought it -a thing most expedient at this time, that from the whole number of -godly and learned men, now presently in this realm, be selected ten or -twelve, (for in so many provinces we have divided the whole,) to whom -charge and commandment should be given, to plant and erect kirkes, -to set, order, and appoint ministers, as the former order prescribes, -to the countries that shall be appointed to their care where none are -now.” First and second Books of Discipline, p. 35, printed anno 1621. -Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 538, 539. Archbishop Spotswood has not acted -faithfully, if his History has been printed, in this place, exactly -according to his manuscript. He has omitted the passages above quoted, -and has comprehended the whole of the two paragraphs from which they -are extracted in a short sentence of his own, which is far from being -a full expression of the meaning of the compilers. History, p. 158. -Lond. 1677. This is the more inexcusable as he says, that for “the -clearing of many questions which were afterwards agitated in the -church,” he “thought meet word by word to insert the same [the First -Book of Discipline] that the reader may see what were the grounds -laid down at first for the government of the church.” Ibid. p. 152. -He could not be ignorant that the grounds of the appointment of -superintendents formed one of the principal questions agitated between -{284} him and his anti‑episcopal opponents. I have examined the -copy of the First Book of Discipline, inserted in an old MS. copy of -Knox’s Historie, and find that it exactly agrees with the quotations -which I have made from the editions published in 1621, and by -Dunlop. Dr Robertson has been misled by the archbishop. “On the first -introduction of his system,” says he, “Knox did not deem it expedient -to depart altogether from the ancient form. Instead of bishops, he -proposed to establish ten or twelve superintendents in different parts -of the kingdom.” As his authority for this statement, he refers solely -to the mutilated account in Spotswood. Hist. of Scotland, ii. 42, 43. -Lond. 1809. Mr Laing, from an examination of the original documents, -has given a more accurate account, and pronounced the appointment -of superintendents to have been a “temporary expedient.” History of -Scotland, vol. iii. p. 17, 18. Lond. 1804. - -The superintendents were elected and admitted in the same manner -as other pastors. Knox, 263. They were equally subject to rebuke, -suspension, and deposition, as the rest of the ministers of the church. -In the examination of those whom they admitted to the ministry, they -were bound to associate with them the ministers of the neighbouring -parishes. They could not exercise any spiritual jurisdiction without -the consent of the provincial synods, over which they had no negative -voice. They were accountable to the General Assembly for the whole -of their conduct. The laborious task imposed upon them is what few -bishops have ever submitted to. “They must be preachers themselves;” -they are charged to “remain in no place above twenty daies in their -visitation, till they are passed through their whole bounds.” They -“must thrice everie week preach at the least.” When they return to -their principal town of residence, “they must likewise be exercised -in preaching;” and having remained in it “three or foure monthes at -most, they shall be compelled (unless by sicknesse they be retained) -to re‑enter in visitation.” Dunlop, ii. 542. De Regimine Eccles. -Scotican. Brevis Relatio, p. 5, 6. Epistolæ Philadelphi Vindiciæ -contra calumnias Spotswodi: Altare Damascenum, p. 724‒727. Lugd. Batav. -1708. In the last mentioned tract (of which Calderwood was the author) -the difference between {285} the Scottish superintendents and Anglican -bishops is drawn out under thirteen heads. Spotswood’s treatise is -entitled, Refutatio Libelli de Regimine Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ. Lond. 1620. - -The _visitors_ or _commissioners_ of provinces exercised the same -power as the superintendents; the only difference between them was, -that the former received their commission from one assembly to another. -Altare Damascenum, p. 727. But these commissions appear sometimes to -have been granted for a longer period; for one of Robert Pont’s titles -was Commissioner of Murray. Perhaps, in this case, a commissioner -differed from a superintendent, merely in not being obliged to have -his stated residence within the bounds of the province committed to -his inspection. - -_Of the weekly Exercise or Prophesying._――This was an exercise on the -scriptures, intended for the improvement of ministers, the trial of -the gifts of those who might afterwards be employed in the service of -the church, and the general instruction of the people. It was to be -held in every town “where schools and repaire of learned men are.” For -conducting the exercise, there was an association of the ministers, -and other learned men, in the town and vicinity, called “the company -of interpreters.” They alternately expounded a passage of scripture; -and others who were present were encouraged to deliver their -sentiments. After the exercise was finished, the constituent -members of the association retired, and delivered their judgment -on the discourses which had been delivered. Books of Discipline, ut -supra, p. 60‒62. Dunlop, ii. 587‒591. After the erection of regular -presbyteries, this exercise formed an important part of their -employment; and at every meeting, two of the members by turns were -accustomed to expound the scriptures. De Regimine Eccl. Scot. Brevis -Relatio, p. 3. Until lately traces of this ancient practice remained, -and there is reason to regret that it has generally gone into -desuetude among presbyterian bodies. Associations of the same kind -were formed in England. From 1571 to 1576, they spread through -that kingdom, and were patronized by the bishops of London, Winton, -Bath and Wells, Litchfield, Gloucester, Lincoln, Chichester, Exon, -St David’s, by Sandys, archbishop of York, and by Grindal, archbishop -of Canterbury. Several of the courtiers, as Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir -Francis Knollys, {286} and Sir Thomas Smith, greatly approved of them; -and, at a future period, they were recommended to king James by lord -Bacon. But they were suppressed by an imperious mandate from Elizabeth. -Some interesting particulars respecting their number, regulations, -and suppression, may be seen in Strype’s Annals, ii. 90‒95, 219, -220, 318‒324, 486. Life of Grindal, p. 219‒227, 230, 299, 300. Life -of Parker, 460‒462. They were formed on the model of the Scottish -Exercises, and in their regulations, the very words of the First -Book of Discipline are sometimes used. A species of ecclesiastical -discipline was joined with them in some dioceses. I also observe a -striking resemblance between the directions given by bishop Scambler -for the celebration of the Lord’s supper, and the mode which was -then used in Scotland, particularly as to the circumstances of two -communions or ministrations on the same day, and the early hour of the -service. Strype’s Annals, ii. 91, compared with Scott’s History of the -Scottish Reformers, p. 192. - -Keith has given a quotation from the MS. copy of Spotswood’s -History, in which the archbishop signifies, that at the time of the -compilation of the First Book of Discipline, several of the reformed -ministers wished to retain the ancient polity, after removing the -grosser corruptions and abuses, but that Knox overruled this motion. -Keith, 492. But there is no trace, in the authentic documents of that -period, of any diversity of opinion among the Scottish reformers on -this head. The supposition is contradicted by Row, (see above, p. 4, -5,) and by their own language. Dunlop, iii. 518. Knox’s Historie, 282. -It is probable that the archbishop’s story had its original at a later -period, when the design of conforming the church of Scotland to the -English model began to be entertained. I am not inclined to give -much more credit to another tale of Spotswood, respecting a message -which archbishop Hamilton is said to have sent to Knox by John Brand. -History, 174. Keith, 495. - - - Note B, Footnote 20. - -_Sentiments of the Reformed Ministers respecting Tithes, and the -Property of the Church._――These are laid down in the First Book of -{287} Discipline, chap. v. and viii. Dunlop, ii. 533‒538, 562‒568. -Considerable light is also thrown upon them by the private writings of -that period. The reformed ministers did not regard tithes as of divine -right, nor think that it was sacrilegious in every case to apply to -secular purposes those funds which had been originally set apart to -a religious use. But they held that, by the Christian as well as the -Jewish law, a competent subsistence was appointed to be made for the -ministers of religion; that it is incumbent on a nation which has -received the true religion to make public provision for the outward -maintenance of its ordinances; that the appropriation of the tenth -part of property for this purpose is at least recommended by primeval -usage, by the sanction of divine wisdom in the Jewish constitution, -and by the laws and practice of Christian empires and kingdoms; that -property which had been set apart and given for religious ends could -not justly, or without sacrilege, be alienated, as long as it was -needed for these purposes; and that though many of the donors might -have had the support of superstitious observances immediately in their -eye, still it was with a view to religion that they made such gifts. -In as far as it should appear that the ecclesiastical revenues were -superabundant and unnecessary, they were willing that the surplus -should be applied to the common service of the state. To illustrate -their sentiments on this subject, and the manner in which they -complained of the alienation of church‑property, I shall add a few -extracts from some of their writings which are not commonly consulted. - -My first extracts shall be from Ferguson’s sermon, to which our -Reformer set his hand a little before his death. Having given an -account of the law of Moses, the ordinance of the New Testament, and -the practice of the primitive church, he adds, “Ye se, then, that -the ministers of the primitive kirk (that levit befoir princes wer -Christianes and nurishers of the kirk, as it was propheseit) wer na -beggaris, suppois they wer no lordis that aboundit in superfluous -welth, as the papis bischoppis did; bot had sufficient asweill for -the necessitie of thair owin families, as for the help of uther -Christianes that now and then, as occasiounes servit, repairit to -thair housis.――Quhen the tyme come foirspokin bi David (Psal. lxviii. -and cii.) that kingis and empereouris, and thair kingdomes, {288} -suld serve the Lord, and bring giftes unto him,” they, “following -his example that only is wyse, ordainit be thair authoritie, that the -tiendis sulde serve to the same use in the tyme of the gospell.”――“Our -youth aucht also to be nurischit and maintenit at the schuillis, -and thairoutof efterward micht spring preicheris, counsellouris, -physiciounis, and all other kinds of learnit men that we have neid -of. For the scheulis are the seid of the kirk and common welth, and -our childrene are the hope of the posteritie, quhilk being neglectit, -thair can nathing be luikit for bot that barbarous ignorance sall -overflow all. For suppois God has wonderfullie, at this time, steirit -up priecheris amang us, even quhen darkness and ignorance had the -upperhand, he will not do sa heirefter, seeing we have the ordinarie -meane to provide them, quhilk gif we contempne, in vane sall we loke -for extraordinary proviscioun. Israel was miraculusslie fed in the -wildernes with manna, bot how soon thay did eit of the corne of the -land of Canaan, the manna ceissit, nouther had they it ony moir, bot -levit efterward on the frute of the ground, ordinarilie labourit with -thair handis. I speik to prudent men that may understand and judge -quhat I say.” After deploring the decayed state of the churches and -schools, and the poverty of the ministers, he adds, “I am compellit -to speik this, thocht I be als plane as pleasant, and appear to -yow as the greatest fule of the rest to stand up heir to utter -that quhilk other men thinkis. Weill; let me be countit a fule for -speiking the treuth. I regard not; nouther may I spair to speik it, -thocht I suld be judgeit in our awin cause to be carryit away with -a particular affectioun; following heirin the exampil of our prophet -Malachie.”――“Ye marvel, I doubt not, quhy ye have not prevailit aganis -yone throtcutteris and unnaturall murtherers within the towne and -castell of Edinburgh, specially ye heving a maist just actioun, being -ma in number, and mair vailyeant men, and nathing inferiour to thame -in wisdome, circumspectioun, or ony gud qualiteis, outher of body or -mynd. Bot ceis to marvel; for the caus quhy that ye have not prevailit -aganis thame long or now, amang mony uther your sinnis quhairwith ye -are defylt, is this, that the spuilyie of the pure is in your housis; -ye invaid that quhilk our forbearis gave of gude zeill to Goddis -honour, and the commoun welth of the kirk; ye spuilye to your awn -private usis, {289} without outher ryme or resoun, nouther will ye -be controllit. This, this, I say, is the chief caus that nathing -prosperis in your handis. I grant that our fatheris, of immoderate -zeill, (besyde the teindis and necessarie rentis of the kirk,) gave -thairunto superfluously, and mair nor aneuch. Quhat then is to be -done? but that the preicheris of God’s word be reasonablie sustenit, -seing thair is eneuch and over mekel to do it, the schullis and the -pure be weill provydit, as thay aucht, and the tempellis honestly -and reverently repairit, that the pepill, without injurie of wynd -or wedder, may sit and heir Goddis word, and participat of his haly -sacramentis. And gif thair restis ony thing unspendit quhen this is -done (as na dout thair wil), in the name of God, let it be bestowit -on the nixt necessarie affairis of the commoun welth, and not to any -mannis private commoditie.” Ane Sermon preachit befoir the regent and -nobilitie――be David Fergussone. B iv. v. C. Lepreuik, 1572. - -The following extracts are taken from Sermons against Sacrilege by -Robert Pont. “From the yeare of our Lorde 1560, unto this present time, -the greatest study of all men of power of this land, hes bene, by all -kinde of inventions, to spoyle the kirk of Christ of her patrimonie, -by chopping and changing, diminishing of rentals, converting of -victual in small sumes of money: setting of fewes within the availe, -long tackes uppon tackes, with two or three liferentes, with many -twentie yeares in an tack, annexationes, erectiones of kirk‑rents -in temporall livings and heritage, pensiones, simple donationes, -erecting of new patronages, union of teindes, making of new abattes, -commendataries, priors, with other papistical titles, which ought to -have no place in a reformed kirk and countrie; with an infinite of -other corrupt and fraudfull waies, to the detriment and hurte of the -kirke, the schooles, and the poore, without any stay or gaine‑calling. - -“Treuth it is, parliaments have been conveened, and acts have bene -made, for providing ministers of competent livinges; for reparaling of -parish kirkes, for trayning up the youth in schooles of theologie. It -hath bene also promised, and subscribed in writte, by a great parte -of the nobilitie, that the poore labourers of the grounde, should have -an ease and reliefe of the rigorous exacting of their teindes: and -many other good thinges have been devised, tending to the advancement -of the glorie of God, and establishing {290} of Christ his kingdome. -Amongst us, namely, in time of the governemente of that good regente -(whome for honoures cause I name) who, although he could not doe all -that hee would have done, (having so manie hinderances and enemies,) -yet his dooings might have been a perfite patterne of godlinesse -to the reste of the nobilitie, to make thame bene content to live -uppon their owne rentes, and to cease from robbing and spoyling -the patrimonie of the kirke.” Having proposed the objection, that -the Levitical law of Moses is abrogated, and that therefore his -authorities from the Old Testament had no force under the gospel, -he adds: “I aunswere concerning these lands or annual rentes, out of -landes delated and given to the kirke, that although the Leviticall -lawe, with the ceremonies thereof, concerning the outwarde observation, -hath taken an ende, and is fulfilled in Christ; yet the substance -of the policie, concerning interteinment of the service of God, and -uphold of religion, still remaines. And it is no lesse necessarie, -that the ministerie of God amongst us be mainteined; and that -sufficient provision be made to serve other godlie uses, whereunto -the kirke‑rentes ought to be applyed, nor it was that the priestes -and levites shoulde bene upholden in the time of the olde law. And as -to the holinesse or unholines of these landes and revenues: albeit in -their owne nature (as I said in the former sermon) they be like other -earthly possessiones; yet, in so far as they were applyed to an holy -use, they may wel be called holy possessions and rents, as the kirk -is holy, to whose use they are appointed.――I will not deny but the -teindes might be possibly changed, in other meanes of sufficient -provision for the kirke, if such godly zeale were now amongst men, as -was of olde time. But in so farre as we see the plane contrarie, that -men are now readier to take away, than ever our predecessors were to -give; it were a foolish thing to loose the certaine for the uncertaine, -and that which is never likely to come to passe.” Pont’s Sermons -against Sacrilege. B, 8. C, 2. C, 8. E, 6. Waldegrave, 1599. - -It appears from the following extract, that Pont undertook this work -at the desire of the General Assembly.――“July 3, 1591. Mr Robert Pont -is ordained to writ against sacrilege, and show his travells to the -next assembly.” Matthew Crawfurd’s MS. History of the Church of -Scotland, vol. i. p. 161. - - -{291} - Note C, Footnote 22. - -_Of John Row, and the introduction of Hebrew Literature into Scotland. -_――The following notices of Row’s employment at Rome are furnished -by a very curious and valuable manuscript in the possession of Thomas -Thomson, Esquire. Besides papal bulls relating to bishoprics and -benefices in Scotland about the middle of the sixteenth century, it -contains a number of important documents as to the correspondence -between the Scottish primate and the Roman court, together with -accounts of receipts and disbursements by the agent at Rome for the -earl of Arran, governor of Scotland, John Hamilton, archbishop of -St Andrews, and Gavin and Claud Hamilton. John Row was employed as -their procurator. In “Ane Recollectioun of my lord of Sanct Andros -missives to my lord of Kilwinning,” (MS. p. 324,) is the following -article:―― - -“And is content M. Johne Row was put in charge of his l[ordship’s] -affairs in Rome, xi Martii, 1554.” - -In “Ane memoir of all things left w{t} M. Johne Row be Gavin, -commendator of Kilwinning, at his departing of Rome, 20 mēssis -Martii, 1555,” (MS. p. 240,) is the following:―― - -“Item, apointed w{t} M. Johne Row for the provestrie of Kirkfield, and -caus M. Alex{r} Forres send his mandat to ratify the xx{li} pension -reservit to the said M. Jhone.” - -In a variety of letters to the pope, “concerning my lord duckis -bairnis, my lord archbishope of Sanctandros, bischope Argile, -my lord Kilwinning self, and uttheris thair frends,” to cardinal -Sermonet, “regni Scotiæ promotori,” and to other members of the sacred -college, from John, archbishop of St Andrews, Gavin, coadjutor to the -archbishop, James earl of Arran, and Mary dowager queen and regent -of the kingdom; written during the years 1555 and 1556, and inserted -in the same manuscript, John Row is recognised and recommended as -“procurator for the see of St Andrews.” At the close of the book is a -table of ciphers, with an explanation, to which this title is prefixed, -“Ciphre send be my l. of Sanct andros of Ed{r} xiij May, 1555, to -M. Johne Row in Rome.” - -One great object of the negotiation with Rome, in which Row was -employed, was the obtaining of a confirmation and extension of -{292} the powers formerly granted to the archbishop of St Andrews as -primate and _legatus natus_ of Scotland, from which Gavin Dunbar, late -archbishop of Glasgow, had procured an exemption. In support of his -claim, the primate urges, that “there had always been a great number -of heretics in the diocese of Glasgow;” that its proximity to England -“gave easy ingress and egress to persons of bad manners and opinions;” -that various scandals and enormities, such as “the burning of the -images of God and the saints, the contempt of prelates, the beating of -priests and monks, and the eating of forbidden meats,” were committed -within its bounds, and that the archbishop could not suppress these -evils in his diocese, and at the same time hindered the primate from -exerting his power for this purpose. The following passage, in one of -the informations presented to the court of Rome, throws light on the -fate of two individuals whom we have already (vol. i. p. 162, 373) -had occasion to mention. “Insuper cum magna pars dioc̄ Glasguen̄ nuper -fuerat heresibus infecta, et tam durante vita dicti quondam Gavini -vltimi archiepiscopi Glasguen̄ quam sede vacante, maxima scandala -contra Catholicam fidem perpetrabantur. nec in potestate sedis -Glasguen̄ et suorum suffraganeorum erat eorum potentie resistere. -Sed D. Archiepiscopus Sancti andree modernus metropolitano ac jure -prouinciali eandem diocesin visitavit, et repurgavit malis hominibus -heresiarchis. In cuius testimonium ipse sua propria persona expugnavit -locum de Ochiltre, et inde inuito domino ejusdem detrusit ad carceres -et vincula _quendam apostatam nomine Macbraire_ heresiarcham, et -eiusdem fautores gravibus penis mulctauit. Et similiter alterum -_Vallasium_ nuncupatum in sua heresi perseuerantem in eadem diocesi -Glasguen̄ natum hereticas opiniones profitentem publica omnium regni -ordinum prelatorum conuentione _de heresi conuictum et condemnatum_ -curie traditit seculari ad _comburendum_. Et ita curavit heresis -pestem puniri quod sedes Glasguen̄ minime potuit facere. que res cum -sic notissima probationi vlteriori non multum indigens que si esset -necessaria omnibus Scotis Rome satis innotescit.” [MS. fol. 179, comp. -fo. 185‒187.] - -Row left Rome on the 20th of May, and arrived in Scotland on the 29th -of September, 1558. The following is the account of his conversion -from popery given by his son. Being in Cleish, the house of the -gentleman who had detected the imposture at Musselburgh, {293} (see -vol. i. p. 322,) the young man who was said to have been cured of -blindness, was brought into his presence, where he “played his pavie,” -by “flyping up the lid of his eyes, and casting up the white.” While -Row was confounded at this discovery, the gentleman addressed him very -seriously: “Weill, Mr John Row, ye are a great clergyman, and a great -linguist and lawyer, but I charge you, as you must answer to the great -God at the last day, that ye do not now hold out any light that God -offers you, but that ye will, as soon as ye come to your study, close -the door upon you, and take your Bible, and seriously pray to God that -ye may understand the scriptures.――Read the 2d ch. of the 2d epistle -to the Thessalonians; and if ye do not see your master, the pope, -to be the great antichrist who comes with lying wonders to deceive -the people of God, (as now he and his deceiving rabble of clergy in -Scotland have done lately at Musselburgh,) ye shall say Squire Meldrum -has no skill.” Row, Historie of the Kirk, p. 356; copy of the MS. -transcribed in 1726. After conference with several of the reformed -ministers, and particularly Knox, he made formal abjuration of popery. -“Ipse Nuncius,” says his grandson, “nassa evangelii irretitus, ejus -pura, pia, pathetica prædicatione inescatus, pontificiis syrtibus, -famigerati Knoxi opera, extractus est.” Hebreæ linguæ Institutiones, a -M. Joa. Row, epist. dedic. A 3, b. Glasguæ, 1644. In the beginning of -the year 1560 he was admitted minister of Kinneuchar in Fife, where -he married Margaret Beatoun, a daughter of the laird of Balfour. Row’s -Historie, ut supra. Before the end of that year he was translated -to Perth. Knox, 236. Keith, 498. His son informs us that he was -born at Row, a place situated between Stirling and Dumblane, and -which belonged to the family. That he was an author appears from the -testament of Thomas Bassinden, printer in Edinburgh, who died on the -18th of October, 1577, and the inventory of whose goods contains the -following lines:――“Item, ane M. Johne Rowis signes of the sacramentis, -price xijd.” - -During his residence in Italy, Row had acquired the knowledge of -the Greek and Hebrew languages. The latter was at that time almost -entirely unknown in Scotland, and he immediately began, at the -recommendation of his brethren, to teach it. The grammar‑school of -Perth was then the most celebrated in the kingdom, and {294} noblemen -and gentlemen were accustomed to send their children thither for their -education. Many of these were boarded with Row, who instructed them -in Greek and Hebrew. As nothing but Latin was spoken by the boys in -the school and in the fields, so nothing was spoken in Row’s house but -French. The passages of scripture read in the family before and after -meals, if in the Old Testament, were read in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, -French, and English; if in the New Testament, they were read in Greek, -&c. His son John, when he was between four and five years old, was -taught the Hebrew characters, before he knew the English letters; and -at eight years of age he read the Hebrew chapter in the family. When -he went to the newly‑erected university of Edinburgh, his uncommon -acquaintance with the Hebrew language attracted the particular notice -of the learned and amiable principal Rollock. Row’s Historie, 372‒375. -Hebreæ Ling. Institut. ut supra. Row gave instructions to the master -of the grammar‑school in the Greek tongue, by which means it came -to be afterwards taught in Perth. And in 1637 his grandson John Row -became rector of that school, in which he taught Latin, Greek, and -Hebrew. This produced the following encomiastic verses by John Adamson, -principal of the college of Edinburgh. - - Perthana quondam Latialis linguæ schola - Laude cluebat, fueratque unius labri; - Nunc est trilinguis, Latio jungens Græciam, - Et huic Palæstinam; omnium linguis loquens. - O ter beatam te nunc Perthanam scholam! - O ter beatum Rollum rectorem tuum! - Per quem juventus, barbariæ procul habitu, - Rudis et tenella primulis labellulis - Solymas, Athenas, et Romam scite sonat. - -About the year 1567, James Lawson (afterwards Knox’s successor at -Edinburgh) returned from the continent, where he had studied Hebrew. -The professors of St Andrews prevailed on him to give lessons in that -language in their university. Life of Lawson, p. 2, in Wodrow’s MS. -Collections, vol. i. Bibl. Coll. Glas. As he was made sub‑principal in -the university of Aberdeen, in 1569, {295} it is to be presumed that -he would also teach that language there. Lawson, after his settlement -in Edinburgh, patronised the interests of literature in this city. It -was chiefly by his exertions that the buildings for the high‑school -were completed in 1578. His intentions were to have it erected into -an university, or at least to make it _schola illustris_, with classes -of logic and philosophy. The books destined for the library were kept -in his house, previous to the foundation of the college. Crawfurd’s -History of the University of Edinburgh, p. 19, 20. It is unnecessary -to say any thing here of the influence which Andrew Melville exerted -on the promotion of Oriental literature in this country. Thomas Smeton, -who succeeded Melville as principal of the university of Glasgow, was -a Hebrew scholar, as appears from his answer to Hamilton’s dialogue. -Those who held the situation of principal in the universities at that -time were accustomed to teach such branches of learning as were most -neglected. - - - Note D, Footnote 23. - -_Of George Buchanan._――As every thing relating to this scholar must -be interesting to the learned, I shall add a few notices of him which -have been hitherto overlooked. - -The following entries in the treasurer’s accounts refer to the period -during which he was tutor to James Stewart, abbot of Melrose and Kelso, -an illegitimate son of James V. - -“Anno 1536. Item, the xvi day of februar, be the kingis gracis precept -and speciale cōmand, to Maister George Balquhanan and Andro Mylin, -seruandis to lord James, to be thame twa gownis, xi elnis pareis blak, -price of the elne xxxij{s}. Sum̅a, xvij{li} xij{s}, &c. &c. - -“Aug{t} 1537. Item, to Maist{r} George Buchquhanan, at the king’s -command, xx{li}. - -[July 1537.] “Item, for vi elnis paris blak to be Maister George -Balquhanan ane gown, price of the elne xxxvi{s}. Sum̅a, x{li} xvi{s}.” -[Compot. Thesaur.] - -From the manuscript belonging to Thomas Thomson, Esq. quoted in -the preceding note, it appears that an absolution was procured at -Rome, for George Buchanan, by the regent Arran and the archbishop of -St Andrews; and that his brother Patrick was appointed {296} tutor to -the regent’s children at Paris. In an accompt entitled “The archden -of Sanctandros memo{le} of expenses in Rome,” (MS. p. 141,) is the -following article:―― - -[1553.] “Item, for M. George Balquhan̄anes absolution, crowns 9.” - -In the papers of Gawen, commendator of Kilwinning, (MS. p. 204, 206, -235, 325,) are the following articles:―― - -“Item, given to M. Patric Balquhannan to ane gud compt, 24 July, 1554, -v{c} franks. - -“And I haif left with M. Patric Balquhannan in ane steil box v{c} -crownis, 1 Rois nobilis, and xiiij Hary nobilis. Parisiis, 28 July, -1554. - -“Memoir of the geir left with Maister Patrik Bawquhenan the xxvii day -of July, anno liiij{o}, at my departyng to Chattelleraut, &c. - -“And to tak sikernes at M. Patric Balquhanan suld serve my lordis -bairnis, and quitclame his pension quhen he war benefitit 26. 1554.” - -The following extracts from the treasurer’s accounts refer to the -year 1568, when Buchanan accompanied the regent Murray to England, -to justify the charges against Mary queen of Scots. - -“Item, the said day [27 May] to ane boy passand of Stirriling, w{t} -clois writtings of my lord regent g. to the lard of Buchquhannane and -Maister George Buchquhannane, being baith in Sanctandr. iiij. - -“June 26th. Item, the said day to ane boy passand of Edinburgh to -Sanctandrois w{t} ane clois writting of my lord regent g. to maister -George Buchquhannane, v{s}. - -“Item, the said xxvij day of August, be my lord regentis grace -speciale command, to Maister George Buchquhannane, v elns ij quarteris -of fyne blak veluote, ye eln vij{li}. Sum̅a, xxxviij{li} x{s}. - -“Item, to him ane sleik of chamlot of silk, xxij{li}. - -“Item, ij elnis ij quarteris of Londoun claith, the eln iiij{li} x{s}. -Summa, xij{li} vij{s} vj{d}.” [Compot. Thesaur.] - -As his imprisonment in Portugal, and his release from confinement, -have been imperfectly related, I shall here insert two accounts of -them, which have escaped the notice of his biographers. Principal -Smeton’s account, which was most probably derived from Buchanan -himself, is the following. “Vivit adhuc,” says he in his answer to -Hamilton, “te utinam diu vivat, orbis terrarum, {297} non Scotiæ -tantum, decus GEORGIUS BUCHANANUS; quem inepte facerem, si a rabidi -canis latratu defendere conarer, extra omnem ingenii aleam omnium -judicio constitutum. Quod de abjurata ab eo hæresi adscribis, -impudentissimum est mendacium, Hamiltoni. Duplici quidem de causa in -veræ religionis suspicionem in Lusitania venit; tum quod Seraphici -ordinis mysteria in Franciscano suo apertius reuelasset: tum quod -in priuato colloquio discipulis quibusdam dixisset, videri sibi -Augustinum transubstantiationis figmento non prorsus fauere. In -carcerem coniectus causam capitis perorauit. Franciscanum se regis -sui iussu scripsisse; nec quicquam in eo esse quod vllum fidei -Christianæ dogma conuellat. Versus quosdam memoriter pronuntiare -iussus (nam nemo ibi libellum habebat) memoriæ iacturam causatus -est. De transubstantione respondit; non alia se quam Augustini verba -recitasse, ex cap. 16. lib. 3. de Doctrina Christiana. Quæ sic habent. -‘Si præceptiua locutio est, aut flagitium aut facinus vetans, aut -vtilitatem aut beneficentiam iubens, non est figurata: Si autem -flagitium aut facinus videtur iubere, aut vtilitatem aut beneficentiam -vetare, figurata est. Nisi manducaueritis, inquit, carnem filij -hominis et sanguinem biberitis, non habebitis vitam in vobis: facinus -vel flagitium videtur iubere. Figura est ergo, præcipiens passioni -DOMINI esse communicandum, et suauiter atque vtiliter recondendum -in memoria, quod pro nobis caro eius crucifixa et vulnerata sit.’ -Hæc, inquit, si hæresim sapiunt, prius Augustinum damnate; quod vt -feceritis, haud æquum tamen erit, vt ego alienæ culpæ pœnas luam. Ergo -cum nec ratione, nec testimonio cuiusquam conuinci posset, iudicum -calculis absolutus in Galliam redijt; tanto bonarum litterarum damno, -vt ipsemet postea Lusitaniæ Rex amantissimis eum scriptis reuocarit. -Sed frustra. Summo enim DEI beneficio ex crudelissimis inquisitorum -manibus liberatus, in discrimen se iterum conijcere noluit: cum -in Gallia præsertim, omnium quæ sub sole sunt regionum humanitate, -optimarum artium studijs et doctorum numero prima, opimæ illi, et -admodum honorificæ conditiones deferrentur. Sed BUCHANANUM singularis -animi candor, et in omni genere perspecta virtus satis per se -defendet.” Smetoni Responsio ad Virulentum Arch. Hamiltonii Dialogum, -Edinburgi, 1579. p. 89, 90. - -I shall add the account which Archibald Hamilton gives of this {298} -affair, in his reply to Smeton, although the judicious reader will be -of opinion that no credit is due to such a writer, especially when his -testimony is flatly contradicted by that of Smeton, and of Buchanan -himself. “Tam illud quidem contra regis Scotorum integritatem, quam -hoc contra _Hyspanorum nunquam satis laudatam in examinandis hæreticis -severitatem_, malitiose confictum, et utrumque longe falsissimum est. -Nequo enim Jacobus Quintus, in tenenda atque asserenda fide Catholica -princeps nulli omnium secundus, tam impuro et procaci pasquillo, -auctorem se unquam dedisset: neq; theologorum gravissima censura, -tam impiam athei poetæ dicacitatem impune abire permisisset: et ut -prioris mendacii falsitas illustrium dominorum Askein et Levingston -publico testimonio evicta tunc fuit: quando legatione apud Gallos -functi, regis nomine hæreseos convictum Buchananum Hyspanorum legato -detulerunt: Ita ducentorum qui non disputationem sed supplicem -lachrymantis deprecationem audiverunt, sententiis, alterius illius -figmenti vanitas coargui potest. sin illæ non satis fortiter premunt -quod longe a nobis absint, et nostrorum hominum, quod rei gestæ non -interfuerunt narratio digna fide minus videatur: Publicè tamen urbis -commentarii, in quos res gestæ referri solent, auctoritate vacare non -debent, qui aperte adhuc testabuntur non Augustini testimonio. cap. 17. -libri tertii de doctrina Christiana, sed Psalmographi versum, psalmo -vigesimo quarto, subsidio ei tunc fuisse: dum ad Cardinalis pedes -provulutus, flebili voce, verba ista proferebat (delicta juventutis -meæ et ignorantias ne memineris Domine) eam recantationis formulam, -ab eo tunc temporis usurpatum, ad eum sane finem obiter attigi, ut -tandem Scotia intelligeret, quam gravem et constantem nunc patriarcham -in religione sequitur: dum levis poetæ et abjurati hæretici paradoxa -omnia pro certissimis spiritus sancti oraculis habet.” Calvinianæ -Confusionis Demonstratio.――per Archibaldum Hammiltonium, p. 252 b. -253 a. Parisiis, 1581. - - - Note E, Footnote 26. - -_Of David Ferguson, and the cultivation of the Scottish Language._――I -have said in the text, that the reformers, while they exerted -themselves to revive the knowledge of the learned languages, did not -neglect the improvement of their native tongue; and that, among {299} -others, David Ferguson, minister of Dunfermline, distinguished himself -in this department. It appears, from a document already produced, -(vol. I., Note GG,) that he belonged originally to Dundee. Though -“not graduated in a college,” he was very far from being illiterate, -and was much admired for the quickness of his wit and good taste, as -well as for his piety――“elegantis ingenii et magnæ pietatis virum,” -says Smeton, Responsio ad Hamilt. Dialog. p. 92. Row’s Coronis to -his Historie, p. 314 of copy in Divinity Lib. Edin. The sermon which -he preached at Leith before the regent and nobility, and afterwards -published, (see above, p. 210,) is a proof of this; and had it not -been a sermon, would most probably have been republished before this -time, as a specimen of good Scottish composition. Extracts from it -may be seen in Note B. John Davidson, then one of the regents at -St Andrews, celebrated the success of the author in refining his -vernacular language, in the following Latin lines, which are prefixed -to the sermon:―― - - Græcia melifluo quantum det nestoris ori, - Aut Demostheneo debeat eloquio; - Ipsi facundo quantum (mihi crede) parenti - Attribuat linguæ turba togata suæ; - Nos tibi, Fergusi, tantum debere fatemur, - Scotanam linguam qui reparare studes. - Sermonem patriam ditas; inculta vetustas - Horret qua longe barbariemque fugas; - Adde etiam, neque abest facundis gratia dictis, - Respondet verbis materia apta tuis. - Quod satis ostendit nobis tua concio præsens, - Qua nihil in lucem doctius ire potest. - -Besides this sermon, Ferguson was the author of a collection of -Scottish Proverbs, and of an Answer to the Rejoinder, which the Jesuit -Tyrie made to Knox. That abusive writer, James Laing, calls this last -work “a barbarous, and Scotican epistle,” and rails against its author -as an _ignorant sutor_ and _glover_, who knew neither Hebrew, nor -Greek, nor Latin. As for himself, although a Scotsman, Laing tells us, -that he thought it beneath him to write in a language which was fit -only for barbarians and heretics. “Tres {300} sunt linguæ elegantes et -ingenuæ, Hebraica, Græca, et Latina, quæ nobilibus principibus――sunt -dignæ: cæteras linguas, cum sint barbaræ, barbaris et hæreticis -tanquam propriis relinquo.” De Vita Hæreticorum, Dedic. p. ult. et -p. 31. Paris, 1581. Notwithstanding this writer’s boasting of his -literature, and the opportunities which he takes to display it, he -did not know the top from the bottom of a Hebrew letter, if we may -judge from his book, p. 94, b. Laing’s objection to the literature -of Ferguson may, however, be thought as solid as that which another -popish writer has brought against his morals, by accusing him of -_using pepper instead of salt to his beef_. “At hi quibus carnem -accendant irritentque, novas artes quotidie excogitant;” and on the -margin, he says, “Exemplo est David Ferguson ad macerandas carnes -bubulas pipere pro sale utens.” Hamilton. De Confus. Calvinianæ Sectæ, -p. 76. But to do justice to Hamilton, it is proper to mention, that -pepper was at that time so high priced as to be a morsel only for a -pope or a cardinal, and very unfit for the mouths of barbers, cobblers, -&c., of which rank he tells us the reformed preachers generally were. -Principal Smeton, after saying that Ferguson had reared a numerous -family on a very moderate stipend, adds:――“Undenam ergo illi, amabo -te, tantum piperis ad carnes quotannis macerandas quantum sexcentis -apud nos aureis nummis nemo unquam compararit?” Smetoni Responsio ad -Hamilt. p. 95. The truth is, there was too much salt and pepper in the -writings of Ferguson for the papists. - -A number of Ferguson’s witty sayings are recorded by his son‑in‑law, -John Row. James VI. who resided frequently at Dunfermline, used to -take great delight in his conversation. “David,” said James to him one -day, “why may not I have bishops in Scotland as well as they have in -England?”――“Yea, Sir,” replied Ferguson, “ye may have bishops here; -but remember ye must make us all bishops, else will ye never content -us. For if ye set up ten or twelve lowns over honest men’s heads, -(honest men will not have your antichristian prelacies,) and give them -more thousands to debauch and mispend than honest men have hundreds -or scores, we wil never al be content. We ar Paul’s bishopis, Sir, -Christ’s bishopis; ha’d us as we are.”――“The d――l haid aills you,” -replied James, “but that ye would all be alike; ye cannot abide ony -to {301} be abone you.”――“Sir!” said the minister, “do not ban.” -Row’s Coronis to his Historie of the Kirk, p. 314. Ferguson seems to -have amused himself with some of those incidents which were generally -reckoned ominous. The king having once asked him, very seriously, -what he thought was the reason that the Master of Gray’s house shook -during the night, he answered, “Why should not the devil rock his awin -bairns?” Having met at St Andrews along with other commissioners of -the church, to protest against the inauguration of Patrick Adamson -as archbishop of that see, one came in and told them, that there was -a crow “crouping” on the roof of the church. “That’s a bad omen,” -said he, shaking his head, “for inauguration is from _avium garritu_, -the raven is omnimodo a black bird, and it cries _corrupt, corrupt, -corrupt_.” Row’s Historie, p. 40. - -It may not be improper to insert here the inscription on the tomb of -John Row, the historian to whom I have so often been indebted, who -was third son of the learned minister of Perth, and married Grizzel, -daughter to David Ferguson of Dunfermline. It is on his monument in -the churchyard of Carnock. - -“Hic jacet M. Jo. Row, Pastor hujus Ecclesiæ fidelissimus. Vixit -acerrimus veritatis et fœderis Scoticani assertor, Hierarchiæ -pseudo‑episcopalis, et Romanorum rituum, cordicitus osor, in frequenti -symmystarum apostasia cubi instar constantissimus.――Duxit Gricellidam -Fergusonam, cum qua annos 51 conjunctissime vixit. Huic ecclesiæ -annos 54 praefuit. Obiit Junij 26to, anno domini 1646. Ætatis 78. -Obiit et illa Januarij 30mo, 1659.” - - - Note F, Footnote 28. - -_Order of Procedure at the first Meetings of the General -Assembly._――The first appointment of a moderator was in December 1563. -“It was proponit be the haill assemblie yat ane moderator suld be -appointit for avoyding confusioun in reasoning.” Buik of the Universal -Kirk, p. 8. The Assembly which met at Perth, August 1572, ordained, -as a perpetual law, that no person of whatever estate take in hand -to speak without license asked and given by the moderator, that -moderation should be kept in reasoning, and silence when commanded -by the moderator, under pain of removal from {302} the assembly, and -not to re‑enter during that convention. Ibid. p. 55. In July 1568, -to correct evils, “be reason of the pluralitie and confusion of -voices,” it was enacted, that none should have power to vote but -superintendents, commissioners appointed to visit kirks, ministers -“brought with yame, presented as habile to reasone, and having -knowledge to judge,” and commissioners of burghs, shires, and -universities. The ministers were to be chosen at the synodal -convention of the diocese, by consent of the rest of the ministry -and gentlemen that shall convene at the said synodal convention; -commissioners of burghs by “the counsell and kirk of their awn -townes.”――“None to be admitted without sufficient commission -or wreit.” And to prevent a monopoly of power, they were to be -changed from assembly to assembly. Ibid, p. 38. The assembly, March -1569/70, settled the following order of procedure. After sermon -and prayer by the former moderator, 1. A new moderator to be chosen. -2. Superintendents, commissioners, &c. to be tried. First, the -superintendents being removed, enquiry was made of the ministers and -commissioners of their bounds if they had any charges to lay against -them as to neglect of duty, &c. If any charge was brought, it was -examined, and sentence passed. The same order was observed in the -trial of the other members of assembly. 3. The case of penitents and -persons under censure to be considered. Lastly, The business left -undecided by last assembly, or brought before the present, to be -taken up. Ibid. p. 47. - - - Note G, Footnote 32. - -_Epistolary Correspondence between Knox and Calvin._――In a letter, -dated 28th August, 1559, Knox requests Calvin’s opinion on the two -following questions. 1. Whether bastards, the children of idolaters -and excommunicated persons, should be admitted to baptism, before -their parents gave satisfaction to the church, or they themselves were -able to require it? 2. Whether monks and popish priests, who neither -serve the church, nor are capable of serving it, although they have -renounced their errors, ought to have the annual rents of the church -paid to them? Knox had maintained the negative on the last question. -The letter is said to be written _raptim_. “Plura scribere vetat -febris qua crucior, laborum moles qua premor, {303} et Gallorum -bombardæ, qui, ut nos opprimant, appulerunt.” (Comp. Historie, -p. 161.) Calvin, in a leter dated Nov. 8, 1559, answers, that it -was his opinion and that of his colleagues, on the first question, -That the sacrament of baptism was not to be administered to those who -were without the church, nor to any without proper sponsors; but the -promise (upon which the right was founded) was not confined to the -posterity in the first degree: and therefore those who were descended -from godly parents were to be viewed as belonging to the church, -although their parents or even grand‑parents had become apostates, -and such children were not to be refused baptism, provided persons -appeared as sponsors, engaging for their religious education. “Adde -quod alia est nunc renascentis ecclesiæ ratio, quam rite formatæ et -compositæ.” (Comp. Dunlop, ii. 573.) On the second question, he says, -That although those who performed no service in the church had not a -just claim to be supported by its funds, still, as the popish clergy -had brought themselves under engagements in times of ignorance, and -had consumed a part of their lives in idleness, it seemed harsh to -deprive them of all support. He therefore advises a middle course to -be adopted. Calvini Epistolæ et Responsa, p. 516‒520. Hanoviæ, 1597. -Ibid. p. 201, 202, in Oper. tom. ix. Amstælod. 1667. - -From another letter of Calvin to Knox, dated April 23, 1561, -it appears that the Genevese Reformer had been consulted by our -countrymen on some other points of considerable difficulty,――most -probably those questions on which the nobility and the ministers -differed. He wrote them accordingly, but soon after was applied -to a second time for his opinion on the same subject, as his first -letter had miscarried. Knowing that his judgment was not altogether -agreeable to some of his correspondents, he suspected that they wished -to draw from him an answer more favourable to their own sentiments, -and expressed his dissatisfaction at such conduct. Knox, who appears -to have been employed in the correspondence, was grieved at this -suspicion, and vindicated himself from the imputation. Calvin, in -this letter, apologises for his severity, and assures him that he -never entertained any suspicion of his integrity. “Te vero dolose -quicquam egisse, neque dixi, neque suspicatus sum.――Ac mihi dolet, -quod exciderat ex ore meo, sic in animum tuum penetrasse, ut putares -malæ fidei aut astutiæ, a qua te remotum {304} esse judico, fuisse -insimulatam. Facessat igitur metus ille vel cura.” In both letters, -Calvin signifies his high satisfaction at the wonderful success of -the Reformation in Scotland. The conclusion of the last is expressive -of the unaffected piety of the writer, and his warm regard for his -correspondent. “Hic versamur inter multa discrimina. Una tantum -cælestis præsidii fiducia nos a trepidatione eximit: quanvis non simus -metu vacui. Vale, eximie vir, et ex animo colende frater. Dominus -tibi semper adsit, te gubernet, tueatur, ac sustentet sua virtute.” -Ut supra, p. 564‒566, et in alter. edit. p. 150. - -These are the only parts of the correspondence between Calvin and our -Reformer which have been published; but Mons. Senebier, the librarian -of Geneva, has informed us that there are a number of Knox’s letters -to Calvin preserved in the public library of that city. Histoire -Litteraire de Geneve, tom. i. p. 380. - -During his residence at Geneva, Knox became acquainted with Beza, -who then acted as professor of Greek in the neighbouring city of -Lausanne, from which he was translated to Geneva, upon the erection -of the university there, the same year in which our Reformer returned -to Scotland. An epistolary correspondence was afterwards maintained -between them. Two letters of Beza to Knox, the one dated June 3, 1569, -the other April 12, 1572, are inserted in Epistol. Theolog. Bezæ, -p. 333‒336, 344‒346, of the first edition; and p. 304‒307, 314‒316, -of the second edition, Genevæ, 1575. Both of them evince the -writer’s ardent regard for our Reformer, and his high opinion of -our reformation. The first letter is inscribed, “To John Knox, the -Restorer of the Gospel of God in Scotland,” and begins with these -words: “Gratiam et pacem tibi, mi frater, omnibusque vestris sanctis -ecclesiis opto a Deo et Patre Domini nostri Jesu Christi, cui etiam -gratias ago assidue, tum de tanta ipsius in vos beneficentia, tum -de vestra singulari in asserendo ipsius cultu constantia et animi -fortitudine.――Euge, mi frater, quam recte illud quod disciplinam -simul cum doctrina conjungitis? Obsecro et obtestor ut ita pergatis, -ne vobis idem quod tam multis eveniat, ut qui in limine impegerint, -progredi non possint, imo etiam interdum ne velint quidem, quod longe -misserrimum est.” The second letter, which behoved to be received by -Knox only a few months before his death, could not fail to {305} be -gratifying to him, even although he had then taken a formal “farewell -of the world.” It is addressed “To his dearest Brother and Colleague,” -and begins in the following lofty strain of affection: “Etsi tanto -terrarum et maris ipsius intervallo disjuncti corporibus sumus, mi -Cnoxe, tamen minime dubito quin inter nos semper viguerit, et ad -extremum vigeat, summa illa animorum conjunctio, unius ejusdemque -spiritus fideique vinculo sancita.” - - - Note H, Footnote 37. - -_Evidence of Queen Mary’s design to restore the Roman Catholic -Religion in Scotland._――The reader who doubts that this was her -uniform object from the time that she left France, may consult the -following authorities. Throkmorton’s Conference with Mary, in Knox, -Historie, 275‒277. Keith, History, 164‒167. Life of bishop Lesley, in -Anderson’s Collections, i. 4, iii. 9. The letters of the cardinal de -St Croix, (ambassador from the pope to the court of France,) extracted -from the Vatican library, afford a striking demonstration of the -intentions of the queen. St Croix writes to cardinal Borromeo, that -the grand prior of France (one of Mary’s uncles) and Mons. Danville -had arrived from Scotland on the 17th November (1561,) and had brought -information, that the queen was going on successfully in surmounting -all opposition to her in that kingdom. Being informed one day that -some heretics had extinguished the candles on her altar, she repaired -to the chapel, and having ascertained the fact, commanded a baron, -one of the most powerful and most addicted to Lutheranism, to re‑light -the candles, and place them on the altar: in which she was instantly -obeyed. After relating another instance of her spirited conduct -against the magistrates of a certain borough who had banished the -popish priests, the cardinal adds:――“by these means she has acquired -greater authority and power, for enabling her to restore the ancient -religion;” “con che acquesta tutta via maggior autorita et forze, per -posser restituer en quel regno l’antica religione.” Aymon, Synodes -Nationaux des Eglises Reformees de France, tom. i. p. 17, 18. - - -{306} - Note I, Footnote 39. - -_Sanguinary Spirit and Principles of Roman Catholics._――Bayle, -Commentaire Philosophique, tome i. pref. xiv. part ii. chap. v. -p. 343, 347, anno 1686, and his Critique Generale de l’Histoire du -Caivinisme, p. 486, 501‒519. Hume’s Hist. of England, vol. vii. -chap. i. p. 24. Lond. 1793, 12mo. Robertson’s History of Scotland, -vol. ii. p. 62, 143, 352. Lond. 1809. - -“Les Papistes,” says Bayle, in a treatise in which he pleads for -toleration on a very extensive basis――“Les Papistes eux‑memes sont les -premiers en ce pais‑ci à crier qu’il n’y a rien de plus injuste que de -vexer la conscience. Pensée ridicule en leur bouche! et non seulement -ridicule, mais traitresse, &c. _i.e._ The papists themselves are the -first in this country [Britain] to exclaim that there is nothing more -unjust than to distress conscience. A sentiment ridiculous in their -mouth! and not only ridiculous, but treacherous, and marked with -that dishonesty which they have uniformly discovered for so many -ages. For they would not fail, in three years, to burn and butcher -all who refused to go to mass, if they acquired the power, and could -avail themselves of the baseness of a sufficient number of court -parasites, men of venal souls, and unworthy of the protestant name -which they bear, to overturn the fundamental barriers which so -salutarily restrain the royal power.” Commentaire Philosophique, -pref. p. xiii. xiv. - -The sentiments contained in the following passage are now become -so antiquated and unintelligible, that I shall not risk my credit -by venturing to translate it. “Les malheurs qui sont arrivez à nos -freres de France tourneront, comme il y a apparence, à notre profit. -Il nous out remis dans la necessaire defiance du Papisme, il nous -out fait voir que cette fausse religion ne s’amende pas par le long -age, qu’elle est toujours, comme au tems jadis, animée de l’esprit -de fourbe et de cruauté, et que malgré la politesse, l’honneteté, la -civilité, qui regne dans les manieres de ce siecle plus qu’en aucun -autre, elle est toujours brutale et farouche. Chose etrange! tout -ce qu’il y avoit de grossier dans les mœurs de nos ancestres s’est -evanouit; à cet air rustique et sauvage des vieux {307} tems a succedé -par toute l’Europe Chretienne une douceur et une civilité extreme. -Il n’y a que le Papisme qui ne se sent point du changement, et qui -retient toujours son ancienne et habituelle ferocité. Nous nous -imaginions nous autres Anglois, que c’etoit une bete apprivoisseé, un -loup et un tigre qui avoit oublie son naturel sauvage; mais Dieu merci -aux Convertisseurs de France, nous nous sommes desabusez, et nous -savons à qui nous aurions à faire si notre sort etoit entre leurs -mains. Pesans bien cela et considerons quel malheur nous pendroit -sur la tete, si nous laissions croitre le Papisme dans ce bien -heureux climats. Je ne veux pas que cela nous porte à faire aucunes -represailles sur les papistes; non, je deteste ces imitations; je -souhaite seulement qu’ils n’aquierent pas la force d’executer sur -nous ce qu’ils savent faire.” Ibid. p. xv. xviii. xix. - - - Note K, Footnote 59. - -The following extracts from the records of the town council of -Edinburgh, show the attention which they paid to the support and -accommodation of their minister. - -May 8, 1560. The provost, bailies, and council ordain the -treasurer to pay the sum of L.40 Scots for furnishing of the minister, -John Knox, in his household; and because he had been furnished on -David Forrester’s expenses since his coming to this town, for the -space of 15 days, ordains to receive David’s accompts, and make -payment.――“Penultimo Octobris 1560. The quhilk day, the provost, -baillies, and counsaill ordainis James Barroun to pay to John Knox the -soulme of sax scoir pounds of the reddiest money of the solmes being -in his hands, and sicklyk the soulme of L.20.” This last sum seems -to have been allotted for repairs on his house.――“12th Dec. 1560. The -provost, baillies, and counsill ordanis James Barroun (dean of guild -of last year) to pay and deliver to John Knox, minister, the soume -of fiftie pound for supporting of his charges, and that incontinent -after the sight heirof, and gif it beis funden that the said James -be superexpendit, after the making of his accompt, precepts shall be -given in maist strait forme, commanding the treasurer to mak him gud -and thankfull payment of his haill superexpensis, within aught days -nixt thairafter.” {308} From the minutes of Dec. 22, 1560, April 5, -and May 28, 1561, it appears that his fixed stipend was L.200 a‑year; -for L.50 is ordered, each time, “for his quarter payment” or “dues.” -On Dec. 14, 1560, it was agreed that his house rent should afterwards -be “paid at the rate of 15 merks a‑year.” - -“Penultimo Octobris [1561.] The samine day the provost, baillies, -and counsail ordanis the dene of gyld, with all diligence, to mak ane -warme stuydye of dailles to the minister, Johne Knox, within his hous, -abone the hall of the same, with lyht and wyndokis thereunto, and all -uther necessaris: and the expenciss disbursit be him salbe allowit -to him in his accomptis.”――“January 1561 (_i.e._ 1562) the provost, -baillies, and counsale, understanding that the minister, Jhone Knox, -is requyrit be the hale kirk to passe in the partis of Anguss and -Mearnys, for electing of ane superintendent thare, to the quhilk -they themselfs hes grantit, thairfoir ordains Alexander Guthrie, dene -of gild, to pass in companie with him, for furnishing of the said -ministeris charges, and to deburse and pay the same of the readeast of -the townis gudis in his handis, quhilk salbe allowit in his accomptis: -And further haist the said minister hame, that the kirk hear be not -desolait.” - -To these extracts respecting Knox, I may add one from the same -records respecting Willock, who officiated in his place as minister of -Edinburgh during the civil war. “29 August, 1560. The counsail ordains -their treasurer to deliver to John Willock 22 crownes of the sone -for recompense of the great traveill sustenit be him this haill yiere -bygane, in preching and administring the sacramentis within this burgh, -and ordanis ane member of the counsall to thank him for his greit -benevolence, and for the greit travaill forsaid.” Previous to this, -they had remunerated John Cairns, with whom Willock had lodged. - -In the text I have mentioned, that, after the arrangement made by -the privy council respecting the thirds of benefices, Knox seems to -have received part of his stipend from the common fund. The extracts -which Keith has given from the books of assignation mention only two -allowances made to him. “To John Knox, minister, wheat 2 c[halders], -bear 6 c. meal o. oates 4 c.” Whether this was for the year 1563, or -not, Keith does not say. He adds {309} in a note, “For the year 1568, -I see L.333, 6s. 8d. given to Mr Knox.” History, Appendix, 188. His -stipend at the time of his death will be stated in Note BB. Keith has -inserted, from the books of assignation, the prices of the principal -articles of living at that time, from which an idea of the value -of money may be formed. Ibid. 189. The following are a specimen. In -Fyfe, Lothian, Merse, and Teviotdale, for 1573, wheat, L.26, 13s. 4d. -the chalder; bear, L.21, 6s. 8d.; meal, L.16; oats, 20 merks. Or, -according to another account, without expressing any county, wheat, -L.1 the boll; bear, L.1, 13s. 4d.; meal the same; oats, 10s.; malt, -L.2; rye, and pease and beans, the same; mairts of Aberdeen, L.2, 13s. -4d. the piece; sheep, 9s.; poultry, 4s. the dozen; geese, 1s. the -piece; cheese, 6s. 8d. the stone. - - - Note L, Footnote 64. - - Protocol――James Nicolson. - - Pro Johanne Knox. - -_Knox’s Protest in the affairs of the Earl of Angus._――Vigesimo quarto -die mensis Octobris, anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo -primo, in presence of me notair, and witnesses vnderwrittin, Comperit -Johnne Knox, minister of Edinburgh, and thair being requyrit be George -Dowglas, sone naturall to vmquhile Archibald erle of Angus that last -deceissit, to deliuer agane to him the letter of renunciatioun maid -be the said George of the landis, lordschip, and baronie of Abirnethy, -and regalite thairof, with the maner, places, mylnis, multuris, -woddis, fischingis, tennentis, tennandriys, service of free tennentis, -aduocatiounis, donationis, and rychtis of patronages of the kirkis, -benefices, collegis, and prebendarys thairof, &c., in favouris of -Archibald, now erle of Angus, of the daitt at Edinburgh, the xxiiij -day of Junij the zeir of God I{m} v{c} threscoir ane zeiris; and -consignit and putt be him in the handis of the said Johnne, in hoip -of aggreance to haif bene dressit betuix him the said erle and his -tutouris. Ansuerit, that he granted the resaving of the said lettir, -vnder conditioun foirsaid; and that he had bestowit his faithfull -laubouris besyde the travellis tane zairin be diuers noble men {310} -to haif had that mater aggreit. Be quham thair wes diuers reasonable -offeris maid to the said George, quhilkis he hes refusit, and -thairfoir protestit gif that his refuis turne heirefter to his awin -damnage, that the said Johnne be innocent thairof. Testifiand to -the said George, in his awin presence and ouris, and also befoir -God, that the offer maid is mair reasonable nor he belevis the said -George is able to haif ony proffett or gaynes vtherwyis thairbi. -And thairupoun the said Johnne deliuerit to the said George his said -lettir of renunciatioun, of the daitt foirsaid, vnder his seill and -subscriptioun, quhilk the said George confessit and recognoscit to -be the same quhilk he deliuerit, togidder also with his seill in -lead, quhilkis the said George resavit and dischargit the said -Johnne thairof. Quhairupoun the said Jo{n} askit instrumentis. Done -in maister James M‘gillis study, at vj houris at evin, or thairbi. -Present thairat the said Maister James, clerk of reḡri; Maister -George Hay, vicare of Eddilstoune; Adam Wauchop, and I James Nicolson. - - J. NICOLSON. - - - Note M, Footnote 75.[352] - -_Minutes of the Town Council of Edinburgh respecting a -second Minister._――“10th April, 1562.――The same day the counsale, -understanding the tedious and havie labours sufferit be the minister, -Jhone Knox, in preiching thrise in the oulk, and twise on the Sounday, -ordains with ane consent to solist and persuade Maister Jhone Craig, -presentlie minister of the Canongait, to accept upoun him the half -chargis of the preaching of the said kirk of Edinburgh for sic gud -deid as thai can aggre on.”――That this measure was not carried into -effect for some time after, appears from the following act of council. -“18th June, 1563.――After lang reasoning upon the necessities of -ministers, finds that there salbe ane uther minister elected be the -provost, baillies, and counsale, dekynes and elderis of this burgh, -and addit to Johne Knox, minister.” From the same act and subsequent -measures, it is evident that the want of necessary funds was the cause -of the delay. For the council resolved, {311} that “for susteaning of -thame baith, togidder with Johne Cairns reider,” the deacons should -meet with the trades and the merchants, to see what they would be -willing to give. The reports made to the council bore that, if they -would fix a particular stipend, the trades were willing to pay a fifth -part of it, according to old custom. But although Craig had not been -translated from the Canongate, he seems to have performed a part of -the duty in Edinburgh; for, in the same month, I find the council -appointing a number of persons “to go amang the faithfull who had -communicate,” and make a collection for “Johnne Craig and Johnne -Cairns, who had received nothing for a lang time.” This expedient -they were obliged afterwards to repeat. On the 26th September, 1561, -the council had agreed to give “to John Cairns, lector of morning -prayeris, 100 merks a‑year, in tyme to cum.” Records of Town Council. - - - Note N, Footnote 88. - -_Writings of Quintin Kennedy and George Hay._――Keith has inserted -a letter which Kennedy wrote to the archbishop of Glasgow, and the -correspondence between him and Willock, in 1559. He has also given -large extracts from his Compendious Tractive. History, Append. -p. 193‒203. The following quotations may be added, for verifying the -statement which I have made in the text. Having quoted John, v. 39, -Kennedy says, “Marke (gud redare) the Scripture to occupy the place of -ane wytnes, and not the place of ane juge.” A, iiij. In a subsequent -part of the work, he endeavours to qualify what he had stated -respecting the church being judge of all matters in religion. “We -never say in all our lytil tractive, that the kirk is juge to the -Scripture, bot yat the kirk is juge to discern quhilk is the trew -Scripture of God, and to mak manifest to the congregation the trew -understandyng of the samyn.” Ibid. H, v. This explication does not -much mend the matter; for certainly he who has the power of calling -what witnesses he pleases, and of putting what sense he pleases upon -their testimony, is to all intents and purposes the judge of the -witnesses, and of their evidence. Having mentioned that there were -persons “swa religious {312} and clean fyngerit, that thair wil na -thyng perswade thaim without testimony of Scripture,” he adds, “All -Christin men havand ane generale understanding of the articles of our -faith (conforme to the understanding that the kirk hes teacheit ws); -the ten commandements, the prayer of the Lord callit the Pater noster, -it suffices to thame to quhame it does not appertene of thair office -nor vocatioun, to occupy the place of the prechairis or techeairis in -the congregatioun. As to the sacramentis, and all uther secretis of -the Scripture, stand to the jugement of thy pasture, (without curious -ressoning or cersing of the secretis of Godis word,) quha beiris thy -burding in all materis doutsum abone thy knawledge, conforme to the -saying of the apostle, ‘Obey unto your superioris,’ &c. And in cais -they be negligent, ressave doctryne of the kirk, as the tyme teicheis -ws. Be this way (quhilk is conforme to Godis word and all veritie) it -sall be asie to all men, quhat place or estait in the congregatioun -that ever he occupy, to beir his awin burding.” Ibid. D, vii. - -Another work of Kennedy has lately been printed, from a MS. in the -Auchinleck library, under the following title: “Ane Oratioune in -fauouris of all thais of the Congregatione, exhortand thaim to aspy -how wonderfullie thai ar abusit be thair dissaitful prechouris, set -furth be master Quintine Kennedy, Commendatour of Corsraguell, ye zeir -of Gode 1561.” Edinburgh, 1812. Perhaps this oration was printed in -the year mentioned in the title, although no copy is now to be found, -and was one of “his books,” referred to by the abbot in his dispute -with Knox. I have already given extracts from this book, in vol. i. -p. 398, 439. It concludes in the following manner: “Quharfor, with -all my hart exhortis, prays, and but mercie appellis thar pestilent -precheouris,” [on the margin, “Knox, Willock, Winrame, Gudmane, -Dowglasse, Heriot, Spottiswoode, and all ye rest.”] “puffit vp with -vane glore, quhilkis rackinnis thaimselfis of gretar knawlege nor -Christis haill kirk, cumand but authoritie, subuertand, subornande, -and circumuenande the simple peple, cersande thair pray like the -deuillis rachis, barkcand bauldly like bardis, aganis the blissit -sacrament of the altare, the sacrifice of the mess, and all vther -godlie ordinance of Jhesus Christ and his kirk, to preiss their wittis -and inginis, and to streik {313} all thair pennis in my contrar, -makande the congregatioun and all vtheris to vnderstande, gif I do -propirly, truely, and godly, or nocht, invey aganis thair deuillische -doctrine and doyingis. Failyeande thairof, recant, for schame, recant -(ye famouse precheouris) and cum in obedience to the kirk of God, -quhilk ye haue stubbornlie misknawin this lang time bypast, (and that -nocht without grete dangere to your avne saulis and mony vtheris,) -thairfor recant, in tyme recant, as ye lufe your saluation, and cry -God mercie: To quham, with the Sone and Haly Gaist, be prayse, honour, -and glore, for ever ande ever. Amen. Progenies viperarum fugite a -ventura ira, nam securis ad radicem arboris posita est, penitentiam -agite. Matth. iii.” - -In his dispute with Knox, the abbot mentions his “books,” and he -refers particularly to a book which he had published in 1561, on the -sacrament of the mass. There is in the library of Alexander Boswell, -Esq. of Auchinleck, a MS. by the abbot, entitled, “Ane familiar -commune and ressoning anent the misterie of the sacrifice of the mess, -betwixt twa brether, master Quintin Kennedy, comendator of Corsraguell, -and James Kennedy of . In the yeir of God ane thousand, five -hundred, three scoir ane yeir.” It was answered by George Hay, in a -work entitled, “The Confutation of the Abbote of Crosraguels Masse, -set furth by Maister George Hay. Imprinted at Edinburgh by Robert -Lekpreuik, 1563.” The dedication is inscribed, “To the most noble, -potent, and godlie Lord James Earle of Murray.” This is the book to -which Winzet alludes on the margin of his Buke of Questionis, where he -says, “Mr George Hay, fy haist zow to recant.” Keith, Append. p. 236, -246. I have been favoured with the sight of a copy of this rare -tract, belonging to Richard Heber, Esq. It would seem that the abbot’s -treatise was not printed, but that copies of it had been transcribed, -and industriously circulated through the country in manuscript; for -Hay repeatedly makes the supposition that there might be variations -in the different copies, and on one occasion confesses that he could -not read a passage in the copy which he used. “Followeth, another -objection made by James. Alwayes,” sayes he, “all ze wha vses the -Masse, dois not (this (not) is not in the text, that is come to my -handes, but because the sentence requireth it, {314} I haue added it) -as Christe did in the latter supper,” &c. He gives another quotation -from the abbot in the following manner: “Trewly, brother, and ze be -sa scrupulus Scripturares, that ze will do nothing but (but is not in -my text) as Christe did, towards the vse of the Sacramentes, ze will -subuert our haile Faith, and commend our awin doinges,[353] (so I ride -it) (our owen doinges or commonly I can not tell which should be red, -or if there be any other thing yet,) for quhair finde ze that Christe -euer appointed ane man to be baptized,” &c. Fol. 36, b. 37, a, b. - -The following account of the abbot’s talents and acquaintance with -the Fathers may serve as a specimen of Hay’s style. “Trew it is, -that before this boke of the abbote of Crosraguel’s wes set furth and -published, sindrie and diuers were the opinions of men concerning it. -For the sorte of them that be cōmonly tearmed Papistes, aduersaries -to all trew religion, thoght in verie deid that they should receaue -such a confort, yea, such a gun as no munition myght withstand, no -strengthe resiste, nether yet any maner of force repel. They were -encuraged by the brute and fame of the man, who onely wolde appeare in -these tymes to haue dexteritie of ingyne, helped and auanced by long -progres of tyme spent in good letters, yea, ād besydes the Scriptures -of God, will also appeare to haue the conference, judgment, and -authoritie of the ancient Fathers and councils, which it may seme -to the reader that he feadeth (not unlyke the nyne Muses) in his -bosome. I my self hauing hade some tymes credit and acquentence of -the man, loked for some what that might haue troubled the cōsciences -of waiklinges, and of such as stayed them selues vpon a glistering -and semely ymagination of mans heart, rather then upon the written -and reueiled treuth, by the spirite of God. For it wes not vnknawen -to me how familiare he hath bene with the scolastike sophisters, -their thornie questions, and scabrus conclusions, yea and some of the -ancient doctors, whose writinges, what by ignorance of tyme seduced, -what by affection carryed away, I thoght wel he should wreist to -his vngodly opinion.” Fol. 3, a. Having pointed out a {315} false -quotation, which the abbot had made from Chrysostom, Hay adds, “Hereby -it is easy to perceaue how vainely ye ascribe such reading of the -ancientes vnto your self, as in your writinges ye take vpon you, -that ye will seme in the eyes of the people, to be the onely he in -this realme versed in antiquitie. And now to say my judgment frely, -I truste ye haue no workes of such men as ye draw your authorities -out of, but onely hath, I can not tell what lytle scabbed treaties of -Eccius, Cochleus, Hosius, Stanislaus youre new start up Campion, and -of such others of your factiō, and taketh out of them, such thinges as -ye think may serue to your wicked and blasphemus purpose. What credite -now, or what authoritie oght to be given to such places, as thou -draweth out of the doctors, who belyke neuer hath sene there workes, -nether yet knoweth to what purpose they speak, if they speak of -their owne mynde, or of their aduersaries, whither they speak by an -interrogation or conclusiuely, and determinatly, whither they speak -ὑπερβολικως,[354] that is excessiuely, to extoll the dignitie of the -mater they haue in hand (which is not rare in this author) or simplie. -Thus the text it self is to be considered, that it that preceadeth -being conferred with it that followeth, the mynde and sentence of -the author may be knowen perfytlie. Not that I will hereby damne yong -men, who ether excluded by tyme, or els lacking bookes, muste giue -credite to good authorities, but in this man who will seme to be -an other Anacharses inter sordidos Scythas, it is intollerable, who -is sequestrate frome the common societie of men, and trauell in the -common wealth, hauing not els to do, but that he hath inioyned to him -self, that is to ly by a pleasing bray, and cast in stones to trouble -the faire and cleare rinning watter.” Fol. 18, b. 19, a. - -Lepreuik, in an advertisement to the reader, apologizes for his -want of Greek characters, which he was forced to have supplied by -manuscript. Herbert’s edit. of Ames, p. 1487. This fact illustrates -what I have mentioned in vol. i. 347. Herbert questions Ames’s -statement, that they had no Hebrew or Greek types in Scotland in 1579, -and he appeals to a book printed ‘at Edinburgh, be Leighe Mannenby, -anno Domini 1578,’ in which Greek characters {316} are found. Ibid. -p. 1499, 1500. But this cannot overthrow Ames’s statement, which is -correct; for the imprint of that book is undoubtedly fictitious, as no -such Scottish printer as “Leighe Mannenby” seems to have ever existed. - - - Note O, Footnote 95. - -_Ordination of reformed Ministers._――In the prologue to the “Reasoning -betwixt Jo. Knox and the abbot of Crossraguell,” Knox adverts to the -cavils of the papists against the validity of the call of the reformed -ministers, and intimates his intention of returning an answer to the -questions on this head which had been proposed to him by Ninian Winget, -the “_Procutour for the Papists_.” There are some general remarks -on this subject in his answer to Tyrie’s Letter, but I do not think -that he ever published any thing professedly on the point. There -is a ridiculous tale told by a popish writer concerning a pretended -convention held by the reformed ministers in Scotland to determine in -what manner they should proceed in the admission of ministers. Willock -proposed as a weighty difficulty, that if they used imposition of -hands, or any other ceremony commonly practised in the church, they -would be asked to show, that they themselves had been admitted by the -same ceremonies, and thus the lawfulness of their vocation would be -called in question. “Johann kmnox ansuerit maist resolutlie, ‘Buf, buf, -man, we ar anes entered, let se quha dar put us out agane;’ meaning -that thair was not sa monie gunnis and pistollis in the countrie to -put him out as was to intrud him with violence. Sua Johann kmnox, to -his awin confusion, entered not in the kirk be ordinar vocatione or -imposition of handis, but be imposition of ‘bullatis and pouldir in -culringis and lang gunnis;’ sua ye mister not to trubill you farder -in seiking out of Johann kmnox vocatione.”――This story “I understude,” -says the author, “of ane nobil and honourable man, quha can yit beir -witnes gif I lea or not.” He took care, however, not to give the name -of the nobleman. Nicol Burne’s Disputation, p. 129. Parise, 1581. - - -{317} - Note P, Footnote 100. - -_Strictness and impartiality of Discipline._――The form of satisfaction -enjoined in the case of Methven, was appointed for all who should -be excommunicated for murder, adultery, incest, or other aggravated -crimes. The murderer was to bear in his hand “the same or lyke -weapoun whairwith the murther was committed.” Buik of the Univ. Kirk, -p. 38. Other rules observed in cases of discipline may be seen in -Knox’s Liturgy, p. 55‒67, edit. 1611, and in Dunlop’s Confessions, -ii. 704‒756. Impartiality, as well as severity, distinguished the -discipline of those times. “_Gryt_ men offending in sick crymes -as deserves seckclaith, they suld receave the same als weill as -the _pure_.――Na superintendant nor commissioner, with advyce of -any particular kirk of yair jurisdiction, may dispense with the -extreamitie of sackcloth, prescrivit be the actes of the generall -discipline, for any pecuniall sum or paine _ad pios usus_.” Buik of -the Univ. Kirk, August, 1573. Dunlop, ii. 753. This was not a mere -theoretic proposition. For, in 1563, we find the lord treasurer -making public satisfaction, (Keith, 245, 529;) in 1567, the countess -of Argyle, (Buik of the Univ. Kirk, p. 37,) and in 1568, the bishop -of Orkney, (Anderson’s Collections, ii. 284.) Let not our modern -fashionables and great ones be alarmed at hearing of such things. -Those days are gone, and will not, it is likely, soon return. - -The parliament, or the magistracy of particular burghs, enacted -punishments of a corporal kind against certain crimes which were -ordinarily tried in the church courts. Some of these existed before -the Reformation, and some of them were posterior to it; but the -infliction as well as the enacting of them, pertained to the civil -magistrate. Knox, p. 269. In the minutes of several kirk‑sessions, -however, the sentences inflicting them are found recorded along with -censures properly ecclesiastical. The following extract accounts -for this in part. “What you bring” (says Mr Baillie, in his answer -to bishop Maxwell) “of pecuniary mulcts, imprisonments, banishments, -jogges, cutting of haire, and such like, it becomes neither you to -charge, nor us to be charged with, any such matters: {318} No church -assembly in Scotland assumes the least degree of power, to inflict the -smallest civill punishment upon any person; the Generall Assembly it -selfe hath no power to fine any creature so much as in one groat: It -is true, the lawes of the land appoint pecuniary mulcts, imprisonment, -joggs, pillories, and banishment for some odious crimes, and the power -of putting these lawes in execution is placed by the parliament in the -hands of the inferior magistrates in burroughs or shires, or of others -to whom the counsel table gives a speciall commission for that end; -ordinarily some of these civill persons are ruling elders, and sit -with the eldership: So when the eldership have cognosced upon the -scandall alone of criminall persons, and have used their spirituall -censures only to bring the party to repentance, some of the ruling -elders, by virtue of their civill office or commission, will impose -a mulct, or send to prison or stocks, or banish out of the bounds of -some little circuit, according as the act of parliament or counsell do -appoint it. But that the eldership should imploy its ecclesiastick and -spirituall power for any such end, none of us doe defend. That either -in Scotland or any where else in the world the haire of any person -is commanded to be cut by any church judicatory for disgrace and -punishment, is (as I take it) but a foolish fable. That any person -truely penitent is threatened in Scotland, with church censures -for non‑payment of monies, is in the former category of calumnies.” -Historical Vindication of the government of the Church of Scotland, -p. 17, 18. Lond. 1646. I have in my possession (extracted from -the records of a kirk session) a commission, granted in 1701, by -the sheriff‑depute of Berwickshire, constituting one of the elders -session‑bailie, for executing the laws against profaneness, agreeably -to an act of parliament authorizing the appointment of such an officer -in parishes within which no ordinary magistrate resided. - -I may add the following quotation from another able and strenuous -assertor of the presbyterian discipline and government. “Ubi -originalis causa excommunicationis est delictum violans jura et -libertates ecclesiæ, &c. When the original cause of excommunication -is an offence violating the rights and liberties of the church, either -in the way of loss being sustained or injury being done, I confess -that the assistance of the secular arm may be implored, {319} and -the guilty person may be forced to repair the loss and to give civil -satisfaction; or even if the person already excommunicated shall -testify a disposition to disturb the religious service, or to violate -the rights and liberties of the church. But where no loss or injury -to the rights and liberties of the church arises from the offence or -from the contumacy, but scandal alone is given, I know not whether any -person is to be forced to what is called penitential satisfaction, by -imploring the assistance of the secular arm. For as the church has no -coactive power in herself, so neither ought she to use it indirectly -to extort confessions which are constrained, and consequently -counterfeit.” Calderwood, Altare Damascenum, p. 312‒3. edit. Lugd. -Bat. 1708. - - - Note Q, Footnote 113. - -_Mr Hume’s misrepresentations of the behaviour of the Reformers to -Queen Mary._――The whole account which this historian has given of the -conduct of the protestant clergy towards Mary, from her arrival in -Scotland until her marriage with Darnley, is very remote from sober -and genuine history. It is rather a satire against the Reformation, -which he charges with rebellion; against the presbyterian church, -whose genius he describes as essentially productive of fanaticism and -vulgarity; and against his native country, the inhabitants of which, -without exception, he represents as overrun with rusticity, strangers -to the arts, to civility, and the pleasures of conversation. History, -Reign of Eliz. chap. i. near the close. “Il n’est rien de plus facile -quand on a beaucoup d’esprit, et beaucoup d’experience dans l’art -de faire des livres, que de composer une Histoire satyrique, des -meme faits qui ont servi à faire une Eloge. Deux lignes supprimée, -ou _pour_ ou _contre_, dans l’exposition d’un fait, sont capables -de faire paroistre un homme ou fort innocent, ou fort coupable: et -comme par la seule transposition de quelques mots, on peut faire -d’un discours fort saint un discours impie; de meme par la seule -transposition de quelques circonstances, l’on peut faire de l’action -la plus criminelle, l’action la plus vertueuse.” Bayle, Critique -Generale de l’Histoire du Calvinisme, {320} p. 13, 2de edition, 1683. -To this charge the historian of England has exposed himself on more -than one occasion. - -I cannot here expose all his misstatements in the passage to which I -have referred. He keeps out of view the fixed resolution of the queen -to re‑establish the Romish religion, with all the perils to which -the protestants were exposed. He artfully introduces his narrative, -by placing her proclamation against altering the protestant religion -before the symptoms of popular discontent at her setting up of mass; -whereas the proclamation was issued after these, and would never have -appeared, had it not been found necessary to allay the apprehensions -of the people. Knox, 285. Keith, 504, 505. As a proof that the -preachers “took a pride in vilifying, even to her face, this amiable -princess,” he gives extracts from an address to her by the General -Assembly, without ever hinting that this was merely a draught or -overture; that every offensive expression was erased from it before it -was adopted by the assembly; and that, when the address was presented -by the superintendents of Lothian and Fife, the queen said, “Here are -many fair words; I cannot tell what the hearts are.” Knox, 315. Mr H. -goes on to say: “The ringleader in all these insults on Majesty, -was John Knox.――His usual appellation for the queen was _Jezebel_.” -This is a mistake. Neither in his sermons, nor in his prayers, nor -in conversation, did he give this appellation to Mary, so long as -she was queen; but always honoured her before the people, as well as -in her own presence, even when he lamented and condemned her errors. -Afterwards, indeed, when for her crimes (of which no man was more -convinced than Mr H.) she was removed from the government, and he no -longer acknowledged her as his sovereign, he did apply this name to -her. It is so far from being true, that “the whole life of Mary was, -from the demeanour of these men, filled with bitterness and sorrow,” -or that she “was curbed in all amusements by the absurd severity of -these reformers,” that she retained her “gaiety and ease,” until, by -her imprudent marriage with Darnley, she with her own hand planted -thorns under her pillow; while the preachers were most free in their -sermons, she enjoyed all manner of liberty; her mass was never taken -from her; she was allowed to indulge her “feasting, finery, dancing, -balls, and whoredom, their {321} necessary attendant;” nor was she -ever interrupted in these amusements, except when her own husband -deprived her of her favourite Italian fiddler, a loss for which she -afterwards took ample vengeance. It is difficult to conceive how one -acquainted with the history of that period, and the character of the -queen, could impute the “errors of her subsequent conduct” to the -“harsh and preposterous usage which she met with” from the reformers. -Nor can there be a greater satire upon the general character of Mary, -(previous to her first marriage,) than to say, that “she found every -moment reason to regret her leaving that country, from whose manners -she had, in her early youth, received the first impressions.” It is -well known that the court at which she received her education was -most dissolute; and the supposition that she carried away the innocent -polish and refinement of their manners, without contracting their -criminal contagion, is not only incredible, but contradicted by the -confessions of her friends. Memoires de Chastelnau, augmentez par -J. le Laboureur, Prieur de Juvigné, tom. i. p. 528. A Bruxelles, -1731. I have no desire, however, to dip into this subject, or to drag -to light facts unfavourable to that unhappy princess; although the -unwarranted and persevering attacks which have been made upon worthy -men, in order to reconcile the “future conduct” of Mary, with “the -general tenor of her character,” would justify far greater freedoms -than have been lately used in this way. - -“We are too apt to figure to ourselves the reformers of that age, -as persons of impolitic and inflexible austerity.” This is the remark -of one who was much better acquainted with their history than Mr Hume. -Lord Hailes, Historical Mem. of the Provincial Councils of the -Scottish Clergy, p. 41. Comp. Knox, Historie, p. 310. See also Note Z. - -Mr Hume’s object, in the passage on which I have animadverted, was -to blacken the reformers, rather than to exalt the queen, of whose -character he had at bottom no great opinion. “Tell Goodall,” says he, -in a letter to Dr Robertson, “that if he can but give up queen Mary, I -hope to satisfy him in every thing else; and he will have the pleasure -of seeing John Knox, and the reformers, made very ridiculous.” Indeed, -Mr Hume confessed to his confidential friends, that he had, in his -history, drawn the character of that {322} princess in too favourable -colours. “I am afraid,” says he to the same correspondent, “that -you, as well as myself, have drawn Mary’s character with too great -softenings. She was undoubtedly a violent woman _at all times_.” -Stewart’s Life of Robertson, p. 37, 38. - - - Note R, Footnote 114. - -_Proceedings of Town Council in a slander against Knox._――“18mo -Junii, 1563.――The samyn day, in presence of the baillies and -counsale, comperit Jhone Gray, scribe to the kirk, and presentit -the supplicatione following, in name of the haill kirk, bering that -it was laitlie cummen to thair knawledge bi the report of faythfull -bretherins, that within thir few dayis Eufame Dundas, in the presence -of ane multitude, had spokin divers injurious and sclandarous wordis -baith of the doctrine and ministeris. And in especiall of Jhonne Knox, -minister, sayand, that within few dayis past, the said Jhonne Knox was -apprehendit and tane furth of ane killogye with ane commoun hure; and -that he had bene ane commone harlot all his dayis. Quhairfore it was -maist humblie desyrit that the said Eufame myt be callit and examinat -upone the said supplicatione, and gif the wordis abone written, spokin -bi hir, myt be knawin or tryit to be of veritie, that the said Jhonne -Knox myt be punist with all rigour without favour: otherwyse to tak -sic ordour with hir as myt stand with the glory of God, and that -sclander myt be takin from the kirk. As at mair length is contenit -in the said supplication. Quhilk beand red to the said Eufame, -personallie present in judgement, scho denyit the samyn, and Fryday -the 25 day of Junii instant assignit to hir to here and see witnes -producit for preving of the allegiance abone expremit, and scho is -warnyt apud acta.” Records of Town Council of Edinburgh, of the above -date. - -The minute of the 25th contains the account of the proof which Knox’s -procurator led to show that Eufame Dundas had uttered the scandal -which she now denied, and the appointment that the parties should be -“warnit _literatorie_ to hear sentence given in the said action.” I -have not observed any thing more respecting the cause in the minutes, -and it is probable, that the Reformer, having {323} obtained the -vindication of his character, prevailed on the judges not to inflict -punishment on the accuser. - - - Note S, Footnote 115. - -_Calumnies of the Popish writers against Knox and other -Reformers._――“C’est rendre sans doute,” says Bayle, “quelques service -à la memoire de Jean Knox, que de fair voir les extravagances de ceux -qui ont dechiré sa reputation.” And, having referred to the “gross -and extravagant slanders” of one writer, he adds, “this alone is a -sufficient prejudice against all which the Roman Catholic writers have -published concerning the great Reformer of Scotland.” Dict. art. Knox. -If Mons. Bayle could speak in this manner upon a quotation from one -author, what conclusion shall we draw from the following quotations? - -The first writer who attacked Knox’s character after his death, was -Archibald Hamilton, whose hostility against him was inflamed by a -personal quarrel, as well as by political and religious considerations. -(See above, p. 194.) His book shows how much he was disposed to -recommend himself to the papists, by throwing out whatever was most -injurious to his former connexions. But there were too many alive -at that time to refute any charge which might be brought against -the Reformer’s moral character. Accordingly, when he aimed the most -envenomed thrust at his reputation, Hamilton masked it under the name -of an apprehension or surmise. Having said, that, on the death of -Edward VI., “he fled to Geneva with a noble and rich lady,” (which, -by the by, is also a falsehood,) he adds, in a parenthesis, “qua simul -et filia matris pellice familiariter usus fuisse _putabatur_.” De -Confusione Calvinianæ Sectæ, p. 65, a. Parisiis, 1577. - -In 1579, Principal Smeton published his answer to Hamilton’s book, -in which he repelled the charges which he had brought against Knox, -and pronounced the above mentioned surmise a malicious calumny, for -which the accuser could not adduce the slightest proof, and which was -refuted by the spotless character which the Reformer had maintained -before the whole world. Smetoni Responsio ad Virulent. Dial. -Hamiltonii, p. 95. Edinb. 1579. It now behoved (324) Hamilton either -to retract or to prove his injurious insinuation. But how did he act -in his reply to Smeton? Under the pretence of repeating what he had -said in his former book, he introduces a number of other slanders -against Knox’s character, of which he had not given the most distant -hint before; and (incredible to be told!) he absolutely avers, that -he had formerly specified all these crimes, and condescended upon the -places, times, and other circumstances of their commission; although, -in his former publication, he had not said one word on the subject -except the general surmise which I have quoted above!!! “Pueritiam -prematura venere et polluto insuper patris thoro infamem _notavi_. -Inde adolescentiam perpetuis assuetam adulteriis _designavi_. Post -hanc maturioris ætatis apostasin, &c. descripsi: res ipsas ut gestæ -erunt _retuli_: loca, tempora, et reliquas omnes circumstantias -_notavi_.” Calvinianæ Confusionis Demonstratio, contra maledicam -Ministrorum Scotiæ responsionem; per Archibaldum Hamiltonium, in -Sancta Christi Ecclesia Presbyterum. p. 253. Parisiis, 1581. Than this -what can be a stronger mark of one who has “made shipwreck of faith -and a good conscience,” who “is subverted and sinneth, being condemned -of himself?” After this we cannot wonder at his casting off all shame, -and asserting: “Itane vero in maledictis ducitis, quæ impurus homucio -non vno, aut paucis, sed multis, et fere dicam _omnibus attestantibus_, -designavit? patris thorum infami incestu pollutum, et tot commissa -adulteria, quot in ædibus, intra quas admittebatur, relicta vestigia -etiamnū _recitant Laudoniensis omnes nobiles, juxta et ignobiles_.” -Ut supra, p. 253, b. - -We are not left to impute these slanders to personal malice, or to -the miserable shifts of an unprincipled individual, who, having rashly -committed himself by advancing a falsehood, attempts to maintain his -credit by bold assertions and fresh calumnies. For, in the very same -year in which Hamilton’s last work appeared, we find another popish -author writing in the following terms: “Johne Kmnox your first apostel, -quha caused ane young woman in my lord Ochiltreis place fal almaist -dead, because sche saw his maister Satthan in ane black mannis -likenese with him, throuche ane bore of the dure: quha was also ane -manifest adulterare bringand furth of Ingland baith the mother and the -dochter whom he persuadit {325} that it was lesum to leve her housband, -and adhere unto him, making ane fleshe of himself, the mother, and the -dochter, as if he wald conjoyne in ane religione, the auld synagogue -of the Jeuis with the new fundat kirk of the Gentiles.” In another -place he introduces the account of his second marriage with these -words: “That renegat and perjurit priest schir Johane Kmnox, quha -efter the death of his first harlot, quhilk he mareit incurring -eternal damnation be breking his vou and promise of chastitie, quhen -his age requyrit rather that with tearis and lamentations he sould -have chastised his flesh and bewailit the breaking of his vou, as also -the horribil incest with his gudmother in ane killogie of Haddingtoun.” -Burne’s Disputation concerning the Controversit Headdis of Religion, -p. 102, 143. Parise, 1581. But Burne, and even Hamilton, were -outstripped in calumny by that most impudent of all liars, James -Laing, who published in Latin an account of the lives and manners of -the heretics of his time. There are few pages of his book in which he -does not abuse our Reformer; but in (what he calls) his Life, he has -exceeded any thing which was ever dictated either by personal malice, -or by religious rancour. “Statim,” says he, “ab initio suæ pueritiæ -omni genere turpissimi facinoris infectus fuit. Vix excesserat jam ex -ephebis, cum patris sui uxorem violarat, suam novercam vitiarat, et -cum ea, cui reverentia potissimum adhibenda fuerat, nefarium stuprum -fecerat.” His bishop having, forsooth, called him to account for -these crimes, he straightway became inflamed with the utmost hatred -to the catholic religion. “Deinde non modo cum profanis, sed etiam -cum quibuscunque sceleratissimis, perditissimis, et potissimum omnium -hæreticis est versatus, et quo quisque erat immanior, sceleratior, -crudelior, eo ei carior et gratior fuit.――Ne unum quidem diem -sceleratissimus hæreticus sine una et item altera meretrice traducere -potuit.――Continuo cum tribus meretricibus, quæ videbantur posse -sufficere uni sacerdoti, in Scotia convolat.――Ceterum hic lascivus -caper, quem assidue sequebatur lasciva capella, partim perpetuis -crapulis, partim vino, lustrisque ita confectus fuit, ut quotiescunq. -conscendere suggestum ad maledicendum, velim precandum [vel -imprecandum?] suis, opus erat illi duobus aut tribus viris, a quibus -elevandus atq. sustendandus erat.” De Vita et Moribus atque Rebus -Gestis Hæreticorum {326} nostri temporis. Authore Jacobo Laingæo -Scoto Doctore Sorbonico, fol. 113, b. 114, a, b. 115, a. Parisiis, -1581. Cum Privilegio. Nor were such accounts confined to that age. -In the beginning of the following century, they were repeated by John -Hamilton. Facile Traictise, contenand ane infallible reul to discern -trew from fals religion, p. 60. Louvain, 1600. In 1623, an English -writer refers to James Laing’s work for an authentic account of Knox’s -private life. The Image of bothe Churches, Jherusalem and Babell, by -P. D. M. p. 134. Tornay, 1623. And as late as 1628, we find Father -Alexander Baillie retailing, in the English language, all the gross -tales of his predecessors, with additions of his own, in which he -shows a total disregard to the best‑known facts in the Reformer’s life. -“Jhon Knox,” says he, “being chaplane to the laird of Balvurie, and -accused for his vices and leecherie, was found so guiltie and culpable -that to eschevie the just punishment prepared for him he presently -fled away into Ingland.” He afterwards says, that Knox, after the -death of his second wife, [that is, twenty years at least after his -own death,] “shamefully fell in the abominable vice of incestuous -adultery, as Archib. Hamilton and others doe witnesse;” and as a proof -that Knox reckoned this vice no blot, Baillie puts into his mouth -a gross defence of it, in the very words which Sanders, in his book -against the Anglican Schism, had represented Sir Francis Brian as -using in a conversation with Henry VIII. Baillie’s True Information -of the Unhallowed Offspring, Progress, and Impoison’d Fruits of our -Scottish‑Calvinian Gospel and Gospellers, p. 14, 41. Wirtsburgh, 1628. - -It is evident that these outrageous and contradictory calumnies have -been all grafted upon the convicted he mentioned in the preceding note, -and on the malignant insinuation of Archibald Hamilton. The characters -of the foreign reformers were traduced in the very same manner by the -popish writers. Those who have seen Bolsec’s Lives of Calvin and Beza, -or others written in the same spirit, must be sufficiently convinced -of this. Will it be believed that, in the middle of the seventeenth -century, a book should have been published under the name of Cardinal -de Richlieu, in which it is asserted that “Calvin being condemned for -acts of incontinency, which he had carried to the utmost extremity of -vice, [ses {327} incontinences, qui le porterent jusques aux dernieres -extremitez du vice,] retired from Noyon (his native city) and from -the Roman church, at the same time?” And that this should have been -published after the cardinal himself had examined the registers of -Noyon, which stated facts totally inconsistent with the supposition -of such a thing having ever been imputed to him? La Defence de Calvin, -par Charles Drelincourt, p. 10, 11, 33. Geneve, 1667. Our countrymen -of the popish persuasion were careful to retail all the calumnies -against the foreign reformers, and they do so in a manner peculiar -to themselves. Nicol Burne most seriously asserts that Luther was -begotten of the devil, as to his carnal as well as his spiritual -generation; and in order to prove that this was not impossible, he -advances the most profane argument that ever proceeded from the mouth -or pen of a Christian. Disputation, p. 141. The same thing is asserted -by James Laing. De Vita Hæretic. fol. 1, b. In a pretended translation -into Scots of a poem written by Beza in his youth, (which the Roman -Catholics, after he left their communion, were careful to preserve -from oblivion,) Burne has unblushingly inserted some scandalous and -disgraceful lines, for which he had not the slightest warrant from the -original. Disputation, p. 103, 104. John Hamilton says, that “Calvin -did ane miracle to mak ane quik man ane deid, quhilk miracle was -done in Geneve to ane Brulæus of Ostune, with whome he contractit for -a piece of money to fenzie himself deid, and to ryse to lyfe at his -prayers, when he sulde chope thryse upon his biere: bot the compagnion -forget to ryse again, whilk come to Calvin’s schame.” Facile Traictise, -p. 412. But the following narrative is still more marvellous, and lest -his readers should doubt its truth, the author prays them to “suspend -thair judgement, quhill they spere [until they enquire at] the maist -affectionat Protestantis of Scotland quha has bene in Geneve. Surelie,” -continues he, “I ressavit the treuth of this be honorable gentilmen -of our countrie, quha confessit to me before gud vitnes, that the -devil gangis familiarlie up and down the town, and speciallie cumis -to pure and indigent men quha sellis thair saullis to him for ten sous, -sum for mair or less. The money is verie plesant quhen they ressave -it; bot putting hand to thair purse, quhen they vald by thair denner, -thay find nathing but uther {328} stane or stick.” Hamilton’s Catholik -and Facile Traictise, fol. 50, b. Paris, 1581. Laing, in his Life -of Calvin, (of which Senebier has justly said “that it would be -impossible to believe that such a libel had been written, if it were -not to be seen in print,”) has raked together all the base aspersions -which had been cast upon that reformer, and has spent a number of -pages in endeavouring to show that he was guilty of stealing a sum of -money. De Vita Hæret. fol. 76, b.‒79, b. Of Buchanan, whom he calls -“homo sacrarum literarum imperitissimus, simulque impudentissimus,” -he relates a number of impieties, of which this is the last, “plurimi -etiam narrant illum miserrimum hominem quandam in sacro fonte, quo -infantes aqua benedicta ablui solent, adsit reverentia dictis, oletum -fecisse.” Ibid. fol. 40, a. One example more, and I have done. “Te -admonerem de quodam impio hæretico sacerdote Davidson, quem audivi -his jam multis annis publice cum quadam meretrice scortatum esse, quam -fertur peperisse prima nocte, qua cum illa dormivit, quod hic doctores -medici pro magno miraculo habent; cum vix mulieres ante nonum mensem, -vel octavum parere soleant.” Ibid. fol. 36, b, 37, a. - -Persons must have had their foreheads, as well as their consciences, -“seared with a hot iron,” before they could publish such things to the -world as facts. Yet Laing’s book was approved, and declared worthy of -publication, by two doctors of the university of Paris. Its grossest -slanders against the Scottish reformers were literally copied, and -circulated through the continent as undoubted truths, by Reginaldus, -Spondanus, Julius Breigerus, and many other foreign popish authors. -Each of these added some fabrication of his own; and one of them is so -ridiculously ignorant as to rail against our Reformer by the name of -Noptz. Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Knox, Note G. Archibald Hamilton’s -two works had the same respectable recommendations with Laing’s -book, and one of them is declared to be “very orthodox, and worthy of -being ushered into the light for the profit of the church.” And John -Hamilton was chosen tutor to two cardinals, appointed professor of -philosophy in the Royal College of Navarre, elected, by the students -of the German nation in Paris, to the cure of the parish of St Cosmus -and Damian, presented to it by the university, and {329} confirmed -in it by the parliament; and, in fine, was chosen rector of the -university of Paris!!! So eager were foreigners to load with honours -the most bigoted and fanatical of our popish refugees. Sketch of the -Life of John Hamilton, p. 2, 3, written by Lord Hailes. - -I know that it was common in that age for controversial writers of -all descriptions to indulge themselves in a coarseness of invective -against their antagonists, which would not be tolerated at present: -but this is quite a different thing from what I have given examples of -in this note. With respect to the complaints which protestant writers -made of the profligacy of the popish clergy, the truth of these is -incontestably established by the testimony of Roman Catholic authors, -and by the public documents of their own church. Nor do I wish to -insinuate that all the popish writers were of the same description -with those whom I have quoted, or that there were not many Roman -Catholics, even at that time, who disapproved of the use of these -dishonourable and empoisoned weapons; but the great number of such -publications, the wide circulation which they obtained, and the length -of time during which they continued to issue from the popish presses, -demonstrate the extent to which a spirit of lying and defamation was -carried in the Roman church. Petty dabblers in antiquity, and flippant -orators, who have read a general history of those times, or a modern -Roman catholic pamphlet, must be allowed to repeat the trite maxim, of -faults on both sides, and to conceal their ignorance under the veil of -moderation, by representing these faults as equal; but I aver that no -candid person, who is duly acquainted with the writings of that period, -will pretend to account for the above‑mentioned calumnies, by imputing -them to a spirit of asperity and prejudice common to both parties. - - - Note T, Footnote 124. - -_Popish accounts of Knox’s second marriage._――“Heaving laid aside -al feir of the panis of hel, and regarding na thing the honestie of -the warld, as ane bund sklave of the Devil, being kendillit with an -unquenshible lust and ambition, he durst be sua bauld to enterpryse -{330} the sute of marriage with the maist honorabil ladie, my ladie -Fleming, my lord duke’s eldest dochter, to the end that his seid, -being of the blude royal, and gydit be thair father’s spirit, might -have aspyrit to the croun. And because he receavit ane refusal, it -is notoriouslie knawin how deidlie he haited the hail hous of the -Hamiltonis.――And this maist honest refusal would nather stench his -lust nor ambition; bot a lytel efter he did persew to have allyance -with the honorabill hous of Ochiltrie of the kyng’s M. awin blude; -Rydand thair with ane gret court, on ane trim gelding, nocht lyk ane -prophet or ane auld decrepit priest, as he was, bot lyk as he had -bene ane of the blude royal, with his bendes of taffetie feschnit with -golden ringis, and precious stanes: And as is planelie reportit in the -countrey, be sorcerie and witchcraft did sua allure that puir gentil -woman, that scho could not leve without him; whilk appeiris to be of -gret probabilitie, scho being ane damsel of nobel blud, and he ane -auld decrepit creatur of maist bais degrie of onie that could be found -in the countrey: Sua that sik ane nobil hous could not have degenerat -sua far, except Johann kmnox had interposed the powar of his maister -the Devil, quha as he transfiguris him self sumtymes in an angel -of licht; sua he causit Johann kmnox appeir ane of the maist nobil -and lustie men that could be found in the warld.” Nicol Burne’s -Disputation, p. 143, 144. But the devil outwitted himself in his -design of raising the progeny of the Reformer to the throne of -Scotland, if we may believe another popish writer. “For as the common -and constant brute of the people reported, as writeth Reginaldus [a -most competent witness!] and others, it chanced not long after the -marriage, that she [Knox’s wife] lying in her bed, and perceiving -a blak, uglie, il‑favoured man busily talking with him in the same -chamber, was sodainely amazed, that she took seikness and dyed;” -[nor does the author want honourable witnesses to support this fact, -for he immediately adds,] “as she revealed to two of her friends, -being ladyes, come thither to visite her a little before her decease.” -Father A. Baillie’s True Information, p. 41. It is unfortunate, -however, for the credit of this “True Information,” that the -Reformer’s wife not only lived to bear him several children, but -survived {331} him many years. James owed the safety of his crown -to another cause. See above, p. 274. - - - Note U, Footnote 161. - -_Of Christopher Goodman._――From the intimate and long friendship -which subsisted between him and our Reformer, this divine deserves -more particular notice in this work. The Goodmans were a family -of respectability in Chester, and repeatedly held the office of -magistrates in that city. In a pedigree of the family, preserved in -the British Museum, “Adam Goodman a marchant, and Selay Linge,” have -a son “Christoph. prcher.” Harl. MSS. No. 2038. 32. f. 99. During the -reign of Edward VI. he read lectures on divinity in Oxford. Strype’s -Annals, i. 124. At the accession of queen Mary, he retired first to -Strasburg, and afterwards to Frankfort. When he was at Strasburg, he -joined in a common letter, advising the exiles of Frankfort to alter -as little as possible in the English service; but he became afterwards -so much convinced of the propriety of alterations, and was so much -offended at the conduct of the Coxian party, that he removed from -Frankfort to Geneva, along with those who were of the same sentiments -with himself, and was chosen by them joint minister with Knox. -Troubles at Franckford, p. 22, 23, 54, 55, 59. - -In 1558, he published the book which afterwards created him a great -deal of trouble. Its title is, “How superior powers ought to be obeyed: -of their subjects and wherein they may lawfully by God’s worde be -disobeyed and resisted. Wherein also is declared the cause of all this -present miserie in England, and the onely way to remedy the same. By -Christopher Goodman. Printed at Geneva, by John Crispin, MDLVIII.” In -this book he subscribed to the opinion respecting female government, -which his colleague had published a few months before. He maintained -that the power of kings and magistrates was limited, and that they -might lawfully be resisted, deposed, and punished by their subjects, -if they became tyrannical and wicked. These principles he applied -particularly to the government of the English Mary. A copy of verses -by William {332} Kethe (who translated some of the Psalms into English -metre) is added to the work, of which the following is a specimen:―― - - “Whom fury long fostered by suffrance and awe, - Have right rule subverted, and made will their law. - Whose pride how to temper, this truth will thee tell; - So as thou resist may’st, and yet not rebel.” - -Goodman came to England in 1559, but he found queen Elizabeth so much -displeased at his publication, that he kept himself private. Burnet, -iii. Append. 274. On this account, and in compliance with the urgent -request of our Reformer, he came to Scotland. When the lords of the -congregation chose him one of the council for matters of religion, the -earl of Arran endeavoured to appease the resentment which the English -queen still entertained against him. Sadler, i. 510, 511, 532. In 1562, -the earl of Warwick repeatedly interceded for him, and for his being -recalled from Scotland; “of whom,” says he, “I have heard suche good -commendation both of the lord James of Scotland and others, that it -seemeth great pitie, that our countrye suld want so worthy and learned -an instrument.” Forbes’s State Papers, ii. 235. Calvin urged Goodman -not to leave Scotland until the Reformation was completely established. -Epistolæ, p. 566. Hannoviæ, 1597. When he did return to his native -country in 1565, it was with great difficulty that he was received -into favour, notwithstanding the friends he had at court. He was -obliged to make a recantation of the offensive doctrines in his -publication. He protested and professed that “good and godly women -may lawfully govern whole realms and nations;” but he qualified -and explained, rather than recanted, what he had taught respecting -the punishment of tyrants. Strype has inserted the document in his -Annals, i. 126; but he has certainly placed it under the wrong year. -Collier calls it “a lame recantation.” Eccl. Hist. ii. 440. In 1572, -Goodman subscribed, in the presence of the queen’s ecclesiastical -commissioners, a more ample protestation of his obedience to Elizabeth. -Strype’s Annals, ii. 95, 96. He was also harassed on account of his -non‑conformity to the English ceremonies. Life of Grindal, 170. Life -of Parker, {333} 325, 326. Knox corresponded with him after he left -Scotland; and Calderwood has preserved a letter which he wrote to him -in 1571, in which he alludes to the troubles which he understood his -friend was exposed to. MS. ii. 270. Goodman accompanied Sir Henry -Sidney to Ireland when he was sent to subdue the popish rebels in -that country. Troubles at Franckford, p. 196. In 1580, he resided at -Chester, from which he sent his salutations to Buchanan. Buchanani -Epistolæ, 30, 31. Oper. edit. Rud. He died at Chester, in 1601, -according to verses to his memory in Supplement. Goodman’s book was -quoted, but for very different purposes, by Bancroft, (Dangerous -Positions, b. ii. chap. i.) and by Milton, (Tenure of Magistrates: -Prose Works by Symmons, vol. iii. p. 196.) - -Goodman was not the only person belonging to the English church who -published free sentiments respecting civil government. About the -same time with his book, there appeared another work on that subject, -entitled, “A Short Treatise of Politique Pouuer, and of the True -Obedience which Subjectes owe to Kynges.” Its author was Dr John -Ponet, bishop, first of Rochester, and afterwards of Winchester, under -Edward VI. Ames, iii. 1594. He discusses the questions respecting the -origin of political authority, its absolute or limited nature, the -limits of obedience, and the deposition and punishment of tyrants. -“This book,” says Strype, “was not over favourable to princes. Their -rigors and persecutions, and the arbitrary proceedings with their -peaceable subjects in those times, put them upon examining the extent -of their power, which some were willing to curtail and straiten as -much as they could.――This book was printed again in the year 1642, -to serve the turn of those times.” Memorials of the Reformation, iii. -328, 329. In the second edition of the work, it is said to have been -originally published in 1556. Collier (who was a keen Tory) calls it -“a most pestilent discourse.” He wished to believe that bishop Ponet -was not the author, but it is evident from what he says, that he -could see no reason for departing from the common opinion. History, -ii. 363. Ponet was a superior scholar. He read the Greek Lecture in -the university of Cambridge about 1525, and was among the first who -adopted the new method of pronouncing that language introduced by -Sir Thomas Smith. He also wrote several {334} books on mathematics -and other subjects, which were greatly esteemed. Strype’s Life of -Sir Thomas Smith, p. 26, 27. Ames, Typ. Antiq. i. 599. ii. 753, 1146. -iii. 1587. - - - Note V, Footnote 190. - -The proceedings of the committee appointed to prepare overtures to the -parliament, Dec. 1567, are to be found in Robertson’s Records of the -Parliament of Scotland, and Act. Parl. Scot. vol. iii. Almost the only -ecclesiastical propositions of the committee which were not adopted by -the parliament, were such as related to the patrimony of the church. -I shall extract one or two respecting the commonwealth, which did not -obtain a parliamentary sanction. “Als it is thocht expedient that in -na tymes cuming ony women salbe admittit to the publict autoritie of -the realme, or function in publict government within ye same.” On the -margin, opposite to this, is written, “Fund gude;” which is expressive, -as I understand it, of the committee’s approbation of the motion. As -Knox, at a period subsequent to this, declared from the pulpit that he -had never “entreated that argument in publict or in privat” since his -last arrival in Scotland, (Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 117,) it appears -that this motion had been made by some other member of the committee. -The late misconduct of queen Mary must have had a great effect -in inclining them to give this advice. The 23d article does great -honour to the enlightened views of the movers. It proposes that all -hereditary jurisdictions throughout the kingdom should be abolished. -On the margin is written, “Apprevit,” and farther down, “Supercedis.” -A long time elapsed, before this measure, so necessary to the salutary -administration of justice, was adopted in Scotland. The 30th article -also is of great importance, as intended to prevent delay of justice, -by shortening processes. The following was a proposed sumptuary law: -“Item, that it be lauchfull to na wemen to weir abone yair estait -except howris.” On the margin of this is written, “This act is verray -gude.” Act. Parl. Scot. vol. iii. p. 38‒40. Robertson’s Rec. of Parl. -p. 795, 798. - -The ministers appointed on this committee, were “Maister {335} Johne -Spottiswood, Maister Johne Craig, Johne Knox, Maister Johne Row, and -Maister David Lindsay.” It will be observed that our Reformer is the -only one who has not “Maister” prefixed to his name. This title was -expressive of an academical degree. It was commonly given in that -age to Masters of Arts, as well as Doctors of Law, and in their -subscriptions they put the letter M. or the word “Maister,” before -their names. - - - Note W, Footnote 209. - -_Remarks on Dr Robertson’s character of the Regent Murray._――I am -not moved with the unfavourable representations which the partisans -of Mary have given of Murray, nor am I surprised at the cold manner -in which Mr Hume has spoken of him; but I confess that it pains me -to think of the way in which Dr Robertson has drawn his character. -The faint praise which he has bestowed on him, the doubt which he has -thrown over his moral qualities, and the unqualified censures which -he has pronounced upon some parts of his conduct, have, I am afraid, -done more injury to the regent’s memory, than the exaggerated accounts -of his adversaries. History of Scotland, vol. ii. 315, 316. Lond. -1809. Having said this much, it will be expected that I shall be more -particular. In addition to those qualities which “even his enemies -allow him to have possessed in an eminent degree,” Dr R. mentions -his humanity, his distinguished patronage of learning, and impartial -administration of justice. “Zealous for religion,” he adds, “to a -degree which distinguished him even at a time when professions of that -kind were not uncommon.” This is what every person must allow, but -it certainly is far from doing justice to this part of the regent’s -character. His professions of religion were uniformly supported in -all the different situations in which he was placed; his strict regard -to divine institutions was accompanied with the most correct and -exemplary morals; his religious principle triumphed over a temptation -which proved too powerful for almost all the protestant nobility. -(See above, p. 290.) When there exist such proofs of sincerity, to -withhold the tribute due to it is injurious not only to the individual, -but to the general interests of religion. After bearing {336} a -decided testimony to the “disinterested passion for the liberty of -his country,” which prompted Murray to oppose the pernicious system -of the princes of Lorrain, and the “zeal and affection” with which he -served Mary on her return to Scotland, the historian adds:――“But, on -the other hand, his ambition was immoderate; and events happened that -opened to him vast projects, which allured his enterprising genius, -and led him to actions inconsistent with the duty of a subject.” -That his ambition was “immoderate” does not, I think, appear from -any evidence which has been produced. Dr R. has defended him from the -charge as brought against him at an earlier period of his life, and we -have met with facts that serve to corroborate the defence. (See vol. i. -p. 443.) The “vast projects” that opened to him must be limited to -the attainment of the regency; for I do not think that Dr R. ever for -a moment gave credit to the ridiculous tale, that he designed to set -aside the young king, and seat himself upon the throne. His acceptance -of the regency cannot be pronounced “inconsistent with the duty of -a subject,” without determining the question, Whether the nation was -warranted, by the misconduct and crimes of Mary, to remove her from -the government, and to crown her son. “Her boldest advocates,” says -Mr Laing, “will not venture to assert, that, on the supposition -of the fact being fully proved, that she was notoriously guilty of -her husband’s murder, she was entitled to be restored.” History of -Scotland, i. 137, second edition. Murray was fully satisfied of her -guilt before he accepted the regency. Never was any person raised -to such a high station with less evidence of his having ambitiously -courted the preferment. Instead of remaining in the country to -turn the embroiled state of affairs to his personal advantage, he, -within two months after the murder of the king, left Scotland, not -clandestinely, but after having asked and obtained leave. And whither -did he retire? Not into England, to concert measures with that court, -or the more easily to carry on a correspondence with the friends whom -he had left behind him; but into France, where his motions could be -watched by the friends of Mary. Ibid. p. 59‒61. The association for -revenging the king’s murder, and for preserving the young prince, -the surrender of Mary, and her imprisonment in Lochleven, followed so -unexpectedly and so {337} rapidly, that they could not have proceeded -from his direction. Nay, there is positive evidence that the lords who -had imprisoned Mary, so far from having acted in concert with Murray, -were suspicious that he would counteract their designs. “As yet theys -lordes wyll not suffer Mr Nycholas Elveston, sent from the L. of -Murrey, to have access to the quene, nor to send my L. of Murrey’s -letter unto her.” Throkmorton’s Letters to Cecil, and to Elizabeth, -16th July, 1567, apud Laing’s History of Scotland, ii. Append. No. 13, -p. 121, 126. When he returned to Scotland, he found that the queen -had executed formal deeds resigning the government, and appointing -him regent during the minority of her son, and that the young prince -was already crowned. Hume, vol. v. Note K. - -“His treatment of the queen, to whose bounty he was so much indebted, -was unbrotherly and ungrateful.” To the charge of ingratitude, I -can only reply, by repeating what I have said in the text, that all -the honours which she conferred on him were not too great a reward -for the important services which he had rendered her. How often have -persons been celebrated for sacrificing parental as well as brotherly -affection to the public good! The probable reasons for Murray’s -interview with the queen in Lochleven have been stated by Mr Laing. -History, i. 119‒121. Were I to speak of what was incumbent on him as -a _christian_ brother with the view of bringing her to a just sense of -the iniquity of her conduct, I would use language which, I am afraid, -would not be understood by many readers, and which many professed -christians seem to forget, when they talk on this subject. Any -exertions which were necessary to save his sister’s life were not -wanting on the part of Murray. To restore her to the government, or -even, as matters then stood, to restore her to liberty, he was not -bound by any ties either of a public or private kind. Had he amused -her with the hopes of this, he might have escaped the charge of -harshness, but his conduct would have been more unbrotherly. - -“But he deceived and betrayed Norfolk with a baseness unworthy of a -man of honour.” To this harsh censure I oppose the opinion of Mr Hume, -who will not be suspected of partiality to the regent. “Particularly,” -says he, in a letter to Dr Robertson, written after the publication of -his History of Scotland, “I could {338} almost undertake to convince -you that the earl of Murray’s conduct with the duke of Norfolk was _no -way_ dishonourable.” Stewart’s Life of Robertson: History, i. 158. See -also, in confirmation of this, “Part of a letter from the earl of -Murray to L. B.,” inserted in vol. ii. Append. No. xxxiii. - -“His elevation to such unexpected dignity [the reader will observe -that it was _unexpected_] inspired him with new passions, with -haughtiness and reserve: and instead of his natural manner, which was -blunt and open, he affected the arts of dissimulation and refinement. -Fond, towards the end of his life, of flattery, and impatient of -advice, his creatures, by soothing his vanity, led him astray, while -his ancient friends stood at a distance, and predicted his approaching -fall.” Certainly the facts stated by Dr Robertson in the preceding -part of his narrative, do not prepare the mind of his reader for -these charges. The severity of the regent’s virtues had, indeed, been -mentioned, and it had been asserted that his deportment had become -distant and haughty. The authority of Sir James Melvil was referred -to in support of this statement; and I am satisfied that it was upon -his testimony chiefly that the historian proceeded, when he gave the -above account of Murray’s conduct during the latter part of his life. I -submit to the reader the following remarks on the degree of credit due -to the authority of Melvil. - -In the first place, there is every reason to think, either that -Melvil’s Memoirs have been unfaithfully published by the editor, or -that the narrative which the author of them has given of affairs, from -the queen’s marriage with Bothwell to the death of the earl of Murray, -is incorrect and unfaithful. I shall not take it upon me to determine -which of these is the most probable supposition, but am of opinion -that either the one or the other must be admitted. The charge which -was brought against queen Mary of participation in the murder of her -husband, with all the proofs produced in support of it, is suppressed, -and studiously kept out of view in the Memoirs. There is not one -word in them respecting the celebrated letters to Bothwell, although -they formed the grand vindication of the regent and his friends. The -same inference may be drawn from the ridiculous account given of the -appearance made by the regent {339} before the commissioners at York, -when he presented the nameless accusation against Mary (Memoirs, 96, -97, Lond. 1683); an account which is completely discredited by the -journals of both parties, and which neither Hume nor Robertson thought -worthy of the slightest regard. It is observable, that Melvil could -not be ignorant of the real transaction, as he was present at York; -and that the design of this, as well as of the subsequent part of his -narrative, is to represent the regent as weakly suffering himself to -be duped and misled by designing and violent counsellors. Mr Laing -has adverted to both of these things as discreditable to the Memoirs. -History, ut supra, i. 118.――I shall produce only one other instance of -the same kind. Speaking of the queen’s marriage with Bothwell, Melvil -says: “I cannot tell how nor by what law he parted with his own wife, -sister to the earl of Huntly.” Mem. 80. Is it credible, that one who -was in the midst of the scene, and acquainted even with the secrets -of state at that time, could be ignorant of that which was proclaimed -to all the world? If it should be alleged that Melvil, writing in his -old age, might have forgotten this glaring fact, (the excuse commonly -made for his inaccuracies,) I am afraid that the apology will detract -as much from the credibility of his Memoirs as the charge which it is -brought to repel. - -2. In estimating the degree of regard due to the censures which Melvil -has passed on the regent’s conduct, we must keep in view the political -course which he himself steered. Sir James appears to have been a man -of amiable dispositions, whose mind was cultivated by the study of -letters; but those who have carefully read his Memoirs must, I think, -be convinced that his penetration was not great, and that his politics -were undecided, temporizing, and inconsistent. He was always at court, -and always tampering with those who were out of court. We find him -exposing himself to danger by dissuading his mistress from marrying -Bothwell, and yet countenancing the marriage by his presence; acting -as an agent for those who had imprisoned the queen, and yet intriguing -with those who wished to set her at liberty; carrying a common -message from the king’s lords to the earl of Murray upon his return -out of France, and yet secretly conveying another message tending to -counteract the design of the former; supporting Murray in the regency, -and {340} yet trafficking with those who wished to undermine his -authority. I do not call in question the goodness of his intentions -in all this: I am willing to believe that a desire for the peace of -the country, or attachment to the queen, induced him to go between, -and labour to reconcile, the contending parties. But when parties -are discordant――when their interests, or the objects at which they -shoot, are diametrically opposite, to persevere in such attempts is -preposterous, and cannot fail to foster and increase confusions. Who -believes that the Hamiltons were disposed to join with the king’s -party? or that the latter, when unassured of the assistance of England, -were averse to a junction with the former? Yet Melvil asserts both of -these things. Mem. 85, 86, 90. Who thinks that there was the smallest -feasibility in what he proposed to the regent as “a present remedy -for his preservation?” or believes that Maitland would have consented -to go into France, and Kircaldy to deliver up the castle of Edinburgh? -The regent heard him patiently; he respected the goodness of the -man; but he saw that he was the dupe of Maitland’s artifices, and -he followed his own superior judgment. For rejecting such advices as -this (and not the religious proverbs, and political aphorisms, which -he quoted to him from Solomon, Augustine, Isocrates, Plutarch, and -Theopompus) has Melvil charged him with refusing the counsel of his -oldest and wisest friends. Mem. 102‒104. - -3. What were the errors committed by the regent which precipitated -his fall? There are two referred to by Melvil; the imprisonment of -the duke and lord Herries, and the accusation of Maitland and Balfour. -Mem. 100, 101. In vindication of the former step, I have only to -appeal to the narrative which Dr Robertson has given of that affair. -Vol. ii. p. 266‒299. With respect to the latter, Sir James Balfour -was “the most corrupt man of that age,” (ibid. p. 367,) and Maitland -was at that time deeply engaged in intrigues against the regent, ibid. -p. 307. There is not a doubt that both of them were accessory to the -murder of Darnley, (Laing, i. 28, 135, ii. 22); they were arrested and -accused at this time at the instance of Lennox, and in consequence of -the recent confession of one of Bothwell’s servants; and Maitland was -preserved by the queen’s friends assembling in arms for his rescue, -which compelled {341} the regent to adjourn his trial. Ibid. ii. 37. -Appendix, No. 28, p. 298‒9. - -4. Who were the unworthy favourites by whose flattery and evil counsel -the regent was led astray? Dr Robertson mentions “captain Crawford, -one of his _creatures_.” This is the same person whom he afterwards -calls “captain Crawford of Jordanhill, a _gallant_ and enterprising -officer,” who distinguished himself so much by the surprise of the -castle of Dumbarton. History, ii. 307, 331, comp. Laing, ii. 297, 298; -and Douglas’s Baronage of Scotland, 429. Morton, Lindsay, Wishart -of Pittarow, Macgill of Rankeillor, Pitcairn abbot of Dunfermline, -Balnaves of Hallhill, and Wood of Tilliedavy, were among the regent’s -counsellors. - -5. Who were his old friends who lost his favour? They could be no -other than Balfour, Maitland, Kircaldy, and Melvil himself. Of the two -former I need not say a word. Kircaldy of Grange was a brave man, and -had long been the intimate friend of the regent; but he was already -corrupted by Maitland, and had secretly entered into his schemes for -restoring the queen. Robertson, ii. 307. Of Melvil I have already -spoken; nay, he himself testifies that the regent continued to the -last to listen to his good advices. “The most part of these sentences, -(says he,) drawn out of the Bible, I used to rehearse to him at -several occasions, and _he took better with these at my hands, who he -knew had no by‑end, than if they had proceeded from the most learned -philosopher_. Therefore _at his desire_ I promised to put them in -writing, to give him them to keep in his pocket; but he was slain -before I could meet with him.” Mem. 104. How this is to be reconciled -with other assertions in the Memoirs, I leave others to determine. -It required no great sagacity in the ancient friends of the regent -to “predict his approaching fall,” when repeated attempts had already -been made to assassinate him, and when some of them were privy to the -conspiracy then forming against his life; and it says little for their -ancient friendship, that they “stood at a distance,” and allowed it to -be carried into execution. - -There are three honourable testimonies to the excellence of the -regent’s character, which must have weight with all candid persons. -The first is that of the great historian De Thou. He not {342} -only examined the histories which both parties had published of the -transactions in Scotland, which made so much noise through Europe, but -he carefully conversed with the most intelligent and candid Scotsmen, -papists and protestants, whom he had the opportunity of seeing in -France. When that part of his history which embraced these events was -in the press, he applied to his friend Camden for advice, acquainting -him that he was greatly embarrassed, and apprehensive of displeasing -King James, who, he understood, was incensed against Buchanan’s -History. “I do not wish (says he) to incur the charge of imprudence -or malignity from a certain personage who has honoured me with his -letters, and encouraged me to publish the rest of my history with the -same candour, and regard for truth.” Camden, in reply, exhorted him -to study moderation, and told him the story which he had received -from his master, imputing the disturbances in Scotland chiefly to -the ambition of Murray. Durand, Histoire du XVI. Siecle, tom. vii. -contenant la Vie de Monsieur De Thou, p. 226‒231. But notwithstanding -the respect which he entertained for Camden, and the desire which -he felt to please James, De Thou found himself obliged, by a sacred -regard to truth, to reject the above imputation, and to adopt in the -main the narrative of Buchanan. I shall quote, from his answer to -Camden, the character which he draws of Murray. Having mentioned the -accusation brought against him, of ambitiously and wickedly aiming -at the crown, he says: “This is constantly denied by all the credible -Scotsmen with whom I have had opportunity to converse, _not even -excepting those who otherwise were great enemies to Murray on a -religious account_; for they affirm, that, religion apart, HE WAS A -MAN WITHOUT AMBITION, WITHOUT AVARICE, INCAPABLE OF DOING AN INJURY -TO ANY ONE, DISTINGUISHED BY HIS VIRTUE, AFFABILITY, BENEFICENCE, AND -INNOCENCE OF LIFE; and that, had it not been for him, those who tear -his memory since his death would never have attained that authority -which they now enjoy.”――“Res ipsa loquitur: nam demus, quod ab diversa -tradentibus jactatur, Moravium ambitione ardentem scelerate regnum -appetisse, quod tamen constanter negant omnes fide digni Scoti, -quoscunque mihi alloqui contigit, etiam ii quibus alioqui Moravius -{343} ob religionis causam summe invisus erat; nam virum fuisse -aiebant, extra religionis causam, ab omni ambitione, avaritia, et -in quenquam injuria alienum, virtute, comitate, beneficentia, vitæ -innocentia, præstantem; et qui nisi fuisset, eos, qui tantopere -mortuum exagitant, hodie minime rerum potiturus fuisse.” Epistolæ de -Nova Thuani Histor. Editione Paranda. p. 40, in tom. i. Thuani Histor. -et tom. vii. cap. v. p. 5. Buckley, 1733. - -A second testimony of a very strong kind in favour of the regent is -that of archbishop Spotswood. He must have conversed with many who -were personally acquainted with Murray; he knew the unfavourable -sentiments which James entertained respecting him, which had been -published in Camden’s Annals; and he had long enjoyed the favour of -that monarch; yet, in his history, he has drawn the character of the -regent in as flattering colours as Buchanan himself has done. The -last testimony to which I shall appeal is the _Vox Populi_, strongly -expressed by the title of _The Good Regent_, which it imposed on him, -and by which his memory was handed down to posterity. Had he, elated -by prosperity, become haughty and reserved, or, intoxicated with -flattery, yielded himself up to unprincipled and avaricious favourites, -the people must soon have felt the effects of the change, and would -never have cherished his name with such enthusiastic gratitude and -unmingled admiration. - - - Note X, Footnote 218. - -_Inscription to the memory of the Regent Murray._――The regent’s -monument is yet entire and in good order. It stands in that part of -St Giles, now called the _Old Church_, (the former aisle having been -taken into the body of the church when it was lately fitted up,) at -the back of the pulpit, on the east side. At the top is the figure -of an eagle, and below it “1570,” the date of the erection of the -monument. In the middle is a brass plate, on which the following -ornaments and inscriptions are engraved: The family arms, with the -motto “Salus per Christum” (Salvation through Christ): On one side of -the arms, a female figure with a cross and Bible, the word “Religio” -above, and below “Pietas sine vindice luget” (Piety {344} mourns -without a defender); on the other side, another female figure, in -a mourning posture, with the head reclining on the hand, the word -“Justicia” above, and below “Jus exarmatum est” (Justice is disarmed.) -Underneath is the following inscription, composed by Buchanan: - - 23 JANVARII 1569. - - JACOBO · STOVARTO · MORAVIÆ · COMITI · SCOTIÆ · - PROREGI · VIRO · ÆTATIS · SVÆ · LONGE · OPTIMO · - AB · INIMICIS · OMNIS · MEMORIÆ · DETERRIMIS · - EX · INSIDIIS · EXTINCTO · CEV · PATRI · - COMMVNI · PATRIA · MOERENS · POSVIT · - -The verses in which Buchanan celebrated the regent are accessible to -every scholar. The following lines are less known: - - JACOBUS STUARTUS. - -Moraviæ Comes, Prorex pro Jacobo vi. rem Scoticam feliciter gessit, -puræ Religionis assertor acerrimus. Ab æmulis Limnuchi ex insidiis -glande trajectus, magno omnium desiderio moritur ad d. xxiii. Januarii, -Anno Christi 1570. - - Ter tua dicturus cum dicere singula conor, - Ter numeri, et numeros destituere soni. - Nobilitas, animus, probitas, sapientia, virtus, - Consilium, imperium, pectora sancta, fides, - Cuncta mihi simul hæc instant certamine magno: - Ut sibi, sic certant viribus ista meis; - Ipsi adeo Aonides cum vellent dicere, cedunt - Sponte sua numeris, hæc, Buchanane, tuis. - - Johannis Jonstoni Heroes, p. 31, 32 - Lugduni Batavorum, 1603. - -Knox, among others, warned the regent of the designs which his enemies -had formed against his life. “When the Mr of {345} Grahame (says -Bannatyne) come and drew him to Dumbartane, he [Knox] plainlie said to -the regent then, that it was onlie done for a trane be that meanis to -cut him off, as it came to pas; also when he was in Stirveling, being -returned from Dumbartane, he sent me to my ladie the regentis wyfe, -tuo sundrie tymes, and desyrit her to signifie my lord her husband, -that he suld not come to Lynlythgow. So that gif his counsall had bene -followed, he had not died at that tyme. And my ladie the last tyme -sent Mr Jhone Wood, to desyre him to avoid Lynlythgow. But God thought -vs not worthy of sic a rewlare above vs, and also he wald thereby have -the wickitnes of vthers knawin, whilk then was hid; and therefore did -God then tak him fra us. But lat the Hamiltonis, the lard of Grange, -with the rest of that factione, lay their compt and recken thair -advantage and wining since.” Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 428, 429. The -intrepidity of Murray prompted him to despise these prudential -admonition, and defeated the precaution of his friends. - -Mr Scott has, by a poetical license, introduced the Reformer as -present at Linlithgow, to grace the regent’s fall. - - From the wild border’s humbled side, - In haughty triumph marched he, - While Knox relax’d his bigot pride, - And smiled the traitorous pomp to see. - Ballads and Lyrical Pieces, p. 52. Edin. 1810. - - - Note Y, Footnote 251. - -_Sentiments of Scottish Reformers on the difference between civil and -ecclesiastical authority._――I may subjoin a few facts which ascertain -the opinion of our reformers on this subject.――In common with other -reformed churches, they allowed that civil rulers have a right to -employ their authority for the reformation of religion within their -dominions, especially when, as was universally the case under the -papacy, religious abuses and corruptions affect the state as well -as the church, and are interwoven with the civil constitution and -administration; they allowed them a power of making {346} laws for -the support and advancement of religion; and they held that, where -a reformed church existed, there might be a co‑operation between the -civil and ecclesiastical authorities about certain objects which came -under the cognizance of both, each of them acting within its own line, -and with a view to the proper ends of its institution. But, on the -other hand, they maintained that civil and ecclesiastical authority -were essentially distinct, and they refused that civil rulers had a -supremacy over the church as such, or a right to model her government -and worship, and to assume to themselves the internal management of -her affairs. - -The Scottish reformers never ascribed or allowed to civil rulers -the same authority in ecclesiastical matters which the English -did. In particular, they resisted from the beginning the claim of -ecclesiastical supremacy granted to the English monarchs. On the 7th -July, 1568, “It was delatit and fund that Thomas Bassinden, printer in -Edinburgh, imprintit an buik, intitulat _The Fall of the Roman Kirk_, -naming our King and Soverane _Supreme Head of the Primitive Kirk_――The -haill assemblie ordaint the said Thomas to call in agane all the -foirsaidis buikis yat he hes sauld, and keip the rest unsauld, until -he alter the forsaid title. Attour, the assemblie appoyntit Mr Alex. -Arburthnot to revise the rest of the forsaid tractat, and report to -the kirk quhat doctrine he findis thairin.” Buik of the Universall -Kirk, p. 38, 39. The General Assembly were frequently occupied in -settling the bounds between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and -in March 1570 arranged the objects which pertained to the latter under -six heads; including, among other things, the judgment of doctrine, -administration of divine ordinances, the election, examination, -admission, suspension, &c., of ministers, and all cases of discipline. -The following is the concluding article: “And because the conjunction -of marriages pertaineth to the ministrie, the causis of adherents and -divorcements aucht also to perteine to thame, as naturallie annexit -thairto.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 51. Actes of the General -Assemblies, prefixed to the First and Second Booke of Discipline, -printed in 1621, p. 3, 4. - -On occasion of some encroachments made on the liberties of the church -in 1571, John Erskine of Dun, superintendent of Angus {347} and Mearns, -addressed two letters to the regent Mar. They are written in a clear, -spirited, and forcible style, contain an accurate statement of the -essential distinction between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, -and should be read by all who wish to know the early sentiments of -the church of Scotland on this subject. See Bannatyne’s Journal, -p. 279‒290. - -It has always been a principle of the presbyterian church of -Scotland, that the ministers of religion ought not to be distracted -from the duties of their office by holding civil places. The first -General Assembly (Dec. 1560) agreed to petition the Estates, to -“remove ministers from civil offices, according to the canon law.” -Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 2. At the request of the regent Mar, -the assembly, or convention, which met at Leith in January 1571‒2, -allowed Mr Robert Pont, on account of his great knowledge of the laws, -to act as a Lord of Session. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 54. But -in March 1572‒3, the regent Morton having laid before them a proposal -for appointing some ministers Lords of Session, the Assembly “votit -throughout that naine was able nor apt to bear the saides twa charges.” -They therefore prohibited any minister from accepting the place of -a senator; from this inhibition they, however, excepted Pont. Ibid, -p. 56. In 1584, Pont resigned his place as a Lord of Session, or -rather was deprived of it, in consequence of the act of parliament -passed that year, declaring that none of the ministers of God’s -word and sacraments――“in time cuming sall in ony waies accept, use, -or administrat ony place of judicature, in quhatsumever civil or -criminal causes, nocht to be of the Colledge of Justice, Commissioners, -Advocates, court Clerkes or Notaris in ony matteris (the making of -testamentes onely excepted).” Skene’s Acts, fol. 59, b. Edinburgh, -1597. Lord Hailes’s Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 5, and -note 34. - -The name of Pont often occurs in the account of ecclesiastical -transactions during the remainder of the sixteenth century. The -writer of Additional Notes to Lord Hailes’s Catalogue of the Lords -of Session, calls him by mistake, “the first presbyterian minister -of the West Kirk,” p. 8. Edinburgh, 1798. William Harlaw preceded him -in that situation, (Keith, 498,) and continued to hold it in August -1571. See Letter to him from the duke {348} and Huntly, in Bannatyne’s -Journal, 217. Pont was also commissioner of Murray, and provost of -Trinity College, Edinburgh. Upon the death of the earl of March, -James VI. offered him the bishopric of Caithness, but he declined -accepting it. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, 129. He was the author -of several publications, besides the sermons against Sacrilege, -repeatedly mentioned. - -The time of his death, and his age, appear from the following -inscription on his tombstone, in St Cuthbert’s churchyard: - - ILLE EGO, ROBERTꝰ PONTA‑ - Nꝰ IN HOC PROPE SACRO - CHRISTI QUI FUERA‾‾ PASTOR - GREGIS AUSPICE CHRISTO - ÆTERNÆ HIC RECUBANS EX‑ - SPECTO RESURGERE VITÆ. - OBIIT DIE‾‾ ÆT 81, MEN‑ - SIS 8 MAII, A. D. 1606.[355] - - - Note Z, Footnote 272. - -_Particulars respecting Knox’s residence at St Andrews._――The -following particulars are extracted from the MS. Diary of Mr James -Melville. “Ther wer twa in St Androis wha war his aydant heirars, and -wraitt his sermons, ane my condiscipule, Mr Andro Young, minister of -Dumblane, who translated sum of them into Latin, and read thame in the -hall of the collage insteid of his orations.” The other was a servant -of Mr Robert Hamilton, but with what view he took notes Melville could -not say. Diary, p. 28.――“Mr Knox wald sum tymes cum in, and repast him -in our colleage yeard, and call ws schollars unto him and bliss ws, -and exhort ws to knaw God, and his wark in our countrey, and stand be -the guid caus, to use our tyme weill, and learn the guid instructiones -and follow the guid example of our maisters. Our haill collag -[St Leonard’s] maisters and schollars war sound and zelus for the -{349} guid caus, the uther twa colleges not sa.” p. 23. “This yeir -in the moneth of July, Mr Jhone Davidsone, an of our regents, maid -a pley at the marriage of Mr Jhone Colvin, quhilk I saw playit in -Mr Knox presence, wharin, according to Mr Knox doctrine, the castle -of Edinburgh was besieged, takin, and the captin, with ane or twa with -him, hangit in effigie.” p. 24. This seems to have been an exercise -among the students at the university. The following extract shows that -the fine arts were not then uncultivated, and that the professors and -students attended to them in their recreations. “I lernit singing and -pleying on instrumentis passing weill, and wald gladlie spend tyme, -whar the exercise thairof was within the collag; for twa or thrie of -our condisciples pleyed fellin weill on the virginals, and another on -the lute and githorn. Our regent had also the pinalds in his chalmer, -and lernit sum thing, and I efter him.” Melville adds, that his -fondness for music was, at one period, in danger of drawing away -his attention from more important studies, but that he overcame the -temptation, p. 25. - -I may add an extract from the same Diary, relating an incident in the -life of one who entertained a high respect for Knox, and afterwards -became a distinguished minister in the church. “The ordor of four -kirks to a minister, then maid by the erle of Morton, now maid regent, -against the quilk Mr Johne Davidsone, an of the regents of our collag, -made a buik called _The Conference betwix the Clark and the Courtier_; -for the quhilk he was summoned befor the Justice Air at Haddington -this winter (1573) the lest of our course, and banished the countrey.” -p. 24. This dialogue, which is in verse, contains the following lines: - - Had gude John Knox not yit bene deid, - It had not cum unto this heid: - Had thay myndit till sic ane steir, - He had maid hevin and eirth to heir. - -The General Assembly, in October 1577, presented a supplication to -the regent Morton, requesting him to allow Mr Davidson to return home -from England. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 70. {350} The editor -of Davidson’s Poetical Remains (lately printed) has furnished some -interesting information concerning the author. I am indebted to -him for correcting a mistake into which I had fallen in the Life of -Melville. Davidson returned to Scotland during the lifetime of the -regent, though not until his fall. Hume of Godscroft, in his account -of Morton’s behaviour before his execution, says, “There he embraced -Mr John Davidson, and said to him, you wrote a book, for which I -was angry with you; but I never meant any ill to you,――forgive me. -Mr Davidson was so moved herewith, that he could not refrain from -weeping.” History of the House of Douglas and Angus, ii. 279, 12mo. - - - Note AA, Footnote 299. - -_Verses to the memory of Knox._――Beza has inserted no verses to the -memory of our Reformer, in his _Icones, id est, Veræ Imagines Virorum -Doctrina simul et Pietate Illustrium_, published by him in Latin, anno -1580. But of this work, a French version was published under the title -of _Les Vrais Pourtraits des Hommes Illustres en Pieté et Doctrine_. -Geneve, 1581, 4to. In this translation are inserted original verses -on Knox, &c. Irving’s Memoirs of Buchanan, 234. Having never seen -this translation, I cannot say whether the verses which it contains -coincide with those which I am about to quote. - -_Jacobus Verheiden_ published “Præstantium aliquot Theologorum, qui -Romæ Antichristum oppugnarunt, Effigies, quibus addita eorum Elogia, -librorumque Catalogi. Hag. Comit. 1602.” A new edition of this was -published by _Fredericus Roth‑Scholtz_, under the title of “Jacobi -Verheidenii Hagæ‑Comitis Imagines et Elogia, &c. Hagæ‑Comitum, 1725.” -In this work the following lines are placed under the portrait of -Knox:―― - - Scottorum primum te Ecclesia, CNOXE, docentem, - Audiit, auspiciis estque redacta tuis. - Nam te cælestis pietas super omnia traxit, - Atque Reformatæ Religionis amor. - -{351} To the account of his life and writings, in the same work, is -added an _Epigram_ in Greek and in Latin, which, according to a common -practice in such compositions, consists of a play upon his name, and -that of his country, in the way of contrast; representing Knox as -driving the _nocturnal_ crows, or _scotican_ sophists, from Scotland. -As the author informs us that the Batavian youth amused themselves -in making these epigrams, and thinks that some of them will amuse the -reader, I shall not withhold this specimen in both languages. - - Νυκτερίδας, νυκτὸς κόρακας, καὶ νύκτα ἀφεγγῆ, - Ἄλλα τε λύγρ’ Ἠὼς φεύγει ἀλεξίκακος· - Ὅυτως μὲν ΚΝΟΞΟΣ Σκοτικοὺς δνοφερούς τε σοφιστὰς - Ἐν Σκοτίῃ πάτρῃ ἔκβαλε λαμπόμενος. - - Nocturnos corvos, noctem obscuramque, volantes - Mures, Aurora et cetera dira fugat: - Sic CNOXVS Scoticos simul obscurosque sophistas - Ex Scotica lucens ejicit hic patria. - Verheidenii Imagines et Elogia, p. 69, 70. - Hagæ‑Comitum, 1725. - -Davidson’s Poem, and Johnston’s Verses, to the memory of Knox, will be -found in the Supplement. - - - Note BB, Footnote 300. - -_Popish account of Knox’s death._――The slanders propagated by the -popish writers against our Reformer’s character have been stated in -Note S. After the specimen there given, it will not be expected that -I shall dwell upon the equally extravagant and incredible narratives -which they circulated concerning the manner of his death. I shall, -however, translate the substance of Archibald Hamilton’s account, -the original picture from which so many copies were afterwards taken. -“The opening of his mouth,” he says, “was drawn out to such a length -of deformity, that his face resembled that of a dog, as his voice -also did the barking of that animal. The voice {352} failed from that -tongue, which had been the cause of so much mischief, and his death, -most grateful to his country, soon followed. In his last sickness, -he was occupied not so much in meditating upon death, as in thinking -upon civil and worldly affairs. When a number of his friends, who held -him in the greatest veneration, were assembled in his chamber, and -anxious to hear from him something tending to the confirmation of his -former doctrine, and to their comfort, he, perceiving that his death -approached, and that he could gain no more advantage by the pretext -of religion, disclosed to them the mysteries of that Savoyan art -(_Sabaudicæ disciplinæ_, magic) which he had hitherto kept secret; -confessed the injustice of that authority which was then defended by -arms against the exiled queen; and declared many things concerning her -return, and the restoration of religion after his death. One of the -company, who had taken the pen to record his dying sayings, thinking -that he was in a delirium, desisted from writing, upon which Knox, -with a stern countenance, and great asperity of language, began to -upbraid him: ‘Thou good‑for‑nothing man! why dost thou leave off -writing what my presaging mind foresees as about to happen in this -kingdom? Dost thou distrust me? Dost thou not believe that all which -I say shall most certainly happen? But that I may attest to thee -and others how undoubted the things which I have just spoken are, go -out all of you from me, and I will in a moment confirm them by a new -and unheard‑of proof.’ They withdrew at length, though reluctantly, -leaving only the lighted candles in the chamber, and soon returned, -expecting to witness some prodigy, when they found the lights -extinguished, and his dead body lying prostrate on the ground.” -Hamilton adds, that the spectators, after recovering from their -astonishment, replaced the dead body in the bed, and entered into -an agreement to conceal what they had witnessed; but God, unwilling -that such a document should be unknown, disclosed it, “both by the -amanuensis himself, [Robertus Kambel a Pinkincleugh,] soon after taken -off by a similar death, and by others who, although unwillingly, made -clear confessions.” De Confusione Calvin. Sectæ apud Scotos, fol. -66, 67. Those who have not access to the work itself, will find the -original words extracted, although with some slight inaccuracies, -by {353} Mackenzie. Lives of Scottish writers, iii, 131, 132. “All -the rest of the Romish writers,” says Mackenzie, “insist upon such -like ridiculous stories that are altogether improbable.” Hamilton’s -fabrications gave occasion, however, to the publication of that minute -and satisfactory narrative of the last illness and death of Knox, -drawn up by one who waited on him all the time, and added by principal -Smeton to the answer which he made to that virulent writer. See above, -p. 219. Yet the popish writers continued to retail Hamilton’s story -until a late period. It was published by Knot in his _Protestancy -Condemned_, Doway 1654; and in _The Politician’s Catechism_, printed -at Antwerp, 1658, “_permissu superiorum_.” Those who wish to see the -variations which it had undergone by that time, and who have not met -with these writings, may be satisfied by looking into Strype’s Life -of Archbishop Parker, p. 367. - -“The miserable, horrible, detestable, and execrable deaths” of Luther, -Calvin, and other heretics of that time, are particularly recorded by -James Laing, in the work to which I have repeatedly referred. - - - Note CC, Footnote 332. - -_Knox’s stipend._――The General Assembly held in March 1573, passed the -following act:――“The Assemblie, considering that the travels of umqll -Johne Knox, merits favourablie to be remembrit in his posteritie, -gives to Margaret Stewart, his relict, and hir thrie daughters of the -said umqll Johne, the pension qlk he himselfe had in his tyme of the -kirk, and that for the year aproachand and following his deceis, of -the year of God 1573, to their education and support, extending to -five hundreth merks money, twa ch. quhait, sax ch. beir, four ch. -aittes.” Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 56. - -On the 25th of May, 1574, in an action “at the instance of Margaret -Haldin, relict of umq{ll} Mr Henry Fowlis of Colingtown, takesman and -fermorar of the kirk of Haillis, aganis Margaret Stewart, relict of -umq{ll} Johnne Knox, minister, and Andro Ker of Fadounsyd, now hir -spous for his entress, and Maister Adam Lethame, minister at the -kirkis of Currie, Haillis, and Sanct Katherine {354} of the hoppis;” -setting forth that both these parties demanded from her, the said -Margaret Halden, “the sowme of 1{c} pundis w{t} the kirkland of Currie, -viz., the thrid of the personage of Currie, extending to lxiiij{li} -viij{s} x{d} and thrid pairt penny, and the rest extending to xxxv{li} -xi{s} 1{d} twa pairt penny, furth of the thrid of Dumfermling,――and -she aucht not to be compellit to mak dowbill payment thairof.――The -lordis of counsale desernis and ordanis the same Margaret Haldin to -answer, obey, and mak payment to the said Margaret Stewart, relict -foirsaid, and her bairnes, of the dewtie contenit in the said tak of -the crop and yeir of God, 1{m} v{c} lxxiiij yeris, as pairtie fundin -be the saidis lordis haveand maist ryt thairto, conforme to ane -decreit given by the lordis of secreit counsale, of the dait the 25 -day of Marche, the yeir of God 1{m} v{c} lxxiiij yeris, schawin and -produced befoir the saidis lordis,” &c. Reg. of Decreets of Court of -Session, vol. lvi. fo. 45. - -On the 23d of May, 1569, in an action “at the instance of Allan -Couttis, chalmerlain of the abbacy of Dumfermling, aganis Johne -Knox, minister of Christes evengell, allegeing that the silver -males victuall of certane landis and tiendis of the said abbacy of -Dumfermling ar assignit to him in payment of his stipend of the crope -and yeir of God 1{m} v{c} lxviij yeris,――and that the said complener, -as chalmerlane foirsaid, is awand to him the sowme of twa hundreth and -fiftie merkis, as for the silver maill of the landis assignit to him -as said is, of the terme of Witsonday, the yeir of God foirsaid. The -lordis of consale decernis the said Allane Cowtes to answer and obey -the said Johne Knox of the said termes payment, as pairtie fundin by -the said lordis havand maist right thairto, after the form and tenor -of the assignation given and granted to him thairupon, of the dait the -21 day of September the yeir of God 1{m} v{c} lxviij yeris,” &c. Reg. -of Decreets, vol. xlii. fo. 437. - -The following extracts throw light on the subject of his stipend at an -earlier period:―― - -“The Compt of Sir John Wyisharte of Pitarrow, Knycht Comptroller and -Collector Generall of the Thredis of the Benefices of the Realme, 1564. - -“And upown the first day of August, anno &c. lxiiij, delivered to -Johne Knox, minister, at my lord comptrollaris command, in part {355} -of payment of his stipend, the soume of ane hundreth pundis, as his -acquittance beris, j{c li}. - -“And mair deliverit to Margaret Fowles, Johne Knox servand, the x day -of October, the soume of twentye pundis, xx{li}. - -“And upoune the xvij day of October, ȝeir abonewritten, to John Reid, -servand to Johne Knox, the soume of fourtye pundis, xl{li}. - -“And mair, the ix day of Januar, ȝeir foirsaid, anno &c. deliverit to -Robert Watsone, burges of Edinburgh, for Johnne Knox, the sowme of ane -hundrethe pundis, as his acquittance therupoune beris, j{c li}. - -“And to Johnne Willock, the xviij day of September, ȝeir, &c. lxiiij, -deliverit the soume of fouretye pundis at my lord comptrollaris -command, in part of payment of his stipend, as his acquittance beris, - xl{li}. - -“Alsua the comptare aucht to be discharged of the prices of six -chalderis beir at twa merkis the boll, and four chalder aittis at xx{s} -the boll, coft be the comptare, and delivered to the said John Knox, -minister, for the beir and aits allowit in his stipend of the lxiiij -yeiris crop, quherof na allowance is tane be ony of the collectouris -of befoir, extending in money to ij{c} xxiiij{li}. - -“The Comp{t} of Schir Williame Murray of Tullybardin, knight -comptroller and collector generall of the thriddis of the benefices, -&c. At Ed{r}. Jan. 2, 1567, of crope 1566. - -“And als the comptare aucht to be discharged of the soume of twa -hundreth fourescoir twa pundis threttene schillingis four penneis, -pait and deliverit be the comptare to Johne Knox, minister, for the -half of his stipend of the cropp and ȝeir of God I{m} v{c} lxvj yeiris -baith silver and victuall at command of my lord regentis precept, as -the same and his acquittance producit upon compt proportis, - ij{c} lxxxij {lib} xiij{s} iiij{d}. - -“And of the soume of ane hundreth thretty three pundis six schillinges -aucht penneis pait be the comptare to William Stewart, Ross Herald, -translater of sic werkis in the kirk as ar necessar for edifiing of -the people, quherof he hes had allocatioun of ald be the appointment -of the Buke of the modificatioun of the ministerie. - j{c} xxxiij{li} vi{s} viij{d}.” - - -{356} - Note DD. Footnote 336. - -_Of Knox’s descendants._――In the former editions of this work, it -was stated that one of our Reformer’s daughters was married to Robert -Pont, minister of St Cuthbert’s; but I have since ascertained that -her husband was Zachary Pont, one of the sons of that minister. This -appears from the following documents: - -“Nov. 13. 1599.――Mr Zach. Pont, portioner of Schyresmilne, and -Margaret Knox, his spouse,” inhibited by Bessie Colvill. - -“11 Feb{y}, 1602.――Said Mr Zach. Pont and spouse inhibited by -Mr Johne Velsche, minister of Godis word at our bust of Kirckcudbryt, -and Elizabethe Knox his spous.” Pont owes complainers 1000{m}, as per -contract between parties at Schyrismylne, 8 Apr. 1596. Reg{d} in books -of Session, 17 Nov. 1601. (Particular Register of Inhibitions, vol. v.) - -“Marg. Knox, spous to Mr Zach. Pont, minister at Boar in Cathnes, -w{t} consent of Mr Jo{n} Ker, minister at Preston, and Mr Ja{s} Knox, -ane of the regents of the College of Ed{n},” receives from Andro -Lord Stewart of Vchiltrie, 1300 merks. (Gen. Reg. of Decreets, vol. -cvii; 28 May, 1605.) There is a previous deed relating to the same -transaction, which is signed by “Mr Jo{n} Ker, sone to umq{ll} Andro -Ker of Fadounside, witnes”. (Ibid. vol. civ; 13 Dec. 1664.) - -The celebrated Dr Witherspoon, minister of Paisley, and afterwards -president of the college of New Jersey, in America, was a descendant -of our Reformer: and, according to the information of Dr Samuel -Stanhope Smith, his son‑in‑law, and successor in the presidency, -traced his line of descent through Mrs Welch. - -I have been favoured with the following pedigree from Alexander -Thomson, Esq. of Banchory, in Aberdeenshire. “John Knox, the -celebrated Reformer, left three daughters, one of whom was married -to a Mr Baillie of the Jerviswood family, and by him had a daughter, -who was married to a Mr Kirkton of Edinburgh. By this marriage -Mr Kirkton had a daughter, Margaret, who was married to Dr Andrew -Skene in Aberdeen. Dr Skene left several children, the eldest of -whom, Dr Andrew Skene, had by his {357} wife, Miss Lumsden of Cushnie, -several sons and daughters. One of these, Mary, was married to Andrew -Thomson of Banchory, who had issue by her, Margaret, Andrew, and -Alexander. Andrew married Miss Hamilton, daughter of Dr Hamilton, of -Marischall College, Aberdeen, and by her had issue, Alexander, born -June 21, 1798, and present proprietor of Banchory.” It is not uncommon -for persons who happen to be of the same name with an individual who -has attained celebrity, to claim a family relation to him upon very -slender grounds. But in the present instance, not to mention the -particularity of detail in the genealogical table, there is no ground -to suspect that the tradition could have such an origin; as the name -of Knox occurs only at the earliest stage of the supposed connexion. -Perhaps one of the Reformer’s daughters was twice married; or, which -I think more probable, it was one of his grand‑daughters who married -a Mr Baillie of Jerviswood. Among the pictures at Mellerstain (now -the seat of the ancient family of Jerviswood) is a portrait of -captain Kirkton, an officer of the Royal Navy. And we know from other -authorities, that Robert Baillie of Jerviswood, who was executed at -Edinburgh in 1684, was brother‑in‑law to Mr James Kirkton, minister -first at Merton, and afterwards in Edinburgh. Burnet’s Hist. of his -own Times, ii. 157. Wodrow, i. 422. - -Mr Thomson of Banchory possesses from his ancestors an antique watch; -and the tradition in the family is, that this watch belonged to the -Reformer, and was presented to him by queen Mary, at a time when she -was anxious to cajole him into an approbation of her measures. On the -brass‑plate of the inner case are the words, _N. Forfaict à Paris_. -Professor Leslie, whose extensive acquaintance with the history of -inventions is well known, after examining an accurate description of -this time‑piece by Dr Knight of Aberdeen, says, “that the watch in -question might have been the property of John Knox, is possible, and -the tradition is in this case not improbable. At the same time it must -be admitted, that pocket watches were extremely rare at that period, -and probably confined for the most part to princes and the more -opulent nobility.” He adds, “I have had the opportunity of inspecting -an antique watch, through the politeness of Mr J. Scot, late chemist -in Edinburgh, the lineal descendant of a Frenchman of the name of {358} -Massie, who, having attended queen Mary into Scotland, had received -the relic from his mistress. It is a small round old watch, scarcely -exceeding an inch in diameter, and made by Hubert in Rouen. It is -precisely of the same structure, but without carving or other ornament, -as the one with which that artful princess is said to have endeavoured -to bribe our stern reformer.” - -I have only to add, that no notice is taken of this relic and token of -royal favour in the testament of John Knox, or in the inventory of his -goods presented by his widow after his decease. - - - Note EE, Footnote 350. - -_Of Knox’s History of the Reformation._――When they first formed -themselves into an association to advance the reformation of -religion, the protestants of Scotland, aware that their conduct -would be misrepresented, appointed some of their number to commit -their proceedings to writing. This laudable practice was continued -by them, and the most important events connected with the progress -of the Reformation were registered along with the resolutions adopted -at their meetings. After they came to an open breach with the queen -regent, and she had accused them of rebellious intentions both -to their countrymen and to foreign nations, they resolved that a -narrative of their proceedings should be drawn up from these records, -and that it should be published to the world for their vindication. -Preface to the Gentill Reidare, prefixed to Knox’s Historie, and -Præfatio to the Secunde Booke of the Historie, p. 115, edit. 1732. -The confusions produced by the civil war prevented them from executing -this resolution at the time intended, and the object originally in -view was in part answered by occasional proclamations which they -had been obliged to make, and by answers which they had published to -proclamations issued by the regent. The design was not, however, laid -aside; and the person to whom the compilation was committed continued -the narrative. The book which is placed second in the printed history -was first composed. The third book was next composed, and contains -a circumstantial account of the steps taken by the Congregation to -obtain assistance from England, which it was judged imprudent to -disclose when the {359} former book was drawn up. It brings down the -history to queen Mary’s arrival in Scotland. The book which occupies -the first place in the printed history was composed after these, -and intended as an introduction to them, bringing down the history -from the first dawn of the Reformation in Scotland to 1558. See -preface to the Gentill Reidare, ut supra. The publication being still -delayed, the fourth book was added, which contains the history of -ecclesiastical transactions from the arrival of Mary to the end of -1564. The first and fourth books were composed during the years 1566, -1567, and 1568. Historie, p. 86, 108, 282. Some additions were made to -the fourth book so late as 1571. Ibid. p. 338. The fifth book in the -printed history is not found in any of the ancient MSS. It was added -by David Buchanan, but whether he published it from an old MS. or -compiled it himself, cannot now be ascertained. - -The history was composed by one person, (Preface, ut supra,) and -there is no reason for doubting that Knox was the author. In a letter -which he wrote on the 23d of October, 1559, he mentions the design of -publishing it. Keith, Append. p. 30. The English ambassador, Randolph, -says, in a letter to Cecil, dated Edinburgh, 23d September, 1560, “I -have tawlked at large with Mr Knox concernynge hys historie. As mykle -as ys wrytten thereof shall be sent to your honour, at the comynge -of the Lords embassadors by Mr John Woode: He hath wrytten only one -booke. If yow lyke that, he shall contynue the same, or adde onie more. -He sayethe, that he must have farther helpe than is to be had in this -countrie, for more assured knouledge of thyngs passed, than he hath -hymself, or can com bye here: yt is a worke not to be neglected, and -greatly to be wyshed that yt sholde be well handled.” Life of the -Author, p. xliii., prefixed to Knox’s Historie, edit. 1732. From a -letter written by Knox to Mr John Wood, and dated Feb. 14, 1568, it -appears that he had come to the resolution of withholding the history -from the public during his life. See Appendix. The important light -in which he considered the work, appears from the way in which he -expressed himself in April 1571, when he found that the state of -his health would not permit him to finish it. “Lord, provyde for thy -flocks trew pastouris; rease thou up the spretis of some to observe -thy notable workis, faythfullie to commit {360} the same to writ, -that the prosperities [posterities] to come may praise thy holie name, -for the great graces plentyfullie powred foorth upon this vnthankfull -generatione. Jhone Knox trusting end of trawell.” Bannatyne’s Journal, -p. 129. He did not, however, desist altogether from the prosecution of -the work. It appears from two letters of Alexander Hay, clerk to the -privy council, written in December 1571, that the Reformer had applied -to him for papers to assist him in the continuation of his history. -The papers which Hay proposed to send him related to the years -1567‒1571, a period which the printed history does not reach. -Bannatyne, p. 294‒302. - -The following petition, presented by Bannatyne to the first General -Assembly which met after our Reformer’s death, with the act of -Assembly relating to it, gives the most satisfactory information -respecting the history. “Unto your Wisdoms humbly means and shows, I, -your servitor Richard Bannatyne, servant to your unquhill most dearest -brother John Knox of worthy memory: That where it is not unknown -to your wisdoms, that he left to the kirk and town of Edinburgh his -history, containing in effect the beginning and progress of Christ’s -true religion, now of God’s great mercy established in this realm; -wherein he hath continued and perfectly ended at the year of God 1564. -So that of things done sinsyne, nothing be him is put in that form and -order that he has put the former. Yet not the less there are certain -scrolls and papers, and minuts of things left to me by him, to use -at my pleasure, whereof a part were written and subscribed by his -own hand, and another be mine at his command, which, if they were -collected and gathered together, would make a sufficient declaration -of the principal things that have occurred since the ending of his -former history, at the year foresaid; and so should serve for stuff -and matter, to any of understanding and ability in that kinde of -exercise, that would apply themselves to make a history, even unto -the day of his death. But for so meikle as the said scrolls are so -intacked and mixed together, that if they should come in any hands -not used nor accustomed with the same, as I have been, they should -altogether lose and perish: And seeing also I am not able, on my own -costs and expenses, to apply myself and spend my time to put {361} -them in order, which would consume a very long time; much less am -I able to write them, and put them in register, as they require to -be, without your wisdoms make some provision for the same: Wherefore -I most humbly request your wisdoms, That I may have some reasonable -pension appointed to me by your wisdoms discretion, that thereby I may -be more able to await and attend upon the samine; lest these things, -done by that servant of God dear to you all, should perish and decay, -which they shall do indeed, if they be not put in register, which -I will do willinglie, if your wisdoms would provide, as said is. And -your wisdoms answer,” &c. To this supplication the Assembly gave the -following answer:――“The Assembly accepted the said Richard’s offer, -and request the kirk of Edinburgh, to provide and appoint some learned -men, to support Richard Bannatyne, to put the said history, that is -now in scrolls and papers, in good form, with aid of the said Richard. -And because he is not able to await thereon, upon his own expences, -appoints to him the sum of forty pounds, to be payed of the 1572 years -crope, be the collectors under‑written, viz. the collector of Lothian, -Fife, Angus, and the West, Galloway, and Murray, every one of them to -pay six pound thirteen shillings four pennies of the said crope; and -it shall be allowed to them in count, they bringing the said Richard’s -acquittance thereupon.” Life of the Author, p. xliv. xlv. prefixed to -Historie, edit. 1732. Book of Univ. Kirk, p. 56. - -It is probable that the deficiency of the funds of the church -prevented the publication of the history during Morton’s regency; and -the change of politics after James assumed the reins of government -into his own hands, precluded all hope of its being allowed to be -printed in Scotland. An attempt was made to have it printed in England; -but after the work had proceeded so far, the press was stopped. This -appears from the following extract from Calderwood’s MSS. “February, -1586, Vaultrollier the printer took with him a copy of Mr Knox’s -History to England, and printed twelve hundred of them; the stationers, -at the archbishop’s command, seized them the 18 of February; it was -thought that he would get leave to proceed again, because the council -perceived that it would bring the queen of Scots in detestation.” -Calderwood’s MS. apud Life {362} of Knox, p. 45, prefixed to edition -of Historie, Edinburgh, 1732. Bishop Bancroft also mentions it in -the following terms, “If you ever meet with the History of the Church -of Scotland penned by Mr Knox, and printed by Vaultrollier, read the -pages quoted here in the margent.” Bancroft’s Survey, (originally -printed in 1593,) republished in 1663, p. 37. Copies of this imperfect -edition were allowed to go abroad, and are still to be met with. -In 1644, David Buchanan published his edition of Knox’s History at -London in folio, which was reprinted the same year at Edinburgh in -quarto. The editor prefixed a preface concerning the antiquity of the -Scots, and a Life of Knox, both of which were written by himself. He -modernised the language of the history; but not satisfied with this, -he also altered the narrative, by excluding some parts of it, and by -making numerous interpolations. It appears from the passage formerly -quoted from Milton, (see vol. i. p. 464,) that attempts were made -to suppress, or at least to mutilate, this edition; but the passage -is so obscure that we cannot learn from what quarter these attempts -were made. At last, a genuine and complete edition of the history -was printed in 1732, from a manuscript belonging to the university -of Glasgow, compared with several other manuscripts of undoubted -antiquity. Those who wish to know the great difference between this -edition and that of David Buchanan, may consult Mr Wodrow’s letter, -inserted at large in the Life of the Author, p. xlvi‒li. prefixed -to the Historie, edit. 1732, and partially inserted in Nicolson’s -Scottish Historical Library, p. 132‒141. Lond. 1736. All the editions -of the history lately published are mere copies of Buchanan’s spurious -and interpolated one. - -This deduction of facts may serve to clear the subject of the -History from the difficulties in which it has been involved. That Knox -was the author of the first four books, as they are printed in the -edition 1732, is beyond all reasonable doubt. After the publication -of that edition, it is mere perverseness to endeavour to discredit -the authenticity or genuineness of the History, by insisting on the -alterations and interpolations of David Buchanan. To infer that he -was not the author of the History from the difference between its -style and that of his undoubted works, is quite conjectural. {363} The -historical and the didactic styles are different in themselves; and -when we consider the intervals at which the history was composed, the -numerous avocations which distracted the author’s attention, and the -multiplicity of facts which it was requisite for him to collect and -investigate, we will not be surprised to find this work inferior, in -point of language and arrangement, to those tracts which he composed -on single topics, and which, having the sentiments at his command, he -was left at liberty to arrange and to adorn. The facts which I have -produced tend also to corroborate the credibility of the History, -as they evince that, however negligent as to points of inferior -consideration, the author was most active and laborious in searching -for materials, and in procuring, when it was at all possible, original -and authentic documents. And such was his character for integrity, -that I am persuaded there are few, if any, who believe that he would -insert as a fact any thing of whose truth he was not fully convinced. - - - Note FF, Footnote 351. - -_Catalogue of Knox’s writings._――The following catalogue of the -Reformer’s works will, I trust, be found more correct and complete -than any one which has hitherto appeared. The titles have been -accurately copied from the books themselves, when I could possibly -procure them, and at the end of each I have mentioned where a copy -may be seen. For the titles of such as I have not seen, I have had -recourse to the best authorities, as marked after each article. I have -also noticed those of which there are copies in the MS. volume in my -possession. - -1. “An admonition, or warning, that the faithfull Christians in London, -Newcastel, Berwycke, and others, may avoide God’s vengeance both in -thys life and in the life to come. Compyled by the servaunt of God, -John Knokes.” A cut of truth, poor woman, handcuffed and fastened in -the stocks, with a halter about her neck, held by Tyrannye on the one -hand, while Crueltye, with a cornered cap, is threatening her with a -rod on the other. Beneath the cut, “The persecuted speaketh, - - {364} I fear not death, nor passe not for bands: - Only in God put I my whole trust, - For God will requyre my blod at your hands, - And this I know that once dye I must, - Only for Chryst, my lyfe if I give: - Death is no death, but a meane for to leyve.” - -Under these verses in ancient writing “John Frythe boke Red and send -yt agayne.” E, in eights. “From Wittonburge by Nicholas Dorcastor. -Anno M.D.LIIII. the viii of May. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.” -W. H. (Ames by Herbert, p. 1576,) sixteens. Comp. Tanneri Bibliotheca -Britannico‑Hibernica, p. 460. See above, vol. i. p. 136, note. - -2. “A faythful admonition made by John Knox, unto the professours of -God’s truthe in England, whereby thou mayest learne howe God wyll have -his churche exercised with troubles, and how he defendeth it in the -same. Esaie ix. After all this shall not the Lordes wrath ceasse, but -yet shall hys hande be stretched out styll. Ibidem. Take hede that the -Lorde roote thee not out both heade and tayle in one daye.” - -On the back of title: “The epistle of a banyshed manne out of -Leycestershire sometime one of the preachers of Goddes worde there, -to the Christen reader wysheth health, deliveraunce, and felicitie.” - -“Imprynted at Kalykow the 20 daye of Julii 1554. Cum gratia et -privilegio ad Imprimendum solum.” French black letter, extends to I, -and makes 63 leaves. Advocates’ Library. A copy of this in MS. Vol. - -3. “A godly letter sent to the faythefull in London, Newcastell, -Barwyke, and to all other within the realme of Englande, that love the -coming of our Lord Jesus, by Jhon knox. Matth. x. He that continueth -unto the ende shall be saved. Imprinted in Rome, before the Castel of -S. Aungel, at the signe of Sainct Peter. In the moneth of July, in the -yeare of our Lord 1554.” D, 28 leaves, Fr. black letter. Advocates’ -Library. A copy in MS. Vol. - -4. “A confession and declaratiō of praiers added thereunto, by Jhon -Knox, minister of christes most sacred Evangely, upon the {365} death -of that moste famous king Edward the VI. kynge of Englande, Fraunce, -and Ireland, in which confession, the sayde Jhon doth accuse no less -hys owne offences, than the offences of others, to be the cause of -the awaye takinge of that most godly prince, nowe raininge with Chryst -whyle we abyde plagues for our unthāfulnesse. Imprinted in Rome, -before the Castel of S. Aungel, at the signe of Sainct Peter. In -the moneth of July, in the yeare of our Lorde, 1554.” C, 19 leaves. -Fr. black letter. Advocates’ Library. - -The “Confession” is inserted in vol. i. Note U. The “Declaration -of Praiers” is in MS. Vol. See vol. i. Note N. Another edition was -licensed in 1580. See Ames, p. 1146. - -5. “The copie of a letter sent to the ladye Mary dowagire, regent -of Scotland, by John Knox in the yeare 1556. Here is also a notable -sermon, mayde by the sayde John Knox, wherein is evydentlye proved -that the masse is and alwayes hath been abhominable before God, and -Idolatrye. _Scrutamini Scripturas._” H, extends to 64 leaves, 16mo. -Black letter. No year or place of printing. A copy of this rare book, -which belonged to the late Duke of Roxburghe, is now in the Advocates’ -Library. - -Ames (p. 1587) introduces this book as printed in 1556, but without -alleging any authority; and (p. 1834) he speaks of the Sermon against -the Mass as printed in 1550, for which he quotes T. Baker’s Maunsell, -p. 101. Both the tracts contained in this book are in MS. Vol. - -6. “Ane Exposition upon the syxth Psalme of Dauid, wherein is -declared hys crosse, complayntes and prayers, moste necessarie too be -red of all them, for their singular comforte, that vnder the banner of -Christe are by Satan assaulted, and feele the heauye burthen of synne, -with which they are oppressed. ☞ The paciente abydinge of the sore -afflicted was neuer yet confounded.” Ends on the reverse of the last -leaf of F. On G begins, “A comfortable Epistell sente to the afflicted -church of Chryst, exhortynge thē to beare hys crosse with paciēce, -lokyng euery houre for hys commynge agayne to the greate comfort and -consolacion of hys chosen, with a prophecy of ye destruction of the -wycked. Whereunto is joyned a most wholesome counsell, howe to behaue -ourselues in the myddes {366} of thys wycked generacion touching the -daily exercise of Gods most holy and sacred worde. Wrytten by the man -of God, J. K.” - -A copy of this very rare collection of tracts, which also belonged to -the late Duke of Roxburghe, is now in the Advocates’ Library. It wants -two or three leaves at the close,――ending with I, 5. Black letter, -16mo. (All of these are in MS. Volume. The “wholesome counsell” is -inserted in vol. i. Note Z.) In the same volume, and printed with -the same type, are two tracts by “Gracious Menewe,” the first on -“Auricular Confession,” and the second, “Of the Communion in both -kyndes.” It has been conjectured that Knox wrote these under a -fictitious name. - -7. “The copie of a lettre delivered to the laidie Marie, Regent of -Scotland, from Johne Knox minister of Goddes worde, in the yeare of -our Lord 1556, and nowe augmented and explained by the author in the -yeare of our Lord 1558.” Device: two arches, one narrow, the other -broad; over the narrow one is a crown of laurel, over the broad one -flames of fire, with this motto about them, “Enter in at the streit -gate: for wide is the gate, and brode is the waye, that leadeth to -destruction, Matth. vii.” Printed at Geneva, by James Pollain, and -Antonie Rebul. M.D.LVIII. D, extends to 28 leaves. Rom. letter, 16mo. -Advocates’ Library. - -8. “The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regement -of Wemen. Veritas temporis filia. M.D.LVIII.” 56 leaves, Rom. letter. -Advocates’ Library. - -9. “The Appellation of Johne Knoxe from the cruell and most unjust -sentence pronounced against him by the false bishoppes and clergie -of Scotland, with his supplication and exhortation to the nobilitie, -estates and cōmunalitie of the same realme. Printed at Geneva M.D. -LVIII.” The appellation is addressed “To the nobilitie, and estates of -Scotlād” only; the epistle, “To his beloved brethren the cōmunalitie -of Scotlād,” annexed, begins at folio 47, and concludes at folio 59, -“Be witnesse to my appellation.――From Geneva the 14 of July, 1558. -Your brother to commaunde in godliness, John Knoxe.” On the back of -which leaf begins: “An admonition to England and Scotland to call -them to repentance, written by Antoni Gilby.” On the back of leaf 78, -“Psalme of {367} David xciiii turned into metre by W. Kethe,” ends on -first page of folio 80――Rom. letter, 16mo. Advocates’ Library. - -It is a mistake to suppose that “Antoni Gilby” was a fictitious name -assumed by Knox. Gilby was a member of the English church at Geneva. -(See vol. i. p. 187.) Ames mentions several publications by him. See -also Tanneri Bibliotheca, p. 318. - -10. “The copie of his [John Knox’s] epistle, sent unto Newcastle, and -Barwick. [This was, perhaps, another edition of No. 3.] Also a brief -exhortatione to Englande for the speedy embracing of Christes gospell, -heretofore, by the tyranny of Mary, suppressed. Prin. at Geneva, 1559.” -Maunsell, p. 65. With a catalogue of Martyrs, 16mo. Ames, p. 1600. -Comp. Tanner, p. 460. - -11. “An Answer to a great number of blasphemous cauillations written -by an Anabaptist, and Adversarie to Gods eternal Predestination; and -confuted by Iohn Knox, minister of Gods worde in Scotland: Wherein -the Author so discouereth the craft and falshode of that sect, that -the godly knowing that error, may be confirmed in the trueth by the -euident worde of God. Prov. xxx. There is a generatiō that are pure -in their own cōceit, and yet are not washed from their filthiness. -Printed by Iohn Crespin, M.D.LX.” Rom. letter, 454 pages. Advocates’ -Library. Another edition was licensed 1580; and it was again printed -in 1591. See Ames, p. 1196, 1254, 1263. - -12. “Heir followeth the coppie of the ressoning which was betuix the -Abbote of Crossraguell and John Knox in Mayboil concerning the Masse, -in the yeare of God, a thousand five hundreth thre scoir and two -yeares. Apocalips xxii. For I protest, &c. Imprinted at Edinburgh by -Robert Lekpreuik, and are to be solde at his hous, at the nether bow. -Cum privilegio, 1563.” The running title is “The ressoning betwix -Jo. Knox and the abbotte of Crossraguell.” In the library of Alexander -Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck. See above, p. 73. - -13. “A sermon preached by John Knox, minister of Christ Jesus, in the -publique audience of the church of Edenbrough, within the realme of -Scotland, upon Sunday the 19 of August, 1565. For the which the said -John Knoxe was inhibite preaching for a season, 1 Tim. iv. The time -is come that men cannot abyde the sermon {368} of veritie nor holsome -doctrine. To this is adjoyned an exortation unto all the faithfull -within the sayde realme, for the reliefe of such as faythfully -trauayle in the preaching of Gods word. Written by the same John Knoxe, -at the commandment of the ministrie aforesaid.” Consists of 49 leaves; -and 11 more, “Of the superintendents to the faithful.” No name of -place, nor printer. Sixteens. Ames, p. 1488‒89. Tanner, p. 460. - -14. “To his loving brethren whome God ones gloriously gathered in the -church of Edinburgh, and now are dispersed for tryall of our faith, -&c. Johne Knox. Imprented at Striviling be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno Do. -M.D.LXXI.” Rom. letter, 4 leaves, 16mo. Advocates’ Library. - -15. “An Answer to a letter of a Jesuit named Tyrie, be Johne Knox. -Proverbs xxvi. Answer not a foole according to his foolishness, least -thou be lyke him: answer a foole according to his foolishness least he -be wise in his owē cōseat. - -“The contrarietie appearing at the first sight betwix thir twa -sentēcis, stayit for a tyme baith heart to meditate and hand to wryte -any thing, cōtrair that blasphemous letter. But when with better mynd, -God gave me to considder, that whosoever opponis not him self bouldly -to blasphemy and manifest leis, differis lytill fra tratouris: cloking -and fostering, so far as in them ly, the treasoun of traitouris, and -dampnable impietie of those, against whome Gods just vengeance mon -burne without end, unless spedie repentāce follow: To quyet therefore -my owne conscience, I put hande to the pen as followeth:――Imprentit at -Sanctandrois be Robert Lekpruik, Anno Do. 1572.” - -“Jhone Knox, the servand of Jesus Christ, now wearie of the world, and -daylie luiking for the resolution of this my earthly tabernakle, to -the faithful,” &c. 3 pages. Then a prayer in 3 pages, which concludes, -“Now, Lord, put an end to my miserie. At Edinburgh the 12 day of -Marche 1565.”――On next page begins “An Answer,” &c. At the end, -“Of Edinburgh the 10 day of August, anno do. 1568.” Next, “To the -Faithfull Reader”――ends “For as the worlde is wearie of me: so am I -of it. Of Sanctandrois the 12 of Julii 1572. Johne Knox”――“Followeth -the letter as it past from my hand at Diep the 20 Julii 1554. To -his loving {369} mother,” &c. (This letter is in MS. Vol.) In all -45 leaves. Rom. letter. Advocates’ Library. - -16. “A Fort for the Afflicted. Wherein are ministred many notable and -excellent remedies against the stormes of tribulation: Written chiefly -for the comforte of Christes little flocke, which is the small number -of the faithfull, by John Knoxe. John xvi. 23.” This is an exposition -upon the 6th Psalm. It has prefixed, an epistle “To the Religious -Reader, by Abr. Flemming.”――“To his beloved mother, J. K. sendeth -greeting in the Lorde.” At the end is “A comfortable epistle sent to -the afflicted churche of Christ, exhorting them to bear his crosse -with patience, &c. Written at Deepe 31 May, 1554.” F 4, in eights. -W. H. (Ames, p. 1118.) Tanner (p. 460) says it was printed “Lond. -1580.” This is another edition of the two first tracts described in -No. 6. - -17. Sermon on Ezekiel ix. 4, printed anno 1580. See a Catalogue of -Writers on O. and N. Testament, p. 107. Lond. 1663. - -18. “A Notable and Comfortable exposition of M. John Knoxes upon the -fourth of Matthew, concerning the tentations of Christ. First had -in the public church, and _afterwards_ written for the comfort of -certaine private _friends_, _and now_ published in print for the -benefit of all that fear God. At London printed by Robert Waldegrave -for Thomas Man, dwelling in Paternoster Row, at the signe of the -Talbot.” Advocates’ Library. In MS. Vol. - -The words in Italics are supplied, the copy being torn in these -places. The book is dedicated by “Johne Fielde,” the publisher, to -the “vertuous and my very godly friend Mres Anne Provze of Exeter,” -who was the widow of “M. Edward Derring,” a celebrated non‑conformist. -Field was also a noted puritan. See Bancroft’s Dangerous Positions, -b. iii. chap. 1‒5. Field had received the MS. from Mrs Prouze. At the -end of the dedication is, “London the first day of the first moneth in -the year 1583.” The book consists of 24 leaves. - -19. “The Historie of the Church of Scotland.” Imperfect, beginning -with page 17. “BY THESE ARTICLES which God of his merciful providence -causeth the enemies of his truth to keep in their registers, &c.” and -ending with M m, p. 560. “For we judge it a thing most contrarious to -reason, godlynes, and equitie, that {370} the widow of the children -and him who in;” being part of “the fift head” of the First Book of -Discipline. 8vo. Advocates’ Library. This edition is very rare, and -none of the copies which have been seen are more complete than that -which has been just described. See above, p. 359. - -It is unnecessary to give the title of David Buchanan’s edition, -printed in 1644 at London, in folio, and reprinted the same year at -Edinburgh in quarto.――The genuine and complete edition of the History -was published in folio, under the following title:―― - -“The Historie of the Reformation of Religioun within the Realm of -Scotland, conteining the manner and be quhat persons the lycht of -Christis Evangell has bein manifested unto this realme, after that -horribill and universal defection from the treuth, whiche has come -by the means of that Romane Antichryst. Together with the Life of -Johne Knoxe, the author, and several curious pieces wrote by him; -particularly that most rare and scarce one entitled, _The First -Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regiment of Women_, and -a large Index and Glossary. Taken from the original manuscript in the -University Library of Glasgow, and compared with other ancient copies. -Edinburgh: Printed by Robert Fleming and Company, 1732.” The life was -written by Mr Matthew Crawfurd. See last Note. - -Besides the above publications, which were all undoubtedly composed -by our Reformer, there are others ascribed to him upon more dubious -grounds. Bale, in his Scrip. Maj. Brit. post. pars. art. _Knoxus_, and -Verheiden and Melchior Adam, upon his authority, appear, in several -instances, to have given different names to the same tract. They -mention among his printed works, “In Genesin Conciones.” We know that -he preached sermons on Genesis at Franckfort, (see vol. i. 148,) and -it is not unlikely that he continued to do so at Geneva. Perhaps Bale, -hearing of these, might think that they were published. Bishop Tanner -has enumerated among his works, “Exposition on Daniel, Malburg. M.D. -XXIX. 8vo.” Bibliotheca, p. 460. As he mentions the place and year of -printing, more credit is due to his account: but there is evidently a -mistake in the year, for Knox had not at that time begun to write. It -may however be an error of the press for a {371} later year. We have -seen (vol. ii. p. 192) that he preached on Daniel at St Andrews. - -During the reign of queen Mary of England, a book was published, with -this title, “The Huntyng of the Romysh Voulfe,” &c. Of this tract a -new edition was printed in the beginning of Elizabeth’s reign, under -the title of “The Hunting of the Fox and the Wolfe, because they make -hauocke of the sheepe of Christ Jesus.” This edition is introduced -with a preface by an anonymous author, “To al my faithful Brethren -in Christ Jesu, and to all other that labour to weede out the weedes -of poperie,” &c. The writer of the preface is very severe against the -relics of popery retained in the worship of the church of England by -the Act of Uniformity. “My good fathers and deare Brethren, who are -first called to ye battel to strive for God’s glory and the edificatiō -of his people, againste the Romish reliques, and rags of Antichriste, -I doubt not but that you will courageouslye and constātly in Christ, -rap at these rages of God’s enemies, and that you will by this occasiō -race vp many as great enormities, that we al know and labour to race -out al the dregs and remnāts of transformed poperie, that are crept -into England, by too much lenitie of thē that will be named the Lords -of the clergie,” &c. This preface has been ascribed to our Reformer. -“So far,” says Herbert, “as one may be allowed to guess at the author -by the style, &c. I am inclined to believe this address was written -by John Knox, who for magnanimity, courage, and zeal for God’s glory, -was at least equal to any of our reformers.” This surmise is in some -measure supported by the cut of Truth, &c. at the end of this tract; -the same as prefixed to that author’s Admonition or warning, &c, -as p. 1576, except only the name of _Sutleti_ being here given to -the figure there inscribed _Crueltye_.” Herbert’s edition of Ames, -p. 1605, 1606. - -I have not introduced into this catalogue the _Form of -Excommunication_, which was wholly, nor the _Treatise of Fasting_, -which was chiefly, composed by Knox, nor any other of the public -papers in which he had a hand, but which were published in the name -of the General Assembly. - -In an epistle to the reader, contained in his answer to Tyrie, Knox -mentions that he had beside him a collection of letters which {372} -he had written to Mrs Bowes, and which the state of his health alone -prevented him from publishing. It also appears from Field’s dedication -prefixed to Knox’s Exposition of the fourth of Matthew, (see p. 240,) -that a number of our Reformer’s manuscripts were in circulation in -England as well as Scotland. I have in my possession a manuscript -volume, containing tracts and letters written by him between 1550 -and 1558. This is unquestionably the identical volume which formerly -belonged to the Rev. Mr Wodrow, (author of the History of the -Sufferings of the Church of Scotland,) and described under the name -of the _Quarto volume_ of MSS. in Crawfurd’s Life of Knox, p. 53, 54, -prefixed to the edition of his Historie published in 1732. It consists -of 518 pages, including the contents. On the leaf at the beginning -of the volume is this title: “The epistles of Mr John Knox, worthy to -be read because of the authority of the wryter, the solidity of the -matter, and the comfortable Christian experience to be found therein. -Edr. 22 feb. 1683. H. T. m. p.” Below, in a hand considerably older, -are these words: “This booke belong’d somtyme to Margaret Stewart, -widow to Mr Knox, afterwards married to the knight of fawdonesyde. -Sister shee was to James Earl of Arran.” Then follow the six tracts -described by Mr Crawfurd, in the place above referred to. At the -beginning of the Letters, in a hand older than the former, and the -same with that in which the Letters themselves are written, is this -title: “Certane epistillis and letters of ye servand of God, Johne -Knox, send from dyvers places to his friendis and familiaris in Jesus -Chryst.” On the margin of the tracts are several short notes by the -transcriber, referring to his own times, such as this, “our case -at this day in Scotland, 1603.” This ascertains the date of their -transcription; and I think it highly probable that they were copied by -Mr John Welsh, a son‑in‑law of the Reformer, one of whose letters is -inserted on some blank leaves in the middle of the volume. The letters -have evidently been written by the same person (although the hand -appears older); and, on the margin of a treatise at the end of them, -“1603” occurs. Margaret Stewart, the Reformer’s relict, was alive -about the end of the 16th century; but whether the manuscript in my -possession belonged to her, or be considered as a transcript from hers, -there can be no doubt of its antiquity and {373} genuineness. I have -found, upon examination, that all the six tracts in the beginning of -the volume have been published; but as the manuscript is more correct -than any of the printed editions which I have seen, I have generally -followed it in the extracts which I have given from these tracts. The -letters are forty‑three in number, besides the letter to the queen -regent, the Discourse on the temptation of Christ, and the Additions -to the Apology of the Parisian Protestants, which are inserted among -them. Three of the letters also have been published, and are noticed -in Nos. 6 and 15 of this Catalogue; the remainder, as far as I can -learn, never appeared in print. They consist chiefly of religious -advices to the friends with whom he corresponded; but a number of -facts and allusions to his external circumstances are interspersed. -Mr Wodrow possessed another volume of Knox’s MSS., in folio, which -is described by Crawfurd, Life, p. 53, ut supra. It contains nothing -additional to what I have mentioned in this Note.――In a letter, -addressed to Mr Robert Durie, from Sedan, 24th May, 1616, Andrew -Melville says: “I left with my lufing and faithful gossep, your -father‑in‑law, Mr Knox’s letters. I wish them to be furthcuming.” - - - - -{374} - APPENDIX, - - CONSISTING OF LETTERS WRITTEN BY KNOX, - AND OTHER PAPERS, HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED. - - - [356]Nº I. [From MS. Letters, p. 243.] - - The firste letter to his mothir in law, mestres Bowis. - -Rycht deirlibelovit mother in oure saviour Jesus Chryst, when I -call to mynd and revolve with myself the trubillis and afflictionis -of Godis elect frome the begyning (in whiche I do not forget yow) -thair is within my hart tuo extreme contraries; a dolour almaist -unspeakabill, and a joy and comfort whilk, be mannis sences, can not -be comprehendit nor understand. The cheif caussis of dolour be two; -the ane is the rememberance of syn, whilk I daylie feill remanyng in -this corrupt nature, whilk was and is sa odius and detestabill in the -presence of oure hevinlie father, that by na uther sacrifice culd or -myght the same be purgeit, except by the blude and deth of the onlie -innocent sone of God. When I deiplie do considder the caus of Chrystis -deth to haif bene syn, and syn yit to dwell in all flesche, with paule -I am compellit to sob and grone as ane man under ane heavie burdene, -ye, and sumtymes to cry, O wreachit and miserabill man that I am, wha -sall delyver me fra this bodie of syn! The uther caus of my dolour is -that sic as maist gladlie wald remane togidder, for mutuall comfort -ane of another, can not be sufferit sa to do. Since the first day that -it pleasit the providence of God to bring yow and me in familiaritie, -I have alwayis delytit in your company; and when labours wald permit, -ye knaw I have not spairit houris to talk and commoun with yow, the -frute {375} whairof I did not than fullie understand nor perceave. -But now absent, and so absent that by corporal presence nather of ws -can resave comfort of uther, I call to mynd how that oftymes when, -with dolorous hartis, we haif begun our talking, God hath send greit -comfort unto baithe, whilk now for my awn part I commounlie want. The -exposicioun of your trubillis, and acknawledging of your infirmitie, -war first unto me a verie mirrour and glass whairin I beheld my self -sa rychtlie payntit furth, that nathing culd be mair evident to my -awn eis. And than the searching of the scriptures for Godis sueit -promissis, and for his mercies frelie givin unto miserable offenderis, -(for his nature delyteth to schew mercie whair maist miserie ringeth), -the collectioun and applying of Godis mercies, I say, wer unto me as -the breaking and handilling with my awn handis of the maist sweit and -delectabill ungumentis, whairof I culd not but receave sum comfort -be thair naturall sweit odouris. But now, albeit I never lack the -presence and plane image of my awn wreachit infirmitie; yet seing -syn sa manifestlie abound in al estaitis, I am compellit to thounder -out the threattnyngis of God aganis the obstinat rebellaris, in doing -whairof (albeit as God knaweth I am no malicious nor obstinat synner) -I sumtymes am woundit, knawing myself criminall and giltie in many, -ye in all (malicious obstinacie laid asyd) thingis that in utheris I -reprehend. Judge not, mother, that I wrait theis thingis debassing my -self otheris wayis than I am: na; I am wors than my pen can expres. In -bodie ye think I am no adulterer: lat sa be; but the hart is infectit -with foull lustis, and will lust albeit I lament never samekill. -Externallie I commit na idolatrie; but my wicked hart luffeth the -self, and cannot be refranit fra vane imaginationis, ye, not fra sic -as wer the fountane of all idolatrie. I am na mankiller with my handis; -but I help not my nedie brother sa liberallie as I may and aucht. I -steill not hors, money, nor claithis fra my nychbour; but that small -portioun of warldlie substance I bestow not sa rychtlie as his halie -law requyreth. I bear na fals witnes aganis my nychbour in judgement -or utherwayis befor men; but I speik not the treuth of God sa boldlie -as it becumeth his true messinger to do. And thus in conclusioun -thair is na vyce repugnyng to Godis halie will, expressit in his law, -whairwith my hart is not infectit. - -{376} This mekill writtin and dytit befoir the resait of your letteris, -whilk I resavit the 21st of June. They war unto my hart sum comfort -for dyvers caussis not necessar to be rehersit, but maist (as knaweth -God) for that I find ane congruence betwix ws in spreit, being sa fer -distant in bodie. ffor when that digestlie I did avys with your letter, -I did considder that I myself was complenyng evin the self sam thingis -at that verie instant moment that I ressavit your letter. Be my pen -ffrome a sorrowfull hart I culd not but brust forth and say, “O Lord, -how wonderfull ar thi workis! how dois thou try and prufe thi chosin -children as gold by the fyre! how canest thou in maner hyd thi face -fra thy awn spous, that thi presence efter may be mair delectabill! -how canest thou bring thi sainctis lowe, that thou may carie thame -to glorie everlasting! how canest thou suffer thi strang faithful -messingeris in many thingis yit to wressill with wreachit infirmitie -and febill weaknes, ye and sumtymes permittis thou thame horribillie -to fall, partlie that na flesche sall have whairof it may glorie -befoir the, and partlie that utheris of smaller estait and meaner -giftis in thi kyrk myght resave sum consolatioun, albeit thay find in -thame selves wickit motions whilk they are not abill to expell!” My -purpois was, befoir I ressavit your letter, to have exhortit you to -pacience and to fast, adhering to Godis promisis, albeit that your -flesche, the divill, and uther your enemyis, wald persuad you to the -contrare; for, by the artis and subteliteis that the adversarie useth -aganis me, I not only do conjecture, but also planelie dois sie your -assaltis and trubill. And sa lykwys, in the bowellis of Chrystis -mercie, maist ernistlie I beseik you, by that infirmitie that ye -knaw remaineth in me, (wars I am than I can wryt,) pacientlie to beir, -albeit that ye haif not sic perfection as ye wald, and albeit also -your motionis be sic as be maist vyle and abominabill, yet not to -sorrow abuf measure. Gif I to whom God hes gevin greatter giftis (I -wryt to his prais) be yit sa wrappit into miserie, that what I wald -I can not do, and what I wald not, that with sainct paule, I say, I -daylie ye everie hour and moment I devys to do, and in my hart, ficht -I never sa fast in the contrarie I perform and do,――gif sic wreachit -wickitnes remane in Godis cheif ministeris, what wonder albeit the -same remane in yow? Gif Godis strangest men of war be beattin bak -in thair face, {377} that what thay wald they can not destroy nor -kill, is it any sic offence to yow to be tossit as ye compleane, that -thairfoir ye suld distrust Goddis frie promissis? God forbid, deir -mother! the power of God is knawin be oure weaknes, and theis dolouris -and infirmiteis be maist profitabill to ws; for by the same is our -pryde beattin doun, whilk is not easie utherwayis to be done. By -thame ar oure misereis knawn, sa that we, acknawledging oure selves -misterfull, seikis the phesitioun. By thame cum we, be the operatioun -of the halie spreit, to the hatred of syn, and be thame cum we to the -hunger and thrist of justice, and to desyre to be desolued, and sa -to ring with oure Chryst Jesus, whilk without this battell and sorrow -this flesche culd never do. And sa fra the doloris I proceid to the -comfort. - -As the caussis of dolour be tuo, whilk ar present syn, and the lack -of sic company as in whome we maist culd delyt, sa is the caussis of -my comfort not ymaginit of my brane, but pronuncit first be God, and -efter graftit in the hartis of Godis children by his halie spreit. -Thay ar lykwys tuo; whilk is a justice inviolable offerit be our -flesche befoir the trone of our heavinlie father, and ane assureit -hoip of that generall assemblie and gathering togither of Godis -dispersit flok, in that day when all teairs salbe wipit fra oure eis, -when deth salbe vincuisit, and may na mair dissever sic as feiring -God this day in the flesche murnis under the burdene of syn. Off oure -present justice, notwithstanding syn remane in our mortall bodeis, -ar we assureit by the faithfull witnes of Jesus Chryst, Johne the -apostill, saying, “gif we confes oure synnis, faithfull and just is -God to remit and forgive our synnis.” Mark the wordis of the apostill, -gif we confes oure synnis God man forgive thame, becaus hie is -faithfull and just. To confessioun of synnis ar theis thingis requisit; -ffirst we man acknawledge the syn, and it is to be notit that sumtymes -Godis verie elect, albeit they have synnit maist haynouslie, does not -acknawledge syn and thairfoir can not at all tymes confes the same; -for syn is not knawin unto sictyme as the vale be takin fra the -conscience of the offender, that he may sie and behald the filthines -of syn, what punishment be Godis just jugenentis is dew for the sam, -and then (whilk is the 2 thing requisit to confessioun) begynnis the -haitred of syn and of oure selves {378} for contempnying of God and of -his halie law; whairof last springis that whilk we call hoip of mercie, -whilk is nathing els but a sob fra a trubillit hart, confoundit and -aschamit for syn, thristing remissioun and Gods frie mercie, whairupon -of necessitie man follow this conclusioun, God hes remittit and frelie -forgevin the syn; and why? for “hie is faithfull and just” sayeth the -apostill. Comfortabill and mervelous caussis! first, God is faithfull, -ergo, hie man forgive syn. A comfortable consequent upon a maist -sure ground! for Godis fidelitie can na mair faill nor can him self. -Then lat this argument be gatherit for oure comfort; the office of -the faithfull is to keip promeis; but God is faithfull, ergo, he -man keip promeis. That God hes promissit remissioun of synis to sic -as be repentant, I neid not now to recit the places. But let this -collectioun of the promissis be maid, God promissis remissioun of -synis to all that confessis the same; but I confes my synnis, for I -sie the filthines thairof, and how justlie God may condemp me for my -iniquities. I sob and I lament for that I can not be quyt and red of -syn, I desyre to leif a mair perfyt lyfe. Thir ar infallible signis, -seillis, and takinis, that God hes remittit the syn; for God is -faithfull that sa hes promissit, and can na mair deceave nor hie -can ceis to be God. But what reasone is this, God is just, thairfoir -hie man forgive syn? A wonderous caus and reasone in deid! ffor the -flesche and naturall man can understand nathing but the contrar, for -thus man it reasone: the justice of God is offendit be my synnis, -sa God man neidis have a satisfactioun, and requyre ane punissment. -Gif we understand of whome God requyris satisfactioun, whether of -ws, or of the handis of his onlie sone, and whais punisment is abill -to recompens oure synnis, than sall we haif greit cause to rejose, -remembering that God is a just God; for the office of the just man -is to stand content when hie hes ressavit his dewtie. But God hes -ressavit alredie at the handis of his onlie sone all that is dew for -our synnis, and sa can not his justice requyre nor craif any mair -of ws ather satisfactioun or recompensatioun for our synnis. Advert, -mother, the sure pilleris and fundation of oure salvation to be -Godis faithfulnes and justice. Hie that is faithful has promissit -frie remissioun to all penitent synneris, and hie that is just, hes -ressavit alredie a full satisfactioun for the synis of all thais that -imbrace Chryst Jesus {379} to be the only saviour of the warld. What -restis than to us to be done? nathing but to acknawledge oure miserie -and wrechednes, whilk na flesche can do sa unfenidlie as they that -daylie feillis the wecht of syn. And uther, mother, caus haif we nane -of desperatioun, albeit the divill rage never sa cruellie, and albeit -the flesche be never sa fraill, daylie and hourlie lusting aganis -Godis halie commandementis, ye, stryving aganis the same. This is -not the tyme of justice befoir oure awn eis; we luke for that whilk -is promissit, the kingdome everlasting, preparit to ws fra the -begynning, whairof we ar maid airis be Godis apoyntment, reabillit -[_i.e._ _legitimated_ or _restored_] thairto be Chrystis death, to -whom we sall be gatherit, when efter we sall never depart, whilk to -remember is my singular comfort, but thairof now I can not wryte. My -commendationis to all whom effeiris. I commit you to the protectioun -of the omnipotent. - -At Londoun the 23d of June, 1553, your sone unfeaned, - - Johne Knox. - - * * * * * - - - Nº II. [MS. Letters, p. 333.] - - To mariorie bowis wha was his first wyfe. - -Deirlibelovit sister in the commoun faith of Jesus our saviour, the -place of Johne forbidding ws to salut sic as bringeth not the hailsome -doctrine, admonisseth ws what danger cumeth be fals teacheris, evin -the destructioun of bodie and saule; whairfoir the spreit of God -willeth ws to be sa cairfull to avoyd the company of all that teachis -doctrine contrarie to the treuth of Chryst, that we communicat with -thame in nathing that may appeir to manteane or defend thame in thair -corrupt opinioun, for hie that bidis thame godspeid, communicatis with -thair syn, that is, hie that apeiris, be keiping thame company, or -assisting unto thame in thair proceidingis, to favour thair doctrine, -is giltie befoir God of thair iniquitie, baith becaus hie doith -confirme thame in thair error be his silence, and also confirmes -utheris to credit thair doctrine, becaus hie opponis not himself -thairto: and sa to bid thame godspeid is not to speik unto thame -commounlie as we for civill honestie to men unknawn, but it is efter -we have hard of heir als doctrine to be conversant {380} with thame, -and sa intreat thame as they had not offendit in thair doctrine. The -place of Jamis teachis ws, belovit sister, that in Jesus Chryst all -that unfeandlie profes him are equall befoir him, and that ryches nor -warldlie honouris ar nathing regairdit in his syght; and thairfoir -wald the spreit of God, speiking in the apostill, that sic as ar trew -christianis suld have mair respect to the spirituall giftis whairwith -God had doteth his messingeris, nor to externall ryches, whilk oftymes -the wicket possessis, the having whairof makis man nether nobill nor -godlie, albeit sa judge the blind affectionis of men. The apostill -dampneth sic as preferis a man with a golden chayne to the pure; but -heirof will I speik no more. The spreit of God sall instruct your hart -what is maist comfortable to the trubillit conscience of your mother, -and pray ernistlie that sa may be. Whair the adversarie objectis, -sche aucht not think wicket thoughts, answer thairto, that is trew, -but seing this oure nature is corruptit with syn whilk entirrit be -his suggestioun, it must think and wirk wickitlie be his assaltis, -but hie sal beir the condigne punisment thairof, becaus be him syn -first entirit, and also be him it doith continew whillis this karkais -be resolved. And whair hie inquyris what Chryst is, answer hie is -the seid of the woman promissit be God to break down the serpentis -heid, whilk hie hath done alreadie in him self appeiring in this oure -flesche, subject to all passionis that may fall in this oure nature, -onlie syn exceptit; and efter the death sufferit, hie heth, be power -of his godheid, rissin agane triumphant victour over deth, hell and -syn, not to him self, for thairto was hie na dettour, but for sic as -thristis salvatioun be him onlie, whom he may na mair los, nor he may -ceas to be the sone of God and the saviour of the warld. And whair -hie wald perswade that sche is contrarie the word thairinto, hie leis -according to his nature, whairin thair is na treuth; for gif sche wer -contrarie the word, or denyit it, to what effect sa ernistlie suld -sche desyre the company of sic as teacheth and professeth it? Thair is -na dout but hie, as he is the accusatour of all Godis elect, studieth -to trubill her conscience, that according to hir desyre, sche may not -rest in Jesus oure Lord. Be vigilant in prayer. I think this be the -first letter that ever I wrait to you. - - In great haist your brother, - - Johne Knox. - - * * * * * - - -{381} - Nº III. [MS. Letters, p. 283.] - - To his Mother‑in‑law, and his Wife. - - ffrome the eis of his Sanctis sal the Lord wype away all teiris - and murnyng. - -Deir mother and spous unfeanidlie belovit in the bowells of -oure Saviour Chryst Jesus, with my verie hartlie commendationis. I -perusit baith your letteris, not only directit to me, but also it that -sorrowfullie compleanis upon the unthankfulnes of your brother as also -of myne, that ye suld not have bene equallie maid privie to my coming -in the countrie with utheris, whairof the enemy wald persuad yow (ane -argument maist fals and untrew) that we judge you not to be of our -noumber. Deir mother, be not sa suddanlie moveit, hie is your enemy -that sa wald persuad you. God I tak to recorde in my conscience that -nane is this day within the realme of Ingland, with whome I wald -mair gladlie speik (onlie sche whome God hath offirit unto me, and -commandit me to lufe as my awn flesche, exceptit) than with you. For -your causis principallie enterprysit I this jurney; for hering my -servand to be stayit, and his letteris to be takin, I culd na wys be -pacifeit (for the maist part of my letteris was for your instructioun -and comfort) till farther knawledge of your estait, and that ye wer na -soner advertisit, only want of a faithfull messinger was the caus; for -my coming to the countrey was sa sone noysit abrod, that with greit -difficultie culd I be convoyit fra a place to another. I knew na sic -danger as was suspectit be my brethrene; ffor as for my letteris in -them is nathing conteanid, except exhortation to constancie in that -treuth whilk God hes opinlie laid befoir our eis, whilk I am not -myndit to deny whenever sic questions sal be demandit of me. But the -cause moveing me that ffor a tyme I wald have bene clos, was, that -I purposit (gif sa had bene possible) to have spokin with my wyfe, -whilk now I persave is nathing apeirand, whill God offer sum better -occasioun. My brethren, partlie be admonitioun, and partlie by teiris, -compellis me to obey sumwhat contrair to my awn mynd; for never can I -die in a mair honest quarrell nor to suffer as a witnes of that treuth -whairof God hes maid me a messinger, whilk with hart I belive {382} -maist assuredlie, (the halie Gaist beiring witnes to my conscience,) -and with mouth I trust to God to confes, in presence of the warld, -the onlie doctrine of lyfe. Notwithstanding this my mynd, gif God -sall prepair the way, I will obey the voces of my brethrene, and -will gif place to the furie and rage of Sathan for a tyme. And sa can -I not espy how that ether of yow baith I can speik at this tyme. But, -gif God pleis preserve me at this tyme, whairof I am not yit resolved, -then sal thair lak in me na gud will, that ye may knaw the place of my -residence, and farthir of my mynd. But now, deir mother, haif we cause -to rejois, for our heavinlie Father, wha callit us be grace to wryt -in our hartis the signis and seallis of our election in Chryst Jesus -his sone, begynnis now to correct our crukedness, and to mak us lyke -in suffering afflictionis, schame and rebuke of the warld, to the -greit bischope of our saullis, wha by mekill tribulation did enter -in his glorie, as of necessitie man everie ane to whome that kingdome -is apoyntit. And thairfor, mother, be nathing abasched of theis maist -dolorous dayis, whilk schortlie sal have end to oure everlasting -comfort. Thay ar not cropin upon ws without knawledge and foirsight; -how oft have ye heard theis dayis foirspokin? thairfoir now grudge -not, but pacientlie abyd the Lords delyverance. Hie that foirspak the -trubill, promissis everlasting pleasure by the same word; albeit the -flesche complene, dispair nathing, for it must follow the awn nature, -and it is not dampnabill in the syght of oure Father; albeit the -corrupt fraill flesche draw bak and refuse the croce, ffor that is as -naturall to the flesche, as in hunger and thirst to covet reasonable -sustenance. Onlie follow not the affectionis of the flesche to cōmit -iniquytie; neither for feir of deth, nor for love of lyf, cōmit ye -idolatrie; neither yit gif your presence whair the same is committit, -but hait it, avoid it, and flee frome it. But your leter makis -mention that ye haif pleasure and delyt in it: na, mother, I espy the -contrarie, for ye compleane and lament that sic motionis ar within -you; this is na sign that ye delyt in thame, for na man compleanis of -that whairin hie delytis. Ye ar in na wors cas, tuiching that poynt, -nor yet tuiching any uther whairof ye desyre to be red, than was -the apostil, when with gronyng and angusche of hart he did cry, “O -unhappie man that I am, wha sal delyver me fra this bodie of syn:” -reid the haill chapter, and {383} gif glorie to God that lattis you -knaw your awn infirmitie, that from Chryst allone ye may be content -to resave that whilk never remanit in corruptibill flesche, that is, -the justice whilk is acceptabill befoir God, the justice by faith and -not by workis, that ye may glorie in him wha frelie gives that whilk -we deserve not. And thus nether feir that, nor uther assaltis of the -divill, sa lang as in bodie ye obey not his persuasionis. Schortnes -of tyme, and multitude of cairis, will not lat me wryt at this present -sa plentifullie as I wald. Ye will me to charge you in suche thingis -as I mister, God grant that ye may be abill to relief the nedie. Ye -may be sure that I wald be bold upon you, for of your gude hart I am -persuadit, but of your power and abilitie I greitlie dout. I will not -mak you privie how ryche I am, but off Loundoun I departit with les -money then ten grottis, but God hes sence provydit, and will provyd -I dout not, heirefter abundantlie for this lyfe. Ather the quenis -majestie, or sum thesaurer will be XL pounds rycher by me for samekill -lack I of dewtie of my patentis. But that litill trubillis me. Rest in -Chryst Jesus, your sone, - - 1553. Johne Knox. - - * * * * * - - - Nº IV. [MS. Letters, p. 303.] - - To his mother‑in‑law, Mrs Bowis. - - Blissit be thais that mourne for ryghteousnes sake, &c. - -Belovit mother with my hartlie commendatioun in the Lord. Let not your -present dulnes discorage yow above measure: the wisdome of our God -knawis what is maist expedient for our fraill nature, gif the bodie -suld alwayis be in travell, it suld faynt and be unabill to continew -in labour, the spreit hes his travell, whilk is a sobbing and murnyng -for syn, fra whilk unles it sumtymes suld rest, it suddanlie suld -be consumit. It doith na mair offend Godis maiestie that the spreit -sumtyme lye as it were asleip, nether hauing sence of greit dolour nor -greit comfort, mair than it doith offend him that the bodie use the -natural rest, ceassing fra all externall exercis. Ye sall consider, -mother, that the eis of God dois pers mair deiplie than {384} we be -war of; we, according to the blind ignorance whilk lurketh within ws, -do judge but as we do feil for the present, but hie, according to his -eternall wisdome, dois judge thingis lang befoir thay cum to pas. We -judge that caldnes and angusche of spreit ar hurtfull, becaus we sie -not the end whairfoir God dois suffer ws to be trubillit with sic -temptationis; but his maiestie, wha onlie knawis the mass whairof man -is maid, and causeth all thingis to work to the profit of his elect, -knawis also how necessarie sic trubillis ar to dantoun the pryd of -oure corrupt nature. Thair is a spirituall pryd whilk is not haistelie -suppressit in Godis verie elect children, as witnesses sanct paule. -God hath wroth greit thingis be yow in the syght of uthir men, with -whilk (unless the mell of inward angusche did beat them doun) ye myght -be steirit up to sum vane glorie, whilk is a vennoume mair subtil -than ony man do espy. I can wryt to you be my awn experience. I have -sumtymes bene in that securitie that I felt not dolour for syn, nether -yit displeasure aganis myself for any iniquitie in whilk I did offend; -but rather my vane hart did this flatter myself, (I wryt the treuth -to my awn confusioun, and to the glorie of my heavenlie father through -Jesus Christ,) ‘Thou hes sufferit great troubill for professing of -Chrystis treuth, God hes done great thingis for the, delyvering the -fra that maist cruell bondage, [_galleis_: on the margin], hie has -placeit the in a maist honourabill vocatioun, and thy labours ar not -without frute; thairfoir thou aucht rejos and gif prais unto God.’ O -mother this was a suptill serpent wha this culd pour in vennoume, I -not perceaving it; but blissit be my God wha permittit me not to sleip -lang in that estait. I drank schortlie efter this flatterie of myself -a cupe of contra poysone, the bitternes whairof doith yit sa remane in -my breist, that whatever I have sufferit, or presentlie dois I reput -as doung, yea, and my self worthie of dampnation for my ingratitude -towardis my God. The lyke, mother, my{t} have cumin to yow, gif the -secreit brydall of afflictioun did not refrane vane cogitationis; but -of this I have written to yow mair planelie in my other letteris. And -this I commit you to the protectioun of the omnipotent for ever. - - Yours at his power, - - Johnne Knox. - - * * * * * - - -{385} - Nº V. [MS. Letters, p. 335‒6.] - - To his Sister. - - The spreit of God the father, be Jesus Chryst, - comfort and assist yow to the end. Amen. - -Touching the sonis of Jacob, who cruellie, contrar to thair solempned -promeis and othe, did murther and slay the citisens of Sichem; whasa -ryghtlie marketh the scriptures of God sall easelie espy thame maist -grevouslie to have offendit. ffor albeit the transgression of the -young man was haynous befoir God, yit wer thay na civill maiestratis, -and thairfoir had na autoritie to punis. And farther, thay committit -treasone, and in sa fer as in thame was blasphemit God and his -halie name, making it odious to the nationis about, seing thay -under pretence of religioun, and of ressaving them in leage with -God and with the pepill, did disceatfullie as also cruellie destroy -the haill citie suspecting na danger. Albeit sum laboureth to excus -thair syn be the zeall thay had that thay myght not suffer thair -sister to be abusit lyke ane harlot, yit the spreit of God speiking -in thair awn father, efter lang advysement, in the extreamitie of his -deth, utterlie dampneth thair wickit act, saying, “Semioun and Levi, -brethren, &c., lat not my saule entir in thair consall, nor yit my -glorie into thair company, for in thair furie thay killit a man, and -for thair lust destroyit the citie, cursit is thair heit or rage, for -it is vehement, and thair indignatioun, for it is intractable, I sall -dispers thame in Jacob, and scatter thame abrod in Israell.” Heir may -ye espy, sister, that God dampneth thair het displeasure and cruell -act, as maist wickit and worthie of punisment. But perchance it may -be inquyrit, why did God suffer the men that had professit his name be -ressaving the sign of circumsitioun sa unmercifullie to be entreatit? -I myght answer, God sufferis his awn in all ageis be the ungodlie to -be cruellie tormentit. But sic was not the case of thir men, whom na -doubt the justice of God faund cryminall and worthie the deth. ffor -thay did abus his sacramentall signe, receaving it nether at God’s -commandement, nor having any respect to his honour, nor {386} to -the advancement of his name, nor yit trusting in his promissis, nor -desyreing the incres or multiplicatioun of Godis pepill, but onlie -for a warldie purpois, thinking thairby to have attaynit ryches and -ease, be joynyng thameselves to Godis pepill. And sa the justice of -God faund thame worthie of punisment, and sa permittit thame justlie -on his part to be afflictit and destroyit be the ungodlie, whilk is -a terribill exempill to sic as in caus of religioun mair seikis the -profit of the warld nor eternall salvatioun. But hereof na mair. Thus -brieflie and rudlie have I writtin unto yow, becaus I remember myself -anis to have maid yow a promeis sa to do, and everie word of the mouth -of the faithfull (yf sa impeid not God) aught to be keipit. And now -rest in Chryst. After this I think ye sall rasave na mair of my handis. -In haist with sair trubillit hart. - - Yours as ever in godlines, - - [Anno 1553.] Johne Knox. - - * * * * * - - - Nº VI. LETTER OF JOHN KNOX TO JOHN FOX. - - (See vol. i. p. 219.) - - [British Museum. Harl. MSS. 416, 34. § 70.] - - An Original. - -Indorsed “To his louinge brother master fox be these delyuered at -Basill.” - - The mightie comforth of the holie ghost for salutation. - -Dearlie beloued brother, albeit at the deꝓture of this our brother -from whom I receaved yo{r} loving and frendlie lr̄e, my selue could -writ nothing be reason of the euill disposition of my bodie, yit -becaus I could not suffer him to depert without som remembrance of my -deutie to you, I vsed the help of my left hand, that is of my wief, in -scribbling these fewe lynes vnto you, as touching my purpose and mynd -in the publishing the first blast of the trompet. - -When the secreates of all hartes shalbe disclosed, that shalbe knowē -w{ch} now by manye can not be perswaded, to wit, that therin I nether -haue sought my selue, nether yit the vain prase of men. my rude -veheraencie and inconsidered affirmations w{ch} may appear {387} -rather to procead from coler then of zeal and reason, I do not excuse, -but to haue vsed anye other tytle more plausible, therby to haue -allured the world by any art as I never purposed so do I not yit -purpose. to me it is ynewgh to say that black is not whit, and -mans tyrannye and foolishnes is not goddes perfite ordinance, w{ch} -thinge I do not so much to correct comon welthes as to delyuer my own -conscience, and to instruct the consciences of som semple who yit I -fear be ignorant in that matter, but ferther of this I delay to better -opportunytie. Salut yo{r} wief and dowghter hartlie in my nam. the -grace of our lord Jesus Christ rest w{t} you now and euer. from geneva -the 18 of May, 1558. - - Your brother to power, - - Johne Knox. - -I yo{r} sister the writer herof saluteth you and yo{r} wief most -hartlie thanking hir of hir loving tokens w{ch} my mother and I -receaued from Mrs Kent. - - * * * * * - - - Nº VII. [Cald. MS. Vol. I. p. 427.][357] - - Extract of a letter from John Knox to Mrs Anne Locke. - (See vol. i. p. 268.) - -―――― The queen and her counsell made promise that no person within -Sanct Johnston, neither yet of these that assisted them, should be -troubled for any thing done either in religion, either yet in down -casting of places, till the sentence of the estates in Parliament -had decided the controversie, and that no bands of French souldiers -should be left behind the queen and counsell in the town, and that no -idolatrie should be erected, nor alteration made within the town. But -after she had obtained her desire, all godlie promises were forgotten; -for the Sunday next after her entering, mess was said upon a dyeing -table (for ye shall understand all the alters were prophaned); the -poor professors were oppressed; when children {388} were slain, she -did but smile, excusing the fact be the chance of fortune; and at her -departure, she left 400 souldiers, Scottismen, but paid by France, to -dantoun the town. She changed the provist, and exiled all godlie men. -This crueltie and deceit displeased many that before assisted her with -their presence and counsell; and among others, the earl of Argyle and -the prior of Sanct Andrews left [her], and joined themselves to the -congregation openly, whilk as it was displeasing to her and to the -shavellings, so it was most comfortable and joyfull to us, for by -their presence were the hearts of many erected from desperation. At -their commandment I repaired to them at St Andrewis, wher consultation -being had, it was concluded that Christ Jesus should there be openlie -preached, that the places and monuments of idolatrie should be removed, -and superstitious habits changed. This reformation was begun the -14th of June. In the meantime came the bishop of St Andrewis to the -towne, accompanied with a great band of warriours, and gave a strate -commandement, that no preaching should be made by me, who was both -brunt in figure and horned, assuring the lords that if they suffered -me to preach that twelve haquebuts should lyght upon my nose at once. -O burning charitie of a bloodie bishop! But as that boast did litle -affray me, so did it more incense and inflamme with courage the harts -of the godlie, who with one voyce proclaimed that Christ Jesus should -be preached in despite of Sathan, and so that Sabbath and three dayes -after I did occupy the publike place in the midst of the doctors who -this day are even as dumbe as their idols which wer brunt in their -presence. The bishop departed to the Queene, frustrat of his intent, -for he had promised to bring me to her either alyve or dead: and -incontinent was a new army assembled, and forward they marched against -St Andrews. It was not thought expedient that we should abide them -lurking in a town, and so we past to the fields and met them at Couper, -where lodging was appointed for the camp, but we prevented them: where -we remained upon their coming till the nixt day, when both armies were -in sight of other within shot of cannon, and we looked for nothing -but the extremitie of batle: not that we intended to pursue, but only -to stand in camp where our field was pitched for defence of ourselves. -There came from our adversaries ane ambassador {389} desiring speech -and communing of the lords, which gladlie of us being granted, after -long reasoning the queene offered a free remission of all crimes -bypast, sua that they would no furder proceed against friars and -abbayes, and that no more preaching should be used publicklie. But -the lords and the brethren refused such appointment, declaring that -the fear of no mortal creature should cause them betray the veritie -known and professed, neither yet to suffer idolatrie to be maintained -in the bounds committed to their charge. The adversaries perceiving -that neither threatening, flatterie, nor deceit, could break the bold -constancie and godlie purpose of the lords, barons, gentlemen, and -commons, who were there assembled to the number of 3000 in on days -warning, they were content to tak assurance for 8 days, permitting -unto us freedom of religion in the meantime. In the whilk the abbay -of Lindores, a place of black monkes, distant from St Andrewis -twelve myles, we reformed, their altars overthrew we, their idols, -vestments of idolatrie, and mass books, we burnt in their presence, -and commanded them to cast away their monkish habits. Divers chanons -of St Andrewis have given notable confessions, and have declared -themselves manifest enemies to the pope, to the mass, and to all -superstition. [_Then follows what is inserted_, vol. i. p. 280‒1.]――We -fear that the tyrannie of France shall, under the cloak of religion, -seek a plain conquest of us; but potent is God to confound their -counsell and to break their force. God move the hearts of such as -profes Christ Jesus with us, to have respect to our infancie, and open -their eyes to see that our ruin shall be their destruction. Communicat -the contents herof (which I write to you, least by divers rumours -ye should be troubled and wee slandered) with all faithfull, but -especiallie with the afflicted of that little flock, now dispersed -and destitute of these pleasant pastures in which some tyme they fed -abundantlie. If any remain at Geneva, let either this same or the -double of it be sent unto them, and likeways unto my dear brother -Mr Goodman, whose presence I more thirst for than she that is my own -flesh. Will him therefor in the name of the Lord Jesus (all delay and -excuse set apart) to visit me; for the necessity is great here. If -he come be sea, let him be addressed unto Dundie, and let him ask for -George Levell, for George Rollock, or Wm. Carmichael. {390} If he come -to Leith, let him repair to Edinburgh, and enquire for James Baron, -Edward Hope, Adam Fullertoun, or for John Johnston writer, be whom he -will get knowledge of me. If my mother and my wife come be you, will -them to make the expedition that goodly they can to visit me, or at -least to come to the north parts, where they shall know my mind, which -now I can not write, being oppressed with hourly cares. This bearer -is a poor man unknown in the country, to whom I beseech you shew -reasonable favour and tenderness, touching his merchandize and the -just selling thereof. Thus, with hearty commendations to all faithfull, -I heartily commit you to the protection of the Omnipotent. From Sanct -Andrewes the 23d of June 1559. - - * * * * * - - - Nº VIII. [Cald. I. 522.] - - To the same. (See vol. i. 312.) - -Lest that the rumours of our troubles trouble you above measure, dear -sister, I thought good in these few words to signifie unto you that -our esperance is yet good in our God, that he for his great names sake -will give such success to this enterprise as nether shall these whom -he hath appointed to sigh in this be utterlie confounded, neither yet -that our enemies shall have occasion to blaspheme the verity, nor yet -triumph over us in the end. We trusted too much, dear sister, in our -owne strenth, and speciallie since the erle of Arran and his friends -were joyned to our number. Amongst us also were such as more sought -the purse than Christ’s glory. Wee by this overthrow are brought to -acknowledge, what is a multitude without the present help of God! and -the hollow hearts of many are now revealled. God make us humble in -his eyes, and then I fear not the furie of the adversaries, who, be -ye assured, doe sore rage, so as yet their crueltie must neids crave -vengeance from him whose members they persecute. Our dear brethren and -sisters in Edinburgh and Lothian who lay nearest these bloode thirsty -tyrants, are so troubled and vexed that it is a pity to remember their -estate. Our God comfort them. We stand universally in great fear, -and yet we hope deliverance. I wrote to you before to be suitor to -{391} some faithfull, that they would move such as have abundance to -consider our estate, and to make for us some provision of money to -keep soldiers and our company together. And herein yet again I cannot -cease to move you. I can not well write to any other, because the -action may seem to appertaine to my own country onlie. But because -I trust ye suspect me not of avarice, I am bold to say to you that -if we perish in this our enterprise, the limits of London will be -straiter than they are now within few years. Many things I have which -I would have required for myself, namely Calvin on Isaiah, and his -Institutions revised. But common troubles cause me to neglect all -private business. If ye can find the means to send me the books before -written, or any other that be new and profitable, I will provide that -ye shall receive the prices upon your advertisement. My wife saluteth -you. Salute all faithfull heartilie in my name, especiallie those of -familiar acquaintance, of whom I crave pardon that I write not, being -not so quiet as ye would wish. My onlie comfort is that our troubles -shall pass sooner, peradventure, than our enemies look. Grace be with -you. From St Andrews, in haste, the 18th November, 1559. Yours known, - - John Knox. - -Mr Gudeman is in the west country in Ayr, who willed me to salute you -in his name as oft as I wrote you. - - * * * * * - - - Nº IX. [Cald. I. 524.] - - To the same. (See vol. i. 315.) - - We shall meet when death shall not dissever. - -Two letters I have received from you, dear sister, both almost at -one time, the one is dated at London the 28th of November, the other -of the same place the 2d of December. The letter of the last date I -first read, which made mention of your trouble be reason of a suddan -fire in a lodging near to you; that you had sought all means for our -support, as well of those of high as of low degree; but that it was -not needfull that any thing should be sent unto us, because it was -supposed that the highest would support us; and {392} last, that ye -had not received the answer of your doubts. In your other letters, -after your most comfortable discourse of God’s providence for his -people in their greatest necessitie, ye godlie and trulie conclude -that neither could their unworthiness, neither yet their want of -things judged necessarie for their preservation, stop his majestie’s -mercie from them. Thereafter ye will me to avoid danger, and rather to -fight by prayer in some place removed from danger than expose my self -to the hazard of battell, and so ye conclude by praising God’s mercie -as did Jeremy in his greatest anguish, &c. - -What support should come to us be consent of counsell and authoritie -I am uncertain. But suppose it shall be greater than yet is bruted, -that ought not to stay the liberall hands of the godlie to support -us privatelie. For the public support of an army shall not make such -as now be superexpended able to serve without private support. I will -make the matter more plain be one example. I know one man that since -the 10th of May hath spent in this action thirteen thousand crowns of -the summe [sonne], besydes his victuals and other fruits of the ground. -His treasure being now consumed, he cannot, without support, susteane -the number which before he brought to the field. If he and such -others that are in lyke condition with him shall be absent, or yet if -numbers shall decay, our enemies shall seem to prevail in the field, -and therfor desired I some collection to be made, to the end that the -present necessitie of some might have been relieved. If the matter -pertained not to my native country, I would be more vehement in -persuasion, but God shall support even how, when, and by whom it shall -please his blessed majestie. Sorry I am that ye have not received my -answer unto your doubts, not so much that I think that ye greatlie -need them, as that I would not put you in suspicion that I contemned -your requests. The rest of my wife hath been so unrestful since her -arrival here, that scarcelie could she tell upon the morrow what -she wrote at night. She cannot find my first extract. And therfor, -if any scruple remaine in your conscience, put pen again to paper, -and look for ane answer, as God shall give opportunitie. God make -yourself participant of the same comfort which you wrote unto me: -and in very deed, dear sister, I have no less {393} need of comfort, -notwithstanding that I am not altogether ignorant, than hath the bound -man to be fed, albeit in store he hath great substance. I have read -the cares and tentations of Moses, and sometymes I have supposed -myself to be well practised in such dangerous battells. But, alace! -I now perceive that all my practice before was but mere speculation, -for one day of troubles since my last arrival in Scotland hath more -pierced my heart than all the torments of the galleys did the space -of 19 months. For that torment, for the most part, did touch the -bodie, but this pierceth the soul and inward affections. Then was -I assuredlie persuaded that I should not die untill I had preached -Christ Jesus even where I now am, and yet having now my heart’s -desyre, I am nothing satisfied, neither yet rejoice. My God remove -my unthankfulness. From Sanct Andrews, the last of December 1559. - - Yours known in Christ, - - John Knox. - - * * * * * - - - Nº X. [Cald. I. 533.] - - To the same. (See vol. i. 317.) - - The eternal our God shall shortly put an end to all our troubles. - -Lest that sinister rumours should trouble you above measure, dear -sister, I can not but certify you of our estate as often as convenient -messengers occur. The French, as before I wrote unto you, have pursued -us with great furie, but God hath so bridled them, that since the 5th -day when they put to flight the men of Kinghorn, Kircaldy, and Dysart, -they have had of us (all praise be to our God) no advantage. They lost -in a morning a lieutenant, the boldest of their company, and fourty of -their bravest soldiers, diverse of them having been taken and diverse -slain in skirmishing. They have done greatest harm to such as did -best entertain them; for from them they have taken sheep, horse, and -plenishing. Our friends, and foes to them, did continually remove from -their way all moveables that to them appertained. They have casten to -the ground the laird of Grange’s principal house, called the Grange, -and {394} have spoiled his other places. God will recompense him, -I doubt not, for in this cause, and since the beginning of this last -trouble especially, he hath behaved himself so boldly as never man -of our realm hath deserved more praise. He hath been in many dangers, -and yet God hath delivered him above mens expectations. He was shot -at Lundie, right under the left pape, thorrow the jacket, doublet, and -shirt, and the bullet did stick in one of his ribs. Mr Whitelaw hath -gotten a fall, by which he is unable to bear arms. But God be praised -both their lives be saved. I remained all this time in St Andrews with -sorrowful heart, and yet as God did minister his spirit comforting -the afflicted, who, albeit they quaked for a time, yet do now praise -God who suddenly averted from them that terrible plague devised for -them by the ungodly. The French men approached, within 6 miles, yet -at the sight of certain of your ships, they retired more in one day -than they advanced in ten. We have had wonderful experience of God’s -merciful providence, and for my own part I were more than unthankful -if I should not confess that God hath heard the sobs of my wretched -heart, and hath not deceived me of that little spark of hope which -his holy spirit did kindle and foster in my heart. God give me grace -to acknowledge his benefit received, and to make such fruit of it as -becometh his servant. If ye can find a messenger, I heartily pray you -to send me the books for which I wrote before. I must be bold over -your liberality not only in that, but in greater things as I shall -need. Please you cause this other letter inclosed be surely conveyed -to Miles Coverdale. Salute all faithful acquaintance, Mr Hickman and -his bedfellow, your husband, Mr Michael and his spouse as unacquainted, -especially remembered. I know not what of our brethren at Geneva be -with you. But to such as be there, I beseech you to say, that I think -that I myself do now find the truth of that which oft I have said in -their audience, to wit, that after our departure from Geneva should -our dolour beginne. But my good hope is in God that it shall end to -his glory and our comfort. Rest in Christ Jesus. From Sanct Andrews, -the 4th of February 1559. - - Your brother. - - John Knox. - - * * * * * - - -{395} - Nº XI. [Cald. II. 89.] - - John Knox to Mr John Wood, Secretary to the Regent. - 14th Feb. 1568. - -My purpose, beloved in the Lord, concerning that which oft and now -last ye crave, I wrote to you before, from which I can not be moved, -and, therefore, of my friends I will ask pardon, howbeit on that one -head I play the churle, retaining to myself that which will rather -hurt me than profit them, during my days, which I hope in God shall -not be long, and then it shall be in the opinion of others whether it -shall be suppressed, or come to light.[358] God for his great mercies -sake put such end to the troubles of France, as the purity of his -evangell may have free passage within that realme; and idolatry, -with the maintainers of the same, may once be overthrown by order -of justice, or other ways as his godly wisdom hath appointed. In my -opinion England and Scotland have both no less cause to fear than the -faithful in France, for what they suffer in present action is laid -up in store, let us be assured, for both countries. The ground of my -assurance is not the determination of the council of Trent, for that -decree is but the utterance of their own malice; but the justice of -God is my assurance, for it cannot spare to punish all realmes and -nations that is or shall be like to Jerusalem, against whose iniquity -God long cried be his servants the prophets, but found no repentance. -The truth of God hath been now of some years manifested to both, but -what obedience, the words, works, and behaviour of men give sufficient -testimony. God grant Mr Gudman a prosperous and happy success in the -acceptation of his charge, and in all his other enterprises to God’s -glory and the comfort of his kirk; and so will I the more patiently -bear his absence, weaning myself from all comfort that I looked to -have received be his presence and familiarity. Because I have the -testimony of a good conscience, that in writing of that treatise, -against which so many worldly men have stormed, and yet storm, I -neither sought {396} myself nor worldly promotion, and because as -yet I have neither heard nor seen law nor scripture to overthrow my -ground,[359] I may appeal to a more indifferent judge than Dr Jewell. -I would most gladly pass through the course that God hath appointed to -my labours, in meditation with my God, and giving thanks to his holy -name, for that it hath pleased his mercy to make me not a lord bishop, -but a painful preacher of his blessed evangell, in the function -whereof it hath pleased his majesty for Christ his son’s sake to -deliver me from the contradiction of moe enemies than one or two, -which maketh me the more slow and less careful to revenge be word or -writ whatever injury hath been done against me in my own particular. -But if that men will not cease to impugne the truth, the faithfull -will pardon me if I offend such as for pleasure of flesh fear not -to offend God. The defence and maintenance of superstitious trifles -produced never better fruit in the end than I perceive is budding -amongst you, schisme, which no doubt is a forerunner of greater -desolation, unless there be speedy repentance.――[_Then follows what -has been already quoted in_ vol. ii. p. 162.]――The faithfull of your -acquaintance here salute you. The grace of the Lord rest with you. - - * * * * * - - - Nº XII. [Cald. II. 107.] - - The same to the same. (See above, p. 165.) - -I thank you heartily, dearly beloved in the Lord Jesus, that ye had -such remembrance of me as to certify of that part which not a little -troubled and yet troubleth me. What I have done or am able to do in -that behalf I will not trouble you at this present, this only excepted, -that it will please you to travel as in the end of your letter ye -write ye would do, to wit, that my sons might be Denezans there. I -am informed both be letter and be tongue, besides conjectures that -probably may be gathered, that the Duke and his friends are inflamed -against me. Ofter than once I have called to mind your words to me -that day that I had been more {397} than vehement, as some men thought, -in the end of the ―――― chapter of John’s Evangell, concerning the -treasonable departure of Judas from Christ, and of the causes thereof. -Before that I came forth of the preaching place, ye said, Before my -God I think your eyes shal see performed that which your mouth hath -pronounced. My words were these, I fear that such as have entered -with us in professing of the Evangell, as Judas did with Christ, shall -depart and follow Judas, how soon the expectation of gain and worldly -promotion faileth them. Time will try farther, and we shall see -overmuch. We look daily for the arrival of the duke and his Frenchmen, -sent to restore Satan to his kingdome, in the person of his dearest -lieutenant, sent, I say, to repress religion, not from the king of -France, but from the Cardinall of Lorrane in favour of his dearest -nice. Lett England take heed, for surely their neighbours houses are -on fire. I would, dear brother, that ye should travell with zealous -men, that they may consider our estate. What I would say, ye may -easily conjecture. Without support we are not able to resist the force -of the domesticall enemies, (unless God work miraculously,) much less -are we able to stand against the puissance of France, the substance of -the Pope, and the malice of the house of Guise, unless we be comforted -be others than by ourselves. Ye know our estate, and therefore I will -not insist to deplore our poverty. The whole comfort of the enemies -is this, that be treason or other means they may cutt off the Regent, -and then cutt the throat of the innocent king. How narrowly hath -the regent escaped once, I suppose ye have heard. As their malice -is not quenched, so ceaseth not the practice of the wicked, to put -in execution the cruelty devised. I live as a man already dead from -all affairs civil, and therefore I praise my God; for so I have some -quietness in spirit, and time to meditate on death, and upon the -troubles I have long feared and foreseeth. The Lord assist you with -his holy spirit, and put an end to my travells, to his own glory, and -to the comfort of his kirk; for assuredly, brother, this miserable -life is bitter unto me. Salute your bedfellow in my name, and the rest -in Christ Jesus. The faithfull here salute you. The grace of the Lord -Jesus Christ rest with you for ever. - - Of Edinburgh the 10 of September 1568. - - * * * * * - - -{398} - Nº XIII. [Cald. MS. I. 380.] - - Extract of a Letter from John Knox to Mrs Anne Locke, - dated 6th April, 1559. (See above, p. 253.) - -―――― Your letters, dear sister, dated at Geneva the 17th of February, -received I in Deepe the 17th of March. Touching my negligence in -writing to you, at other times I fear it shall be little amended, -except that better occasions than yet I know be offered. For oft -to write when few messingers can be found is but foolishness. My -remembrance of you is not yet so dead, but I trust it shall be fresh -enough, albeit it be renewed be no outward tokin for one year. Of -nature I am churlish, and in conditions different from many. Yet -one thing I ashame not to affirme that familiarity once thoroughly -contracted was never yet broken be my default. The cause may be that -I have rather need of all than that any have need of me.―― - - * * * * * - - - Extract of a Letter from John Knox “To a friend in England.” - [Cald. II. 144.] - - Of Edinburgh, 19th August, 1569. - -―――― If from day to day thir seven years bypast, I had not looked for -an end of my travells, I could have no excuse of my obstinate fault -toward you, beloved in the Lord, be whom I have received, besides -commendations and letters, divers tokens of your unfained friendship, -yet have negligently pretermitted all office of humanity toward you, -whereinto I acknowledge my offence, for albeit I have been tossed with -many storms all the time before expressed, yet might I have gratified -you and others faithfull with some remembrance of my estate, if that -this my churlish nature, for the most part oppressed with melancholy, -had not stayed tongue and pen from doing of their duty. Yea, even now, -when that I could somewhat satisfy your desire, I find within myself -no small repugnance, for this I find objected to my wretched heart, -‘Foolish {399} man! what seeks thou in writing of missives in this -corruptible age? Hath thou not a full satiety of all the vanities -under the sun? Hath not thy eldest and stoutest acquaintance buried -thee in oblivion, and art not thou in that estate be age, that nature -itself calleth thee from the pleasures of things temporall? Is it -not then more than foolishness unto thee to hunt for acquaintance on -the earth, of what estate or condition whatsomever the person be?’ -To these objections I could answer nothing, (much more I think than -is written,) but that I would write with what imperfections I little -regard.―――― - - * * * * * - - - Nº XIV. Letter to Sir William Douglas of Lochleven, - 31 Mar. 1570. - - [The original is among the papers of the family, at Dalmahoy.] - -After harty commendatioun of my service unto you, rycht wyrshippfull, -I receaved your missive this last of March, perceaving tharby the -bruite that ye hear of the purpose of some to tak the castell of -Sanctandrois, quhilk bruite I easely beleve be not all togidder -vane, for men will not faill to hurt what thei can the quietnes of -this realme, and to reenter in thare usurped possessioun and injust -uplifting of the fruitis that never did justlie apperteane to sick -idill bellies. How sick trublaris may be stayed of thare interpryses -I remitt to God, to whose counsall I committ you in that and all other -cases worldly; for I have tacken my gude nycht of it, and therfor -bear with me gude S{r}, albeit I write not to the superintendent of -Fyff in the actioun that ye desyr as concernyng the excuse of the tua -ministeris, to our superintendent I shall do the best that I can when -I meitt with him; and thus with my harty commendatioun I committ you -to the protectioun of the omnipotent. Of Edinburghe the sam hour I -receaved yours this Friday att 5 afternone 1570. - - Yours to power in God trubled in body, - - Johne Knox. - - (In dorso) - To the Rycht Worshepful - the Lard of Lochlevin. - - * * * * * - - -{400} - Nº XV. [Cald. II. 269.] - - John Knox to Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow. - (See above, p. 201.) - -The end of all worldly trouble and pleasure both approacheth. Blessed -are they that patiently abide in the truth, not joining hands nor -heart with impiety, how that ever it triumph. - -Right worshipfull, after hearty commendations, your letter, dated -at Pittarrow the 14th of July, received I in Sanct Andrews, the 15th -of the same. The brute and armour of Adam Gordon and his doings, and -preparations made to resist him was diverse, but nothing that I heard -moved me, for I perceive the cup of iniquity is not yet full. Of one -thing I am assured, that God of his mercy will not suffer his own to -be tempted above measure, neither will he suffer iniquity to be ever -unpunished. From me can come no other counsel than ye have heard -from the beginning of our acquaintance, to wit, that not only action -defileth and maketh guilty before God, but also consent of heart, and -all paction with the wicked. Out of bed, and from my book, I come not -but once in the week, and so few tidings come to me. What order God -shall put into the mind of the authority to take for staying of their -present troubles, I know not, but ever still my dull heart feareth the -worst, and that because no appearance of right conversion unto God, -but both the parties stands as it were fighting against God himself -in justification of their wickedness. The murderers assembled in the -castle of Edinburgh, and their assisters, justify all that they have -done to be well and rightly done; and the contrar party as little -repenteth the troubling and oppressing of the poor kirk of God as ever -they did; for if they can have the kirk‑lands to be annexed to their -houses, they appear to take no more care of the instruction of the -ignorant, and of the feeding of the flock of Jesus Christ, than ever -did the Papists, whom we have condemned, and yet are worse ourselves -in that behalf: for they according to their blind zeal spared nothing -that either might have maintained or holden up that which they took -for God’s service; but we, alace! in the midds of the light forgett -the heaven and draw to the earth. Dayly looking for an end of my {401} -battel, I have set forth ane answer to a Jesuit who long hath railed -against our religion, as the reading of this tractat will more plainly -let you understand. The letter in the end of it, if it serve not -for the estate of Scotland, yet it will serve a troubled conscience, -so long as the kirk of God remaineth in either realme. With my -hearty commendations to your bedfellow, and to my Lord Marshall, the -Master, and to the faithfull in your company. Deliver to them the book -according to their directions, and pray the faithfull in my name to -recommend me to God in their prayers, for my battel is strong, and yet -without great corporal pain. The Lord Jesus, who hath once redeemed -us, who hath also of his mercy given unto us the light of his blessed -countenance, continue us in that light that once we have received -externally, and at his good pleasure put an end to all the troubles -of his own spouse, the kirk, which now sobbeth and crieth, Come Lord -Jesus, come Lord Jesus; whose omnipotent Spirit conduct you to the -end. Amen. - - At Sanct Andrews, 19th of July. [1572.] - - * * * * * - - - Nº XVI. [Cald. II. 270.] - - John Knox to Mr Goodman. - - Written about the same time with the preceding. - -Beloved brother, I can not praise God of your trouble; but that of his -mercie he hath made you one against whom Satan bendeth all his engines, -therof unfainedlie I praise my God, beseeching him to strengthen you -to fight your battell lawfully to the end. That we shall meet in this -life there is no hope; for to my bodie it is impossible to be carried -from countrie to countrie, and of your comfortable presence where -I am I have small, yea no esperance. The name of God be praised, who -of his mercie hath left me so great comfort of you in this life. That -ye may understand that my heart is pierced with the present troubles, -from the castle of Edinburgh hath sprung all the murthers first and -last committed in this realme, yea, and all the troubles and treasons -conspired in England, God confound the wicked devisers with their -wicked devises. So long as it pleased God to continue unto me any -strength, I ceased {402} not to forwarn these dayes publickly, as -Edinburgh can witness, and secretlie, as Mr Randolph and others of -that nation with whom I secretlie conferred, can testifie. Remedy -now on earth resteth none, but onlie that both England and Scotland -humbly submit themselves to the correcting hand of God, with humble -confession of their former inobedience, that blood was not punished, -when he be his servants publicly craved justice according to his law; -in which head your realme is no less guilty than we, who now drink the -bitter part of the cup, which God of his mercie avert from you. And -thus weary of the world, with my hearty commendations to all faithful -acquaintance, Mr Bodlih and his bedfellow especially remembered, I -commit you to the protection of the omnipotent. Off Sanct Andrews. - - * * * * * - - - Nº XVII. [Calderwood’s MS. ad an. 1570. - Advocates’ Library.] - - Prayer used by John Knox after the Regent’s death. - -O Lord, what shall we add to the former petitions we know not; -yea, alace, O Lord, our owne consciences bear us record that we -are unworthie that thou should either encreass or yet continue thy -graces with us, be reason of our horrible ingratitude. In our extreme -miseries we called, and thou in the multitude of thy mercies heard us; -and first thou delivered us from the tyrannie of mercieless strangers, -next from the bondage of idolatry, and last from the yoak of that -wretched woman, the mother of all mischief, and in her place thou -didst erect her sonne, and to supply his infancie thou didst appoynt -a regent endued with such graces as the divell himself cannot accuse -or justly convict him, this only excepted that foolish pity did so -farre prevaill in him, concerning execution and punishment which -thou commanded to have been executed upon her, and upon her complices, -the murtherers of her husband. O Lord, in what miserie and confusion -found he this realme! To what rest and quietnesse now be his labours -suddanlie he brought the same, all estates, but speciallie the poor -commons, can witness. Thy image, Lord, did so clearlie shyne in that -personage, that the {403} divell, and the wicked to whom he is prince, -could not abyde it. And so to punish our sinnes and ingratitude, who -did not ryghtlie esteem so pretious a gift, thou hes permitted him -to fall, to our great griefe, in the hands of cruell and traterous -murtherers. He is at rest, O Lord, and we are left in extreme miserie! -Be mercifull to us, and suffer not Satan to prevaill against thy -little flocke within this realme, neither yet, O Lord, let bloode -thirsty men come to the end of their wicked enterprises. Preserve, -O Lord, our young king, although he be ane infant; give unto him the -spirit of sanctification, with encreasse of the same as he groweth -in yeares. Let his raigne, O Lord, be such as thou may be glorified, -and thy little flock comforted by it. Seeing that we are now left as -a flock without a pastor in civill policie, and as a shippe without -a rudder in the midst of the storm, let thy providence watch, Lord, -and defend us in these dangerous dayes, that the wicked of the world -may see that as weill without the help of man, as with it, thou art -able to rule, maintain, and defend the little flock that dependeth -upon thee. And because, O Lord, the shedding of innocent bloode hes -ever been, and yet is odious in thy presence, yea, that it defyleth -the whole land where it is shed and not punished, we crave of thee, -for Christ thy sonnes sake, that thou wilt so try and punish the two -treasonable and cruell murthers latelie committed, that the inventars, -devysers, authors, and maintainers of treasonable crueltie, may be -either thoroughlie converted or confounded. O Lord, if thy mercie -prevent us not, we cannot escape just condemnation, for that Scotland -hath spared, and England hath maintained, the lyfe of that most -wicked woman. Oppose thy power, O Lord, to the pryde of that cruell -murtherer of her owne husband; confound her faction and their subtile -enterprises of what estate and condition soever they be; and let -them and the world know, that thou art a God that can deprehend the -wise in their own wisdome, and the proud in the imagination of their -wicked hearts, to their everlasting confusioun. Lord, retain us that -call upon thee in thy true fear. Let us grow in the same. Give thou -strength to us to fight our battell, yea, Lord, to fight it lawfullie, -and to end our lives in the sanctification of thy holy name. - - * * * * * - - -{404} - Nº XVIII. [Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 45. - Advocates’ Library.] - - My Lord Regent’s letter to the Assembly. - -After our maist heartie commendationes, seing we are not able to -[be] present [at] the assembly now approachand, as our intentioun -was, we thoght it convenient brieflie to give you significatioun of -our meaning in wryte, of the qlk we pray you take good consideration, -and accordinglie to give you advertisement. Ye are not ignorant, as -we suppose, what hes bene the estate of the kirk of God within this -realme, baith before we accepted the burdein of regment, and sensyne. -How first the thrids of benefices were grantit and the ministrie -thereby partly releivit and sustainit in sick sort, that nothing -inlaikit that our travells could procure. The first ordour indeed was -diverse ways interruptit and broken, bot chieflie in that yeir when -we were exylit in Ingland, quherthrough the haill ministers that year -were frustrate of their living; shortlie the estate of government -altering at Gods pleasure, and the king our soveraine being inaugurate -with the crowne of this kingdom, the first thing y{t} we were -carefull of was, that the trew religioun might be established, and -the ministers of the evangell made certaine of their livings and -sustentation in tyme comeing. Ye knaw, at the parliament we war maist -willing that the kirk should have been put in full possession of the -proper patrimonie. And toward the thrids, we exped in our travels, and -inlaikit only a consent to the dissolution of the prelacies, whereunto -althogh we were earnestly bent, yet the estates delayit, and wald -not agrie therunto. And sen that tyme to this houre, we trust ye -will affirme, that we have pretermittit nothing that may advance the -religione, and put the professors thereof in suretie, whereanent the -haill and only inlaik hes been in the civill troubles that God hes -suffered the countrey to be plaguet with: now the matter being after -so great rage brocht to some stay and quyetnes, it was convenient that -we return where matters left, and prease to reduce them to the estate -they stood in. Ane thing we man call to remembrance, that at sick -time as we travellit in the parliament to cause the estates to grie -that the thrids should be discernit to pertaine to the ministrie, -they plainly opponit {405} them to us in respect of the first act, -alledgand that with the sustentation of the ministrie, there was -also regard to be had to the support of the prince, in sustaining of -the publick chairges, quhilks if they had not some reliefe be that -meines, the revenue of the crown being so diminischit, and the ordinar -chairges cume to sic grytnes, on force they wold be burdenit with -exactionis, and so this dangerous argument compellit us to promitt -to the estates, That we wald take upon us, the act being grantit to -the kirk, they should satisfy and agrie to any thing suld be thocht -reasonable for supporting of the publick chairges of the prince, and -according to this the commissioner deput for the affairs of the kirk -agreit to certaine assignations of the thrids for supporting of the -king and us bearing authoritie. Quhilk order had been sufficient for -the haill, if the civill trouble had not occurit, yet the disobedience -growand so universallie, we ar content to sustain our part of the -inlaik and loss for the tyme bypast, but because there hes been -murmure and grudge for that thing assignit to the kings houss and -ours, and some other needful things in the state, as that thereby -the ministers were frustrate of their appointit stipendis, some -communicatione was had at St Androes, and nothing yet concludit, -quhill the general assembly of the kirk; quhilk now moves us to wreit -to you in this forme, prayand you rychtly to consider the necessitie -of the cause, and how the same hes proceeded fra the beginning, -haveing respect that the kirk will [not] be very well obeyit without -the king’s authoritie and power, and that now the propertie of the -crowne is not able to sustaine the ordinarie chairges. how in the -beginning the thrids had not been grantit, if the necessitie of the -prince had not been ane of the chiefe caussis, and at the parliament -the estates, as we before have written, stack to consent that the -haill thrids sould be declareit to pertaine to the ministrie, whill -first we tooke in hand, that they being made without conditione in -favours of the kirk, the same wald againe condescend to sa meikle as -wold be sufficient to the support of the public affaires, in foorth -setting of the kings authoritie, and that therefore ye will now -aggrie, and condescend to ane certaine and speciall assignatione of -it that sal be imployit in this use. The quantity whereof diverse of -yourselves, and the beirer Mr John Wood our servant, can informe you, -that after ye {406} may distribute to everie man having chairge in -the kirk of God, his stipend, according to the conditione of the place -he serves in, according to your w. discretione. Hereby all confusione -that lang has troublit the estate of the kirk toward the stipend sal -be avoydit, and some special provisione being made for sustaining of -their publick chairges, we may the better hald hand to sie the kirk -obeyit of that whereon the ministers sould live, as we [_sic_] sall -report, that dureing our travells in the north countrey, have found -our effectuous good will, and travellis in their furtherance. farther, -we man put you in mind brieflie, of ane matter that occurit at our -late being in Elgin. Ane Nicoll Sudderland in ffores, was put to the -knawledge of ane assyse for incest, and with him the woman; the assyse -hes convict him of the fault, but the question is, whether the same -be incest or not, so that we behoovit to delay the executione whill -we behoovit to have your resolution at this assemblie. The case is, -that the woman was harlot of before to the said Nicholl’s mother’s -brother, herein Mr Ro{t} Pont can informe you more amplie, to whais -sufficiencie we remitt the rest. Moreover, at our coming at Ab{d} -y{r} came ane nameit Portfeild, minister provydit of before to the -viccarage of Ardrossane, and requyrit also of vs, that he might have -the viccarage of Stevinsone, seing both was ane matter meane enough -to sustaine him, and because the kirks were neir, he might discharge -the cure of both. We haveing him comendit be diverse great men to the -same, but thocht gude to advertyse you, y{t} this preparative induce -not evill example and corruption: alwayes in cace sick things occurre -heireafter, let vs vnderstand what ye wald have vs to doe, as in -lyke maner towards the chaplenries y{t} sall happin to vaike, q{r} -anent because there is no certaine ordour, and prescryvit [_sic_] -some confusion stands, some desyreand them for lyfetime, some for -infants that are of the schooles, and some for vii zeirs, we are -sometyme preasit to receive or confirme assignatiouns or demissioun -of benefices, the preparative whereof apperis to bring with it -corruptioun, and so we wold be resolvit how to proceid, befor our -coming fra fyfe. and sensyne we have been very willing to doe justice -on all suspectit persons of witchcraft, as also vpon adulterers, -incestuous persons, and abusers of y{e} sacrament, q{r}in we could -not have sick expeditioun as we wold have wischet, because {407} we -have no uther probabilitie whereby to try and convict y{m}, but ane -generall delation of names, y{e} persons suspect not being for the -most part tryit and convict be ordour of the kirk of befoir. This -hindrit many things q{lk} utherwayes might have bein done, and y{r} -fore we pray you appoint and prescryve how the judgement of the -kirk may proceid and be execute against all sick trespassors, befor -complaint be made to vs, that when we come to the cuntrey, we may -cause execute y{e} law, and be releivit of the triall of inquisition -heiranent. We thoght expedient to give you this to advertisement, and -so remitts the haill to your care and diligence, committis you in the -protection of eternall God. aberd. y{e} last day of Junii 1569. - - Your assurit friend, - - James Regent. - - * * * * * - - - Nº XIX. PEDIGREE - OF - BOWES OF STREATLAM. - (See Vol. I. p. 89.) - - [For the information contained in this article, I am - indebted to Robert Surtees of Mainsforth, Esq.] - -“Richard Bowes (of Aske in Yorkshire) youngest sonne of S{r} Raph -Bowes of Streatlam Knight (& of his wife Marjory daughter & one of -ye heirs of S{r} Richard Conyers of South Cowton Knt). He married -Elizabeth ye daughter & one of ye co‑heirs of S{r} Roger Aske of Aske -K{t} & by hir had issue S{r} George Bowes ye Knight Marshall & at -length heire maile of the whole family of Bowes: Robert Bowes 2{d} -sonne: and ten daughters: viz. 1. Bridgit married to Thomas Hussey -Esq{r}. ye next heire maile to ye Lord Hussey. 2. Eliz. mar{d} John -Bainbrigge of Snotterton Esq. 3. Anne mar{d} Marmaduke Vincent Esq. -Muriall mar. to ―― Jackson of Bedale Esq. _Marjory † to Mr Knoxes § -a Devine in Scotland._ Margaret to Thomas Middleton Esq. & after to -Ambrose Burbeck. Margery Lucy Agnes & Jane all died unmarried.” - -[On the margin, in a different hand,] “† sometime _called Joane_ to -{408} distinguish her from her sister of the same name. § Knox the -famouse Reformer.” - -The above is extracted verbatim from a narrative Pedigree compiled -about 1640 by Thomas Bowes, whose autograph is on the last page, and -which is now in the possession of Mr Surtees, having been purchased -by him at the sale of Counsellor Gill’s Library several years ago. - -The Pedigree in the Herald’s office stands on the opposite page. It -notices only four of the daughters, entirely omitting Mrs Knox and the -four unmarried maidens mentioned above. This is from the Visitation of -Durham, by Flower, Norroy, 1575. - -The Visitation by St George, 1615, is still less full; it names only -Ralph, Robert, and Richard, omitting all the daughters.――A modern -Pedigree of less authority amongst Mr Allan’s collections at Grange, -states Knox’s wife to be Joan――but is answered by the old narrative -statement, which is far the fullest, and by the marginal note affixed -to it. It was very common at that time to have two children of the -same Christian name. - -The Knight Marshall had two wives. From the first, a Mallory of -Studley, descends Thomas Bowes, now of Bradley, Esq. Co. Pal. who -is the male heir of the whole family; but the issue of the second -match, a Talbot of Grafton, got the chief estate, now in the Earl -of Strathmore by heirs general. - -{409} - Radulphus Bowes ╤ Margeria filia et coheres - Miles (4th son but │ Richardi Conyers Militis - at last heir) made │ - his will 1482, 8 Jul. │ - ────┬──────────────────────┬──────┴────────────┬───────┐ - Radulphus ╤ Eliz. Robert ╤ Alicia John Richard ╤ Eliz. - Bowes │ filia Bowes │ filia s.p. Bowes │ fil. & - Miles │ Domini Miles │ Jacobi 4 filias │ una her. - │ Clifford Magister │ Medcalfi │ Roger - │ Rotulorum │ Militis │ Aske de - │ ──────────────┴────────── │ Aske. - │ 4 filii omnes obier. s.p. │ - │ │ - ────┬─────┘ │ - Georgius ╤ Muriella │ - Bowes de │ filia │ - Stretlam │ Willimi │ - Miles │ Domini │ - │ Eure │ - ┌─────┴────┬────────────┬─────────┐ ┌────────────┬──┴──────┐ - Radulphs Eliz. Uxor Dorothea Anna ╤ Robert 2. Georgius │ - ob. Johannis Uxor │ Bowes Bowes de │ - juvenis Blaxton de Cuthberti │ 5 fil. Stretlam │ - Blaxton arm. Collingwood │ Miles & │ - ─────────────┘ heres │ - Rads Bowes de masculus │ - Barnes arm. totius │ - Com. Pal 1615 nominis │ - ⫛ Miles │ - Marescallus │ - &c. &c. │ - │ - ┌─────────────────────────┬─────────────────┬─────────┘ - Anna uxor Brigetta uxor 1 Ralph - Marmad. Vincent. Tho. Hussey Arm. 5 Francis - Murrella ux. 4 Christops. - Joh. Jackson. obier. - Eliz. ux. infant. - Georgii Bainbrigg. - - * * * * * - - -{410} - Nº XX. THE TESTAMENT OF JOHN KNOX. - - [From the Commissary Records of Edinburgh.] - -Ye testament testamentare & Inventare of the guids geir sowmes of -money & dettis ꝓtenīg to vmqle Johnne Knox mīister of ye evangell of -Christ Jesus the tyme of his deceis quha deceissit vpoun ye xxiiii day -of november The zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris ffaithfullie maid & -gevin vp be him self vpoun ye xiii day of May the zeir of God foirsaid -And ꝓtlie be m̅garet Stewart his relict quhome w{t} Martha m̅garet & -Elizabeth Knoxis his dochteris he vpoun ye xiii day of Maii in his -Lattir will vnderwrittin nōīate his executors testamētaris as the samē -of the dait foirsaid beiris. - - Johnne Knox - xiii Ja{rii} 1572. - - -In the first the said vmqle Jhonne grantit him to haif had the tyme -foirsaid Tua sylver drinking coupis m̅kit with J. K. M. on ye ane syde -and on the vthir syde with E. B. N. cōtening xxv vnces or thairby -Tua salt fattis of syluer of xiiii vnces vecht and ane half Auchtene -sylver spvnes contening xx vnce wecht & a quarter price of the -vnce xxvi s. viii d. Summa ffoureskoir punds of the qlk syluer work -abonewritten the airschip is to be deducit and takin of. Item the -said m̅garet ane of the saids executours grantit that the said vmqle -Johne had the tyme of his deceis foirsaid in pois ane hundē{t} pundes. -Item his buikis alsweill vpoun the Scriptures as vyer ꝓphane authors -wor{t} vi{xx} and x li. Item in vtensile & domicile the airschip being -deducit to the avail of xxx li. - -Sūma Inventarii.――――ii{c} lxxxxvi li. vi. s. viii d. - -ffollowis the dettis awing to the deid. - -Item yair wes awing to the said umqle Johnne ye tyme of his deceis -foirsaid be Andro lord Stewart of Vchiltree his guidfather the sowme -of lxxx li. of Lent money. Item be W{m} Fiddes baxter xli. restand -awand to the said vmqle Johnne of quheit qlk he ressavit to gif breid -for. Item be Agnes Weymes relict of vmqle Andro Mernis cietener of -St Androis xix li. xi s. 1 d. 1 ob. for the rest of beir qlk scho -ressauit fra ye said vmqle Johnne to mak aill {411} of. Item be m̅garet -Spens Spous to Mr Robert Glen xviii li. xv s. iii d. for beir qlk scho -ressauit fra the said vmqle to delyuer aill of. Item restand awand to -the said vmqle Johnne the tyme foirsaid for ane pairt of his pensioun -qlk he had furth of the kirk of Haddingtoun be the ꝓsones following -the victualles underwritten of the zeiris and cropes res{ive} -underspecifeit viz. of the crope and zeir of god i{m} v{c} lxxi zeiris -be James Fiddes for ane pairt of his teyndis of the Nūland liand in -the parochin of Haddingtoun Ane boll of quheit ane boll ane firlote -beir vii bollis aitts. be Adame Ethingtoun in Quhitrig ane boll of -quheit sex bollis aitts price of the boll of quheit the said zeir 1 s. -price of the boll of beir the said zeir twa m̅kis and price of the boll -of aittis the same zeir xx s. Sūma xix li. xiii s. iiii d. Item be -the said James Fiddes for his teyndis of the saids lands of Nūland of -the crope & zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris ane boll of quheit ane -boll ane firlote beir sevin bollis aittis. Be James Oliphant & Robert -Hepburne for yair teyndis of the landis of Stenestoun liand within -the said parochin ye said zeir sex bollis quheit sex bollis beir and -xx bollis aittis. be ye said Adame Ethingtoun in Quhitrig for his -teyndis of the saidis lands the said zeir ane boll of quheit ane boll -of beir & sex bollis aittis. Be Johnne gulanis wyfe in Auldersoun for -hir teyndis y{r}of of ye zeir foirsaid twa bollis quheit twa bollis -beir and viii bollis aittis Price of ye boll of quheit the said zeir -1 s. price of the boll beir ye said zeir twa m̅kis and price of the -boll aittis ye same zeir xx s. Summa lxxix li. xiii s. iiii d. Item -restand awand to the said umqle Johnne the tyme of his deceis foirsaid -be the ꝓsons following the sowmes of money & victuale underwrittin as -for ane ꝓt of his stipende assignit to him for s̃uīg in the mīistrie -of the said crope & zeir of God, i{m} v{c} lxxi zeiris in the first -be Margaret Haldane Lady Colingtoun for the lambes term in the said -zeir xxxiii li. vi s. viii d. Be Mr Robert Wynrahame collector of -Fyfe xxxii li. xvii s. for ye said vmqle John̄is victuale of the said -pensioun sauld be him the said zeir. Be Robert Bennet thre firlottis -quheit ꝓce of the boll 1 s. Summa xxxii s. vi d. Item restand awand -to the said vmqle Jhonne the victuale and underspecifeit as for ane -ꝓt of his said stipend the crop & zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris. -In the first be Williame m̅chingstoun in Inneresk thre bollis tua -firlottis tua peckis quheit. Be {412} Williame Vernor yair tua bollis -tua firlottis thre peckis quheit. Be George Formā yair thre bollis -tua firlottis tua pectis quheit. Be Robert Dowglas thre bollis tua -firlotis tua pectis quheit. Be Johnne Cranistoun in Monktounhall -thre bollis thre firlottis quheit. Be Johne Kerss yair thre bollis -ane firlot tua pectis quheit. Be Thomas Thomsoun yair tua bollis tua -firlottis tua pectis quheit. Be Adame wricht tua bollis ane firlit -quheit. Be Williame Johnestoun foure bollis ane firlot quheit. Be -Dauid Hill in Inneresk ane boll thre firlotts thre pectis quheit. -extenden̄ to tua chalder quheit price of ye boll of quheit the said -zeir 1 s. Sūma lxxx li. Be helene Cowtis relict of umqle Richard -Prestoun of quhithill ane chalder beir. Be Jonet Betoun in Litill -Monktoun ellevin bollis beir. Be Williame Wauchop of Nudry m̅schell -for the teyndis of the lands of Calcoittis thre bollis beir. Be -Johnne Hill of that ilk tua bollis beir. Be the tennentis of the -parochin of Kynglassie fo{r} chalderis beir as followis. Be Johnne -Boswall in Gaitmylk ane chalder beir. Williame Swyne yair viii bollis -beir. George Tod in Kyninmonth ane chalder beir. Helene Mertyne in -Kynglassie and W{m} Boswall hir sone tuelf bollis beir. W{m} Boswall -in Stintoun xii bollis beir extenden̄ in ye haill to sex chalderis -beir price of the boll ōrheid tua m̅kis. Sūa ane hundret twentie aucht -pundis. Be the tennētis of the parochin of Newbirnshyre in Fyffe foure -chalderis aittis as follows viz{t} Williame Dishingtoun in Ranelery -fourtene bollis aittis. Thome Alcheur yair xiiii bollis beir. Johnne -Zoung in the Coittis sex bollis aittis. Be David Sympsoun yair sex -bollis aittis and be Andro . . . . . . . . yair sex bollis aittis. Be -David Johnesoun in Moncturpie aucht bollis aittis. Be . . . . . . . . -Sympsoun foure bollis aittis price of the boll ouerheid xx s. Summa -lxiiii li. Item restand awand to ye said umqle Johnne, the sowmes -underspecifeit as for ane ꝓt of ye sylver of his said stipend of the -said zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris. In the first be James Rig of -Carberry for the half teynd of Cowsland xxxiii li. vi s. viii d. Be -. . . . . . lady Edmestoun Spous to Andro Ker of hirsell kny{t}, for -the vy{r} half of the teyndis of the lands foirsaids xxxiii li. vi s. -viii d. Be the said m̅garet Haldane lady Colyngtoun for the teynd of -Hailis lxvi li. xiii s. viii d. Be Robert Bennet xxxiii li. vi s. -viii d. Be Mr James Macgill of Rankelor, {413} neyer for his males -of the lands of Pinkie for the t̃mes of Witsonday and m̅tymes In the -said zeir of god i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris li lib. vi s. viii d. And -als resting be him of the males of the landis foirsaids of the zeir -of God i{m} v{c} lxx zeiris xlv s. viii d. Be the executirs of vmqle -Gilbert Edmestoun for the males of the lands of Wowmet of the t̃me of -m̅tymes the said zeir of God i{m} v{c} lxxii zeiris xxii li. viii s. Be -Jonet betoun for the males of Litill Monktoun Nyne pundis. Be the said -. . . . . . . Lady Edmestone and Archibald Prestoun of Wallefeild for -the males of Netoun xiiii li. xi s. vi d. Be James Rig of Carberry for -the Maill y{r}of xx li. Item be . . . . . . . of Nudry for the Males -of Calcottes thre pundes. Be Robert Douglas in Inneresk for his males -iii lib. xix s. iiii d. Be W{m} m̅chinston thair for his few maill -xxvii s. x d. - - Summa of the detis abone writtin } viii{c} xxx li. xix s. vi d. - awing to ye deid } - - Na detis awing be the deid - - Summa of ye Inventare w{t} ye } i{m} v{c} xxvi li. xix s. vi d. - detis awing to the deid } - - To be Diuidit in thre ꝓtis ye } iii{c} lxxv li. xiii s. ii d. - deidis pairt y{r}of extends to } - - ffollowis the latter will and legacie. - -Lord Jesus I ǫmend my trublit spreit in thy ꝓtectioun and defence -and thy troublit kirk to thy m̅cie. Becaus I haif had to do w{t} -dyuers ꝓsonages of the mīistrie q{r}unto god of his m̅cie erectit me -w{t} in this realme my dewetie cravis that I sall leve unto thaim -now ane testimony of my mynd. And first unto the papistis and to -the vnthankfull warld I say that althocht my lyfe hes bene vnto -thaim odious and that oftintimes yai haif socht my destruction & ye -destructioun of ye kirk qlk god of his mercie hes plantit within this -realme & hes alwayis preservit & kepit the samin fra thair crewale -Int̃prysis zet to yaim I am ǫpellit to say that onles thai spedele -repent my departing of this lyfe salbe to yaim the greatest calamitie -that evir zet hes apprehendit yaim. sum small apperance yai may zit -haife in my lyfe gif thai haif grace to se ane deid man haif I bene -almaist yir tua zeiris last bypast And zet I wald that {414} yai suld -rypelie considder in quhat bettir estait yai and yair materis stands -in yan it hes done befoir and thai haif hard of lang tyme befoir -threatnit. bot becaus yai will nocht admit me for ane adminiser, I gif -yaī ouir to the Judgement of him quha knawis ye hartis of all and will -disclose the secretis yairof in dew tyme. And yis far to the papistis. -To the faithfull God befoir his sone Jesus christ and befoir his -halie Angellis I ꝓtest yat God be my mouth, be I nevir sa abiect, hes -schawin to zow his trewth in all simplicitie. Nane I haif corrupted, -nane haif I defraudit, m̅chandise haif I nocht maide (to godis glorie -I write) of the glorious evangell of Jesus Christ, bot according to -the measr of the grace graunted unto me, I haif dividit the sermont of -trewth in just ꝓtis, beatin doun the pryde of the proude In all that -did declare y{r} rebellioun aganis God, according as God in his law -gevis to me zit testimonie, & raising vp the ǫsciences trublit with -the knawledge of y{r} awin synnis be the declaring of Jesus Christ the -strength of his death & the michtie operatioun of his resurrectioun. -In the hartis of the faithfull off yis I say I haif ane testimony -yis day in my conscience befoir God, how yat evir ye warld rage. Be -cōstant y{r} foir in doctrine that anis publictlie ze have professit, -lat nocht sclandrous dayis draw zow away fra Jesus Christ, nayir lat -the prosperitie of the wickit move zow to follow it nor yame. ffor -howsoeuer it be yat God appeiris to neglect his awin for ane seasoun, -zit he remanis ane Just Juge quha nathir can nor will justifie -the wickit. I am nocht ignorant yat mony wald that I suld enter in -particulare determinatioun of thir ꝓn̄t trubles, to quhome I planelie -and simplie āswer yat as I neuir excedit ye boundis of Goddis -scriptures, sua will I nocht do in yis pairt by Godis grace. Bot -heirof I am assurit be him quha nathair can dissave nor be dissavit -yat the castell of Edinbur{t}, in the qlk all the murthour all the -truble & the haill destructioun of yis puir commounweill was Inventit, -as our awin eis may witness, by yaim & by yair mātenaris was put -in executioun, sall cum to destructioun mantene it quhasa list, The -destructioun I say of body & saull, except yai repent. I luik not -to the momētary prosperitie of ye wicked, ze not althot yai suld -remane conquerors to the cūing of o{r} lord Jesus, bot I luik to this -sentence, that quhasaeuir scheddis Innocent bluid defyles the land -and provoikis Godis wrath aganis {415} himself & the land, vntill his -bluid be sched agane be ordor of law to satisfie gods anger. This is -nocht the first tyme that ze haif hard this sentence. althot yat mony -at all tymes sturrit at sik severitie I zit afferme the same being -reddy to entir to gif compt befoir his Maiestie of the stewartship he -committit vnto me. I knaw in my death the rumours salbe strange, bot -be ze nocht trublit abone measor, belouit in the Lord Jesus. Bot zit -agane I say, remane cōstāt in ye trewt, & he quha of his m̅cie send -me, conductit me, and prosperet ye work in my hand aganis Sathan will -provide for zow abundantlie, quhen yat athir my bluid sall wattir -the doctrine taucht be me, or he of his mercie vtherwayis provide -to put ane end to yis my battell. My executors I mak constitute & -ordane m̅garet Stewart my spous, Martha Margaret & Elizabeth knoxis my -dochteris, and the faithfull to be ōrsmen. To my tua sones Nathaneell -& Eleazare Knoxis I unfeignedlie leif ye same benedictioun yat yair -dairest mider Mariorie Bowss left vnto yaim To wit that God for his -sone christ Jesus saik wald of his mercie mak yaim his trew fereris -and als vpricht worschippers of him as ony yat euer sprang out of -Abrahames loynes, quhairto now as than I fra my trublit hart say amen. -ffurther I have delyuerit be Maister Randulphe to Mr Robert Bowss -schereff of the bischoprik & bruder to ye said Mariorie my vmqle -dairest spous ye sowme of fyve hundreth punds of scottis money to -ye vtilitie and proffett of my saidis tua sonis, The qlk money is -yat pairt of substāce yat fell or pertenit to yaim be the deces of -Mariorie Bowss yair moder of blissit memory, And augmētit be me as I -my{t} or may spair to mak out the said sowme, for I ressavit of y{r}is -bot ane hundre{t} merkis sterling, qlk I of my povirtie extendit to -fyve hundre{t} punds scottis, and yat in contentatioun of yair bairns -pairt of geir qlkis may fall to yaī by my deces. Item I leif to my -saids tua sones Tua sylver drinking cowpis the ane of thaī is m̅ket -J. K. M. on ye ane syde, and on ye vther syde w{t} E. B. N. And in -like mnner ye toyir w{t} ye same m̅k and lēres, The wecht of ye saidis -tua cuipis contenand xxii vnce, or y{r}by, Tua salt fattis of sylver -and xviii sylver spvnes, weyand xxxiiii z. and ane q{r} vnces, price -of ye vnce ōrheid xxvi s. viii d. The qlks cuipis salt fattis & spvnes -I leif in keping to ye said Margaret my spous qll my saidis sones be -of the aige of xxi zeiris At ye qlk tyme {416} I ordane & commandis -hir to delyver the samī to my saidis sones, or to ony ane of yaim, -gif be deces ye vthir faillis. Item I leif also to my saids sones ane -pairt of my saidis buikis of ye availl of xxx li And failzeing of my -saids sones & thair airis I ordane the foirsaidis fyve hundre{t} punds -w{t} ye syluer cuips spvnes saltfattis and buikis to return agane as -eftir followis, That is to say, ye ane equale half y{r}of to ye said -Margaret my spous & my saids thrie dochteris, And ye vyir half of ye -samī to my bruder Williame Knox & his airis quhatsumevir. Item I leif -to my said spous Margaret Stewart ye Aucht hundre{t} merkis qlkis ar -laid vpoun the landis of pennymoir quhairin scho is infeft be Andro -lord Stewart of vchiltree my fader of law, and failzeing of ye said -Margaret I leif ye samē to my saids thre dochters & failzeing of -thaim I leif the samin to ye said Andro lord Stewart of vchiltrie & -his airis quhatsūeuir, chairgeing & requyring my said fader of law & -his airis, as yai will āsuer befoir yat incorruptible Judge ye lord -Jesus, yat yai suffer not my said spous & children to be defraudit or -evill payit of the males & ānual rent of the saids lands during the -nonredemptioun of ye samī. Item I leif to paule knox my bruder sonne -ane hundreth pundis qlk lyis in wodset upoun Robert Campbellis landis -in Kinzeanclew{t} & quhairin the said paule is ellis infeft, and -yat to be ane help to hald him at ye scuilis. And as concerning ye -rest of my haill guids quhatsumeuir I leif to be dividit betuix my -said spous & my saids thre dochteris, and becaus my said spous man -tak the cair of my saidis dochteris & faithfullie travell for thair -guid nurischment & upbringing, Thairfoir I leif my said spous ye use -of y{r} geir qll yaibe mareit or cum to perfite aige, at qlk tyme I -ordane thaim every ane as the tyme approches to haif yair awin yat to -yaim appertenis - - sic subscribitur Johne Knox. - -Johne Adamesoun witness - -Ro{t} Watsoun witness - -Johne Johnesstoun witness - -Quotta gratis. - -The quote of yis testament is given gratis be spēale command of my -lords Commissaris. - - * * * * * - - -{417} - Nº XXI. THE TESTAMENT OF MRS WELSH. - - [Glasgow Testament Register.] - -The Testament testamentar and Inventar of the guidis, geir, debtis and -soumes of money quhilkis pertenit to vmquhile Elizabeth Knox, relict -of vmquhile Mr Johnne Welsche, sumtyme minister at Air, within the -parochin yairof, the tyme of hir deceis Quha deceist In the moneth of -Januar, the zeir of God I{m}vj{c} tuentie fyve zeiris, ffaythfullie -maid and gevin vp be hir awin mouthe Insafar as concernes the -nominatioun of hir executouris nominat be hir and legacie vnderwrittin, -and pairtlie maid and gevin vp be Mr James Inglis, minister at Daylie, -Mr Josias Welsche hir sone, twa of the executouris nominat be the -defunct Insafar as concernes the vpgeving of the Inuentar of hir -guidis, geir, debtis awand In and Out, As hir latterwill and testament -of the daite vnderwrittin mair fullie proportis. - - - Inuentar. - -Item, the defunct had the tyme foirsaid the guidis and geir -vnderwrittin of the availlis, quantities and pryces eftirspecifeit, -viz{t} the Insycht of the hous in vtincillis and domicillis with the -abuilzement of the defunctis bodie estimat to iij{c} lxxx{li}. - - Summa of the Inuentar iij{c} lxxx{li} - - - Debtis awand In. - -Item, thair was awand to the defunct the tyme foirsaid, the sowmes -of money following: Be the persones eftirspecifeit, viz. Be Robert -Wallace, burges of Air, and his cautionneris ij{m} iij{c} xxxiij{li} -vj{s} viij{d}. Be Johnne Stewart burges yair vj{c} lxvj{li} xiij{m} -iiij{d}. Be the Lady Cesnokis and hir sone the laird of Cesnok, vj{c} -lxvj{li} xiij{s} iiij{d}. Be Archibald Dumbar, j{c} xxxiij{li} vj{s} -viij{d}. Be Vchtred M{c}Dowgall of Mondork lxvj{li} xiij{s} iiij{d}. -Be Johnne Stewart j{c} xxxiij{li} vj{s} viij{d}. - - Summa of the debtis in, iiij{m li} - - Summa of the inuentar and debtis, iiij{m} iij{c} lxxx{li} - - - Debtis awand out. - -Item, thair was awand be the defunct, the tyme foirsaid, the {418} -sowmes of money following:――To the persones eftir specifeit, viz. To -Jonet Kennedy of fie, xx{li}; to Bessie Ingrahame of fie, x{li}; to -Allan Cathcart, hir servand, of fie, xxx{li}. - - Summa of the debtis out, lx{li} - - Restis frie geir, debtis deducit, iiij{m} iij{c} xx{li} - - Na diuisioune. - - Quota be compositioune, ij{c} xix merkis. - - - Legacie. - -At Air, the aucht day of Januar, the zeir of God I{m} vj{c} tuentie -fyve zeiris, I, Elizabeth, relict of vmq{le} Mr Johnne Welsche, -sumtyme minister at Air, being, at the pleasour of the Lord, now -viseit with seiknes and infirmitie of bodye, vncertane of the hore of -my daithe, hes thairfoir, for setting in ordour of my wordlie effairis, -maid my testament and latterwill, as followis: Be the quhilk I nominat, -mak, and constitute Mr James Inglis, minister at Daylie, Mr Josias -Welsche, my sone, and Nathaniell Welsche, also my sonne, my onlie -executouris; and willis and requestis Mr Jo{nn} Ker, minister at -Prestounepannis; Williame Stewart, brother‑german to Josias Stewart -of Bonytoune; Alexander Schaw of Keirhill, and Johnne Stewart, lait -bailzie of Air, to be ouerismen and ouersearis of the weill of my -bairnes; and referris the vpgeving of the inuentar of my guidis, geir, -debtis and sowmes of money belanging vnto me to the saidis Mr James -Inglis, Mr Josias Welsche, and Nathaniell Welsche, my executouris -foirsaidis, quhilk I declair salbe als sufficient as gif I had gevin -vp the samyne myself. Item, I leif to the puir and hospitalitie of -Air ffourtie pundis money of this realme; and I leiff the haill rest -and remanent of my guidis, geir, debtis, sowmes of money, and vtheris -quhatsumever belanging vnto me, or quhairvnto I haue richt and title -in ony sort, to the said Mr Josias Welsche, Nathaniell Welsche, my -sones, and to Luyse Welsche, my dochter, equallie amangis thame thrie, -be equall diuisioun. Item, I leif to the said Mr Josias Welsche, twa -gold ringis. Item, to the said Nathaniell Welsche, ane gold ring; -and I leif ane pair of golden̄ bracelettis and ane chinze of gold, -ane taffatie gowne, and dames wyliecoitt, and ane taffatie wyliecoitt, -with my sylwir belt; and with sex gold ringis, ane lang stalkit {419} -sylwir coup, twa sylwir spwnes, to the said Lwyse Welsche, my dochter. -Item, I leif to the said Mr Josias Welsche ane marmet sylwir pott, -with the cover yairof and twa sylwir spunes; and I leif to the said -Nathaniell Welsche, twa sylwir spunes. In witnes of the quhilk thing, -to this my present testament, writtin be George Masoune, notar, I haue -subscryvit the samyne with my hand, at Air, the aucht day of Januar, -the zeir of God I{m} vj{c} tuentie fyve zeiris; befoir thir witnesses, -James Will, merchand burges of Edinburgh, the saidis William Stewart, -and Allexander Schaw, with Allane Cathcart, my servitor, and the said -George Masoune, writter heerof. Sic subscribitur, Elizabethe Knox. -Williame Stewart, witnes; James Will, witnes; George Masoune, notar, -witnes. - -I, Mr James Hammiltoune, of Westport, commissar of Glasgow, &c., -be the tennor heirof, ratifeis, approvis, and confermis this -present testament and inuentar, insafar as the samyne is dewlie and -lauchfullie maid and gevin vp, nathing omittit furth of the samyne, -nor set within the just availl yairincontenit, and gevis and committis -full power and intromissioun with the guidis and geir abonewrittin -to the saidis Mr James Inglis and Mr Johne Welsche, twa of the -executouris abonespecifeit allanerlie, with power to yame to call -and persew yairfoir. Becaus twa of the executouris foirsaid hes maid -fayth, as vse is, in respect of the said Nathaniell Welsch, the vther -executouris minoritie, and hes fund cautioun, as law will, as ane act -maid yairvpoune at lenth beiris. At Glasgow, the xxiij day of Maij, -1625 zeiris. - - * * * * * - - - Nº XXII. - -Extracts from “A Historie of the Estate of Scotland from the year 1559 - to the year 1566.”――MS. belonging to Thomas Thomson, Esq. - -[This is the MS. to which I have frequently referred in the account -which I have given of the differences between the queen regent and the -Protestants, in the years 1558 and 1559. At the beginning of it is the -date “7th January, 1663,” most probably the day on which the writing -was begun. It is undoubtedly a transcript from a more ancient MS., -and the transcriber has not been well {420} acquainted with the old -hand. Accordingly, he has sometimes left blanks, and at other times -has evidently given a false reading. Only a small part of the original -MS. seems to have been transcribed by him. In making the following -extracts from it, I have endeavoured to select such passages as -contain facts or circumstances not mentioned in other histories; and -I am not without hopes that the publication of these may contribute -to the discovery of the original MS., which may be preserved in some -public library or private repository.] - -In the moneth of Julij anno 1558, conveened in Edenburgh a certen -number of the professours of Christ’s Evangell. The cause of their -meeting wes partly to assist certen brethren of Dundie who wer -summoned to vnderly the law by instigation of the bishops. And after -consultation ād advice taken, the presented a suplication in the -palace of Halyrud house to the queene regent, conteining in effect -thes articles ffollowing. In the first desyring that it might be -lawfull to all such as pleased to meete publiquely _that_ in any -part within this realme of Scotland to read comon prayers in the -mother tongue. Secondly, that it should be lawfull to all persons -haveing knowledge to preach the word of God without the leaven of -mens traditions. Thirdly, that it should be lawfull for the sayd -persons, ministers of God’s word, to minister the sacraments, to witt, -of baptisme and the lords supper, according to the true institution -commanded by Christ and his apostels, and to the faithfull to receave -the same. The which supplication the said queene regent receaved with -a joyfull countenance forth of the hands of the Laird of Cadder in -the presence of a great part of the nobilitie, the Papist Bishops -also being present. And at that tyme shee gave an indifferent answere, -saying always shoe would advise in the matter. But soone after shoe -delyvered the sayd supplication to the Bpp of St Andrewes to be -advised with him _that_ wes to be done, as the yssue of the said -matter did declare. Alwayes the faithfull reioiced and gave condigne -thanks to the eternall our God, for that it had pleased him to give -them the boldness to vtter themselves to be such as desyred the -advancem{t} of his glory notwithstanding the multitude of their -enemies. At the same meeting ther wer certen {421} brethren of Dundie, -who were summoned to vnderly the law for the cause of religion. They -wer releived vpon securitie to enter vpon eight dayes warning. Finally -departing from Edenbrugh, everie man in their owne shyrs and townes -they beganne to proceed according to the effect of the said articles -privatly and publickly where they might without occasion of sedition -or greate trouble: the greatest fervencie apeared in the Mearns and -Angus, and Kyle and Fife or Lothian; but chiefly the faithfull in -Dundie exceeded all the rest in zeall and boldnes, preferring the true -religion to all things temporall. But in Edenburgh their meeting wes -but in private houses.―――― - -In October the minister of Gods word John Willock came into this -countrie, by whose godly sermons the brethren were strengthened in -all places where the faithfull came, and the number increased dayly; -bot Sathan never ceases to suppress by all meanes the truth where -he perceaves the same truely to increase. In the end of September -following the Bpp of St Andrews caused summone the preachers, -viz. John Willok, John Douglas, William Harlaw, Paul Meffan, and -John to appeare before him at St Andrews the second of February -following; wherof the brethren being advertised, advised what wes to -be done, and after consultation taken in the matter, caused informe -the queene regent that the said preachers would appear with such -multitudes of men professing their doctrine as wes never seen befor in -such like cases in this countrie. Then the queene fearing some vproare -or sedition, desyred the Bishopp to continue the matter, and declared -that shee would send for the nobilitie and estates of the realme to -advise for some reformation in religion, and for the same purpose -assigned the seventh of March following for a convention to be holden -at Edenburgh. bot the Bpp of St Andrews caused warne all the sects of -the Papists to the said day to hold a provincial counsell at Edenburgh, -wher they being mett after some commoneing by the principall Bpps with -the nobles, whereof nothing in effect followed; then the sayd Bpps -after their old manner offered themselves to the queene, to doe all -that shee would command them, proveiding that they might be maintained -in their dignitie for the suppressing of the truth, and after they -were agreed with her vpon the summe which wes within {422} 15000_l._ -they sate them downe in the Blackfryers of Edenburgh in their vsuall -councell. Where the 7th day wes devised, and the next sunday the 15th -of March the said Bpp sang a magnifick mass of the holy spirit, as -they tearmed it, for a beginning of the deformation. On the other -part the cōmissioners of the faithfull met by themselves at the same -tyme in Edenburgh, and everie day consulted for the furtherance of the -gospell; and finally perceaving that the queene regent and the Papists -were agreed by reasone of the said summe promised by them to her, they -departed, leaving the Papists still at their provinciall councell; -Where, amongst others of the statutes, the 23d of March the queene -regent caused proclame this at the markett crosses at Ed{r} and other -places, conteining in effect, that no manner of persone should take -vpon hands to preach or minister the sacraments, except they were -therto admitted by the ordinarie or Bishopp vnder no less paine -then death. And because they vnderstood perfectly of the afore said -proclamation that it wes disobeyed and contemned by the preachers, -in April following,[360] for contravening of the said acts and -proclamations vnder the paine of Rebellion and putting to the horne, -which thing was done express agt. the laws and practice of the -Countrie. In the end of this moneth of Aprill the minister of Gods -word John Knox arrived at Leith,[361] and on the next day after -his commeing, which wes called Phillipp and Jacobs day, the Papists -meeting at the Councell being well sett downe in the Blackfryers of -Edenbrugh, one came in and assured them that John Knox wes now come -out of ffrance, [and] had bene all that night in the Towne: at the wch -newes they being all astonished, leaving the councell rose suddenly -from the board where they satt, and passing forth to the yeard -altogether abashed, fearing the thing which came suddenly to pass. In -the mean time that court wes cast so that they never mett there again -to this day. Nevertherless they sent incontinent a post to Glasgow to -the queene, acquainting her of the matter, who caused him to be blowne -loud to the horne the third day after. Bot in the mean time the {423} -faithfull being informed of his commeing and thirwith encouraged -ceased not to give praise to God, and finally he being convoyed to -Dundie incontinent preached the word publicquely.―――― - -Alwayes when they [the Lords of the Congregation] had purged the kirks -in Sterling, and ordered the Friers as they had done with them in -St Johnstone and St Andrewes, destroying the Altars and Idolls, caused -the Evangell to be publicquely preached in the Parish Kirk, then -they came to Edenbrugh the penult day of June not above 1000 horse in -companie, at the first commeing, with some men of warr about 300 men. -But before their commeing to Edenbrugh, the Friers takeing the fray, -for their master the Lord Seyton then Provost who wes appointed them, -wes wearie of his office, the ffriers then begane to dispose amongst -their acquaintance the best of their goods which were left at that -tyme, which thing the Rascall people perceiving went in finding the -yates open and suddenly fell to work and sacked all. So that before -the arriving of the Congregation neither Altars, nor Idolls, nor any -thing pertaining to Idolatrie in the friers, wes left standing: soe -that the whole Churches about Edenburgh, as well as within the Towne -being purged, the faithfull reioiced giving condigne thanks to the -Eternall God who of his mercie had wrought so great things without -the expectation of all men. The minister of Gods word John Knox the -same day that the Congregation came to Edenbrugh, made a Sermone in -St Giles Church, and the next day in the Abbay, so that the dumbe -Idolls and all darkness being taken away, the clear Ligh‑shineing of -Gods word was truely preached. The third day after the arriveing of -the Congregation at Edenburgh, My Lord of Glenkarne with the Gent. -of the west countrie came _to her_ [there?] after that they had -_purchased_ [purged] the churches in Glasgow of Idolatrie. The names -of the Lords of the congregation wes the Earle of Argyle, the Lord -James, the Earle of Glencarne, the Earle of Menteeth, the Earle Rothes. -The same day after their comeing to Edr. the Lords and Principalls of -the Congregation send to the Queene Regent, being at Dumbarr, my Lord -of Glencarne, the lairds of Cunninghamhead and Pittaro, declaring to -her that the whole prætence wes for the suppressing of Idolatrie and -advancement of the glory of God, desyring her to release the Preachers -from the horne, {424} so that they might publicquely preach the word -of God. The Lords in that cause offered to doe obedience and service, -protesting that they meant nothing but the setting furth of true -religion, and suppressing Idolatrie and superstition, and advancing -the glory of God by preaching of the word. Att that tyme they obtined -of the Queene that the Preachers should be released from the horne -so that they might preach freely to all such as pleased to heare -them, which wes put in execution the nixt day after when they were -released.[362] After this there were divers commeings [communings] for -appointment in Haddington and other places, the Earl of Huntley being -present for the Queene and others such as shee pleased to appoint. The -things that the Lords demanded consisted only of these two heads, that -the word of God might be publiquely preached, and the frenchmen sent -forth of the countrie; but her mind was to drive tyme with them as -well appeared. For shee had sent alreadie to france for more men of -warr. During this tyme the Congregation of Edinburgh elected and chose -John Knox publiquely in the Tolbooth of Edr. for their minister the -7th of July.―――― - -At length shee [the Queen Regent] took purpose at Dumbarr, by -conclusion of the Councell, the 22th of Julij, being assuredly -informed that the number of the Congregation wes verie small, _should_ -come to Edr. and compell the Congregation to dislodge. And for this -purpose they made all readie that night to depart in the morning -following. The Lords of the Congregation being advertised hereof (not -withstanding their small number) resolved constantly to resist their -[the] violence of their adversaries putting their trust in God whose -cause they meantyned, preferring the equitie of their cause before the -power and strenght of men. In the mean tyme there wes greate feare in -the Towne everie man wundering what end and successe the matter should -take. Shortly so shoone as the Lords were advertised that the men of -warr commeing from Dumbar drew neere the Towne, the 25th of June airly -in the morning at the sound of the Common Bell where forth of -Ed{r}. {425} with soe muney as God had moved their herts to assist -them. The whole number of the Congregation exceeded not 1500 men. -Which small number being putt in order in the East side of Graigingate, -incontinent the horse men being with my Lord Duke and Monsieur -D’ossell appeared to them vpon the sands of Leith north west from -Lestellrigg moveing towards Leith. And as soone as they come neere the -East part of Gouburnes house that wes, they shott from the said place -a peece of ordinance which dispersed the said horsemen, but soone -after they yielded [_i.e._ the Lords of the Congregation retired] -themselves, perceaving the whole number approaching, which were about -5000 men, horse and foote. The Congregation stood still in order on -the east side of the Craig, and perceaving the adversaries within -half a mile they prepared themselvis to battell, not mynding [_i.e._ -meaning] to remove out of that place. And albeit the Lordis had -desyred the Captaine of the Castell, the Lord Erskin, to be on their -side, nevertheless they could not persuade him to shew them any favour, -yet after the Principall Lords had spoken with him, they sent from the -Craigs desyring him that in respect in his conscience he favored the -Evangell, and that the matter depended fully here vpon, that he would -assist them with such help as he might, which thing he refused vtterly, -assuring them that, if they would now [not?] take such appointment as -they might have, he would declare himselve their enemie, as he had -promised to the Queene in Dumbarr. In the mean tyme rideing on either -side, they began to speake to appoint the matter which wes agreed -vpon.―――― - -[Anno 1560.] it wes printed that the English men would be In Scottland -the 25th of March by land. After my Lord James had finally agreed with -the Duke of Norfolke vpon all things, he arrived againe at Pittenweeme -the 9th day after his departing. In the meane tyme the Princippalls -of the ffrenchmen being informed that the Queenes Armie wes not in -readiness to come in before the said day, they tooke a high enterpryse. -For the 7th of March, they departed forth of Leith and other places -where they had beine in garrisone to the greate destruction and loss -of the Countrie, the number of 2000 souldiers of the most able and -best equipeit, beside 300 Horsemen and marched towards Lithgow, where -they remained the firs {426} night. All the Countrie wes in a fray, -not knowing their purpose vntill the nixt day at night they came -to Monebeth, and some of them lodged in Kirk in Tillock. The Duke -being surely advertised that their purpose wes to come to Glasgow, he -departed with small company the night before their arriving. There wes -in my Lord Duke’s Company, the Earles of Arrane, Argyle, and Glencarne, -with their howsholds only, ffor they suspected not nor would not have -thought that the ffrenchmen durst at that tyme have taken such an -enterprice. Imediately there wes proclamation made through Cliddesdale -and other shires, and likewise privie writings sent by my Lord -Duke and the other Lords to their friends and servants, That they -should incontinently cume to him in Hamilton for their defence, and -resistance of the ffrenchmen, and _because warr_ [beacons were] brunt -upon the highest hills for the same effect. But indeed they gather -slowly, so that it appeared planly, if God would have suffered it, the -ffrenchmen might easily and without any resistance have come vp Clyde, -and had done whatever it had pleased them throughout all that Countrie. -Not with standing after that they had taken by force the Bpps Castle, -and had cruelly hanged a part of the souldiers (Scotts men) that were -therein, and had chased the rest that made resistance in the Towne, -the second day after ther comeing to Glasgow there came a writing -to him [them] from the Queene, containing in effect that shee wes -surely informed that the English armie was alreadie come from Barwick -and within Scotland; wherefore shee wiled them with all possible -expedition to returne againe, which they did imediately. The damage -which they did wes not so greate as men supposed for they had no tyme -sufficient. When the Lords that were at Hamilton were advertised of -their departing, my Lord of Arrane with soe many horsemen as were -readie, past fordward to follow the ffrenchmen, pretending that if -they had seen sufficient occasione to have midled with them. The next -day they showed themselves as the ffrenchmen past by the Callender, -but there wes no appearance, ffor there wes no partie. Alwayes they -kept them closs together, for they exceeded not 800 men. Soe the -ffrenchmen came to Lithgow, where they lay the space of 8 dayes, and -made continuall spoile in all the Countrie about within the space of -viii miles. The {427} damage which they did of all especially -of cattle, sheepe, and horse wes exceeding great, and likewise killed -and tooke diverse men prisoners. Dureing this tyme the Congregation -prepared themselves to meet the English armie, and for the same -purpose there wes proclamation made in Cliddesdall, ffyfe, Angus, -Mernes, and Strathearne. The ffrenchmen being surely advertised that -the English armie wes in readinesse they came to Leith the 29 of March, -where all things were prepared that were necessare for their defence, -and every day they made spoil in the Countrie.―――― - - * * * * * - - - Nº XXIII. Letter, James V., concerning the progress of the - Lutheran opinions in the diocese of Aberdeen, anno 1525.[363] - - [Extracted from the Burgh Records of Aberdeen.] - - Curia ballivorum burgi de Abirden̄, tenta xviijº die mensis - Augusti 1525. - - Our Soueranis lr̄es in contrar Luthyr. - -James, be the grace of God, kinge of Scottis, to our Schereff of -Aberdene, and his deput, and to our louitts, Schyr Johne ruderfurd -kny{t}, and thomas mēzeis of Petfothellis, our scherefys in that part -coniunctlie and seuerallie specialie constitut, greting, fforsamekill -as it is humelie menyt and schewin to ws be ane Reuerend fader in -god, and our truist consalour, gawyne, bischop of Aberdene, yat -quhar syndry strangers ande otheris w{t}in his diocesy of Aberdene, -has bukys of that heretick luthyr and favors his errorys and fals -opinionys, incontrar our act of parliament laitlie mayd in o{r} last -parliament, Oure will is heirfor, ande we charge zow straitle and -commandis yat incontynent thir our lr̄es sayne ze [make] publick -ye sayde act at all places neydfull and tak inquisition̄e gyfe ony -personys be fundin w{t}in the sayde diocesy of Aberdene, that hes sic -bukys, or fauorys sic arorys of the said luthyr, and that ze confisk -y{r} gudes and inbring ye samyn to our wss and profict, efter the -forme of the said act, as ze will ansuer y{r}upoun, ye quhilk to do, -we commyt to you coniunctlie and seu{r}lie oure full power be thyr -oure {428} lr̄es deliuering yame to zow deulie execut ande indorset -agane to the berar. Geuin vnder our signet, at Edinburgh, ye sevint -day of August, and of our regne ye xij zēyr. - -Ex deliberacione dominor̄ consilii, &c. - - CHEPMAN. - - - - -{429} - SUPPLEMENT. - - -The first Poem inserted in the Supplement is so exceedingly rare, -that the copy from which I have printed, is supposed to be unique. -It is valuable as the principal events in our Reformer’s life -are commemorated in it, and the leading features of his character -delineated, by the pen of one who was personally acquainted with him. -As a curious specimen of the Scottish language and versification at -the period in which it was composed, the old orthography has been -carefully retained. The serious reader will be pleased in tracing the -vein of piety which runs through rhymes which must appear to him rude, -and sometimes almost unintelligible.――Its author, John Davidson, was -a regent, or teacher, in the University of St Andrews, and afterwards -successively minister of Libberton, and of Salt‑Preston, now called -Prestonpans. I have already referred to several of his other writings. -Vol. i. p. 354. Vol. ii. p. 241, 349. He also published a Catechism, -entitled, “Some Helpes for Young Schollers in Christianity,” printed -at Edinburgh, by Robert Waldegrave in 1602. And he died about 1608. -Note subjoined to Jameson’s edition of his Catechism, in 1708. Life -of Davidson, in Wodrow’s MSS. vol. i. Bibl. Coll. Glas. - -The Latin Poems which follow are taken from a manuscript in the -Advocates’ Library, and exhibit traits in the characters of the -principal Scottish Martyrs and Reformers, with allusions to several -events in their lives, which I have not met with elsewhere. On -this account, and also as a specimen of Scottish literature, I have -published a selection from the MS., which appears to have been written -about the beginning of the seventeenth century. From the corrections -with which it abounds, there is reason to think that the copy in the -Library had belonged to the author. It likewise contains Latin Poems, -entitled, “Icones Regum Judæ et Israelis.”――The {430} author, John -Johnston, was a professor of St Mary’s College, in the University of -St Andrews, at the close of the sixteenth, and commencement of the -seventeenth, century; and was the intimate friend and associate of -Andrew Melville, the learned principal of that College. He published, -“Heroes ex omni Historia Scotica lectissimi. Lugduni Batavorum, 1603.” -4to. And also “Inscriptiones Heroicæ Regum Scotorum,” which were -reprinted in “Deliciæ Poetarum Scotorum.” His verses on Buchanan are -inserted in “Poetarum Scotorum Musæ Sacræ,” tom. ii. p. 500. It is -said that he also published a book on the government of the church by -bishops; but this I have not seen. There is a Life of Johnston, in -Wodrow’s MSS. vol. ii. Bibl. Coll. Glas. - - -{431} - ANE BREIF COM- - MENDATIOVN OF VPRICHT- - nes, in respect of the surenes of the same, to all that - walk in it, amplifyit chiefly be that notabill docu- - ment of Goddis michtie protectioun, in preser- - uing his maist vpricht seruand, and feruent - Messinger of Christis Euangell, Iohne - Knox. Set furth in Inglis meter be - M. Iohne Dauidsone, Regent - in S. Leonards College. - - -¶ Quhairunto is addit in the end ane short discurs of the Estaitis - quha hes cause to deploir the deith of this Excellent seruand of - God. - - - ¶ PSALME. XXXVII. - - ¶ Mark the vpricht man, and behauld the Iust, for the end of - that man is peace. - - - ¶ IMPRENTIT AT SANCTAN- - drois be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno. 1573. - - -{432} - TO THE MAIST GODLIE, ANCIENT, AND WORTHIE - Schir Iohne Wischart of Pittarrow Knicht, M. Johne Dauid- - sone wissis the continuall assistance of the Spreit of - God, to the end, and in the end. - - -CONSIDERING with my self (maist worthie Knicht) the greit frailtie -and vnsureness of all strenthis eirthly quhatsūeuer, quharin mā lefing -god, vsis to put his traist on the ane part, and the sure fortres and -saifgaird of vprichtnes, howbeit destitute of all aide warldly on the -vther part: I culd not withhald my pen frō vttering of that praise and -commendation of vprichtnes, quhilk in my mynde I had consauit of the -same. Being chiefly mouit heirunto be the Miraculous (as I may weill -call it) and maist wonderfull preseruatioun of that maist notabill -seruand of God, and sinceir Preicheour of Christis Euangell, Iohne -Knox. Quha being bot of small estimatioun befoir the eyis of the warld, -(zit greit befoir God,) was hatit vnto the deith. And that euin be -Kingis, Queenis, Princes, and greit men of the warld, and finally -be all the rabill of Sathanis suddartis[364], in Scotland, Ingland, -and France. Zea, not only was he hatit, and raillit on, bot also -persecutit maist scharply, and huntit from place to place as ane -vnworthie of ony societie with man. And althocht thay wer michtie and -potent, zea, and wantit na euill will, and he on the vther syde ane -pure man, alane, and oft tymes without help, or assistance of ye warld, -zit was he michtely preseruit, and as in a maist sure saifgard (all -the wickits attentis quha thristit nathing mair than his blude being -frustrat) conducted to an maist quyet, peaciabill and happy end, to -the greit aduancement of Goddis glorie, and singulare comfort of his -Kirk, and to the confusioun of Sathan and discōfort of all his wickit -instrumētis. Thairfoir that this sa notabil and euidēt ane documēt -of the louing cair of our god towardis his seruāds svld not with him -be buryit bot abyde recent in memorie till all the inhabitantis of -this Realme in all ages to cum. I haue preissit[365] schortly in this -lytill paper to {433} mak, as it wer, ane memoriall of the same, and -yat in that lāguage quhilk is maist cōmoun to this hail Realme, to -the intent that asweill vnleirnit as lernit may be partakeirs of the -same. Not that I think my self abill to handill sa worthie ane mater -worthelie in ony toung, bot that partly I may schaw my gude will in -this matter, and partly to gif occasioun to vtheris, that baith hes -mair dexteritie in sic thingis, and greiter opportunitie of tyme, -to intreit the same at greiter lenth. That be calling to mynd this -notabill exēpill of Godis louing cair towardis vs, we in all thir -feirfull dayis (quharin he that seis not tryall approaching neir -is destitute of Iudgement) may be strenthnit and encourageit to ga -fordwart vprichtly, eurie ane in our awin vocatioun, without declyning -outher to the richt hand or the left. And principally that our watche -men faint not, nor begin to iouk[366], or flatter with the world for -feir of Tyrānis, bot that thay may haue brasin facis, and foirheidis -of Iron againis the threitnings of the wickit, cōdempning impietie of -all persounis in plane termis, following the ensāpill of this maist -zelous seruād of God, of quhōe heirtofoir we hau maid mentioun, and -that being assurit gif sa thay walk vprichtly in dischargeing of thair -office, that thay ar in ye protectioun of the Almichtie. - -¶ And this small frute of my sober trauellis, I haue thocht gude to -offer and present to zow (maist worthie Knicht) not sa mekill for -that, that I thocht it worthie to be presentit til ony: as that I wald -let my gude will and grate[367] mynd, be the same appeir towardis zow, -throw quhais procurement I obteinit the benefite of that godly and -faithfull (thocht mockit and falsly traducit of the warld) societie, -quhairof presently I am participant. For the quhilk I acknawledge me, -and my humbill seruice alwayis addettit to zour honour. And howbeit -(as I mon confes) na thing can proceid of me that may in ony wayis -correspond to zour meritis towardis me: zit sal the thankfulnes of -mynd at na tyme (God willing) be deficient. Quhilk is to be acceptit -quhair vther thingis are lacking, in place of greit rewaird. And the -rather haue I takin bauldness to dedicate this lytill Treateis vnto -zour honour, baith becaus I vnderstude, zow euer to haue bene sen zour -Chyldheid, ane vnfenzeit {434} fauourar, and mantenar to zour power -of vprichtnes, quhais praise in this lytill Volume is intreatit. And -also, that this notabill seruand of God (quhais michtie preseruatioun, -notwithstanding the wickitis rage, to ane quyet end, chiefly mufit -me to this busines) was maist belufit of zow quhile he leuit, and -yat for yat greit vprightness quhilk ze saw from tyme to tyme maist -viuely expres the self in him. And finally, that your honour may -be mufit heirby, as ze haue begunne and continewit to this day ane -zelous professour of Goddis word, mantenar of the samin, and lufer -of his seruandis: sa ze may perseuer to the end of zour lyfe, without -sclander to zour professioun, euer approuing the treuth, and haitting -impietie in all persounis, not leaning to warldly wisdome, nor louking -for the pleasure of greit men in the warld: Sen nane of thir thingis, -but only vprichtnes, can outher mak ane pleasand to God, or zit sure -in this warld. And sa traisting that zour honour will accept this my -sober offer (till God grant better occasioun of greter) intill gude - part, I commit zow to the protectioun of the Almichtie, that - quhen it sall pleis God to tak zow furth of this miserie, - ze may end zour lyfe in the sanctificatioun - of his haly name. To whom be praise and - Glorie, for euer. Amen. From Sanct‑ - androis the XVIII. of February. - - * * * * * - - -{435} - ANE BREIF COMMENDATIOVN OF VPRICHTNES - - SEN that we se men till haue studyit ay - Into this eirth sic strengthis to prepair, - As micht be saifgaird to thame nicht and day, - Quhen ony danger dang thame in dispair, - Wald thow gude Reider haue ane strenth preclair[368], Prouer. 10, - Maist strang and stark to rin to in distres, 12, 13, 18. - This lytill schedull schortly sall declair Ecclesi. 9. - How that the surest Towre is vprichtnes. Ps. 25, 27, 91. - - Quhilk vprichtnes we may descriue to be: - Ane traid of lyfe conforme to Godds command, Iob. 31. - Without all poysoun of Hypocrisie, - Or turning to and fra, from hand to hand. - Bot stoutly at the word of God to stand, Prouer. 5. - Eschewing alwayis it for to transgres, Psalm 18. - Not bowing back for thame that contramand. - This wayis we may descriue this vprichtnes. - - For first thair is na Castell, Towre, nor Toun, - Nor naturall strenth, as Alexander sayis, Q. Curt. li. 7. - Bot mānis Ingyne may vincous and ding doun, - As that he had experience in his dayis, - Na strenth was sure to theme that was his fais: - The Craig in Asia did beir witnes, Q. Curt. li. 7. - Howbeit in hicht vnto the sky it rais, - It was ouercum for laik of vprichtnes. - - Euin sa that bailful Bour of Babilone, Q. Curt. li. 5. - Na saifgaird was to Darius we reid, Ieremi. 51. - Suppois it was ane maist strang Dongeone, - And mony ma I micht declair in deid - {436} Bot sic exempellis Foraine nane we neid; - Quhat surenes fand the Bischopis halynes, - Into Dumbartane quhair he pat his Creid? - It was not half sa sure as vprichtnes. - - The force of men gif ony will obtend, Ps. 33. 40. 60. - Kinred, or friends to be ane gaird maist strang, Esai. 31. - All is bot vane, they can not man defend, Jeremi. 17. - For quha mair surely into Royat[369] rang, - Nor the greit Conquerour his friendis amang, Q. Curt. lib. - Zit was he poysonit, as sum dois express, 10. - Intill his Camp quhilk he had led sa lang: - Than quhat is force of man till vprichtnes. - - Riches and rent we ken dois not abyde, Prouer. 11. - Bot flitts and fochis[370] euer to and fra; Eccles. 5. - Than vane it is in thame for to confyde, Job. 11. - Sen that we se thame asweill cum as ga: Psalm. 49. - Thairfoir my friendis sen that the case is sa, 1. Timot. 6. - That warldly strenth can haue na sickernes, Zephan. 1. - Sum vther saifgaird surely we mon ha, Ecclesi. 2. - Quhilk is nocht ellis bot only vprichtnes. Nahum. 3. - - Bot sum perchance that winks mair wylelie, - Will say thay wait ane wyle[371] that I na wist, - With iouking thay will jangil[372] craftelie, - And on thair feit will ay licht quhen thay list, - Thinking all surenes thairin to consist: - Hypocrisie is quent[373] with quyetnes, - Bot all begylit thay ar into the mist; - For nathing can be sure but vprichtnes. - - For quhat become of fals Achitophell, - For als far as he saw before his neis, 2. Sam. 17. - {437} The Scriptures schawis I neid not heir to tell. - The lyke of this in mony Historeis, - I micht bring furth that to my purpois greis, Psalm. 7. - How Hypocrites into thair craftynes, Ester. 7. - Thame selfis hes trappit with greit misereis, - Becaus thay did eschew all vprichtnes. - - Bot quha sa euer on the vther syde - Hes preissit peirtly to leif vprichtlie, Ester. 6. - And be the treuth bound bauldly till abyde, Dani. 6. - Hes euer had the maist securitie. - For thay had God thair buckler for to be, - Quhome we mon grant to be ane strang fortres, Psalm. 76. - Of quhome the Deuill can not get victorie, Psalm. 89. - Nor all the enemies of vprichtnes. - - Think weill my friendis this is na fenzeit 1 Sam. 17. 18. - fair,[374] 19. 20. 21. - For quha sa list of Dauid for to reid, 22. 29. 33. - May se quhat enemies he had alquhair, - And zit how surely he did ay proceid; 2. Sam. 2. 3. - Becaus he walkit vprichtly in deid. 5. 8. 15. 16. - He was mair sure from Saulis cruelnes, 18. 20. - Nor gif ten thousand men intill his neid, 1 Sam. 23. - Had with him bene syne lackit vprichtnes. - - Of sic exempills we micht bring anew, - Bot ane thair is that preifis our purpois plane, - Of Daniell that Propheit wyse and trew, Dani. 6. - How oft was he in danger to be slane! - Into the Lyonis Den he fand na pane: - The three Children the fyre did not oppres. Dani. 3. - I think this only Historie might gane, - To preif how sure a Towre is vprichtnes. - - Bot zit becaus exempills fetchit far, - Mufis not so muche as thay thingis quhilk we se, - {438} I purpois schortly now for to cum nar, - Vnto the but[375] quhair chiefly I wald be: - That is to schaw the prufe befoir zour ee - Of thir premissis, as all mon confes - That hes sene God wirking in this countrie, - How ane hes bene perseruit in vprichtnes. - - It is Iohne Knox in deid quhome of I mene, - That feruent faithfull seruand of the Lord, - Quhome I dar bauldly byde at till haue bene, - Ane maist trew Preichour of the Lordis word. - I rak nathing quhat Rebalds[376] heir record, - Quha neuer culd speik gude of godlynes. - This man I say eschaipit fyre and sword, - And deit in peace, in praise of vprichtnes. - - Bot that this may be maid mair manifest: - I will discurs sum thing in speciall, - Tuiching this Lamp, on lyfe quhill he did lest. - First he descendit bot of linage small; - As commaunly God vsis for to call Amos. i. 7. - The sempil sort his summoundis til expres. Mark. 1. - Sa calling him, he gaue him giftis with all 1. Cor. 1. - Maist excellent, besyde his vprichtnes. Iaco. 2. - - For weill I wait that Scotland neuer bure, - In Scottis leid[377] ane man mair Eloquent. - Into perswading also I am sure, - Was nane in Europe that was more potent. - In Greik and Hebrew he was excellent, - And als in Latine toung his propernes, - Was tryit trym quhen scollers wer present. - Bot thir wer nathing till his vprichtnes. - - {439} For fra the tyme that God anis did him call, - To bring thay joyfull newis vnto this land, - Quhilk hes illuminat baith greit and small, - He maid na stop but passit to fra hand, - Idolatrie maist stoutly to ganestand: - And chiefly that great Idoll of the Mes. - Howbeit maist michtie enemies he fand, - Zit schrinkit he na quhit from vprichtnes. - - The greuous Galayis maid him not agast, - Althocht the Prelats gold in greit did geif, - Ouir schipburd in the sey him for to cast, - He fand sic grace they sufferit him to leif. - Zea mairatour thay did him not mischeif, - As thay did his Companzeounis mair and les, - With pynefull panis quhen thay thair pythis did preif, - God sa prouydit for his vprichtnes. - - In Ingland syne he did eschaip the Ire, - Of Iesabell, that Monstour of Mahoun,[378] - In Scotland nixt with terrour him to tyre, - Thay brint his picture in Edinburgh Toun. - Bot sen to Scotland last he maid him boun,[379] - Quhat battell he hes bidden ze may ges, - Sen Dagon and thay Deuillis he gart ding doun, - In spite of thame that hatit vprichtnes. - - Thay that hes bene cheif in Authoritie, - For the maist part had him at deidly feid, - Zit he eschaipit all their crueltie, - Howbeit oftymes thay did deuyse his deid, - Zea, sum wer knawin perfitely be the heid - Quha vndertuke his Dirige for to dres, - Zit bauldly be hes baner he abaid, - And did not iouk ane ioit from vprichtnes. - - {440} Bot cheifly anis he was put to ane preace,[380] - Quhen that the Quene of tressoun did accuse him - Befoir hir Lords in haly Rudehous place. - Quhair clawbacks of the Court thocht till abuse him - Sa prudētly this Propheit yair did vse him, - Into refuting of thair fulischenes, - That all the haill Nobilitie did ruse[381] him - And praisit God for his greit vprichtnes. - - Quhen Quene and Court could not get him cōuict, - Bot sa wer disappointit of thair pray, - Thay fryit in furie that he schaipit quick, - Zit at the leist to get thair wills sum way, - Thay wald haue had him wardit for ane day, - In Dauois Towre, zea, for ane hour or les, - It was denyit for ocht the Quene culd say. - Thair micht be sene how sure was vprichtnes. - - Bot in quhat perrell trow ze he was last, - Quhen Edinburgh he left with hart full sair, - Doubtles na les nor ony that hes past, - In spyte thay spak that him thay suld not spair - Thay suld him schuit into the pulpit thair - Becaus he did rebuke their fylthenes, - And mischant[382] murther that infects the air, - Zit God preseruit him in vprichtnes. - - Mony may dangers nor I can declair, - Be sey and land this Propheit did sustene, - In France and Ingland, Scotland, heir and thair, - Quhilk I refer to thame that mair hes bene - Intill his company and sic things sene, - Bot this far schortly I haue maid progress, - To preif how God maist surely dois mantene, - Sic as continew intil vprichtnes. - - {441} For this Excellent seruand of the Lord, - Vnto the deith was hatit as we knaw, - For sinceir preiching of the Lordis word - With Kingis, Princes, hie estait and law, - Zit in thair Ire him micht thay not ouirthraw, - He did depart in peace and plesandnes: - For all the troublis that ze hard vs schaw - That he sustenit for lufe of vprichtnes. - - And this is merwell gif we will consider, - Ane sempill man but[383] warldly force or aide, - Aganis quhome Kings and Princes did confidder[384] - How he suld fend[385] from furie and thair fead,[386] - Syne leaue this lyfe with list for all thair plaid,[387] - He had ane surer gaird we mon confes, - Nor ony warldly strength that can be maid, - Quhilk was nathing but only vprichtnes. - - Bot sum may say quhairto suld thow prefer - This vprichtnes quhilk thow extolls sa hie - Vntil all warldly strenthis that euer wer? - Sen that the contrair daylie we may se, - How upricht men ar murtherit mischantlie, Gene. 4. - As first was Abell with greit cruelnes, Matth. 14. - Gude Iohne the Baptist, and als Zacharie, 2. Chro. 24. - Zea, Christ him self for all his vprichtnes. Matth. 27. - - Peter and Paull with mony may sensyne. Euseb. To. 4. - And of lat zeiris in Ingland as we knaw, fol. 7. - How mony piteously was put to pyne. Vide Sleidanum. - And now in France that schame is for to schaw. - Iames our gude Regent rakkin in that raw,[388] - Quha had rung zit wer not his richteousnes. - {442} Sa, I can se nathing sa sone ouirthraw - Man in this eirth as dois this vprichtnes. - - To this I answer into termis schort, - Quhen warldly strenth is vincust and maid waist, Prouer. 11. - With it man tynis baith courage and comfort, - Quhen it is tynt quhairin he pat his traist: - Bot quho that deith in vprichtnes dois taist, Prouer. 11. - Sall haue the lyfe that lests with joyfulnes, Matth. 16. - Sa they ar sure, becaus they ar imbraist - Be the Eternall for thair vprichtnes. - - Bot this sa lichtly we may not pass by: - I grant indeed quha preissis vprichtlie - To serue the Lord mon first themselfis deny, Matth. 16. - And na wayis dres to daut[389] thame daintelie - Bot thame prepair for troublis Identlie[390], 2 Timo. 3. - For troublis ar the bage they mon posses, Psalm. 34. - Sen Sathan ceisis not continuallie 1 Pet. 5. - To troubill thame that followi vprichtnes. Iob 1. - - Quhylis harling[391] thame befoir Princes and - Kings, Luc. 21. - As rauing Rebalds rudelie to be rent, 1. Reg. 10. - Accusing thame of troubling of all things, 1. Reg. 17. - As cankerit Carlis that can not be content, - Except all things be done be thair consent: - Now scornit, now scurgeit, now bād with bitternes, Matth. 27. - Imprissonit, and sindrie fassiounis schent[392], Ieremi. 38. - And sum tymes dreuin to deith for vprichtnes. Act. 12. - - This is thair lote oftymes I will not lane[393] - Into this eirth that vse to be vpricht, - Bot quhat of this? my purpois zit is plane: - That is, that they are surer day, and nicht, Psalm. 91. - {443} For all this wo, nor ony warldly wicht: Psalm. 118. - For in thair conscience is mair quyetnes - In greitest troublis, nor the men of micht - Hes in thair Castells, without vprichtnes. - - For quhen Belshazzer greit King of the Eist, Dani. 5. - Ane thousand of his Princes had gart call, - Drinkand the wyne befoir thame at the Feist, - Intill his prydefull Pomp Imperiall: - Euin in the middis of this his mirrie hall - He saw ane sicht that sank him in sadnes, - Quhen he persauit the fingers on the wall, - Wryting his wrak for his vnvprichtnes. - - Quhat sall I say? I neid not till insist, - To schaw how thay to God that dois Rebell, - In thair maist micht can not be haldin blist, - For in this warld they do begin thair hell, - As Cain did that slew the iust Abell: Gene. 4. - Within thair breist thay beir sic bailfulnes, Esai. 66. - That toung of men can not the teynd part tell, Prouer. 15. - Of inwart torments for vnvprichtnes. - - Bot thay that walks vprichtly with the Lord, Prouer. 14. - In greitest troublis wantis not inwart rest, - As the Apostillis doung[394] for Godds word, Act. 5. - Reioysit that for Christ sa thay were drest; - Peter in prisone sleipit but molest; Act. 12. - Paull in the stocks and Sylas with glaidnes, Act. 16. - Did sing ane Psalme at midnicht, sa the best - Surenes that man can haue, is vprichtnes. - - Sa be this surenes now I do not mene, - That Godds seruands ar neuer tane away, - Be cruell men, for the contrair is sene, - For God oftymes of his Iudgements I say, - {444} Letts thame so fall, as thocht befoir the day: - To plague the warld for thair vnthankfulnes, - Quhilk is not worthie of sic men as thay. Esai. 3. - Bot I mene this be strenth of vprichtnes. Heb. 11. - - That quhen it plesis God to let thame fall, - Thay haue sic inwart comfort without cair, Act. 7. - That thay depart with ioy Angelicall, 2 Timot. 4. - Of lyfe assurit that lestis for euer mair. - And zit sum tyme he dois his seruands spair, Esai. 41. - To let the Tyrannis se his michtines, Ierem. 1. 4. 5. - In spyte of thame, that he can his alquhair, - Preserue maist surely intill vprichtnes. - - Quhilk we haue sene as we can not deny, - Into Iohne Knoxis michtie preseruation, - Quhilk till our comfort we suld all apply, - I mene that ar the Faithfull Congregatioun. - Sen he departit with sic consolatioun - Euen as he leuit, he deit in Faithfulnes, - Being assurit in Christ of his Saluatioun, - As in the end he schew with vprichtnes. - - Sa is he past from pane to plesure ay, - And till greit eis doubtles vntill him sell, - Bot for ane plague till vs I dair weill say, - As sair I feir we sall heir schortly tell, - Schir wink at vice[395] beginnis to tune his bell. - Bot on this heid na mair I will digres, - That gude men hes mair rest in all perrell - Nor wickit in thair welth bot vprichtnes. - - Then sen alwayis we se that men ar sure - Throw vprichtnes quhidder thay liue or die, Psalm. 37. - Let all gud Cristianes Imploy thair cure, - In thair vocatioun to leif vprichtlie; - {445} And cheifly let all preicheouris warnit be, - That this day God and the gude caus profes, - Na wayis to wink at sic Impietie - As cheifly dois withstand all vprichtnes. Tit. 1. - - Taking exempill of this Propheit plane, - Quhome heir befoir we breuit in this bill[396], - Quha Godds reuelit will wald neuer lane, - Quhen men begouth for to delyte in ill, - He wald not wane ane wy[397] for na mānis will - For to rebuke Erle, Barrone, or Burges, - Quhen in thair wickit wayis thay walkit still. - Follow this Lamp I say of vprichtnes. - - Let nouther lufe of friend, nor feir of fais, - Mufe zow to mank[398] zour Message, or hald bak - Ane iot of zour Commission ony wayis: Psalm 40. - Call ay quhite, quhite, and blak, that quhilk is - blak, Esai. 5. - Ane Gallimafray[399] neuer of them mak: - Bot ane gud caus distingue from wickitnes, 2. Timot. 2. - This kynd of phrais sumtymes this Propheit spak, - Quhen he saw sum not vsing vprichtnes. - - In generall do not all things inuolue, - Thinking zour selfis dischargeit than to be, 2. Timot. 2. - Thocht na manis mynd in maters ze resolue: - For (zit till vse this same manis Elogie) - To speik the treuth, and speik the treuth trewlie, Num. 23. 24. - Is not a thing[400] (said he) brethren doutles. - Thairfoir speik trewly but Hypocrisie, - Gif ze wald haue the praise of vprichtnes. - - Let vice ay in the awin cullouris be kend, 2 Timot. 4. - But beiring with, or zit extenuatioun, - {446} Schawing how heichly God it dois offend, Act. 17. - Spairing na stait that maks preuaricatioun: Esai. 58. - Let it be sene till all the Congregatioun, 1 Timot. 5. - That ze sic haitrent haue at wicketnes, - That ze mon dampne their greit abhominatioun, - Quha planely fechtis aganis all vprichtnes. - - Quhilk tred of doctrine gif ze anis begin Psalm. 38. - I grant the Deuill and warld will be agane zow; Psalm. 41. - The feid of fremmit, and craibing of zour kin,[401] - First ze sall find, syne terrour to constraine zow - To syle the suith[402], and sunze[403], I will plane[404] zow. - The Zock is not sa licht as sum dois ges; Nahum. 1. - Bot zit haue ze na dreid quha do disdane zow, Psalm. 31. - Sen that zour fortres sure is vprichtnes. Psalm. 34. - - For pleis it God zour lyfe to lenthen heir, - Thocht all the warld aganis zow wald conspyre, - Thay sall not haue the power zow to deir[405], - Albeit thay rage and rin wod[406] in thair Ire, - And gif that God thinks gude be sword or fyre - To let zow fall, be ay in reddynes: - Being assurit that heuin salbe zour hyre, 2 Timot. 4. - Because ze endit sa in vprichtnes. - - Let not the lufe of this lyfe temporall, - Quhilk ze mon lose, but let, quhen ze leist wene[407], - Stay zow to cois[408] with lyfe Celestiall. - Quhen euer that the chois cumis thame betwene, - Christis sentence in zour garden keip ay grene, - Quha sauis his lyfe shall lois it not the les. Matth. 16. - {447} Quhilk euin into this warld hes oft bene sene, - Quhat gaine is than to deny vprichtnes? - - Than to conclude, sen in thir dangerous dayis - Sa mony terrours Tyranis casts befoir zow, - Call vpon God to strenthen zow alwayis, - That with his haly Spreit he will decoir zow, - As he hes done his seruands ay befoir zow, - That ze may neuer wink at wickitnes, Esai. 51. - With Gun & Gainze[409] thocht thay boist to gor zow, - Sen that zour Towre sa sure is vprichtnes. - - ¶ FINIS. M. I. D. - - * * * * * - - - - - ANE SCHORT - DISCVRS OF THE ESTAITIS - quha hes caus to deploir the deith of this - Excellent seruand of God. - - THOW pure contempnit Kirk of God, - In Scotland scatterit far abrod, - Quhat leid[410] may let the to lament: - Sen baith the Tyger and the Tod, - Maist cruellie cummis the to rent. - Thow wants ane watcheman that tuke tent, - Baith nicht and day that nocht suld noy the, - Allace thow wants the Instrument, - That was thy Lanterne to conuoy the. - - Thy lemand[411] Lamp that schew sic licht, - Was gude Iohne Knox, ane man vpricht, - Quhais deith thow daylie may deploir. - His presence maid thy bewtie bricht, - {448} And all thy doings did decoir: - He did him haillie indeuoir, - Thy richteous actioun to mantene, - And libertie to the restoir, - Pleading thy caus with King and Quene. - - He neuer huntit benefice, - Nor catchit was with Couatice, - Thocht he had offers mony one - And was als meit for sic office - As outher gellie[412] Iok or Iohne, - His mynd was ay sa the vpon, - Thy only weilfair was his welth; - Thairfoir lament sen he is gone, - That huikit nathing[413] for thy helth. - - Lament Assemblie Generall, - At thy Conuentionis, ane and all, - For thou wilt mis ane Moderatour, - Quhais presence mufit greit and small, - And terrifeit baith theif and tratour, - With all vnrewlie Rubiatour,[414] - Thair ionkers durst not kyth thair cure, - For feir of fasting in the frateur,[415] - And tynsall of the charge thay bure. - - But now I feir that thow sall se - Greit missing of that man to be, - Quhen craftie heidis sall na mair hyde - The hurde[416] of thair hypocrisie, - Bot all sinceirnes set asyde, - With policie will all things gyde, - {449} Thir Balamis birds sair may thow feir: - Thairfoir be Godds buke abyde, - And to sic bablers giue na eir. - - Giue strange opiniounis enteris in, - Tak tent quha sic thingis dois begin, - And with sic matteris mynts to mell;[417] - For Sathan ceisis not fra sin, - The Kirk of Christ seiking to quell. - Sic foly faill not to refell: - For when the reik[418] beginnis to ryse, - The fyre will follow as thay tell, - Be it not quencheit be the wyse. - - Bot cheifly murne and mak thy mane, - Thou Kirk of Edinburgh allane, - For thow may rew by[419] all the rest, - That this day thow wants sickin ane, - Thy speciall Pastour, and the best - That ony Kirk had eist or west. - He did comfort the in all cair, - And the foirwairnd of thy molest, - Quhairby thow micht thyself prepair. - - There was na troubill come to the, - Bot he foirspak it oppinlie, - Thocht sum the mater than did mock, - Gif he spak suith now thow may se, - This day thy held is in the zock, - God send the blyithnes of this block, - And freith the from thy fais aboue the; - For thow art the maist feruent flock - That Scotland beiris, as deid dois proue the. - - {450} And giue God sa handills the best, - Allace what sall cum of the rest, - Except repentance rin and red: - It is ane mirrour manifest, - Of dule and dolour to be dred, - To fall on thame this barret[420] bred. - Bot till our purpois to returne, - Thocht of this feir thow salbe fred, - Zit hes thow mater for to murne. - - Becaus that watcheman thow dois want, - That the in puretie did plant, - And comfortit thy congregatioun: - Bot zit thocht he be gane I grant - The Lord can send the consolatioun, - Gif thow giue him dew adoratioun, - He will not leaue the comfortles, - As alreddy thow hes probatioun. - God grant thy Preicheours vprichtnes. - - ¶ Ze Lords also that dois frequent - The loft in Sanct Geills Kirk lament, - That Bogill[421] thair that ze hard blaw, - With quhome quhyles ze wer small content, - For the schairp threitnings he did schaw: - Zit thay maid zow sumquhat stand aw, - Thocht not so muche as neid requyrit. - This day in graue he lyis full law, - Quhilk langtyme was of him desyrit. - - For seing all things not go weill, - He said thair suld not mis ane reill - That suld the cheifest walkin vp. - Gif he said suith this day ze feill, - {451} Luke gif God hes begun to quhup, - Bot thair byds zit ane sowrer Cup, - Except zour maners ze amend, - The dreggs but dout als ze sall sup: - From whilk danger God zow defend. - - Sanctandrois als not to leif out, - His deith thou may deploir but dout, - Thow knawis he lude the by the laue,[422] - For first in the he gaue the rout - Till Antechrist that Romische slaue, - Preicheing that Christ did only saue. - Bot last, of Edinburgh exprest, - Quhen he was not far fra his graue, - He come to the by all the rest. - - God grant that thow may thankfull be, - For his greit graces schawin to the, - In sending the his seruands trew, - Amen. Thow heiris na mair of me. - Bot Kyle, and Cuninghame may rew - Als sair as ony that I schew, - To quhome this darling was maist deir; - And vther gentill men anew, - Quhome I haue not reheirsit heir. - - Than last of all to turn to zow, - That wer our brethren, bot not now: - God grant agane ze may cum hame, - For we suld wis zour weill I vow, - As also did this man be Name, - Thocht sum said he did zow defame, - He prayit to God that ze micht turne, - That ze micht schaip Eternall schame; - Thairfoir zour part is als to murne. - - {452} For doutles he was mair zour freind, - Nor thay that winkit, or manteind - Zour fulische factioun and vnfair. - In deid that ze suld not susteind, - He thunderit threitnings to the air, - To terrifie zow mair and mair, - And rug[423] zow back that ze micht rew;[424] - For he knew perseueird ze thair, - Ze wer bot schipwrak but reskew.[425] - - Than all this land thow may lament, - That thow lacks sic ane Instrument, - Till sum not plesand, zit, sa plane, - That all the godly was content. - Allace his lyke he left not ane, - Nor I feir sall not se agane: - Bot zit let vs nawayis dispair, - For quhy our God dois zit remane, - Quha can and will for his prepair. - - For thocht his deith we do deploir, - Zit is he not our God thairfoir: - As wickit wardlings wald obtend, - Gone is zour God quhairin ze gloir. - The leuing God we mak it kend, - Is he, on quhome we do depend, - Quha will not leaue vs in distres, - Bot will his seruands till vs send, - Till gyde vs throw this wildernes. - - Thairfoir letting thir Bablers be, - Quhais chief Religioun is to lie, - And all Godds seruands to backbyte, - Traducing this man principallie: - {453} Let thame spew out in thair dispyte, - All that thay will be word or wryte. - Lyke as him self is into gloir, - Sa sall all ages ay recyte, - Iohne Knoxis Name, with greit decoir. - - ¶ FINIS. - - * * * * * - - - QVAM TVTVM - SIT PROPVGNACVLVM, DEO SINE - fuco inseruire, ex mirifica eximii Dei serui IOANNIS - KNOXII, in tranquillum vitæ exitum, illusis omnibus - impiorum conatibus, conseruatione, & eius exemplum - sequi, monemur. - - QVEM petiere diu crudeles igne tyranni, - Sæpius & ferro quem petiere duces. - Occubuit (mirum) nullo violatus ab hoste, - Eximius Christi KNOXIVS ille sator. - Nam pater Æthereus Regum moderatur habenas, - Electosque potens protegit vsque suos. - Muniat hinc igitur nostras fiducia mentes, - Ne mors nos tetricis terreat vlla minis. - Quóq; minus trepidi sistamus tramite recto, - Huius ne pigeat viuere more viri. - - ¶ FINIS. Quod M. I. D. - - * * * * * - - -{454} - EXCERPTA E POEMATIS - - JOHANNIS JONSTONI; - - QUIBUS TITULI - - ΠΕΡΙ ΣΤΕΦΑΝΩΝ - - SIVE - - DE CORONIS MARTYRUM IN SCOTIA; - - NECNON - - PECVLIVM ECCLESIÆ SCOTICANÆ. - - MS. IN BIBL. FACULT. JURID. EDIN. A. 6. 42. - - * * * * * - - PATRITIUS HAMILTONVS,[426] - - Martyr, Andreapoli xxviii. Febr. An. Christi 1527. - - E Cælo alluxit primam Germania lucem, - Qua Lanus, et vitreis qua fluit Albis aquis. - Intulit hinc lucem nostræ Dux prævius oræ. - O felix terra! hoc si foret usa duce! - Dira superstitio grassata tyrannide in omnes, - Omniaque involvens Cimmeriis tenebris, - Ille nequit lucem hanc sufferre. Ergo omnis in unam, - Fraude, odiis, furiis, turba cruenta coit. - Igne cremant. Vivus lucis qui fulserat igne, - Par erat, ut moriens lumina ab igne daret. - - * * * * * - - -{455} - JOANNES MACHABÆVS,[427] - - Alpinus, Christianismi in Dania Instaurator, Hafniæ Theol. - Professor; floruit 1550, teste Balæo. - - I. - Qvae tulit in lucem me Scotia, luce frui me - Non tulit. Haud mirum: sprevit et ipsa Deum. - Anglia vix cepit. Subeuntem Teutonis ora - Suscipiens fovit L. . onis in gremio. - Lvtheri hic tetigisse datum dextramque Philippi: - Cernere et hic Christvm lucidiore die. - Me doctore dehinc amplexa est Dania Christvm; - Hafnia dat patriam, datque eadem tumulum. - Huc vitæ cursus: supremi hic meta laboris. - Hinc vehor exilii liber in astra metu. - Havd jactura gravis, patria tellure carere: - In patria gravior posse carere Deo. - - II. - De Joh. Machabæo Patre, et Christiano, - Filio Patris simillimo. - Excedens terris Machabævs liquerat vno - Unius in nato pectoris effigiem. - Filius hanc solam potuit tibi promere: at illvm - Mors habet. Ecquis eam reddere nunc valeat? - - * * * * * - - - ALEX. ALESIVS,[428] - - (Obiit Lipsiæ xx Junij 1565.) - - Lipsiæ Theol. Professor, de se et Joh. Machabæo. - - Sors eadem exilii nobis, vitæque laborumque, - Ex quo nos Christi conciliavit amor. - {456} Una salus amborum, unum et commune periclum; - Pertulimus pariter præstite cuncta Deo. - Dania te coluit. Me Lipsia culta docentem - Audiit, et sacros hausit ab ore sonvs. - Qui mea scripta legit, Machabævm cernat in illis. - Alterutrum noscis, noscis utrumque simul. - - * * * * * - - - JOHANNES ROCHIVS[429] et THOMAS GULIELMIVS,[430] - -Uterque a sacris Jac. Hamiltono Scotie Gubernatori, uterque Christi - nomine Exul; et ille postea Martyr in Anglia, 22 decemb. 1557, - Londinj. - - Postquam iterum premitur redivivi gloria Christi, - Et crudelis adhuc omnia Presul agit, - Cessimus inviti Invidiæ, et crudelibus iris. - Ah! facilis nocuit Principis ingenium. - Doctores nuper quæ nos adscripserat Aula - Deficit: et nostræ spes cecidere simul. - Redditur exilium Christi pro munere. Christvs - Exul erat: nobis sitne probro exilium? - Quid si mors adeunda sit? O mors illa beata! - Qua vitæ melior parta corona foret. - - * * * * * - - - GEORGIVS SOPHOCARDIVS,[431] - - Sive Wys‑hartus, Martyr, Andreapoli, Kal. Martii an. 1546. - - Quam bene conveniunt divinis nomina rebus! - Divinæ hic Sophiæ corque oculusque viget. - Qui Patris arcanam Sophiam, cælique recessus - Corde fovens, terris Numina tanta aperit. - Vnus amor Christvs. Pro Christo concitus ardor - Altius humanis Enthea corda rapit. - {457} Præteritis aptans præsentia, jvdicat omnia; - Et ventura dehinc ordine quæque docet. - Ipse suam mortem, tempusque modumque profatur, - Fataque Carnifici tristia Sacrilego. - Terrificam ad flammam stetit imperterritus. Ipsa - Quin stupet invictos sic pavefacta animos, - Vt vix ausa dehinc sit paucos carpere. Tota - Ilicet innocui victa cruore viri est. - - * * * * * - - - JOHANNES WEDDERBVRNVS,[432] - - Pulsus in exilium, an. 1546. Exul in Anglia moritur 1556. - - I. - Non meriti est nostri, meritas tibi dicere grates, - Aut paria, aut aliqua parte referre vicem. - Quæ meruisse alii vellent, nec posse mereri est: - Hæc velle, hæc posse, hæc te meruisse tuum est. - Sic facis atque canis sacra: sic agis omnia, nil ut - Sanctius, et nusquam purior ulla fides. - Hinc nullum magis invisum caput hostibus: hinc et - Nemo umquam meruit charior esse bonis. - Grandius hoc meritum, nil te meruisse fateris, - Humanis meritis nec superesse locum. - - II. - DE JOHANNE, JACOBO, ET ROBERTO WEDDERBVRNO, FRATRIBUS. - - Divisvm imperium, per tres, tria Numina, Fratres, - Infera quæque vides, quæque superna, canunt. - Vos miror potius tres vero nomine fratres, - Vosque supra veneror, Numina vana, Deos; - Concordes animas, clarissima lumina gentis, - Tres paribus studiis, tres pietate pares. - {458} Felices qui vos tales genuere parentes, - Quæque orbi tellus pignora rara dedit. - Progenitos Cælo Alectum[433] dedit inclyta terris: - Inde DEI‑DONUM nomen habere putem. - - * * * * * - - - JOHANNES KNOXVS.[434] - -Primus Evangelii Instaurator in Scotia, post superiora cruenta illa - tempora, obiit placide Edinburgi XXIV. IXbris, hora noctis undecima, - 1572. - - I. - Hic ille est Scotorum Knoxus Apostolus olim, - Cui prior hos ingens Beza dedit titulos: - Interpres cæli, vero qui Numine plenus, - Plurima venturi præscia signa dedit. - Facundum pectus. Libertas maxima fandi. - Totus inexhausto flagrat amore Dei. - Quam pia cura Poli, tam humani meta furoris: - Tanto plus victor, quo furit iste magis. - Post varios hostes aggressa Calumnia tandem - Hoc didicit, nulli nec sibi habere fidem. - Herovm Pietas odio est mortalibus. Unum hoc - Arguat Heroem hunc cœlitus esse datum. - - II. - Cvra Dei: Romæ pestis: Mundi horror: et Orci - Pernicies: cæli fulmen ab arce tonans. - Limite in hoc modico tanti jacet hospitis umbra: - Vmbra silet; tamen est hostibus horror adhuc. - - * * * * * - - -{459} - JOHANNES WILLOCVS.[435] - - Obiit in Anglia. - - Cum Patriæ implessem donis cœlestibus urbes, - Mille olim obiiciens mortibus hanc animam, - Ipsa adeo exultat cæli sic luce sereni, - Pene sibi ut cælum, et lux queat esse aliis: - Excessi patria lætus tellure, libensque: - Vt vicina istis crescerat aucta opibus. - Hic etiam sevi cælestia semina verbi; - Gensque pia hic nostram plurima sensit opem. - Hæc et opes mihi, cumque opibus cumulavit honores; - Nec secus ac Patria me Anglia civem habuit. - Bis civis gemina in patria: mihi tertia restat; - Possidet hæredem tertia sola suum. - - * * * * * - - - CHRISTOPHORVS GVDMANNVS,[436] - -Anglus, Ecclesiastes Andreapolitanus: moritur in Cestrensi provincia - Angliæ an. 1601. - - Non Ego, ceu credis, Scotis peregrinus in oris: - Publica nec rerum cura aliena mihi. - Hic geniti Christo, hic geritur Republica Christi: - Christi Ego sum. In Christo his sumque ego congenitus; - Quin genui hic partem Christo. Patremque Ducemque - Et licet, et gaudent me vocitare suum. - Queis patriam peperi: non hanc: sed quæ altera cælo est, - Hac prior; his dicar qui peregrinus ego: - Alterutra jactent se alii regione profectos, - Nomine se jactat utraque terra meo. - - * * * * * - - -{460} - JOHANNES ARESKINUS,[437] - -Dunius, Equestri familia ortus, Religionis gravis et constans assertor, - concionator nobilis, natus annos LXXX, moritur XII Martij, 1590. - - Post tot avos veteres, et tot decora inclyta rerum - Surgit Areskino gloria major adhuc: - Scilicet illa Crucis Christi, quæ sola perennis: - Quæ regit una homines, quæ facit una deos. - Robora consiliis, pietatem miscet utrisque; - Et faciendo docet, atque docendo facit. - Heroem nullum huic æquarint secula. Nullus - Inter avos veteres fama et honore prior. - - * * * * * - - - JOHANNES BRABNERVS,[438] - - Aberdonensis, Ecclesiastes Celurcanus[439] et Dunensis, - moritur an. 1564, postr. Kal. Novembris. - - Nascendi primam dedit Aberdonia lucem: - Ille renascendi munera rettribuit. - Vtrum ergo debet Patriæ plus, an Patria illi? - Mutua sic rerum gratia rite coit. - - * * * * * - - - JOHANNES VIN‑RAMVS,[440] - - Cænobii Augustinianorum olim Præfectus apud Andreanos, postea - inter Christi Ministros: obiit senex XXIIX. Septemb. 1581. - - Quo te censu hominum, quo te, Vin‑Rame, reponam - In numero? hic multum est anxia mens animi. - {461} Se prodit Pietas, neque turbida lucis imago est: - Spargit enim de se lumina clara sui. - Quin te aperi tandem manifesto in lumine. Pelle - Turbidulos sensus, cumque pudore metus. - Cum pietate etenim postquam se nubila miscet - Mens hominum, lucis deperit ille vigor. - Gaudet agens Pietas manifesta in luce. Nec illa - Sit Pietas, quæ haud pro scit Pietate mori. - - * * * * * - - JOHANNES ROWIVS,[441] - - Ecclesiastes Perthensis, obit xvi. VIIIbris an. 1580. - - Consilio præstans, rebus gravis auctor agendis, - Præcipuos inter, Lumina prima Patres. - Cognitio varia: immensa experientia rerum. - Omnigenam linguam mens præit ingenii: - Exactor disciplinæ, vindexque severus, - Ipse sibi censor, seque ad amussim habuit: - Sancta domus, castique lares, frons læta, severa: - Larga manus miseris, mensa benigna bonis. - Vrbis delicium: sancti pia copula amoris: - Una fides, fidei publica cura simul - Clara viris, cultuque decens, pulcherrima Pertha: - Rowivs at Perthæ haud ultima fama fuit. - - * * * * * - - - JACOBVS LAUSONIVS,[442] - - Ecclesiastes Edinburgensis, obiit xii. Octobris an. 1584. - - Ingenio felix Lausonivs, ore diserto, - Acer judicio, consiliisque gravis. - Corpore non magno, mens ingens: Spiritus ardens, - Invectumque decus pectoris atque animi. - {461} Non tulit Impietas. Patria migrare necesse est. - Mitior in profugum terra aliena fuit. - Hospitii cui jura volens vivo ista dedisset, - Multa gemens tristi in funere dat tumulum. - - * * * * * - - - DAVID FERGVSIVS,[443] - - Pastor ad Fermilo‑dunum, obiit xxiij Augusti an. 1598. - - Qvem non erudiit solers Academia, quem non - Finxit Stagira nobilis: - Nesciit ille tamen nescire illa omnia solers, - Quæ et ista et illa prodidit, - Quin Doctore Deo scivit meliora sequutus, - Quæ et ista et illa nesciit. - Disce hinc quæ melius doceas Academia. Tuqe - Disce hinc Stagira nobilis. - - * * * * * - - - GEORGIVS HAIVS. - - Postqvam animum primis patriæ effinxere Camenæ - Artibus, excepit culta Lvteta sinu. - Cecropiis opibus, spoliisque orientis onustus, - Intulit in patriam munera opima suam. - Ingenium vegetum comitatur gratia linguæ - Lactea Nectareo verba lepore fluunt. - Dum parat excedens locupletes linquere natos, - Publica privatis posthabuisse ferunt. - Optima sed Pietas patrimonî portio. Privis - Si nimium indulges, publica rapta ruunt. - -{463} -{464} - - - - -{465} - INDEX. - - - A - - _Aberdeen._ - A celebrated grammar school in, i. 4. - Greek early taught in, i. 343‒4. - Reformed doctrine early embraced in, ii. 426. - - _Adamson_, Patrick. - Joins the reformed preachers, i. 320. - Appointed successor to Buchanan as Principal of St Leonard’s - college, i. 346. - - _Aless_, Alexander. - Embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged to leave - Scotland, i. 31, 370. - Made Professor at Leipsic, i. 371. - Verses on, ii. 440‒1. - - _Alexander_, Robert, advocate. - An early favourer of the reformation, i. 31. - Writes the testament of the Earl of Errol in Scots metre, i. 376. - - _Alexandersoun_, Andrew. - A martyr, i. 357, 361. - - _Anabaptists._ - Knox’s warning against the dangerous principles of, i. 207‒11. - - _Anderson_, Robert. - Convicted of heresy, i. 361. - - _Anderson_, William. - Convicted of heresy, i. 359. - - _Andrew’s, St._ - Knox teaches philosophy at, i. 12. - Reformed opinions spread privately in University of, i. 37‒8, - 369‒71. - Knox retires from, i. 38. - Knox’s first sermon at, i. 60. - Knox expresses his confident hope of again preaching in, - i. 69‒70. - Opposition to Knox’s preaching at, i. 265; ii. 382‒3. - Knox preaches at, i. 267. - Demolition of monasteries at, i. 267. - Petition for Knox’s translation to, ii. 138. - Knox retires to, ii. 189. - Meets with opposition at, ii. 191‒4. - His preaching and exhortations to the students at, ii. 205‒7, - 348. - Knox leaves, ii. 212. - - _Andrew’s, St_, Castle of. - Seized by the conspirators against Cardinal Beatoun, i. 44. - Retained by them, i. 46. - Knox takes refuge in, i. 49. - Sacrament of the Supper first dispensed in the Protestant form - in, i. 65. - Besieged and taken, i. 66. - - _Andrew’s, St_, Prior of. - See _Stewart_, Lord James. - - _Angus_, Earl of. - Knox employed in affairs of, ii. 47, 309. - - _Annand_, George. - Convicted of heresy, i. 361. - - _Annand_, James. - Convicted of heresy, i. 361. - -{466} - _Annand_, Dean John. - His dispute with Knox and Rough, i. 58. - - _Arbugkill_, a friar. - His attempt to defend the popish ceremonies against Knox, - i. 63‒4. - - _Arbuthnot_, Alexander. - Appointed by the General Assembly to revise a suspicious book, - ii. 346. - - _Argyle_, Countess of. - Conversation between Knox and the Queen respecting her, ii. 81. - Her public repentance, ii. 317. - - _Argyle_, old Earl of. - Knox preaches in the house of, i. 187‒8. - John Douglas taken under the protection of, i. 229. - Correspondence between archbishop Hamilton and, i. 230‒1. - - _Argyle_, young Earl of. - Attends Knox’s sermons at Calder‑house, i. 177. - Joins the Congregation, i. 263‒5. - Knox employed in removing a variance between him and his lady, - ii. 47. - Variance between earl of Murray and, ii. 163. - - _Arran_, Earl of. - Is suspected by the clergy, i. 36. - Made regent of Scotland, i. 39. - Abjures the reformed doctrine, ib. - Resigns the regency to the Queen dowager, i. 168. - Is made Duke of Chastelherault, ib. See _Chastelherault_. - - _Arran_, Earl of, son to the former. - Comes to Scotland, and persuades his father to join the - Congregation, i. 295. - English ministers wish him raised to the Scottish throne, and - married to Elizabeth, i. 459. - Knox employed in removing a feud between Bothwell and, ii. 47. - Lunacy of, 48. - - _Articles_ of Church of England. - Knox employed in revising, i. 88. - - _Assembly_, Classical. - See _Presbytery_. - - _Assembly_, General. - What, ii. 9. - The first, ii. 18. - Moderator of, when introduced, ii. 19. - Approve of Knox’s conduct, ii. 108. - Employ Knox in drawing up public papers, ii. 139‒40. - Their recommendation of Knox, ii. 148. - Give a commission to him, ii. 159. - Order the murderer of Regent Murray to be excommunicated in all - the churches of the kingdom, ii. 176‒7. - Their protestation against hierarchical titles, ii. 199‒200. - Knox’s letter to, ii. 200‒1. - His last letter to, ii. 210. - Their attention to the widow and daughters of Knox, ii. 268. - Order of procedure in, ii. 301‒2. - - _Athole_, Duke of. - His reason for voting against the protestant Confession, i. 330. - - _Augustine._ - Influence of his writings on Knox, i. 13. - - _Aylmer_, John. - Answers Knox’s Blast, i. 220. - Character of his work, i. 223‒6. - His address to the bishops, i. 401. - His invective against the King of France, i. 415. - His sentiments respecting the English constitution, i. 433. - His commendation of Knox, ii. 239. - - _Ayr._ - A minister early settled in, i. 283. - - - B - - _Baillie_, Alexander. - His calumnies against Knox and other reformers, ii. 326. - -{467} - _Baillies_ of Jerviswood. - A daughter of Knox married to one of the, ii. 451. - - _Balcanquhal_, Walter. - Defends Knox, ii. 242. - - _Bale_, Bishop. - Dedicates a book to Knox, i. 236. - - _Balfour_, Sir James. - His conversation with Knox in the French galleys, i. 69‒70. - Accessory to the murder of Darnley, ii. 340. - - _Ballates._ - Gude and godlie, i. 379. - Similar compositions in other countries, ib. - - _Ballesky_, Martin. - Forfeited for reading English books, i. 364. - - _Balnaves_, Sir Henry, of Halhill. - An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35, 289, 360, 396. - His learning and reputation, i. 50. - Takes refuge in the Castle of St Andrews, i. 51. - Urges Knox to become a preacher, i. 52. - Composes a book on justification in the French prison, i. 71. - Extracts from Knox’s dedication to it, i. 72‒5. - Extracts from the book, i. 390‒6. - - _Bancroft_, Dr. - The first episcopalian who wrote disrespectfully of Knox, - ii. 241. - Davidson’s answer to, ib. - - _Bannatyne_, Richard, Secretary to Knox. - Discovers a MS. of Balnaves, i. 72. - Knox’s request to, at the beginning of his last illness, - ii. 220. - His character of Knox, ii. 237‒8. - His petition to the general assembly, ii. 360. - - _Barron_, James. - i. 196; ii. 390. - - _Bassinden_, Thomas. - General assembly order a book printed by him to be called in, - ii. 346. - - _Beatoun_, Cardinal David, archbishop of St Andrews. - Appoints assassins to kill Knox, i. 38. - Defeats the proposed marriage between Queen Mary and Edward VI., - i. 39. - His cruelties to the Reformers, i. 43. - His assassination, i. 44, 382. - Knox’s opinion of this, i. 47‒9, 384‒7. - - _Beatoun_, James, archbishop of St Andrews. - Puts Patrick Hamilton to death, i. 29‒30. - - _Beatoun_, James, archbishop of Glasgow. - His character of Knox, i. 181. - Dispute between him and archbishop Hamilton, i. 249; ii. 292. - - _Berwick._ - Knox preaches at, i. 80‒1. - Knox visits, i. 172, 174, 287. - - _Beveridge_, ――――. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31, 355. - - _Beza._ - Congratulates Knox on the abolition of episcopacy, ii. 203‒4. - Epistolary correspondence between Knox and, ii. 304. - - _Bible_, English. - Imported into Scotland, i. 32. - Authorized by Parliament, i. 40. - Circulation of, i. 40, 359, 360. - - _Bible_, Geneva. - Knox one of the translators of, i. 217. - - _Blacat_, John. - Pursued for heresy, i. 357. - - _Blast_, First, of the Trumpet. - i. 219‒26, 237, 239, 284. - Knox’s explanation to Queen Mary respecting, ii. 33‒4, 356. - See _Aylmer_, and _Government_, Female. - - _Bodlih_, Mr. - ii. 402. - - _Boece_, Hector, principal of the university of Aberdeen. - i. 3, 5. - -{468} - _Bonner_, Bishop. - John Rough put to death by, i. 67. - Barbarity of, i. 138. - Lenity with which he was treated by Elizabeth, i. 238. - - _Book of Common Order._ - See _Geneva_, Order of. - - _Bothwell_, Earl of. - Knox employed to remove a feud between him and young Earl of - Arran, ii. 47, 48. - Murders the king, ii. 152. - Marries the Queen, ii. 153‒4. - - _Borthwick_, Lord. - His reason for voting against the protestant Confession, i. 330. - - _Borthwick_, Sir John. - His opinion of the Reformation of Henry VIII. i. 46. - Released from the pains of heresy, i. 368. - - _Bowes_ of Streatlam. - Pedigree of, ii. 407. - - _Bowes_, Elizabeth. - Favourable to the marriage between Knox and her daughter, i. 89. - Letters from Knox to, i. 174, 182; ii. 374, 381, 383. - Loses her husband, i. 187, 282. - Further particulars of, i. 281; ii. 208, 407. - - _Bowes_, Marjory. - Knox married to, i. 88, 144. - Knox’s letters to, intercepted, i. 118. - Accompanies her husband to Geneva, i. 187. - Joins her husband in Scotland, i. 281‒2. - Her death, ii. 19. - Knox’s letters to, ii. 379, 381. - Her parentage, ii. 407. - - _Bowes_, Richard. - Father of Mrs Knox, i. 89. - - _Bowes_, Sir Robert, brother to the former. - Painful interview of Knox with, i. 115; ii. 407. - - _Boyd_, Lord. - Joins the Congregation, i. 263. - Craves Knox’s pardon on his death‑bed, ii. 225. - - _Brabner_, John. - Verses on, ii. 460. - - _Bradford_, John. - i. 86, 109, 411‒2. - - _Braid._ - See _Fairley_, laird of. - - _Brechin._ - Early provided with a minister, i. 283. - See _Chisholm_. - - _Bristol._ - George Wishart preaches at, i. 383. - - _Brown_, John. - Convicted of heresy, i. 364. - - _Buchanan_, George. - Studies under Major about same time with Knox, i. 7. - Similarity of their sentiments, i. 8, 10. - Knox’s commendation of him, i. 11. - Embraces the reformed sentiments, and leaves the kingdom, i. 31. - His return to Scotland, ii. 16‒17. - His tribute to the regent Murray’s memory, ii. 176. - Sits in the general assembly as a doctor, ii. 282. - Further particulars respecting, ii. 295‒8. - Calumnies of popish writers against, ii. 298, 328. - - _Buchanan_, Patrick. - ii. 295‒6. - - _Bucer_, Martin. - i. 79. - - _Burne_, Nicol. - His calumnies against Knox, ii. 324. - Against the foreign reformers, ii. 327. - - - C - - _Cairns_, John. - A Reader in Edinburgh, ii. 52, 147, 308. - - _Cairns_, Henry. - Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 366. - -{469} - _Caithness_, Robert Stewart, bishop of. - Visits Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 226. - - _Calvin_, John. - High reputation of, i. 134. - Respect of English reformers for, ib. - Friendship between Knox and, i. 135, 142. - Character of the English liturgy by, i. 145. - Is displeased with Knox’s treatment at Frankfort, i. 159. - Advises Knox to return to Scotland, i. 197. - Difficulties which he had met with in establishing - ecclesiastical discipline, ii. 3. - Knox’s correspondence with, ii. 20, 302. - Comparison between Knox and, ii. 260. - - _Cameron_, James. - Convicted of heresy, i. 367. - - _Campbell_ of Kineancleugh. - Accompanies Knox to Ayrshire, i. 178. - And to Castle Campbell, i. 187. - Is surety for Willock, i. 253, 447. - Attends Knox in his last illness, ii. 229. - - _Campbell_ of Loudon, Sir Hugh. - i. 253. - - _Cant_, Robert. - Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 359, 363. - - _Carmichael_, Richard. - Convicted of heresy, i. 365. - - _Carmichael_, William. - ii. 389. - - _Carsewell_, John, afterwards superintendent of Argyle. - Joins the reformed preachers, i. 320; ii. 7. - - _Cassillis_, Earl of. - Suspected by the clergy, i. 36. - - _Catalogue._ - Of Knox’s works, ii. 363. - - _Cecil._ - Correspondence between Knox and, i. 243, 284, 287; ii. 42. - - _Chastelherault_, Duke of. - Knox warns against his ambitious designs, i. 212. - He joins the Congregation, i. 295. - Knox’s freedom in pointing out his faults, i. 313. - His design of excluding Mary from the throne opposed by Knox, - ii. 31. - He is offended at the regency being conferred on Murray, - ii. 163‒4. - Is made lieutenant for the Queen, ii. 164. - Knox’s early suspicions of him, ii. 396. - See _Arran_, Earl of. - - _Chisholm_, William, Bishop of Brechin. - Persecutes Wishart for teaching the Greek New Testament, i. 343. - - _Christison_, John. - Tried for heresy, i. 253, 257, 447‒8. - - _Church_, Protestant, of Scotland. - Sketch of its form of government and worship, ii. 6‒12. - Danger to which it was exposed from Mary, ii. 25‒7. - Inadequate provision for the ministers of, ii. 43‒4. - Critical state of, ii. 140‒4. - Improved state of, under Murray’s regency, ii. 159‒62. - Sentiments of, respecting the difference between civil and - ecclesiastical authority, ii. 345‒7. - - _Clergy_, Popish, of Scotland. - Knox ordained by, i. 12, 348; ii. 450. - Their character before the Reformation, i. 14‒24. - Persecute the reformers, i. 24, 31. - Instigate James V. to proscribe the protestant nobles and - gentry, i. 36. - Suspect Knox of heresy, i. 37. - Degrade him from the priesthood, i. 38. - Their politic plan to counteract his preaching at St Andrew’s, - i. 64‒5. - Summon Knox before them, i. 181. - Condemn him as a heretic, and burn his effigy, i. 190. - Knox’s appellation from their sentence, i. 215. - Panic‑struck at Knox’s return to Scotland, i. 257. - Their feeble exertions to counteract the reformation, i. 320. - Their pretended {470} miracle at Musselburgh, i. 321‒4. - Their ignorance of Greek, i. 344. - Their representations of Knox’s character, ii. 94, 235, 322‒9. - And concerning his second marriage, ii. 109‒10, 329‒30. - See _Council_, Provincial, and _Popery_. - - _Clerk_, William. - Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 366. - - _Cockburn_, John, of Ormiston. - Places his son under Knox’s care, i. 42, 46. - Is outlawed, i. 162, 360. - - _Cocklaw_, Thomas, parson of Tullibody. - i. 356, 358, 363. - - _Colville_, Robert, of Cleish. - His detection of the pretended miracle at Musselburgh, i. 322‒4; - ii. 292. - - _Colvin_, John. - ii. 349. - - _Commissioners._ - See _Visitors_. - - _Congregation_, The. - Their pacific intentions, i. 260. - Deceived by Queen Regent, i. 262. - First Lords of, i. 263. - Obtain assistance against the Regent from Elizabeth, i. 287‒89. - Unfavourable turn in their affairs, i. 312; ii. 390. - Knox reanimates them, i. 313‒15. - English army arrives to assist them, i. 318; ii. 426. - Their loyalty, i. 457‒60. - See _Protestants_, Scottish. - - _Cornaca_, Helen. - Applies for the degree of Doctor in Divinity, i. 224, 435. - - _Corpse‑present._ - i. 23, 350‒4. - - _Council_, Provincial, of Scottish clergy. - Acknowledge the corruptions of the Church, i. 163. - Their canons for reformation, i. 166‒7, 416‒18. - Catechism published by their order, i. 167, 418‒26. - Application of the protestants to, i. 250. - Remonstrance by Roman Catholics to, ib. - Agreement between Queen Regent and, i. 252. - See _Clergy_, Popish, and _Popery_. - - _Council_, Privy, of Scotland. - Knox an extraordinary member of, i. 298. - Knox tried before, ii. 99, 105. - Suspend Knox from preaching for a time, ii. 136. - - _Covenant_, Religious. - The first in Scotland, entered into by protestants of Mearns, - i. 179. - Another subscribed by the lords, i. 226. - Another by the protestants of Edinburgh, ii. 211. - - _Coverdale_, Miles, bishop of Exeter. - i. 372; ii. 389. - - _Cowsland_, Walter. - Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 363. - - _Cox_, Dr Richard. - i. 147‒56. - His sentiments concerning ceremonies, i. 400‒3. - - _Craig_, John. - Account of, ii. 53‒7. - His account of a dispute on resistance at Bologna, ii. 126‒7. - His spirited behaviour at the Queen’s marriage with Bothwell, - ii. 153‒4. - Leaves Edinburgh, ii. 213. - - _Crail._ - Knox preaches in, i. 265. - Demolition of the monasteries at, i. 268. - - _Cranmer_, Archbishop of Canterbury. - His zeal in advancing the reformation, i. 78‒80. - Employs Knox to preach at Berwick, i. 80. - Disposed to carry the reformation of the English church farther, - i. 400, 408‒9. - - _Crichton_ of Brunston. - i. 162. - - _Croft_, Sir James. - Knox’s interview with, at Berwick, i. 287. - Employed {471} by Elizabeth to correspond with the Congregation, - i. 288. - His reprimand of Knox’s proposal, i. 292. - - _Crossraguell_, Abbot of. - See _Kennedy_, Quintin. - - _Cuninghame_, Andrew, son of the Master of Glencairn. - Convicted of heresy, i. 364. - See _Glencairn_. - - _Cupar._ - The forces of the Queen Regent and Congregation meet at, - i. 267, 277; ii. 388. - Demolition of the Monasteries at, i. 268. - - - D - - _Darnley_, Lord. - Is married to Queen Mary, ii. 130‒1. - Displeased at a sermon of Knox, ii. 135‒6. - Professes himself a papist, ii. 143. - Is murdered, ii. 151. - Alleged plot against his life at Perth, ii. 192‒3. - - _Davidson_, John. - Account of Scottish martyrs by, i. 354. - His answers to Bancroft, ii. 241. - His Latin verses, ii. 288. - Banished by Morton, ii. 349. - His poem on Knox, ii. 431. - - _Deacons._ - Appointed at an early period of the reformation, i. 227. - In the foreign churches at London, i. 406. - Their office, ii. 6. - Number of, in Edinburgh, ii. 53. - - _Delaporte_, Mons. - Knox acts as colleague to, at Dieppe, i. 203. - - _Dieppe_, in France. - Knox on leaving England lands at, i. 120. - He visits, i. 132, 134, 136, 172, 188, 197, 236. - - _Discipline_, Ecclesiastical. - Scottish reformers sensible of its importance, ii. 2. - Strictness of, ii. 76‒7. - Strictness and impartiality of, in the church of Scotland, - ii. 76, 317. - Did not include civil punishments, ii. 318. - - _Discipline_, First Book of. - Knox one of its compilers, ii. 4. - Approbation of, ii. 5. - Its plan, ii. 6. - Reasons of the nobility’s aversion to, ii. 12. - - _Doctors._ - Their office in the protestant church, ii. 6, 281‒2. - - _Douglas_, Bishop Gawin. - Besieges the cathedral of Dunkeld, i. 15. - - _Douglas_, George. - See _Angus_, Earl of. - - _Douglas_, Hugh, of Langniddrie. - Knox tutor to the family of, i. 38, 42, 46, 49. - - _Douglas_, John. - Taken into Argyle’s family as chaplain, i. 229, 232. - Preaches under the name of Grant, i. 233. - Presented to the archbishopric of St Andrews, ii. 198. - Knox refuses to inaugurate him, ii. 204‒5. - Summoned before a provincial council, ii. 421. - - _Dunbar_, Gavin, archbishop of Glasgow. - His sermon at Ayr, i. 16. - Reformers in diocese of, ii. 292. - - _Duncan_, John. - Convicted of heresy, i. 362. - - _Dundas_, Euphemia. - Slanders Knox, ii. 93. - - _Dundas_, George. - An early Greek scholar, i. 343. - - _Dundee._ - The first town in which a protestant congregation was formed, - i. 227. - Protestants of, summoned, ii. 404‒5. - Great zeal of, ii. 405. - Knox preaches at, ii. 407. - -{472} - _Durham_, bishop of. - See _Tonstal_. - - _Durie_, John. - Visits Knox in his last illness, ii. 221. - - - E - - _Edinburgh._ - Knox preaches privately in, i. 173. - He preaches publicly in, i. 182. - He is burned in effigy at the cross of, i. 188. - A protestant church formed in, i. 227. - Demolition of the monasteries at, i. 268; ii. 423. - Knox chosen minister of, i. 277; ii. 424. - Leaves it, i. 279. - Knox resumes his ministry in, ii. 1. - Knox retires from, ii. 146. - Knox returns to, ii. 154. - Knox forced again to leave, ii. 189. - Inhabitants of, enter into a solemn league, ii. 211. - Knox arrives at, ii. 212. - - _Edinburgh_, Kirk Session of. - Number of, ii. 53. - Provide a smaller place of worship for Knox, ii. 212. - Knox’s interview with, on his death‑bed, ii. 221‒3. - - _Edinburgh_, Town Council of. - Their attention to the support of Knox, ii. 46, 307. - Provide him with a colleague, ii. 53, 57. - Their proceedings respecting a slander against Knox, ii. 94, 322. - Remonstrate against the suspension of Knox, ii. 137‒8. - - _Edward_ VI. of England. - Proposed marriage between Queen Mary and, i. 39. - Knox made a chaplain to, i. 86. - Offers Knox a bishopric, i. 95, 100‒1. - His plan for improving the English church, i. 107, 405‒10. - State of his court, i. 108. - Spirited conduct of his chaplains, i. 109, 410. - Last Sermon of Knox before him, i. 110. - Distress of Knox at his death, i. 111. - Knox’s prayer after his death, i. 412. - - _Elder_, John. - Convicted of heresy, i. 359. - - _Elders_, Ruling. - Appointed at an early period of the Reformation, i. 227. - In the foreign churches in London, i. 406. - Their office in the church of Scotland, ii. 6. - - _Elizabeth_, Queen of England. - Refuses to allow Knox to pass through England, i. 236. - Her impolitic severity to the English exiles at Geneva, i. 238. - Her lenity to the Papists, i. 238. - Grants a safe conduct to Knox’s wife, i. 282. - Knox apologizes to her for his Blast, i. 287. - She resolves to assist the Congregation, i. 288‒90. - Sends an army to their assistance, i. 317. - Obtains advantageous terms of peace for them, i. 319. - Her personal aversion to the Scottish war, i. 456. - Knox’s opinion of her religious principles, ii. 148. - - _England._ - State of the Reformation in, under Henry VIII., i. 44‒5. - Knox arrives in, i. 78. - State of religion in, under Edward VI., i. 78‒9. - Popery restored in, i. 118‒19. - Knox leaves, i. 120. - Knox’s Admonition to, i. 137, 152. - Persecution in, i. 138. - Exiles from, i. 141‒2. - Knox visits his sons in, ii. 147. - Carries a letter to the bishops of, ii. 148. - - _England_, Church of. - Knox’s reasons for refusing a fixed charge in, i. 98. - Refuses a bishopric in, i. 100, 204. - His sentiments respecting {473} the government and worship of, - i. 101‒5. - Private opinions of the reformers of, similar to Knox’s, - i. 105‒6, 400‒5. - - _England_, Privy Council of. - Employ Knox to preach, i. 80. - Confer on him marks of approbation, i. 90. - Knox honourably acquitted by, i. 92, 95. - Offer Knox the living of All Hallows, i. 98‒100. - They petition Elizabeth to assist the Congregation, i. 442. - - _Errol_, William Earl of. - An early friend of the Reformation, i. 34, 376. - - _Erskine_, Lord. - Attends Knox’s sermons, i. 177. - Invites him to return to Scotland, i. 196. - Refuses to assist the Congregation, i. 278; ii. 425. - See _Mar_, Earl of. - - _Erskine_, John, of Dun. - Greek language first patronised by, i. 6. - Reformed sentiments embraced by, i. 35. - He attends Knox’s Sermons at Edinburgh, i. 173. - Takes him to Dun, i. 177. - Favours the preachers, i. 233‒7, 447. - Made superintendent of Angus and Mearns, ii. 7, 46. - Soothes Queen Mary, ii. 90. - Her good opinion of him, ii. 133. - His letters to Regent Mar, ii. 346. - Verses on, ii. 444. - - _Exercise_, Weekly. - What, ii. 8, 285. - Practised in England, ib. - - _Exhorters._ - ii. 7. - - _Exiles. - Scottish, i. 369‒74. - - - F - - _Fagius_, Paul. - i. 79. - - _Fairley_ of Braid. - His attention to Knox during his last illness, ii. 221, 227. - - _Fergusson_, David. - Summoned for heresy, i. 446. - Improves the Scottish language, ii. 18, 298. - Knox’s recommendation to his sermon, ii. 210. - Extracts from it, ii. 287‒9. - His character, ii. 298‒301. - Verses on, ii. 462. - - _Field_, John. - His commendation of Knox, ii. 240. - - _Fife_, John. - Embraces the reformed sentiments, i. 31. - Account of, i. 371. - - _Fleming_, James. - Marries one of Knox’s daughters, ii. 269. - - _Flescheour_, Alexander. - Convicted of heresy, i. 361. - - _Forman_, bishop of Murray. - Says grace before the Pope, i. 19. - - _Forrest_, David. - Knox lodges with, ii. 46. - - _Forrest_, Henry. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. - Account of, i. 354. - - _Forrest_, Thomas, vicar of Dollar. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. - Account of, i. 355. - - _Forrester_, Robert. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. - Account of, i. 355, 365. - - _Foster_, (Forester,) William. - Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 365. - - _Fox_, John, the martyrologist. - i. 146, 156. - Disapproves of Knox’s Blast, i. 219. - Knox’s letter to, ii. 452. - - _France._ - Knox carried prisoner to, i. 67. - His apology for the persecuted Protestants in, i. 200‒2. - Knox preaches in, i. 202. - {474} Designs of, against Scotland and England, i. 241‒2. - Sends troops to the assistance of the Queen Regent, i. 283. - Persecution against the Protestants in, ii. 48. - Bartholomew massacre in, ii. 215‒16. - Distress of Knox at this, ii. 216. - His denunciation against the King of, ii. 217. - - _France_, Galleys of. - Knox confined in, i. 67‒8. - His conduct in, i. 69, 71, 87. - - _Frankfort_ on the Maine. - English exiles obtain a place of worship at, i. 142. - Knox called to be minister at, i. 143, 414. - Dissensions about the English liturgy at, i. 144. - Moderation of Knox in these, i. 146, 149. - Knox accused of treason to magistrates of, i. 151. - Knox leaves, i. 155. - Disputes continue at, i. 156. - - _Fullerton_, Adam. - ii. 390. - - - G - - _Galloway_, Bishop of. - See _Gordon_. - - _Galloway_, Patrick. - Defends the Scottish reformers, ii. 242. - - _Gardiner_, bishop of Winchester. - Cruelty of, i. 138. - - _Gau_, John. - i. 376. - - _Geneva._ - Knox visits, i. 134. - He studies at, i. 139. - Is invited to be pastor to the English church in, i. 187. - Leaves it for Scotland, i. 197. - Returns to, i. 203. - Knox obtains the freedom of the city, i. 236. - He leaves it finally, ib. - Cherishes the desire of returning to, ii. 162. - See _Bible_. - - _Geneva_, Church of. - Knox did not derive his first ideas of ecclesiastical polity - from, i. 101. - Scottish church differed in some points from, i. 102. - - _Geneva_, Order of. - Its composition, i. 146. - Time of its introduction into Scotland, i. 439. - Difference between it and English liturgy, i. 440. - Worship generally conducted according to it in Scotland, ii. 9. - - _Gifford._ - Knox supposed to have been born at, i. 1, 335. - - _Giffordgate._ - See _Haddington_. - - _Gilby_, Anthony. - i. 146, 187, 219; ii. 366‒7. - - _Glasgow_, University of. - Knox studies at, i. 3, 339. - Extracts from records of, i. 340‒2. - - _Glencairn_, Alexander, Earl of. - An early friend of the Reformation, i. 34. - The sacrament celebrated by Knox at his house, i. 179. - Presents a letter from Knox to the Queen Regent, i. 186. - Invites Knox to return to Scotland, i. 196. - Remonstrates with the Queen Regent, i. 253. - Comes to the assistance of the Protestants, i. 261. - Visits Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 226. - Reforms the churches at Glasgow, ii. 423. - - _Glencairn_, William Earl of, father to the former. - An early friend of the Reformation, i. 35. - See _Cuninghame_, Andrew. - - _Glenorchy_, laird of. - A hearer of Knox, i. 188. - - _Goodman_, Christopher. - Colleague to Knox at Geneva, i. 187, 194, 219, {475} 255, 293. - Comes to Scotland, i. 282; ii. 389. - An extraordinary member of privy council, i. 298. - Returns to England, ii. 138. - Further account of, ii. 177, 331‒4. - Knox’s letter to, ii. 401. - Verses on, ii. 459. - - _Gordon_, bishop of Galloway. - One of the protestant privy counsellors, i. 298. - Disappointed in his expectations of being made superintendent, - ii. 80, 82. - Occupies Knox’s pulpit, ii. 189. - Vindicates the Queen’s authority, ib. - - _Gourlay_, Norman. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. - Account of, i. 354. - - _Government_, Female. - Its incongruity when joined with ecclesiastical supremacy, - i. 435‒6. - Resolution of a committee of the Scottish parliament against, - ii. 334. - See _Blast_. - - _Government_, Political. - Influence of the Reformation on, i. 299‒303. - Knox’s sentiments respecting, i. 303‒6, 460‒4. - - _Grange_, Laird of. - See _Kircaldy_. - - _Greek_ language. - Its introduction into Scotland and progress, i. 5, 6, 343‒7; - ii. 315. - - _Grindal_, Archbishop of Canterbury. - Approves of presbyterian ordination, i. 56. - His sermons before the court, i. 410‒12. - - _Guillame_, Thomas. - Chaplain to the Regent Arran, instructs Knox in the reformed - doctrine, i. 40. - Retires into England, i. 41. - Verses on, ii. 456. - - - H - - _Haddington._ - Knox born in Giffordgate of, i. 1, 336. - Educated at grammar school of, i. 3. - - _Haddon_, James. - i. 411. - - _Hamilton_, Archibald. - His opposition to Knox, ii. 192. - His apostasy, ii. 194. - His calumnies against Knox, ii. 323. - His calumnies against Buchanan, ii. 297. - His account of Knox’s death, ii. 351. - - _Hamilton_, Gavin, abbot of Kilwinning. - Intercourse between Knox and, ii. 173. - His negotiations at Rome, ii. 291. - - _Hamilton_, James, of Bothwelhaugh. - Assassinates the Regent Murray, ii. 165‒8. - - _Hamilton_, James, of Kincavil. - Convicted of heresy, i. 369. - - _Hamilton_, John, archbishop of St Andrews. - Persecutes Knox, i. 44. - Persecutes the protestants as enemies to the state, i. 161. - His Catechism, i. 166, 418. - His correspondence with the Earl of Argyle, i. 230. - Puts Walter Mill to death, i. 232. - Reconciliation between him and the Queen Regent, i. 246. - Between him and archbishop Beatoun, i. 249. - Opposes Knox’s preaching at St Andrew’s, i. 265; ii. 388. - His sermon, i. 279. - Restored to his jurisdiction by Queen Mary, ii. 149. - Accessory to the Regent Murray’s murder, ii. 168. - Is executed, ii. 195. - Correspondence with Rome, ii. 291. - - _Hamilton_, John, a secular priest. - His ridiculous stories concerning the reformers, ii. 327‒9. - -{476} - _Hamilton_, Robert. - His calumny against Knox, ii. 192. - - _Hamilton_, Patrick. - Reproves the corruptions of the clergy, i. 27. - Travels to Germany, i. 28. - Suffers martyrdom in Scotland, i. 29. - Verses on, ii. 454. - - _Harlow_, William. - Preaches in England, i. 169. - Preaches in Scotland, i. 170, 233. - Tried for heresy, i. 253, 257, 447‒8. - Becomes minister of the West Kirk, ii. 52, 347. - - _Harrison_, James. - Embraces the reformed sentiments, and leaves Scotland, i. 31. - Account of, i. 374. - - _Hay_, George. - His answer to the abbot of Crossraguell’s mass, ii. 62, 64, - 313‒16. - Verses on, ii. 462. - - _Hay_, Andrew. - Joins the reformed preachers, i. 320. - - _Hay_, James. - Convicted of heresy, i. 361. - - _Hebrew_ language. - Knox acquires the knowledge of, i. 6, 139. - Studied in Scotland, ii. 15, 291‒5. - - _Henderson_, Henry, (master of the grammar school of Edinburgh). - Suffers martyrdom, i. 359. - - _Henry VIII._ of England. - Presses the marriage of his son and the Queen of Scots, i. 39. - His partial reformation disliked by the Scottish reformers, - i. 44‒6. - - _Hepburn_, John, prior. - Storms the episcopal Castle of St Andrews, i. 15. - - _Herries_, Lord. - See _Maxwell_. - - _Herriot_, Adam, a friar of St Andrews. - Joins the reformed preachers, i. 319‒20. - - _Hickman_, Mr. - i. 114; ii. 394. - - _Hooper_, Bishop. - i. 149, 400‒1. - - _Hope_, Edward. - ii. 390. - - _Hume_, Mr. - His remarks on Knox’s account of the assassination of Beatoun, - i. 384‒7. - His representation of the rudeness of Scotland, ii. 17. - His misrepresentations of the Scottish reformers, ii. 247‒8. - His account of the conduct of Knox to Mary, ii. 319‒22. - - _Huncan_, (Duncan?) James. - Convicted of heresy, i. 359. - - _Huntly_, Earl of. - His insurrection, ii. 58. - - _Hutcheson_, Sir John. - Convicted of heresy, i. 367. - - J - - _James V._ - Refuses to proscribe the protestants, i. 35. - Persecution during the reign of, i. 354‒67. - Letter against heresy in Aberdeen by, ii. 427. - - _James VI._ - Knox preaches at coronation of, ii. 155. - His prejudices against the Scottish reformers, ii. 241‒3. - Conversation between him and one of Knox’s daughters, ii. 273‒4. - - _Jameson_, Margaret. - Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 366. - - _Jerome._ - Influence of his writings on Knox, i. 13. - -{477} - - _Jewel_, Bishop. - His opinion of episcopacy and ceremonies, i. 301, 303. - Disapproves of Knox’s book on female government, ii. 396. - - _Johnston_ of Elphingston. - ii. 228. - - _Johnston_, John. - Writer in Edinburgh, ii. 390. - - _Johnston, St._ - See _Perth_. - - _Johnston_, William, advocate. - An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35. - - _Jonston_, John, of St Andrew’s. - His verses on Scottish Reformers, ii. 454‒62. - - - K - - _Kennedy_, Quintin. - His answer to Knox’s defence before Tonstal, i. 398. - His Compendious Tractive, ii. 60. - Challenges Willock to a dispute on the Mass, ii. 62. - Dispute between Knox and, ii. 62‒73. - Farther account of his writings, ii. 311‒16. - See _Hay_, George. - - _Kennedy_, Quintin. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. - Account of, i. 355, 376. - - _Ker_, Sir Andrew, of Fadounside. - Marries Knox’s widow, ii. 269, 352, 356. - - _Kethe_, William. - ii. 331‒2. - - _Kilmaurs_, Lord. - See _Glencairn_, Alexander. - - _Kineancleugh._ - See _Campbell_. - - _Kircaldy_, William, of Grange. - An active agent of the Congregation, i. 284. - Excommunicated for the slaughter of Cardinal Beatoun, i. 360. - Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh for the Regent, ii. 180. - His defection, ii. 181. - Knox involved in a personal quarrel with, ii. 182‒3. - Offers Knox a guard, ii. 188. - Knox’s dying message to, ii. 224. - Knox’s testimony to his former zeal, ii. 393. - - _Knollys_, Sir Francis. - His account of the protestant worship in Scotland, i. 440. - - _Knox_, Sir Francis, father of the Reformer. - His parentage, and situation in life, i. 2, 337‒8. - - _Knox_, Eleazar, son to the Reformer. - Account of, ii. 209, 268. - - _Knox_, Elizabeth, the Reformer’s daughter. - Her fortitude at her husband’s trial, ii. 269, 271. - Conversation between James VI. and, ii. 273‒4. - Her testament, ii. 417. - See _Welch_. - - _Knox_, Margaret, the Reformer’s daughter. - ii. 269. - - _Knox_, Martha, the Reformer’s daughter. - ii. 269. - - _Knox_, Nathanael, son to the Reformer. - Account of, ii. 209, 268. - - _Knox_, Paul. - ii. 416. - - _Knox_, William, brother to the Reformer, and minister of Cockpen. - i. 90‒1. - - _Knox_, of Ranferly. - i. 2, 235, 237. - - _Kyd_, Thomas. - Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362. - - _Kyllor_, a friar. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. - Account of, i. 355, 376. - - -{478} - L - - _Laing_, James. - His calumnies against Knox, ii. 325‒6. - And against other reformers, ii. 326‒9. - - _Lambert_ of Avignon. - Patrick Hamilton studies under him at Marburg, i. 29. - - _Lambert_, John. - Degraded from the priesthood, i. 363. - - _Langniddrie, chapel at._ - Called Knox’s Kirk, i. 43. - See _Douglas_, Hugh. - - _Lasco_, John A. - Character of, i. 406. - His account of the foreign churches in London, i. 406‒8. - His account of Edward VI.’s plan for the gradual reformation of - the church of England, i. 408‒10. - - _Latin._ - Schools in Scotland, i. 4, 5. - - _Latimer_, Bishop. - i. 88, 109, 411. - - _Lawson_, James, sub‑principal of the University of Aberdeen. - Chosen colleague to Knox, ii. 214. - Knox’s letter of invitation to, ii. 214‒15. - Knox preaches for the last time at the admission of, ii. 217‒18. - Teaches Hebrew at St Andrew’s, ii.294. - His exertions in establishing the High School of Edinburgh, - ii. 295. - Verses on, ii. 461. - - _Leith._ - Queen Regent takes possession of, i. 277. - Fortified by Regent Lennox, ii. 190. - Convention at, ii. 198. - - _Lennox_, Earl of. - Made Regent, ii. 181. - Is killed, ii. 196‒7. - - _Leslie_, Normand. - i. 161, 360. - - _Lethington._ - See _Maitland_, William. - - _Level_, George. - ii. 389. - - _Lever_, Thomas. - i. 411. - - _Lewis XIII._ of France. - Interview between John Welch and, ii. 271‒2. - - _Liberty_, civil. - Popery unfriendly to, i. 299. - Influence of the reformation on, i. 301. - Knox attached to, i. 303. - - _Lindores_, Abbey of. - i. 270; ii. 389. - - _Lindsay_, Lord. - ii. 226, 341. - - _Lindsay_, Sir David, of the Mount. - An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35. - Influence of his poems on the reformation, i. 49, 210, 377, 382. - Urges Knox to become a preacher, i. 52. - - _Literature_, State of. - In Scotland, i. 3‒6. - Influence of the reformation on, ii. 10, 13‒14. - See _Greek_ and _Hebrew_. - - _Liturgy_, English. - Knox employed in the revisal of, i. 87, 399. - Dissensions at Frankfort about, i. 4‒60. - Opinion of early bishops concerning, i. 402. - Whether used in Scotland at the beginning of the reformation, - i. 437‒41. - - _Liturgy_, Knox’s. - See _Geneva_, Order of. - - _Locke_, Mr. - Knox lodges in the house of, i. 114, 195. - - _Locke_, Mrs Anne. - Knox’s letters to, i. 255; ii. 387‒394. - -{479} - _Logie_, Gawin, principal of St Leonard’s college. - An early reformer, i. 30. - Leaves the kingdom, i. 31, 369. - - _Logie_, Robert. - i. 370. - - _London._ - Knox summoned to, i. 93. - Preaches in, i. 95‒7. - - _Lorn_, Lord. - See _Argyle_, young Earl of. - - _Lovell_, or _Levell_, George. - i. 253, 357, 446‒8; ii. 389. - - _Lovell_, James. - Convicted of heresy, i. 366. - - _Lowett_, (Lovell?) George. - Pursued for heresy, i. 357. - - _Luther._ - Anecdotes of, i. 20, 100. - His apologies, i. 285. - Comparison between Knox and, ii. 260. - - - M - - _Macbee_, (_Maccabæus_,) John. - Embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged to leave the - kingdom, i. 31. - Made professor at Copenhagen, i. 372. - His proper name, M‘Alpine, i. 373. - Verses on, ii. 440. - - _Macbray_, (Macbraire,) John. - An early reformer, i. 31, 373, 414; ii. 292. - - _Macdowal_, John. - An early reformer, i. 81, 373. - - _Maitland_, Thomas. - Author of a fabricated conference between Knox and the Regent - Murray, ii. 174. - Insults over the Regent’s death, ii. 175. - - _Maitland_, William, of Lethington. - Attends Knox’s sermons at Edinburgh, i. 173. - Reasoning between Knox and, i. 175; ii. 42‒3, 112‒28. - His conduct at Knox’s trial, ii. 98, 105. - Defends Knox’s prayers, ii. 138. - His defection from the Regent Murray, ii. 167, 223‒4. - - _Major_, John. - Knox’s education under, i. 7, 339. - Political and religious sentiments of, i. 7‒9. - Present at Knox’s first sermon, i. 61. - - _Mar_, Countess of. - ii. 12. - - _Mar_, Earl of. - Made Regent, ii. 196. - His death, ii. 226. - See _Erskine_, Lord. - - _Marischal_, Earl. - Suspected by the clergy, i. 36. - Favours Knox, i. 183. - Remains neutral in the contest between Queen Regent and the - Congregation, i. 263. - Knox sends salutations to him, ii. 401. - - _Marsiliers_, Pierre de. - Teaches Greek at Montrose, i. 345. - - _Martyrs_, Scottish. - i. 354‒369. - - _Martyr_, Peter. - i. 78‒9. - - _Mary_, Queen of England. - Proclaimed, i. 112. - His prayer for, i. 113, 412. - Her cruelty, i. 138. - This promotes the reformation in Scotland, i. 169. - Manner in which the English Exiles spoke of, i. 415. - - _Mary_, of Guise, Queen Dowager of Scotland. - Her intriguing spirit, i. 39. - Favours the Reformers, i. 168. - The protestant barons petition her, i. 233. - Her dissimulation, i. 245‒6, 257. - {480} Prohibits the protestant preachers, i. 252. - Summons them to Stirling, i. 254. - Proclaims Knox an outlaw, i. 256. - Advances with an army to Perth, i. 260. - Violates the treaty of Perth, i. 262; ii. 387. - Offers a reward for Knox’s head, i. 294. - Knox advises her suspension, i. 297. - Reflections on this, i. 298. - Her death, i. 318‒19. - Remarks on Dr Robertson’s account of her conduct, i. 444. - - _Mary_, Queen of Scots. - Her proposed marriage with Edward VI. defeated, i. 39. - Married to the Dauphin, i. 39, 77. - Refuses to ratify the acts of Scots Parliament, ii. 21. - Arrives in Scotland, ii. 22. - Her education, and prejudices against the protestant religion, - ib. - Popular alarm at her setting up mass, ii. 24. - Resolves to punish Knox, ii. 30. - Interview between Knox and, ii. 31‒40. - Second interview between Knox and, ii. 48‒52. - Third interview between Knox and, ii. 77‒82. - Her artifice, ii. 82‒3. - Prevails on the Parliament not to ratify the reformed religion, - ii. 83‒5. - Fourth interview between Knox and, ii. 88‒92. - Her conduct at Knox’s trial by the Council, ii. 95‒106. - Writes to the Pope, and Council of Trent, ii. 110‒11. - Knox’s form of prayer for, ii. 113‒16. - Marries Lord Darnley, ii. 130‒1. - Resolves on restoring the Popish worship, ii. 143, 305. - Banishes Knox from Edinburgh, ii. 147. - Restores archbishop Hamilton, ii. 149. - Her alienation from her husband, ii. 151. - Her participation in the murder of her husband, ii. 150‒2. - Her marriage with Bothwell, ii. 153‒4. - Her imprisonment and resignation, ii. 154‒5. - Knox vindicates his not praying for her, ii. 185. - - _Maxwell_, Master of. - i. 440; ii. 98. - - _Melville_, Andrew. - i. 345; ii. 242, 295. - - _Melville_, Sir James. - Strictures on his memoirs, i. 445. - On his account of Regent Murray, ii. 338, 341. - - _Melville_, James. - His account of Knox’s pulpit eloquence, ii. 205‒6. - - _Melville_, Sir John, of Raith. - An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35. - Is executed, i. 162. - - _Methven_, Paul. - One of the protestant ministers, i. 233, 253, 447‒8. - Excommunicated, ii. 74‒6. - - _Mill_, Walter. - His martyrdom, i. 231. - - _Milton_, John. - His eulogy of Knox, i. 464. - - _Monasteries_, Scottish. - Their number and degeneracy, i. 17‒18, 348‒9. - Causes of their demolition at Perth, i. 257, 268. - Apology for this measure, i. 270‒6. - Lamentation over, i. 449. - Loss sustained by their demolition, i. 450‒6. - - _Monteith_, Earl of. - Joins the Congregation, i. 263, ii. 423. - - _Montgomery_, Robert. - Joins the reformed preachers, i. 320. - - _Montrose._ - Greek early taught in, i. 6, 343. - Early provided with a minister, i. 283. - - _Morrison_, John. - i. 56. - - _Morton_, Earl of. - Accused of simony, ii. 198. - His interview with Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 225‒6. - Elected Regent, ii. 226. - His eulogium on Knox, ii. 234. - His attention to Knox’s family, ii. 268. - -{481} - _Murray_, Earl of. - In favour with Mary, ii. 58. - Variance between Knox and, ii. 85‒6. - Endeavours to intimidate Knox, ii. 98. - Defends Knox, ii. 107. - Is outlawed, ii. 132‒3. - Returns from banishment, ii. 145. - Appointed Regent, ii. 157. - His favour to the protestant church, ii. 160‒1. - Is assassinated, ii. 165, 167. - His character, ii. 168‒70. - Distress of Knox at his death, ii. 172‒4. - Fabricated conference between Knox and, ii. 174. - Knox’s sermon before his funeral, ii. 177. - Remarks on Dr Robertson’s character of, ii. 335‒43. - Epitaph, and verses on, ii. 343‒5. - Prayer used by Knox after the death of, ii. 402. - Letter to General Assembly by, ii. 404. - See _Stewart_, Lord James. - - _Murray_, Patrick, of Tibbermuir. - i. 447. - - _Murray_, Sir William, of Tullybardine. - ii. 355. - - - N - - _Newcastle_ upon Tyne. - Knox preaches at, i. 83, 86, 95. - Knox offered the bishopric of, i. 100. - - _Northumberland_, Duke of. - Offended at Knox, i. 92‒3. - - - O - - _Ochiltree_, Lord. - Knox marries the daughter of, ii. 109. - See _Stewart_, Walter, and Margaret. - - _Ormiston_, Laird of. - See _Cockburn_. - - - P - - _Parliament_, Scottish. - Protestant confession ratified by, i. 328‒31. - Their indifference about the security of the protestant - religion, ii. 83. - Knox prepares overtures for, ii. 158, 334. - Receives a commission from, ii. 159. - See _Bible_ and _Reformation_. - - _Parkhurst_, Bishop. - i. 171, 400‒4. - - _Paterson_, John. - Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362. - - _Paterson_, Robert. - Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362. - - _Patritz_, John. - i. 233. - - _Perth._ - Demolition of monasteries at, i. 257. - Queen Regent threatens, i. 260. - Violates the treaty of, i. 262; ii. 387. - A minister settled in, i. 283. - Hebrew first taught at, ii. 16, 293. - Verses on the grammar school of, ii. 294. - See _Simson_, Andrew. - - _Pillour_, Laurence. - Convicted of heresy, i. 359. - - _Pitmilly_, Laird of. - i. 360. - - _Pittarrow_, Laird of. - See _Wishart_, Sir John. - - _Poetry._ - Its influence in promoting the reformation, i. 33‒4, 374‒380. - - _Ponet_, Bishop. - Similarity of his political sentiments to Knox’s, ii. 333. - - _Pont_, Robert. - ii. 269, 285. - Extracts from his sermons, ii. 289. - Account of, ii. 347‒8, 356, 406. - - _Popery._ - State of, in Scotland, i. 14. - Sanguinary spirit of, ii. 26‒7, 306‒7. - Preparations for its restoration in Scotland, ii. 143. - -{482} - _Portfield_, ――――. - ii. 406. - - _Presbytery._ - Early state of, ii. 8, 9. - - _Preston_, Dr. - Attends Knox in his last illness, ii. 229, 231. - - _Prophesying._ - See _Exercise_, Weekly. - - _Protestant_ Lords. - Invite Knox to return from Geneva, i. 196. - Repent of this, i. 197. - Knox animates them by his letters, i. 198. - His advice to them respecting resistance, i. 212‒14. - Renew their invitation to Knox, i. 226. - Petition the Queen Regent, i. 233, 441. - Resolve on decisive measures, i. 263. - Their aversion to the Book of Discipline, ii. 12, 13. - - _Protestant_ Preachers. - Summoned to Stirling, i. 254. - Knox resolves to accompany them, i. 256. - Outlawed, i. 257. - Released, i. 277. - Their exertions during the civil war, i. 319. - Their increase, i. 320. - - - R - - _Randolph_, the English ambassador. - His account of Knox’s preaching, ii. 41. - His letter respecting Knox’s History, ii. 359. - Knox’s confidential communications with, ii. 402. - - _Readers._ - Their temporary employment, ii. 6, 282. - - _Reformation_ in Scotland. - Urgent necessity of, i. 24‒5. - Causes of its progress, i. 32, 34. - Early embraced by nobles and gentry, i. 35. - Spreads in the University of St Andrews, i. 30, 37. - Laws against, i. 37‒8, 163. - Embraced by Knox, i. 38. - Languishing state of, i. 160‒68. - Causes of its revival, i. 168‒71. - Progress of, i. 190, 226. - Its influence on civil liberty, i. 301‒14. - Established by Parliament, i. 330. - Knox’s History of, ii. 358. - See _Church_, Protestant. - - _Reformers_, English. - Approve of Knox’s call to the ministry, i. 55. - Dislike many things in their ecclesiastical establishment, - i. 105, 400‒5. - Their opinion of Knox, ii. 239‒40. - - _Religion._ - Corrupt form of it in Scotland before the Reformation, i. 14‒24. - - _Resistance_ to civil rulers. - Knox’s advice respecting, i. 212‒4. - Doctrine of the New Testament respecting, i. 308‒12. - Knox vindicates it before Queen Mary, ii. 35‒6. - Debate between Knox and Maitland concerning, ii. 117‒25. - Craig’s account of a dispute on, at Bologna, ii. 126‒7. - See _Government_, Political. - - _Richardson_, Robert. - Embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged to leave - Scotland, i. 31. - Account of, i. 374. - - _Ridley_, Bishop. - His testimony to Knox, i. 411. ii. 240. - - _Rizzio_, David. - Assassination of, ii. 144. - - _Robertson_, Dr. - Remarks on his account of the Queen Regent’s conduct to the - protestants, i. 444. - On his character of Queen Mary, ii. 248‒9. - On his character of Regent Murray, ii. 335‒43. - - _Robeson_, John. - Convicted of heresy, i. 358. - -{483} - _Rollock_, George. - ii. 389. - - _Rollock_, James. - Convicted of heresy, i. 358, 359, 365. - - _Rollock_, Richard. - Convicted of heresy, i. 362. - - _Rothes_, Earl of. - Joins the Congregation, i. 263; ii. 423. - - _Rough_, John. - A friar, embraces the Reformation, i. 51‒2. - His solemn charge to Knox to undertake the ministry, i. 53. - Knox assists him in a dispute, i. 58. - Summoned before the clergy, i. 62. - Is martyred in England, i. 67. - Verses on, ii. 456. - - _Row_, John. - Account of, ii. 15. - Teaches Hebrew at Perth, ii. 16. - Further account of, ii. 291‒3. - Verses on, ii. 461. - - _Row_, son to the above. - His early proficiency in Hebrew, ii. 294. - His epitaph, ii. 301. - - _Russel_, Jerom. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. - Account of, i. 355. - - _Ruthven_, Lilias, daughter to Lord Ruthven. - An early favourer of the Reformation, i. 35. - - _Ruthven_, Lord. - An early favourer of the Reformation, i. 35. - - _Ruthven_, Lord, son to the former. - Joins the Congregation, i. 263. - His son visits Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 226. - - - S - - _Sadler_, Sir Ralph. - Ambassador from Henry VIII., i. 45. - Carries on the correspondence with the Congregation, i. 288. - Greek motto of, i. 344. - - _Sandilands_, Sir James. - An early favourer of the Reformation, i. 35. - Knox dispenses the sacrament in the house of, i. 176. - A petition to the Queen Regent presented by, i. 234, 441. - - _Seatoun_, Alexander. - Embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged to leave - Scotland, i. 31. - Account of, i. 370. - - _Scotland._ - State of literature in, at commencement of the Reformation, - i. 3‒6. - State of Religion in, i. 14‒24. - - _Scottish language_, cultivation of. - By the reformers, ii. 18, 298. - - _Scrimger_, Henry. - i. 346. - - _Session_, Kirk. - What, ii. 8. - - _Session_, Court of. - Robert Pont one of the judges of, ii. 347. - - _Simson_, Andrew, master of the grammar school of Perth. - i. 5. - Anecdote respecting the scholars of, i. 377. - See _Dunbar_. - - _Simson_, Duncan. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. - Account of, i. 354, 357, 363. - - _Simson_, Patrick. - Teaches Greek at Spot, i. 346. - - _Sinclair._ - The name of Knox’s mother, i. 2. - - _Sinclair_, Bishop of Ross. - Informs against Knox, ii. 97. - Votes for his acquittal, ii. 105. - - _Smeton_, Thomas. - His learning, i. 347. - His account of Knox’s last illness and death, ii. 219. - His character of Knox, ii. 238‒9. - His Hebrew literature, ii. 295. - - _Somerset_, Protector of England. - His fall lamented by Knox, i. 92. - -{484} - _Somerville_, Lord. - His vote against protestant confession, i. 330. - - _Spotswood_, John. - Favours the Reformation, i. 177. - Joins the preachers, i. 320. - Made superintendent of Lothian, ii. 7, 47. - - _Spotswood_, Archbishop. - His commendation of Knox, ii. 244. - His account of the Book of Discipline, ii. 283‒4. - - _Stewart_, Archibald. - Visits Knox on his death‑bed, ii. 221. - - _Stewart_, Lord James, Prior of St Andrews. - Attends Knox’s sermons, i. 177. - Invites Knox to return to Scotland, i. 196. - Joins the Congregation, i. 263‒4. - Proofs of his loyalty, i. 458. - Created Earl of Murray, ii. 58. - See _Murray_, Earl of. - - _Stewart_, John, son to Lord Methven. - An early favourer of the reformation, i. 35. - Convicted of heresy, i. 367. - - _Stewart_, Margaret, daughter of Lord Ochiltree. - Married to Knox, ii. 109, 220, 268, 410, 415. - Married to Sir A. Ker of Fadounside, ii. 268, 353. - Copy of Knox’s letters in her possession, ii. 372. - - _Stewart_, Walter, son to Lord Ochiltree. - Convicted of heresy, i. 360, 362. - - _Stewart_, William. - Translator for the kirk, ii. 355. - - _Stirling._ - Demolition of the monasteries at, i. 268; ii. 425. - A minister early settled in, i. 283. - - _Story_, Dr. - His defence of Mary’s persecution, i. 239. - - _Straiton_, David. - Suffers martyrdom, i. 31. - Account of, i. 353, 358, 363. - - _Straiton_, of Lauriston. - An early friend of the Reformation, i. 35. - - _Sudderland_, Nicoll. - ii. 406. - - _Superintendents._ - Bishops so called in England, i. 401. - Their office in the foreign churches in London, i. 406. - Difference between diocesan bishops and, ii. 283‒4. - - _Switzerland._ - Knox visits, i. 132. - - _Syme_, James. - i. 173, 196. - - _Synods_, Provincial. - What, ii. 9 - - - T - - _Testament_ of Knox. - ii. 410‒16. - - _Testament_ of Mrs Welch. - ii. 417. - - _Throkmorton_, Sir Nicholas. - i. 281, 457; ii. 157. - - _Thou_, De. - His character of Regent Murray, ii. 341‒2. - - _Tonstal_, Bishop of Durham. - Character of, i. 81‒2, 238. - Knox’s defence before, i. 83‒4, 395‒9. - - _Tremellius_, Emanuel. - i. 79. - - _Tulchan_ Bishops. - ii. 200. - - _Tyrie_, John. - Knox’s answer to, ii. 207‒9. - - - V - - _Vaus_, John, rector of the school of Aberdeen. - i. 4, 5. - -{485} - _Venable_, John. - Reformer of Dieppe, i. 203. - - _Visitors_ of churches. - What, ii. 7. - - - W - - _Wallace_, Adam. - His martyrdom, i. 162; ii. 292. - - _Wannand_, Alexander. - Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362. - - _Wedderburn_, James. - Author of satires against the popish clergy, i. 376. - Verses on, ii. 457. - - _Wedderburn_, Gilbert. - Convicted of heresy, i. 357, 362. - - _Wedderburn_, John. - Convicted of heresy, i. 358‒9. - - _Wedderburn_, John and Robert. - Authors of Psalms and Godly Ballads, i. 378. - Verses on, ii. 457. - - _Welch_, John. - Marries one of Knox’s daughters, ii. 269. - Is found guilty of treason, ii. 270‒1. - Interview between Lewis XIII. and, ii. 272. - See _Knox_, Elizabeth. - - _Whitlaw_, Alexander, of Greenrig. - i. 282, 287; ii. 394. - - _Whittingham_, Dean of Durham. - Ordained at Geneva, i. 56. - A friend of Knox, i. 146, 153. - Successor to Knox at Geneva, i. 197. - Eulogium on him by the Earl of Warwick, i. 432‒3. - - _Williams._ - See _Guillaume_. - - _Willock-, John. - Returns to Scotland, i. 170. - Preaches privately, i. 171, 173. - Leaves Scotland, i. 175. - Returns and joins the protestant preachers, i. 233. - Tried for heresy, i. 253, 257, 447‒8. - Officiates for Knox in Edinburgh, i. 279. - His advice respecting the suspension of the Queen Regent, i. 297. - Made a member of the extraordinary Privy Council, i. 298. - His stipend, i. 308, ii. 355. - Made superintendent of Glasgow, ii. 7. - Goes to England, ii. 177. - Calumny against, ib. - Pretended conversation between Knox and, ii. 316. - Verses on, ii. 459. - - _Wingate_, (Winzet,) Ninian. - Knox’s controversy with, ii. 73. - - _Winchester_ of Kinglassie, George. - Convicted of heresy, i. 162, 367. - - _Winram_, John, Sub‑prior of St Andrews. - Connives at the reformed opinions, i. 30. - His cautious behaviour, i. 62. - Joins the reformers, i. 319. - Made superintendent of Fife, i. 424; ii. 7. - His Catechism, i. 424. - Verses on, ii. 460. - - _Wishart_, George. - Banished for teaching the Greek New Testament, i. 47, 343. - Returns to Scotland, i. 41. - Knox attends, i. 42. - Is outlawed, i. 360. - Account of him by one of his scholars, i. 380. - Bears a fagot at Bristol, i. 383. - Translates the Swiss confession, i. 384. - Verses on, ii. 456. - - _Wishart_, Sir John, of Pittarrow, brother to the former. - Knox writes to, i. 200. - Made comptroller, ii. 44, 96, 354. - Knox’s letter to, ii. 400. - Davidson’s dedication to, ii. 431. - - _Wood_, John, Secretary to the Regent Murray. - Is assassinated, ii. 166. - Knox’s letters to, ii. 395, 397. - - -{486} - Z - - _Zuinglius._ - His influence with the senate of Zurich, ii. 13. - Comparison between Knox and, ii. 260. - - - THE END. - - - EDINBURGH: - PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE AND COMPANY, - PAUL’S WORK, CANONGATE. - - - - - FOOTNOTES - -— - - - 1 – Knox, Historie, p. 236. - - 2 – “Ult. Mart. 1560. Margaret Aidnam askit God and the - Congregatioun forgiveness of the adultery committed be her - w{t} William Rantoun, publiclie in the paroche kirke of - this town: John Knox beand at that tyme minister.” Records - of the Kirk Session of St Andrews. - - 3 – Records of Town Council of Edinburgh, May 8, 1560. - - 4 – Knox, Historie, p. 238. - - 5 – Knox, Historie, p. 237. - - 6 – Beza, Vita Calvini. Melch. Adami Vitæ Exter. Theolog. - p. 70, 88. Persons unfriendly to the government of the - reformed churches, have represented the opposition made - to Calvin and his brethren, as arising from their attempts - to have their discipline established by human laws, - and supported by civil penalties. This is an unfair - representation of the case. “Neque enim consentaneum est,” - says Calvin, “ut qui monitionibus nostris obtemperare - noluerint, eos ad magistratum deferamus.” Institut. Christ. - Relig. p. 434. Ludg. Batav. 1654. The dispute between him - and his opponents turned on this question, Are ministers - obliged to administer the sacraments to those whom they - judge unworthy? Or, (which amounts to the same thing,) Are - the decisions of the church‑court in such matters to be - reviewed and reversed by the civil court? Melch. Adam. ut - supra. And this will be found to have been the true state - of the question in Scotland, in the greater part of the - dissensions between the court and the church, after the - establishment of the Reformation. - - 7 – Knox, Historie, p. 237, 256. - - 8 – The names of the ministers who composed the Confession of - Faith, and the Book of Discipline, were John Winram, John - Spotswood, John Douglas, John Row, and John Knox. Ibid. - p. 256. - - 9 – Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, p.12, 16, 17. It is - probable that the meeting of assembly by which the Book - of Discipline was approved, was that which Knox calls a - convention, held on the 5th of January, 1561. Historie, - p. 261, 295. The first General Assembly appointed a meeting - to be held at that time. Buik of the Universall Kirk, - p. 3. MS. in Advocates’ Library. But there is no account - of its proceedings in that or in any other register which - I have had access to see. In the copy of the First Book of - Discipline, published (by Calderwood, I believe) in 1621, - p. 23, 70; and in Dunlop’s Confessions, vol. ii. p. 517, - 605, it is said, that the order for compiling it was given - on the 29th of April, 1560, and that it was finished by - them on the 20th of May following. But, as the civil war - was not then concluded, I have followed the account given - by Knox, who says, that it was undertaken subsequently to - the meeting of parliament in August that year. Historie, - p. 256. - - 10 – In Dunlop’s Collect. of Confessions, ii. 436, the - approbation of it is styled an act of secret council, - 25th January, 1560, _i.e._ 1561. - - 11 – Knox, Historie, p. 256, 257, 295, 296. Keith, 496, 497. - Dunlop, ii. 606‒608. - - 12 – The General Assembly had, at different times, under their - consideration the appointment of superintendents for - Jedburgh, Dumfries, Aberdeen, and Banff; but came to no - conclusion. Those actually appointed were, John Erskine - of Dun for Angus; John Winram for Fife; John Spotswood for - Lothian; John Willock for Glasgow; and John Carswell for - Argyle. Keith’s Hist. p. 511, 512, 518‒9. Carswell is not - mentioned, among the superintendents, in a curious document - recently printed; but it contains no list of the ministers - in Argyle. Register of Ministers, Exhorters, and Readers, - and of their Stipends, after the period of the Reformation, - p. 1, 2, Edinburgh, 1830. - - 13 – Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 524, 526, 545, 577, 638, 639. - - 14 – Dunlop, ii. 526. Imposition of hands was afterwards - appointed to be used by the Second Book of Discipline. - Ibid. 768‒9. - - 15 – Knox, Historie, p. 263‒266. - - 16 – For an illustration of some of these facts, see Note A. - - 17 – First Book of Discipline, chap. vii. Dunlop, ii. 547‒561. - - 18 – Knox mentions Lord Erskine, (afterwards Earl of Mar,) as - one of the chief noblemen who refused to subscribe the - discipline, and assigns two reasons for his refusal; first, - “he hes a very Jesabell to his wife,” and second, “if the - pure, the scullis, and the ministry of the kirk, had thair - awin, his kitcheing wald want twa partes and mair of that - quhilk he now injustly possesses.” Historie, p. 256. My - Lady Mar’s passion for money was well known at that time, - and is referred to in Lord Thirlstane’s “Admonitioun to my - Lord of Mar Regent,” published in Ancient Scottish Poems - from Maitland MS. p. 164. Lond. 1786: - - “Nor, to content thy marrow’s covatice, - Put not thyself in perrell for to pereis.” - - 19 – Hess, Life of Zuingle, p. 201‒207. Gerdes. i. 309. - - 20 – See Note B. - - 21 – See vol. i. p. 321. - - 22 – Row’s MS. Historie, ut sup. p. 308, 356, 372. See also - Note C. - - 23 – See Note D. - - 24 – Hume, History of England, vol. v. chap. 38, p. 51. - Lond. 1807. - - 25 – Row’s MS. p. 372. - - 26 – See Note E. - - 27 – Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 2. MS. Adv. Lib. Keith, 498. - - 28 – See Note F. - - 29 – Knox, Historie, p. 260. - - 30 – Preface to a Letter, added to An Answer to a Letter of a - Jesuit, named Tyrie, he Johne Knox.――Sanctandrois――Anno - Do. 1572. - - 31 – Calvini Epistolæ, p. 150: Oper. tom. ix. “Viduitas tua - mihi, ut debet, tristis et acerba est. Uxorem nactus eras - cui non reperiuntur passim similes,” &c. In a letter to - Christopher Goodman, written at the same time, Calvin says, - “Fratrem nostrum Knoxum, etsi non parum doleo suavissima - uxore fuisse privatum, gaudeo tamen ejus morte non ita - fuisse afflictum, quin strenue operam suam Christo et - ecclesiæ impendat.” Ibid. Calvin had lost his own wife - in 1549. Epistolæ et Responsa, p. 212‒3, 225. Hanov. 1597. - - 32 – See Note G. - - 33 – Knox, 257, 258. Buchanan, i. 326, 327. Spotswood, 150, 151. - Keith, 154, 157. - - 34 – Knox, 260. - - 35 – Mr Hume’s letter, printed in the Life of Dr Robertson: - History of Scotland, vol. i. 25. Lond. 1809. Anderson’s - Collections, vol. iv. part i. p. 71, 72, 74, 79. - - 36 – “How sone that ever her French fillokes, fidlars, and - utheris of that band, gat the hous alone, thair mycht - be sene skipping not veray comelie for honest women. - Her comune talk was in secrete, that sche saw nothing - in Scotland but gravity, quhilk repugned altogidder to - her nature, for sche was brocht up in joyeusetie.” Knox, - Historie, p. 294. - - 37 – See Note H. - - 38 – Knox, Historie, p. 284‒287. - - 39 – See Note I. - - 40 – Knox, Historie, p. 341. - - 41 – Knox, Historie, p. 282, 283, 285, 287. - - 42 – Several of the above considerations, along with others, are - forcibly stated in a letter of Maitland to Cecil, written a - short time before Queen Mary’s arrival in Scotland. Keith, - App. 92‒95. That sagacious, but supple politician was among - the first to verify some of his own predictions. That such - fears were very general in the nation appears also from a - letter of Randolph. Robertson, Append. No. 5. - - 43 – Histoire du Calvinisme et celle du Papisme mises en - Parellele; ou Apologie pour les Reformateurs, pour la - Reformation, et pour les Reformez, tome i. p. 334. A - Rotterdam, 1683, 4to. The affirmation of this writer is - completely supported by the well‑known history of Henry IV. - of France, (not to mention other instances,) whose - recantation of Calvinism, although it smoothed his way to - the throne, could not efface the indelible stigma of his - former heresy, secure the affections of his Roman catholic - subjects, or avert from his breast the consecrated poniard - of the assassin. - - 44 – Randolph to Cecil, 9th Aug. 1561, apud Robertson’s - Scotland, Appendix, No. 5, and Keith, p. 190. A letter - of Maitland to Cecil, of the same date with the above, - seems to refer to the same design; and I shall take the - opportunity of correcting (what appears to me) an error - in the transcription of this letter. “I wish to God,” says - Maitland, “the first warre may be planely intended _against - them by Knox_, for so shold it be manifest that the - suppressing of religion was ment; but I fear more she will - proceed tharunto by indirect means. And nothing for us - so dangerouse as temporising.” Haynes, p. 367. This seems - altogether unintelligible; but if the words which I have - printed in Italics be transposed, and read thus, “by them - against Knox,” they will make sense, and correspond with - the strain of the letter, and with the fact mentioned by - Randolph, in his letter to Cecil written on the same day. - Maitland expresses his fears that Mary would have recourse - to crafty measures for undermining their cause, instead - of persevering in the design which she had avowed of - prosecuting Knox. - - 45 – Knox, Historie, p. 269. - - 46 – Ibid. p. 262. - - 47 – Keith, 188. - - 48 – Knox, Historie, p. 287‒292. - - 49 – Ibid. p. 292. - - 50 – Knox, Historie, p. 292. Keith, 197. - - 51 – Letter, Knox to Cecil, 7th October, 1561: Haynes, State - Papers, p. 372. - - 52 – Randolph’s letter, in Keith, 188. In this letter, the - ambassador states some circumstances as to the first - interview between the queen and the Reformer, which are - not mentioned in Knox’s History. He “knocked so hastily - upon her heart, that he made her to weep, as well you know - there be some of that sex that will do that as well for - anger as for grief; though in this the lord James will - disagree with me. He concluded so in the end with her, that - he hath liberty to speak his conscience, [and] to give unto - her such reverence as becometh the ministers of God unto - the superior powers.” - - 53 – Haynes, 372. An epistolary correspondence was at this time - maintained between secretary Cecil and our Reformer. Keith, - 191, 192, 194. Robertson, Append. No. 5. - - 54 – Knox, Historie, p. 295‒6. - - 55 – Keith, App. 175‒179. Knox, 296‒300. - - 56 – The privy council appointed certain persons to fix the - sums which were to be appropriated to the court and to - the ministry, and also the particular salaries which were - to be allotted to individual ministers, according to the - circumstances in which they were placed. The officers - appointed for this purpose composed a board or court, under - the privy council, and was called the court of modification. - - 57 – “So busie,” says he, “and circumspect wer the modificators, - (because it was a new office, the terme must also be new,) - that the ministers should not be over‑wantoun, that an - hundred merks was sufficient to an single man, being - a commone minister: thre hundreth merks was the hiest - apoynted to any, except the superintendents and a few - utheris.” Historie, 301. “Mr Knox is not at all here - diminishing the sum,” says Keith; “for the original books - of assignation to the ministers, which now ly before me, - ascertain the truth of what he says,” p. 508. Wishart of - Pittarrow, who was comptroller of the modification, pinched - the ministers so much that it became a proverb――“The - gude laird of Petarro was an ernest professour of Christ, - bot the mekill devill receave the comptroller.” Sir John - Wishart of Pittarrow, was appointed comptroller on the 1st - of March, 1561. Reg. Sigil. Secr. lib. xxi. 5. - - 58 – Knox, Historie, p. 201‒2. - - 59 – See Extracts from the Records of the Town Council in Note K. - - 60 – Keith, p. 498. - - 61 – The form observed on that occasion, which was followed in - the admission or ordination of all the superintendents and - other ministers, is inserted at length in Knox’s Historie, - p. 263‒266; and in Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 627‒636. - - 62 – Knox, Historie, p. 270. - - 63 – Ibid. p. 328‒9. - - 64 – See Note L. - - 65 – Keith, 215. - - 66 – Knox, Historie, 305‒308, and letter to Locke, 6th May, - 1562, in Cald. MS. i. 755, 756. Spotswood, 184. - - 67 – Histoire des Martyrs, fol. 558, 559. Anno 1597. - - 68 – Knox, Historie, 308‒311. - - 69 – St Cuthberts, or the West Church, was at that time (as it - is at present) a distinct parish, of which William Harlow - was minister. There was also a minister in Canongate or - Holyroodhouse. - - 70 – Cald. MS. ii. 157. - - 71 – Records of Town Council, 26th October, 1561. - - 72 – Ibid. 10th April, 1562. - - 73 – The number of elders in the session of Edinburgh was - twelve, and of deacons sixteen. Dunlop’s Confessions, - ii. 638. - - 74 – Calderwood, apud Keith, 514. - - 75 – See Note M. - - 76 – Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 47. Spotswood, p. 463‒4. - I have chiefly followed Row’s narrative. By comparing it - with Spotswood’s, the reader will perceive that they differ - in a few unimportant circumstances. Row mentions that he - had his information from several persons who had heard - Craig himself relate the story, and particularly from his - widow, “dame Craig,” who survived her husband, and lived - in Edinburgh until 1630. Mr John Craig, minister, his wife, - Marion Small, and his eldest son, Mr William, are mentioned, - under the date 16th August, 1594, in Burgh Sas. ix. 60. - - 77 – Keith, p. 226. - - 78 – Knox, Historie, p. 302. - - 79 – Keith, 230. Knox, 321. - - 80 – Knox, 316‒318. - - 81 – The historian of the family of Gordon expressly says, that - “her majesty thought, by the earle of Huntlie his power - in the north, to get herselff fred from the hands of her - bastard brother, James, earle of Morray;” and that “the - earle of Huntlie (at the quein’s own desyre) did gather - some forces, to get her out of the earle of Murraye’s - power.” Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, - by Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun, p. 140, 141. - - 82 – Spotswood, 185. - - 83 – Knox, Historie, p. 316, 318. - - 84 – The Reasoning betwixt Jo. Knox and the abbote of - Crossraguell, fol. 4. Edinburgh, 1563. - - 85 – Kennedy, Compendius Tractive, A, iiij. - - 86 – Ibid. D, vii. - - 87 – Keith, App. 195‒199. Kennedy, in a letter to the archbishop - of Glasgow, says, “Willock, and the rest of his counsell, - labourit earnestlie to sie gif I wald admitt the scripture - onlye juge, and, be that meines, to haif maid me contrarry - to my awin buke; bot thair labouris wes in waist.――I held - me evir fast at ane grounde.” And he triumphs, that he - “draif the lymmar――to refuse the interpretation of the - doctoris allegeit be him and all utheris, bot so far as he - thocht they war agreable with the worde of God, quhilk was - as rycht nocht.” Ibid. 193, 194. - - 88 – See Note N. - - 89 – Without farther plea. - - 90 – Crawford’s Peerage of Scotland, p. 75. - - 91 – “Augustus 22――Monasterio Crucis regalis obitus Beati - Quintini Kennedii abbatis, Comitis Cassilii fratris, qui - admiranda constantia sex annis totis, cum hæresi nascente, - et jam confirmata conflixit, ad extremum lento veneno - consumptus, corruptoque sanguine excessit.” Dempsteri - Menologium Scotorum, p. 20. Bononiæ, 1622. - - 92 – See Calendar, by “M. Adam King, profeseur of philosophie - and Mathimatikis at Paris,” prefixed to a Scottish - translation of Canisius’s Catechism, printed in 1587. - - 93 – Knox gives merely a general notice of this dispute in - his Historie, p. 318. Keith, who was very industrious in - collecting whatever referred to the ecclesiastical history - of that period, could not obtain a copy of the printed - disputation, and had heard of but one imperfect copy. - History, App. 255. The only copy known to exist at - present, is in the library of Alexander Boswell, Esq. - of Auchinleck.――Since the publication of the first edition - of this Life, Mr Boswell has printed a small impression of - this unique, being an exact _fac simile_ of the original - edition, for the gratification of the curious. - - 94 – Lesley, apud Keith, p. 501. App. 223. Lesley speaks of a - dispute between Knox and Wingate, but that historian is - often incorrect in his details. The dispute between the - doctors of Aberdeen and the ministers, which took place - in the beginning of 1561, is mentioned by Knox, Historie, - p. 261, 262. It would seem from a letter of Randolph, that - there was a dispute in the end of 1561, between some of - the ministers and a Parisian divine, who had accompanied - the queen. Keith, 208. Wingate published at Antwerp, his - “Buke of Fourscoir Three Questionis,” in 1563. Keith has - reprinted this, along with his “Tractatis,” originally - printed at Edinburgh. He calls them “very rare and much - noted pieces.” History, App. 203. In point of argument or - sentiment, they are certainly not noted; but they contain - a strong proof of the extreme corruption which prevailed - among the superior popish clergy, against which Wingate - inveighs as keenly as any reformer. His second book - concludes with this exclamation, “Och, for mair paper or - pennyis!” Wingate translated several works of the Fathers - into the Scottish language, some of which are mentioned - by him in his Tractatis. Keith, App. 226, 227. He was made - abbot of a Scottish monastery at Ratisbon. Mackenzie’s - Lives, vol. iii. p. 149. - - 95 – See Note O. - - 96 – Knox, Historie, p. 323, 324. Keith, 522. - - 97 – Keith, p. 538. - - 98 – Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 23. Keith, 559, 560. - - 99 – Knox, Historie, p. 398. - - 100 – See Note P. - - 101 – Comp. Knox, Historie, 327, with Keith, Append. 125. - - 102 – In Knox’s Historie, it is printed _Cathenis_, by mistake, - instead of _Athenis_. The person referred to is Alexander - Gordon, brother to George, earl of Huntly, who was slain - at Corrichie in 1562. Scarcely any Scottish prelate ever - occupied so many different sees, or occupied them for so - short a time. He was bishop of Caithness, archbishop of - Glasgow, bishop of the Isles, and bishop of Galloway. - When he was deprived of the see of Glasgow, the pope, as - a recompense, created him _titular_ archbishop of Athens. - Gordon’s Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, - p. 111‒12, 137, 290. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, p. 128, 153, - 166, 175. - - 103 – Knox, Historie, p. 326‒328. - - 104 – Knox, Historie, p. 327‒329. - - 105 – Ibid. p. 330‒334. - - 106 – Spotswood, 188. “We are very much obliged to the - information of archbishop Spotswood” for this, says - honest Keith. History, 240. - - 107 – Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 536‒8. Knox, 331. Keith, 240. - - 108 – I have not been able to ascertain the time at which the - acquaintance between the earl of Murray and the Reformer - commenced. It was probably soon after Knox came into - England, in the reign of Edward VI. A popish writer has - mentioned their meeting, and grafted upon it the calumny, - current among the party, that the earl had formed the - ambitious project of wresting the crown from his sister, - and placing it on his own head. “Johann Kmnox deceavit - him,” says he, “in S. Paules kirk in Londone, bringand him - in consait, that God had chosen him extraordinarilie as ane - Josias, to be king of Scotland, to rute out idolatrie, and - to plant the licht of the new evangel: quhair thay convenit - in this manner, That the prior of St Androis, erl of Murray, - sould mentene the new Elias againis the priestes of Baal, - (for sua blasphemouslie he namit the priestes of Christ - Jesus.) And the neu Elias sould fortifie the new Josias, - be procuring the favour of the people againis Iesabel, - blaspheming maist impudentlie the quenis M.” Nicol Burne’s - Disputation, p. 156. Knox was at least better acquainted - with scripture‑history than to make Josias contemporary - with Elias and Jesabel. - - 109 – Knox, Historie, p. 331. - - 110 – Referring to the critical circumstances in which the lords - of the Congregation had been situated at these places, when - the queen regent threatened to attack them with superior - forces. See vol. i. p. 260, 267, 277. - - 111 – See vol. i. p. 312‒3. - - 112 – Knox, Historie, p. 332‒334. - - 113 – These are the words of Mr Hume, who holds a distinguished - place among the writers who have excited prejudices against - our Reformer on the score of cruelty to Mary. The reader - will find some remarks on the statements of that able but - artful historian in Note Q. - - 114 – See Note R. - - 115 – See Note S. - - 116 – Spotswood gives a different account of this affair, which - has been adopted by several writers. He not only says that - the protestants “forced the gates; but that some [of the - papists] were taken and carried to prison, many escaped the - back way with the priest himself.” History, p. 188. But he - could not have the opportunity of being so well acquainted - with the circumstances as Knox, whose account is totally - irreconcilable with the archbishop’s. Knox expressly says, - that, besides entering the chapel, and addressing the - priest as above mentioned, “no farther was done or said.” - Historie, p. 335, 336. Had some of the papists been carried - to prison, he never could have given such an account as he - has done, not only in his history, but also in his circular - letter, which was produced at his trial, without any - allegation that it contained an unfair or partial statement - of facts. - - 117 – Knox, Historie, p. 336, 337. - - 118 – It has been doubted, whether this meeting acted as a court - of judicature in trying Knox, or was called to determine - whether he should be brought to a judicial trial. Dalyell’s - Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems, vol. i. p. 72. - The justice‑general, the lord advocate, and the other - law‑lords, were present; but they had seats in the privy - council. Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this - was an extraordinary meeting of the privy council, to which - other noblemen, besides the counsellors, were called, to - give the proceedings greater weight with the public. The - object of the queen was, in the first place, to procure - the imprisonment of Knox, after which she might proceed - against him as she thought most prudent. Knox, Historie, - p. 339, 340. Spotswood, p. 188. - - 119 – Knox, Historie, p. 238‒343. Spotswood, p. 188. The account - of the trial given by Calderwood, in his MS., has been - compared with that of Knox, and exactly agrees with it. - - 120 – Keith, 248, 251. - - 121 – Sir Thomas Randolph, in a letter, dated 27th Feb. 1564, - mentions “some unkindness between Murray and the queen, - about Knox, whose parte he taketh.” Keith, 249. - - 122 – Keith, 527, 528. Knox, 344, 345. - - 123 – Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, 18th March, 1563/4, - says:――“Knox askt in church to be marryed to Margrett - Steward, the daughter of the Lord Ochiltre;” referring to - the proclamation of banns. Keith, 251. Lord Ochiltree was - descended from Robert, duke of Albany, second son of King - Robert II. His father exchanged the lands and title of - Evandale for those of Ochiltree. Douglas’s Peerage, 522. - Crawfurd’s Renfrew, and Royal House of Stewart, by Semple, - part i. p. 92‒94. The second son of lord Ochiltree, and - brother‑in‑law of the Reformer, was Sir James Stewart - of Bothwellmuir, afterwards the infamous favourite of - James VI. who created him Earl of Arran. Crawfurd, in his - Officers of State, (p. 488,) has published a protestation - which Arran made of his lineage, and title of priority - to the duke of Lennox, his rival in James’s favour. The - Reformer’s father‑in‑law was usually called _the good_ lord - Ochiltree; and was “a man rather borne to mak peace than to - brag upon the calsey.” Knox’s Historie, p. 304. - - 124 – See Note T. - - 125 – Robertson’s History of Scotland, vol. ii. 108. Lond. 1809. - - 126 – In a letter to the Council of Trent, dated 18th - March 1563/4, Mary laments “that the situation of her - affairs――hujus temporis tanta injuria,” did not permit her - to send some of her prelates to that council; and assures - them of her great and unalterable devotion to the Apostolic - see――“nostra perpetua mente ac voluntate, in ejusdem sedis - observantia et submissione.” In a letter, written Jan. 3d - of the same year, she entreats the cardinal of Lorrain - to assure the pope of her resolution to live and die - a catholic. And on the last day of the same month, she - writes to his holiness himself lamenting the damnable - errors――“damnabili errori,” in which she found her subjects - plunged, and informing him that her intention, from the - time she left France, had uniformly been to re‑establish - the ancient religion. MS. Letters, extracted from the - Barberini Library, in Advoc. Lib. A. 2. 11. - - 127 – Robertson, Hist. of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 109. - - 128 – During the reign of Mary of England, the manner in which - the protestants prayed for her, in their conventicles, - was declared high treason. Act. Parl. 1, and 2, Philip - and Mary, cap. 9. Nor did the psalms and prayers of the - primitive Christians escape punishment under the “tolerant” - emperor Julian. Works of the Reverend Samuel Johnston, - p. 20‒22. London, 1713. - - 129 – Men of no note. - - 130 – Servants of God, however. - - 131 – Craig, who was rather facile in his disposition, and apt - to be moulded by those who were about him, seems afterwards - to have recanted the principle which he maintained on - this occasion. For I suppose he is the person who preached - the sermon at Linlithgow, mentioned by Hume of Godscroft, - in his History of the House of Douglas and Angus, - ii. 383, 385. That historian has inserted some very - ingenious observations on the subject, by way of strictures - on the sermon. - - 132 – Knox, Historie, p. 348‒366. - - 133 – This was an opinion generally entertained among the - Reformers; and it was one ground (though not the only one, - as we have seen, p. 25) upon which they vindicated the - penal statutes against the mass and image worship. At the - same time, while they laboured to restrain these evils, - they discovered no disposition to proceed to capital - punishment, even when it was completely in their power. - I never read nor heard of an instance, in the time of our - Reformer, of a person being put to death for performing any - part of the Roman catholic worship. If the reason of this - disconformity between their opinion and their practice - be asked, I can only answer,――their aversion to blood. - “God,” says our Reformer, addressing the popish princes - who persecuted the protestants, “will not use his saintes - and chosen children to punish you. For with them is alwaies - mercie, yea, even althogh God have pronounced a curse and - malediction; as in the history of Josua is plaine. But - as ye have pronounced wrong and cruel judgment without - mercie, so will he punish you by such as in whom there is - no mercie.” Answer to the Cavillations of an Anabaptist, - p. 449. - - 134 – The magistrates of Edinburgh, understanding that - Mr Christopher Goodman was appointed to preach during the - absence of their own ministers, directed a committee of - their number to wait upon him, and to “offer him, in their - names, all honourabill intertenment, and cause the stewart - of Jhonne Knox house to keep table to him upoun the town’s - expensis.” Records of Town Council for 23d Aug. 1564. - - 135 – Keith, 535, 537, 540. - - 136 – Knox, Historie, p. 368. - - 137 – Keith, p. 278, note (a.) - - 138 – Knox, p. 373. - - 139 – Keith, 279. Knox, 374, 378. - - 140 – Keith, 329. Robertson, ii. 125. - - 141 – Knox, 372, 374. Robertson, ii. 114, 120. - - 142 – Knox, 372. - - 143 – Ibid. 379. Keith, 309, 310. Append. 108‒110. - - 144 – Knox, 368, 379, 386. Keith, 309, 310. Gordon’s Genealog. - Hist. of the earldom of Sutherland, 143‒4. - - 145 – Keith, 300, 304, 306. - - 146 – Robertson, ii. 131. Laing, History of Scotland. - - 147 – Knox, Historie, 382, 384, 386. - - 148 – Ibid. 388. - - 149 – Ibid. 373, 374. - - 150 – Knox, Historie, 377. - - 151 – Ibid. 376. - - 152 – Goodall says, that Knox was engaged with the Earl of Murray - in a plot for seizing Darnley; but he has produced no - evidence of his assertion. Life of Queen Mary, i. 207‒209. - - 153 – Keith, 301‒2. - - 154 – Sermon on Isa. xxvi. 13, 14: History of the Reformation, - Edin. 1644, 4to. Append. p. 120, 128. Spotswood says, that - Knox, in his sermon, (either doubting the king’s sincerity, - or favouring the faction of the noblemen,) “fell upon him - with a bitter reproof.” History, 191. But the archbishop - does not seem to have read the sermon, which contains - no reproof of the king, either bitter or mild. Indeed, - the preacher appears, on that occasion, to have used less - freedom than ordinary in the application. Strype, Annals, - i. 527, 23d August, 1565. - - 155 – Preface to the Sermon, ut supra. - - 156 – Ibid. Records of Town Council. Knox, Historie, p. 381. - Being called before the privy council, he wrote out the - sermon, as exactly according to what he had preached as - possible, and sent it to the press, to let the impartial - see “upon how small occasions great offence is now taken.” - At the end of it is this postscript:――“Lord, into thy hands - I commend my spirit; for the terrible roaring of gunnes, - and the noise of armour, do so pierce my heart, that - my soul thirsteth to depart.” On the margin are these - words:――“The castle of Edinburgh was shooting against - the exiled for Christ Jesus’ sake.” Then follows the - date at which the writing was finished. “The last day - of August 1565, at four of the clock in the afternoon, - written indigestly, but yet truly, so farre as memory would - serve, of those things that in publike I spake on Sunday, - August 19, for the which I was discharged to preach for - a time. Be mercifull to thy flock, O Lord, and at thy - pleasure put end to my misery. John Knox.” - - 157 – Spotswood, 191, 192. Keith, 546, 547. Keith calls in - question the archbishop’s narrative; because Knox, in his - history, does not say that the queen was present, and does - not mention the prediction, although “fond enough to catch - at and force such things upon his readers.” But Knox did - not write this part of the history; the fifth book having - been compiled after his death, and not being found in old - MSS. See Advertisement, prefixed to the edition of his - Historie, Edin. 1732. It must be confessed, however, that - Spotswood’s account of this affair is inaccurate in a - number of particulars. David Buchanan says, that the king - had “cast the psalme booke in the fire,” which was the - cause of Knox’s denunciation against him. Life of Knox, - prefixed to History of the Reformation. - - 158 – Records of Town Council, 23d August, 1565. Keith, 547. - - 159 – Knox, Historie, p. 381. - - 160 – Ibid. p. 389. - - 161 – See Note U. - - 162 – Keith, 562. - - 163 – Keith, 538. - - 164 – This appointment was laid upon him in June 1563. - Keith, 525. He does not seem to have executed it till - 1567; which is the date subjoined to a prayer at the end - of the treatise. Then follows a postscript: “This booke - is thought necessary and profitable for the church, and - commanded to be printed by the Generall Assemblie.” The - order for printing it seems to have been first given by - the Assembly in 1568, and renewed in 1571. Psalmes in - meeter, &c. (commonly called Knox’s Liturgy), printed - by Andro Hart, A. 1611, p. 28, 67. Dunlop’s Confessions, - ii. 705, 747. - - 165 – Treatise of Fasting, in Knox’s Liturgy, p. 157‒160. - edit. 1611; and in Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 661‒664. - - 166 – Robertson, Append. No. 14. Keith, Append. p. 165, 167. - Knox, 389‒391. - - 167 – The friars were so little esteemed, that they soon wearied - of preaching. They boasted that they would dispute with - the protestant ministers; but when the commissioners of the - General Assembly waited on their majesties, and requested - that this might be granted in their presence, the queen - replied, that “sche wald not jeopard her religioun upon - sick as were thare present; for sche knew weill enouch, - that the protestants wer more learned.” Knox, Historie, - p. 391. - - 168 – Keith, p. 326. Append. 167. Melvil’s Memoires, 63, 64. - Robertson, Append. No. 14. - - 169 – Knox, 392, 394. Keith, Append. 126. The queen’s letter to - the archbishop of Glasgow, apud Keith, 331. Goodall and - Blackwood, apud Robertson, ii. 145. Lond. 1809. - - 170 – The noblemen wished to bring Rizzio to a public trial; but - the king would not wait for this, and determined that he - should be seized in the queen’s presence, although she was - big with child, that he might upbraid her for the wrongs - which he had suffered. Keith, App. 121, 122. Robertson, - iii. 318. App. No. 15. Douglas of Lochleven, who was - engaged in the combination against Rizzio, says that it - was their purpose to have “punist him be order of justice; - bot men proponit and God disponit udir wais, be sic - extraordinar means, quhilk truly my aune hart aborit quhan - I saw him; for I never consentit that he suld haiff been - usit by [beside] justice, nather was it in ony nobellman - his mind.” Speaking of Rizzio’s influence, Douglas says, - “I causit offer to him, gif he wald stay the erle of - Murray’s forfaltour, he suld haiff v thowsand pundis - Scottis; his answer was, xx thowsand and that wer all alik; - it wald not be.” MS. papers of the laird of Lochleven. - - 171 – King James VI. having found great fault with Knox for - approving of the assassination of Rizzio, one of the - ministers said, that “the slaughter of David [Rizzio], so - far as it was the work of God, was allowed by Mr Knox, and - not otherwise.” Cald. MS. ad ann. 1591. Knox himself does - not, however, state this qualification, when he mentions - the subject incidentally. Historie, 86. Robertson, - ii. 161‒2. - - 172 – Knox, Historie, 395. Answer to Tyrie, A. iiij. - - 173 – Letter from archbishop Grindal to Bullinger, 17th August, - 1566: Strype’s Grindal, Append. 20. Letter from bishop - Parkhurst, written in December 1566: Burnet’s Hist. of - Reform. iii. Append. No. 91. In the Assembly which met in - June this year, Craig desired that “John Carnes, who had - read prayers and exhorted four years and more in Edinburgh, - and had weill profited, might be joyned with him as - colleague in the kirk of Edinburgh, in respect he was - alone.” Keith, 560. - - 174 – Keith, 56. - - 175 – Ibid. 565, 566. Knox, 402, 403. Spotswood, 198, 199. - The letter was subscribed by “John Davidson, for James - Nicoldson, writer and clarke of the church of Edinborough.” - Strype’s Life of Archbishop Parker, Append. p. 88. - - 176 – Speaking of England, he says, “And yet is sche that now - rigneth over thame nether gude protestant, nor yet resolute - papist; let the warld juge quhilk is the third.” Historie, - p. 277. By comparing this with p. 269, it appears that - it was written by him in 1567, and consequently after his - return from England. - - 177 – Reg. Secr. Sig. lib. xxxv. f. 99. Laing’s History of - Scotland, vol. i. 75, 76. 2d edit. This historian has - refuted the charges of forgery which Whitaker had brought - against Knox and Calderwood on this head. Ibid. p. 78, 79. - - 178 – Keith, p. 561, 562. The occurrence which had taken place - helps to explain the coldness with which the Assembly - received the information of these acts in their favour. - Ibid. p. 563. - - 179 – Cald. MS. apud Keith, 566, 567. - - 180 – Ibid. 567‒8. - - 181 – Those who wish to see the proof of these assertions, may - consult Mr Hume’s History of the period, with the Notes; - Dr Robertson’s, with his Dissertation; and especially - Mr Laing’s Dissertation on the subject. This last writer - has examined the point with great calmness, accuracy, and - acuteness, has established the genuineness of the letters - to Bothwell, and cleared the whole evidence from the - objections and cavils of the fantastical Whitaker, a - late author, who has equalled any of his predecessors - in prejudice, and exceeded all of them in the illiberal - and virulent abuse with which he has treated the most - respectable of his opponents. The principal writers who - in modern times have undertaken the defence of Mary, are - Goodall, Tytler, Stuart, and Whitaker. - - 182 – Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 85, 87, 103. Anderson’s - Collections, ii. 278‒283. Knox, 405, 406. Spotswood, - 202, 203. Craig gave in a narrative and defence of his - conduct to the General Assembly, 30th Dec. 1567; but it was - not until the 6th July, 1569, that the Assembly overtook - the formal consideration of that affair, when they declared - that “he had done the dewtie of a faithfull minister.” - - 183 – Keith, 574, 577. Knox, 410. - - 184 – Keith, 581‒583. Knox, 411. Spotswood, 209, 210. - - 185 – Knox, 412. Buchanan calls it _luculentam concionem_. Hist. - lib. xviii. Oper. tom. i. p. 366. - - 186 – Cald. MS. ii. 67, 68. Anderson’s Collections, ii. 249. - One author says that Knox was employed in putting the - crown on the king’s head. “Diadema Joannis Knoxii manibus - capiti regio impositum.” Archibaldus Simsonus, Annales - Eccles. Scotican. p. 9. MS. in the possession of Thomas - Thomson, Esq. - - 187 – Keith, 439. Keith expresses his surprise at Knox’s taking - instruments in the name of the estates, as he “could - properly belong to no estate at all.” Hist. p. 440. But the - record does not say that he took instruments in the name of - the estates. It is evident that he acted in the name of the - church, which was considered as having an interest in the - transaction, as by one clause of the coronation oath, the - king engaged to maintain the reformed religion, and the - privileges of the protestant church. Ibid. p. 438. - - 188 – Keith, 421, 422, 423. Throkmorton’s Letters, 14th and - 18th July: Robertson, Append. No. 21. “The women,” says - the ambassador, “be most furious and impudent against the - queen, and yet the men be mad enough.” - - 189 – Cald. MS. ii. 73. Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 113. - - 190 – See Note V. - - 191 – Act. Parl. Scot. iii. p. 14‒25. Cald. MS. ad ann. 1567. - - 192 – Cald. ut supra. Keith, 585, 586. - - 193 – Dr Robertson says, that the regulation respecting the - thirds, made by the parliament in December 1567, did not - produce any considerable change in the situation of the - clergy, and speaks of them as still “groaning under extreme - poverty, unable to obtain any thing but fair words and - liberal promises.” History of Scotland, ii. 250, 312. - Lond. 1809. But the law which gave power to the collectors - appointed by the church to uplift the thirds, and to pay - the stipends, before any thing was allowed to the court, - was certainly a very considerable benefit. The church - herself viewed it in this light. Calderwood says, that “the - ministers were now refreshed with the allowance made by - the last parliament.” MS. ad ann. 1567. And the Assembly, - in their letter inviting Willock to return from England, - expressly say, “Our enemies, praised be God, are dashed; - religion established; sufficient provision made for - ministers,” &c. Keith, 590. The account which I have given - in the text is, I think, supported by the register of the - five general assemblies which were held during the regency - of Murray. - - 194 – Letter from the Regent to the General Assembly, ult. - June, 1569, in Appendix. Buik of Universal Kirk, p. 45‒47. - - 195 – Cald. MS. ii. 108. - - 196 – Letter to John Wood, 14th of February, 1568; Cald. MS. - ii. 91. - - 197 – Throkmorton to Elizabeth, 22d August, 1567; Keith, 450. - - 198 – Throkmorton’s letters of 14th, 16th, 18th, and 19th July, - 1567: Robertson, Append. No. 21. Laing, ii. Append. No. 31, - p. 125. Keith, p. 423. The protestation taken, at the - coronation of James VI. by Arthur Hamilton of Meriton, - in the name of the duke, is confined to the point of - his succession to the crown, and does not allude in the - slightest degree to the right of the queen. Keith, 437. Of - the same strain was the protest which was intended to have - been made at the parliament held in December 1567; a copy - of which, and a minute of a conversation on the subject - between the regent and Arthur Hamilton, are preserved among - the Hamilton MSS. - - 199 – Buchanan. Oper. i. 346. Keith, 407. - - 200 – Spotswood, 216. Letter, Knox to Wood, 10th September, 1568, - published in the Appendix. - - 201 – The Hist. of King James the Sext, p. 48. Birrel’s Diary, 17, - in Dalyell’s Fragments of Scottish History. Laing, ii. 269. - See also Letter, Knox to Wood, 10th September, 1568, ut - supra. - - 202 – Hist. of King James the Sext, p. 43, 63. - - 203 – This story is related in very different ways. One account - makes the revenge to turn solely upon the treatment of - his wife, who, expecting to be allowed to remain in her - house of “Woodislie,” was “uncourtouslie and unmercifullie - put thairfra, all her gudis tane fra hir, and schoe left - stark naked. The gentilwoman, quhat for grief of mynd and - exceeding cald, that schoe had then contractit, conceaved - sic madness as was almost incredible.” Historie of King - James the Sext, p. 74. Spotswood’s account is different. - He says, that Bothwellhaugh had redeemed his life by - yielding up the lands of Woodhouselie, which were given - to the Justice Clerk, and he refusing to part with them, - Bothwellhaugh “made his quarrel to the regent, [_i.e._ - revenged himself upon the regent,] who was most innocent, - and had restored him to life and liberty.” Spotsw. History, - p. 233. Crawfurd, in his Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland, - p. 140, 1st edit., says, that “Murray sent some officers - to take possession of the house, who not only turned the - gentlewoman out of doors, but,” &c. This is the authority - which has been relied upon by all those writers who have - charged the regent with cruelty in this transaction; yet it - is now discovered that the interpolation of Murray’s name - in this place is one of those forgeries by which that work - is disgraced from beginning to end. Hist. of King James the - Sext, preface, and p. 74. - - 204 – This is clear from many considerations. Within a few days - after the regent’s assassination, his secretary, Mr John - Wood, was murdered in Fife. Anderson’s Col. iii. 84. The - house in which Bothwellhaugh concealed himself, while - he committed the murder, belonged to the archbishop - of St Andrews, who acknowledged that he was privy and - accessory to the deed. Historie of King James the Sext, - p. 117. The horse on which the murderer escaped belonged - to John Hamilton, abbot of Arbroath, one of the duke’s sons. - Cald. ad ann. 1570. He rode immediately to Hamilton, where - he was “received with great applause.” Ibid. Nay, grounds - are not wanting for strong suspicion, that Maitland, and - even Kircaldy of Grange, who had long been the bosom friend - of the regent, were acquainted with the conspiracy against - his life. Ibid. Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 429. Buchan. i. 384. - - 205 – Cald. ut supra. Buchanani Oper. i. 385. Spotswood, 233. - - 206 – Bannatyne, p. 121. “To the thrid head” (his participation - in the murder of the regent) the archbishop “answerit thus: - That he not only knew thairof, and wald not stopp it, bot - rather furtherit the deed thairof, quhilk he repentit, and - askit God mercie for the same.” Hist. of James the Sext, - p. 117. “Jhon Hamilton, bishop of Sanctandros, enemie to - thy kirk and to the kingis autoritie, confessit at his - daith of the knawledge of the erle of Morray regent’s - murther, and that he myght haif stayit the same giff he - plesit.” MS. Papers of the Laird of Lochleven. Yet an - author, in the nineteenth century, can write of this deed - in the following terms:――“The heiress of Woodhouselie fell - a sacrifice to the corrupt tyranny of the regent Murray. - Her husband, Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh, put the guilty - tyrant to death, as ‘base‑born Murray rode through old - Linlithgow’s crowded town.’” Chalmers’s Caledonia, ii. 571. - - 207 – Buchanan. Oper. i. 385. - - 208 – History, 234. - - 209 – See Note W. - - 210 – Smetoni Responsio ad Hamiltonii Dialogum, p. 116. - - 211 – “Upon the 22 of Maii, the sherife of Linlithgow, the laird - of Innerweek, James Hamilton of Bothelhaugh, and six others, - were put to an assyse; their hands bound; and pardoned - at the request of Mr Knox, whereof he sore repented; for - Bothwelhaugh killed the regent shortlie after.” Cald. MS. - ad ann. 1568. - - 212 – Cald. MS. ii. 150. He is said to have added this to his - usual prayers after dinner and supper. But in a volume - of Calderwood’s History, in the Advocates’ Library in - Edinburgh, (which has been transcribed more early than any - copy which I have seen,) these words are scored out; and it - is introduced as the prayer which he offered up in public, - on the day on which he was informed of the regent’s death. - - 213 – Great apprehensions of this were entertained by the - regent’s friends. Bannatyne, 428, 9. - - 214 – Cald. MS. ad ann. 1570. - - 215 – Ibid. ii. 151‒157. - - 216 – Spotswood, p. 234. Mackenzie labours to discredit the - archbishop’s narrative of this affair. Lives of Scottish - Writers, iii. 195, 196. But whatever opinion we may form - about the prediction, it cannot be doubted that Spotswood - had the best means of information respecting the facts - which he relates. Nor has Mackenzie any other authority - for what he says about the death of Maitland than the - archbishop’s. - - 217 – Cald. MS. ii. 157. - - 218 – The inscription, engraved on brass, is yet preserved; and - a copy of it will be found in Note X. But Buchanan has, in - his History, reared to the regent “a monument more durable - than brass,” which will preserve his memory as long as - the language in which it is written shall continue to - be understood, and as long as a picture taken from life - shall be preferred to the representations of fancy or of - prejudice. Nor has he neglected to celebrate him in his - verses. Epigram. lib. ii. 29. iii. 7, 9, 18. - - 219 – Spotswood, 235. - - 220 – Cald. ut supra. - - 221 – A late author has very wantonly attempted to load the - memory of this excellent man with a capital crime. He gives - the following extract from the paper office, 22d April, - 1590: “Twa men, the ane namyt Johnne Gibsone, Scottishman, - preacher, and the other Johnne Willokis, now baith lying in - prison at Leicester, were convicted by a jury of robbery.” - The last of these convicts, says he, was “the reforming - coadjutor of Knox.” Chalmers’s Life of Ruddiman, p. 307. - What evidence has this author for saying so? Nothing but - the sameness of the name! Just as if a person, on reading - in the public papers of one George Chalmers who was - convicted of a robbery, (no unlikely thing,) should - immediately take it into his head that this was, and could - be, no other than the author of the Life of Ruddiman, and - Caledonia! It is evident that the second convict was no - preacher, else this designation would have been added to - his name, as well as to that of the first. It is probable - that Willock, who was a preacher as early as 1540, was - not alive in 1590: it is utterly incredible that he should - then have been in a condition to act as a robber.――But - it is paying too much regard to such a charge to bring - exculpatory proof. - - 222 – In the copy of Cald. MS. belonging to the church of - Scotland, the name is written _Winfrid_; but in the copy - in the Advocates’ Library, it is _Umfrede_. The person - meant is evidently Dr Laurence Humphrey (Umfredius), - Professor of divinity, and Head of one of the colleges, - in the University of Oxford. This learned man was a - puritan, but enjoyed the patronage of Secretary Cecil. - Strype’s Annals, i. 421, 430‒432. - - 223 – Smetoni Respons. ad Hamilt. p. 116. - - 224 – Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 54. Cald. MS. ii. 206. Bannatyne - says “the disorder was a kynd of apoplexia, called by the - phisitiones resolutione;” probably a more gentle stroke of - the disorder, attended with relaxation of the system. - - 225 – In 1556, Calvin was suddenly seized in the pulpit with - a fever, which confined him to his bed for a considerable - time, and from which it was not thought he would recover. - On hearing this, the popish clergy of Noyon, his native - city, met, and rather prematurely gave public thanks - to God for his death. Melch. Adam, Vitæ Exter. Theol. - p. 93.――“Plusieurs grands hommes (says Senebier) ont - partagé cet honneur avec Calvin, et ont eu, comme lui, la - satisfaction de connoitre la profonde estime qu’on avoit - concue pour eux.” Histoire Litteraire de Geneve, tom. i. - p. 228. Luther, having received in 1545 a copy of an - account of his own death, printed at Naples, caused it to - be reprinted, with this note:――“I, Doctor Martin Luther, - attest that I received this frantic fable on this 21st of - March, and am delighted beyond measure to understand that - the devil and his spawn, the pope and papists, hate me so - heartily.” Seckendorf, Hist. Lutheran. lib. iii. p. 581. - - 226 – Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 55. - - 227 – James Kircaldy of Grange was restored to his lands, &c., - at the request and special desire of Henry II. of France, - by letters under the signet and privy seal of queen Mary, - dated at Paris, 26th February, 1556. William Kircaldy - of Grange, son and heir to the former, was restored by - letters dated the 13th of February, 1561. Reg. Secr. Sig. - Lib. xxxi. f. 16. - - 228 – See vol. i. p. 75. - - 229 – Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 67‒87. - - 230 – Crawford, in his Memoirs of Scotland, (p. 186, Edin. - Anno 1706,) among other things disgraceful to our - Reformers, says that they openly avowed, on this occasion, - “That to pray for, or forgive our real or reputed enemies, - was no part of a Christian’s duty.” It is sufficient to - say, that there is not one word of this in the “authentick - MS.” from which he professes that his Memoirs were - “faithfully published.” See Historie and Life of King - James the Sext, p. 113, 114. The public are under great - obligations to Mr Malcolm Laing, for exposing this literary - forgery, which had continued so long to impose upon our - most acute and industrious historians. - - 231 – The accusation and defence may be seen at full length in - Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 190‒210. - - 232 – Bannatyne, p. 77. - - 233 – Letter to the Laird of Lochleven, in the Appendix. - - 234 – The lively interest which he continued to take in - public affairs, is apparent from the letters of his - correspondents. Captain Crawford of Jordanhill sent him, - at his desire, a minute account of the taking of Dunbarton - castle, with an inventory of the arms, ammunition, and - provisions, which were found in it. Bannatyne, 123. There - are also two letters to him from Alexander Hay, clerk of - the privy council, informing him of the most important - transactions in England, and on the continent. Ibid. - 294‒302. - - 235 – Bannatyne, 132‒3, 145. - - 236 – Cald. MS. ad ann. 1572. Life prefixed to History, - anno 1644. - - 237 – Bannatyne, 144‒146. - - 238 – Ibid. Historie of King James the Sext, p. 123. - - 239 – Keith’s Scottish Bishops, 166. The principles upon which - the bishop vindicated the authority of the queen, and the - duty of praying for her in the pulpit, show the strong and - universal opinion entertained of her guilt at that time. - He did not venture to insinuate her innocence, although - the town was full of armed men, who were enlisted under - her banners. Bannatyne, 181, 182. - - 240 – Bannatyne, 144, 169, 170. Hist. of King James the Sext, - 123, 124. Knox’s Epistle to his Brethren of the Church - of Edinburgh, now dispersed. Streveling, 1571. - - 241 – Bannatyne, 154, 240, 322. - - 242 – Bannatyne, 309, 310. “Gif this had been their first - inventit lie,” says the same Richart, “I wald never have - blackit paper for it.” - - 243 – See vol. i. p. 69. - - 244 – Bannatyne, 380‒3. Goodall, after relating this story, - attempts, but with his usual imbecility of argument, to - deduce from it, that Murray had really conspired to murder - Darnly, and that Knox was one of his accomplices. “They - all talk of it,” says he, “as a known uncontroverted matter - of fact. And Knox’s waving all prosecution, and hushing up - the business, is more than a tacit acknowledgment that he - was in that plot, and a subscriber.” Examination, i. 211. - According to this doctrine, if a person shall rest - satisfied with a private apology for a slander which a - weak and irritable man had imprudently circulated to his - prejudice, and if he shall decline a public prosecution, - this must be regarded as good proof of his guilt, and of - the truth of the report! With respect to Murray’s having - conspired against Darnly at the time of his marriage, - it is true that such a thing was reported; but it is not - mentioned in the proceedings against that nobleman, nor is - there the least allusion to it in any of the proclamations - which the queen issued against him, although Murray - publicly accused Darnly of a plot against his life. If - the court had credited that report, and possessed any - evidence of its truth, it will not be easy to account for - this silence. - - 245 – Archibald Hamilton, a short time after this, left Scotland; - and going to France, made a recantation of the protestant - religion. As an evidence of the sincerity of his conversion - to popery, he published _De Confusione Calvinianæ Sectæ - apud Scotos Dialogus_; a book which I have frequently - referred to, and which strikingly exemplifies the adage, - _Omnis apostata osor acerrimus sui ordinis_. In the copious - abuse of Knox with which it teems, we are reminded of the - present quarrel. Thomas Smeton, principal of the university - of Glasgow, published an elegant and masterly answer - to this Dialogue. Hamilton replied in a work entitled, - _Calvinianæ Confusionis Demonstratio: Parisiis_ 1581. Of - this treatise, which is rarer than his first, specimens - will be found in the notes at the end of this volume. - - 246 – Hamiltonii Dialog. p. 61. Smetoni Responsio ad Hamiltonii - Dialogum, p. 90, 91. Bannatyne, 383‒385. - - 247 – Bannatyne, 364. - - 248 – Archbishop Spotswood is displeased that a bishop, and one - of his predecessors in the see of St Andrews, should have - suffered so disgraceful a punishment. History, p. 252. - Even Dr Robertson seems to have felt the _esprit de corps_ - on this occasion. It is surprising that this accurate - historian should say, that the accusations against Hamilton, - as “accessory to the murder both of the king and regent - were supported by no proof,” and that his enemies, by - “imputing to him such odious crimes,” merely “sought some - colour” for the sentence which they pronounced against - him. History of Scotland, ii. 334. Hamilton confessed his - accession to the regent’s murder. See above, p. 168. As - the record of the trial has not been preserved, we cannot - determine what evidence was brought forward; but there are - good grounds for believing that he was also concerned in - the murder of the king. Keith, 447. Spotswood, 252. - - 249 – Dr Robertson seems to regret the failure of this - expedition, and says that if Kircaldy’s plan had succeeded, - it would have “restored peace to his country.” History of - Scotland, ii. 339. It would certainly have given a very - dangerous blow to the king’s party; but it is not easy to - conceive how it could have produced a desirable or lasting - peace, when we consider the dispositions of the great body - of the nation, the situation of the queen, and the temper - and views of her adherents. - - 250 – Bannatyne, 246, 250, 255, 257, 260, 285. - - 251 – See Note Y. - - 252 – Ibid. 253, 278, 312, 367. Cald. MS. ii. 284, 295. - - 253 – Records of Privy Council, January 16, 1571. Cald. MS. - ii. 310‒325. Calderwood, De Reg. Eccl. Scotic. relatio, - p. 8, anno 1618; and Epist. Philad. Vind. apud Altare - Damasc. p. 727‒729. Lugd. Batav. 1708. Petrie, part ii. - p. 372‒374. - - 254 – Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 55. Matthew Crawfurd’s - History of the Church of Scotland, MS. vol. i. p. 80. - - 255 – A tulchan is a calf’s skin stuffed with straw, set up to - make the cow give her milk freely. - - 256 – Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 53. Cald. MS. ii. 280, 281. - Petrie, part ii. 370. Spotsw. 258. Collier says, that, in - Knox’s letter to the Assembly at Stirling, “there are some - passages not unbecoming a person of integrity and courage,” - Hist. ii. 533. Those who are acquainted with the spirit - of this historian, will think this high praise from such - a quarter. - - 257 – See this Letter in the Appendix. - - 258 – One glaring instance of this had just taken place, in - giving the bishopric of Ross to Lord Methven. Bannatyne, - 366. Robertson’s History of Scotland, ii. 358, 359. - - 259 – I have read somewhere (though I cannot at present find my - authority) that Robert Pont, when offered a bishopric, took - the advice of the General Assembly as to accepting it, and - professed his readiness to apply its funds to the support - of the ministry within the diocese. - - 260 – Letter to Mr John Wood, Feb. 14, 1568, in the Appendix. - - 261 – In this letter, Beza commends Knox for establishing, not - merely the purity of doctrine in the Scottish church, but - also discipline and good order, without which the former - could not be preserved for any time. Bezæ Epistol. Theol. - ep. lxxxix. p. 344‒355, edit. 1572. - - 262 – Meaning Edward VI. of England and his council. See - vol. i. p. 101. - - 263 – Bannatyne, 321, 325, 375. Cald. MS. ii. 269, 338, 340. - Douglas, after he was made bishop, was continued in - his offices of rector of the university, and provost of - St Mary’s college. James Melville says, that he was “a good - upright‑hearted man, but ambitious and simple;” and that - Knox spoke against him “bot sparinglie, because he loved - the man.” MS. Diary, p. 27. - - 264 – Bannatyne, 331. - - 265 – Melville’s MS. Diary, p. 26. - - 266 – _i.e._ thrill. - - 267 – _i.e._ slowly and warily. - - 268 – _i.e._ arm‑pit. - - 269 – _i.e._ it appeared as if he would beat the pulpit in pieces. - - 270 – Melville’s Diary, p. 23, 28. It is not without reason that - I have added the above explanation of some phrases in this - extract, as the reader will perceive from the following - version of it, by a modern French writer, in the Journal - des Debats:――“A presbyterian fanatic, named Knox, stirred - up the people by his violent preaching. Nothing proves the - coarseness of that people so much, as the ascendency which - such a madman possessed over them; old and broken down, and - so helpless, as to be hardly able to crawl along, he was - raised to his pulpit by two zealous disciples, where he - began his sermon with a feeble voice, and slow action; - but soon heating himself, by the force of his passion - and hatred, he bestirred himself like a madman; _he broke - his pulpit, and jumped into the midst of his auditors_, - (sautoit au des auditeurs,) transported by his violent - declamation, and words still more violent.” For this - _morceau_ I am indebted to the Editor of “The Poetical - Remains of Mr John Davidson, Edinburgh, 1829.” - - 271 – See vol. i. p. 30. - - 272 – See Note Z. - - 273 – Tyrie published a reply to this, under the title of “The - Refutation of ane Answer made be Schir Johne Knox to ane - Letter, send be James Tyrie to his vmquhyle brother. Set - furth be James Tyrie, Parisiis, 1573. Cvm Privilegio.” - H. fol. 57. 12mo. It includes Tyrie’s first letter, and - Knox’s answer, but not the other papers originally printed - along with that answer. “Mr Knox,” says Keith, “makes some - good and solid observations, from which, in my opinion, - the Jesuit [in his reply] has not handsomely extricated - himself.” History, Append. p. 255. - - 274 – Tyrie, in his reply, scoffs at this amiable expression of - piety; and in doing so, the Jesuit discovers that he was - as great a stranger to conjugal and parental feelings, - as he was to the rules of logic. “He [Knox] sais, that of - tuay propositionis quhilkis ar verray trew, I collect ane - conclusione maist false and repugnant to all veritie. Ane - Dialectitian wald answer that Schir Johne Knox hes nocht - weill considderit the rewlis of Dialectik, to affirme ane - fals conclusion to follow of trew premissis. Bot becaus - I knaw his greit occupationis, and sollicitude he hes of - his wyf and childrine, that he culd nocht take tent to sic - trifflis, I will pas this with silence.” Refutation, ut - supra, fol. 4, a. - - 275 – Bannatyne, 364‒369. Cald. ii. 355, 366. - - 276 – “Ane sermon prechit before the regent and nobilitie upon - a part of the third chapter of Malachi [verses 7‒12], in - the kirk of Leith, at the time of the Generall Assemblie, - on Sonday the 13 of Januarie. Anno Do. 1571. Be David - Fergusone, minister of the evangell at Dunfermline. - Imprentit at Sanctandrois, be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno Do. - MDLXXII.” The dedication to the regent Mar is dated 20th - August, 1572. - - 277 – Previous to the cessation of arms, the banished citizens - (who had taken up their residence chiefly in Leith) entered - into a solemn league, by which they engaged “in the fear - of God the Father, of his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, and of - the Holie Spirit, tackand to witness his holie name,” that - they would, with their lives, lands, and goods, promote - the gospel professed among them, maintain the authority - of the king and regent, assist and concur with others - against their enemies in the castle, defend one another if - attacked, and submit any variances which might arise among - themselves to brotherly arbitration, or to the judgment of - the town‑council. Bannatyne, 361‒364. - - 278 – Bannatyne, 370‒373. - - 279 – Bannatyne, 372, 373. - - 280 – Bannatyne, p. 373, 385. Smetoni Respons. p. 117, 118. - - 281 – Ibid. 150, 370. - - 282 – Spotswood, 464. When informed that his majesty had made - choice of Craig, the General Assembly, July 1580, “blessed - the Lord, and praised the King for his zeal.” Row, Hist. - of the Kirk, 47. - - 283 – Smetoni Respons. 118. Bannatyne, 370. - - 284 – Smeton, ut supra. Bannatyne, 372. James Melville thus - describes Lawson:――“A man of singular learning, zeal, and - eloquence, whom I never hard preache bot he meltit my hart - with teares.” MS. Diary, 23. See also note C, at the end - of this volume. - - 285 – Bannatyne, 386. - - 286 – Memoires de Sully, tom. i. 16. Paris, 1664. Brantosme - Memoires, apud Jurieu, Apologie pour la Reformation, - tom. 420. Smetoni Respons. ad Hamilt. Dial. p. 117. - Bannatyne’s Journal, p. 388‒396. - - 287 – The papal bull for the jubilee may be seen in Strype’s Life - of archbishop Parker. Append. No. 68, p. 108. - - 288 – The regent Mar issued a proclamation on this occasion, - summoning a general convention of deputies from all parts - of the kingdom, to deliberate on the measures proper to - be adopted for defence against the cruel and treasonable - conspiracies of the papists. Bannatyne, 397‒401. Strype - has inserted the preamble, and one of the articles, of - a supplication presented by this convention to the regent - and council. Annals, ii. 180, 181. This may be compared - with the more full account of their proceedings, in - Bannatyne, 406‒411. - - 289 – Bannatyne, 401, 402. - - 290 – Smetoni Responsio, 118. The house which the Reformer - possessed is situated near the bottom of the High Street, - a little below the Fountain well. These three words are - inscribed on the wall, ΘΕΟΣ, DEUS, GOD. - - 291 – As it is unnecessary to repeat the quotations, the reader - may be informed, once for all, that the account of the - Reformer’s last illness and death is taken from the - following authorities:――“Eximii viri Joannis Knoxii, - Scoticanæ Ecclesiæ instauratoris, Vera extremæ vitæ et - obitus Historia,” published by Thomas Smeton, principal - of the university of Glasgow, at the end of his “Responsio - ad Hamiltonii Dialogum. Edinburgi, apud Johannem Rosseum. - Pro Henrico Charteris. Anno Do. 1579. Cum Privilegio - Regali:”――“Journal of the Transactions in Scotland, - (Annis) 1570‒1573, by Richard Bannatyne, secretary to John - Knox,” 413‒429, edited from an authentic MS. by J. Graham - Dalyell, Esq. Anno 1806:――Spotswood’s History, p. 265‒267. - Anno 1677: and Calderwood’s MS. History, ad ann. 1572; - copy in Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh, transcribed anno - 1634. The two first of these works contain the most ancient - and authentic narratives, both being written at the time of - the event, and by persons who were eye and ear witnesses of - what they relate. - - 292 – This speech is translated from the Latin of Smeton, which - accounts for the difference of style which the attentive - reader must have remarked. - - 293 – After the castle surrendered, and Kircaldy was condemned - to die, Lindsay attended him at his earnest desire, and - received much satisfaction from conversation with him. When - he was on the scaffold, he desired the minister to repeat - Knox’s last words respecting him, and said that he hoped - they would prove true. James Melville had this information - from Lindsay. MS. Diary, p. 29, 30. See also Spotswood, - 266, 272. - - 294 – Morton afterwards acknowledged that he did know of the - murder; but excused himself for concealing it. “The quene,” - he said, “was the doare thareof;” and as for the king, he - was “sic a bairne, that there was nothing tauld him but he - wald reveill it to hir agane.” Bannatyne, 494, 497. - - 295 – The regent Mar died on the 29th of October preceding. The - nobility were at this time assembled at Edinburgh to choose - his successor, and it was understood that Morton would be - raised to that dignity. He was elected regent on the day of - Knox’s death. Bannatyne, 411, 412, 427. The author of the - Historie of King James the Sext says, that the regent died - October 18, and adds, “efter him dyed Johne Knox in that - same moneth,” p. 197. But he has mistaken the dates. - - 296 – Morton gave this account of his conference with the - Reformer to the ministers who attended him before - his execution. Being asked if he had not found Knox’s - admonition true, he replied, “I have fand it indeid.” - Morton’s Confession. Bannatyne, 508, 509. - - 297 – “Manum itaque, quasi nouas vires jamjam moriturus - concipiens, cœlum versus erigit, duobusque emissis - suspiriis, e mortali corpore emigrauit, citra vllum aut - pedum aut aliarum partium corporis motum, vt potius dormire - quam occidisse videretur.” Smetoni Responsio, p. 123. - - 298 – Cald. MS. ad ann. 1572. Bannatyne, 429. Spotswood, 267. The - area of the Parliament Square was formerly the churchyard - of St Giles. Some think that he was buried in one of the - aisles of his own church. The place where the Reformer - preached is that which is now called the Old Church. It - has, however, undergone a great change since his time. - The space now occupied by the pulpit and the greater - part of the seats, was then an aisle; and the church was - considerably more to the north of the building than at - present. The small church fitted up for him a few weeks - before his death is called, by Bannatyne, the Tolbooth. - Whether it was exactly that part of the building now - called the Tolbooth church I do not know. - - 299 – Some verses to the Reformer’s memory may be seen in Note AA. - - 300 – See Note BB. - - 301 – Senelier, Hist. Lit. de Geneve, i. 377. - - 302 – The reader should observe, that the word servant, or - servitor, was then used with greater latitude than it is - now, and in old writings often signifies the person whom - we call by the more honourable names of clerk, secretary, - or man of business. As the drawing of the principal - ecclesiastical papers, and the compiling of the history - of public proceedings, were committed to our Reformer, from - the time of his last return to Scotland, he kept a person - of this description in his family, and Bannatyne held the - situation. - - 303 – Journal, 104, 105. - - 304 – _i.e._ labour. - - 305 – Bannatyne, 427, 429. - - 306 – Smetoni Resp. ad Hamilt. Dial. p. 95, 115. - - 307 – Calfhill’s Answere to the Treatise of the Crosse: Preface - to the Readers, fol. 18, a. Lond. 1565. This writer was - cousin to Toby Matthews, archbishop of York; and in the - Convocation which met in 1562, sat as a representative of - the clergy of London, and the canons of Oxford. Strype, - Annals, i. 289, 292‒3. - - 308 – See vol. i. 236, 387‒8. - - 309 – Harborowe for faithful and Trewe Subjects, B. B. 2. - C. C. 2. Strype’s Life of Aylmer, p. 238. - - 310 – Strype’s Life of Grindal, p. 19, 20. - - 311 – Burnet, vol. ii. Appendix, part iii. B. vi. p. 351, 352. - - 312 – In a dedication of Knox’s “Exposition of the Temptation - of Christ,” John Field, the publisher, says: “If ever God - shall vouchsafe the church so great a benefite; when his - infinite letters, and sundry other treatises shall be - gathered together, it shall appear what an excellent man - he was, and what a wonderfull losse that church of Scotland - susteined when that worthie man was taken from them.――If, - by yourselfe or others, you can procure any other his - writings or letters here at home, or abroad in Scotland, - be a meane that we may receive them. It were great pittie - that any the least of his writinges should be lost: for - he evermore wrote both godly and diligently, in questions - of divinitie, and also of church policie; and his letters - being had togeather, would togeather set out an whole - historie of the churches where he lived.” - - 313 – In a sermon preached by him at Paul’s Cross, before the - Parliament of England, Feb. 9, 1588, on 1 John iv. 1, - printed in 1588, and reprinted in 1636. He enlarged on - the subject in two posterior treatises, the one entitled, - “Dangerous Positions; or Scottish Genevating, and English - Scottizing:” The other, “A Survey of the Pretended Holy - Discipline.” - - 314 – John Davidson, minister first at Libberton, and afterwards - at Prestonpans, answered Bancroft in a book entitled, - “Dr Bancroft’s Rashnes in Rayling against the Church of - Scotland;” printed at Edinburgh, 1590. - - 315 – Cald. MS. ad an. 1570; quarto copy in Advocates’ Library, - vol. ii. p. 260, 261. - - 316 – De Thuani Histor. Successu apud Jacobum I. Mag. Brit. - Regem: Thuani Hist. tom. vii. pars v. edit. Buckley, 1733. - Laing’s Hist. of Scotland, i. 228‒241. 2nd edit. - - 317 – History, 261. - - 318 – Whitaker’s Vindication of Queen Mary, _passim_. The - same writer designs Buchanan “a serpent――daring - calumniator――leviathan of slander――the second of all - human forgers, and the first of all human slanderers.” - Dr Robertson he calls “a disciple of the old school of - slander――a liar――and one for whom bedlam is no bedlam.” - - 319 – See Extracts from his Letters to “Mrs Locke, 6th April, - 1559,” and to “A Friend in England, 19th August, 1569;” - published in the Appendix. - - 320 – Robertson, Hist. of Scotland. - - 321 – “Haud scio an unquam――magis ingenium in fragili et - imbecillo corpusculo collocarit.” Smetoni Respons. ad - Dialog. Hamilt. p. 115. - - 322 – A print of him, cut in wood, was inserted by Beza, in his - Icones. There is another in Verheideni Imagines. See also - Grainger’s Biographical History of England, i. 164. - - 323 – Henry Fowlis, apud Mackenzie’s Lives of Scottish Writers, - ii. 132. The _learned_ Fellow of Lincoln College had - perhaps discovered that the magical virtue which the - popish writers ascribed to Knox, resided in his beard. - - 324 – “Audivi mente captos hereticos Scotos eo etiam insaniæ - aliquando venisse, quod sceleratissimi, atque omnium - literarum imperitissimi nebulonis Knox, pessimi hæretici, - qui omnes imagines sanctorum frangi præceperat, imaginem - suam non tam fabricari passum fuisse, quam jam fabricatam - non parum probasse.” Laingæus de Vita et Moribus Hæretic. - p. 65‒66. The same writer tells us, as a proof of Calvin’s - vain‑glory, that he allowed his picture to be carried - about on the necks of men and women, like that of a God; - and that, when reminded that the picture of Christ was as - precious as his, he returned a profane answer; “fertur - eum hoc tantum respondisse, Qui huic rei invidet _crepet - medius_.” Ibid. - - 325 – Letter to the Faithfull in London, Newcastell, and Barwick; - in MS. Letters, p. 113. - - 326 – Bannatyne, 111, 112, 420, 421. - - 327 – See the Epistle to the Reader, prefixed to his Sermon, - Append. to History, p. 113. Edin. 1644, 4to. - - 328 – Cicero de Divinat. lib. i. 4. - - 329 – This is acknowledged by one who had attempted this more - frequently, and with greater acuteness, than any of them. - “De tels faits, dont l’univers est tout plein, embarrassent - plus les esprits forts qu’ils ne le temoignent.” Bayle, - Dictionnaire, Art. Maldonat, Note G. What he says, - elsewhere, of dreams, may be applied to this subject; “they - contain infinitely less mystery than the multitude believe, - and a little more than sceptics believe; and those who - reject them wholly, give reason either to suspect their - sincerity, or to charge them with prejudice and incapacity - to discern the force of evidence.” Ibid. Art. Majus, Note D. - - 330 – “Setting aside these sorts of divination as extremely - suspicious,” says a modern author, who was not addicted to - enthusiastic notions, “there remain predictions by dreams, - and by sudden impulses, upon persons who were not of the - fraternity of impostors; these were allowed to be sometimes - preternatural by many of the learned pagans, and cannot, I - think, be disproved, and should not be totally rejected.” - Dr Jortin’s Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. i. - p. 93. See also p. 45, 77. Lond. 1805. The learned reader - may also consult the epicrisis of Witsius on this question: - the whole dissertation, intended chiefly to expose - the opposite extreme, is well entitled to a perusal. - Miscellanea Sacra, tom. i. p. 391. - - 331 – Newcourt’s Repert. Londin. ii. 154. Communications from - Mr Thomas Baker, apud Life of Knox, prefixed to Historie - of the Reformation, edit. 1732, p. xli. xlii. - - 332 – Melville’s MS. Diary, p. 39. See also Note CC. - - 333 – Douglas’s Peerage of Scotland, p. 522. - - 334 – The Testament of John Knox, in the Appendix. - - 335 – He was the grandfather of Mr Robert Fleming, minister in - London, and author of the well known Book, The Fulfilling - of the Scriptures. But Mr Robert’s father was of a - different marriage. Fleming’s Practical Discourse on - the Death of King William, preface, p. 14. Lond. 1702. - - 336 – See Note DD. - - 337 – Matthew Crawfurd’s History of the church of Scotland, MS. - vol. i. 258‒283. The Reformation of Religion in Scotland, - written by Mr John Forbes, MS. p. 131‒151. The copy of - this last work, which is in my possession, was transcribed - “ex Authoris autographo,” in the year 1726. The author - was one of the condemned ministers. His narrative properly - begins at the year 1580, but is chiefly occupied in - detailing the transactions which preceded and followed the - Assembly at Aberdeen. - - 338 – Row’s MS. Historie, p. 111, 122. - - 339 – “Very well; you shall be my minister.” - - 340 – History of Mr John Welch, p. 31‒33. Edinburgh, 1703. - Characteristics of Eminent Ministers, subjoined to - Livingston’s Life: Art. John Welch. Mr Livingston received - his account of the above transactions in France, from Lord - Kenmure, who resided in Mr Welch’s house. The author of the - History of Welch, says, that he received his information - from the personal acquaintances of that minister. That work - was drawn up by Mr James Kirkton, who married a descendant - of Knox, and consequently a relation of Mrs Welch. See the - article concerning Knox’s descendants in Additions. The - Life of Welch contains an account of an extraordinary - occurrence relating to the first Lord Castlestewart, - (ancestor of Lord Castlereagh,) who, when a young man, - lodged with Mr Welch in France. - - 341 – Asked. - - 342 – Enjoyed. - - 343 – Receive. - - 344 – I met with the account of this conversation in a MS. - written by Mr Robert Traill, minister in London, entitled, - “An Accompt of several passages in the lives of some - eminent men in the nation, not recorded in any history.” - It is inserted in the heart of a common‑place book, - containing notes of sermons, &c, written by him when a - student of divinity at St Andrews, between 1659 and 1663. - He received the account from aged persons, and says, that - the conference between King James and Mrs Welch “is current - to this day in the mouths of many.” I have since seen the - same story in Wodrow’s MS. Collections, vol. i. Life of - Welch, p. 27, Bibl. Coll. Glass. James stood in great - awe of Mr Welch, who often reproved him for his habit of - profane swearing. If he had, at any time, been swearing in - a public place, he would have turned round, and asked, if - Welch was near. Traill’s MS. ut supra. - - 345 – Obituary of Robert Boyd of Trochrig, in Wodrow’s MS. - Collections, vol. v. p. 145, 148. Bannatyne Miscellany, - vol. i. p. 291, 295. See Mrs Welch’s Testament, in the - Appendix. - - 346 – Preface to his Sermon, apud History, p. 113. Edin. 1644. - - 347 – Those who have not directed their attention to this point - cannot easily conceive to what extent the translation of - foreign theological books into our language was carried - at that time. There was scarcely a book of any celebrity - published in Latin by the continental reformers, that - did not appear in an English version. Bibliographers, - and the annalists of printing, are very defective in the - information which they communicate on this branch. - - 348 – It is to this that Ninian Winget refers in one of his - letters addressed to Knox. “Gif ye, throw curiositie of - novationis, hes forzet our auld plane Scottis, quhilk zour - mother lernit zow, in tymes coming I sall wrytt to zow - my mynd in Latin, for I am nocht acquyntit with _zour - Southeroun_.” Keith, Append. 254. - - 349 – Knox’s practical writings have been lately collected - and reprinted. This, so far as it may have arisen, even - indirectly, from what I have done in illustrating the - events of his life, I regard as one of the most pleasing - fruits of my labour; nor do I regret (though I did regret - it) that the work has issued from the press of London, - instead of Edinburgh. - - 350 – See Note EE. - - 351 – See Note FF. It may be proper to notice that our Reformer’s - writings had the honour of being marked in the Index - Expurgatorius of Rome. “Joannes Chnoxus Scotus” occurs - in Index Librorum Prohibitorum, p. 49. Rothomagi, 1625. - - 352 – In the page referred to, this is, by mistake, described as - Note L. - - 353 – It is probable that the words which puzzled Hay should be - read, _and condemn your awin doinges_. - - 354 – The Greek word is inserted with a pen. - - 355 – History of the Church and Parish of St Cuthbert, or West - Kirk of Edinburgh, p. 38. Edin. 1829. - - 356 – The first five Nos. are religious letters; the rest contain - historical matter. - - 357 – The following letters from Calderwood, have been corrected - by comparing different copies. The style has evidently been - modernized. - - 358 – He seems to refer here to his History of the Reformation. - - 359 – Referring, most probably, to his treatise against Female - Government. - - 360 – “They were summoned,” or some such words, must be supplied - here. - - 361 – There is a mistake here as to the date. Knox arrived on the - 2d of May. See vol. i. p. 246, 256. - - 362 – Are we to infer from this that the protestant ministers had - desisted from preaching while they were outlawed? I do not, - indeed, recollect of an instance of any of them, except - Knox, preaching during that time. - - 363 – See vol. i. p. 37, 38. - - 364 – soldiers. - - 365 – pressed, endeavoured. - - 366 – shift. - - 367 – grateful. - - 368 – excellent. - - 369 – royalty. - - 370 – changes situation. - - 371 – know a trick. - - 372 – juggle. - - 373 – acquainted, or (perhaps) crafty. - - 374 – feigned affair. - - 375 – butt, or mark. - - 376 – I regard nothing what worthless fellows, &c. - - 377 – language. - - 378 – the devil. - - 379 – ready. - - 380 – press, difficulty. - - 381 – extol. - - 382 – wicked. - - 383 – without. - - 384 – confederate. - - 385 – defend. - - 386 – enmity. - - 387 – plea, controversy. - - 388 – reckon in that rank. - - 389 – cherish. - - 390 – diligently. - - 391 – dragging. - - 392 – maimed, or disgraced. - - 393 – conceal. - - 394 – beat, or scourged. - - 395 – Sir Wink‑at‑vice, an allegorical character. - - 396 – described in this work. - - 397 – probably, _waynd ane wee_, _i.e._ swerve a little. - - 398 – curtail. - - 399 – a hotch‑potch. - - 400 – one thing. - - 401 – the hostility of strangers, and anger of relations. - - 402 – conceal the truth. - - 403 – anxiety. - - 404 – plainly tell. - - 405 – injure. - - 406 – run mad. - - 407 – without hinderance, when ye least think. - - 408 – barter. - - 409 – _gainze_ signifies sometimes an engine for throwing weapons, - and sometimes the weapon thrown. - - 410 – lay or song. - - 411 – shining, blazing. - - 412 – good fellow, _bon vivant_. - - 413 – thought nothing too much. - - 414 – ragamuffin, vagabond. - - 415 – fraternity, alluding to the fastings of the friars. - - 416 – treasure. - - 417 – attempts to meddle. - - 418 – smoke. - - 419 – above. - - 420 – trouble, contention. - - 421 – bugle‑horn. - - 422 – Thou knowest he loved thee above the rest. - - 423 – pull. - - 424 – repent. - - 425 – but shipwrecked without rescue. - - 426 – See vol. i. p. 28. - - 427 – See vol. i. 357. - - 428 – See vol. i. 356. - - 429 – See vol. i. p. 51, 67. - - 430 – See vol. i. p. 40. - - 431 – See vol. i. p. 41. - - 432 – See vol. i. p. 362, 364. - - 433 – Dundee. - - 434 – The name of _Schir John Knox_ occurs as a witness to a - deed concerning Rannelton Law, dated 8th March, 1541, and - preserved in an old volume of Protocols, belonging to the - burgh of Haddington. There is good reason to think that - our Reformer is the person named in that deed, which, in - this view, confirms the statement in vol. i. p. 12, that - he was in priests’ orders before he left the church of - Rome. - - 435 – See vol. i. p. 171. Vol. ii. p. 178. - - 436 – See vol. ii. p. 328. - - 437 – See vol. i. p. 174. - - 438 – I have not met elsewhere with any notice of _Brebner_ or - _Bremner_. - - 439 – _i.e._ of Montrose. - - 440 – See vol. i. p. 31, 410. - - 441 – See vol. ii. p. 15. - - 442 – See vol. ii. p. 213. - - 443 – See vol. ii. p. 18. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES. - - - The following corrections have been made in the text: - - Page 66: - Sentence starting: “Ye sal be assured,”.... - – ‘add she’ replaced with ‘adds he’ - (be assured,” adds he, “I sal) - - Page 390: - Sentence starting: Lest that the rumours of.... - – ‘Leat’ replaced with ‘Lest’ - (Lest that the rumours of) - - Page 471: - Item: _Davidson_, John. - – ‘anwers’ replaced with ‘answers’ - (His answers to Bancroft, ii. 241.) - - Page 482: - Item: _Protestant_ Preachers. - – ‘ii. 428’ replaced with ‘i. 277’ - (Released, i. 277.) - - Page 484: - Item: _Stewart_, Lord James,... - – ‘sermous’ replaced with ‘sermons’ - (Attends Knox’s sermons, i. 177.) - - Footnote 75: - – ‘Note L’ replaced with ‘Note M’ - (See Note M.) - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Life of John Knox, Fifth Edition, Vol. -2 of 2, by Thomas M'Crie - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 5TH ED., VOL 2 *** - -***** This file should be named 52940-0.txt or 52940-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/2/9/4/52940/ - -Produced by Richard Hulse, Heather Clark and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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