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margin: 0; font-size: 100%;} -} - -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; color: black; font-size:smaller; padding:0.5em; margin-bottom:5em; font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - </style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Anarchy and Anarchists, by Michael Schaack - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: Anarchy and Anarchists - Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed - -Author: Michael Schaack - -Release Date: August 15, 2016 [EBook #52811] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS *** - - - - -Produced by Giovanni Fini, Richard Hulse and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -</pre> - -<div class="limit"> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<div class="transnote p4"> -<p class="pc large">TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:</p> -<p class="ptn">—Obvious print and punctuation errors were corrected.</p> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/cover.jpg" width="350" height="567" alt="" /> -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/fr.jpg" width="400" height="660" id="fr" - alt="" - title="" /> -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[i]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h1 class="p4"><span class="smcap">Anarchy and Anarchists.</span></h1> - -<p class="pc4">A HISTORY OF<br /> -THE RED TERROR AND THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION<br /> -IN AMERICA AND EUROPE.</p> - -<hr class="d1" /> - -<p class="pc large">COMMUNISM, SOCIALISM, AND NIHILISM</p> -<p class="pc2">IN DOCTRINE AND IN DEED.</p> - -<hr class="d1" /> - -<p class="pc mid">THE CHICAGO HAYMARKET CONSPIRACY,</p> -<p class="pc2">AND THE DETECTION AND TRIAL OF THE CONSPIRATORS.</p> - -<hr class="d1" /> - -<p class="pc lmid">BY</p> -<p class="pc large"><span class="smcap">Michael J. Schaack,</span></p> -<p class="pc lmid"><span class="smcap">Captain of Police</span>.</p> - -<p class="pc2 lmid">WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS FROM AUTHENTIC PHOTOGRAPHS, -AND FROM ORIGINAL DRAWINGS</p> - -<p class="pc2"><span class="smcap">By Wm. A. McCullough, Wm. Ottman, Louis Braunhold, True -Williams, Chas. Foerster, O. F. Kritzner, and Others.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/logo.jpg" width="200" height="163" - alt="" - title="" /> -</div> - -<p class="pc mid">CHICAGO:</p> -<p class="pc1 lmid"><span class="smcap">F. J. Schulte & Company.</span></p> -<p class="pc1"><span class="smcap">New York and Philadelphia: W. A. Houghton.</span></p> -<p class="pc1"><span class="smcap">St. Louis: S. F. Junkin & Co.<span class="smcap">——</span> Pittsburg: P. J. Fleming & Co.</span></p> -<p class="pc1">MDCCCLXXXIX.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[ii]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pc4"><span class="smcap">Copyright,</span> 1889,<br /> -<span class="lmid">BY MICHAEL J. SCHAACK.</span><br /> -<span class="reduct">ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.</span></p> - -<hr class="d2" /> - -<p class="pc">⁂<i>THE ILLUSTRATIONS IN THIS WORK ARE ALL ORIGINAL, AND ARE<br /> -PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT.</i></p> - -<hr class="d3" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pc">TO<br /> -<span class="mid">HON. JOSEPH E. GARY</span><br /> -AND TO<br /> -<span class="mid">HON. JULIUS S. GRINNELL</span><br /> -THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY<br /> -<span class="mid">THE AUTHOR.</span></p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a></span></p> -<p> </p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h2>PREFACE.</h2> - -<p class="pc2">*<br />*<span class="vh">——</span>*</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">IT has seemed to me that there should be a history of the development, -the revolt, and the tragedy of Anarchy in Chicago. This history I -have written as impartially and as fairly as I knew how to write it. I -have kept steadily before my eyes the motto,—</p> - -<p class="pp6q p1">“Nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice.”</p> - -<p class="p1">It will be found in the succeeding pages that neither animosity against -the revolutionists, nor partiality to the State, has influenced the work. I -have dealt with this episode in Chicago’s history as calmly and as fairly as -I am able. I have tried to put myself in the position of the misguided -men whose conspiracy led to the Haymarket explosion and to the gallows; -to understand their motives; to appreciate their ideals—for so only could -this volume be properly written.</p> - -<p>And to present a broader view, I have added a history of all forms of -Socialism, Communism, Nihilism and Anarchy. In this, though necessarily -brief, it has been the purpose to give all the important facts, and to set -forth the theories of all those who, whether moderate or radical, whether -sincerely laboring in the interests of humanity or boisterously striving for -notoriety, have endeavored or pretended to improve upon the existing order -of society.</p> - -<p>After the dynamite bomb exploded, carrying death into the ranks of men -with whom I had been for years closely associated—after an impudent attack -had been made upon our law and upon our system, which I was sworn to -defend—it came to me as a duty to the State, a duty to my dead and -wounded comrades, to bring the guilty men to justice; to expose the conspiracy -to the world, and thus to assist in vindicating the law. How the -duty was performed, this story tells.</p> - -<p>It is a plain narrative whose interest lies in the momentous character of -the facts which it relates. Much of it is now for the first time given to the -public. I have drawn upon the records of the case, made in court, but -more especially upon the reports made to me, during the progress of the -investigation, by the many detectives who were working under my direction.</p> - -<p>I can say for my book no more than this: that from the first page to the -last there is no material statement which is not to my knowledge true. The -reader, then, may at least depend upon the accuracy of the information -presented here, even if I cannot make any other claim.</p> - -<p>It would be unfair and ungrateful if I did not seize this opportunity to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span> -put on lasting record my obligations to Judge Julius S. Grinnell, who was -State’s Attorney during the investigation. His support, steady and full of -tact, enabled me to go through with the work, in spite of obstacles deliberately -put in my way. My position was a delicate and difficult one: had it not -been for him, and for others, success would have been almost impossible.</p> - -<p>Nor can I forego this occasion to bear testimony to the magnificent -police work done in the case by Inspector Bonfield and his brother, James -Bonfield, and by the officers who acted directly with me. These were -Lieut. Charles A. Larsen and Officers Herman Schuettler, Michael Whalen, -Jacob Loewenstein, Michael Hoffman, Charles Rehm, John Stift and B. P. -Baer. Mr. Edmund Furthmann, at that time Assistant State’s Attorney, as -I have elsewhere recorded, worked upon the inquiry into the conspiracy -with an acumen, a perseverance and an industry which were beyond all -praise. I knew, when he was first associated with me in the case, that the -outcome must be a victory for outraged law, and the result vindicated the -prediction. To Mr. Thomas O. Thompson and to Mr. John T. McEnnis -much of the literary form of this volume is to be credited, and to them also -I am under lasting obligations.</p> - -<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Michael J. Schaack.</span></p> -<p class="pi4"><i>Chicago, February, 1889.</i></p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">TABLE OF CONTENTS.</h2> - -<p class="pc2">*<br />*<span class="vh">——</span>*</p> - -<table id="toc" summary="cont"> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER I.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Beginning of Anarchy—The German School of Discontent—The -Socialist Future—The Asylum in London—Birth of a Word—Work of the French -Revolution—The Conspiracy of Babeuf—Etienne Cabet’s Experiment—The Colony -in the United States—Settled at Nauvoo—Fourier and his System—The Familistère -at Guise—Louis Blanc and the National Work-shops—Proudhon, the Founder of -French Anarchy—German Socialism: Its Rise and Development—Rodbertus and his -Followers—“Capital,” by Karl Marx—The “Bible of the Socialists”—The Red -Internationale—Bakounine and his Expulsion from the Society—The New Conspiracy—Ferdinand -Lassalle and the Social Democrats—The Birth of a Great Movement—Growth -of Discontent—Leaders after Lassalle—The Central Idea of the Revolt—American -Methods and the Police Position,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER II.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Dynamite in Politics-Historical Assassinations—Infernal Machines in -France—The Inventor of Dynamite—M. Noble and his Ideas—The Nitro-Compounds—How -Dynamite is Made—The New French Explosive—“Black Jelley” and the Nihilists—What -the Nihilists Believe and What they Want—The Conditions in Russia—The -White and the Red Terrors—Vera Sassoulitch—Tourgenieff and the Russian Girl—The -Assassination of the Czar—“It is too Soon to Thank God”—The Dying Emperor—Two -Bombs Thrown—Running Down the Conspirators—Sophia Perowskaja, the -Nihilist Leader—The Handkerchief Signal—The Murder Roll—Tried and Convicted—A -Brutal Execution—Five Nihilists Pay the Penalty—Last Words Spoken but Unheard—A -Deafening Tattoo—The Book-bomb and the Present Czar—Strychnine-coated -Bullets—St. Peter and Paul’s Fortress—Dynamite Outrages in England—The -Record of Crime—Twenty-nine Convicts and their Offenses—Ingenious Bomb-making—The -Failures of Dynamite,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER III.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Exodus to Chicago—Waiting for an Opportunity—A Political Party -Formed—A Question of $600,000—The First Socialist Platform—Details of the Organization—Work -at the Ballot-Box—Statistics of Socialist Progress—The “International -Workingmen’s Party” and The “Workingmen’s Party of the United States”—The -Eleven Commandments of Labor—How the Work was to be Done—A Curious -Constitution—Beginnings of the Labor Press—The Union Congress—Criticising the -Ballot-Box—The Executive Committee and its Powers—Annals of 1876—A Period of -Preparation—The Great Railroad Strikes of 1877—The First Attack on Society—A -Decisive Defeat—Trying Politics Again—The “Socialistic Party”—Its Leaders and -its Aims—August Spies as an Editor—Buying the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>—How the Money -was Raised—Anarchist Campaign Songs—The Group Organization—Plan of the Propaganda—Dynamite -First Taught—“The Bureau of Information”—An Attack on -Arbitration—No Compromise with Capital—Unity of the Internationalists and the -Socialists,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_44">44</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER IV. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii"><span class="small">[viii]</span></a></span></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Socialism, Theoretic and Practical—Statements of the Leaders—Vengeance -on the “Spitzels”—The Black Flag in the Streets—Resolutions in the <i>Alarm</i>—The -Board of Trade Procession—Why it Failed—Experts on Anarchy—Parsons, Spies, -Schwab and Fielden Outline their Belief—The International Platform—Why Communism -Must Fail—A French Experiment and its Lesson—The Law of Averages—Extracts -from the Anarchistic Press—Preaching Murder—Dynamite or the Ballot-Box?—“The -Reaction in America”—Plans for Street Fighting—Riot Drill and Tactics—Bakounine -and the Social Revolution—Twenty-one Statements of an Anarchist’s Duty—Herways’ -Formula—Predicting the Haymarket—The Lehr und Wehr Verein and the Supreme -Court—The White Terror and the Red—Reinsdorf, the Father of Anarchy—His -Association with Hoedel and Nobiling—Attempt to Assassinate the German Emperor—Reinsdorf -at Berlin—His Desperate Plan—“Old Lehmann” and the Socialist’s Dagger—The -Germania Monument—An Attempt to Kill the Whole Court—A Culvert -Full of Dynamite—A Wet Fuse and no Explosion—Reinsdorf Condemned to Death—His -Last Letters—Chicago Students of his Teachings—De Tocqueville and Socialism,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_74">74</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER V.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Socialistic Programme—Fighting a Compromise—Opposition to the -Eight-hour Movement—The Memorial to Congress—Eight Hours’ Work Enough—The -Anarchist Position—An <i>Alarm</i> Editorial—“Capitalists and Wage Slaves”—Parsons’ -Ideas—The Anarchists and the Knights of Labor—Powderly’s Warning—Working -up a Riot—The Effect of Labor-saving Machinery—Views of Edison and -Wells—The Socialistic Demonstration—The Procession of April 25, 1886—How the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Helped on the Crisis—The Secret Circular of 1886,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_104">104</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER VI.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Eight-hour Movement—Anarchist Activity—The Lock-out at McCormick’s—Distorting -the Facts—A Socialist Lie—The True Facts about McCormick’s—Who -Shall Run the Shops?—Abusing the “Scabs”—High Wages for -Cheap Work—The Union Loses $3,000 a Day—Preparing for Trouble—Arming the -Anarchists—Ammunition Depots—Pistols and Dynamite—Threatening the Police—The -Conspirators Show the White Feather—Capt. O’Donnell’s Magnificent Police -Work—The Revolution Blocked—A Foreign Reservation—An Attempt to Mob the -Police—The History of the First Secret Meeting—Lingg’s First Appearance in the -Conspiracy—The Captured Documents—Bloodshed at McCormick’s—“The Battle -Was Lost”—Officer Casey’s Narrow Escape,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER VII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The <i>Coup d’État</i> a Miscarriage—Effect of the Anarchist Failure at -McCormick’s—“Revenge”—Text of the Famous Circular—The German Version—An -Incitement to Murder—Bringing on a Conflict—Engel’s Diabolical Plan—The -Rôle of the Lehr und Wehr Verein—The Gathering of the Armed Groups—Fischer’s -Sanguinary Talk—The Signal for Murder—“Ruhe” and its Meaning—Keeping -Clear of the Mouse-Trap—The Haymarket Selected—Its Advantages for Revolutionary -War—The Call for the Murder Meeting—“Workingmen, Arm Yourselves”—Preparing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span>the Dynamite—The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Arsenal—The Assassins’ Roost at -58 Clybourn Avenue—The Projected Attack on the Police Stations—Bombs for All -who Wished Them—Waiting for the Word of Command—Why it was not Given—The -Leaders’ Courage Fails,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_129">129</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER VIII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Air Full of Rumors—A Riot Feared—Police Preparations—Bonfield -in Command—The Haymarket—Strategic Value of the Anarchists’ Position—Crane’s -Alley—The Theory of Street Warfare—Inflaming the Mob—Schnaubelt and -his Bomb—“Throttle the Law”—The Limit of Patience Reached—“In the Name of -the People, Disperse”—The Signal Given—The Crash of Dynamite First Heard on -an American Street—Murder in the Air—A Rally and a Charge—The Anarchists -Swept Away—A Battle Worthy of Veterans,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_139">139</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER IX.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Dead and the Wounded—Moans of Anguish in the Police Station—Caring -for Friend and Foe—Counting the Cost—A City’s Sympathy—The Death -List—Sketches of the Men—The Doctors’ Work—Dynamite Havoc—Veterans of -the Haymarket—A Roll of Honor—The Anarchist Loss—Guesses at their Dead—Concealing -Wounded Rioters—The Explosion a Failure—Disappointment of the -Terrorists,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_149">149</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER X.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Core of the Conspiracy—Search of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Office—The -Captured Manuscript—Jealousies in the Police Department—The Case Threatened -with Failure—Stupidity at the Central Office—Fischer Brought in—Rotten Detective -Work—The Arrest of Spies—His Egregious Vanity—An Anarchist “Ladies’ Man”—Wine -Suppers with the Actresses—Nina Van Zandt’s Antecedents—Her Romantic -Connection with the Case—Fashionable Toilets—Did Spies Really Love Her?—His -Curious Conduct—The Proxy Marriage—The End of the Romance—The Other Conspirators—Mrs. -Parsons’ Origin—The Bomb-Thrower in Custody—The Assassin -Kicked Out of the Chief’s Office—Schnaubelt and the Detectives—Suspicious Conduct -at Headquarters—Schnaubelt Ordered to Keep Away From the City Hall—An -Amazing Incident—A Friendly Tip to a Murderer—My Impressions of the Schnaubelt -Episode—Balthasar Rau and Mr. Furthmann—Phantom Shackles in a Pullman—Experiments -with Dynamite—An Explosive Dangerous to Friend and Foe—Testing -the Bombs—Fielden and the Chief,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_156">156</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XI.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">My Connection with the Anarchist Cases—A Scene at the Central Office—Mr. -Hanssen’s Discovery—Politics and Detective Work—Jealousy Against Inspector -Bonfield—Dynamiters on Exhibition—Courtesies to the Prize-fighters—A Friendly -Tip—My First Light on the Case—A Promise of Confidence—One Night’s Work—The -Chief Agrees to my Taking up the Case—Laying Our Plans—“We Have -Found the Bomb Factory!”—Is it a Trap?—A Patrol-wagon Full of Dynamite—No -Help Hoped for from Headquarters—Conference with State’s Attorney Grinnell—Furthmann’s -Work—Opening up the Plot—Trouble with the Newspaper Men—Unexpected -Advantage of Hostile Criticism—Information from Unexpected Quarters—Queer -Episodes of the Hunt—Clues Good, Bad and Indifferent—A Mysterious Lady -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span>with a Veil—A Conference in my Back Yard—The Anarchists Alarmed—A Breezy -Conference with Ebersold—Threatening Letters—Menaces Sent to the Wives of the -Men Working on the Case—How the Ladies Behaved—The Judge and Mrs. Gary—Detectives -on Each Other’s Trail—The Humors of the Case—Amusing Incidents,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_183">183</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Tracking the Conspirators—Female Anarchists—A Bevy of Beauties—Petticoated -Ugliness—The Breathless Messenger—A Detective’s Danger—Turning -the Tables—“That Man is a Detective!”—A Close Call—Gaining Revolutionists’ -Confidence—Vouched for by the Conspirators—Speech-making Extraordinary—The -Hiding-place in the Anarchists’ Hall—Betrayed by a Woman—The Assassination of -Detective Brown at Cedar Lake—Saloon-keepers and the Revolution—“Anarchists for -Revenue Only”—Another Murder Plot—The Peep-hole Found—Hunting for Detectives—Some -Amusing Ruses of the Revolutionists—A Collector of “Red” Literature -and his Dangerous Bonfire—Ebersold’s Vacation—Threatening the Jury—Measures -Taken for their Protection—Grinnell’s Danger—A “Bad Man” in Court—The Find -at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Office—Schnaubelt’s Impudent Letter—Captured Correspondence—The -Anarchists’ Complete Letter-writer,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_206">206</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XIII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Difficulties of Detection—Moving on the Enemy—A Hebrew Anarchist—Oppenheimer’s -Story—Dancing over Dynamite—Twenty-Five Dollars’ Worth -of Practical Socialism—A Woman’s Work—How Mrs. Seliger Saved the North Side—A -Well-merited Tribute—Seliger Saved by his Wife—The Shadow of the Hangman’s -Rope—A Hunt for a Witness—Shadowing a Hack—The Commune Celebration—Fixing -Lingg’s Guilt—Preparing the Infernal Machines—A Boy Conspirator—Lingg’s -Youthful Friend—Anarchy in the Blood—How John Thielen was Taken into Camp—His -Curious Confession—Other Arrests,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_230">230</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XIV.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Completing the Case—Looking for Lingg—The Bomb-maker’s Birth—Was -he of Royal Blood?—A Romantic Family History—Lingg and his Mother—Captured -Correspondence—A Desperate and Dangerous Character—Lingg Disappears—A -Faint Trail Found—Looking for Express Wagon 1999—The Number that Cost -the Fugitive his Life—A Desperado at Bay—Schuettler’s Death Grapple—Lingg in -the Shackles—His Statement at the Station—The Transfer to the Jail—Lingg’s Love -for Children—The Identity of his Sweetheart—An Interview with Hubner—His -Confession—The Meeting at Neff’s Place,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_256">256</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XV.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Engel in the Toils—His Character and Rough Eloquence—Facing his -Accusers—Waller’s Confession—The Work of the Lehr und Wehr Verein—A -Dangerous Organization—The Romance of Conspiracy—Organization of the Armed -Sections—Plans and Purposes—Rifles Bought in St. Louis—The Picnics at Sheffield—A -Dynamite Drill—The Attack on McCormick’s—A Frightened Anarchist—Lehman -in the Calaboose—Information from many Quarters—The Cost of Revolvers—Lorenz -Hermann’s Story—Some Expert Lying,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_283">283</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XVI.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Pushing the Anarchists—A Scene on a Street-car—How Hermann -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span>Muntzenberg Gave Himself Away—The Secret Signal—“D——n the Informers”—A -Satchelful of Bombs—More about Engel’s Murderous Plan—Drilling the Lehr und -Wehr Verein—Breitenfeld’s Cowardice—An Anarchist Judas—The Hagemans—Dynamite -in Gas-pipe—An Admirer of Lingg—A Scheme to Remove the Author—The -Hospitalities of the Police Station—Mrs. Jebolinski’s Indignation—A Bogus Milkman—An -Unwilling Visitor—Mistaken for a Detective—An Eccentric Prisoner—Division -of Labor at the Dynamite Factory—Clermont’s Dilemma—The Arrangements for the -Haymarket,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_312">312</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XVII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Fluttering the Anarchist Dove-cote—Confessions by Piecemeal—Statements -from the Small Fry—One of Schnaubelt’s Friends—“Some One Wants to -Hang Me”—Neebe’s Bloodthirsty Threats—Burrowing in the Dark—The Starved-out -Cut-throat—Torturing a Woman—Hopes of <i>Habeas Corpus</i>—“Little” Krueger’s -Work—Planning a Rescue—The Signal “? ? ?” and its Meaning—A Red-haired -Man’s Story—Firing the Socialist Heart—Meetings with Locked Doors—An Ambush -for the Police—The Red Flag Episode—Beer and Philosophy—Baum’s Wife and -Baby—A Wife-beating Revolutionist—Brother Eppinger’s Duties,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_334">334</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XVIII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Plot against the Police—Anarchist Banners and Emblems—Stealing -a Captured Flag—A Mystery at a Station-house—Finding the Fire Cans—Their -Construction and Use—Imitating the Parisian Petroleuses—Glass Bombs—Putting -the Women Forward—Cans and Bombs Still Hidden Among the Bohemians—Testing -the Infernal Machines—The Effects of Anarchy—The Moral to be Drawn—Looking -for Labor Sympathy—A Crazy Scheme—Gatling Gun <i>vs.</i> Dynamite—The -Threatened Attack on the Station-houses—Watching the Third Window—Selecting a -Weapon—Planning Murder—The Test of Would-be Assassins—The Meeting at Lincoln -Park—Peril of the Hinman Street Station-house—A Fortunate Escape,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_364">364</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XIX.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Legal Battle—The Beginning of Proceedings in Court—Work in -the Grand Jury Room—The Circulation of Anarchistic Literature—A Witness who was -not Positive—Side Lights on the Testimony—The Indictments Returned—Selecting -a Jury—Sketches of the Jurymen—Ready for the Struggle,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_376">376</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XX.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Judge Grinnell’s Opening—Statement of the Case—The Light of the 4th -of May—The Dynamite Argument—Spies’ Fatal Prophecy—The Eight-hour Strike—The -Growth of the Conspiracy—Spies’ Cowardice at McCormick’s—The “Revenge” -Circular—Work of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and the <i>Alarm</i>—The Secret Signal—A Frightful -Plan—“Ruhe”—Lingg, the Bomb-maker—The Haymarket Conspiracy—The -Meeting—“We are Peaceable”—After the Murder—The Complete Case Presented,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_390">390</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXI.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Great Trial Opens—Bonfield’s History of the Massacre—How the -Bomb Exploded—Dynamite in the Air—A Thrilling Story—Gottfried Waller’s Testimony—An -Anarchist’s “Squeal”—The Murder Conspiracy Made Manifest by Many -Witnesses,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_404">404</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXII. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii"><span class="reduct">[xii]</span></a></span></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">“We are Peaceable”—Capt. Ward’s Memories of the Massacre—A Nest -of Anarchists—Scenes in the Court—Seliger’s Revelations—Lingg, the Bomb-maker—How -he cast his Shells—A Dynamite Romance—Inside History of the Conspiracy—The -Shadow of the Gallows—Mrs. Seliger and the Anarchists—Tightening the -Coils—An Explosive Arsenal—The Schnaubelt Blunder—Harry Wilkinson and Spies—A -Threat in Toothpicks—The Bomb Factory—The Board of Trade Demonstration,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_419">419</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXIII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">A Pinkerton Operative’s Adventures—How the Leading Anarchists -Vouched for a Detective—An Interesting Scene—An Enemy in the Camp—Getting -into the Armed Group—No. 16’s Experience—Paul Hull and the Dynamite Bomb—A -Safe Corner Where the Bullets were Thick—A Revolver Tattoo—“Shoot the -Devils”—A Reformed Internationalist,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_445">445</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXIV.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Reporting under Difficulties—Shorthand in an Overcoat Pocket—An -Incriminating Conversation—Spies and Schwab in Danger—Gilmer’s Story—The Man -in the Alley—Schnaubelt the Bomb-thrower—Fixing the Guilt—Spies Lit the Fuse—A -Searching Cross-Examination—The Anarchists Alarmed—Engel and the Shell -Machine—The Find at Lingg’s House—The Author on the Witness-stand—Talks -with the Prisoners—Dynamite Experiments—The False Bottom of Lingg’s Trunk—The -Material in the Shells—Expert Testimony—Incendiary Banners—The Prosecution -Rests—A Fruitless Attempt to have Neebe Discharged,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_457">457</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXV.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Programme of the Defense—Mayor Harrison’s Memories—Simonson’s -Story—A Graphic Account—A Bird’s-eye View of Dynamite—Ferguson and the -Bomb—“As Big as a Base Ball”—The Defense Theory of the Riot—Claiming the -Police were the Aggressors—Dr. Taylor and the Bullet-marks—The Attack on Gilmer’s -Veracity—Varying Testimony—The Witnesses who Appeared,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_478">478</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXVI.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Malkoff’s Testimony—A Nihilist’s Correspondence—More about the -Wagon—Spies’ Brother—A Witness who Contradicts Himself—Printing the Revenge -Circular—Lizzie Holmes’ Inflammatory Essay—“Have You a Match About You?”—The -Prisoner Fielden Takes the Stand—An Anarchist’s Autobiography—The Red Flag -the Symbol of Freedom—The “Peaceable” Meeting—Fielden’s Opinion of the <i>Alarm</i>—“Throttling -the Law”—Expecting Arrest—More about Gilmer,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_491">491</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXVII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Close of the Defense—Working on the Jury—The Man who Threw -the Bomb—Conflicting Testimony—Michael Schwab on the Stand—An Agitator’s -Adventures—Spies in his Own Defense—The Fight at McCormick’s—The Desplaines -Street Wagon—Bombs and Beer—The Wilkinson Interview—The Weapon of the -Future—Spies the Reporter’s Friend—Bad Treatment by Ebersold—The Hocking -Valley Letter—Albert R. Parsons in his Own Behalf—His Memories of the Haymarket—The -Evidence in Rebuttal,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_506">506</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXVIII. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii"><span class="reduct">[xiii]</span></a></span></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Opening of the Argument—Mr. Walker’s Speech—The Law of the Case—Was -there a Conspiracy?—The Caliber of the Bullets—Tightening the Chain—A -Propaganda on the Witness-stand—The Eight-hour Movement—“One Single Bomb”—The -Cry of the Revolutionist—Avoiding the Mouse-trap—Parsons and the Murder—Studying -“Revolutionary War”—Lingg and his Bomb Factory—The Alibi -Idea,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_525">525</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXIX.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Argument for the Defendants—“Newspaper Evidence”—Bringing -about the Social Revolution—Arson and Murder—The Right to Property—Evolution -or Revolution—Dynamite as an Argument—The Arsenal at 107 Fifth Avenue—Was it all -Braggadocio?—An Open Conspiracy—Secrets that were not Secrets—The Case -Against the State’s Attorney—A Good Word for Lingg—More About “Ruhe”—The -“Alleged” Conspiracy—Ingham’s Answer—The <i>Freiheit</i> Articles—Lord Coleridge on -Anarchy—Did Fielden Shoot at the Police?—The Bombs in the Seliger Family—Circumstantial -Evidence in Metal—Chemical Analysis of the Czar Bomb—The Crane’s -Alley Enigma,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_535">535</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXX.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Foster and Black before the Jury—Making Anarchist History—The Eight -Leaders—A Skillful Defense—Alibis All Around—The Whereabouts of the Conspirators—The -“Peaceable Dispersion”—A Miscarriage of Revolutionary War—Average -Anarchist Credibility—“A Man will Lie to Save his Life”—The Attack on Seliger—The -Candy-man and the Bomb-thrower—Conflicting Testimony—A Philippic against -Gilmer—The Liars of History—The Search for a Witness—The Man with the Missing -Link—The Last Word for the Prisoners—Captain Black’s Theory—High Explosives -and Civilization—The West Lake Street Meeting—Defensive Armament—Engel -and his Beer—Hiding the Bombs—The Right of Revolution—Bonfield and Harrison—The -Socialist of Judea,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_545">545</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXXI.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Grinnell’s Closing Argument—One Step from Republicanism to Anarchy—A -Fair Trial—The Law in the Case—The Detective Work—Gilmer and his Evidence—“We -Knew all the Facts”—Treason and Murder—Arming the Anarchists—The -Toy Shop Purchases—The Pinkerton Reports—“A Lot of Snakes”—The Meaning -of the Black Flag—Symbols of the Social Revolution—The <i>Daily News</i> Interviews—Spies -the “Second Washington”—The Rights of “Scabs”—The Chase Into -the River—Inflaming the Workingmen—The “Revenge” Lie—The Meeting at the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Office—A Curious Fact about the Speakers at the Haymarket—The -Invitation to Spies—Balthasar Rau and the Prisoners—Harrison at the Haymarket—The -Significance of Fielden’s Wound—Witnesses’ Inconsistencies—The Omnipresent -Parsons—The Meaning of the Manuscript Find—Standing between the Living and -the Dead,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_560">560</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXXII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Instructions to the Jury—What Murder is—Free Speech and its -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span>Abuse—The Theory of Conspiracy—Value of Circumstantial Evidence—Meaning of -a “Reasonable Doubt”—What a Jury May Decide—Waiting for the Verdict—“Guilty -of Murder”—The Death Penalty Adjudged—Neebe’s Good Luck—Motion for a New -Trial—Affidavits about the Jury—The Motion Overruled,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_578">578</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXXIII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Last Scene in Court—Reasons Against the Death Sentence—Spies’ -Speech—A Heinous Conspiracy to Commit Murder—Death for the Truth—The Anarchists’ -Final Defense—Dying for Labor—The Conflict of the Classes—Not Guilty, but -Scapegoats—Michael Schwab’s Appeal—The Curse of Labor-saving Machinery—Neebe -Finds Out what Law Is—“I am Sorry I am not to be Hung”—Adolph Fischer’s -Last Words—Louis Lingg in his own Behalf—“Convicted, not of Murder, but of Anarchy”—An -Attack on the Police—“I Despise your Order, your Laws, your Force-propped -Authority. Hang me for it!”—George Engel’s Unconcern—The Development -of Anarchy—“I Hate and Combat, not the Individual Capitalist, but the System”—Samuel -Fielden and the Haymarket—An Illegal Arrest—The Defense of Albert R. -Parsons—The History of his Life—A Long and Thrilling Speech—The Sentence of -Death—“Remove the Prisoners,”</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_587">587</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXXIV.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">In the Supreme Court—A <i>Supersedeas</i> Secured—Justice Magruder Delivers -the Opinion—A Comprehensive Statement of the Case—How Degan was Murdered—Who -Killed Him?—The Law of Accessory—The Meaning of the Statute—Were -the Defendants Accessories?—The Questions at Issue—The Characteristics of -the Bomb—Fastening the Guilt on Lingg—The Purposes of the Conspiracy—How -they were Proved—A Damning Array of Evidence—Examining the Instructions—No -Error Found in the Trial Court’s Work—The Objection to the Jury—The Juror -Sandford—Judge Gary Sustained—Mr. Justice Mulkey’s Remarks—The Law Vindicated,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_608">608</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXXV.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Last Legal Struggle—The Need of Money—Expensive Counsel -Secured—Work of the “Defense Committee”—Pardon, the Only Hope—Pleas for -Mercy to Gov. Oglesby—Curious Changes of Sentiment—Spies’ Remarkable Offer—Lingg’s -Horrible Death—Bombs in the Starch-box—An Accidental Discovery—My -own Theory—Description of the “Suicide Bombs”—Meaning of the Short Fuse—“Count -Four and Throw”—Details of Lingg’s Self-murder—A Human Wreck—The -Bloody Record in the Cell—The Governor’s Decision—Fielden and Schwab Taken to -the Penitentiary,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_620">620</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXXVI.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Last Hours of the Doomed Men—Planning a Rescue—The Feeling -in Chicago—Police Precautions—Looking for a Leak—Vitriol for a Detective—Guarding -the Jail—The Dread of Dynamite—How the Anarchists Passed their Last -Night—The Final Partings—Parsons Sings “Annie Laurie”—Putting up the Gallows—Scenes -Outside the Prison—A Cordon of Officers—Mrs. Parsons Makes a Scene—The -Death Warrants—Courage of the Condemned—Shackled and Shrouded for the -Grave—The March to the Scaffold—Under the Dangling Ropes—The Last Words—“Hoch -die Anarchie!”—“My Silence will be More Terrible than Speech”—“Let the -Voice of the People be Heard”—The Chute to Death—Preparations for the Funeral—Scenes -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span>at the Homes of the Dead Anarchists—The Passage to Waldheim—Howell -Trogden Carries the American Flag—Captain Black’s Eulogy—The Burial—Speeches -by Grottkau and Currlin—Was Engel Sincere?—His Advice to his Daughter—A Curious -Episode—Adolph Fischer and his Death-watch,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_639">639</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXXVII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">Anarchy Now—The Fund for the Condemned Men’s Families—$10,000 -Subscribed—The Disposition of the Money—The Festival of Sorrow—Parsons’ Posthumous -Letter—The Haymarket Monument—Present Strength of the Discontented—7,300 -Revolutionists in Chicago—A Nucleus of Desperate Men—The New Organization—Building -Societies and Sunday-schools—What the Children are Taught—Education -and Blasphemy—The Secret Propaganda—Bodendick and his Adventures—“The -Rebel Vagabond”—The Plot to Murder Grinnell, Gary and Bonfield—Arrest of the -Conspirators Hronek, Capek, Sevic and Chleboun—Chleboun’s Story—Hronek Sent -to the Penitentiary,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_657">657</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="tch">CHAPTER XXXVIII.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2">The Movement in Europe—Present Plans of the Reds—Stringent Measures -Adopted by Various European Governments—Bebel and Liebknecht—A London -Celebration—Whitechapel Outcasts—“Blood, Blood, Blood!”—Verestchagin’s Views—The -Bulwarks of Society—The Condition of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia, -Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis and other American Cities—A New Era of Revolutionary -Activity—A Fight to the Death—Are we Prepared?</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_682">682</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td> </td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti2"><span class="smcap">Appendices,</span></td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#Page_691">691</a></td> - </tr> - -</table> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-016.jpg" width="400" height="259" id="i16" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE FRENCH REVOLUTION—“THE FEAST OF REASON.”</p> -</div></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pc4 elarge">ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS.</p> - -<p class="pc2">*<br />*<span class="vh">——</span>*</p> - -<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Beginning of Anarchy—The German School of Discontent—The -Socialist Future—The Asylum in London—Birth of a Word—Work of the French -Revolution—The Conspiracy of Babeuf—Etienne Cabet’s Experiment—The Colony -in the United States—Settled at Nauvoo—Fourier and his System—The Familistère -at Guise—Louis Blanc and the National Work-shops—Proudhon, the Founder of -French Anarchy—German Socialism: Its Rise and Development—Rodbertus and his -Followers—“Capital,” by Karl Marx—The “Bible of the Socialists”—The Red -Internationale—Bakounine and his Expulsion from the Society—The New Conspiracy—Ferdinand -Lassalle and the Social Democrats—The Birth of a Great Movement—Growth -of Discontent—Leaders after Lassalle—The Central Idea of the Revolt—American -Methods and the Police Position.</p> - - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE conspiracy which culminated in the blaze of dynamite and the -groans of murdered policemen on that fatal night of May 4th, 1886, -had its origin far away from Chicago, and under a social system very different -from ours.</p> - -<p>In order that the reader may understand the tragedy, it will be necessary -for me to go back to the commencement of the agitation, and to show how -Anarchy in this city is the direct development of the social revolt in Europe. -After “the red fool fury of the French” had burnt itself out, the nations of -the Old World, exhausted by the Titanic struggle with Napoleon, lay quiet -for nearly a quarter of a century. The doctrines which had brought on the -Reign of Terror had not died. After a period of quiet, the evangel of the -Social Revolution again began. There was uneasiness throughout Europe. -In France the Bourbons were driven out, although the cause of the people -was betrayed by Louis Napoleon. In Germany the demand for a constitution -was pushed so strongly that even the sturdy Hohenzollerns had to -give way before it. In Hungary there was a popular ferment. Poland was -ready for a new rising against Russia. In Russia the movement which -subsequently came to be known as Nihilism was born. In Italy Garibaldi -and Mazzini were laying the foundations for the throne which the house of -Savoy built upon the work of the secret societies.</p> - -<p>Nor must the reader believe that all this turmoil had not beneath it real -grievances and honest causes. The peasantry and the laboring classes of -Europe had been oppressed and plundered for centuries. The common -people were just beginning to learn their power, and, while the excesses -into which they were led were deplorable, it is not difficult to understand -the causes which made the crisis inevitable.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span></p> - -<p>There is nothing ever lost by endeavoring to enter fairly and impartially -into another’s position—by trying to understand the reasons which move -men, and the creeds which sway them. Anarchy as a theory is as old as the -school men of the middle ages. It was gravely debated in the monasteries, -and supported by learned casuists five centuries ago. As a practice it was -first taught in France, and later in Germany. It caught the unthinking, -impressible throng as the proper protest against too much government and -wrong government. It was ably argued by leaders capable of better things,—men -who turned great talents toward the destruction of society instead of -its upbuilding,—and the fruit of their -teachings we have with us in Chicago -to-day.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-018.jpg" width="400" height="459" id="i18" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">STORMING THE BASTILE.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Our Anarchy is of the German -school, which is more nearly akin to -Nihilism than to the doctrines taught -in France. It is founded upon the teachings -of Karl Marx and his disciples, -and it aims directly at the complete -destruction of all forms of government -and religion. It offers no solution of -the problems which will arise when -society, as we understand it, shall disappear, -but contents itself with declaring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span> -that the duty at hand is tearing down; that the work of building up -must come later. There are several reasons why the revolutionary programme -stops short at the work of Anarchy, chief among which is the fact -that there are as many panaceas for the future as there are revolutionists, -and it would be a hopeless task to think of binding them all to one platform -of construction. The Anarchists are all agreed that the present system -must go, and so far they can work together; after that each will take his -own path into Utopia.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-019.jpg" width="250" height="332" id="i19" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">KARL MARX.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Their dream of the future is accordingly as many-colored as Joseph’s -coat. Each man has his own ideal. Engels, who is Karl Marx’s successor -in the leadership of the movement, -believes that men will associate -themselves into organizations like -coöperative societies for mutual -protection, support and improvement, -and that these will be the -only units in the country of a social -nature. There will be no law, no -church, no capital, no anything that -we regard as necessary to the life -of a nation.</p> - -<p>The theory of Anarchy will, -however, be sufficiently developed -in the pages that follow. It is its -history as a school which must first -be examined.</p> - -<p>England is really responsible -for much of the present strength -of the conspiracy against all governments, -for it was in the secure -asylum of London that speculative -Anarchy was thought out by German exiles for German use, and from -London that the “red Internationale” was and probably is directed. This -was the result of political scheming, for the fomenting of discontent on the -continent has always been one of the weapons in the British armory.</p> - -<p>In England itself the movement has only lately won any prominence, -although it was in England that it was baptized “Socialism” by Robert -Owen, in 1835, a name which was afterwards taken up both in France and -Germany. The English development is hardly worth consideration in as -brief a presentation of the subject as I shall be able to give. Before passing -to an investigation of the growth and the history of Socialism and -Anarchy, I wish to express here, once for all, my obligations to Prof. -Richard T. Ely’s most excellent history of “French and German Socialism<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span> -in Modern Times.” This monograph, like everything else which has come -from the pen of this gifted young economist, contains so clear a statement -and so complete a marshaling of the facts that it is not necessary -to go beyond it for the story of continental discontent.</p> - -<p>The French Revolution drew a broad red line across the world’s history. -It is the most momentous fact in the annals of modern times. There is -no need for us to go behind it, or to examine its causes. We can take it -as a fact—as the great revolt of the common people—and push on to the -things that followed it.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-020.jpg" width="250" height="259" id="i20" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">MICHAEL BAKOUNINE.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Babeuf—“Gracchus” Babeuf, as he called himself—after serving part -of a term in prison for forgery, -escaped, went to Paris -in the heat of the Revolution, -and started <i>The Tribune of -the People</i>, the first Socialistic -paper ever published. -He was too incendiary even -for Robespierre, and was imprisoned -in 1795. In prison -he formed the famous “Conspiracy -of Babeuf,” which -was to establish the Communistic -republic. For this -conspiracy he and Darthé -were beheaded May 24, 1797.</p> - -<p>Etienne Cabet was a Socialist -before the term was -invented, but he was a peaceful -and honest one. He published, -in 1842, his “Travels -in Icaria,” describing an ideal state. Like most political reformers, he chose -the United States as the best place to try his experiment upon. It is a curious -fact that there is not a nation in Europe, however much of a failure it -may have made of all those things that go to make up rational liberty, which -does not feel itself competent to tell us just what we ought to do, instead -of what we are doing. Cabet secured a grant of land on the Red River in -Texas just after the Mexican War, and a colony of Icarians came out. -They took the yellow fever and were dispersed before Cabet came with the -second part of the colony. About this time the Mormons left Nauvoo in -Illinois, and the Icarians came to take their places. The colony has since -established itself at Grinnell, Iowa, and a branch is at San Bernardino, -California. The Nauvoo settlement has, I believe, been abandoned.</p> - -<p>Babeuf and Cabet prepared the way for Saint Simon. He was a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span> -count, and a lineal descendant of Charlemagne. He fought in our War of -the Revolution under Washington, and passed its concluding years in a -British prison. He preached nearly the modern Socialism,—the revolt of -the proletariat against property,—and his work has indelibly impressed -itself upon the whole movement in France.</p> - -<p>Charles Fourier, born in 1772, was the son of a grocer in Besançon, and -he was a man who exercised great influence upon the movement among -the French. He was rather a dreamer than a man of action, and, although -attempts have been made to carry his familistère into practice, there is no -conspicuous success to record, save, perhaps, that of the familistère at Guise, -in France, which has been -conducted for a long time -on the principles laid -down by Fourier.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-021.jpg" width="250" height="267" id="i21" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">PIERRE JOSEPH PROUDHON.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>All these men had before -them concrete -schemes for a new society -in which the evils of the -present system would be -avoided by what they considered -a more equable -division of wealth, and -each made the effort to -carry his scheme from -theory into practice, so -that the world might see -the success and imitate -it. Following them came -the men who held that, -before the new society -can be formed, the old -society must be got rid of—the men who see but one way towards Socialism, -and that through Anarchy.</p> - -<p>Louis Blanc was the first of these, although he would not have described -himself as an Anarchist, nor would it be fair to call him one. He represented -the transition stage. He attempted political reforms of a most -sweeping character during the revolution of 1848. The government of -the day established “national work-shops” as a concession to him. Of -these more is said hereafter.</p> - -<p>Pierre Joseph Proudhon, born in Besançon July 15, 1809, is really the -father of French Anarchy. His great work, “What Is Property?” was -published in 1840, and he declared that property was theft and property-holders -thieves. It is to this epoch-making work that the whole school<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span> -of modern Anarchy, in any of its departments, may be traced. Proudhon -was fired by an actual hatred of the rich. He describes a proprietor as -“essentially a libidinous animal, without virtue and without shame.” The -importance of his work is shown by the effect it has had even upon orthodox -political economy, while on the other side it has been the inspiration of -Karl Marx. Proudhon died in Passy in 1865.</p> - -<p>Since his time until within the last year or two, French Socialism has -been but a reflex of the German school. It has produced no first-rates, -and has been content to take its doctrine from Lassalle. Karl Marx and -Engels, the leaders of the German movement, and Bakounine and Prince -Krapotkin, the Russian terrorists, have impressed their ideas deeply upon -the French discontented ones. The revolt of the Commune of Paris after -the Franco-German war was not exactly an Anarchist uprising, although the -Anarchists impressed their ideas upon much of the work done. The Commune -of Paris means very much the same as “the people of Illinois.” It -is the legal designation of the commonwealth, and does not imply Communism -any more than the word commonwealth does. It was a fight for -the autonomy of Paris, and one in which many people were engaged who -had no sympathy with Anarchy, although certainly the lawless element -finally obtained complete control of the situation. The rising in Lyons -several years later was distinctly and wholly anarchic, and it was for this -that Prince Krapotkin and others were sent to prison.</p> - -<p>At the present day there is no practical distinction between Socialism -and Anarchy in France. All Socialists are Anarchists as a first step, -although all Anarchists are not precisely Socialists. They look to the -Russian Nihilists and the German irreconcilables as their leaders.</p> - -<p>German Socialism is really the doctrine which is now taught all over -the world, and it was this teaching that led directly to the Haymarket -massacre in Chicago. It began with Karl Rodbertus, who lived from 1805 -to 1875. He first became prominent in Germany in 1848, and he was for -some time Minister of Education and Public Worship in Prussia. He was -a theorist rather than a practical reformer, but competent critics assign to -him the very highest rank as a political economist. His first work was -“Our Economic Condition,” which was published in 1843, and his other -books, which he published up to within a short time of his death, were -simply elucidations of the principles he had first laid down. His writings -have had a greater effect on modern Socialism than those of any other -thinker, not even excepting Karl Marx or Lassalle. His theories were -brought to a practical issue by Marx, who united into a compact whole -the teachings of Proudhon and of Rodbertus, his own genius giving a new -luster and a new value to the result. Marx is far and away the greatest -man that the Socialism of the nineteenth century has produced. He was a -deep student, a man of most formidable mental power, eloquent, persuasive,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span> -and honest. His great book, “Capital,” has been called the Socialist’s -Bible. Ely places it in the very first rank, saying of it that it is “among the -ablest political economic treatises ever written.” And while the best -scientific thought of the age agrees that Marx was mistaken in his premises -and his fundamental propositions, there is accorded to him upon -every hand the tribute which profound learning pays to hard work and deep -thinking.</p> - -<p>Coming from theory to practice brings us naturally from Marx to the -International Society. It was founded in London in 1864 and was meant -to include the whole of the labor class of Christendom. Marx was the -chief, but he held the sovereignty uneasily. The Anarchists constantly -antagonized him. Bakounine, the apostle of dynamite, opposed Marx at -every point, and finally Marx had him expelled from the society. Bakounine -thereupon formed a new Internationale, based upon anarchic principles -and the gospel of force. The Internationale of which Marx was the founder -has shrunk to a mere name, although the organization is still kept up, and -the body with which the civilized world has now to reckon is that which -Bakounine formed after his expulsion from the old body in 1872. It is a -curious fact that many of the Socialists in Chicago to-day are enthusiastic -admirers of Marx and at the same time members of the society and followers -of the man Marx declared to be the most dangerous enemy of the -modern workingman.</p> - -<p>Marx is dead, however; many things are said in his name of which he -himself would never have approved, and the “Red Internationale” proclaims -the man a saint who refused either to indorse its principles or to -consult with its leaders. It is the same as though, twenty years hence, -the men who last year followed Barry out of the Knights of Labor were -to hold up Powderly to the world as their law-giver and their chief.</p> - -<p>Louise Michel, who was a very active worker in the radical cause during -the outbreak of the Paris Commune, was born in 1830, and first attracted -attention by verses full of force which she published very early in life. She -was sentenced in 1871 to deportation for life, and was transported with -others to New Caledonia. At the time of the general amnesty, in 1880, she -returned to Paris, and became editor of <i>La Révolution Sociale</i>.</p> - -<p>Ferdinand Lassalle, like Marx of Hebrew blood, and of early aristocratic -prejudices, was the father of German Anarchy as it exists to-day. -He was a deep student, and a remarkably able man. He took his inspiration -from Rodbertus and from Marx, but applied himself more to work -among the poor. Marx was over the heads of the common people. His -“Capital” is very hard reading. Lassalle popularized its teachings. On -May 23, 1863, a few men met at Leipsic under the leadership of Lassalle -and formed the “Universal German Laborers’ Union.” This was the -foundation of Social Democracy, and its teachings were wholly anarchic.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span> -It aimed at the subversion of the whole German social system, by peaceful -political means at first, but soon by force.</p> - -<p>Lassalle was shortly afterwards killed in a duel over a love-affair, but -he was canonized by the German Social Democrats as though his death -were a martyrdom. Even Bismarck in the Reichstag paid a tribute to his -memory. Lassalle died just about the time that a change was occurring in -his convictions, and had he lived longer, and if contemporary history is to -be believed, he would have taken office under the German Government and -applied himself heartily to the building up of the Empire.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-024.jpg" width="250" height="297" id="i24" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LOUISE MICHEL.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>After Lassalle’s death the movement which he had initiated went forward -with increased force. The German laborer was finally, as the Internationalists -put it, aroused. The German -Empire, following the example of -the Bund, decreed universal suffrage -in 1871. Before this, in -Prussia especially, the laborer had -but the smallest political influence. -The vote of a man in the -wealthiest class in Berlin counted -for as much as the vote of fifteen -of the “proletariat,” so called. -Lassalle died in 1864, and suffrage -was first granted in 1867. -The Social Democrats at first -were in close accord with Bismarck. -It was the Social Democratic -vote which elected Bismarck -to the Reichstag in the -first election after the suffrage -was granted. In the fall of 1867 -they sent eight members to the -parliament of the Bund. In the -elections after the formation of -the Empire the Socialistic vote stood: In 1871, 123,975; in 1874, 351,952; -in 1877, 493,288; in 1878, 437,158. The Social Democrats poll nearly 10 -per cent of the whole vote of Germany at the present time.</p> - -<p>In 1878 occurred the two attempts on the life of the Emperor of Germany -described in a succeeding chapter, and the result was severe repressive -measures against the Social Democrats. Their vote fell off, and their -influence declined, but in the past two years, 1887 and 1888, they have more -than recovered their past strength, and they now poll more votes and -seem to exercise a greater political control in Germany than ever before.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-025.jpg" width="250" height="394" id="i25" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">FERDINAND LASSALLE.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>The passage of the “Ausnahmsgesetz,” the exceptional law against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span> -German Socialists, drove many of them to this country, but had no effect -in diminishing the propaganda in Germany. The result was an exodus -of Socialists, or rather Anarchists, to America—by this time the two terms, -wide apart as they may seem, had become one—and to Chicago came -most of the irreconcilable -ones. The American -sympathizers, thus -formed, at first fixed -their attention upon the -political situation in the -old country, and they -applied themselves -closely to work in connection -with the agitators -who had not expatriated -themselves. -Money was sent in large -quantities to the old -country.</p> - -<p>In Germany, in the -meantime, the movement -varied and shifted -with each wind of doctrine; -one president after -another was tried and -found wanting, until at -last Jean von Schweitzer -was chosen, and he -guided the party until it -was finally swallowed up -in the organization perfected -by Liebknecht and -Bebel. Liebknecht was -really but an interpreter -of Marx, but he was honest, enthusiastic and devoted, and no man in -the whole line of German political energy has left his name more -thoroughly impressed upon the time. Out of these conditions and -born of these ideas came the Anarchy which hurled the bomb whose -crash at the Haymarket Square first aroused us to the work which is being -done in our midst.</p> - -<p>The Anarchists of Chicago are exotics. Discontent here is a German -plant transferred from Berlin and Leipsic and thriving to flourish in the -west. In our garden it is a weed to be plucked out by the roots and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span> -destroyed, for our conditions neither warrant its growth nor excuse its -existence.</p> - -<p>The central idea of all Socialistic and Anarchic systems is the interference -with the right of property by society. If we can convince ourselves that -society has the right and the duty thus to interfere, then there is to be said -nothing more. As long as the American citizen can buy his own land and -raise his own crops, as long as average industry and economy will lead a -man to competence, Socialism can only be like typhus fever—a growth of -the city slums. There is no real danger in it. There is no peril which -those charged with the protection of law and order are not ready to -face, for every officer of the law that unreasonable discontent may -menace is backed by the whole power of the republic; and the republic -is founded upon principles which this alien revolt can neither harm nor -affright.</p> - -<p>There is a fact which, before I leave this chapter, I wish to bring home -to the mind of every reader, and that is this:</p> - -<p>The police of Chicago, like the police of every city in the Union, are -actuated by no feeling of hostility to these people. We understand the -genesis of their movement; we can put ourselves in their places and feel -the things which actuate them; we are prepared to make as many excuses -for them as they can make for themselves; we are ready to grant everything -that they could claim, and more; but we see beyond this, and above -this, facts which they forget and forego.</p> - -<p>We have a government in these United States so firm and so elastic -that it has every bulwark against either foreign or domestic attack, and yet -it provides every opportunity to adjust itself to the will of the people.</p> - -<p>The majority must rule, and does rule; but under our Constitution it -rules only along lines decreed by the fathers long ago for the protection of -the minority. There is a legal and constitutional means provided for every -man to carry his theories of good government into actual practice. Every -citizen has the right to vote, and to have his vote counted, and this right -belongs to Anarchist and conservative, to radical and reactionist. There -is no man can stand before the American people and say we have refused -him his right: if it were done, the whole power of the Government would -be marshaled to do him justice. When, then, we have provided every -man with a means to impress his convictions upon the government of the -country—when we have done everything that human ingenuity can do to -secure a full and free expression of the popular will, as the final and -supreme test upon every public question, we may be excused for refusing -to let the Anarchists have their way. They are a minority of a minority, -yet they would impose their system and their doctrine upon the majority. -They would substitute for the ballot-box the dynamite bomb—for the will -of the people the will of a contemptible rabble of discontents, un-American<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span> -in birth, training, education and idea, few in numbers and ridiculous in -power.</p> - -<p>Thus, while the police entertain no animosity against these men, we -feel—I feel and every officer under my command feels—that we are bound -by our oaths and by our loyalty to the State and to society to meet force -with force, and cunning with cunning. We are the conservators of the law -and the preservers of the peace, and the law will be vindicated and the -peace preserved in spite of any and all attacks.</p> - -<p>If our system is wrong, which I do not believe; if the principle that the -majority of the citizens is to be ruled by an alien minority is to be accepted, -which I do not accept, still there is the orderly and well-protected -means provided by law, and guaranteed by the Government, to transform -that idea into a governing fact. There is the ballot, free to every citizen, -safe, satisfying, final. The men who try other methods are rushing to their -own destruction. We pity them, we sympathize with them; but our duty -is clear and manifest. We have a government worth fighting for, and even -worth dying for, and the police feel that truth as keenly as any class in the -community.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER II.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Dynamite in Politics-Historical Assassinations—Infernal Machines in -France—The Inventor of Dynamite—M. Nobel and his Ideas—The Nitro-Compounds—How -Dynamite is Made—The New French Explosive—“Black Jelly” and the Nihilists—What -the Nihilists Believe and What they Want—The Conditions in Russia—The -White and the Red Terrors—Vera Sassoulitch—Tourgeneff and the Russian Girl—The -Assassination of the Czar—“It is too Soon to Thank God”—The Dying Emperor—Two -Bombs Thrown—Running Down The Conspirators—Sophia Perowskaja, the -Nihilist Leader—The Handkerchief Signal—The Murder Roll—Tried and Convicted—A -Brutal Execution—Five Nihilists Pay the Penalty—Last Words Spoken but Unheard—A -Deafening Tattoo—The Book-bomb and the Present Czar—Strychnine-coated -Bullets—St. Peter and Paul’s Fortress—Dynamite Outrages in England—The -Record of Crime—Twenty-nine Convicts and their Offenses—Ingenious Bomb-making—The -Failures of Dynamite.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE attempt to gain political ends by an appeal to infernal machines -is not a new one. It is as old as gunpowder—and the evangel of -assassination is older still. Murder was the recognized political weapon -of the Eastern and Western Empires, and the Chicago Anarchists have -proved themselves neither better nor worse than the “old man of the -mountain” or the Italian princes of the middle ages. During the reign of -Mary Queen of Scots the mysterious explosion occurred in the Kirk of Feld -in which Darnley lost his life. Somewhat later was the “gunpowder plot,” -in which Guy Fawkes and his fellow conspirators tried to blow up the Houses -of Parliament. The petard and the hand-grenade were the grandfather and -the grandmother of the modern bomb, and murderous invention came to its -new phase in the infernal machine which Ceruchi, the Italian sculptor, contrived -to kill Napoleon when First Consul—a catastrophe which was avoided -by the fact that Napoleon’s coachman was drunk and took the wrong turn in -going to the opera-house.</p> - -<p>France was fertile in this sort of machinery. Some years later Fieschi, -Morey and Pepin tried to kill Louis Philippe with a similar apparatus on the -Boulevard de Temple. The King escaped, but the brave Marshal Mortier was -slain. Orsini and Pieri made a bomb, round and bristling with nippers, -each of which was charged with fulminate of mercury, to explode the powder -within, meaning to assassinate the Emperor Napoleon and the Empress -Eugenie.</p> - -<p>In the year 1866, according to the most trustworthy authorities, dynamite -was first made by Alfred Nobel. In speaking of the invention, Adolf Houssaye, -the French litterateur, recently said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">It should be remembered that nine-tenths, probably, of the dynamite made is used in -peaceful pursuits; in mining, and similar works. Indeed, since its invention great engineering -achievements have been accomplished which would have been entirely impossible without -it. I do not see, then, much room for doubt that it has on the whole been a great blessing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span> -to humanity. Such certainly its inventor regards it. “If I did not look upon it as such,” I -heard him say recently, “I should close up all my manufactories and not make another ounce -of the stuff.” He is a strong advocate of peace, and regards with the utmost horror the use -of dynamite by assassins and political conspirators. When the news of the Haymarket tragedy -in Chicago reached him, M. Nobel was in Paris, and I well remember his expressions of -horror and detestation at the cowardly crime.</p> - -<p>“Look you,” he exclaimed. “I am a man of peace. But when I see these miscreants -misusing my invention, do you know how it makes me feel? It makes me feel like gathering -the whole crowd of them into a storehouse full of dynamite and blowing them all up together!”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Few people know what dynamite is, though it has attracted a good deal -of attention of late, and before considering its use as a mode for political -murder it may be well here to give an account of its making.</p> - -<p>Nitro-glycerine, although not the strongest explosive known to science, -is the only one of any industrial importance, as the others are too dangerous -for manufacture. It was discovered by Salvero, an Italian chemist, in 1845. -It is composed of glycerine and nitric acid compounded together in a certain -proportion, and at a certain temperature. It is very unsafe to handle, and -to this reason is to be ascribed the invention of dynamite, which is, after all, -merely a sort of earth and nitro-glycerine, the use of the earth being to hold -the explosive safely as a piece of blotting-paper would hold water until it -was needed. Nobel first tried kieselguhr, or flint froth, which was ground -to a powder, heated thoroughly and dried, and the nitro-glycerine was -kneaded into it like so much dough. Of course, many other substances are -now used, besides infusorial earth, as vehicles for the explosive—saw-dust, -rotten-stone, charcoal, plaster of Paris, black powder, etc., etc. These -are all forms of dynamite or giant powder, and mean the same thing. -When the substance is thoroughly kneaded, work that must be done with -the hands, it is molded into sticks somewhat like big candles, and wrapped -in parchment paper. Nitro-glycerine has a sweet, aromatic, pungent taste, -and the peculiar property of causing a violent headache when placed -on the tongue or the wrist. It freezes at 40° Fahrenheit, and must -be melted by the application of water at a temperature of 100°. In -dynamite the usual proportions are 25 per cent. of earth and 75 per cent. of -nitro-glycerine. The explosive is fired by fulminate of silver or mercury -in copper caps.</p> - -<p>Outside of the French arsenals it is to be doubted if anybody knows -anything more about the new explosive, melinite, further than that it is one of -the compounds of picric acid—and picric acid is a more frightful explosive -than nitro-glycerine. I find in my scrap-book the following excerpt from the -London <i>Standard</i>, describing the artillery experiments at Lydd with the new -explosive which the British Admiralty has lately been examining. The -<i>Standard</i>, after declaring that the experiments are “entirely satisfactory,” -says:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">The character of the compound employed is said to be “akin to melinite,” but its precise -nature is not divulged. We have reason to believe that the “kinship” is very close. The -details of the experiments which have lately been conducted at Lydd are known to very few -individuals. But it is unquestionable that the results were such as demonstrate the enormous -advantage to be gained by using a more powerful class of explosives than that which -has been hitherto employed. There could be no mistake as to the destructive energy of the -projectiles. Neither was there any mishap in the use of these terrible appliances. The like -immunity was enjoyed at Portsmouth. A deterrent to the adoption of violent explosives for -war purposes has consisted in the risk of premature explosion. But there is still the consideration -that the advantage to be gained far exceeds the risk which has to be incurred. -France has not neglected this question, and she is ahead of us. Her chosen explosive is -melinite, and with this she has armed herself to an extent of which the British public has no -conception. All the requisite materials, in the shape of steel projectiles and the melinite for -filling them, have been provided for the French service and distributed so as to furnish a -complete supply for the army and the navy. Whatever may be said as to the danger which -besets the use of melinite, the French authorities are confident that they have mastered the -problem of making this powerful compound subservient to the purposes of war. Concerning -the composition of this explosive great secrecy is observed by the French Government, as -also with regard to the experiments that are made with it. But Col. Majendie states that -melinite is largely composed of picric acid in a fused or consolidated condition. Of the violence -with which picric acid will explode, an example was given on the occasion of a fire at some -chemical works near Manchester a year ago. The shock was felt over a distance of two -miles from the seat of the explosion, and the sound was heard for a distance of twenty miles.</p> - -<p>The conduct of the French in committing themselves so absolutely to the use of melinite -as a <i>material</i> of war clearly signifies that with them the use of such a substance has passed -out of the region of doubt and experiment. Their experimental investigations extended over -a considerable period of time, but at last the stage of inquiry gave place to one of confidence -and assurance. So great is the confidence of the French Government in the new shell that -it is said the French forts are henceforth to be protected by a composite material better -adapted than iron or steel to resist the force of a projectile charged with a high explosive. In -naval warfare the value of shells charged in this manner is likely to be more especially -shown in connection with the rapid-fire guns which are now coming into use. The question -is whether the ponderous <i>staccato</i> fire of monster ordnance may not be largely superseded -by another mode of attack, in which a storm of shells, charged with something far more -potent than gunpowder, will be poured forth in a constant stream from numerous guns of -comparatively small weight and caliber.</p> - -<p>Combined with rapidity of fire, these shells cannot but prove formidable to an armor-clad, -independently of any damage inflicted on the plates. The great thickness now given -to ship armor is accomplished by a mode of concentration which, while affecting to shield -the vital parts, leaves a large portion of the ship entirely unprotected. On the unarmored -portion a tremendous effect will be produced by the quick-firing guns dashing their powerful -shells in a fiery deluge on the ship.</p> - -<p>Altogether the new force which is now entering into the composition of artillery is one -which demands the attention of the British Government in the form of prompt and vigorous -action. While we are experimenting, others are arming.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Dynamite, however, is the weapon with which the “revolution” has -armed itself for its assault upon society. A terrible arm truly, but one -difficult to handle, dangerous to hold, and certainly no stronger in their -hands than in ours, if it should ever become necessary to use it in defense -of law and order.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span></p> - -<p>A number of Russian chemists, members of the Nihilist party, were the -first to apply dynamite to the work of murder. It is to their researches that -is to be credited the invention of the “black jelly,” so called, of which so -much was expected, and by which so little was done.</p> - -<p>Nihilist activity in Russia commenced almost as soon as the emancipated -peasantry began to be in condition for the evangel of discontent. It was -Tourgeneff, the novelist, who baptized the movement with its name of -Nihilism—and the truth is that it is a movement rather than an organization. -It is a loose, uncentralized, uncodified society, secret by necessity and murderous -by belief; but it is a secret society without grips or passwords, without -a purpose save indiscriminate destruction, and its very formlessness and -vagueness have been its chief protection from the Russian police, who are, -perhaps, after all is said and done, the best police in the world. A statement -of Nihilism by that very famous Nihilist who is known as Stepniak, -but who is suspected to be entitled to a much more illustrious name, runs -thus:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">By our general conviction we are Socialists and democrats. We are convinced that on -Socialistic grounds humanity can become the embodiment of freedom, equality and fraternity, -while it secures for itself a general prosperity, a harmonious development of man and -his social progress. We are convinced, moreover, that only the will of the people should -give sanction to any social institution, and that the development of the nation is sound only -when free and independent and when every idea in practical use shall have previously passed -the test of national consideration and of the national will. We further think that as Socialists -and democrats we must first recognize an immediate purpose to liberate the nation from -its present state of oppression by creating a political revolution. We would thus transfer the -supreme power into the hands of the people. We think that the will of the nation should -be expressed with perfect clearness, and best, by a National Assembly freely elected by the -votes of all the citizens, the representatives to be carefully instructed by their constituents. -We do not consider this as the ideal form of expressing the people’s will, but as the most -acceptable form to be realized in practice. Submitting ourselves to the will of the nation, -we, as a party, feel bound to appear before our own country with our own programme or -platform, which we shall propagate even before the revolution, recommend to the electors -during electoral periods, and afterwards defend in the National Assembly.</p> - -<p class="p1">The Nihilist programme in Russia has been officially formulated thus:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><i>First</i>—The permanent Representative Assembly to have supreme control and direction in -all general state questions.</p> - -<p><i>Second</i>—In the provinces, self-government to a large extent; to secure it, all public functionaries -to be elected.</p> - -<p><i>Third</i>—To secure the independence of the Village Commune (“Mir”) as an economical -and administrative unit.</p> - -<p><i>Fourth</i>—All the land to be proclaimed national property.</p> - -<p><i>Fifth</i>—A series of measures preparatory to a final transfer of ownership in manufactures -to the workmen.</p> - -<p><i>Sixth</i>—Perfect liberty of conscience, of the press, speech, meetings, associations and -electoral agitation.</p> - -<p><i>Seventh</i>—The right to vote to be extended to all citizens of legal age, without class or -property restrictions.</p> - -<p><i>Eighth</i>—Abolition of the standing army; the army to be replaced by a territorial militia.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">It must be remembered that the conditions in Russia are peculiar. The -country is ruled by an autocracy; government is not by the people, but by -“divine right.” The conditions which the English-speaking people ended -at Runnymede still exist in Muscovy. There is neither free speech, free -assembly, nor a free press, and naturally discontent vents itself in revolt. -There is no safety-valve. Russia is full of generous, high-minded young -men and women, who find their church dead, and their state a cruel despotism. -They find themselves face to face with the White Terror, and they -have sought in the Red Terror a relief. Flying at last from the hopeless -contest, they have carried the hate of government born of bad ruling into -Western Europe, and it is the infection of this poison that we have to deal -with here. The average Russian Nihilist is a young man or a young woman—very -often the latter—who, by the contemplation of real wrongs and fallacious -remedies, has come to be the implacable enemy of all order and all -system. Usually they are half-educated, with just that superficial smattering -of knowledge to make them conceited in their own opinions, but without -enough real learning to make them either impartial critics or safe citizens of -non-Russian countries. We can pity them, for it is easy to see how step by -step they have been pushed into revolt. But they are dangerous.</p> - -<p>When one reads such a case as that which gave Vera Sassoulitch her -notoriety, it is easier to understand Russia. General Trepoff, the Chief of -Police of St. Petersburg, had arrested Vera’s lover on suspicion of high -treason. The young man was by Trepoff’s order frequently flogged to make -him confess his crime. Sassoulitch called on Trepoff and shot him. She -was tried by a St. Petersburg jury and acquitted. Immediately a law was -declared that no case of political crime should be tried by a jury, except -when the Government had selected it. The arrest of the woman was ordered -that she might be tried again under the new regulation, but in the meantime -her friends had spirited her away.</p> - -<p>A very similar crime was that attempted by another Nihilist heroine, -Maria Kaliouchnaia, who attempted to kill Col. Katauski for his severity to -her brother. In the assassination of the Czar, as I shall relate, a number of -women were concerned, and their bravery was greatly more desperate than -that of their male companions. The Russian woman is peculiar. I know -no better picture of the “devoted ones” than that given in Tourgeneff’s -“Verses in Prose”:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">I see a huge building with a narrow door in its front wall; the door is open, and a dismal -darkness stretches beyond. Before the high threshold stands a girl—a Russian girl. Frost -breathes out of the impenetrable darkness, and with the icy draught from the depths of the -building there comes forth a slow and hollow voice:</p> - -<p>“Oh, thou who art wanting to cross this threshold, dost thou know what awaits thee?”</p> - -<p>“I know it,” answers the girl.</p> - -<p>“Cold, hunger, hatred, derision, contempt, insults, a fearful death even.”</p> - -<p>“I know it.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Complete isolation and separation from all?”</p> - -<p>“I know it. I am ready. I will bear all sorrows and miseries.”</p> - -<p>“Not only if inflicted by enemies, but when done by kindred and friends?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, even when done by them.”</p> - -<p>“Well, are you ready for self-sacrifice?”</p> - -<p>“Yes!”</p> - -<p>“For anonymous self-sacrifice? You shall die, and nobody shall know even whose -memory is to be honored?”</p> - -<p>“I want neither gratitude nor pity. I want no name.”</p> - -<p>“Are you ready for a crime?”</p> - -<p>The girl bent her head. “I am ready—even for a crime.”</p> - -<p>The voice paused awhile before renewing its interrogatories. Then again: “Dost thou -know,” it said at last, “that thou mayest lose thy faith in what thou now believest; that thou -mayest feel that thou hast been mistaken and hast lost thy young life in vain?”</p> - -<p>“I know that also, and nevertheless I will enter!”</p> - -<p>“Enter, then!”</p> - -<p>The girl crossed the threshold, and a heavy curtain fell behind her.</p> - -<p>“A fool!” gnashed some one outside.</p> - -<p>“A saint!” answered a voice from somewhere.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">With such material it was not difficult to build up the tragedy of 1881. -Before the day of -the Czar’s death -came, there had -been desperate -attempts upon -his life. Prince Krapotkin, -a relative of -the Nihilist of the -same name, was -murdered in February, -1879, and -following this deed -the terrorists applied -themselves -resolutely to the -removal of the Emperor.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-033.jpg" width="300" height="226" id="i33" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">EXCAVATED DYNAMITE MINE IN MOSCOW.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>For instance, in November, 1879, was the mine laid at Moscow. It was -intended to blow up the railway train upon which the Czar was to enter the -city, and for this purpose Solovieff and his comrades laid three dynamite -mines under the tracks. Hartmann, who subsequently figured in the -assassination, was one of the leaders, and here, too, was Sophie Peroosky, -another of the regicides. They hired a house near the railway tracks and -tunneled under the road amidst incredible difficulties and always in the -most imminent danger. One hundred and twenty pounds of dynamite -was in position, but the Czar passed by in a common train before the imperial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span> -one on which he was expected, and his life was saved. On February -5, 1880, the mine under the Winter Palace was exploded; eleven persons -were killed, but again the Czar escaped.</p> - -<p>For some time before March 13, 1881, Gen. Count Loris Melikoff, the -officer responsible for the safety of Czar Alexander II., had received disquieting -reports which gave him the greatest anxiety. On the 10th of the -month Jelaboff, the ringleader of the conspiracy, was arrested by accident, -and the direction of the attempt on the Czar’s life was accordingly left to -Sophie Perowskaja, a young, pretty and highly educated noblewoman, who -had left everything to join the Nihilists. It is said that on the morning of -the 13th Melikoff begged the Czar to forego his purpose of reviewing the -Marine Corps, and keep within the palace. The Emperor laughed at him, -and declared there was no danger. There was no incident until after the -review. As the Emperor drove back beside the Ekaterinofsky Canal, just opposite -the imperial stables, a young woman on the other side of the canal -fluttered a handkerchief, and immediately a man started out from the crowd -that was watching the passing of the Czar, and threw a bomb under the -closed carriage. There was a roaring explosion, a cloud of smoke. The -rear of the vehicle was blown away, and the horror-stricken multitude saw -the Czar standing unhurt, staring about him. On the ground were several -members of the Life Guard, groaning and writhing in pain. The assassin had -pulled out a revolver to complete his work, but he was at once mobbed by -the people. Col. Dvorjitsky and Captains Kock and Kulebiekan, of the -guards, rushed up to their master and asked him if he was hurt.</p> - -<p>“Thank God! no,” said the Czar. “Come, let us look after the -wounded.”</p> - -<p>And he started toward one of the Cossacks.</p> - -<p>“It is too soon to thank God yet, Alexander Nicolaivitch,” said a clear, -threatening voice in the crowd, and before any one could stop him, a young -man bounded forward, lifted up both arms above his head, and brought -them down with a swing. There was a crash of dynamite, a blaze, a smoke, -and the autocrat of all the Russias was lying on the bloody snow, with his -murderer also dying in front of him. Col. Dvorjitsky lifted up the Czar, -who whispered:</p> - -<p>“I am cold, my friend, so cold,—take me to the Winter Palace to -die.”</p> - -<p>The desperate Nihilist had thrown his bomb right between the Czar’s -feet, and had sacrificed his own life to kill the Emperor.</p> - -<p>Alexander was shockingly mutilated. Both of his legs were broken, and -the lower part of his body was frightfully torn and mangled. The assassin—his -name was Nicholas Elnikoff, of Wilna—was even more badly hurt. -He died at once.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-035.jpg" width="400" height="258" id="i35" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">“IT IS TOO SOON TO THANK GOD!”<br /><span class="smcap wn">The Assassination of Czar Alexander II.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Czar was taken into an open sled, and although it was claimed he -received the last sacrament at the Winter Palace, most of those who know -believe that he died on the way there.</p> - -<p>In the meantime the police, with the utmost difficulty, rescued the first -bomb-thrower from the maddened mob. The man, whose name proved to -be Risakoff, coolly thanked the officers for preserving him, and then tried -to swallow some poison -which he had ready. In -this he was foiled, and he -was taken to prison.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-036a.jpg" width="250" height="146" id="i36a" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc250">THE CZAR’S CARRIAGE AFTER THE EXPLOSION.<br /> -<span class="wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>The infernal machine -used by Elnikoff was about -7½ inches in height, and -its construction is exemplified -in the annexed diagram. -Metal tubes (<i>b b</i>) -filled with chlorate of -potash, and enclosing glass -tubes (<i>c c</i>) filled with sulphuric acid (commonly called oil of vitriol), -intersect the cylinder. Around the glass tubes are rings of iron (<i>d d</i>) closely -attached as weights. The construction is such that, no matter how the -bomb falls, one of the glass tubes is sure to break. The chlorate of -potash in that case, combining with the sulphuric acid, ignites at once, -and the flames communicate over the fuse (<i>f f</i>) with the piston (<i>e</i>), filled -with fulminate of silver. The concussion thus -caused explodes the dynamite or “black jelly” -(<i>a</i>) with which the cylinder is closely packed.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-036b.jpg" width="200" height="229" id="i36b" - alt="" - title="" /> -</div> - -<p>I said above that Jelaboff, the real leader -of the conspiracy, had been arrested on the -10th. He was merely a suspect, and it was -some time before the police realized what an -important arrest had been made. Only two -hours before the murder of the Emperor, Jelaboff’s -house was searched, and there was found a -great quantity of black dynamite, India rubber -tubes, fuses and other articles. Jelaboff had -been living here with a woman who was called Lidia Voinoff. This Lidia -Voinoff was arrested on the Newsky Prospect, on March 22nd, and almost -immediately identified as Sophia Perowskaja, the young woman who had -given the handkerchief signal to the bomb-throwers, and who was wanted -besides for the Moscow railway mine case. On the prisoner were found -papers which led to the search of a house on Telejewskaia Street, where a -man named Sablin committed suicide immediately on the appearance of -the police, and a woman named Hessy Helfmann was arrested. A regular<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span> -Nihilist arsenal of black jelly, fuses, maps of different districts of St. -Petersburg, with the Czar’s usual routes marked upon them, copies of -papers from the secret press, etc., were found. While the police were still -engaged in the search of the premises Timothy Mikhaeloff came in by -accident. He was taken, and on him was found a copy of the new Czar’s -proclamation, and penciled on the back were the names of three shops with -three different hours in the afternoon. The officers descended on these -places and gathered in customers, shop-keepers and everybody else about -the place,—a process which brought in Kibaltchik, the Nihilist chemist and -bomb-maker.</p> - -<p>The evidence was soon got in shape, and early in April the trial began. -It was shown that Jelaboff was agent in the third degree of the Revolutionary -Executive Committee; that he had issued the call for volunteers for the -killing of the Czar, and that forty-seven persons had offered themselves, out -of whom Risakoff, Mikhaeloff, Hessy Helfmann, Kibaltchik, Sophia Perowskaja -and Elnikoff had been accepted. Elnikoff was dead, but the others, -with Jelaboff, were put in the dock. They all confessed except Hessy -Helfmann, and upon April 11th all were condemned to death, with the -proviso needed under the Russian law that the sentence of Sophia Perowskaja -should be approved by the Czar, as she was a member of the class of -nobles, and a noble may not be put to death without the Emperor’s concurrence. -The Czar concurred, and on April 15th, at 9 a. m., all the prisoners -save Hessy Helfmann were hung. This woman was reprieved because she -was about to become a mother. The execution was a most brutal one. It -took place on a plain two miles out of the city, in the presence of a hundred -thousand people. The prisoners were taken out of the fortress on two-wheeled -carts, surrounded by drummers and pipers, who played continuously and -loudly, so that nothing the condemned might say could be heard by the -crowd. At the scaffold the drummers were stationed in a hollow square -around the gallows, and a deafening tattoo was kept up from the time the prisoners -were brought in until their bodies were cut down. The hanging was -very cruel. Each person was mounted on a small box, after kissing each -other passionately all round. They said something, but it could not be -heard for the drumming. The executioner was said to be evidently drunk. -There was no drop. When the signal was given the condemned were -pushed off their boxes and left to strangle. Mikhaeloff’s rope broke twice, -and the attendants held him up while the executioner tied a new cord around -his neck and over the beam. The bodies were buried privately.</p> - -<p>The present Czar has had several narrow escapes, none of them more -nearly fatal than the conspiracy of the book-bomb in March last. On the -13th of March, 1888, the anniversary of his father’s terrible death, the Czar -made the usual visit to the Cathedral of St. Peter and Paul, where the body -of Alexander II. is buried. For some time before the ceremony St. Petersburg<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span> -was full of rumors that a catastrophe was impending, and, although -the police took the most careful precautions, the Czar himself paid no attention -to the warnings of the “Third Section,” and would permit no alteration -in the preparations for the requiem.</p> - -<p>In Christmas week of 1887, the Russian agents at Geneva, in Switzerland, -reported the presence in that city of two revolutionary agents who -seemed to have the closest relations with the committee of the discontents -in London and Paris. They were shadowed for a time, but lost. In February -they reappeared in Berlin. They were known to be in communication -with the St. Petersburg Nihilists. Before facts enough had accumulated to -justify their arrest they disappeared once more and were believed to have -gone to the Russian capital. The facts were reported to the Czar, but he -laughed at Chief Gresser of the capital police.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-038.jpg" width="400" height="262" id="i38" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE NIHILISTS IN THE DOCK.<br /> -<span class="wn">1. Risakoff. 2. Mikhaeloff. 3. Hessy Helfmann. 4. Kibaltchik. 5. Sophia Peroffskaja. 6. Jelaboff.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>In solemnizing the requiem of the late Czar a public progress was made -to the Cathedral, amid a dense throng of citizens, among whom were all the -detectives that Chief Gresser could get together. In a small café in one of -the side streets of the Morokaya two of the detectives ran across a couple -of uniformed university students—in Russia the students have a peculiar -costume—who were acting suspiciously. They were conversing in a most -excited manner with a man dressed as a peasant. The trio were watched. -At the café door they separated, but all three made by different routes for -the Newsky Prospect, the chief drive of the capital and the one along -which the Czar was to return. The peasant was lost by the detectives, but -the other two were kept in sight, and the suspicions of the police were made -all the more keen by the fact that the young men passed each other in the -crowd several times with an elaborate appearance of not knowing each -other. One of them had a law-book in his hand; the other had a traveling-bag -over his shoulder.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-039.jpg" width="400" height="255" id="i39" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">EXECUTION OF THE NIHILIST CONSPIRATORS.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span></p> - -<p>A few moments before the Czar was to pass on his return from the Cathedral -the students came together and whispered, and the two were immediately -and quietly arrested. Their names were given as Andreieffsky and -Petroff, university students, and this was proven to be the truth.</p> - -<p>A thrilling discovery was made, however, at once. The innocent-looking -law-book was really a most dangerous infernal machine—sufficiently powerful -not alone to kill everybody in the Czar’s carriage, but many in the crowd, -and perhaps to have -blown down some of -the neighboring -houses. The traveling-sack -was full of -dynamite bombs of -the ordinary spherical -pattern.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-040.jpg" width="300" height="166" id="i40" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc"><span class="vh">—</span>Fig. 1. Interior.<span class="vh">—————</span>Fig. 2. Exterior.<br /> -<span class="wnn">A. Glass Tube. B. Fulminate. C. Bullets. D. Dynamite.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>I reproduce here a -diagram of the book-bomb -from the excellent -account of the -attempted assassination -given by the New York <i>World</i> a few days after it occurred.</p> - -<p>The outside was made of wood and pasteboard, so artistically that only -the closest inspection would discover the fact that the machine was not -really a book. In the center of the interior, in the place marked <i>C</i>, were -a number of hollow bullets filled with strychnine, which poison was also -plastered upon the outside of the missiles. Above this were small compartments -filled with fulminate, with a glass tube of sulphuric acid. To the -tube was tied a string, which would break it when thrown, spilling it into -the fulminate and thus exploding the dynamite with which the whole of the -hollow parts of the interior was densely packed. Fully a hundred people -must have been killed had the bomb been exploded as intended. The -expert who examined the bomb, after handling the bullets carelessly put his -finger in his mouth, and was seriously, though not fatally, poisoned.</p> - -<p>Hardly had the arrest been made when the Czar was notified at the -Cathedral. He ordered that the news should be withheld from the Empress, -although he was himself visibly affected. He sprang into his sleigh with -the Czarowitz, and drove by an unused route to the railway station. The -Czarina followed shortly after in a carriage, greatly agitated by a presentiment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span> -of evil. Not until the train had started was she informed of the occurrence. -She burst into tears, and was inconsolable for the rest of the journey. -Once safe in his Gatschina Palace, the Czar is said to have given vent to his -feelings in the strongest language, heaping anathemas upon the heads of the -Nihilists, and threatening dire revenge.</p> - -<p>Less than two hours after the arrest of Andreieffsky and Petroff their -companion peasant fell into the hands of the police. His name was Generaloff, -a native of Jaroslav, South Russia. He had been actively engaged -in the Nihilist propaganda for some time past. He also carried bombs on -his person.</p> - -<p>These arrests were supplemented by numerous others. The lodgings of -the prisoners in the suburbs of St. Petersburg known as the Peski (the Sands) -were searched, and other explosives as well as documents incriminating -other persons were found. As a result the procession of prisoners to the -Peter and Paul’s Fortress for a time was almost unremitting, and no one -felt safe against police intrusion. All three of the prisoners were subsequently -executed.</p> - -<p>England shortly afterward became the mark for the next development -of the dynamite war. It is the fact that shortly after the assassination of -the Czar an attack on the British Government was begun.</p> - -<p>Prior to this there had been two outrages in 1881—one an attempt to -blow up the barracks at Salford with dynamite, the other a gunpowder -explosion at the Mansion House, London.</p> - -<p>The record of the year, as compiled by Col. Majendie, the Inspector of -Explosives, then runs on:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><i>1881: 16 May.</i> Attempt to blow up the police barracks at Liverpool with gunpowder in -iron piping. Damage to the building was inconsiderable, and no one hurt.</p> - -<p><i>10 June.</i> Attempt to blow up the Town Hall, Liverpool, by an infernal machine probably -filled with dynamite. A great number of windows broken, and some iron railings -destroyed, but no one injured. The two perpetrators captured.</p> - -<p><i>14 June.</i> A piece of iron piping filled with gunpowder exploded against the police station -at Loanhead, near Edinburgh. Some windows broken, but no other damage effected.</p> - -<p><i>30 June.</i> An importation of six infernal machines at Liverpool from America in the -“Malta,” concealed in barrels of cement. They contained lignin dynamite, with a clock-work -arrangement for firing it.</p> - -<p><i>2 July.</i> An importation of four similar machines at Liverpool in the “Bavaria.”</p> - -<p><i>September.</i> An attempt to produce an explosion at the barracks, Castlebar. A canister -containing gunpowder was thrown over the wall, close to the magazine. The lighted fuse -which was attached fell out, and no harm was done.</p> - -<p><i>1882: 26 March.</i> An attempt to blow up Weston House, Galway, with dynamite in an -iron pot enclosed in a sack. Five persons were afterwards convicted of the outrage.</p> - -<p><i>27 March</i>. A 6-inch shell charged with explosive thrown into a house in Letterkenny. -The explosion caused considerable damage.</p> - -<p><i>2 April.</i> An attempt to destroy a police barrack in Limerick by firing some dynamite on -the window sill.</p> - -<p><i>12 May.</i> A discovery of a parcel containing 12 lbs. to 20 lbs. of gunpowder, with lighted -touch-paper or fuse attached, at the Mansion House, London.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span></p> - -<p><i>1883: 21 January.</i> An explosion of lignin dynamite at Possil Bridge, Glasgow. Two -or three persons passing sustained slight injury.</p> - -<p><i>21 January.</i> An explosion of lignin dynamite at Buchanan Street Station, Glasgow, in a -disused goods shed.</p> - -<p><i>15 March.</i> An explosion at the Local Government Board Office, Whitehall, causing considerable -local damage.</p> - -<p><i>15 March.</i> An abortive explosion of lignin dynamite outside a window at the <i>Times</i> office.</p> - -<p><i>April.</i> Two infernal machines, containing 28 lbs. of lignin dynamite (probably home-made), -discovered at Liverpool. Four persons were convicted and sentenced to penal servitude -for life.</p> - -<p><i>April.</i> The discovery of a factory of nitro-glycerine at Birmingham, and of a large -amount of nitro-glycerine brought thence to London. The occupier of the house and others -were subsequently convicted and sentenced to penal servitude for life.</p> - -<p><i>30 October.</i> An explosion in the Metropolitan Railway, between Charing Cross and -Westminster, unattended with personal or serious structural injury.</p> - -<p><i>30 October.</i> An explosion on the Metropolitan Railway, near Praed Street. Three carriages -sustained serious injury, and about sixty-two persons were cut by the broken glass and -debris, and otherwise injured.</p> - -<p><i>November.</i> Two infernal machines discovered in a house in Westminster, occupied by a -German named Woolf. Two men were tried, and in the result the jury disagreed and a <i>nolle -prosequi</i> was entered on behalf of the Crown.</p> - -<p><i>1884: January.</i> The discovery of some slabs of Atlas Powder A (American make), in -Primose Hill tunnel.</p> - -<p><i>February.</i> An explosion in the cloak-room of the London, Brighton, and South Coast -Railway at Victoria Station of Atlas Powder A (American make), left in a bag or portmanteau.</p> - -<p><i>27 February.</i> The discovery of a bag containing some Atlas Powder A, with clock-work -and detonators, at Charing Cross Station.</p> - -<p><i>28 February.</i> A similar discovery at Paddington Station.</p> - -<p><i>1 March.</i> A similar discovery at Ludgate Hill Station.</p> - -<p><i>April.</i> A discovery of three metal bombs, containing dynamite (probably American -make), at Birkenhead, in possession of a man named Daly, who was afterwards sentenced to -penal servitude for life.</p> - -<p><i>30 May.</i> An explosion of dynamite at the Junior Carlton Club, St. James’ Square. -About fourteen persons were injured.</p> - -<p><i>30 May.</i> An explosion of dynamite at the residence of Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, St. -James’ Square.</p> - -<p><i>30 May.</i> An explosion of dynamite in a urinal under a room occupied by some of the -detective staff in Scotland Yard. It brought down a portion of the building, besides severely -injuring a policeman and some persons who were at an adjacent public-house.</p> - -<p><i>30 May.</i> A discovery of Atlas Powder A, with fuse and detonators, in Trafalgar Square.</p> - -<p><i>28 November.</i> An attempted destruction of a house at Edenburn, near Tralee, occupied -by Mr. Hussey. The injury, which was doubtless accomplished with dynamite, was less -serious than was intended, and no one sustained bodily harm.</p> - -<p><i>12 December.</i> An explosion of a charge of dynamite or other nitro-compound under London -Bridge, fortunately doing very little damage.</p> - -<p><i>1885: 2 January.</i> An explosion in the Gower Street tunnel of the Metropolitan Railway, -caused by about two pounds of some nitro-compound fired apparently by a percussion fuse. -Damage inconsiderable.</p> - -<p><i>24 January.</i> An explosion in the Tower of London, caused, beyond all reasonable -doubt, by about five to eight pounds of Atlas Powder A (American make). Three or four -persons were slightly injured, and considerable damage was done to the Armory.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span></p> - -<p><i>24 January.</i> An explosion of Atlas Powder A (American make), in Westminster Hall. -Three persons were injured severely, and others slightly, and very considerable damage was -done to the Hall and surroundings.</p> - -<p><i>24 January.</i> An explosion in the House of Commons (probably caused by a similar -amount of the same explosive). No persons were injured, but very considerable damage was -done to the Houses of Parliament.</p> - -<p><i>February.</i> A discovery of dynamite (of American make) in a house in Harrow Road, -Paddington.</p> - -<p><i>9 March.</i> A discovery of Atlas Powder A in the roof of a saw-mill at Bootle.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">As a result of these various conspiracies and political outrages, twenty-nine -persons were convicted.</p> - -<p>Some of the bombs used in the London explosions were very ingeniously -made. Usually they had a clock-work arrangement which released a hammer -and exploded the infernal machine at the time set. Others again had -a time fuse depending upon the percolation of acid through parchment. In -every case, however, the destruction wrought by the explosives was ridiculously -disappointing to the conspirators, and in England as elsewhere the -event proved that high explosives are a delusion and a snare from the -revolutionist’s point of view. They are greatly more dangerous to the persons -who employ them than to the people or the property against which -they may be aimed.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER III.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Exodus to Chicago—Waiting for an Opportunity—A Political Party -Formed—A Question of $600,000—The First Socialist Platform—Details of the Organization—Work -at the Ballot-Box—Statistics of Socialist Progress—“The International -Workingmen’s Party” and The “Workingmen’s Party of the United States”—The -Eleven Commandments of Labor—How the Work was to be Done—A Curious -Constitution—Beginnings of the Labor Press—The Union Congress—Criticising the -Ballot-Box—The Executive Committee and its Powers—Annals of 1876—A Period of -Preparation—The Great Railroad Strikes of 1877—The First Attack on Society—A -Decisive Defeat—Trying Politics Again—The “Socialistic Party”—Its Leaders and -its Aims—August Spies as an Editor—Buying the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>—How the Money -was Raised—Anarchist Campaign Songs—The Group Organization—Plan of the Propaganda—Dynamite -First Taught—“The Bureau of Information”—An Attack on -Arbitration—No Compromise with Capital—Unity of the Internationalists and the -Socialists.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap16">AFTER the enactment of the stringent Socialist law in Germany, and -the determined opposition of Prince Bismarck to the creed of the -Social Democrats, the exodus to America began, and Chicago, unfortunately -for this city, was the Mecca to which the exiles came. At first but -little attention was paid to the incoming people. It was thought that free -air and free institutions would disarm them of their rancor against organized -society, and but little attention was paid to the vaporings of the leaders. -We had heard that sort of thing before,—especially in the years following -1848,—and it had come to nothing; and people generally, when they heard -the mouthings of the apostles of disorder, told themselves that when these -apostles had each bought a home, there would come naturally, and out of -the logic of facts, a change in their convictions.</p> - -<p>Hence, although there were some inflammatory speeches, and a pretense -of Socialistic activity, it was not until the year 1873 that any serious attention -was paid to the movement. Even then the interest it excited was that -solely of a political novelty.</p> - -<p>The period was one of general business depression, however, and additional -impetus was given to the feelings of discontent by the labor troubles -in New York, Boston, St. Louis and other large cities. In New York the -labor demonstrations were particularly violent. The special object sought -to be accomplished there was the introduction of the eight-hour system. -Eastern Internationalists saw in this an opportunity to strengthen their -foothold in America, and they were not slow in fomenting discord among -the members of the different trades-unions which had inaugurated the -movement. They even went so far as to proclaim that, if there was any -interference with the eight-hour strike, the streets would run red with the -blood of capitalists. The Communists of Chicago sympathized with their -brethren in the East, but they lacked numbers and similar conditions of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span> -violent discontent to urge force and bloodshed in the attainment of the same -object, which, however, had been for some time under discussion by the -Trades Assembly of Chicago. They consequently contented themselves -with wild attacks upon the prevailing system of labor and urged a severance -from existing political parties and the formation of a party exclusively -devoted to the amelioration of the condition of workingmen.</p> - -<p>Toward the end of the year 1873, the leaders seem to have concluded -that they had a sufficient number of adherents to form a party, and a committee -was appointed to prepare and submit a plan of organization. On -the 1st of January following, this committee reported. They suggested -organization into societies according to nationalities, and that all societies -thus organized should be directed by a central committee, to be appointed -from the several sections. At the same time it was publicly announced that -“the new organization did not seek the overthrow of the national, State or -city government by violence,” but would work out its mission peaceably -through the ballot-box.</p> - -<p>While the formation of a party was under consideration, times were -exceedingly dull in the city. Thousands were idle, and there was a general -clamor among the unemployed for relief. This discontent was seized upon -to influence the minds of the poor against capital, and the remedy was -declared to lie only in Socialism. The Relief and Aid Society formed the first -point of attack. The Socialist leaders loudly proclaimed that it had on -hand over $600,000,—the charitable contributions of the world sent to Chicago -after the fire for the benefit of the poor,—which sum was held, they -claimed, for the enrichment of the managers of that society and the benefit -of “rich paupers.” In the early part of December, 1873, a procession of -the unemployed marched through the streets of the city and demanded -assistance from the municipal authorities. They finally decided to appeal -to the Relief Society, and, backed by hundreds in line, a committee -attempted to wait upon the officials of that organization. They were -excluded, however, on the ground that all deserving cases would be aided -without the intervention of a committee.</p> - -<p>The condition of labor now formed the pretext for many a diatribe -against capital in general and the alleged favoritism of the Relief and Aid -Society in particular; and many allied themselves with the Socialistic -organization—not comprehending its meaning, but because it happened at -the moment to appeal to their passions.</p> - -<p>It was this state of affairs which spurred on the Socialist leaders to the -formation of a party. Having accepted the general plan of organization as -recommended by the committee, another meeting was held in January, 1874. -A declaration of principles was then formulated. There were nine articles, -which may be summarized as follows:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">Abolition of all class legislation and repeal of all existing laws favoring monopolies.</p> - -<p>All means of transportation, such as railroads, canals, telegraph, etc., to be controlled, -managed and operated by the State.</p> - -<p>Abolition of the prevailing system of letting out public work by contract, the State or -municipality to have all work of a public nature done under its own supervision and control.</p> - -<p>An amendment to the laws in regard to the recovery of wages, all suits brought for the -recovery of wages to be decided within eight days.</p> - -<p>The payment of wages by the month to be abolished, and weekly payments substituted.</p> - -<p>A discontinuance of the hiring-out of prison labor to companies or individuals, prisoners -to be employed by and for the benefit of the State only.</p> - -<p>Adoption by the State of compulsory education of all children between the ages of seven -and fourteen years; the hiring-out of children under fourteen to be prohibited.</p> - -<p>All banking, both commercial and savings, to be done by the State.</p> - -<p>All kinds of salary grabs to be discontinued; all public officers to be paid a fixed salary -instead of fees.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Specifically stated, the organization was made to consist of sections and -divisions and a central committee. Each section was made to consist of -twenty-five members, and was entitled to one delegate to the conventions of -the order, with one delegate for every additional one hundred members or -fraction thereof. The central committee was to be composed of nine members, -to be chosen by the delegates. The duties of the committee were fixed under -such rules as might be adopted by the organization. Their term was from -one general convention to another. Each delegate was allowed as many -votes as there were members of the section he represented. Delegates from -each section were obliged to assemble every week to report all party affairs, -and, if necessary, were expected to make similar reports to the central committee. -Sections and divisions elected officers for six months. Two-thirds -of the members of each section were required to be wage-workers. Each -member had to pay only five cents initiation fee and five cents monthly dues. -One-half of the income from fees was given to the central committee for -printing and general expenses. All in arrears for three months, barring -sickness or want of employment, were expelled. Each section was given -the power to dismiss such members as acted by word, writing or deed to the -detriment of the party and its principles. The right of appeal to the central -committee was given to any member in case three of his section favored -it. Monthly reports to sections and quarterly reports to the central committee -as to the condition of the organization and the treasury were required -of the secretary. In the event that any officer lost the confidence of his -section, he could be expelled before the expiration of his term by a majority -vote.</p> - -<p>Such were the principles and plans of the organization at the outset. -There does not appear anywhere anything to show that the ulterior object -of the party was to use violence to enforce its demands. On the contrary, -at a subsequent general gathering a preamble to the platform expressly -stated that the party was organized “to advocate and advance the political<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span> -platform of the Workingmen’s Party, to acquire power in legislative bodies -and to uphold the principles of the platform.” Subsequent mass-meetings, -held in January, ratified the declaration of principles, and the various -speakers urged that, inasmuch as the “other political parties were for the -benefit of unprincipled scalawags,” their party had come into existence -“pure and undefiled, to secure to workingmen their rights.” The prime -movers in the party at this time were John McAuliff, L. Thorsmark, -Carl Klings, Henry Stahl, August Arnold, J. Zimple, Leo Meilbeck, -Prokup Hudek, O. A. Bishop, John Feltes, John Simmens, Jacob Winnen, -J. Krueger, William Jeffers and Robert Mueller. The organization was -styled “The Workingmen’s Party of Illinois.”</p> - -<p>Active agitation at once commenced in various parts of the city. Meetings -were held wherever possible in the poorer sections of the North and -West Divisions. In all speeches the prevalent distress was dwelt upon and -the people were urged to combine against capital. Some of the points made -at these gatherings may be judged from the remarks of the agitators at a -meeting of the various sections of the party at No. 68 West Lake Street on -the 1st of March, 1874. While the sentiments were somewhat rabid, there -was no encouragement to deeds of violence. One of the speakers, Mr. -Zimple, spoke of the object of the meeting as being “to devise means for -marching on the bulwarks of aristocracy, and gain for the working classes -that social position to which they were by right entitled.” Then followed -an invective against capital and society. “All existing things must be torn -down,” he continued, “and a new system of society built up.” Slaves even -were allowed to live, but, as things were then, workingmen, who could work -no longer, had to starve. If they stood together and elected good men to -the Legislature next fall, this state of affairs would be changed. Legislators -were too stupid to make a living by honest work, therefore they had to subsist -by robbing the people. Mr. Thorsmark expressed confidence in the -success of Socialism and said that if all workingmen would do their duty -“the present state of society would be re-formed, not only for their benefit, -but for the benefit of mankind.” Carl Klings could conceive of “nothing -more inhuman, cruel and outrageous than the present state of society,” and -it was for this reason, he said, that they had banded together to “strike a -blow which would effect a change for all time to come.” The same tyrants, -he argued, who had slaughtered their brethren in cold blood and oppressed -them in France, could be found in Chicago. The workingmen of America -had not accomplished anything as yet, because they were not yet fully prepared, -but gradually they were becoming a great power, and soon would “no -longer be compelled to drink the bitter poison from the cup of the aristocrats.” -Mr. McAuliff touched on the wrongs of the existing state of society -as he saw it and held that “they all had to unite in one common body and -seek success at the ballot-box.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span></p> - -<p>To gain political power, the Socialists made their first attempt by placing -a ticket in the field. A convention was held in Thieleman’s Theater, in -the North Division of the city, on the 29th of March, 1874. Although there -were general city officers to be elected the following month, the Socialists -confined their efforts to making nominations only for the town offices of -North Chicago, in which section their theories seemed, at that time, to have -found the most fertile soil. Their ticket was made up as follows: Assessor, -George F. Duffy; Collector, Philip Koerber; Supervisor, August Arnold; -Town Clerk, Frederick Oest; Constable, James Jones.</p> - -<p>At this convention an impetus was given to the new organ of the party, -the <i>Vorbote</i>, which had just issued its initial number, and, although this -journal was given a considerable circulation to boom the new-fledged candidates, -the ticket only polled 950 votes.</p> - -<p>But the leaders were not disheartened. They continued their political -agitation, and at the approach of the fall campaign they decided to branch -out more extensively, and to measure swords with the other political parties -for all the offices in sight. On the 25th of October, 1874, a convention -was held in Bohemian Turner Hall, on Taylor Street, near Canal, and Congressional, -county and city tickets were put into the field. For Congress -they selected, for the West Side, W. S. Le Grand; for the North Side, -F. A. Hoffman, Jr. It was left an open question whom they should support -on the South Side. Their candidates for the Legislature were: Madden, -Rice, Hudek, Kranel, Thrane and Hymann; and for the Senate, Rowe, -Bishop, Methua and Koellner. County Commissioners, Mueller, Bettetil, -Bley and Maiewsky for the West Side, and German and Breitenstein for -the North Side. Their candidate for Sheriff was E. Melchior, and for -Coroner, Dr. Geiger. The aldermanic selections were: In the Second -Ward, Wasika; in the Fourth, Tuer; in the Sixth, Grapsicsky; in the -Seventh, Maj. Warnecke and E. A. Haller; in the Eighth, Leonhard; in -the Ninth, George Heck; in the Tenth, Sticker; in the Eleventh, Urenharst; -in the Twelfth, Zirbes; in the Fourteenth, Sirks; in the Fifteenth, -Schwenn and Anderson; in the Sixteenth, Seilheimer; in the Seventeenth, -H. Jensen; in the Eighteenth, Frey; and in the Twentieth, Otto F. Schalz. -In the wards not given no nominations were made.</p> - -<p>The strength of the ticket may be gathered by the fact that at the election, -on November 5th, Melchior received only 378 votes, while his -opponent, Agnew, Democrat, scored 28,549, and Bradley, Republican, -21,080. The Socialist candidate who polled the largest number of votes was -Breitenstein, for County Commissioner—790.</p> - -<p>The leaders now became convinced that a German morning daily was -necessary to further the interests of their party. The <i>Illinois Staats-Zeitung</i> -and the <i>Freie Presse</i> had almost neutralized their efforts on the stump, and -they saw that they must have an organ to meet these papers and reach the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span> -masses. They had seen the effects of workingmen’s papers in Germany, -where several representatives had been sent to the Reichstag, and as their -party shibboleth then was “to secure power in legislative bodies” in Illinois, -they determined to found a paper of their own. On the 13th of December, -1874, on Market Street, they held a secret meeting. The leading -spirits in the proceedings were Mueller, Simmens and Klings. It was proposed -that stock to the amount of $20,000 should be issued for a daily, but as -no one seemed to be thoroughly posted in the matter of publishing a paper, -it was decided to select a committee. Messrs. Klings, Helmerdeg, Simmens, -Methua, Kelting, Winner and Finkensieber were so selected, but -whether they made any progress, or submitted a report as to their conclusions, -is not known. It is certain that no daily appeared to supplement the -efforts of their weekly organ at that time, and it was not until four or -five years later that such a paper finally made its appearance.</p> - -<p>In the winter of 1874 and the spring of 1875 the Socialist agitators were not -openly aggressive, but they nevertheless kept quietly at work sowing the -seed of discontent. Finally, in October, 1875, they resumed open and -active agitation. The only meeting they held that fall was at No. 529 Milwaukee -Avenue, and their wrath was directed especially against the Republican -and Democratic candidates for County Treasurer. The speakers were -J. Webeking, John Feltis, Jacob Winnen, A. Zimmerman and John Simmens. -The burden of their harangues was that “the workingmen should -no longer believe the scoundrels” put up by the other parties. It was time, -they urged, to “destroy the power of the robber band.” Workingmen must -“organize, place laborers on the throne, and drive capitalists from power.”</p> - -<p>In the election, held the following month, they took no active part, and -this fact, together with the apparently quiescent condition of the organization, -prompted the <i>Tribune</i> to remark:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">No longer do they work openly (smarting under former failures), nor do they allow -outsiders like Oelke, Gruenhut and others to get into their ranks. The Workingmen’s Party -of Illinois, as the Communists of this city style themselves, no longer acts as an independent -organization, but has placed itself under the protectorate of the society of the Internationalists, -which has branches in every city in the world. The executive committee of this society, -which formerly resided in Paris and Leipsic, has now its headquarters in New York, and its -mandates are implicitly complied with by all the local organizations. The central committee -believe that during the winter large numbers will be without employment, and hence a -proper time will come to strike a blow. For months they have been organizing military -companies and maturing plans to burn Chicago and other large cities in the United States -and the Old World.</p> - -<p class="p1">At about this time a secret meeting was held at No. 140 West Lake -Street. Only members of the local committee of the Internationale and the -executive committee of the Workingmen’s Party were present. It came to -the surface that other than political measures were discussed. The Socialist -leaders denied all intention of abandoning politics, but they did not hesitate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span> -to avow a belief that some startling blow would facilitate the success of -their movement. What seemed to give a strong color of truth to reports -about their incendiary intentions was the action they took with reference to -Carl Klings. He had been one of the most active spirits in their organization. -He was a fiery, impetuous speaker and carried the crowds with him -in all his harangues. For some unknown reason, not explainable upon any -other hypothesis than that some violent demonstration was contemplated -as a change from their past policy, the party had decided to take no hand in -the election of November, and yet, in spite of this decision, Klings had entered -into it most bitterly and violently to accomplish the defeat of a candidate -against whom he cherished the greatest enmity. It would seem that this, -viewed from a Socialistic standpoint, ought to have commended him to his -brethren, especially as the candidate was beaten in the election, but, on the -representation that he had violated an order of the party, Klings was summarily -expelled from the organization on the 13th of December, 1875. The -fact that he had never secretly advocated violent means undoubtedly accounts -for his expulsion.</p> - -<p>It is unquestionably true that at this time the Communists were beginning -to think of more serious matters than politics, and gradually drifting -away from their peaceful mission as avowed in their early party platform -and public declarations, and it is not unwarranted to attribute their non-intervention -in politics that fall to the efforts and influence of the Internationale. -They proved in more ways than one that they had at heart -revolutionary methods, and that they were only awaiting an opportune -time to boldly proclaim their sentiments. Even if there could exist a doubt -on this point, it was dissipated by the utterances of the Socialists at a mass-meeting -held December 26, 1875, at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, to -protest against the treatment of Communist prisoners in New Caledonia by -the French Government.</p> - -<p>As already stated, the Socialists had established in 1874 an “International -Workingmen’s Party of the State of Illinois,” and for some time -they held meetings under that pretentious title, principally on Clybourn -Avenue. The organization struggled along for awhile and finally was lost -to sight. Subsequently a “Workingmen’s Party of the United States” -appeared in the Socialistic world, and some of the leaders of the old local -organization began to identify themselves with its establishment and success. -They held frequent meetings on North Avenue. The declaration of principles -of the new party was as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">The emancipation of the working classes must be achieved by the working classes -themselves, independently of all political parties of the propertied class.</p> - -<p>The struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not a struggle for class -privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and duties, and the abolition of all class -rule.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-051.jpg" width="400" height="605" id="i51" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">SCENES FROM THE RIOTS AT PITTSBURG, 1877.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">The economical subjection of the man of labor to the monopolizers of the means of -labor, the sources of life, lies at the bottom of servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, -mental degradation and political dependence.</p> - -<p>The economical emancipation of the working classes is, therefore, the great end to -which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a means.</p> - -<p>All efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from want of solidarity between -the manifold divisions of labor in each country, and from the absence of concerted action -between the workingmen of all countries.</p> - -<p>The emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but a social problem, embracing -all countries in which modern society exists, and depending for its solution upon the -practical and theoretical concurrence and coöperation of the most advanced countries.</p> - -<p>For these reasons the Workingmen’s Party of the United States has been founded. It -enters into proper relations and connections with the workingmen of other countries.</p> - -<p>Whereas, political liberty without economical freedom is but an empty phrase; therefore, -we will, in the first place, direct our efforts to the economical question. We repudiate -entirely connection with all political parties of the propertied class without regard to -their name. We demand that all the means of labor, land, machinery, railroads, telegraphs, -canals, etc., become the common property of the whole people, for the purpose of abolishing -the wage-system, and substituting in its place coöperative production with a just distribution -of its rewards.</p> - -<p>The political action of the party will be confined generally to obtaining legislative acts in -the interest of the working class proper. It will not enter into a political campaign before -being strong enough to exercise a perceptible influence, and then in the first place locally in -the towns or cities, when demands of purely local character may be presented, provided they -are not in conflict with the platform and principles of the party. We work for organization -of the trades-unions upon a national and international basis, to ameliorate the condition of -the working people and seek to spread therein the above principles. The Workingmen’s -Party of the United States proposes to introduce the following measures as a means to -improve the condition of the working classes:</p> - -<p>1. Eight hours’ work for the present as a normal working day, and legal punishment for -all violators.</p> - -<p>2. Sanitary inspection of all conditions of labor, means of subsistence and dwellings -included.</p> - -<p>3. Establishment of bureaus of labor statistics in all States as well as by the National -Government, the officers of these bureaus to be taken from the ranks of the labor organizations -and elected by them.</p> - -<p>4. Prohibition of the use of prison labor by private employers.</p> - -<p>5. Prohibitory laws against the employment of children under fourteen years of age in -industrial establishments.</p> - -<p>6. Gratuitous instruction in all educational institutions.</p> - -<p>7. Strict laws making employers liable for all accidents to the injury of their employes.</p> - -<p>8. Gratuitous administration of justice in courts of law.</p> - -<p>9. Abolition of all conspiracy laws.</p> - -<p>10. Railroads, telegraphs and all means of transportation to be taken hold of and -operated by the Government.</p> - -<p>11. All industrial enterprises to be placed under the control of the Government as fast as -practicable and operated by free coöperative trades-unions for the good of the whole -people.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The Constitution of the “Workingmen’s Party of the United States” -was as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">The affairs of the party shall be conducted by three bodies: 1. The Congress. 2. The -Executive Committee. 3. The Board of Supervision.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article I. The Congress.</span> 1. At least every two years a Congress shall be held, composed -of the delegates from the different sections that have been connected with the party at -least two months previously and complied with all their duties. Sections of less than one -hundred members shall be entitled to one delegate; from one hundred to two hundred, to two -delegates; and one more delegate for each additional hundred.</p> - -<p>2. No suspended section shall be admitted to a seat before the Congress has examined -and passed judgment on the case. It shall, however, be the duty of every Congress to put -such cases on the order of business and dispose of them immediately after the election of its -officers.</p> - -<p>3. The Congress defines and establishes the political position of the party, decides finally -on all differences within the party, appoints time and place of next Congress and designates -the seat of the Executive Committee and of the Board of Supervisors.</p> - -<p>4. The entire expenses of Congress, as well as mileage and salaries of the delegates, -shall be paid by the party and provided for by a special tax to be levied six weeks before the -Congress meets before the year 1880; however, no mileage will be paid beyond the 36th -degree of northern latitude, nor beyond the 59th degree of western longitude.</p> - -<p>5. All propositions and motions to be considered and acted upon by Congress shall be -communicated to all sections at least six weeks previously.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article II. The Executive Committee.</span> 1. The Executive Committee shall consist -of seven members and shall appoint from its own midst one corresponding secretary, one -recording secretary, one financial secretary and one treasurer. The Executive Committee -shall be elected by the sections of the place designated as its seat, and vacancies shall be -filled in the same way.</p> - -<p>2. The Executive Committee shall hold office from one Congress to the ensuing one.</p> - -<p>3. The duties of the Executive Committee shall be to execute all resolutions of Congress, -and to see that they are strictly observed by all sections and members, to organize and -centralize the propaganda, to represent the organization at home and abroad, to entertain -and open relations with the workingmen’s parties of other countries, to make a quarterly -report to the sections concerning the status of the organization and its financial position, to -make all necessary preparations for the Congress as well as a detailed report on all party -matters.</p> - -<p>4. <i>Right and Power of the Executive Committee.</i> The Executive Committee, with the -concurrence of the Board of Supervision, may refuse to admit to the organization individuals -and sections as well as suspend members and sections till the next Congress for injuring the -party interests. In case of urgency the Executive Committee may make suitable propositions, -which propositions shall become binding, if approved of by a majority of the members -within two months. The Executive Committee has the right to establish rules and regulations -for the policy to be observed by the party papers, to watch their course, and in cases of -vacancies to appoint editors <i>pro tempore</i>. The Executive Committee may send the corresponding -secretary as delegate to Congress; the delegate will have no vote and shall be prohibited -from accepting any other credentials.</p> - -<p>5. The salary of the party officers shall be fixed by the Executive Committee with the -concurrence of the Board of Supervision.</p> - -<p>6. The corresponding secretary shall copy all documents and writings issuing from the -Executive Committee, place on file all communications received, and keep a correct record -thereof. He shall receive a proper salary.</p> - -<p>7. The financial secretary shall keep and make out the lists of sections and members, -receive and record all money and hand the same over to the treasurer, taking his voucher -therefore.</p> - -<p>8. The treasurer shall receive all moneys from the financial secretary, pay bills and honor -all orders of the Executive Committee, after they are countersigned by the corresponding -secretary and one more member of the Executive Committee, make a correct report on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span> -status of the treasury to the Executive Committee at every meeting and to the whole organization -every three months, and give security in the amount fixed by the Executive Committee. -The report of the treasurer must be examined at a regular session of the Executive Committee -and indorsed by the same.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article III. The Board of Supervision.</span> 1. The Board of Supervision shall consist -of five members, to hold office and be elected in the same way as the Executive Committee.</p> - -<p>2. The duties of the Board of Supervision shall be to watch over the action of the -Executive Committee and that of the whole party; to superintend the administration and the -editorial management of the organs of the party, and to interfere in case of need; to adjust -all differences occurring in the party within four weeks after receiving the necessary evidence, -subject to the final decision of the Congress; to make a detailed report of its actions to -Congress.</p> - -<p>3. In case of any urgency the Board of Supervision may suspend officers and editors -until the meeting of the next Congress, such suspension to be submitted at once to a general -vote, the result of which shall be made known within four weeks thereafter.</p> - -<p>4. The Board of Supervision is entitled to send one delegate to the Congress under the -same conditions as the Executive Committee.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article IV. Sections.</span> Ten persons speaking the same language and being wage-workers -shall be entitled to form a section, provided they acknowledge the principles, statutes -and Congress resolutions and belong to no political party of the propertied classes. They -shall demand admission from the Executive Committee by transmitting the dues for the current -month, and their list of members, their letter to contain the names, residences and -trade of members, and to show their conditions as wage-laborers. At least three-fourths -of the members of a section must be wage-laborers. There shall be no more than one section -of the same language in one place, which meet at different parts of the town or city for -the purpose of an active propaganda. Business meetings shall be held once a month. -Each section is responsible for the integrity of its members. Each section is required to -make a monthly report to the Executive Committee concerning its activity, membership and -financial situation, to entertain friendly relations with the trades-unions and to promote their -formation, to hold regular meetings at least once every week, and to direct its efforts exclusively -to the organization, enlightening and emancipating the working classes. No section shall take -part in political movements without the consent of the Executive Committee. Five sections -of different localities shall be entitled to call for the convention of an extraordinary Congress, -such Congress to be convened if a majority of the sections decides in its favor.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article V. Dues and Contributions.</span> A monthly due of five cents for each member -shall be transmitted to the Executive Committee to meet the expenses of the propaganda and -administration. In case of need, and with the consent of the Board of Supervision, the -Executive Committee is empowered to levy an extraordinary tax.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article VI. General Regulations.</span> All officers, committees, boards, etc., shall be -chosen by a majority vote. No member of the organization shall hold more than one office -at the same time. All officers, authorities, committees, boards, etc., of the organization, -may be dismissed or removed at any time by a general vote of their constituencies, and such -general vote shall be taken within one month from the date of the motion to this effect; -provided, however, that said motion be seconded by not less than one-third of the respective -constituents. Expulsion from one section shall be valid for the whole organization if -approved by the Executive Committee and the Board of Supervision.</p> - -<p>All members of the organization, by the adoption of this constitution, take upon themselves -the duty to assist each other morally and materially in case of need.</p> - -<p>The Congress alone has the right of amending, altering or adding to this constitution, -subject to a general vote of all sections, the result of which is to be communicated to the -Executive Committee within four weeks.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Article VII. Local Statutes.</span> Each section shall chose from its ranks one organizer, -one corresponding and recording secretary, one financial secretary, one treasurer and two -members of an auditing committee. All these officers shall be elected for six months, and -the Executive Committee shall take timely measures to make the election of newly formed -sections correspond with the general election of the whole party. The organizer conducts -the local propaganda and is responsible to the section.</p> - -<p>The organizers of the various sections of one locality shall be in constant communication -with each other in order to secure concerted action. The secretary is charged with the -minutes and the correspondence. The financial secretary shall keep and make out the list -of members, sign the cards of membership, collect the dues, hand them over to the treasurer -and correctly enter them. The treasurer shall receive all moneys from the financial secretary -and hold them subject to the order of the section. The auditing committee shall superintend -all books and the general management of the affairs, and audit bills. All officers -shall make monthly reports to the section. A chairman is elected in every meeting for maintaining -the usual parliamentary order.</p> - -<p>The monthly dues of each member shall be no less than ten cents, five cents of which -shall be paid to the Executive Committee. Members being in arrears for three consecutive -months shall be suspended until fulfilling their duties, always excepted those who are sick or -out of work. Persons not belonging to the wages-class can only be admitted in a regular -business meeting by a two-thirds vote. The result of every election within the section must -be at once communicated to the Executive Committee.</p> - -<p><i>Regulations concerning the Press of the Workingmen’s Party of the United States.</i>—The -<i>Labor Standard</i> of New York, the <i>Arbeiter-Stimme</i> of New York and the <i>Vorbote</i> of -Chicago are recognized as the organs and property of the party. The organs of the party -shall represent the interest of labor, awaken and arouse class feelings amongst the workingmen, -promote their organization as well as the trades-union movement, and spread economical -knowledge amongst them. The editorial management of each one of the papers of the -party shall be intrusted to an editor appointed by Congress or by the Executive Committee -and the Board of Supervision jointly, the editor to receive an appropriate salary. Whenever -needed, assistant editors shall be appointed by the Executive Committee with the advice and -consent of the chief editor. The chief editor is responsible for the contents of the paper -and is to be guided in matters of principle by the declarations of principles of the party; in -technical and formal matters by the regulations of the Executive Committee. Whenever -refusing to insert a communication from a member of the organization, the editor is to make -it known to the writer thereof, directly or by an editorial notice, when an appeal can be taken -to the Executive Committee. The editor shall observe strict neutrality toward differences -arising within the party till the Board of Supervision and the Congress have given their decision. -For each one of the three party papers there shall be elected at their respective places -of publication a council of administration of five members, who, jointly with the Executive -Committee, shall appoint and remove the business manager and his assistants. The council -of administration shall be chosen for one year in the first week of August of each year. The -council of administration shall establish rules for the business management, superintend the -same, investigate all complaints concerning the business management, redress all grievances, -pay their weekly salaries to the editors and managers, and make a full report of the status -of the paper every three months to all sections by a circular. The manager is bound to mail -punctually and address correctly the papers; he shall receive all moneys, book them and hand -them over to the treasurer of the council of administration, and he shall keep the office of -the paper in good order; his salary shall be fixed by the Congress or by the Executive Committee. -All sums over and above the amount of the security shall be deposited in a bank by -the council of administration. The receipts of all moneys from without shall be published -in the paper.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span></p> - -<p>The treasurer of the council of administration and the manager shall give security to -the council of administration in the amount fixed by the Executive Committee. The -chief editor’s salary shall be from $15 to $20 per week. All complaints against the editorial -management shall in the first place be put before the Executive Committee, in the -second place before the Board of Supervision. All complaints against the business management -shall be first referred to the council of administration, in the second place to the -Board of Supervision. The sections are responsible for the financial liabilities of the -newspaper agents appointed by them. The Congress alone can alter, amend or add to -these regulations.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The spring of 1876 found the local party in a quiescent state as regards -active participation in politics, but they did not abandon their meetings. -The First Regiment of the National Guard at this period had assumed -goodly proportions, and it naturally came in for a good deal of attention at -the hands of the speakers. They never failed to denounce it; but, to cover -their own sinister designs and lull others to a sense of security, they invariably -declared that the Communists intended no war. They continued their -“vacant-lot” oratory and in every way sought to increase the number of -their party adherents.</p> - -<p>Toward the end of July, 1876, a Union Congress was held in Philadelphia, -and these new declarations of principles were formulated:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">The Union Congress of the Workingmen’s Party of the United States declares: The -emancipation of labor is a social problem concerning the whole human race and embracing -all sexes. The emancipation of women will be accomplished with the emancipation of men, -and the so-called woman’s rights question will be solved with the labor question. All evils -and wrongs of the present society can be abolished only when economical freedom is gained -for men as well as for women. It is the duty, therefore, of the wives and daughters of the -workingmen to organize themselves and take their places within the ranks of struggling labor. -To aid and support them in this work is the duty of men. By uniting their efforts they will -succeed in breaking the economical fetters, and a new and free race of men and women will -arise, recognizing each other as peers. We acknowledge the perfect equality of rights of both -sexes, and in the Workingmen’s Party of the United States this equality of rights is a principle -and is strictly observed.</p> - -<p><i>The Ballot-box.</i>—Considering that the economical emancipation of the working classes is -the great end, to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a means; considering -that the Workingmen’s Party of the United States in the first place directs its efforts -to the economical struggle; considering that only in the economical arena the combatants for -the Workingmen’s Party can be trained and disciplined; considering that in this country the -ballot-box has long ago ceased to record the popular will, and only serves to falsify the same -in the hands of professional politicians; considering that the organization of the working -people is not yet far enough developed to overthrow at once this state of corruption; considering -that this middle class republic has produced an enormous amount of small reformers -and quacks, the intruding of whom will only be facilitated by a political movement of the -Workingmen’s Party of the United States and considering that the corruption and misapplication -of the ballot-box, as well as the silly reform movements, flourish most in years of Presidential -elections, at such times greatly endangering the organization of workingmen: For -these reasons the Union Congress, meeting at Philadelphia in July, 1876, resolves:</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-057.jpg" width="400" height="259" id="i57" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE GREAT STRIKE IN BALTIMORE.<br /> -<span class="smcap wn">The Militia Fighting their Way Through the Streets.</span></p> -</div></div> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>The sections of this party as well as all workingmen in general are earnestly invited to -abstain from all political movements for the present and to turn their back on the ballot-box. -The workingmen will thus save themselves bitter disappointments, and their time and efforts -will be directed far better towards their own organization, which is frequently destroyed and -always injured by a hasty political movement.</p> - -<p>Let us bide our time! It will come.</p> - -<p><i>Party Government.</i>—Chicago shall be the seat of the Executive Committee for the -ensuing term; New Haven, the seat of the Board of Supervision.</p> - -<p><i>The Next Congress.</i>—The Executive Committee, in connection with the Board of Supervision, -shall select a place for holding the next Congress in the following named cities: -Chicago, Ill.; Newark, N. J.; Boston, Mass. The end of August shall be the time for the -meeting of the next Congress, and the Executive Committee jointly with the Board of Supervision -shall decide whether the next Congress shall be held in 1877 or 1878.</p> - -<p><i>The Party Press.</i>—As editor of the <i>Labor Standard</i>, J. P. McDonnell is appointed at a -salary of $15 per week; at least one member of Typographical Union No. 6 shall be employed -as a compositor. As editor of the <i>Arbeiter-Stimme</i> Dr. A. Otto Walster is appointed at a -salary of $18 per week; the paper is to be enlarged in a proper way in October next. As -editor of the <i>Vorbote</i> C. Conzett is appointed at a salary of $18 per week. In consideration -of the claim of C. Conzett upon the paper for past services it is resolved that after a thorough -investigation of the books the Executive Committee shall give to C. Conzett a promissory -note for an amount not exceeding the sum of $1,430; for payment of this note two-thirds of -the net gains made by party festivities in Chicago and the whole of the gain resulting from a -general New Year’s festivity in the year 1876 shall be appropriated. Stock and assets to pass -into the hands of the party. A coöperative printing association like the one in New York -shall be formed in Chicago, which shall publish the <i>Vorbote</i> at cost price, adding the usual -percentage of wear and tear, and which shall buy the stock for not less than $600. A diminution -of the size of the <i>Vorbote</i> is proposed, and Conzett is empowered to act in this matter -with due regard to the interests of the party. Dr. A. Douai is appointed assistant editor of -all three papers. It is also resolved to employ the late editor of the English paper as assistant -editor for numbers 18 and 19 of the <i>Labor Standard</i> and pay him his usual salary of $12 -per week for two weeks more. It is resolved to levy an extraordinary tax of ten cents per -member, and to continue said extraordinary tax every three months until all liabilities of the -party shall be paid. All sections are invited to hold festivities in honor of the Union, now -accomplished, and to devote the proceeds of these festivities to aid the press of the party and -to pay the extraordinary taxes.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">It was further resolved that “no local paper shall be founded without -the consent of the Executive Committee and the Board of Supervision.” It -was resolved to place the agencies of all foreign publications in the hands -of the party. After having come to an understanding with the various -publishers of labor papers in other countries, a central depot was to be -established. The two councils of administration of the party organs in -New York were charged with making the necessary preparations for opening -the central depot on the first day of October in New York. It was also -recommended to the party authorities to publish labor pamphlets adapted -to the conditions of this country.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><i>Decisions of the Executive Committee.</i>—In order to insure the collection of the extra tax -of ten cents per quarter, levied by the Congress, the moneys sent in for dues will be credited -to the extra tax account for the preceding quarter year, should such delinquencies occur. -Any section in arrears for three months will be notified, and if within one month thereafter -the section has not restored its good standing, it will be declared defunct. Where sections -cannot appoint their own newspaper agent from among the members, they may appoint any -person as their agent, but such agent must be personally responsible. Where sections fail<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span> -to report gain or loss of members, they will be charged for dues and extra tax, according to -the number of members enrolled at the last report. Every section shall be judge of its own -members, but no expulsion from the whole party can be effected except as provided for by -the constitution. No person can be a member of two sections at the same time.</p> - -<p><i>Amendments to the Constitution.</i>—Paragraph 3, division 4, under “Sections.” First amendment, -adopted December 16th by a general election: In addition to one section (composed -of men of each language of any locality) there may also be organized one section of women -under the same regulations as the others. Second amendment, adopted July 15: Article 1, -paragraph 4, is amended to read: “For the Congress to be held in the year 1887, the expenses -of each delegate will be borne by the section or sections represented by him.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">During the winter of 1876 the excitement on the possible outcome of the -national election prostrated business throughout the country. There were -even rumors and threats of bloody conflict. Capital naturally hesitated, and -investments were confined to projects in which there was no element of -chance and for which the returns were measurably certain. The Socialists -of Chicago sought in every possible way to make the most of the situation -by inflaming the minds of the unemployed against capital, and labored to -secure proselytes by urging that such a state of affairs could never exist -under Socialism. Meetings were held wherever either a hall or a vacant lot -could be secured. A. R. Parsons, Philip Van Patten, George A. Schilling, -T. J. Morgan and Ben Sibley, who had hitherto figured only before -small street crowds, now became prominent as speakers at large gatherings, -and their harangues proved that they were apt students in the Socialistic -school, and ready expounders of the proposed new social system.</p> - -<p>The Legislature of Illinois was in session at the time under review, and -in March, 1877, the Socialist leaders entered into a discussion of the necessity -of forcing that body to pass the bills then pending before it with reference -to the establishment of a bureau of statistics on wages and earnings, -cost and manner of living, fatal accidents in each branch of labor and their -causes, coöperation, hours of labor, etc., and for the collection of wages. -They urged that the laboring classes should demand these measures and insisted -that the “boss classes, the capitalistic classes, the aristocrats, who -lived in riot and luxury on the fruit which labor had tilled and ought to enjoy,” -should not stand in the way of their passage. Time and again they -rang the various changes on the “iniquity and inequalities of the present -social system,” and fairly howled themselves hoarse in declaring that “the -Labor party was organized not only to destroy that system, but to secure a -division of property, which Socialism demanded and was determined to -have.”</p> - -<p>Early in July, 1877, the firemen and brakemen of the Baltimore and -Ohio Railroad began a strike at Baltimore against a reduction of wages. -This strike soon reached Martinsburg, W. Va., and caused an immense -blockade of freight traffic. The strikers finally grew so riotous that the -local authorities were powerless, and President Hayes, being appealed to by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span> -the Governor of Maryland, issued a proclamation. United States troops -were at the same time dispatched from Washington and Fort McHenry to -the scene of disturbances, and order was finally brought out of chaos.</p> - -<p>Following close upon the heels of this strike came one on the Pennsylvania -Railroad at Pittsburg, against an order doubling up trains and thus -dispensing with a large number of employés. The railroad people, in -explanation of their action, showed that during June preceding not only had -there been a great depreciation of railroad stocks, but a shrinkage in the -value of railroad property from 20 to 70 per cent., caused by a great falling-off -in business. It is needless for the purpose of this chapter to recount -the wild scenes of riot and bloodshed that ensued at Pittsburg, when troops -numbering two thousand, sent from Philadelphia, engaged in deadly conflict -with the unbridled mob and when millions of dollars’ worth of property -was destroyed by the incendiary torch.</p> - -<p>While this carnival of fire, death and bloodshed still startled the world, -a strike broke out in Chicago among railroad men. While the strikers -here sought to contend in an orderly manner against their employers, the -same element which had inspired and carried out deeds of violence in the -East—the Communists—were not slow to seize upon the opportunity in -Chicago to widen the breach between capital and labor. Threats and riotous -demonstrations were their weapons. They virtually took possession of -all the large manufacturing establishments in the city, and by intimidation -and force compelled men willing to work and satisfied with their wages to -join their howling mobs. Not alone did they succeed in stopping freight -traffic, but they clogged the wheels of industry in the principal factories and -shops of the city. The leaders were active during the day directing the -riotous movements of their followers, and at night they assembled to devise -methods to increase the general turmoil. Their headquarters were at No. -131 Milwaukee Avenue, and here all-night sessions were sometimes held. -Proclamations were frequently sent out to workingmen, urging them to -stand firmly in defense of their rights.</p> - -<p>The leading spirits at this time were Philip Van Patten, now of Cincinnati, -J. H. White, J. Paulsen and Charles Erickson, who constituted the -executive committee of the Workingmen’s Party, and A. R. Parsons and -George Schilling.</p> - -<p>Some of the meetings referred to were quite stormy in character. -Threats were made to “clean out” the police, and some speakers advised -attacks on the guardians of the peace with stones, bricks and revolvers. The -leaders were too cautious, however, to advise anything of the kind in their -public declarations. Violence was reserved for the mobs on the inspiration -of the moment, or at the instigation of trusted adherents at the proper time.</p> - -<p>That such were their intentions is apparent from a statement of one of -the members, who said:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span></p> - -<p>“To-morrow Chicago will see a big day, and no one can predict what -will be the end of this contest.”</p> - -<p>Sure enough, on the day following—the 25th of July—a conflict -ensued between the police and strong mobs at the Halsted Street Viaduct -and elsewhere, in which several of the rioters were injured. On the day -following, the riots reached their culminating point, and between the -police, infantry and cavalry the Communistic element were driven to their -holes with many killed and wounded. That effectually terminated the -reign of riot, and the city resumed its normal condition. The trouble in -the East also subsided about the same time.</p> - -<p>The Communists, after this severe lesson, remained dormant for some -months. Evidently they saw that the time had not arrived for the commencement -of that revolution which they had at heart. In the fall of 1877 -they seem to have reached the conclusion that they would exchange the art -of war for arts political. Accordingly, in October they were again to be -found on the campaign stump—for the first time since 1874. There were -then four parties in the field,—Democrats, Republicans, Industrials and -Greenbackers,—and this situation may have suggested a chance for the success -of their ticket or an opportunity to secure concessions from the dominant -parties that would result to their advantage. C. J. Dixon was then -chairman of the “Industrial Party.” This party claimed to seek redress -for the grievances of workingmen without resorting to destruction of society -or government, and if it had denied affiliation with the Socialists it might -have become a factor in politics. It may be stated that for a time after the -election Dixon held to his principles, but a few years later became a representative -in the Legislature of the Communistic element.</p> - -<p>The outcome of the political agitation of the Socialists that fall was the -nomination of the following ticket: For County Treasurer, Frank A. Stauber; -County Clerk, A. R. Parsons; Probate Clerk, Philip Van Patten; -Clerk of the Criminal Court, Tim O’Meara; Superintendent of Schools, -John McAuliff; County Commissioners, W. A. Barr, Samuel Goldwater, -T. J. Morgan, Max Nisler and L. Thorsmark. For Judge, John A. Jameson, -then on the bench, was indorsed, and Julius Rosenthal—not a Socialist—was -nominated for Judge of the Probate Court. The election held on the -8th of November showed some gains for the party. Omitting the “Industrials” -which were swallowed up by the other parties in the way of “election -trades,” the Socialists secured a vote of 6,592 in the contest for the -County Treasurership, while McCrea, Republican, polled a vote of 22,423; -Lynch, Democrat, 18,388, and Hammond, Greenbacker, 769.</p> - -<p>In 1878 a session of the Congress was again held, and then it was decided -to change the name of the “Workingmen’s Party of the United States” to -the “Socialistic Labor Party,” and it was also resolved to “use the ballot-box -as a means for the elevation of working people” and for “electing men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span> -from their own ranks to the halls of legislation and to the municipal government.”</p> - -<p>The different wards of Chicago were subsequently organized into ward -clubs, each with a captain and secretary as permanent officers for a year. -It was made the duty of the captain of a ward to find halls for public meetings -and to report to the central committee. He was to open the meetings -in his ward and see that a chairman was chosen from among those attending. -The duty of the secretary was to issue cards of membership to new -members, to collect monthly dues of ten cents from each member, and to -receipt for the same on the back of the cards; he was also to keep minutes -of the meetings and have them published in the party papers. The captain -was authorized to appoint a precinct captain for every precinct in his ward, -whose duty it was to control the distribution of tickets at elections. The -precinct captain was also directed to appoint lieutenants in his precinct, -one for each block if possible, to assist him in the work of agitation and the -distribution of tickets.</p> - -<p>Under the plans formulated by the Socialistic Congress a central committee -was again organized in the city of Chicago. It was composed of a -chairman, a secretary and a treasurer, who were elected by a joint meeting -of the different sections every six months. In 1878 there were four sections -in Chicago—one German, one English, one French and one Scandinavian. -The German section had the largest number of members, between three -and four hundred, and was steadily gaining. The English section numbered -only about one hundred and fifty. The Scandinavian branch had -about an equal number. The French only mustered fifty members. During -a campaign the ward captains were made members of the central -committee. They were charged with the duty of reporting the progress of -the ward clubs, notifying the committee where halls had been rented and -indicating what speakers were needed. It was the duty of the central -committee to advertise all club meetings, pay for the halls rented when the -clubs could not pay, and settle all bills and expenses incident to an election. -The committee was the only body authorized to order the printing of tickets, -and for all their acts they were held responsible to the “Socialistic Labor -Party.” The money needed to defray expenses was raised mostly through -subscriptions and collections in the various clubs. The meetings of the -committee were conducted openly. Representatives of the press were permitted -to be present if at any prior meeting they had not purposely distorted -the proceedings. During the years 1878 and 1879 the meetings of -the committee were generally held in a hall on the second floor of No. 7 -South Clark Street.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-063.jpg" width="400" height="257" id="i63" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE LABOR TROUBLES OF 1877.<br /> -<span class="smcap wn">Riots at the Halsted Street Viaduct, Chicago.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span></p> - -<p>With an organization thus perfected under the plan of the Socialistic -Congress, the Socialists felt themselves in condition to cope with the other -parties. They saw in the vote of 1877 a chance for seating some of their -members in the City Council, and set out to talk politics at all their gatherings -for the spring of 1878. On the 15th of March of that year they held a -convention at No. 45 North Clark Street, and put up a ticket for Aldermen -in all the wards except the Eleventh and Eighteenth, and for the various -town offices in the three divisions of Chicago. Inasmuch as the “old -timber” was worked over for these various offices, it is needless to repeat -names. Their platform reiterated the demands made in the first declaration -of principles, and, in addition, asked for the establishment of public baths -in each division of the city; extension of the school system; annulment of -the gas and street-car companies’ charters, the same to be operated by the -city after payment to the owners of principal and interest on moneys actually -invested, out of the profits; prompt payment of taxes, and employment for -all residents of the city that needed it.</p> - -<p>During the campaign incident to the election, Paul Grottkau, then a -recent arrival from Berlin, proved a conspicuous figure and made a number -of stirring appeals. He expounded the principles of Socialism and invariably -wound up by characterizing the members of the Democratic and -Republican parties as “liars and horse-thieves.” Through his active participation -in the Socialistic movement in Chicago Grottkau became editor of -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, but, fortunately for himself, was displaced in 1880 by -August Spies.</p> - -<p>The election of April, 1878, resulted in placing one member in the City -Council—Stauber, from the Fourteenth Ward.</p> - -<p>This was the first political victory the Socialists had achieved in the city, -and, having noticed a small but steady increase in their voting force, they -proceeded to organize and agitate more diligently than ever before in a -political way. Meanwhile they saw the growing strength of the State -militia, and as an offset to the organization of the various military companies -in Chicago they determined to raise and equip companies from -their own ranks. They had begun in a quiet way to start the nucleus of -military companies some time after the First Regiment had been organized, -but it was not until 1878 that it became generally known that they had men -armed and drilled in military tactics, to be marshaled against society upon -a favorable opportunity. In the early part of 1878 the very flower and -strength of their military was the Lehr und Wehr Verein, composed of -picked men and veterans who had been baptized with fire on European -battlefields. Its strength was variously estimated at from four to six -thousand, but it never exceeded four hundred members. The “Jaeger -Verein,” the “Bohemian Sharpshooters” and the “Labor Guard of the -Fifth Ward,” each with no more than fifty members, were auxiliary organizations -and composed mainly of raw recruits. Their instruction in the -manual of arms was mainly given by Major Presser, a trained and skilled -European tactician.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span></p> - -<p>Meantime the party had been greatly strengthened by the aid of newspapers -printed in its interest. In 1874, <i>Die Volks-Zeitung</i> had been started -by a stock company called the Social-Democratic Printing Association. -This paper was published at No. 94 South Market Street, with Mr. Brucker -as editor. Shortly thereafter, the <i>Vorbote</i>, a weekly paper, was started -under the auspices of the Workingmen’s Party at the same number. C. -Conzett, formerly a resident of Berne, Switzerland, became its editor. He -subsequently bought out the <i>Volks-Zeitung</i> and thereafter published a tri-weekly -paper under the name of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, which became a -private enterprise in the interest of workingmen. His assistant editor was -Gustav Leiser. They made the paper an advocate of revolutionary -methods and urged the organization of trades-unions. They encouraged -strikes and held that only through such means could workingmen secure -their rights. They published without charge all grievances of laboring -men on the score of non-payment of wages and abuses of manufacturing -concerns, but each article had the full name of the writer. At first the -editors did not favor a resort to the ballot-box to remedy grievances. It -was not until after the great railroad strike of July, 1877, that they advocated -an organized fight in elections independently of the old parties. The -workingmen, they urged, must elect men of their own in order to secure -favorable legislation.</p> - -<p>In 1878 an English weekly called the <i>Socialist</i> was started under the -auspices of the main section of the Socialistic Labor Party of Chicago. -This main section was composed of the German, English, Scandinavian -and French sections, and they employed Frank Hirth as editor at a salary -of $15 per week and A. R. Parsons as assistant at a salary of $12 per week. -This paper was made the organ in the English language of the Socialistic -Labor Party, and, while it made some headway at the start, it succumbed -within a year, owing to jealousies and differences of opinion between the -German and English sections.</p> - -<p>About the time the <i>Socialist</i> was established another paper was put in -the field by the Scandinavian section. It was called <i>Den Nye Tid</i>, and was -edited by Mr. Peterson.</p> - -<p>In 1878 the proprietor of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> signified a willingness to -sell his paper to the Socialistic Labor Party, and, in order to consummate -the transfer, the main section held a meeting in May of that year at Steinmueller’s -Hall, No. 45 North Clark Street. Plans were then and there matured -for its purchase. It was decided to borrow the money and issue notes -at 6 per cent. interest, payable as soon as the treasury had secured enough -from collections and other sources to take them up. Collectors were -appointed for each division of the city, and they were directed to collect -money from workingmen and storekeepers. On the evening of June 29, -1878, a meeting was held at No. 7 South Clark Street, and the reports<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span> -showed that enough money had been raised to purchase the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. -Subsequently a general meeting was held and a society was organized called -the “Socialistische Druckgesellschaft.” A board of trustees was chosen, -and they applied to the Secretary of State for a charter. That official -declined to issue the charter because the name of the society was in German. -Another meeting was held at No. 54 West Lake Street, and the name was -changed to the “Socialistic Publishing Company,” after which the charter -was readily secured. The paper was then transferred by Herr Conzett to the -new company, and subsequently the managers added a Sunday edition called -<i>Die Fackel</i>. Paul Grottkau, formerly editor of the Berlin <i>Freie Presse</i>, was -appointed editor under the new management at a salary of $15 per week, -and F. J. Pfeiffer, of Chicago, was made assistant editor. The society -which now had charge of the paper was composed of <i>bona fide</i> members -of the German section. Their meetings were conducted in the same -manner as those of the Socialistic Labor Party. The price of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -was reduced, and all money realized from its sale over and above -expenses was applied for purposes of agitation. While the paper was -reported in a prospering condition, it was decided to take steps to pay off -its indebtednes as represented by the outstanding notes, and to this end a -grand festival was to be held, the proceeds of which should be devoted to -the press fund. Some trouble was experienced in getting a hall large -enough for the purpose. The Exposition Building was finally decided upon, -and it was secured without much delay, with results as noted further along -in this chapter.</p> - -<p>Soon after the <i>Socialist</i> had expired, the members of the Workingmen’s -Party felt the need of an English organ, and, having meanwhile come to a -better understanding, they decided that they would make another effort to -put one before the people. The result of several conferences was a monster -picnic at Wright’s Grove on the 16th of June, 1878. The procession formed -to make the occasion imposing numbered about three thousand, and side by -side with the American flag was borne the red banner of Anarchy. This -emblem, although it finally crowded out the “stars and stripes,” had -hitherto been reserved in public demonstrations for a minor place. Some of -the mottoes displayed on this occasion ran as follows: “No Rich, no Poor—All -Alike.” “No Monopolies—All for One and One for All.” “Land belongs -to Society,” and “No Masters, no Slaves.”</p> - -<p>The result of the picnic was that the <i>Alarm</i> was established, and A. R. -Parsons became its editor on a weekly allowance of $5, subsequently raised -to $8.</p> - -<p>In the fall campaign of 1878 we find the Socialists again in the field with -a full ticket for Congressmen, the Legislature and local offices. Former -party platforms were reaffirmed, and mass-meetings to fire the hearts of -workingmen were frequently held. At these gatherings capitalists were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span> -denounced as usual, and the police came in for some attention. The campaign -song was also introduced, and the chorus of one, rendered by an -untamed troubadour named W. B. Creech, and referring to the police, ran -after this style, to the air of “Peeler and Goat”:</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-067a.jpg" width="250" height="306" id="i67a" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">DR. CARL EDUARD NOBILING.</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="pp21 p1">Then raise your voices, workingmen,</p> -<p class="pp22">Against such cowardly hirelings, O!</p> -<p class="pp21">Go to the polls and slaughter them</p> -<p class="pp22">With ballots, instead of bullets, O!</p> - -<p class="p1">One Dr. McIntosh could always be depended -on for grinding out any quantity of -doggerel of this kind for any occasion. -The Socialists claimed that they -would poll on the day of election—Nov. -5th—from 9,000 to 13,000 votes. -Their calculations, like their utterances, -were wild and wide off the -mark, however, as their candidate for -Sheriff, Ryan, only secured 5,980 -votes, while Hoffman, Republican, -had 16,592; Kern, Democrat, 16,586, -and Dixon, Greenbacker, 4,491. They -secured, however, a member of the State Senate, Sylvester Artley, and three -members of the lower house of the Legislature—Leo Meilbeck, Charles -Ehrhardt and Christian Meier.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-067b.jpg" width="250" height="376" id="i67b" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">MAX HOEDEL.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>This gave them great confidence, and they -pushed with greater vigor than ever their -political work. Meetings were kept up -throughout the winter, and, among other -things, they discussed measures which they -demanded from the Legislature in the interest -of labor. These demands included -reducing the hours of labor; the establishment -of a bureau of labor statistics; abolishment -of convict labor; sanitary inspection -of food, dwellings, factories, work-shops and -mines; abolition of child labor; liability of -employers for all accidents to employés -through the employers’ neglect, and priority -of demands for wages over all other -claims. They found time also to give their -attention to their brethren in Europe, and -at a meeting held Sunday, January 19, -1879, they adopted resolutions denouncing -Bismarck for persecutions of workingmen in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span> -Germany. The pretext for these persecutions, they claimed, grew out of -the attempts on the life of Emperor William by Hoedel and Dr. Nobiling. -The would-be assassins, they confessed, had once been Socialists, but at the -time of the attack had had nothing in common with the order. Hoedel, -they said, had been expelled, and had subsequently joined the “Christian -Socialistic Party,” which they asserted had the favor of the Government, -and at the head of which was a Government official. They claimed -that Hoedel had been instigated to the deed by the German court, and -they even doubted that he had been beheaded in expiation of his -crime. Hoedel, they said, had been simply an instrument in the hands of -Bismarck, who wanted a pretext to persecute the Socialists and secure the -passage of a bill in the Reichstag for their suppression. Under the provisions -of that bill, they asserted, men, women and children were thrown into -dungeons without trial, and they insisted that the Congress of the United -States should voice their protest against such persecutions.</p> - -<p>At nearly every large meeting held during the winter in question, Creech -was to the front with new songs, among one the chorus of which ran thus:</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1">Raise aloft the crimson banner, emblem of the free;<br /> -Mighty tyrants now are trembling, here and o’er the sea.</p> - -<p class="p1">On the evening of March 22, 1879, they held the celebration in the Exposition -Building already referred to. This was ostensibly in commemoration -of the establishment of the Paris Commune in 1848 and again in 1871. -The real purpose, however, was to obtain funds to defray the expenses -incident to the coming spring campaign and to aid in making a daily out of -their tri-weekly organ, the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. There were from 20,000 to -25,000 people in the building, and the amount reported realized reached -$4,500. There was speech-making by Dr. Ernst Schmidt, A. R. Parsons, -Paul Grottkau, and lesser lights, and the various military companies of the -organization strutted about in their uniforms, with belts, cartridge-boxes, -bayonet scabbards and breech-loading Remingtons.</p> - -<p>With part of the proceeds of this celebration, the Socialists fitted up -campaign headquarters in a top-story room on the northeast corner of -Madison and La Salle Streets, in the very heart of the business center. -Their ticket covered all the offices from Mayor lo Aldermen. The only new -names that figured on this ticket were those of N. H. Jorgensen, J. J. -Alpeter, Robert Buck, Henry Johnson, Max Selle, George Brown, R. -Lorenz, James Lynn and R. Van Deventer. The election occurred on the -1st of April, 1879, and their candidate for Mayor, Dr. Schmidt, secured -11,829 votes, while Carter H. Harrison, Democrat, scored 25,685, and A. M. -Wright, Republican, 20,496. They elected three Aldermen, however—Alpeter -from the Sixth Ward, Lorenz from the Fourteenth, and Meier, then -in the Legislature, from the Sixteenth, which made, with Stauber, four -representatives in the City Council.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-069.jpg" width="400" height="254" id="i69" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="figcenter"><p class="pc">BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—I.<br /><span class="smcap wn">From Photographs.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span></p> - -<p>With the inauguration of Carter Harrison’s administration, a good deal -of attention was given to the Socialists by him as well as by his Democratic -co-laborers. Some of their men were given employment in the departments -of the city. Although they still continued their agitation, these appointments -and other favors had the effect of undermining their political -strength.</p> - -<p>In the next Mayoralty election they made a show of keeping up their -organization and nominated George Schilling for Mayor and Frank Stauber -for City Treasurer. But in the election held April 5th, 1881, the former only -polled 240 votes, and Stauber 1,999, thus demonstrating an almost complete -collapse of the party.</p> - -<p>This virtually took them out of politics. Thenceforward the Socialists -seem to have decided to abandon the -ballot-box, and to rely on force only for -the attainment of their objects. Accordingly -their harangues were directed to -the dissemination of the doctrines of -revolution. They endeavored still, it is -true, to maintain a representation in the -City Council, but in 1884 the Socialistic -element was entirely eliminated from -that body.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-070.jpg" width="250" height="330" id="i70" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">CARTER H. HARRISON.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>At the session of the Congress of -the International Workingmen’s Association -held at Pittsburg from the 14th -to the 16th of October, 1883, there was -a large delegation of Chicago Anarchists. -A question arose as to the use of -the ballot for remedying the wrongs of -the laboring people. The delegates -from Baltimore insisted that recourse -should be had to the ballot-box, but those from Pittsburg were of another -mind, and favored something stronger. This suggestion gave the Anarchist -contingent from Chicago an opportunity to come to the front, and, while -some of these did not hold to extreme measures, they all agreed that the -ballot-box only served to keep capitalistic representatives in office. The -radical Chicago element went still further, holding that the theory of -Karl Marx, the use of force, was the correct one, and that that force should -be dynamite. But here a split occurred in their own delegation, the milder -ones holding to the theory of Lassalle, that they should first give the -ballot a thorough trial and use force only in the event of failure. The sentiment -of the convention predominated in favor of force, and the conservative -Anarchists ceased to be members.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span></p> - -<p>The controversy thus begun was carried back to Chicago, and the radicals -set themselves strenuously to work to bring their disaffected associates -to the advocacy of dynamite. The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein -were particularly opposed to the use of the bomb. They had equipped -themselves and drilled in the use of guns so as to be able to meet the police -and militia after failure at the polls, and they contended that men carrying -bombs would be apt, through lack of experience, to hurt themselves as much -as their opponents. Men thoroughly drilled in the handling of a gun, they -argued, could accomplish something, and to that end every one should be -instructed in military tactics. The radicals of the various “groups” did -not believe in guns, however, and held that, inasmuch as they had experimented -with dynamite with some success, they should adopt it as a means of -warfare. They finally brought all to their ideas, and from that time to the -present they have given the subject of dynamite and explosives a great -deal of study.</p> - -<p>As indicating the sense of the Pittsburg Congress their plan of organization -and resolutions are here given:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">The name of the organization shall be “International Workingmen’s Association.”</p> - -<p>1. The organization shall consist of federal groups which recognize the principles laid -down in the manifesto and consider themselves bound by them.</p> - -<p>2. Five persons shall have the right to form a group.</p> - -<p>3. Each group shall have complete independence (autonomy) and shall further have the -right to conduct the propaganda in accordance with its own judgment, but the same must -not collide with the fundamental principles of the organization.</p> - -<p>4. Each group may call itself by the name of its location. When there is more than one -group, they shall be numbered.</p> - -<p>5. In places where there is more than one group it is recommended that a general committee -be formed to secure united action. Such committees shall, however, have no executive -power.</p> - -<p>6. A Bureau of Information shall be created at Chicago and shall consist of a secretary -of each of the groups of different languages. It is the duty of such bureau to keep an exact -list of all the groups belonging to the organization and to keep up correspondence with and -between the domestic and foreign groups.</p> - -<p>7. Groups intending to join the organization must, after they have recognized its principles, -send their application and list of members to the groups located nearest to them, -whose duty it is then to forward such application to the Bureau of Information. The groups -shall send a report of the situation to the Bureau of Information at least every three -months.</p> - -<p>8. A Congress can be called at any time by a majority of the groups.</p> - -<p>9. All the necessary expenses of the Bureau of Information shall be met by voluntary -contributions of the groups.</p> - -<p><i>Plan for the Propaganda.</i>—The organization of North America shall be divided into nine -districts of agitation, as follows: 1. Canada. 2. District of Columbia. 3. The Eastern -States (Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New -York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland). 4. The Middle States (Ohio, -West Virginia, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Illinois). 5. The Western -States (Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, Dakota, Kansas, Indian Territory and New -Mexico). 6. The Rocky Mountain States (Colorado, Montana, Idaho Territory, Utah and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span> -Nevada). 7. The Pacific Coast States. 8. The Southern States (Virginia, North Carolina, -South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana -and Texas.) 9. Mexico.</p> - -<p>It is recommended to the several districts to organize general district committees for the -purpose of more effective and united action. It is the duty of these general committees to -provide that whenever practicable agitators shall be sent forth. If there is a lack of proper -agitators in a district the general committee shall inform the Bureau of Information. This -shall be done also when there is a surplus of workers, so that the bureau shall be able to -bring about an equal distribution of the working elements.</p> - -<p>The expenses of the traveling agitators shall be paid by local groups, or, when these are -without means, by the general organization.</p> - -<p><i>Resolutions.</i>—The following resolutions were offered by A. R. Parsons:</p> - -<p>“In consideration that the protection capitalists are men who, by excluding the cheap -products of labor of competing countries, intend to make enormous profits, while the free-trade -capitalists intend to make just as large profits by the sale of the cheap products of -labor of other countries; and</p> - -<p>“In consideration that the only difference between the two is this: That the one wants -to import the products of cheap foreign labor, while the others consider it of greater advantage -to import the cheap labor itself of other countries; and</p> - -<p>“In consideration that it is a great injustice to tax by a protective tariff a whole people for -the benefit of a few privileged capitalists or of branches of industry: Be it, therefore,</p> - -<p>“<i>Resolved</i>, That we, the International Workingmen’s Association, consider the protective -tariff and free trade questions capitalistic questions, which have not the least interest for -wage-workers—questions which are intended to confuse and mislead the workingman. The -fight on both sides is only one for the possession of the robbed products of labor. The -question whether there should be a protective tariff or free trade are political questions, -which for some time past have divided governments and nations into opposing factions, but -which, as already said, do not contribute toward the solution of social questions. The -adage, <i>Polvere negli occhi</i> (throwing dust in the eyes), expresses the intentions of both parties.</p> - -<p>“In consideration that we see in trades-unions advocating progressive principles the -abolishment of the wage system—the corner-stone of a better and more just system of society -than the present; and</p> - -<p>“In consideration, further, that these trades-unions consist of an army of robbed and disinherited -fellow-sufferers and brothers, called to overthrow the economic establishments of -the present time for the purpose of general and free coöperation: Be it, therefore,</p> - -<p>“<i>Resolved</i>, That we, the I. W. M. A., proffer the hand of fellowship to them, and give -them our sympathy and help in their fight against the ever-growing despotism of private -capital; and</p> - -<p>“<i>Resolved</i>, That while we give such progressive trades-unions our fullest sympathy and -assure them of every assistance in our power, we are, on the other hand, determined to fight -and, if possible, to annihilate every organization given to reactionary principles, as these are -the enemies of the emancipation of the workingmen, as well as of humanity and of progress.</p> - -<p>“In consideration that the courts of arbitration for settlement of differences between the -workingmen and their employers, without the fundamental condition of free and independent -action on both sides, are simply contrary to reason; and</p> - -<p>“In consideration that a free settlement between the rich and the poor is impossible since -the wage-worker has but the choice to obey or to starve; and</p> - -<p>“In consideration that arbitration is possible and just only in case both parties are so -situated that they can accept or refuse an offer entirely of their own free will: Be it, therefore,</p> - -<p>“<i>Resolved</i>, That arbitration between capital and labor is to be condemned. Wage-workers -ought never to resort to it.”</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">After expressions of sympathy for the striking coal-miners in Dubois, -Pa., who were advised to arm themselves for defense against the bandits of -order, the resolutions proceed:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“In consideration that our brothers and fellow combatants in the Old World are engaged -in a terrible struggle against our common foe, the crowned and uncrowned despots of the -world, the church and priestcraft, and thousands of them are languishing in prison and in -Siberia and are suffering in exile: Be it, therefore,</p> - -<p>“<i>Resolved</i>, That we tender these heroic martyrs our sympathies, encouragement and aid.</p> - -<p>“In consideration that there is no material difference existing between the aims of the -I. W. M. A. and the Socialistic Labor Party: Be it, therefore,</p> - -<p>“<i>Resolved</i>, That we invite the members of the S. L. P. to unite with us on the basis of -the principles laid down in our manifesto for the purpose of a common and effective propaganda.”</p> - -<p>Issued by order of the Pittsburg Congress of the International Workingmen’s Association. -For further information apply to the undersigned “Bureau of Information.”</p></div> - -<table id="t01" summary="t01"> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Secretary of the English language,</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Aug. Spies</span>.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Secretary of the German language,</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Paul Grottkau</span>.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Secretary of the French language,</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Wm. Medow</span>.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Secretary of the Bohemian language,</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">J. Mikolanda</span>.</td> - </tr> - -</table> - -<p class="pbq p1">No. 107 Fifth Avenue, Chicago.</p> - -<p class="p1">In accordance with pre-arranged plans, therefore, when the street-car -riots occurred on the West Division Railroad in the summer of 1885, the -Anarchists and Socialists of Chicago took a prominent part and did everything -in their power to create a bloody conflict between the police and the -strikers. In 1886, when the laboring classes of Chicago had decided to -strike on the 1st of May for eight hours as a day’s work, they came forward -and resolved to strike a blow which would terrorize the community and -inaugurate the rule of the Commune. How they went to work in that -direction and how they succeeded is fully shown in succeeding chapters.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER IV.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Socialism, Theoretic and Practical—Statements of the Leaders—Vengeance -on the “Spitzels”—The Black Flag in the Streets—Resolutions in the <i>Alarm</i>—The -Board of Trade Procession—Why it Failed—Experts on Anarchy—Parsons, Spies, -Schwab and Fielden Outline their Belief—The International Platform—Why Communism -Must Fail—A French Experiment and its Lesson—The Law of Averages—Extracts -from the Anarchic Press—Preaching Murder—Dynamite or the Ballot-Box?—“The -Reaction in America”—Plans for Street Fighting—Riot Drill and Tactics—Bakounine -and the Social Revolution—Twenty-one Statements of an Anarchist’s Duty—Herways’ -Formula—Predicting the Haymarket—The Lehr und Wehr Verein and the Supreme -Court—The White Terror and the Red—Reinsdorf, the Father of Anarchy—His -Association with Hoedel and Nobiling—Attempt to Assassinate the German Emperor—Reinsdorf -at Berlin—His Desperate Plan—“Old Lehmann” and the Socialist’s Dagger—The -Germania Monument—An Attempt to Kill the Whole Court—A Culvert -Full of Dynamite—A Wet Fuse and no Explosion—Reinsdorf Condemned to Death—His -Last Letters—Chicago Students of his Teachings—De Tocqueville and Socialism.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE Constitution of the United States guarantees the right of free -speech, free discussion and free assemblage. These are the cardinal -doctrines of our free institutions. But when liberty is trenched upon to -the extent of advocacy of revolutionary methods, subversion of law and -order and the displacement of existing society, Socialism places itself beyond -the pale of moral forces and arrays itself on the side of the freebooter, -the bandit, the cut-throat and the traitor. Public measures and public men -are open to the widest criticism consistent with truth, decency and justice, -but differences of opinion are no more to be brought into harmony through -blood than the settlement of private disputes is to be effected by means of -the bludgeon, the knife or the bullet. The freedom of speech which is valuable -either to the individual or to humanity is that which builds up, not -destroys, society.</p> - -<p>Now, what does Socialism, or Anarchy, precisely teach, and at what does -it aim? It is true, there are two schools of Socialism—one conservative and -the other radical to a sanguinary degree; one seeking a change in existing -society and government through enlightenment, and the other the attainment -of the same principles through force. But the conservatives form so -small a portion of the Socialistic body that they cut no figure in the general -direction and management of the organization; and so far as relates to the -visible manifestations of that body, Socialism in the United States may be -regarded as synonymous with Anarchy.</p> - -<p>As I have shown, the ostensible object of the organization in Chicago, as -elsewhere, at the outset, was peaceful, but the ulterior aim—the establishment -of Socialism through force, when sufficiently powerful in numbers—has -in later years clearly developed. The early Socialist orators only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span> -hinted at force as a possible factor in the social revolution they advocated, -and it was reserved for the active agitators of the past ten years to boldly -and openly proclaim for the methods of the Paris Commune.</p> - -<p>Before proceeding to particulars as to the utterances of Anarchist -leaders, the sources of their inspiration and their definition of Socialism, -it may be well to advert to some incidents in connection with their -movements as a revolutionary party. One incident specially worthy of -mention was a meeting held at Mueller’s Hall, corner of Sedgwick -Street and North Avenue, on the evening of January 12, 1885. -It was a secret gathering, but, despite Socialistic vigilance, Officer -Michael Hoffman managed to remain -and quietly note the drift of -the speeches. Parsons first took -the floor, and said:</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-075.jpg" width="250" height="395" id="i75" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc"><span class="smcap">The Black Flag.</span> <span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="pbq p1">Gentlemen, before we call this meeting -to order, I want you to be sure that we are -all right and all one. I want you to see -if there are any reporters or policemen present. -See if you can discover any spies. -If you find any one here, you can do with -him as you please, but my advice to you -is, take him and strangle him and then -throw him out of the window; then let the -people think that the fellow fell out. And -if you should give one of them a chance -for his life, tell him, if he has any more -notions to come to our meetings, he should -first go to St. Michael’s Church, see the -priest and prepare himself for death, say -farewell to all his friends and family—and -then let him enter. I want all these -people to know that I am not afraid of -them; I don’t like them, and let them stay -away from me.</p> - -<p class="p1">After precautions had been taken -to exclude objectionable persons, the proceedings began. Four speeches -were delivered, two in English and two in German. Parsons confined his -remarks to the capitalists. All present were poor, he said, and they only -had themselves to blame. One-half of all the wealth in the country belonged -to the poor people, but the capitalists had robbed them of it. The poor -offered no resistance, and yet the capitalist was doing the same thing day -after day. He was getting richer, and the poor poorer, because the working -people lay down and permitted themselves to be robbed. He recounted -some of Most’s experiences, and insisted that capitalists must -submit to workingmen. They must be shown that their lives are worth -no more than the lives of the working people.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span></p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-076.jpg" width="300" height="395" id="i76" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE OFFICE OF THE ARBEITER-ZEITUNG.<br /> -<span class="wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>He next touched upon the merits of a new invention by which, he said, -many hundreds of houses could be set on fire, and exhibited a small tin box -or can with a capacity of four ounces. This can, he remarked, could be -filled with some chemical stuff to serve as an explosive. A great many of -these cans could be carried in a basket, and, traveling around as match peddlers -or under some other guise, his hearers could secure entrance to the -houses of capitalists. All they would then be obliged to do was to either -place or drop one of “those darlings” in a secure place and go about their -business. It would do -its work, without any -one’s presence to attend -to it, in less time than -an hour. If they would -get the boxes ready, he -would tell them where -to get the “stuff.” This -plan of operations would -keep the fire and police -departments quite busy. -If they organized and -went to work with a -resolute spirit, they -could have things all -their own way throughout -the city and obtain -possession of what remained -after their work -of destruction. He also -urged all his comrades -to become familiar with -dynamite and said that -for the necessary instructions -they could -come to a building on -Fifth Avenue (107, the offices of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and <i>Alarm</i>), where -he and others could be found to help them. There was no other way now -left, he continued, except for the laborers to use the sword, the bullet -and dynamite, and, closing sententiously, he said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">I probably will be hung as soon as I get out on the street, but if they do hang me, boys, -don’t forget what I have been telling you about the little can and the dear stuff, dynamite, -because this is the only way I and you can get our rights.</p> - -<p class="p1">It goes without saying that Parsons was applauded to the echo. Another -speaker emphasized his remarks about dynamite, but refrained from making<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span> -a speech, because, as he said, Parsons had “covered the ground so well and -thoroughly.” One of the German speakers gave his attention to King -William and the Pope, scoring them in the strongest language he could command. -He held that the “police of Chicago were only kept to protect the -property of capitalists and to club poor workingmen.”</p> - -<p>Another event memorable in the history of the party was the flaunting of -the black flag on the streets of Chicago for the first time. On that occasion—November -25, 1884, Thanksgiving Day—they marched through the -fashionable thoroughfares of the South and North Divisions, and, with two -women as standard-bearers for the black and the red, they made it a point -to halt before the residences of the wealthy, uttering groans and using -threatening language. Their route included Dearborn Street to Maple on -the North Side. There they massed in front of the residence of Hon. E. B. -Washburne, ex-Minister to France. They pulled the door-bell and insulted -the family by indulging in all sorts of noises, groans and cat-calls. They -rested satisfied with this last exhibition, and retraced their steps, proceeding -to Market Square, where they dispersed.</p> - -<p>The preliminaries leading up to the procession just described were thus -given in the <i>Alarm</i> on the following Saturday:</p> - -<p class="pc1">THE BLACK FLAG.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pch2 p1"><i>The Emblem of Hunger Unfolded by the Proletarians of Chicago.—The Red Flag Borne Aloft -by Thousands of Workingmen on Thanksgiving Day.—The Poverty of the Poor is Created -by the Robbery of the Rich.—Speeches, Resolutions and a Grand Demonstration of the Unemployed, -the Tramps and Miserables of the City.—Significant Incidents.</i></p> - -<p class="p1">Shortly before Thanksgiving Day some of the working people, after consultation, issued -the following circular to wage-workers and tramps:</p> - -<p class="p1">The Governor has ordained next Thursday for Thanksgiving. You are to give thanks -because your masters refuse you employment; because you are hungry and without home -or shelter, and your masters have taken away what you have created, and arranged to shoot -you by the police or militia if you refuse to die in your hovels, in due observation of Law and -Order. You must give thanks that you face the blizzards without an overcoat; without fit -shoes and clothes, while abundant clothing made by you spoils in the storehouses; that you -suffer hunger while millions of bushels of grain rots in the elevators. For this purpose a thanksgiving -meeting will be held on Market Square at 2:30 o’clock, to be followed by a demonstration -to express our thanks to our “Christian brothers on Michigan Avenue.” Every one that feels -the mockery of this Thanksgiving order should be present. Signed, the Committee of the -Grateful Workingpeople’s International Association.</p> - -<p class="p1">Thursday opened with sleet and rain, cold and miserable. At 2:30 over three thousand -people assembled on Market Street, under the unpitying rain and sleet. A stranger said, -“What you want is guns; you don’t want to be heard talking.” He was stopped for the -regular arrangements. The meeting being called to order, A. R. Parsons said: “We assemble -as representatives of the disinherited, to speak in the name of forty thousand unemployed -workingmen of Chicago—two millions in the United States and fifteen millions in the civilized -world.” He compared the Thanksgiving feast to that of Belshazzar, and said the champagne -wrung from the blood of the poor ought to strangle the rich. He then read as follows: “St. -James, chapter 5, says, ‘Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for your miseries which -are to come upon you. Your riches are corrupted, and your garments are moth-eaten. -Your gold and silver is cankered; and the rust of them shall be a witness against you, and -shall eat your flesh as it were fire. Ye have heaped treasures together for the last days.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-078.jpg" width="400" height="260" id="i78" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="figcenter"><p class="pc">AN ANARCHIST PROCESSION.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>Behold, the hire of the laborers who have reaped down your fields, which ye have kept back by -fraud, crieth: ‘Woe to them that bring about iniquity by law.’ The prophet Habakkuk says: -‘Woe to him that buildeth a town by blood, and establisheth a city by iniquity.’ The -prophet Amos says: ‘Hear this, O ye that swallow up the needy, even to make the poor to -fail from the land, that I may buy the poor for silver, and the needy for a pair of shoes.’ -The prophet Isaiah says: ‘Woe unto them that chain house to house, and lay field to field, till -there is no place, that they may be alone in the midst of the earth.’ Solomon says: ‘There -is a generation that are pure in their own eyes, and yet is not washed of their filthiness; a -generation, O, how lifted are their eyes, and how their eyelids are lifted up: A generation -whose teeth are as swords, and their jaw-teeth as knives, to devour the poor from off the -earth, and the needy from among men.’”</p> - -<p>And, concluding, he said: “We did not intend to wait for a future existence, but to do -something for ourselves in this.”</p> - -<p>He introduced S. S. Griffin, who said this was an international assembly in the interests -of humanity, having no quarrel with each other and objecting to being set at work by governmental -scheme. “Don’t believe that any government or system should be allowed to pit -man against man, for any cause; and to get at the root of these evils, we must go to the -foundation of property rights and the wage system. The old system could not meet the -demands of our present civilization. The present cry is against over-production, because it -operates against humanity. Over-production, glutting the market, causes a lock-out, depriving -the wage class of the means of purchasing. Vacant houses stop the building industry, -and result in throwing builders out of employment. Ragged because of a surplus of clothing; -homeless because of too many houses; hungry because there is too much bread; freezing -because too much coal is produced. The system must be changed. Man can wear but one -suit of clothes at a time and can consume only about so much. The genius of our age is -inventing and increasing the productive power. A system that in effect tells the working -classes that, the more they produce, the less they will have to enjoy, is a check on human progress -and cannot continue. Everything must be made free. No man should control what he -has no personal use for.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Upon Mr. Parsons’ call the resolutions were read, as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Whereas</span>, We have outlived wage and property system; and whereas, the right of property -requires more effort to adjust it between man and man than to produce and distribute it:</p> - -<p><i>Resolved</i>, That property rights should no longer be maintained or respected, and that -all useless workers should be deprived of useless employment and required to engage in -productive industry; and as this is impossible under the payment system,</p> - -<p><i>Resolved</i>, That no man shall pay for anything, or receive pay for anything, or deprive -himself of what he may desire, that he finds out of use or vacant.</p> - -<p><i>Resolved</i>, That whoever refuses to devote a reasonable amount of energy to the production -or distribution of necessaries is the enemy of mankind and ought to be so treated; and -so of the willful waster.</p> - -<p>As this system cannot be introduced as against existing ignorance and selfishness without -force, <i>Resolved</i>, That, when introduced, the good of mankind and the saving of blood requires -that forcible opposition shall be dealt with summarily; but that no one should be harmed for -holding opposite opinions.</p> - -<p><i>Resolved</i>, That our policy is wise, humane and practical and ought to be enforced at the -earliest possible moment.</p> - -<p>As an expression of thankfulness, <i>Resolved</i>, That we are thankful we have learned the true -cause of poverty and the remedies, and can only be more thankful when the remedy is applied.</p> - -<p>The next speaker was Samuel Fielden. He denounced the hypocrisy of calling upon -people to thank God for prosperity, while providing no changes for the better, when so many -people were in actual want in the midst of abundance. When he was a boy, his mother had -taught him to say, “Our Father who art in Heaven,” but so far as he knew, God remained -there and would not come here until things were better arranged. “Our motto is, Liberty, -Equality and Fraternity, embracing all men. Our international movement is to unite all -countries and to do away with the robber class.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span></p> - -<p>August Spies spoke. Pointing to the black flag, he said it was the first time the emblem -of hunger and starvation had been unfurled on American soil. He said we had got to strike -down these robbers who were robbing the working people.</p> - -<p>In answer to a call from the Germans, Mr. Schwab spoke in German a few minutes. A -stranger said: “Get your guns out and go for them. That is all I have got to say.” Three -cheers were given for the social revolution. The audience then formed a procession three -thousand strong.</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-080.jpg" width="250" height="369" id="i80" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE BOARD OF TRADE.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Another notable procession was on the evening of the opening of the -new Board of Trade building. The -Anarchists gathered in front of the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office and were -addressed by Parsons and Fielden. -The speeches were highly inflammatory. -Parsons insisted that they -ought to blow up the institution, -and urged them to arm themselves -“to meet their oppressors -with weapons.” The Board of -Trade, he said, was a robbers’ -roost, and they were reveling on -the proceeds of the workingmen. -“How many,” he asked, “of my -hearers could give twenty dollars -for a supper to-night? We will -never gain anything by arguments -and words. While those men are -enjoying a sumptuous supper, workingmen -are starving.” He characterized -the police as bloodhounds -and servants of the robbing capitalists, -and suggested that the mob -loot Marshall Field’s dry-goods -store and other places and secure -such things as they needed. It was apparent that these sentiments appealed -strongly to the inclinations of the assembled rabble, and when Parsons had -concluded the mob was ready for an even more violent harangue.</p> - -<p>Fielden went as far as to urge the mob to follow him and rob those -places, and, like Parsons, held that the Board of Trade building had been -built out of money of which they had been robbed, and that all who transacted -business in that place were “robbers, and thieves, and ought to be -killed.”</p> - -<p>There were hundreds of tramps in the throng addressed, and naturally -all allusions to capitalists as robbers, and all suggestions to plunder, were -greeted with applause. A procession was formed, with Oscar W. Neebe,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span> -Parsons and Fielden at the head, and with two women following next carrying -the red and black flags. They marched down to the Board of Trade, -but, arriving at the street leading to the building, a company of police -headed them off. Thus balked, they had to content themselves with marching -through the streets back to their starting-point, where they separated -without further exhibition of violence than subsequently hurling a stone -through the window of a carriage occupied by a prominent West Side resident -and his wife, whom they took to be a millionaire on his way to the -Board of Trade reception. A tougher-looking lot of men than those who -composed the procession it would be difficult to find, and, once started in -the direction of violence at the building, there is no telling the extent of -damage they might have inflicted. The toleration of such a parade by the -municipal authorities was severely criticised by the community, for, had it -not been for the action of the late Col. Welter, then Inspector of Police, in -intercepting the procession, a serious riot would have occurred.</p> - -<p>Parsons, when asked subsequently why they had not blown up the Board -of Trade building, replied that they had not looked for police interference -and were not prepared. “The next time,” he said, “we will be prepared -to meet them with bombs and dynamite.” Fielden reiterated the same -sentiments and expressed the opinion that in the course of a year they -might be ready for the police.</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Now what</span> is the Socialism or Anarchy they seek to establish? In his -speech before Judge Gary in the Criminal Court, when asked why sentence -of death should not be imposed upon him, Anarchist Parsons, among other -things, thus described the condition of affairs when Socialism should obtain -sway:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">Anarchy is a free society where there is no concentrated or centralized power, no state, no -king, no emperor, no ruler, no president, no magistrate, no potentate of any character whatever. -Law is the enslaving power of men. Blackstone defines the law to be a rule of action, prescribing -what is right and prohibiting what is wrong. Now, very true. Anarchists hold -that it is wrong for one person to prescribe what is the right action for another person, and -then compel that person to obey that rule. Therefore, right action consists in each person -attending to his business, and allowing everybody else to do likewise. Whoever prescribes a -rule of action for another to obey is a tyrant, a usurper and an enemy of liberty. This is -precisely what every statute does. Anarchy is the natural law, instead of the man-made -statute, and gives men leaders in the place of drivers and bosses. All political law, statute -and common, gets its right to operate from the statute; therefore, all political law is statute -law. A statute law is a written scheme by which cunning takes advantage of the unsuspecting, -and provides the inducement to do so, and protects the one who does it. In other words, -a statute is the science of rascality or the law of usurpation. If a few sharks rob mankind of -all the earth,—turn them all out of house and home, make them ragged slaves and beggars, -and freeze and starve them to death,—still they are expected to obey the statute because it is -sacred. This ridiculous nonsense, that human laws are sacred, and that if they are not respected -and continued we cannot prosper, is the stupidest and most criminal nightmare of -the age. Statutes are the last and greatest curse of men, and, when destroyed, the world will -be free.... The statute law is the great science of rascality, by which alone the few<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span> -trample upon and enslave the many. There are natural laws provided for every work of -man. Natural laws are self-operating. They punish all who violate them, and reward all -who obey them. They cannot be repealed, amended, dodged or bribed, and it costs neither -time, money nor attention to apply them. It is time to stop legislation against them. We -want to obey laws, not men, nor the tricks of men. Statutes are human tricks. The law—the -statute law—is the coward’s weapon, the tool of the thief.... Free access to the -means of production is the natural right of every man able and willing to work. It is the -legal right of the capitalist to refuse such access to labor, and to take from the laborer all the -wealth he creates over and above a bare subsistence for allowing him the privilege of working. -A laborer has the natural right to life, and, as life is impossible without the means of -production, the equal right to life involves an equal right to the means of production.... -Laws—just laws—natural laws—are not made; they are discovered. Law-enacting is an -insult to divine intelligence; and law-enforcing is the impeachment of God’s integrity and His -power.</p> - -<p class="p1">August Spies on the same memorable occasion gave his views of Socialism -in these words:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">Socialism is a constructive and not a destructive science. While capitalism expropriates -the masses for the benefit of the privileged class; while capitalism is that school of economics -which teaches how one can live upon the labor (<i>i. e.</i>, property) of the other, Socialism -teaches how all may possess property, and further teaches that every man must work -honestly for his own living, and not be playing the respectable Board of Trade man, or any -other highly too respectable business man or banker. Socialism, in short, seeks to establish -a universal system of coöperation and to render accessible to each and every member of the -human family the achievements and benefits of civilization, which, under capitalism, are -being monopolized by a privileged class, and employed, not, as they should be, for the common -good of all, but for the brutish gratification of an avaricious class. Under capitalism, -the great inventions of the past, far from being a blessing for mankind, have been turned -into a curse! Socialism teaches that machines, the means of transportation and communication, -are the result of the combined efforts of society, past and present, and that they are -therefore rightfully the indivisible property of society, just the same as the soil and the mines -and all natural gifts should be. This declaration implies that those who have appropriated -this wealth wrongfully, though lawfully, shall be expropriated by society. The expropriation -of the masses by the monopolists has reached such a degree that the expropriation of -the expropriateurs has become an imperative necessity, an act of social self-preservation. -Society will reclaim its own even though you erect a gibbet on every street-corner. And -Anarchism, this terrible “ism,” deduces that under a coöperative organization of society, -under economic equality and individual independence, the “state”—the political state—will -pass into barbaric antiquity. And we will be where all are free, where there are no -longer masters and servants. Where intellect stands for brute force, there will no longer be -any use for the policeman and militia to preserve the so-called “peace and order.” Anarchism, -or Socialism, means the reorganization of society upon scientific principles and the -abolition of causes which produce vice and crime.</p> - -<p class="p1">Michael Schwab, in his utterances before the same tribunal, held as -follows:</p> - - -<p class="pbq p1">Socialism, as we understand it, means that land and machinery shall be held in common -by the people. The production of goods shall be carried on by producing groups which -shall supply the demands of the people. Under such a system every human being would -have an opportunity to do useful work, and no doubt would work. Some hours’ work every -day would suffice to produce all that, according to statistics, is necessary for a comfortable -living. Time would be left to cultivate the mind and to further science and art. That is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span> -what Socialists propose. According to our vocabulary, Anarchy is a state of society in which -the only government is reason. A state of society in which all human beings do right for the -simple reason that it is right and hate wrong because it is wrong. In such a society no laws, -no compulsion will be necessary.</p> - -<p class="p1">Samuel Fielden, standing before the same court, also dwelt upon Socialism, -saying:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">And it will be a good time, a grand day for the world; it will be a grand day for humanity; -it will never have taken a step so far onward toward perfection, if it can ever reach that -goal, as it will when it accepts the principles of Socialism. They are the principles that -injure no man. They are the principles that consider the interest of every one. They are -the principles which will do away with wrong; and injustice and suffering will be reduced at -least to a minimum under such an organization of society. As compared to the present -struggle for existence, which is degrading society and making men merely things and animals, -Socialism will give them opportunities of developing the possibilities of their nature.</p> - -<p class="p1">The platform of the International Association of Workingmen, indorsed -by the local organization, formulates the principles of Socialism as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">1. Destruction of existing class domination, through inexorable revolution and international -activity.</p> - -<p>2. The building of a free society on communistic organizations or production.</p> - -<p>3. Free exchange of equivalent products through the productive organization without -jobbing and profit-making.</p> - -<p>4. Organization of the educational system upon a non-religious and scientific and equal -basis for both sexes.</p> - -<p>5. Equal rights for all, without distinction of sex or race.</p> - -<p>6. The regulation of public affairs through agreements between the independent communes -and confederacies.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The above was published in the <i>Alarm</i> of November 1, 1884, with the -following comment:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">Proletarians of all countries, unite. Fellow workmen, all we need for the achievement of -this great end is organization and unity.</p> - -<p>There exists now no great obstacle to that unity. The work of peaceful education and -revolutionary conspiracy will, can and ought to run in parallel lines.</p> - -<p>The day has come for solidarity. Join our ranks! Let the drum beat defiantly the roll -of battle; workingmen of all lands, unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains; you -have a world to win. Tremble, oppressors of the world! Not far beyond your purblind -sight there dawn the scarlet and sable lights of the judgment day!</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Such, in brief, are the aims of Socialism as expounded by its most -extreme representatives. The state of society they seek to establish may -be highly beneficial to a class which, under any conditions, lacks sobriety, -frugality, thrift and self-reliance; but just where the general mass of humanity -is to be bettered or elevated, socially, morally or politically, is a point not -satisfactorily explained. Their theory may look well on paper, and their -glittering generalities may draw adherents from the ranks of the illiterate -and the vicious, but a condition of society in which there are no masters -and no authority can only lead to chaos. In a society “in which all -human beings do right for the simple reason that it is right,” there can be -neither stability nor permanence, unless human nature is recast, reconstructed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span> -and regenerated. Human nature must be treated as it is found in -the general make-up of man; and therefore a society in which all special -desires, all ambition and all self-elevation have been eliminated, precludes -development and progress. It reduces everything to utter shiftlessness and -stagnation. In such a society there can be no incentive to great achievements -in art, literature, mechanics or invention. If all are to be placed on -an equal footing, the ignorant with the educated, the dullard with the -genius, the profligate with the provident, and the drunken wretch with the -industrious, what encouragement for special effort? If you “render accessible -to each and every member of the human family the achievements and -benefits of civilization,” holding “property in common,” why should a man -rack his brain or strain his muscles in producing something which he -expects to prove remunerative to himself in some way, but which under the -Socialistic state would go to the financial benefit of all? Take away all -incentive to improvement, and you make life scarcely worth the living. -Where the state, or the “independent commune,” is to be entrusted with -the care and equal distribution of wealth and the employment of men, -the individual will give little concern for the morrow or for anything beyond -his immediate wants. What need he accomplish more than his neighbor, -since everything that is produced is shared jointly?</p> - -<p>In the Socialistic society, every man might “work honestly for his own -living,” as Spies declares, but what would be the inevitable result of a system -in which the state or commune undertakes to see that all have employment?</p> - -<p>History does not leave us room for doubt. The various constitutions of -France recognized the right of the people to employment. It was provided -in 1792 that it was the duty of society to afford such employment, and in -the following year it was added that the remuneration of the laborer should -be sufficient to support him. This doctrine was recognized until 1819, -when it fell into “innocuous desuetude,” and it was not revived until 1848. -In that year a placard appeared on the dead walls of Paris, to the following -effect:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">The Provisional Government of the French Republic guarantees existence to the laborer -by labor. It guarantees labor to every citizen. It guarantees that laborers may associate to -obtain the profits of their legitimate labor.</p> - -<p class="p1">In consequence of this proclamation the Government was appealed to, -and national work-shops were established under the auspices of the Government. -The establishments were open to all, but, as no one was specially -interested in their financial success, they soon proved too great a drain upon -the resources of the nation. Failure was the result. In the assignment -of work at the factories, skill and fitness never entered into consideration. -One workman was as good as another, and the men, so long as they had the -Government at their back, with living guaranteed, did not bother much -about the kind of article they produced. The result was that inferior goods -were thrown upon the market, and purchasers were difficult to find. This -speedily led to the closing of the work-shops, and since then the French -Government has never maintained that society at large must operate work-shops -for the benefit of all. Any commune that undertakes the same task -again must similarly fail.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-085.jpg" width="400" height="615" id="i85" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="figcenter">BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—II.<br /><span class="smcap wn">From Photographs.</span><br /> -<span class="wn">1. “Down with all Laws.”<span class="vh">——</span>6. “Long live the Social Revolution!”</span> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span></p> - -<p>Now, suppose that, in the new economic conditions, it should be determined -by the “independent communes” that wages should in a measure be -fixed according to the skill, ability and energy of the workingmen, what -sort of allotment would fall to the great body of workers? Edward Atkinson, -an accurate statistician of world-wide reputation, has furnished the -public with a compilation showing what each would receive if the aggregate -production in the United States were divided among its inhabitants. The -annual production, he calculates, of all the industries of our country, does not -exceed $200 per head of population. This would give a total of $12,000,000. -If this were divided equally among families of five persons each, on a basis of -a sixty-million population, each family would have $1,000 per annum. But, -as I have said, suppose some families secure more than others, on account -of greater efficiency, and that one-third of these families secure $2,000 each -per annum. The remaining two-thirds would only secure an average of -$500. “Suppose,” it has been said, “one-half of this third to be fortunate -enough, or skillful enough, to increase their average to $3,000. The remaining -half continuing at $2,000, the average share of the two-thirds would -fall to $250, or $50 only per head, per annum.”</p> - -<p>As Prof. Barnard, dwelling upon the facts to be deduced from Atkinson’s -showing, says: “Inasmuch as the idea of an average implies that as -many are below it as are above it, it is easy to see that the only way of -removing the scourge of poverty from the entire human race is to increase -the productiveness of labor so that want can only be a consequence of willful -idleness, or improvidence, or vice.”</p> - -<p>In the “wonderful readjustment” of wealth and the products of labor -Socialists propose to inaugurate, there would be everywhere more misery, -more poverty and more crime than the people are now contending with in -the purlieus of London and Paris. That there is room for improvement in -the condition of our social state is true, but that changes for the better can -be obtained by Socialism and by means of violence is false. These social -as well as governmental improvements can only be brought about by peaceable -means. Never by force, as the logic of events demonstrated in the -Cook County Jail. There is no question that crack-brained theorists will -continue to spring up and exist. They have existed in the past. The -Babeufs, the Lassalles, the Fouriers and the Karl Marxes may continue to -preach their one-sided ideas, but universal education in the United States -and the general morality of the masses may be safely counted upon as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span> -guaranty that neither the gospel of violence nor isolated cases of bloodshed -will ever succeed in establishing exploded and ruinous theories of politics.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-087.jpg" width="300" height="389" id="i87" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">A GROUP OF ANARCHISTS.</p> -<p class="pch1">From a Photograph.—The central figure is that of a man in the uniform of the -Lehr und Wehr Verein. The reclining figure in foreground is Moritz -Neff, proprietor of Neff’s Hall.</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="p2"><span class="smcap">After</span> the Socialists of Chicago had organized their military companies, -it soon became evident that they intended to use their forces against organized -society, and as they paraded them before the community on all public -occasions as a -menace to good order, -the Illinois Legislature -in 1879 settled -their status -effectually by adopting -a law prohibiting -armed forces in -the State except -those willing to -swear to support the -institutions of the -State as well as of -the nation, or to become -members of -the State militia. It -was also made a -punishable offense -for any body of men -to assemble with -arms, drill or parade -within the State -without authority. -The Socialists were -not seeking State -honors, and they -took an appeal to -the State Supreme -Court on the ground -that the legislative -act was unconstitutional. They were beaten, and accordingly forced to -abandon their ten companies.</p> - -<p>From carrying arms, however, they soon turned their attention to the -study of explosives. They began experiments at once, and some years -later boldly urged their adherents to become adepts in the manufacture -and use of the most approved explosive—dynamite.</p> - -<p>In the <i>Alarm</i> of October 18, 1884, the following was published:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pbq p1">One man armed with a dynamite bomb is equal to one regiment of militia, when it is used -at the right time and place. Anarchists are of the opinion that the bayonet and Gatling gun -will cut but sorry part in the social revolution. The whole method of warfare has been -revolutionized by latter-day discoveries of science, and the American people will avail themselves -of its advantages in the conflict with upstarts and contemptible braggarts who expect to -continue their rascality under the plea of preserving law and order.</p> - -<p class="p1">The same paper, in its issue of November 1, 1884, contained this pronunciamento:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">How can all this be done? Simply by making ourselves masters of the use of dynamite, -then declaring we will make no further claim to ownership in anything, and deny every other -person’s right to be the owner of anything, and administer instant death, by any and all -means, to any and every person who attempts to continue to claim personal ownership in -anything. This method, and this alone, can relieve the world of this infernal monster called -the “right of property.”</p> - -<p>Let us try and not strike too soon, when our numbers are too small, or before more of us -understand the use and manufacture of the weapons.</p> - -<p>To avoid unnecessary bloodshed, confusion and discouragement, we must be prepared, -know why we strike and for just what we strike, and then strike in unison and with all our -might.</p> - -<p>Our war is not against men, but against systems; yet we must prepare to kill men who -will try to defeat our cause, or we will strive in vain.</p> - -<p>The rich are only worse than the poor because they have more power to wield this -infernal “property right,” and because they have more power to reform, and take less -interest in doing so. Therefore, it is easy to see where the bloodiest blows must be dealt.</p> - -<p>We can expect but few or no converts among the rich, and it will be better for our cause -if they do not wait for us to strike first.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Again, on February 21, 1885, from the same paper:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">The deep-rooted, malignant evil which compels the wealth-producers to become the -independent hirelings of a few capitalistic czars, can not be reached by means of the ballot.</p> - -<p>The ballot can be wielded by free men alone; but slaves can only revolt and rise in insurrection -against their despoilers.</p> - -<p>Let us bear in mind the fact that here in America, as elsewhere, the worker is held in -economic bondage by the use of force, and the employment of force, therefore, becomes a -necessity to his economic preservation. Poverty can’t vote!</p></div> - -<p class="p1">In the same issue also appeared the following:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">Dynamite! Of all the good stuff, this is the stuff. Stuff several pounds of this sublime -stuff into an inch pipe (gas or water pipe), plug up both ends, insert a cap with a fuse -attached, place this in the immediate neighborhood of a lot of rich loafers who live by the -sweat of other people’s brows, and light the fuse. A most cheerful and gratifying result -will follow. In giving dynamite to the downtrodden millions of the globe science has -done its best work. The dear stuff can be carried in the pocket without danger, while it is -a formidable weapon against any force of militia, police or detectives that may want to -stifle the cry for justice that goes forth from the plundered slaves. It is something not very -ornamental, but exceedingly useful. It can be used against persons and things. It is better -to use it against the former than against bricks and masonry. It is a genuine boon for the -disinherited, while it brings terror and fear to the robbers. A pound of this good stuff beats -a bushel of ballots all hollow, and don’t you forget it! Our law-makers might as well try to -sit down on the crater of a volcano or a bayonet as to endeavor to stop the manufacture and -use of dynamite. It takes more justice and right than is contained in laws to quiet the -spirit of unrest.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">In the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> of March 19, 1886, appeared the following, -after many articles had been previously published of the same tenor as -those in the <i>Alarm</i>:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">The only aim of the workingman should be the liberation of mankind from the shackles -of the existing damnable slavery. Here, in America, where the workingman possesses yet -the freedom of meeting, of speech, and of the press, most should be done for the emancipation -of suffering mankind. But the press gang and the teachers in the schools do all in their -power to keep the people in the dark. Thus everything tends to degrade mankind more and -more, from day to day, and this effects a “beastening,” as is observable with Irishmen, and -more apparent, even, with the Chinese.</p> - -<p>If we do not soon bestir ourselves for a bloody revolution, we can not leave anything to -our children but poverty and slavery. Therefore prepare yourselves, in all quietness, for -the revolution.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The following extracts are from the first number of the <i>Anarchist</i>, -Engel’s paper, dated January 1, 1886, with the motto, “All government we -hate”:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">Workingmen and fellows: We recognize it our duty to contend against existing rule, -but he who would war successfully must equip himself with all implements adapted to destroy -his opponents and secure victory. In consideration thereof we have resolved to publish the -<i>Anarchist</i> as a line in the fight for the disinherited. It is necessary to disseminate Anarchistic -doctrine. As we strive for freedom from government we advocate the principle of autonomy, -in this sense: We strive towards the overthrow of the existing order, that an end may be -put to the “abhorrent work of destruction on the part of mankind, and fratricide done away.” -The equality of all, without distinction of race, color or nationality, is our fundamental -principle, thus ending rule and servitude. We reject reformatory endeavors as useless play, -adding to the derision and oppression of the workingmen. Against the never-to-be-satisfied -ferocity of capital we recommend the radical means of the present age. All endeavors of the -working classes not aiming at the overthrow of existing conditions of ownership and at complete -self-government are to us reactionary. The idea of the absence of authority warrants -that we will carry on a fight of principles only....</p> - -<p>No one can deny that man brings with him into the world the right to live. But this is -denied by the property beast. He who has the whip of power will brandish it over the poor. -What does the world offer to the poor who are compelled to carry on a mere struggle for -existence? Patented machinery, combined with capital and other means of preservation, -denies work to the workmen on account of the excessive offer of working powers. Workingmen -should, therefore, enter the ranks of those who propose to set aside the present system -of inequality and build up a system of equality and freedom. Let every one join the International -Workingmen’s Association, and arm himself with the best weapons of modern -times....</p> - -<p>The authorities in America have hitherto refused to prosecute Anarchists as the European -powers do, not because of hatred to despotism, but from fear that the American people -might be driven into Anarchism. As Anarchists increase, however, it is intended to do away -with them by slow degrees. To this end a bill was introduced in Congress refusing to and -revoking citizenship of such. Yet the Anarchist declines citizenship because he regards himself -as cosmopolitan. We hope for more foolish things to open the eyes of American workingmen....</p> - -<p><i>Reflections of an Anarchist at the Grave of Leiske.</i>—After the workingman becomes a -journeyman he feels free, casts a glance into the world—it is glorious, beautiful. He thinks -there is happiness for him somewhere. He proposes to go abroad, but a terrible cry falls upon -his ears—the outcry of a tormented people. He inquires, have the pariahs of to-day a right<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span> -to live? and answers yes. Why otherwise born, if suffered to die with hunger? And hunger -and poverty are the results of the stealings of the rich. Having thus concluded, he swears -to help in the work of liberation, “in the great struggle of mankind for a better condition;” -to take vengeance upon those responsible for this misery. In his investigations he learns the -utter vileness of the police power, and a policeman is killed. Whereupon the workman is -arrested, charged with the murder of Rumpf, and killed after nearly a year of most devilish -torture. With what contempt Leiske met his executioners, and with what heroism he went -unto his death, is known to our fellows, and he shall be avenged.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The <i>Alarm</i>, January 13, 1885:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Force the only defense against injustice and oppression.” Because the Socialists -advocate resistance, they are accused of brutality and want of wisdom. All men agree that -themselves should not be trampled upon by others. If you can compel a man to agree to -allow others to exercise control over him, you will find that the soldier will soon claim all -you have acquired for yourselves. This only teaches that it is dangerous for the wicked to -teach war; not so with justice. Justice can never create opposition to itself. Therefore -“justice is always safe in accumulating force, while injustice can only accumulate force at -its peril.” We are told force is cruel, but this is only true when the opposition is less cruel. -If the opposition is relentless power, starving, freezing, etc., and the application of force will -require less suffering, then force is humane. Therefore we say that dynamite is both humane -and economical. It will, at the expense of less suffering, prevent more. It is not humane -to compel ten persons to starve to death, when the execution of five persons would prevent -it. A system that is starving and freezing tens of thousands of little children, in the midst -of a world of plenty, cannot be defended against dynamiters on the ground of humanity. If -every child that starved to death in the United States were retaliated for by the execution of -a rich man in his own parlor, the brutal system of wage property would not last six weeks. -It is a wonder that a father, after his vain search for bread, can see his little ones starve or -freeze, without striking that vengeful, just and bloody blow at the cause that would prevent -other little ones suffering a similar fate. It is not probable that men will always endure this -cruel, relentless process of monopoly and competition.</p> - -<p>The privileged class use force to perpetuate their power, and the despoiled workers must -use force to prevent it.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The <i>Alarm</i>, July 25, 1885:</p> - -<p class="pc1">STREET FIGHTING.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pch2 p1"><i>How to Meet the Enemy.—Some Valuable Hints for the Revolutionary Soldiers.—What an -Officer of the United States Army has to Say.</i></p> - -<p class="p1">The following letter, published in the San Francisco <i>Truth</i> some time ago, will be read -with interest. The letter is quoted as follows, in substance: “I am an officer in the army -of the United States, and know whereof I write. John Upton said to me, with great earnestness, -that the day of armies is passing away. I believe this. This introduces my subject. -I desire to place the details of the science of butchery before the people; to point out its -weak points, so that in future uprisings the people may stand some chance of winning. They -have for the past twenty years been overcome only because of their own ignorance. They -have been slaughtered and subdued because of a lack of coolness, want of knowledge, and -adherence to what is called ‘humanity,’ ‘honorable warfare,’ etc. I assume that my readers -agree with me that against tyrants all means are legitimate, and that in war that course is -best, though bloodiest, which soonest ends the contest. My purpose is to persuade the people -to add a little common sense in future to their heroism, and thus insure success.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-091.jpg" width="400" height="621" id="i91" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="figcenter"><p class="pc">BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—III.<br /> -<span class="smcap wn">From Photographs.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pbq">“United States and State regiments are organized on the unit of four, which permits the -most rapid and effective change of front that can be devised. The art of war consists in -making soldiers fight. The line of retreat must be kept open to avoid capture. In future -revolts the people shall assume the aggressive. Army officers have wasted years of study -over the science of street fighting, unavailingly. The plan below shows a method adopted -as best. The troops are formed on the street in two bodies in column of four, headed by -a Gatling gun. On the sidewalk a line of skirmishers and sharpshooters, whose duty it is to -fire into the houses, the whole advancing cautiously. When a cross street is reached, a company -is left to hold it, in order to keep open the avenue of retreat. Military knowledge has -become popularized since 1877, and now, in almost any contest, it would be easy to find -some fair leaders of the people who would devise some means of meeting such an advance, -as indicated by the following diagram. The diagram represents a street corner. The plan -is, at the street crossing to have bodies of revolutionists with movable barracks placed obliquely -on the cross street, and who from there will fire vigorously upon the advancing column. -They have supporters also in the building, also at the corner, whose duty is to throw -dynamite upon the troops. If the position is carried, the party defending escape through -the cross streets. The rear of the column can also be attacked from the cross streets. If -the men in the barricades are armed with the new international dynamite rifle (which I am -told exists in the hands of the revolutionists), I give it as a careful technical opinion, that, -pursuing these tactics under brave and able leaders, fifty men can hold at bay and finally -destroy in any of your cities an attacking force of five thousand troops.” Signed “R. S. S.” -Alcatraz Island, December 8.</p> - -<p class="p1">The <i>Alarm</i>, December 26, 1885:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pch2 p1"><i>Bakounine’s Groundwork for the Social Revolution.—A Revolutionist’s Duty to Himself. (Free -translation from the German.)</i></p> - -<p class="p1">1. The revolutionist is self-offered; has no personal interest, but is absorbed by the one -passion, the revolution.</p> - -<p>2. He is at war with the existing order of society and lives to destroy it.</p> - -<p>3. He despises society in its present form and leaves its reorganization to the future, -himself knowing only the science of destruction. He studies mathematics, chemistry, etc., -for this purpose. The quick and sure overthrow of the present unreasonable order is his -object.</p> - -<p>4. He despises public sentiment and acknowledges as moral whatever favors the revolution; -as criminal whatever opposes it.</p> - -<p>5. He is consecrated; he will not spare, nor does he expect mercy. Between him and -society reigns the war of death or life.</p> - -<p>6. Stringent with himself, he must be stringent with others. All sentiment must be -suppressed by his passion for the revolutionary work. He must be ready to die and to kill.</p> - -<p>7. He excludes romance and sentiment and also personal hatred and revenge; never -obeying his personal inclinations, but his revolutionary duty.</p> - -<p class="pc1"><i>Toward his Comrades.</i></p> - -<p class="p1">8. His friendship is only for his comrade, and is measured by that comrade’s usefulness -in the practical work of the revolution.</p> - -<p>9. As to important affairs, he must consult with his comrades, but in execution depend -upon himself. Each must be self-operating, and must ask help only when imperatively -necessary.</p> - -<p>10. He shall use himself and his subordinates as capital to be used for the work of -revolution, but no part of which can he dispose of without the consent of the persons involved.</p> - -<p>11. If a comrade is in danger, he shall not consider his personal feelings, but the interest -of the cause.</p> - -<p class="pc1"><i>His Duty toward Society.</i></p> - -<p class="p1">12. A new candidate can be taken into the company only after proof of his merit, and -upon unanimous consent.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span></p> - -<p>13. He lives in a so-called civilized world because he believes in its speedy destruction. -He clings to nothing as it now is, and does not hesitate to destroy any institution. He is no -revolutionist if arrested by personal ties.</p> - -<p>14. He must obtain entrance everywhere, even in the detective agency and the emperor’s -palace.</p> - -<p>15. The present society should be divided into categories, the first including those sentenced -to immediate death, the others classifying the delinquents according to their rascality.</p> - -<p>16. The lists are not to be influenced by personal considerations, but those are to be -first destroyed whose death can terrify governments and deprive them of their most intelligent -agents.</p></div> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-093.jpg" width="300" height="280" id="i93" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE RED BANNER OF THE<br />CARPENTERS’ UNION.<br/> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>17. The second category embraces those who are permitted to live, but whose evil deeds -will drive the people to -open revolt.</p> - -<p>18. The third category -embraces the dissolute -rich whose secrets -must be discovered -in order to control -their resources.</p> - -<p>19. The fourth category -consists of ambitious -officials and -liberals whose purposes -we must discover so as -to prevent their withdrawing -from our -cause.</p> - -<p>20. The fifth category -consists of doctrinaire -conspirators; -they must be urged to -action.</p> - -<p>21. The sixth category -is the women, -who are divided into -three classes: First, the brainless and heartless; second, the passionate and qualified; -and, third, the wholly consecrated, who are to be guarded as the most valuable part of the -revolutionary treasures.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The <i>Alarm</i> of January 9, 1886, then edited, in the absence of its editor -and his assistant, by August Spies, contained this suggestive editorial:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“<i>The Right to Bear Arms.</i>”—After the conspiracy of the workingmen, the working classes, -in 1877, the breaking up of the meeting on the Haymarket Square, the brutal assault upon a -gathering of furniture workers in Vorwaerts Turner Hall, the murder of Tessman, and the -general clubbing and shooting down of peaceably inclined wage-workers, the proletarians -organized the Lehr und Wehr Verein, which in about a year and a half had grown to a membership -of one thousand. This was regarded by the capitalists as a menace, and they procured -the passage of the militia law, under which it became an offense for any body of men, -other than those authorized by the Governor, to assemble with arms, drill or parade the streets. -The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, mostly Socialists, who believed in the ballot, -made up a test case to determine the constitutionality of this act, rejecting the counsel of the -extremists. Judge Barnum held the law to be unconstitutional—an appeal was taken—and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span> -the Supreme Court upset this decision and held the law constitutional. Thereupon the -Lehr und Wehr Verein applied to the Supreme Court of the United States, which within -a few days affirmed the decision of the Supreme Court of the State. Do we need comment -on this?</p> - -<p>That militia law has had its uses. Where there was before a military body publicly -organized, whose strength could be easily ascertained, now there exists an organization -whose members cannot be estimated, and a network of destructive agencies of modern military -character that will defy suppression.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, February 17, editorial:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">In France, during strikes, etc., a new method is lately adopted. The workingmen -barricade themselves in the factories with provisions, taking possession of the property, -which the manufacturers desire to preserve, and will only resort to force for their ejection in -the most extreme case. The conflict between capitalism and workingmen is growing constantly -sharper, and the indication is that force will bring about decisive results in the battle -for liberty.</p> - -<p class="p1">The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> of April 30:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">We are advised that the police are ordered to be ready for a conflict upon Saturday of -next week. The capitalists are thirsting for the blood of workingmen. The workingmen -refuse longer to be tortured and treated like dogs, and for this opposition the capitalists cry -for blood. Perhaps they may have it, and lose some of their own. To the workingmen -we again say: Arm yourselves, but conceal your arms lest they be stolen from you.</p> - -<p class="p1">The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, May 3:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">Courage, courage, is our cry. Don’t forget the words of Herways: “The host of the -oppressors grow pale when thou, weary of thy burden, in the corner puttest the plow; when -thou sayest, ‘It is enough.’”</p> - -<p class="p1">The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, May 4:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">Blood has flown. It happened as it had to. The militia have not been drilling in vain. -It is historical that private property had its origin in violence. The war of classes has -come. Yesterday, in front of McCormick’s factory, workmen were shot down whose blood -cries for vengeance. In the past, countless victims have been offered on the altars of the -golden calf amid the shouts of the capitalistic robbers. One has only to think of East St. -Louis, Chicago and other places, to recognize the tactics of the extortioners. The white -terror will be answered with the red, for the workmen are not asleep. They modestly asked -for eight hours. The answer was to drill the police force and militia, and browbeat those -advocating the change. And yesterday blood flowed—the reply of these devils to this modest -petition of their slaves. Death rather than a life of wretchedness. The capitalistic tiger -lies ready for the jump, his eyes sparkling, eager for murder, and his clutches drawn tight. -Self-defense cries, “To arms, to arms!” If you do not defend yourselves, you will be -ground by the animal’s teeth.</p> - -<p>The powers hostile to the workingmen have made common cause, and our differences -must be subordinated to the common purpose. The statement of the capitalistic press, that -the workmen yesterday fired first, is a bold, barefaced lie.</p> - -<p>In the poor shanty miserably clad women and children are weeping for husband and -father. In the palace they clink glasses filled with costly wine and drink to the happiness -of the bloody bandits of law and order. Dry your tears, ye poor and wretched; take -heart, ye slaves; arise in your might and overthrow the system of robbery.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">These are a few of the many articles emanating from the Socialistic -propaganda, calling the rabble to murder and destruction. Other declarations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span> -printed in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and pronounced upon the stump are -in the same virulent spirit, couched in varying language as suggested by the -events of the moment, but all breathing defiance and death to the so-called -“capitalistic class.” There are also minute and specific directions for the -preparation as well as the use of dynamite, Herr Most’s work on that subject -having been largely drawn upon for the enlightenment of those who believed -that dynamite is the weapon through the use of which the social revolution -can be accomplished. Paragraphs, sections and chapters of Bakounine’s -“Groundwork for the Social Revolution” were likewise read to the Socialists -and published in their organs.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-095.jpg" width="400" height="431" id="i95" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">ATTEMPT OF DR. NOBILING TO ASSASSINATE<br />THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span></p> - -<p>Another source from which to draw inspiration was Reinsdorf, the -apostle of Anarchy in Germany. The Chicago Anarchists regarded him as -a splendid representative of their class, and praised his attempt on the life -of the Emperor of Germany. His death on the scaffold was regarded as -martyrdom, and his deeds were frequently extolled. His confederates in -conspiracy, Hoedel and Nobiling, were referred to in terms of praise by -George A. Schilling at a meeting in West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. -Louis Lingg had been personally acquainted with Reinsdorf, and gloried -in the man’s work and courage. The extreme section of the Chicago -Socialists always -sought to inculcate his -ideas, and that the -reader may gain some -notion of Reinsdorf’s -character, I reproduce -the following translation -from a German -Socialistic paper, showing -his career:</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-096.jpg" width="300" height="349" id="i96" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">AUGUST REINSDORF.</p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">He was the principal -leader of all the Anarchists -in Germany. The people -looked upon him as the -savior of their great cause. -He was admired not only by -men, but also by women. -Wherever he went he was -given great receptions, and -he had many pupils.</p> - -<p>Reinsdorf was born in -Prussia. When he became -of age, he joined the party, -and, by his good and rapid -work, became in a short -time the father of the Anarchistic -agitation. But the law pursued him, and he wandered from state to state. In -the year 1876 we find him in Switzerland, where he had many followers. One of his -pupils and admirers was Max Hoedel, who with Reinsdorf conceived a plot to murder -King William of Prussia. The attack upon his life was made by Hoedel on the 11th day of -May, 1878. He fired several shots at the aged warrior, but failed, as none of them took -effect. They missed their mark. Not satisfied with this, another man, Dr. Nobiling, also a -pupil of Reinsdorf, made another attempt three weeks later, by firing a shot-gun filled -with buck-shot at the old King; but again without effect. Nobiling’s deed was the -consequence of Hoedel’s attempt, and Reinsdorf was the agitator. Failing in this, they -concluded to wait some time until their party should get stronger and could secure -better material. Among others Louis Lingg joined the Anarchists in Zurich. Louis was -then very young, but he became as radical as their chief leader. The Socialists were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span> -to have held a Congress there in May, 1880, but the gathering did not take place, -as the police had notice, and Reinsdorf and his followers were compelled to leave -Zurich and go to Freiburg (Baden), where they held secret meetings and where Reinsdorf -declared that he himself would go to Berlin and kill the miserable mahdi by stabbing -him to the heart. He went to Berlin to carry out this plan, but was arrested by the -police. They could not make out a case of conspiracy against him, but he was sent to prison -for several months on the charge of carrying a dagger. After his discharge Reinsdorf traveled -to and from Switzerland to Germany, France and Belgium, speaking in all places where he -stopped, and gaining many followers. His only desire was to put old Emperor William (commonly -called “old Lehmann”) out of the way—to do something great so that all the people -would look up to him. His only targets were royal palaces and the palaces of diplomates. He -and others then formed a plan to murder the King, and Bismarck, and all the princes and others -who were to participate in the dedication of the Germania monument at Ruedesheim on the -28th day of September, 1883. But Reinsdorf met with an accident while crossing a railroad -track, and was severely injured. This was a very painful situation for Reinsdorf. The day -for action drew near, but he was confined to his bed. Should this beautiful plan be given -up on that account? Never! Could not other people accomplish what he had thought out? -Certainly. But was it sure that they would have the necessary courage at the critical moment? -Could he trust them? Tormented by such thoughts, Reinsdorf finally submitted to the -inevitable and confided his mission to two of his comrades. He called these people to his -bedside and told them what he wanted done. He presented his plan in detail. Rupsch and -Kuechler—these are their names—pledged themselves to do what he desired. They started -on the journey with the necessary material, reached Ruedesheim safely, and on the night of -the 27th they proceeded to a spot not far from the monument, where the railroad runs near -the edge of the forest. They filled a culvert with a large quantity of dynamite, put a fulminating -cap into it and drew the fuse into the forest. It was raining at the time, and they -covered the fuse with moist ground and tied the end of it to a tree, which they marked by -cutting into it. They then returned to Ruedesheim. The next morning they returned to the -place. The royal train came. Kuechler gave the signal; Rupsch held his burning cigar to -the fuse. One moment of breathless expectation! The train passed, and the explosion—failed. -Kuechler asked Rupsch about the failure. The latter showed that the end of the -fuse had been lighted, but did not burn because it was damp. They did not give up hope, as -the train had to return the same way after the ceremonies were over. A new fuse was -attached. Again the royal party passed over the critical ground, where death had been prepared -for them. Rupsch lit the fuse again, but it did not burn. An investigation afterwards -showed that the fuse only burned a short length and then went out. They had followed all -Reinsdorf’s instructions but one—instead of water-proof fuse they had supplied themselves -with the common kind. With mutual recriminations, Kuechler and Rupsch took the -dynamite from under the culvert and went back to Ruedesheim, where they got gloriously -drunk. After they had sobered up, they returned to Elberfeld and reported to Reinsdorf, -who already knew that his beautiful plan had miscarried. With great wrath he listened to -them and said: “No such thing could have happened to me.” He thought there would be -another chance. Then he would not be in the hospital, but could carry it out himself. His -hopes were in vain. After his discharge from the hospital in Elberfeld, he proceeded to -Frankfort-on-the-Main, where he was arrested. The police found out that he was an -accomplice in the conspiracy, but, putting him through the sieve, they failed to get anything -out of him, as he would not answer a single question. He said: “You may ask me as much -as you wish, I shall not answer.” Bachman, one of his companions and an accomplice, -escaped to Luxemburg, where he thought he would be safe from the law, but he also was -arrested and extradited and sent to Elberfeld to keep Reinsdorf company, together with -Rupsch and Kuechler.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span></p> - -<p>Reinsdorf and his accomplices were tried before the courts of Leipsic, and the trial -lasted seven days. Bachman and two others were sentenced to ten years in the penitentiary. -Rupsch got a life sentence, while Reinsdorf was sentenced to be beheaded. At his trial -Reinsdorf was as stubborn as ever. He denied everything. When he was asked who he was -he answered:</p> - -<p>“I am an Anarchist.”</p> - -<p>“What is Anarchy?” he was asked.</p> - -<p>“A company in which every sensible man can develop his ability. To permit this no one -should be burdened with excessive labor; want and misery should be banished; every force -should cease; every stupidity, every superstition should be banished from the world.”</p> - -<p>The presiding judge asked him if he was guilty or not, and to answer with “yes” -or “no.”</p> - -<p>Reinsdorf answered with a steady voice: “I look upon this whole thing as a question of -power. If we German Anarchists had a couple of army corps at our disposition, then I -would not have to talk to this court. I for my part have nothing to say. Do with me as -you please.”</p> - -<p>After the court had finished, Reinsdorf resumed his remarks and said: “The attempt at -Niederwald failed because ‘the hand of Providence appeared,’ as the prosecution terms it. I -tell you the awkward hand of Rupsch did it. I am sorry to say I had no one else at my -disposal. I have nothing to repent, only that the attempt failed. At the factories the -people are going to ruin merely for the benefit of the stockholders. These honest Christians -swindle the working people of half of their living. My lawyer wanted to save my head, but -for such a hounded proletarian as I am the quickest death is the best. If I had ten heads I -would offer them with joy and lay them on the block for the good cause.”</p> - -<p>Before going to the scaffold, Reinsdorf ate a hearty meal, smoked a cigar, and sang a -song. He walked steadily into the court-yard, where the scaffold was standing, guarded by -a squad of soldiers, besides about a hundred other persons.</p> - -<p>“Are you August Reinsdorf?” asked the sheriff.</p> - -<p>“Yes, that I am.”</p> - -<p>The death warrant was then read and the royal signature shown to him. The executioner -then bore him to the scaffold. Reinsdorf’s last words were: “Down with barbarism; -hurrah for Anarchy!” The axe fell and the head was severed from his body.</p> - -<p>The atonement for the decapitation of Reinsdorf followed quickly. The sentence had -hardly been carried into execution when, on the 13th of January, 1885, “the miserable -Rumpff,” as they called him, was stabbed and killed by the hand of an Anarchist at Frankfort-on-the-Main. -<i>Sic semper tyrannis.</i></p></div> - -<p class="p1">With such an example of courage before them, and the revenge his -execution invited, it is almost needless to remark that the bloodthirsty -Anarchists of Chicago read with eager avidity anything pertaining to their -hero. Accordingly, in the <i>Vorbote</i> of December 16, 1885, the following is -to be found:</p> - -<p class="pc1">REINSDORF’S INHERITANCE.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">In the pamphlet about Reinsdorf there is a letter published which our great martyr wrote -the day previous to his decapitation. We are able now to publish two other letters which -Reinsdorf wrote at the same time, to his parents and to his second brother.</p> - -<p class="p1">One letter reads as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pr4"> -<span class="smcap">Halle</span>, February 6, 1885.</p> - -<p><i>My Dear Brother</i>: To-day is my last day, and I could not let it pass without writing to -you to show you that I always remembered you with brotherly love. When you have read<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span> -this letter I shall be one of the fortunates who are past and one of whom they can speak -nothing but good. Now, my deeds, specially alleged against me before the courts, lie open -before the world, and, although I am sentenced to death, I have the feeling that I did my -duty; and this feeling it is which makes my last walk easy, to receive joyfully the everlasting -sleep as something well earned.</p> - -<p>Dear August, you have often had trouble and sorrow, although you are in the blossom of -life. People usually heed the words of one deceased more than the speeches of philosophers. -I want to tell you a few words. Bear with strength, endurance and friendly submission the -burden which you have laden upon yourself, and try to have satisfaction in it, so you can -raise your children that they may be useful to you and an adornment to you. What would -you gain by it, if you should participate in the good-for-nothing diversions of the people? -Think, I could have done it, but I preferred the wandering existence of an Anarchist.</p> - -<p>When you, therefore, in years to come, look back upon the days of honest, peaceable labor -done, and of hard duty fulfilled, then you will be filled with a joyful certainty and a quiet -happiness that will repay you for all your sufferings. We still live, unfortunately, in a world -of egotism and incompleteness, and only a few are in position to swim against the stream—even -at the risk of their lives. You never did it. Good. So do your duty as the father of -your family. Good-by. Accept a greeting from my heart for your wife and family, from</p> - -<p class="pr4">Your brother,<span class="vh">——————</span> -<span class="smcap">August</span>.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The second letter is directed to his parents:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pr4"><span class="smcap">Halle</span>, February 6, 1885.</p> - -<p><i>My Dear Parents</i>: Take in silence what cannot be helped! Who would sacrifice their children, -if not you, who have so many? Or should the wealthy do it, when it is the cause of -the poor for which we fight? Or should we lay our hands in our laps and wait until others -have sacrificed themselves for us? And is it such a great sacrifice I bring? Sick as I am, -and with a prospect of long suffering, it should be looked upon as a blessing when such an -existence is put to a quick death. And what an end is it? Whoever they are, progressive -or reactionary, liberal or conservative, they all hate the Anarchist Reinsdorf. As they have -condemned his doings, they cheer his death, the crown of a faithful, self-sacrificing man. -But his steadfastness, in defiance of thousands of obstacles, no one can deny. And this shall -be your consolation.</p> - -<p>How many have had to die for smaller causes? How many have lost their lives in -dynamite conquests? Take all this in consideration and don’t let your hearts be made heavy -through the babble of paltry and narrow-minded people. My last thoughts are of you -and of brothers and sisters, and of the great cause for which I die. Deep-felt wishes fill -my heart for the prosperity of every one of you. Greetings to my brothers and sisters, -especially Carl, Emilie, Emma and Anna, to whom I could not write personally. Shake -once more their hands for me. You and I embrace with all the love of childhood, and I greet -you a thousand times. Good-by, all.</p> - -<p class="pr4">Yours,<span class="vh">——————</span> -<span class="smcap">August</span>.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">What Herr Johann Most, the present American leader of the irreconcilables, -thought of Reinsdorf, may be judged by the following extracts from -Most’s biography:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">From the 15th to the 22nd of December, 1884, eight workingmen, who had been captured -in the war of the poor against the rich, were sitting in the dock, not to have justice passed -upon them, but to await the sentence of might which the judges, acting as mouth-pieces for -the ruling powers, had in preparation for them. The most prominent figure among these -victims of a barbaric order of society was August Reinsdorf. To this man my little book is -to be a tribute of esteem.</p> - -<p>I am well aware of the difficulty of my otherwise quite modest undertaking, to write a -biography of the father of the Anarchistic movement within the territory of the German<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span> -language, yet I hope to do the brothers near and far a service, for the time being at least, by -sketching for them a likeness of a true hero of the Social Revolution....</p> - -<p>Indeed Reinsdorf was not an agitator of the common sort. Speeches delivered occasionally -or written articles were to him only means to a higher purpose—incentives to <i>action</i>.</p> - -<p>Since he had recognized his ideal in Anarchism; ... since the necessity of the -“<i>tactics of terror</i>” had dawned upon him in contradistinction to the tactics of petitioning, -voting, “parliamenting,” bargaining, and of the peaceable and legitimate hide-and-seek practice—all -his thinking and planning was directed to but <i>one thing</i>, he knew of but <i>one</i> -endeavor, he gave his entire being to -but one motive power of the Social Revolution—that -was the propaganda of -action.</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-100.jpg" width="250" height="346" id="i100" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">JOHANN MOST.</p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>In this regard he may be put beside -the most noble conspirators of ancient -and modern times....</p> - -<p>To be a revolutionist indeed, one -must possess the faculty of thinking with -the most acute clearness. But religious -“fog” is the opposite of clearness of -intellect. Yea, where religious nonsense -has once taken a deep root, there -every mental development is actually -excluded, and a kind of idiocy formally -takes its place....</p> - -<p>Quite different does the matter stand -in the case of a “proletarian.” If he -once recognize the old Lord God with -his thunderbolt as an invented scarecrow -which a shrewd gang of rascals -have placed before paradise,—that man -should not eat of the tree of knowledge, -but that he should rather wait in -patience for the roasted birds which, -after his death, come flying into his -mouth from a heavenly kitchen,—if the -poor devil has learned to see that his -namesake, too, wherewith they had tried to scare him previously, is also an invention -of malicious swindlers,—then he soon applies the rule of the critic to the “high” and “highest” -idols of earth. He loses respect for the so-called “Governments” and more and more -learns to see in them a horde of brutal tormentors. These custodians of existing treasures -attract his eye also to the possessors of the riches of the earth, and soon the question dawns -upon him, Who has created all these things? The answer comes of itself. He and his like -have done that. <i>To them</i>, therefore, belongs the whole world. They only need to take.</p> - -<p><i>Thus</i> the man, having cut loose from God, becomes the revolutionist <i>par excellence</i>.</p> - -<p>After Reinsdorf had succeeded in finding people who he thought were fit to take part in -revolutionary actions and even risk their lives, he was also fortunate enough to discover a source -from which dynamite, that <i>glorious stuff</i> which will literally make a road for liberty, could be -procured.</p> - -<p>And how did he die? Shortly before the moment of death, and while in the hands of the -hangman, he cried out: “Down with barbarism! Let Anarchy live!”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span></p> - -<p>These are admonishing words, which no one should leave unheeded who marches under -the flag of the Revolution.</p> - -<p>Well, then! Let us act accordingly! Away with all sentimental hesitation when it comes -to strike a blow against State, Church and Society and their representatives, as well as against -all that exists.</p> - -<p>Let us never forget that the revolutionists of modern times can enter into the society -of free and equal men only over ruins and ashes, over blood and dead bodies.</p> - -<p>Let us rise to the height of an August Reinsdorf! Let us complete the work which he so -boldly began! Only thus can we avenge ourselves; only thus can we show ourselves worthy -of him; only thus can we conquer.</p> - -<p>Workingmen! Look down into the freshly dug pit. There lies your best friend and -adviser, an advance champion of your cause, a martyred witness to the greatness of the -Anarchistic idea. Live, strive and act as he! Anarchists, in your name I lay the well-earned -laurel-wreath upon his grave....</p> - -<p>The retribution for the annihilation of Reinsdorf came rapidly. Scarcely had the sentence -been spoken, and before it had been executed, the dagger of a Nemesis had already -taken revenge. On January 13, 1885, the head of the German detective forces, the miserable -Rumpff, was stabbed to death by the hand of an Anarchist.</p> - -<p>“<i>Sic semper tyrannis</i>—So be it to all tyrants!” was heard everywhere. With great satisfaction -every honorable man, especially every man of work, experienced that Rumpff had to -die because he was the cause of Reinsdorf’s death....</p> - -<p>The combustibles are heaped up. Proletarians, throw the igniting spark amongst -them.</p> - -<p>Up with force! Let the Social Resolution live!</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The revolutionists of Chicago appear more careful about exposing -themselves to danger than their foreign co-conspirators, and, while counseling -bloodshed, suggest ways of bringing about destruction with a minimum -of danger. In the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> of March 16, 1885, there appeared the -following editorial, suggesting the most effective way of using dynamite:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">In all revolutionary action three different epochs of time are to be distinguished: First -the portion of preparation for an action, then the moment of the action itself, and finally -that portion of time which follows the deed. All these portions of time are to be considered -one after another.</p> - -<p>In the first place, a revolutionary action should succeed. Then as little as possible ought -to be sacrificed,—that is, in other words, the danger of discovery ought to be weakened as much -as possible, and, if it can be, should be reduced to naught. This calls for one of the most -important tactical principles, which briefly might be formulated in the words: Saving of the -combatants. All this constrains us to further explain the measures of organization and -tactics which must be taken into consideration in such an action.</p> - -<p>Mention was made of the danger of discovery. That is, in fact, present in all three of -the periods of conflict. This danger is imminent in the preparation of the action itself, and -finally, after the completion thereof. The question is now, How can it be met?</p> - -<p>If we view the different phases of the development of a deed, we have, first, the time of -preparation.</p> - -<p>It is easily comprehensible for everybody that the danger of discovery is the greater the -more numerous the mass of people or the group is which contemplates a deed, and <i>vice versa</i>. -On the other hand, the threatening danger approaches the closer the better the acting -persons are known to the authorities of the place of action, and <i>vice versa</i>. Holding fast to -this, the following results:</p> - -<p>In the commission of a deed, a comrade who does not live at the place of action—that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span> -is, a comrade of some other place—ought, if possibility admits, to participate in the action; -or, formulated differently, a revolutionary deed ought to be enacted where one is not -known.</p> - -<p>A further conclusion which may be drawn from what was mentioned is this:</p> - -<p>Whoever is willing to execute a deed has, in the first place, to put the question to himself, -whether he is able, or not, to carry out the action by himself. If the former is the case, let -him absolutely initiate no one into the matter and let him act alone; but if that is not the -case, then let him look, with the greatest care, for just so many fellows as he must have, -absolutely—not one more nor less; with these let him unite himself into a fighting -group.</p> - -<p>The founding of special groups of action or of war is an absolute necessity. If it were -attempted to make use of an existing group to effect an action, discovery of the deed would -follow upon its heels, if it came to a revolutionary action at all, which would be very -doubtful. It is especially true in America, where reaction has velvet paws, and where -asinine confidence is, from a certain direction, directly without bounds. In the preparation, -even, endless debates would develop; the thing would be hung upon the big bell; it would -be at first a public secret, and then, after the thing was known to everybody, it would also -reach the long ears of the holy Hermandad (the sacred precinct of the watchman over the -public safety), which, as is known to every man, woman and child, hear the grass grow and -the fleas cough.</p> - -<p>In the formation of a group of action, the greatest care must be exercised. Men must -be selected who have head and heart in the right spot.</p> - -<p>Has the formation of a fighting group been effected, has the intention been developed, -does each one see perfectly clear the manner of the execution, then action must follow with -the greatest possible swiftness, without delay, for now they move within the scope of the -greatest danger, simply from the very adjacent reason, because the select allies might yet -commit treason without exposing themselves in so doing.</p> - -<p>In the action itself, one must be personally at the place, to select personally that point of -the place of action, and that part of the action, which are the most important and are -coupled with the greatest danger, upon which depend chiefly the success or failure of the -whole affair.</p> - -<p>Has the deed been completed, then the group of action dissolves at once, without further -parley, according to an understanding which must be had beforehand, leaves the place of -action, and scatters in all directions.</p> - -<p>If this theory is acted upon, then the danger of discovery is extremely small—yea, -reduced to almost nothing, and from this point of view the author ventures to say, thus, and -not otherwise, must be acted, if the advance is to be proper.</p> - -<p>It would be an easy matter to furnish the proof, by the different revolutionary acts in -which the history of the immediate past is so rich, that the executors sinned against the one -or the other of the aforementioned principles, and that in this fact lies the cause of the discovery, -and the loss to us of very important fellow-champions connected therewith; but we -will be brief, and leave that to the individual reflection of the reader. But one fact is established—that -is this: That all the rules mentioned can be observed without great difficulty; -further, that the blood of our best comrades can be spared thereby; finally, as a consequence -of the last-mentioned, that light actions can be increased materially, for the complete -success of an action is the best impulse to a new deed, and the things must always succeed -when the rules of wisdom are followed.</p> - -<p>A further question which might probably be raised would be this: In case a special or -conditional group must be formed for the purpose of action, what is the duty, in that case, -of the public groups, or the entire public organization, in view of the aforesaid action? The -answer is very near at hand. In the first place, they have to serve as a covering—as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span> -shield behind which one of the most effective weapons of revolution is bared; then these -permanent groups are to be the source from which the necessary pecuniary means are drawn -and fellow-combatants are recruited; finally, the accomplished deeds are to furnish to permanent -groups the material for critical illustration. These discussions are to wake the -spirit of rebellion,—that important lever of the advancing course of the development of our -race,—without which we would be forever nailed down to the state of development of a -gorilla or an orang-outang. This right spirit is to be inflamed, the revolutionary instinct is to -be roused which still sleeps in the breast of man, although these monsters, which, by an -oversight of nature, were covered with human skin, are earnestly endeavoring to cripple the -truly noble and elevated form of man by the pressure of a thousand and again a thousand -years—to morally castrate the human race. Finally, the means and form of conquest are -to be found by untiring search and comparison, which enhance the strength of each proletarian -a thousandfold, and make him the giant Briareus, alone able to crush the ogres -of Capital.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">I have thus shown the manner and methods by which Socialism seeks -to gain a foothold in America. In their declarations of principles and -encouragements to violence, these agitators have proved themselves traitors -to their country or the country of their adoption, and ingrates to society. -They have sought, and are seeking, to establish “Anarchy in the midst of -the state, war in times of peace, and conspiracy in open day.” They are -the “Huns and Vandals of modern civilization.”</p> - -<p>As De Tocqueville says: “Democracy and Socialism are the antipodes -of each other. While Democracy extends the sphere of individual independence, -Socialism contracts it. Democracy develops a man’s whole -manhood; Socialism makes him an agent, an instrument, a cipher. Democracy -and Socialism harmonize on one point only—the equality which -they introduce. But mark the difference: Democracy seeks equality in -liberty, while Socialism seeks it in servitude and constraint.”</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER V.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Socialistic Programme—Fighting a Compromise—Opposition to the -Eight-hour Movement—The Memorial to Congress—Eight Hours’ Work Enough—The -Anarchist Position—An <i>Alarm</i> Editorial—“Capitalists and Wage Slaves”—Parsons’ -Ideas—The Anarchists and the Knights of Labor—Powderly’s Warning—Working -up a Riot—The Effect of Labor-saving Machinery—Views of Edison and -Wells—The Socialistic Demonstration—The Procession of April 25, 1886—How the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Helped on the Crisis—The Secret Circular of 1886.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">WHILE the Socialists are bent on a revolution in the economic condition -of the working class, or, as they choose to term it, the -proletariat, they have conclusively shown that they do not desire to -further that movement by pacific means. Imbued with the doctrines of -violence and intent on the complete destruction of government, they do not -seek their end by orderly, legitimate methods. This fact has been most -thoroughly established by the extracts from their public declarations which -I have already given.</p> - -<p>But if any doubts still exist with reference thereto, they are completely -dissipated by an examination into the attitude assumed by the Socialists -toward the labor problem as it exists at the present day. It is not my purpose -to enter into a detailed review of the whole field. I will simply call -attention to one fact, and in that fact one sweeps the labor horizon, viewed -from the Socialistic standpoint, as the astronomer sweeps the heavens with -his telescope, striking the most prominent objects within the range of observation. -This one fact is the position of the Socialists toward the eight-hour -movement.</p> - -<p>It is generally known that many economists and agitators, with neither -affiliations nor sympathy for Socialism, have been contending for years that -with the rapid increase in labor-saving machinery and the consequent displacement -of labor, reduction in the hours of service has become an absolute -necessity. The points made in support of this position are numerous, and -as the most salient ones appear in a memorial on the part of a National -Labor Convention to the Committee on Depression in Labor and Business -of the Forty-sixth Congress, drafted November 10, 1879, I may briefly quote -a few. The memorial asked a reduction:</p> - -<p>1. In the name of political economy. “All political economists are -agreed,” they said, “that the standard of wages is determined by the cost -of subsistence rather than by the number of hours employed. Wages are -recognized as resulting from the necessary cost of living in any given community. -The cost of subsistence for an average family determines the rate, -and it is for this reason that single men can save more if they will.”</p> - -<p>2. In the interest of civilization. “The battle for a reduction of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span> -hours of labor is a struggle for a wider civilization.” With less hours, more -leisure is afforded for mental and social improvement. In proof the memorialists -appealed to the past and to the fact that one day of rest in seven has -raised the social condition of the people. Besides, they urged, the “history -of the short-hour movement in England proved conclusively that every -reduction of time in the United Kingdom had invariably been followed by -an increase of wages,” and the consequent improvement of workingmen.</p> - -<p>3. The changed relations between production and consumption demand -remedial legislation. A reduction of hours would give more men employment. -Under existing conditions, capital and production have increased -while the number of persons employed has fallen off.</p> - -<p>These are doctrines one would think the Socialist, pretending to have -the interests of labor at heart, would unquestionably and heartily indorse. -Far from it. True to his nature as a social disturber, disorganizer and -malcontent, he sees in it a possible solution of many labor troubles and -the approach to a rearrangement of existing conditions on a basis different -from his own theories. When this question arose in Chicago in the winter -of 1885-86, the <i>Alarm</i> entered its most emphatic protest. In its issue of -December 12, 1885, it had this to say, under the heading, “No Compromise”:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">We of the Internationale are frequently asked why we do not give our active support to -the proposed eight-hour movement. Let us take what we can get, say our eight-hour friends, -else by asking too much we may get nothing.</p> - -<p>We answer: Because we will not compromise. Either our position that capitalists have -no right to the exclusive ownership of the means of life is a true one, or it is not. If we are -correct, then to concede the point that capitalists have the right to eight hours of our labor, is -more than a compromise; it is a virtual concession that the wage system is right. If capitalists -have the right to own labor or to control the results of labor, then clearly we have no -business dictating the terms upon which we may be employed. We cannot say to our -employers, “Yes, we acknowledge your right to employ us; we are satisfied that the wage -system is all right, but we, your slaves, propose to dictate the terms upon which we will -work.” How inconsistent! And yet that is exactly the position of our eight-hour friends. -They presume to dictate to capital, while they maintain the justness of the capitalistic system; -they would regulate wages while defending the claims of the capitalists to the absolute -control of industry.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">These sentiments were frequently reiterated by A. R. Parsons, who was -the editor of the <i>Alarm</i>; and in August Spies he found an energetic ally. -Among other things Spies said concerning the movement:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">We do not antagonize the eight-hour movement. Viewing it from the standpoint that -it is a social struggle, we simply predict that it is a lost battle, and we will prove that, even -though the eight-hour system should be established at this late day, the wage-workers would -gain nothing. They would still remain the slaves of their masters.</p> - -<p>Suppose the hours of labor should be shortened to eight, our productive capacity would -thereby not be diminished. The shortening of the hours of labor in England was immediately -followed by a general increase of labor-saving machines, with a subsequent discharge -of a proportionate number of employés. The reverse of what had been sought took place. -The exploitation of those at work was intensified. They now performed more labor, and -produced more than before.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">The movement, however, took a firm hold of the laboring classes. They -saw in it a chance to secure more leisure, and, inspired by their anti-Socialistic -leaders, did all in their power to further it. There were then in Chicago -a great many unemployed, and under the plea that a reduction in the -hours of toil would not only give more time for self-improvement, but -necessitate the employment of many of the idle throng, the leaders advocated -its speedy introduction. At this time the general sentiment prevailed -that it was simply a movement for a reduction in working-time, the question -of wages not being involved. Some few irresponsible talkers of the -Socialistic stamp, it is true, held out that it was to be a contention for wages -as well, but the most influential and conservative representatives of labor -insisted that they only wanted eight hours’ work for eight-hours’ pay. Grand -Master Workman Powderly held to the latter view and repeatedly urged the -members of the Knights of Labor not to go beyond that demand. He -even intimated a doubt if it were the part of wisdom and policy to undertake -at the time a strike of the kind, in view of the complications then -growing out of the Missouri Pacific Railway—known as the Gould system—“tie-up.” -Traffic and industry had been seriously affected throughout -the West by Martin Irons’ stubbornness, and it is evident that Powderly -had his misgivings about the outcome of an eight-hour strike. However, -the leaders continued their agitation, and it was decided that the resolution -adopted in 1884 by a number of trades organizations in national session -for an eight-hour strike on May 1, 1886, should be carried out in Chicago, -as in other large manufacturing and trade centers. Had this simple proposition -not been “loaded,” the result of the movement might have been -different, but, as the time drew near, it became quite apparent that, despite -Powderly’s warnings, the question of wages was to cut a leading figure. It -was developed that the demand for a reduction of hours was to be accompanied -with a demand for the same wages as under the old ten-hour system. -This was the rock upon which they subsequently foundered. Had they been -content to accept decreased wages and relied upon increased efficiency and -skill and the logic of events to secure increased pay in the future, they -might have scored many victories, if not a complete success.</p> - -<p>But they were alike unmindful of Powderly’s advice and the teachings -of history. They seemingly forgot that the employers would naturally -resist any such sweeping concession, and that, as in other instances, the -unemployed would at once be installed, whenever possible, in their places, -and that in industries where there did not exist an over-production, the -capacity of machines would be more heavily taxed and new machines would -be introduced to do work hitherto done by hand. A London publication -has shown how, in recent years, in the extremity of bitter strikes, manufactories -have increased their labor-saving machinery to offset the absence -of their workmen and how invention in the line of new machines has been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span> -greatly stimulated by a stubborn conflict between employer and employé. -Hon. David A. Wells has also pointed out a similar result in this country. -Identically the same thing happened in several establishments in Chicago. -The unemployed and new machines were called into requisition whenever -possible.</p> - -<p>But labor-saving machinery need not necessarily be regarded as an -enemy of labor. That doctrine, which had its origin at the time when a -riot in Spain followed the introduction of a machine to make woolens, and -which continued until the invention of the sewing-machine, has in this day -come to be regarded by all enlightened economists as a nightmare of the -musty past. The fact is labor has been aided and benefited by machinery.</p> - -<p>Prof. Edison, the great inventor, is authority for the statement that the -increase in machinery and inventions during the last fifty years has doubled -the wages of workingmen and reduced the cost of the necessaries of life 50 -per cent. “For the first time in the world’s history,” he says, “a skilled -mechanic can buy a barrel of flour with a single day’s work.” Hon. David -A. Wells, in an article in the <i>Popular Science Monthly</i> for October, 1887, -treating of the depression of prices since 1873, also demonstrates the fact -that the reductions, which he states to be 30 per cent., during the time -under his review, are due to inventions. Edison goes still further in -his statement with reference to the enhancement of wages. He predicts, -rather too glowingly perhaps, that in another generation even “the unskilled -laborer, if sober and industrious, will have a house of his own, a library, a -piano and a horse and carriage,” with all the comforts that these imply.</p> - -<p>Anarchist Spies evidently took no stock in such a condition as the result -of new and improved mechanical appliances, for in his early opposition to -the inauguration of the eight-hour movement he declared that “for a man -who desires to remain a wage slave, the introduction of every new improvement -and machine is a threatening competitor.”</p> - -<p>I have thus pointed to some facts bearing on strikes and wages because -it has since transpired that the Anarchists or Socialists, intent on precipitating -the “social revolution,” were the principal instigators of the demand -for ten hours’ pay for eight hours’ work, thereby hoping to irritate the employers -to determined resistance and the workingmen of non-Socialistic -ideas to the point of violence. Past experience was cast aside under their -clandestine guidance. While the movement was in its infancy the Socialists, -as such, held aloof, but, the moment they saw that it was gaining strength -and was likely to involve all the wage-workers in the city, and that eight -hours on a basis of reduced pay might be secured, they perceived their -opportunity to complicate matters by the introduction of a demand for the -old wages with reduced time. This at once threw down the gauntlet. -While before they had opposed the movement, they now became active -agitators in its behalf and appeared more solicitous about its certain inauguration<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span> -than they were about its successful ending. Their organs bristled -with incendiary language. Their speakers could hardly find words strong -enough to fire their auditors in the demand for eight hours. They even got -up a procession under the auspices of the Central Labor Union, and, on -Sunday, April 25, 1886, paraded the streets with red flags and red badges.</p> - -<p>Among some of the mottoes displayed were: “The Social Revolution,” -“Workingmen, Arm Yourselves,” “Down with Throne, Altar and Moneybags,” -and “Might makes Right, and You are the Strongest.”</p> - -<p>The procession massed on the Lake Front. There the leading speakers -were loud in encouraging the strike for eight hours. Parsons maintained that -“if the demands of workingmen were met by a universal lock-out, the signal -would be taken as one of ‘war, and war to the knife.’” Spies declared -that “the eight-hour day had been argued for twenty years. We at last -can hope to realize it.” Schwab and Fielden were alike emphatic.</p> - -<p>The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> likewise heartily indorsed the movement. In its -issue of April 26, 1886, appeared an editorial of which the following is -the concluding paragraph:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">What a modest demand, the introduction of the eight-hour day! And yet a corps of -madmen could not demean themselves worse than the capitalistic extortioners. They continually -threaten with their disciplined police and their strong militia,—and these are not -empty threats. This is proved by the history of the last few years. It is a nice thing, this -patience, and the laborer, alas! has too much of this article; but one must not indulge in a -too frivolous play with it. If you go further, his patience will cease; then it will be no -longer a question of the eight-hour day, but a question of emancipation from wage slavery.</p> - -<p class="p1">In the same paper two days later the editor said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">What will the first of May bring? The workingmen bold and determined. The decisive -day has arrived. The workingman, inspired by the justice of his cause, demands an alleviation -of his lot, a lessening of his burden. The answer, as always, is: “Insolent rabble! -Do you mean to dictate to us? That you will do to your sorrow. Hunger will soon rid -you of your desire for any notions of liberty. Police, executioners and militia will give -their aid.”</p> - -<p>Men of labor, so long as you acknowledge the gracious kicks of your oppressors with -words of gratitude, so long you are faithful dogs. Have your skulls been penetrated by a -ray of light, or does hunger drive you to shake off your servile nature, that you offend your -extortioners? They are enraged, and will attempt, through hired murderers, to do away -with you like mad dogs.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">When the eventful day—May 1—arrived, the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> became -more menacing than ever, and the following appeared:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">Bravely forward! The conflict has begun. An army of wage-laborers are idle. Capitalism -conceals its tiger claws behind the ramparts of order. Workmen, let your watchword -be: No compromise! Cowards to the rear! Men to the front!</p> - -<p>The die is cast. The first of May has come. For twenty years the working people have -been begging extortioners to introduce the eight-hour system, but have been put off with -promises. Two years ago they resolved that the eight-hour system should be introduced in -the United States on the first day of May, 1886. The reasonableness of this demand was -conceded on all hands. Everybody, apparently, was in favor of shortening the hours; but, as -the time approached, a change became apparent. That which was in theory modest and -reasonable, became insolent and unreasonable. It became apparent at last that the eight-hour -hymn had only been struck up to keep the labor dunces from Socialism.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-109.jpg" width="400" height="619" id="i109" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—IV.<br /><span class="smcap wn">From Photographs.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>That the laborers might energetically insist upon the eight-hour movement, never occurred -to the employer. And it is proposed again to put them off with promises. We are not -afraid of the masses of laborers, but of their pretended leaders. Workmen, insist upon the -eight-hour movement. “To all appearances it will not pass off smoothly.” The extortioners -are determined to bring their laborers back to servitude by starvation. It is a -question whether the workmen will submit, or will impart to their would-be murderers an -appreciation of modern views. We hope the latter.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">In the same issue of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> also appeared the following, in -a conspicuous place:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">It is said that on the person of one of the arrested comrades in New York a list of -membership has been found, and that all the comrades compromised have been arrested. -<i>Therefore, away with all rolls of membership, and minute-books, where such are kept. Clean your -guns, complete your ammunition. The hired murderers of the capitalists, the police and militia, -are ready to murder. No workingman should leave his house in these days with empty pockets.</i></p> - -<p class="p1">The consummate inconsistency of the Socialists is thus no better illustrated -in what has already been shown than in their record in Chicago. -They have always been eager to jump on top of the band wagon, to paraphrase -a famous expression of Emery A. Storrs, when they thought that it -gave them a chance to join in the lead of the procession; and, the moment -they had a voice in directing the music, they led it beyond the mere sentiments -of a Marseillaise. Take each formidable strike in the city, and -invariably they have instigated the rabble to deeds of disorder and violence. -What care they for labor reforms accomplished through peaceable agitation? -It is only when a pretext is presented for widening the breach -between capital and labor, and hastening the time for revolution, that the -Socialists join in any movement looking to the real benefit of labor. It is -true, they have figured in labor reforms, such as the agitation for national -and State bureaus of labor statistics, the abolition of convict labor in competition -with outside industries, the prevention of child labor in factories -and work-shops, the sanitary inspection of tenement-houses and factories; -but all these have been merely side issues to their one and controlling purpose—Revolution. -For appearance’ sake they have boasted of their achievements -in the lines indicated, but it is a fact of history that, without the -efforts of non-Socialistic labor, none of the reforms so far accomplished -would ever have been secured. The fact is that Socialists and Anarchists -are radically opposed to the whole wage system and only join in the -demands of law-observing and peace-loving labor as a means to one end—opportunity -for disturbance. For this purpose alone they have become -members of the Knights of Labor, and, once in, they have proved an element -of disorder and contention. So pronounced had they become in -fomenting trouble during the eight-hour agitation that Mr. Powderly -finally found it necessary to issue a secret circular to the order in the spring -of 1886. In that circular, among other things, he said:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-111.jpg" width="400" height="326" id="i111" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">INTERIOR VIEW OF NEFF’S HALL.—<span class="wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="pbq p1">Men who own capital are not our enemies. If that theory held good, the workman of to-day -would be the enemy of his fellow-toiler on the morrow, for, after all, it is how to acquire -capital and how to use it properly that we are endeavoring to learn. No! The man of capital -is not necessarily the enemy of the laborer; on the contrary, they must be brought closer -together. I am well aware that some extremists will say I am advocating a weak plan and -will say that bloodshed and destruction of property alone will solve the problem. If a man -speaks such sentiments in an assembly read for him the charge which the Master Workman -repeats to the newly initiated who join our “army of peace.” If he repeats such nonsense -put him out.</p> - -<p class="p1">Wise words and well spoken.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER VI.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Eight-hour Movement—Anarchist Activity—The Lock-out at McCormick’s—Distorting -the Facts—A Socialist Lie—The True Facts about McCormick’s—Who -Shall Run the Shops?—Abusing the “Scabs”—High Wages for -Cheap Work—The Union Loses $3,000 a Day—Preparing for Trouble—Arming the -Anarchists—Ammunition Depots—Pistols and Dynamite—Threatening the Police—The -Conspirators Show the White Feather—Capt. O’Donnell’s Magnificent Police -Work—The Revolution Blocked—A Foreign Reservation—An Attempt to Mob the -Police—The History of the First Secret Meeting—Lingg’s First Appearance in the -Conspiracy—The Captured Documents—Bloodshed at McCormick’s—“The Battle -Was Lost”—Officer Casey’s Narrow Escape.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE events immediately preceding the inauguration of the eight-hour -strike were remarkable in the opportunities they afforded Anarchists -for arousing workingmen against capital and stirring up their worst -passions. The leaders had already intensified the clamor for reduced -working-time, and only the occasion was needed to fully arouse the true -ruffianism behind the Socialistic rabble. This occasion was presented in -the troubles that grew out of the “lock-out” at McCormick’s Harvester -Works, and, as the facts in connection therewith are necessary to a clear -and comprehensive understanding of the situation, I shall briefly review -them. Before doing so, however, it may be well to premise by saying that -the real state of affairs in that trouble was greatly exaggerated, and that, -instead of dividing responsibility, the Socialistic orators sought to throw the -sole burden upon the owners and managers of that establishment, charging -them, in the heat and excitement of the times, with gross violation of pledged -faith to the men employed, and instigating even violent resistance to the -installation of new men, or “scabs,” as they were opprobriously termed, -into the vacated places.</p> - -<p>This so-called “lock-out” occurred on February 16, 1886, and through -it some twelve hundred men became idle. The Anarchists proceeded at -once to distort every fact in connection with it. The view they presented -of the affair may be best shown by the following extract from a history of -the Chicago Anarchists published by the Socialistic Publishing Society:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">The employés of that establishment had been for some time perfecting their organization, -and at last had presented a petition for the redress of certain grievances and a general advance -of wages. The dispute arose over an additional demand that a guarantee be given that no -man in the factory should be discharged for having acted as a representative of his comrades. -This was absolutely refused. A strike in the factory in the preceding April had been adjusted -on the basis that none of the men who served on committees, etc., and made themselves conspicuous -in behalf of their fellow workmen, would be discharged for so doing. This agreement -has been wantonly violated, and every man who had incurred the displeasure of Mr. McCormick -was not only discharged, but black-listed, in many cases being unable to obtain employment -in other shops.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">It thus appears that the Socialist leaders not only hoped to utilize the -strike to precipitate their revolution, but, by purposely misstating the grievances -of McCormick’s men, to engender a bitter and violent feeling against -that establishment. Now, what were the true facts in the case? Along in -February the employés in the works asked for a uniformity of wages, the -re-employment, as occasion demanded, of all old hands, who had been out -of work since the strike in April preceding, and the discharge of five non-union -men employed in the foundry. Mr. Cyrus McCormick generously -conceded the first two demands, but firmly declined to discharge the non-union -men, as he regarded this as an interference with the company’s right -of employing whom they pleased. Thereupon the employés held a meeting -and formulated an <i>ultimatum</i>, in which they insisted upon the discharge as -requested, “not because,” as they said, “they wanted to abridge the privilege -of hiring and discharging, but because Foreman Ward threatened to -pursue old hands with such vindictiveness that he would drive them over -the ‘Black Road,’ or else they would have to walk in their nakedness,” and in -justice to the old employés the non-union workmen ought to be “thrown -out.” Mr. McCormick took the position that this was an attempt to dictate -that only union men should be employed in the works, and he finally -declared that the company had always decided and always would decide -who were best suited to do its work, and whom or how many men it would -employ or discharge. If the concessions already made were not satisfactory, -he would close the works.</p> - -<p>During the strike of the preceding spring, McCormick had done just -what other manufacturers had done in similar cases—introduced new machinery -to perform work hitherto done by hand. He had put in new molding -apparatus and had found that the new machines in the hands of ordinary -laborers, as soon as they learned to handle them, turned out daily far more -molds and more reliable ones than the old hand process. On the outbreak -of the trouble in February there were fifteen men employed in the foundry,—ten -old hands and five non-union men. The services of all of them -might thus have been dispensed with, since skilled labor was not necessary, -and, with the addition of more machines and a few raw hands, just as much -and just as good work, he claimed, might have been produced. But the -owners desired to favor the employés, and, having granted a uniformity of -wages even to the extent of advancing the pay of ordinary labor to $1.50 -per day, a sum greater than that paid by similar industries elsewhere, and -having promised to give preference to old employés when additional hands -were needed, they resolved not to be dictated to by outside malcontents nor -to discharge men who had done efficient work for the company.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-114.jpg" width="400" height="247" id="i114" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">A STRIKE.<br /><span class="smcap">The Walking Delegate Sowing the Seed of Discontent.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span></p> - -<p>The grant of such a request would, they held, be virtually placing the management of -the concern in the hands of outsiders. When, therefore, the employés, -instigated by the Anarchists, resolved to strike for their demand, McCormick -took time by the forelock and ordered the works closed on and after nine -o’clock on the morning of February 16, to remain closed until the strikers -decided to return.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-115.jpg" width="300" height="471" id="i115" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">GREIF’S HALL.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>By this “lock-out” the employés were deprived of -$3,000 a day in the shape of wages, that amount representing the daily payroll -of the concern. Meanwhile, pending the lock-out, the company canvassed -the possibility of -an early resumption of -business and quietly perfected -arrangements for -that step, which they concluded -to take on March 1. -Of course, this contemplated -move enraged all -the groups in the city. -The strikers in the vicinity -of the factory were especially -excited. Ever since -the establishment had -closed its doors the neighborhood -had been infested -with idlers and vicious-looking -men. They had -all felt confident that the -firm would be finally -forced to submit, but when -it gradually dawned upon -their minds that arrangements -had actually been -made for a resumption of -work without reference -to the wishes of the “outs,” -they determined to prevent -it by force. They -were the first to decide on -violent measures, and they -presented their purpose to the members of Carpenters’ Union No. 1. -The result was that two secret meetings of the armed men of both -unions were held between February 27 and March 3 at Greif’s Hall. -The first meeting called out nearly all the “armed men” of the Metal-workers’ -Union and about one hundred and forty men belonging to International -Carpenters’ Union No. 1, some with rifles, revolvers and dynamite -bombs. They then and there formulated a plan to prevent the “scabs” -from going to work. The plan was that the metal-workers should gather<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span> -in the vicinity of the factory at about five o’clock on the morning the works -were to be reopened, well equipped with bombs, rifles and revolvers. -Those who did not possess rifles were to secure revolvers and bombs, -which could be obtained, they were told, on Blue Island Avenue, between -Twenty-second Street and McCormick’s. At that place, on giving the -pass-word and number of the place, every member would be supplied. In -the event of their running short of ammunition, they were to repair to that -place, and they would find some one there always to wait on them. It was -given out that the place was run by the metal-workers, who would see to -it that all necessary bombs were on hand. Members having friends living -in the vicinity of the factory were to stay with them over night so as to be -up bright and early in the morning, and those living at a distance were to -make it a point to get up early enough to be on hand at the time indicated. -A point of <i>rendezvous</i> was designated, and, when all had arrived, they were -to surround the factory and permit no one to enter except on peril of being -shot. This situation of affairs, they said, would necessarily bring out the -police, but the moment these should arrive the “armed men” were to open -fire. The first volley was to be over the heads of the “blue-coats,” and if -that did not put them to flight, they were to be shot down without mercy. -When they began to throw bombs the “reds” were all to be in line, so that -none of their own number would be hurt by the explosions, and wherever -the police formed a company a solid front was to be presented and a -rattling fire maintained. They would also form different lines along the -“Black Road,” and when patrol wagons came to the rescue of the officers, -they were to hurl bombs at them.</p> - -<p>It was to be a fight to the death. Every one agreed, as I was told, “to -die game, give no quarter, and see to it that the green grass around -McCormick’s factory was nourished with human blood.” In accordance -with the plan, the members of the Carpenters’ Union were to assemble with -rifles and ammunition at Greif’s Hall at an hour not later than six o’clock -in the morning, and to remain there until orders for their services were -sent. The carpenters carried out their part of the programme, and at the -appointed hour there were no less than two hundred of them at the hall, -fully armed and apparently ready for any emergency. They scattered -throughout the hall building so as not to attract attention, and impatiently -awaited orders or information indicating the progress of affairs at the -factory. But no orders were received. They heard nothing for some -time, but when they did they were a happier lot of men. The clamor and -excitement of the hour had stimulated them with a false courage, but -each had nevertheless entertained a secret hope that there would be no call -for a display of their valor. And there was none.</p> - -<p>It appears that, on the morning they were to have created such dire -destruction, the brave metal-workers overslept themselves! “There was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span> -snow on the ground,” and probably they did not care to defile it with the -blood of their enemies. None of them appeared at the <i>rendezvous</i> on time, -and when they straggled around at a later hour they were full of excuses, -the one on which they principally relied being that their faithful spouses -had neglected to wake them in time. No one for a moment charged the -others with cowardice, and yet that was the whole secret of their failure. -Each had expected others to be at the appointed place ready for the fray, -but the unanimity with which all had prolonged their slumbers prevented -what all had expected to see—a brilliant victory with themselves beyond -all danger.</p> - -<p>But about the time these braves should have been around according to -programme, another party occupied the field. It was the brave and fearless -Capt. Simon O’Donnell, of the Second Precinct, with two lieutenants -and three companies of well disciplined officers. They took charge of the -“Black Road” and the vicinity of McCormick’s factory as early as six -o’clock, and the so-called “scabs” passed into the works, “with none to -molest them or make them afraid.” When those who had overslept -sneaked around, one after another, they were perfectly amazed. Where -they had hoped to see the ground strewn with the dead bodies of policemen, -they found order and serenity.</p> - -<p>In the expectation of seeing some disturbance, the vicinity became -crowded during the forenoon with idlers and curious people drawn from all -parts of the city. Seeing this throng and relying on the presence of many -Anarchists, the daring metal-workers revived their spirits and hoped yet to -precipitate a conflict by egging it on at a safe distance in the rear. They -accordingly began to utter loud threats and urge the excited rabble to an -attack on the “blanked bloodhounds,” the police.</p> - -<p>There were in the crowd a lot of half-drunken Polanders and Bohemians -who, living in the neighborhood, claimed that the presence of the -police was a menace to their personal rights and privileges. The police -were on what these misguided people considered their own reservation, -and, with a view to driving them away, some began throwing stones and -clubs at the officers in the patrol wagons. Others picked out officers apart -from their companions and made them the targets for their missiles. -Captain O’Donnell learned, while this disconcerted attack was going on, -that many of the crowd had revolvers and dynamite in their pockets. He -speedily resolved on a plan for arresting and disarming such men and gave -orders to his lieutenants to surround the crowd and search all suspected -persons. The result was that the following were found to have arms, and -they were placed under arrest: Stephen Reiski, Adolph Heuman, Charles -Kosh, Henry Clasen, John Hermann, George Hermann, Ernest Haker, Otto -Sievert, Emil Kernser, Frank Trokinski and Stanifon Geiner. Detectives<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span> -from the Central Station assisted in the search, and the offenders were -taken to the Police Court, where they were fined $10 each.</p> - -<p>It was thought that this procedure would quiet the mob, but later in the -day the Anarchists again gathered around McCormick’s. The crowd was -again surrounded, and the following were arrested for carrying concealed -weapons: Louis Hartman, William Brecker, Julius Vimert, Peter Pech, -William Holden, Louis Lingg, Carl Jagush, Samuel Barn, William Meyer, -Rudolph Miller, John Hoben and John Otto. These were also fined.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-118.jpg" width="300" height="233" id="i118" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">A “ROUND-UP.”</p> -</div></div> - -<p>During this trouble at the factory a gang of Anarchists had gathered -at the Workingmen’s Hall on West Twelfth Street, and they had just -formed a procession to march out in a body to McCormick’s, when they -were surrounded and searched. In this “round-up” the great “Little -August” Krueger was arrested with a full uniform of the Lehr und Wehr -Verein under an -overcoat, and a -number of his -comrades were -taken in charge at -the same time. -Many of them had -dynamite bombs, -and some one -shouted that “all -brothers who had -‘stuff’ should get -away and the -others should assist -them.”</p> - -<p>But the police -were not to be -trifled with, and -some of the most daring officers rushed into the thickest of the crowd, and -succeeded in gathering in several bombs. There were a number of women -in the mob, and some of these hid bombs under their petticoats. The -officers were of course too gallant to molest them. But the search and -arrests served to break up the procession and prevent further outbreaks at -the factory that day.</p> - -<p>Such were the results of the plots of the first secret meeting. The -second secret gathering, a few days later, was held, as the former had been, -at Greif’s Hall. It was called by the metal-workers and carpenters jointly. -They were more demonstrative than ever. Gustav Belz was accorded the -distinction of presiding over the turbulent members of the Carpenters’ -Union. All of the carpenters belonging to the Lehr und Wehr Verein, -numbering one hundred and eighty men, were present with their rifles, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span> -they were loud for war. At the same time the metal-workers had a gathering -by themselves, and when a delegation from them called on the carpenters -and announced that they were prepared to engage in battle that -day, the carpenters’ assemblage became delirious with excitement. They -shouted and jumped about in such a lively manner that some of the more -conservative members were obliged to warn them to quiet down or they -would attract the attention of the police. The hot-heads, enraged at this -caution, retorted by accusing the conservatives of cowardice. They refused -to be quieted, and, like Comanche Indians about to take to the war-path, -they examined their revolvers and brandished their guns. They even -inspected the fuse on their bombs, and insisted that they would be ready -the moment the command was given. In anticipation of blood, they screwed -up their courage by frequent libations; and the more they drank the happier -they grew over the prospect of speedy acquisition of wealth when once their -revolution was started.</p> - -<p>It was an uncomfortable place meanwhile for the conservative members, -and these had frequent occasion during the stormy proceedings to regret -that they had uttered a word of remonstrance. But there was one who did -not allow his feelings to get the better of his judgment. It was Balthasar -Rau. He took the floor and said that, however much he desired to fight -and sweep McCormick and all other capitalists from the face of the earth, -yet he could plainly see that the time had not yet arrived for commencing -the revolution. It would be folly, he insisted, to go out on the streets with -rifles in hand while all the surroundings were against them and while they -were not generally prepared to cope with the police and militia. To commence -a general upheaval now would be to destroy their prospects in the -immediate future.</p> - -<p>“Before you make war,” said Rau, “you must have something to fall -back on; but now we have nothing. We ought to have a treasury well -filled. If we inaugurate a fight we must expect that some of us will be -killed, others wounded, and others again arrested. Where is the money to -help those in distress? What will your families do if you are killed? You -must take all these things into consideration. It is very easy for us to go -out, shoot and kill somebody, but what can we expect to gain by all that? -We must be ready and prepared and protected.”</p> - -<p>This speech had a soothing effect upon some, but Belz wanted blood, -and that immediately. He despised the capitalists, and the sooner their -blood was spilled the better it would suit him. The majority of the meeting -expressed a concurrence in Rau’s ideas, and one member emphasized Rau’s -remarks by saying that it would be like a man going out on the streets, -pounding another and then running away—nothing was gained.</p> - -<p>Belz, seeing the drift of sentiment, grew very angry, and he suggested -that some one move an adjournment to some other day, when they might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span> -hope to get together a braver lot of men. Such a motion was made, and -the gathering separated, those that were not too drunk posting off at once -for home.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-120.jpg" width="400" height="234" id="i120" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc"><span class="wn"><span class="smcap">Hynek Djenek.</span><span class="vh">————————</span><span class="smcap">Anton Seveski.</span></span><br /> -SPECIMEN RIOTERS—I. <span class="wn">From Photographs taken by the Police Department.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Belz grew quite demonstrative over the lack of results at this meeting, -and avowed that he would have nothing more to do with such a crowd of -cowards. A few days thereafter, however, another meeting was held; but, -in view of the many arrests Captain O’Donnell had made among their members, -they were unable to decide upon any business. Some of the hot-heads -threw all the blame on Rau and some of his friends for having prevented -decisive action when they might have hoped to come out victorious. -But all this sort of talk was simply braggadocio, and had any of these loud-mouthed -fellows been actually tried, they would have been found skulking -in the rear of an attacking party. Prior and subsequent events proved -them all trembling cowards when their own personal safety was at stake.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the most dangerous, because the most secret, figure in the -cabal at this time was Louis Lingg. He seems to have been chosen -especially to direct the revolutionary design in the southwest part of the -city, and his counsels permeated every Socialistic circle in that section. In -his trunk, after his arrest, the following letter was found in his own handwriting, -evidently a copy or the original of one sent:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><i>Dear Brother Union</i>: On the occasion of the last general meeting in Zepf’s Hall the -International Carpenters’ Union passed a resolution asking the Furniture Makers’ Union if -they were satisfied with the doings of their delegates, especially with Mr. Hausch and Mr. -Mende, who had agreed to take the leadership of the revolution.... It is natural that -the governing class would take these—their means—as soon as the workingmen would try<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span> -to take their rights. In consequence of these facts we feel it our duty to call the attention of -indifferent workingmen to these facts and suggest the adoption of force, power against power, -and urge all to arm yourselves. Therefore, stand with all your energy against the system of -profit without regard to the way they prepare themselves. We request our brother union to -acquaint us with their point of view, so we can form our plans accordingly.</p> - -<p class="pi8">With greeting and the shaking of the hand.</p> -<p class="pr4"><span class="smcap">International Carpenters’ Union No. 1.</span></p></div> - -<p class="p1">Lingg likewise issued a personal address, a copy of which was also found -in the trunk, urging the laborers of the Southwest Side to practice in the -handling of arms. Among other things found written over his signature, is -the following:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">Our authorized demands are replied to with clubs, powder and lead. In consequence of -these experiences it is no more than right that we adopt force and arm ourselves. The -opportunity to arm yourselves cheaply can be ascertained from all well-known comrades, as -well as armed organization, where you can find good places to drill. Don’t let this opportunity -pass. The medicine dynamite, in leaden bomb, is more powerful than the rifle. Don’t -forget the opportunity.</p> - -<p class="p1">Lingg also sent another circular to his comrades in that section, of -which the following is a copy:</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-121.jpg" width="400" height="236" id="i121" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc"><span class="wn"><span class="smcap">John Pototski.</span><span class="vh">————————</span><span class="smcap">Frank Novak.</span></span><br /> -SPECIMEN RIOTERS.—II. <span class="wn">From Photographs taken by the Police Department.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><i>Brothers</i>: As you have noticed for a long time past that the police are more than ready -to break your heads with their murderous clubs and do not care whether they make you -cripples for the balance of your miserable days, and do not care whether your wives and -children have to go begging for you after you become useless; neither do they care for the -loving young son that supports his old parents, whether they kill him or not: therefore, taking -all these things into consideration,—that these policemen are ready, under the instruction -of the capitalists, to commit murder on the working people,—I say we must resist these -monsters, and the way we must do this is to get ready and be all like one man. We must -fight them with as good weapons, even better than they possess, and, therefore, I call you -all to arms! As we are no capitalists, we can make arrangements in a gun-factory outside<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span> -of this State. Have this matter treated very confidentially. Have only a committee of -three members to buy arms as cheaply as possible, and see if there can be anything secured -on half credit, so that you can also give time to the buyer. In this way you can get all new -and good arms and better than the police have. Then I call your attention again and impress -on your minds that it is not alone enough that you have the arms; you must also understand -how to use them so that you can be equally well drilled with them as your opponents. Then -you can give them successful resistance. And now, to make this matter very easy and a -success for all, the workingmen of this city, with the third company of the Lehr und Wehr -Verein and some members of the International Carpenters’ Union, held a meeting yesterday, -and they all agreed to give lessons in drill to any one that wanted to learn how to use arms. -All the people so desiring should call every Thursday evening at 8 o’clock at Turner Hall -“Vorwaerts,” on West Twelfth Street, and there they will receive instructions free of charge.</p></div> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-122.jpg" width="400" height="261" id="i122" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc"><span class="wn"><span class="smcap">Vaclav Djenek.</span><span class="vh">————————</span><span class="smcap">Anton Stimak.</span></span><br /> -SPECIMEN RIOTERS—III. <span class="wn">From Photographs taken by the Police Department.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>I want you Southwest Side people to be as useful with arms as the people on the North -and Northwest sides. We have everything about as complete as we wish it to be. On the -North Side we have Neff’s or Thuringia Hall, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, and you can come -and visit us there and see the boys drill. We have a man named Hermann, and he is a soldier -from the old home and a first-class drillmaster, and always pleased to see new recruits. Now, -workingmen of the Southwest Side, I beg of you to make use of this opportunity. Do not -let this go by like a dream. Remember, we are all one. It does not matter whether you are -on the South, North or West Side; we must all fight for a purpose. Do not stay at home -and let your brothers be killed when you can help them and make your cause a victory. -Come in large masses, come often, come promptly. If you do this, everything will be an easy -matter for us to undertake. Our labor will be rewarded.... The first of May is coming -near. We will have to kill the monster. We must be ready to meet him. This is our -only chance now. Probably we will not have this opportunity to meet the monster so that -we can fight him with our weapons. You must kill the pirates. You must kill the bloodsuckers; -and for the first time in ages the poor workingmen will be made happy. Our work -is short; we do not want a thirty years’ war. Be determined. Do not let your near relation, -if he is an enemy, stand in your way. Doing all this, then, the victory is ours.</p> - -<p class="pr4"><span class="smcap">Louis Lingg.</span></p></div> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span> - -<p class="p1">In the work of stirring up bad blood, Lingg seems to have neglected no -point likely to count with the dissatisfied laborers. He knew that among the -strikers were a great many German Knights of Labor, and, with an ingenuity -worthy of a better cause, he took occasion particularly to point out an article -published in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> of April 22, 1886, giving Governor -Oglesby’s views on boycotting. This paper was afterwards found in his -trunk, somewhat soiled from frequent usage, and the article in question, for -convenience of reference, had been heavily marked with a lead-pencil. -Lingg no doubt figured that those who believed in the boycott would thereafter -array themselves solidly on the side of those who favored force. A -translation of the Governor’s remarks, as given in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, is as -follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">The system of boycotting is the most damnable proposal which was ever fabricated. It -repudiates the Constitution, the law and everything. It is the devil’s invention. Yes (speaking -to John V. Farwell), when it has so far progressed that the militia is obliged to interfere, -you will find that these d—d boycotters will come to them (the merchants and business men) -and say, “You must prohibit your employés joining the militia, and those who persist in -belonging must be discharged from employment, or you will be boycotted.” This is a fine -arrangement. It is true that, meeting with opposition all over, it will die out, but I tell you -it is the most damnable transgression which was ever concocted.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-123.jpg" width="400" height="226" id="i123" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc"><span class="wn"><span class="smcap">Ignatz Urban.</span><span class="vh">————————</span><span class="smcap">Joseph Sugar.</span></span><br /> -SPECIMEN RIOTERS—IV. <span class="wn">From Photographs taken by the Police Department.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Parsons and Schwab also took a hand in the McCormick “lock-out,” -but they used the platform to arouse the people to force. On the 2d of -March a mass-meeting of Anarchists and hot-headed strikers was held at -the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. Parsons and Schwab were the chief -speakers. They were particularly abusive of the owners and the superintendent -of the works, and advised the use of violence against the police.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span> -So incendiary were the speeches that E. E. Sanderson, a member of the -strikers’ standing committee, took occasion to denounce the proceedings.</p> - -<p>“Such speakers,” he declared, “cause every spark of sympathy to disappear -and bring us into disrepute.” If he had had the power, he said, he -would have stopped the gathering. He belonged to the true laboring class, -and to properly voice its sentiments he hired another hall for the next day.</p> - -<p>The continued presence of the police at the works finally restored order -in the vicinity, and it seemed as if the Anarchists had abandoned any further -intention of violence. But they were secretly at work, biding their time -and watching their opportunity. It came on the afternoon of May 3. At -this time between 40,000 and 50,000 men in Chicago were out of employment -by reason of the eight-hour strike. Excitement ran high throughout -the city. The reaper works were now almost in full operation, and, led by -the Anarchists, some of the hot-headed strikers, grown impatient over the -apparent failure of their plan, made an assault upon the “scabs” at work -in the shops. The instigators of this attack and the principal assailants -were Anarchists, who exerted themselves to the utmost to bring on a deadly -conflict between the police and the unemployed.</p> - -<p>For the day in question a meeting of the Lumber-shovers’ Union had -been called in the vicinity to receive the report of a committee who had -waited on their employers with reference to the eight-hour question. The -Socialists, learning of this, determined to make use of the opportunity. -The union was composed of over six thousand lumber workingmen, three -thousand Bohemians and over three thousand Germans, and had no connection -with the McCormick strike, but it occurred to the Central Labor Union -that, inasmuch as many of them were adherents of Socialism, it would be no -difficult matter to incite them to riotous demonstrations. On the day preceding, -Spies had been delegated by his union to address the gathering. -The president of the Lumber Union, Frank Haraster, had become cognizant -of the Anarchists’ intentions, and had taken occasion to warn the men -against either listening to Socialistic orators or participating in a riot. But -there were mutterings of discontent, and the crowd was in a revengeful -mood. There were no less than 8,000 people at the gathering—some estimated -the number as high as 15,000. Some were intent on revolution, and -others had been drawn to the scene through idle curiosity.</p> - -<p>It only needed a spark to create a tremendous conflagration. Anarchists -were busy among the various groups that had collected. For several -days they had labored early and late in the locality to stimulate revolutionary -action. Their plans had been carefully concocted, and their network -of conspiracy extended in every direction. They had opened channels of -subterranean communication, and so arranged their mines of Socialistic -powder that at the appointed time they hoped to produce an explosion that -would reverberate throughout the globe. That appointed time, they figured,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span> -had arrived with the inauguration of the eight-hour movement, and in the -lock-out at McCormick’s the first opportunity was presented for a general -upheaval. This was their hope and the burden of their care.</p> - -<p>When, therefore, a coterie of trained Anarchists appeared on the scene -of trouble,—evidently by a preconcerted arrangement,—with the Nation’s -flag reversed and trailing in mud and muck, the wildest excitement was -aroused, and only a leader was necessary to connect the electric currents -of suppressed hostility to start an outburst of violent deeds.</p> - -<p>The occasion brought forth that leader in the person of the impulsive -and impetuous Spies. He, with some trusted lieutenants, mounted a box-car -in the vicinity of the meeting of the lumber-shovers and the McCormick -works. He gathered about him an immense crowd, and, speaking in -German, called the attention of his auditors to the “brutalities of capital, -its selfishness and its grinding oppression” of wage-workers, rendering -their condition worse than that of slaves. With fiery invective he wrought -up the feelings of the mob to a pitch of reckless frenzy. In the climaxes -of his envenomed utterances, he held the multitude with a charmed spell, -and he evoked their highest plaudits when he counseled violence as a -means to redress their grievances.</p> - -<p>Before the termination of this lurid speech, many hitherto apparently -apathetic had caught the infection, and when some of the non-union men -emerged from the gate at the McCormick foundry, on the conclusion of -their day’s labor,—the hour being three o’clock,—many of the mob rushed -to the establishment, bent on wreaking vengeance. They had hardly -begun to move when some one on the box-car shouted: “Go up and kill -the d——d scabs!” The identity of this person has never been disclosed, -but it is no rash conclusion to suppose that it was a confidant of Spies, as -well as of Lingg, who had secret charge of fomenting disturbances in that -district. Lingg was present at this gathering, and, as he subsequently -claimed that he had been clubbed by the police in the riot that followed, -he may possibly have raised the cry himself.</p> - -<p>The mob reached the works in short order, hurling stones and firing -shots into the windows of the guard-house, which they finally demolished. -The non-union men, seeing the approaching mob, took to flight, some -seeking shelter in the works and others scampering across the prairie -beyond reach. There were at this time only two policemen on duty. One -of them, J. A. West, endeavored to pacify the crowd, but received in -response bricks and mud. The other for awhile, as well as he could, held -the mob at bay at the gate. West finally worked his way through the -crowd to a patrol box, and turned in an alarm for reinforcements. Meanwhile -the mob disported itself in throwing stones and firing revolvers, and -finally forced an entrance through the gate to the yards.</p> - -<p>Presently a patrol wagon loaded with officers plowed through the turbulent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span> -mass, and, securing the ground between the mob and the buildings, -began driving out and dispersing the rioters. This only served to infuriate -the Anarchists, who fired in the direction of the police and hurled a shower -of stones. The officers remonstrated in vain, warning the mob to keep -back, and finally made a rush upon the rioters with revolvers drawn, shooting -right and left.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-126.jpg" width="400" height="348" id="i126" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">CHARGING THE MOB.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>The crowd swayed to and fro, retreated slightly, then rallied again, and, -diverging to either side in a jumbled but compact body, seemed bent on -holding their ground and fighting for every inch of it. But the dashing and -aggressive movements of the police, backed by courage and discipline, soon -demonstrated to the howling rabble the hopelessness of the struggle. The -very air seemed charged with bullets, clubs and missiles. Revolvers clicked -furiously, the exigencies of the moment necessitating their use on -the part of the police, and several revolutionists bit the dust, maimed and -wounded. What seems strange is that none were killed in this furious -onslaught.</p> - -<p>The mob, which numbered fully 8,000, was soon put to precipitate flight. -Some of the most vicious leaders, however, kept up a rattling fire of guns,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span> -revolvers, brickbats and sticks so long as their retreat was measurably -covered by the fleeing mob surrounding them. Several of these leaders, -with their weapons still smoking, were subsequently overtaken, disarmed -and locked up.</p> - -<p>During all this short affray, Spies was nowhere to be seen, but, the -moment all danger seemed past, he emerged from his seclusion, breathing -courage and vengeance. He bounded into the field like one ready to -sacrifice himself for his cause, but cautiously kept himself where no stray -bullets might reach him. Another singular feature in connection with the -part he played in the affair was his attempt to parade his own heroic virtues, -by implication, in the denunciations and upbraidings he heaped upon his -comrades in the account published of the riot on the very afternoon after -its occurrence. This -is what he said in -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>:</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-127.jpg" width="300" height="234" id="i127" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">OFFICER CASEY’S PERIL.</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="pbq p1">The writer of this -hastened to the factory -as soon as the first shots -were fired, and a comrade -urged the assembly -to hasten to the rescue -of their brothers, who -were being murdered, -but none stirred.... -The writer ran back. He -implored the people to -come along,—those who -had revolvers in their -pockets,—but it was in -vain. With an exasperating -indifference they -put their hands in their -pockets and marched home, babbling as if the whole affair did not concern them in the -least. The revolvers were still cracking, and fresh detachments of police, here and there -bombarded with stones, were hastening to the battle-ground. The battle was lost!</p> - -<p class="p1">A riot on a smaller scale occurred shortly after this in another locality, -instigated by the Anarchists who had been so severely repulsed in the -afternoon. After the McCormick outbreak one of the wounded strikers -was taken in a patrol wagon to the Twelfth Street Station, and thence to his -home on Seventeenth Street. Officer Casey was one of the men in charge -of the wagon, and remained behind at the house to take a report of the -man’s name, his residence and the nature of his injuries. When the -officer came out of the wounded man’s home, he was set upon by a mob, -shouting:</p> - -<p>“Hang him! Hang the blue-coat!”</p> - -<p>A Bohemian, named Vaclav Djenek, cried out:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Help me; help me to hang the <i>canaille</i>!”</p> - -<p>Two or three came to his side and endeavored to execute the threat. -Casey by a great effort managed to get away, and started on a run. Pistol -shots were fired after him by the mob, but fortunately he escaped without -injury.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-128.jpg" width="250" height="354" id="i128" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">FRANZ MIKOLANDA,<br />A POLISH CONSPIRATOR.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>A patrol wagon from the West Chicago Avenue Station had meanwhile -been telephoned for by some peace-loving citizens, and it rapidly -dashed up to the scene of disturbance. -The officers saw the whole situation, -dispersed the mob, and set about -arresting the parties who had so -nearly succeeded in hanging the officer. -They found that it had been a -very close call for Casey, that the rope -was ready, and that, had it not been -for his own Herculean efforts, he -would have dangled from a lamp-post -in a very few seconds.</p> - -<p>Djenek, who was afterwards recognized -as the principal actor in -this episode, was run down and -placed under arrest. He was tried -and sentenced to one year in the -penitentiary. During the trial two -officers of the West Chicago Avenue -Station happened to be in the State’s -Attorney’s office when a lot of Bohemian -literature and Anarchist utensils -were being exhibited. Among -other things, they noticed a photograph of Franz Mikolanda, and they -at once exclaimed:</p> - -<p>“This is the other man who helped Djenek to hang Casey!”</p> - -<p>Mikolanda appeared at the trial for the purpose of swearing to an alibi -for Djenek, and was promptly recognized. He had no sooner left the -witness-stand than he was arrested on a warrant and subsequently prosecuted. -He was found guilty and sentenced to six months in the Bridewell.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER VII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The <i>Coup d’État</i> a Miscarriage—Effect of the Anarchist Failure at -McCormick’s—“Revenge”—Text of the Famous Circular—The German Version—An -Incitement to Murder—Bringing on a Conflict—Engel’s Diabolical Plan—The -Rôle of the Lehr und Wehr Verein—The Gathering of the Armed Groups—Fischer’s -Sanguinary Talk—The Signal for Murder—“Ruhe” and its Meaning—Keeping -Clear of the Mouse-Trap—The Haymarket Selected—Its Advantages for Revolutionary -War—The Call for the Murder Meeting—“Workingmen, Arm Yourselves”—Preparing -the Dynamite—The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Arsenal—The Assassins’ Roost at -58 Clybourn Avenue—The Projected Attack on the Police Stations—Bombs for All -who Wished Them—Waiting for the Word of Command—Why it was not Given—The -Leaders’ Courage Fails.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">NEVER was that old saying, “Whom the gods wish to destroy they -first make mad,” better illustrated than in the actions of the Anarchist -leaders after their desperate exploits at McCormick’s Works. That -riot was to have been the pivotal point in their social revolution. It -turned out a humiliating fiasco. They had hoped to make a <i>coup d’état</i> for -the scarlet banner and had counted upon such a victory as would terrorize -Capital, appal the people and paralyze the arm of constituted authority. -When they discovered that the police had escaped with only slight bruises, -that some of their own comrades had been seriously wounded and that -even the so-called “scabs” had passed through the onslaught with nothing -worse than fright, their rage knew no bounds. They saw that “the -battle had been lost,” and prompt, energetic action seemed necessary to -retrieve the situation.</p> - -<p>Spies, their recognized leader, while the perspiration still dripped from -his face, and his blood still fired by his speech to the strikers and his -“heroic efforts” to rally the routed and fleeing Socialists, seized a pen, -and, dipping it into the gall of his indignation, wrote what subsequently -became famous as the “Revenge Circular.” It was printed in German -and English, and an exact <i>fac-simile</i> is presented herewith. The German -version is somewhat different from the English, being addressed to the -adherents of Anarchy and Socialism, the English version seeming to have -been intended for Americans in general. Several thousand copies were -scattered throughout the city.</p> - -<p>The wording of the English portion of the circular may be seen in the -illustration. The German portion, translated, reads as follows:</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-130.jpg" width="250" height="400" id="i130" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE FAMOUS “REVENGE” CIRCULAR.<br /> -<span class="wnn">Engraved from the Original<br />by direct Photographic Process.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">Revenge! Revenge! Workmen to arms!</p> - -<p>Men of labor, this afternoon the bloodhounds of your oppressors murdered six of your -brothers at McCormick’s. Why did they murder them? Because they dared to be dissatisfied -with the lot which your oppressors have assigned to them. -They demanded bread, and -they gave them lead for an answer, mindful of the fact that thus people are most effectually -silenced. You have for many years endured every humiliation without protest, have drudged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span> -from early in the morning until late at night, have suffered all sorts of privation, have even -sacrificed your children. You have done everything to fill the coffers of your masters—everything -for them!And now, when you approach -them and implore -them to make your -burden a little lighter, as -a reward for your sacrifices, -they send their -bloodhounds, the police, -at you, in order to cure -you with bullets of your -dissatisfaction. Slaves, -we ask and conjure you, -by all that is sacred and -dear to you, avenge the -atrocious murder that -has been committed -upon your brothers to-day -and which will likely -be committed upon you -to-morrow. Laboring -men, Hercules, you have -arrived at the cross-way. -Which way will you decide? -For slavery and -hunger or for freedom -and bread? If you decide -for the latter, then -do not delay a moment; -then, people, to -arms! Annihilation to -the beasts in human form -who call themselves rulers! -Uncompromising -annihilation to them! -This must be your motto. -Think of the heroes -whose blood has fertilized -the road to progress, -liberty and humanity, -and strive to -become worthy of them!</p> - -<p class="pr4"><span class="smcap">Your Brothers.</span></p></div> - -<p class="p1">Not content with this, Spies also wrote and published, in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -of May 4, the following:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pch2 p1"><i>BLOOD!—Lead and Powder as a Cure for Dissatisfied Workingmen.—About Six Laborers -Mortally, and Four Times that Number Slightly, Wounded.—Thus are the Eight-hour -Men Intimidated!—This is Law and Order.—Brave Girls Parading the City!—The -Law and Order Beasts Frighten Hungry Children away with Clubs.</i></p> - -<p class="p1">Six months ago, when the eight-hour movement began, representatives of the I. A. A. -called upon workmen to arm if they would enforce their demand. Would the occurrence of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span> -yesterday have been possible had that advice been followed? Yesterday, at McCormick’s -factory, so far as can now be ascertained, four workmen were killed and twenty-five more or -less seriously wounded. If members who defended themselves with stones (a few of them -had little snappers in the shape of revolvers) had been provided with good weapons and one -single dynamite bomb, not one of the murderers would have escaped his well-merited fate. -This massacre was to fill the workmen of this city with fear. Will it succeed?</p> - -<p>A meeting of the lumber employés was held yesterday at the Black Road to appoint a -committee to wait on the committee of the owners and present the demands agreed upon. -It was an immense meeting. Several speeches were made in English, German and Polish. -Finally Mr. Spies was introduced, when a Pole cried, “That is a Socialist,” and great disapprobation -was expressed, but the speaker continued, telling them that they must realize -their strength, and must not recede from their demands; that the issue lay in their hands, -and needed only resolution on their part.</p> - -<p>At this point some one cried, “On to McCormick’s! Let us drive off the scabs,” and -about two hundred ran toward McCormick’s. The speaker, not knowing what occurred, -continued his speech, and was appointed afterwards a member of the committee to notify -the bosses of the action.</p> - -<p>Then a Pole spoke, when a patrol wagon rushed up to McCormick’s, and the crowd began -to break up. Shortly shots were heard near McCormick’s factory, and about seventy-five -well-fed, large and strong murderers, under command of a fat police lieutenant, marched by -followed by three more patrol wagons full of law and order beasts. Two hundred police -were there in less than ten minutes, firing on fleeing workingmen and women. The writer -hastened to the factory, while a comrade urged the assembly to rescue their brothers, -unavailingly. A young Irishman said to the writer: “What miserable (—— ——) are those -who will not turn a hand while their brothers are being shot down in cold blood! We have -dragged away two. I think they are dead. If you have any influence with the people, -for Heaven’s sake, run back and urge them to follow you.” The writer did so in vain. -The revolvers were still cracking; fresh policemen arriving; and the battle was lost. It -was about half-past three that the little crowd from the meeting reached McCormick’s -factory. Policeman West tried to hold them back with his revolver, but was put to -flight with a shower of stones and roughly handled. The crowd bombarded the factory -windows with stones and demolished the guard-house. The scabs were in mortal terror, -when the Hinman Street patrol wagon arrived. They were about to attack the crowd with -their clubs, when a shower of stones was thrown, followed the next minute by the firing by -the police upon the strikers. It was pretended subsequently that they fired over their heads. -The strikers had a few revolvers and returned the fire. Meantime, more police arrived, and -then the whole band opened fire on the people. The people fought with stones, and are said -to have disabled four policemen. The gang, as always, fired upon the fleeing, while women -and men carried away the severely wounded. How many were injured cannot be told. A -dying boy, Joseph Doebick, was brought home on an express wagon by two policemen. The -crowd threatened to lynch the officer, but were prevented by a patrol wagon. Various -strikers were arrested. McCormick said that “August Spies made a speech to a few thousand -Anarchists and then put himself at the head of a crowd and attacked our works. Our -workmen fled, and meantime the police came and sent a lot of Anarchists away with bleeding -heads.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mark well the language,—seeking to inflame the minds of the Socialists -by maliciously stating that four men had been killed, when in fact not one -was fatally injured,—its bitter invective, its cunning phraseology, its rude -eloquence and its passionate appeal. All were well calculated to stir up -revengeful feelings at a time when public sentiment ran high throughout the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span> -city. The events following close upon the heels of the eight-hour strike -were critical in the extreme, and none knew the exact situation better than -the Anarchist leaders. Their course had been shaped with special reference -to it.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-132.jpg" width="300" height="481" id="i132" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE CALL FOR THE HAYMARKET MEETING.—I.<br /> -<span class="wnn">Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Their secret plottings were directed by the events of the hour. The -time had come, they felt, when the Commune should be proclaimed. It -would not do, they urged, -to let the opportunity pass. -The failure of the McCormick -riot at once suggested -retaliation in a manner best -known to themselves, and -the circular was fulminated -with a clear knowledge that -its import would be readily -understood by all in the -dark secret of their conspiracy.</p> - -<p>But that there might be -no misdirected effort, and -that all might be properly -instructed for the emergency, -it was deemed best -to hold a secret conference. -The hour seemed to have -arrived when their armed -sections, the various groups -of the order trained in the -use of guns and explosives, -should be brought into -requisition, and the police -in particular and the public -in general be made to feel -their power. How best to -accomplish this purpose had -been uppermost in their -minds from the moment of their disaster at the reaper works. A conflict -between the police and the strikers had been counted upon as a certainty -under their inspiration, and plans looking to the best means of taking -advantage of this strike as well as the eight-hour strike had been discussed -even before the McCormick riot.</p> - -<p>Only so short a time as the day before that event, the members of the -second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and of the Northwest Side -groups had met in joint session at Bohemian Hall, on Emma Street, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span> -considered the probabilities in view of the eight-hour movement. They -clearly foresaw a conflict, and, among other things, discussed a plan to -meet that contingency. This plan, proposed by Engel and indorsed by -Fischer, and subsequently confessed by one of the conspirators present at -that meeting, was that whenever it came to a conflict between the police -and the Northwest groups, bombs should be thrown into the police stations. -The riflemen of the Lehr und Wehr Verein should post themselves in line -at a certain distance, and whoever came out of the stations should be shot -down. They would then come into the heart of the city, where the fight -would commence in earnest. The members of the Northwest Side groups -were counseled to mutually assist each other in making the attack upon -the police, and “if any one had anything with him, he should use it.” “As -the police would endeavor to subdue the workingmen by sending all their -available force to the place of attack, the Anarchists could easily blow up -the stations, and such officers as might effect an escape from the buildings -could be killed by their riflemen. Then they would cut the telegraph -wires so as to prevent communication with other stations, after which they -would proceed to the nearest station and destroy that. On their way they -would throw fire bombs at some of the buildings, and this would call out the -Fire Department and prevent the firemen from being called upon to quell -the riot. While proceeding thus they would secure reinforcements, and, in -the intense excitement following, the police as well as militia would become -confused and divided in counsel as to the points where they could do the -most effective service. The attacks should be almost simultaneous in different -parts of the city at a given signal. When they all finally reached -the center of the city, they would set fire to the most prominent buildings -and attack the jail, open the doors and set free the inmates to join them in -future movements.”</p> - -<p>This plan, it is almost needless to remark, was unanimously adopted. -But concerted action was necessary among all the groups, and in view of -the “skull-cracking,” to use their own phrase, on the afternoon of May 3, a -secret conference of all groups was determined upon as a supplement to -Spies’ pronunciamento and as an incitement to future revolutionary movements. -A notice understood by all in the armed sections—“Y, come -Monday evening”—was inserted in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. The commander -of the Lehr und Wehr Verein rented a beer basement at No. 54 West -Lake Street, known to the followers of Socialism as Greif’s Hall, and along -towards eight o’clock representatives of all the armed sections of the -Internationale gathered there. In order that the utmost privacy might be -maintained, guards were posted both at the front and rear entrances with -instructions to permit no one to stand on the outside and to admit only -trusted adherents.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span></p> - -<p>When the session opened there were between seventy and eighty members -of the various sections present. Their deliberations were presided -over by Gottfried Waller, who subsequently became an important witness -for the State.</p> - -<p>Spies’ “Revenge circular,” written late that afternoon, was distributed -in the meeting, and its sentiments were heartily seconded by all present. -Engel finally submitted the plan already given, and some discussion followed, -participated in by various members. Fischer considered the plan admirable, -and, lest there might be evidence of weakness, he stated that if any man -acted the part of a coward, his own dagger or a bullet from his rifle should -pierce that man’s heart. Inquiries being made with reference to a supply -of bombs, he suggested that the members manufacture them on their own -account. The best thing, he said, was to procure a tin coffee-bottle, fill it -with benzine, attach a cap and fuse, and they would have a most effective -bomb.</p> - -<p>Engel’s plan went through with a rush. Having now agreed upon a -definite course, it was necessary to adopt a signal to warn the sections of -danger and summon them to action. Fischer was equal to the occasion. -He proposed the German word “Ruhe,”—signifying “rest” or “peace,”—and -added that whenever it should appear in the “Letter-box” column of -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, all would know that the moment for decisive action -had been reached, and that all were expected to repair promptly to their -appointed meeting-places, fully armed and ready for duty. The suggestion -was adopted.</p> - -<p>But what are plans without being fortified by enthusiasm on the part of -the mob expected to carry them out? The Socialistic heart must be fired -to a proper pitch of frenzy. Every soul must be made to feel that the -cause of Socialism is his own. A mass-meeting was just the thing, and a -mass-meeting it was decided by this august band of conspirators to call. -The time was the only point in controversy. The chairman insisted on -holding it the following morning on Market Square, which is a widening of -Market Street between Madison and Randolph Streets, but Fischer protested, -because, as he said, it was a “mouse trap,” and insisted that the -meeting be held in the evening, when they could bring out a crowd of no -less than 25,000 people, and that the Haymarket be the place. There, he -said, they would have greater security in case of disturbance, and more and -better means of escape. His counsel finally prevailed, and after a call had -been suitably drafted, Fischer was intrusted with its printing.</p> - -<p>Remembering that “what is everybody’s business is nobody’s business,” -the meeting decided to appoint a committee, consisting of one or two -members from each group. This committee was to keep a close watch on all -movements that might be made at Haymarket Square and in different parts -of the city, and, in the event of a conflict, to promptly report it to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span> -members of the various armed sections by the insertion in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -of the word “Ruhe” if there was trouble during the day, or illuminating -the sky with a red light at night. If either signal could not be -conveniently used, then they were to notify the members individually.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-135.jpg" width="300" height="456" id="i135" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE CALL FOR THE<br />HAYMARKET MEETING.—II.<br /> -<span class="wnn">Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Before the conclusion of this secret conclave, every one present was -directed to notify absent -members of what had been -done, and Rudolph Schnaubelt, -who has since been -proven the thrower of the -bomb which scattered death -and devastation on the -following evening, wished -to go even further and have -Socialists in other cities notified -so that the proposed revolution -might become general. -The instigators of the -meeting just described were -Spies, Parsons, Fielden and -Neebe, but for some reason -they failed to put in an appearance.</p> - -<p>In accordance with arrangements, -the call for the -mass-meeting was printed -the next morning. There -were two versions of this -call. <i>Fac-similes</i> of both are -given.</p> - -<p>In the afternoon of May -4 the signal word “Ruhe” -appeared in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, -and all the armed -men proceeded to place -themselves in readiness for the conflict. They also devoted themselves -energetically to cultivating revengeful sentiments. While making their preparations -for the projected riot, they communicated the plan decided upon -to every member of the order, and all were urged to come fully armed with -such weapons as they might possess.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-136.jpg" width="300" height="334" id="i136" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">NEFF’S HALL.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>But their greatest reliance was placed in the use of dynamite. This -highly explosive material was regarded as the chief arm of their cause. -For many weeks, the leaders had experimented with it. Some six weeks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span> -before the disastrous Haymarket riot, Louis Lingg had brought a bomb to -the house of William Seliger, No. 442 Sedgwick Street, where he boarded, -and announced his intention of making other bombs like it. Before this -he had provided himself with dynamite, the money for its purchase having -been realized at a ball given some time previously and turned over to him -to use in experiments. Being out of employment at the time, he devoted -himself energetically to experiments with that material, and produced -large gas-pipe bombs. One of these he took out to a grove north of the -city, and, placing -it in the crotch of -a tree, exploded -it, splitting the -tree to pieces. The -result of the test -appears to have -been satisfactory, -and he next gave -his attention to the -manufacture of -globular shells. In -the casting of -these he used the -kitchen stove to -melt his metal, -and often received -the assistance -of Seliger, Thielen -and Hermann. All -day Tuesday, May -4, he worked most -persistently and -seemed in a great -hurry to make as -many bombs as possible. He was helped on that day by the parties named -and two others, Hueber and Munzenberger. Before the close of the day -they had finished over a hundred bombs. While they were at work Lehman -visited them and carried home a satchel of dynamite, which he subsequently, -after the Haymarket riot, buried out on the prairie, and which -was afterwards disinterred by the police. Not alone did he and his friends -experiment with dynamite, but it appears that Spies, Parsons, Fischer, -Fielden and Schwab also tried their hands at it and handled the deadly -stuff at the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. They had several bombs there -and made no secret of the purpose for which they intended them. The office -was afterwards discovered to be an arsenal of revolvers and dynamite.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span></p> - -<p>After the bombs had been completed by Lingg and his assistants, Lingg -and Seliger put them in a trunk or satchel and carried them over towards -Neff’s Hall, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. On the way they were met by -Munzenberger, who took the trunk, and, placing it on his shoulder, carried it -the rest of the distance. At this time—it being evening—there was a meeting -of painters in a hall at the rear of Neff’s saloon, and the package was -placed at the entrance for a moment’s exhibition. Lingg asked the proprietor -if any one had called and inquired for him, and, on being answered -in the negative, proceeded with Seliger and Munzenberger into the hallway -connecting the saloon and the assembly-room. Placing the trunk on -the floor, he opened it for inspection. Several parties examined the -bombs and took some of them away. Seliger helped himself to two and -kept them until after the Haymarket explosion, when he hid them under a -sidewalk on Sigel Street. Lingg, Seliger and Munzenberger then left the -premises. The direction the last-named took is a matter in doubt. Neff -had never seen him before, Lehman did not know him, and Seliger had not -even learned his name.</p> - -<p>It is clear that all this work was part of the conspiracy concocted at -Greif’s Hall the previous evening. It is also well settled that Munzenberger -was the chosen agent to secure the bombs and see that they were -placed in the hands of trusted Anarchists for use at the proper moment. -The secrecy surrounding the latter’s identity was in complete accord with -the method of procedure outlined in the instructions given to Socialists:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">In the commission of a deed, a comrade who does not live at the place of action, that is, -a comrade of some other place, ought, if possibility admits, to participate in the action, or, -formulated difficulty, a revolutionary deed ought to be enacted where one is not known.</p> - -<p class="p1">Still further steps were taken to precipitate the revolution. In conformity -with the Monday night plan, armed men were to be stationed, on -the evening of Tuesday, in the vicinity of the police stations. We find -that Lingg, Seliger, Lehman, Smidke, Thielen and two large unknown men -were in the vicinity of the North Avenue Station. They skulked about the -corners of the streets leading to that station, between eight and ten o’clock, -fully armed with bombs and ready for desperate deeds. Others, who had -secured bombs at Neff’s Hall, went further northward and hovered around -the police station near the corner of Webster and Lincoln Avenues. -Seliger and Lingg also paid that vicinity a visit. There were also armed -men at Deering, where a meeting of striking workingmen was held, and -which was addressed by Schwab after he had left the Haymarket. Anarchists -also posted themselves in the vicinity of the Chicago Avenue Station. -Men were also near the North Avenue Station, and some twenty-five posted -themselves at the corner of Halsted and Randolph Streets, two blocks -from the Desplaines Street Station. Spies and Schwab entered this group<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span> -and held some secret consultation with the leaders. Fischer and Waller -were also close to that station.</p> - -<p>It furthermore appears that several men called on Tuesday evening at -Waller’s residence while he was eating his supper and desired him to -accompany them to Wicker Park, saying that they “wanted to be at their -post.” Two of these men were Krueger and Kraemer, belonging to the -“armed sections.” Some men also called at Engel’s store, and one of them -exhibited a revolver. Another, a stranger, explained to a comrade that he -was waiting for some “pills.” He waited only five minutes, when a young -girl about ten or twelve years of age came in, carrying a mysterious package. -This she handed to the stranger, who stepped behind a screen and then -hastened out.</p> - -<p>It is thus manifest that the various parties were bent on a carnival of -riot and destruction and only awaited the proper signal from the committee. -The men intrusted with the secrets of pillage, murder and general -destruction belonged to what was known in the order as the “Revolutionary -Group.” The plan was not communicated to any one else. The utmost -secrecy had to be maintained for its successful accomplishment, and the -conspiracy was only communicated to such as had proved themselves in -the past, by word and deed, in full accord with revolutionary methods. -The “revolutionary party” consisted of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, commanded -by Breitenfeld; the Northwest Side group, under command of -Engel, Fischer and Grumm; the North Side group, commanded by Neebe, -Lingg and Hermann; the American group, commanded by Spies, Parsons -and Fielden; the Karl Marx group, directed by Schilling; the Freiheit -group and the armed sections of the International Carpenters’ Union and -Metal-workers’ Union. These various sections, or groups, were under the -management of a general committee which included among its leading -spirits Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Neebe, Rau, Hirschberger, Deusch and Bélz. -This committee met at stated periods at the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -and formulated orders for the guidance of the groups. Its expenses were -met by monthly contributions from all the Socialistic societies. It was -under the inspiration of this committee that the Monday night meeting -was held. Why the signal for a concerted raid on the police stations, the -burning of buildings and the slaughter of capitalists was not given on the -fateful night of the Haymarket riot,—or, if given, as seems to be believed in -many quarters, in Fielden’s declaration, “We are peaceable,” why it was -not carried out completely,—is not explicable upon any other hypothesis -than that the courage of the trusted leaders failed them at the critical -moment.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Air Full of Rumors—A Riot Feared—Police Preparations—Bonfield -in Command—The Haymarket—Strategic Value of the Anarchists’ Position—Crane’s -Alley—The Theory of Street Warfare—Inflaming the Mob—Schnaubelt and -his Bomb—“Throttle the Law”—The Limit of Patience Reached—“In the Name of -the People, Disperse”—The Signal Given—The Crash of Dynamite First Heard on -an American Street—Murder in the Air—A Rally and a Charge—The Anarchists -Swept Away—A Battle Worthy of Veterans.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">WITH such active work among the conspirators as I have shown, it -was only a question of time when some terrible catastrophe would -ensue through the instrumentality of the powerful bombs they had manufactured. -The public mind was in a state of fear and suspense, not -knowing the direction whence threatened devastation and destruction might -appear. The incendiary speeches were enough to excite trepidation, and -the appearance of the “Revenge circular” fanned the excitement into -general alarm and indignation. The McCormick attack proved conclusively -that the Anarchists meant to practice what they preached. After their -rout and defeat, they were heard to express regret that they had not -taken forcible possession of the works before the arrival of the police and -then received the officers with a volley of fire-arms, as had once been contemplated -in a star-chamber session of one of their “revolutionary groups.” -The air was full of rumors, and the general public was convinced that some -great disaster would occur unless the police promptly forbade the holding -of further revolutionary meetings. The Mayor’s attention had been called -to the possible results if such meetings were permitted to continue, and -he, in turn, directed the Police Department to keep close watch of the -gathering called for the Haymarket Square and disperse it in case the -speakers used inflammatory language. During the day many of the Spies -circulars had been distributed in the vicinity of the McCormick establishment, -and it was expected that many of the enraged strikers from that -locality would attend the meeting. It was clear that, in view of the temper -of the Socialists, only slight encouragement would be required to produce -a disturbance, and it was of the utmost importance that prompt action -should be taken at the first sign of trouble. It subsequently transpired -that the leaders had intended to make the speeches threatening in order to -invite a charge upon the crowd by the police, and then, during the confusion, -to carry out the Monday night programme.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-140.jpg" width="400" height="251" id="i140" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE HAYMARKET MEETING.<br />“<span class="smcap">In the Name of the People, I Command You to Disperse.</span>”</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span></p> - -<p>The city authorities fully comprehended the situation, but concluded -not to interfere with the meeting unless the discussion should be attended -with violent threats. In order to be prepared for any emergency, however, -it was deemed best to concentrate a large force in the vicinity of the meeting—at -the Desplaines Street Station. One hundred men from Capt. -Ward’s district, the Third Precinct, under command of Lieuts. Bowler, -Stanton, Penzen and Beard, twenty-six men from the Central Detail under -command of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, and fifty men from -the Fourth Precinct, under Lieuts. Steele and Quinn, were accordingly -assigned for special service that evening. Inspector John Bonfield was -ordered to assume command of the whole force, and his instructions were -to direct the detectives to mingle with the crowd, and, if anything of an -incendiary nature was advised by the speakers, to direct the officers to disperse -the gathering.</p> - -<p>The meeting had been called for 7:30 o’clock, and at that hour quite a -number had assembled in the vicinity of Haymarket Square. This square -is simply a widening of Randolph Street between Desplaines and Halsted -Streets; and in years past was used by farmers for the sale of hay and -produce. It was for this place that the call had been issued, but for certain -reasons the meeting was held ninety feet north of Randolph, on Desplaines -Street, near the intersection of an alley which has since passed into public -fame as “Crane’s alley.” In sight almost of this alley was Zepf’s Hall, on -the northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines Streets, and about two blocks -further east on Lake Street were Florus’ Hall and Greif’s Hall—all notorious -resorts and headquarters for Anarchists. On the evening in question -these places and surrounding streets leading to the meeting-place were -crowded with strikers and Socialist sympathizers, some within the saloons -regaling themselves with beer and some jostling each other on the thoroughfares, -either going for liquids or returning to the meeting after having for the -moment satisfied the “inner man.” Here was a condition of things that -would permit an easy mingling in, and ready escape through, the crowd, in -the event of inauguration of the revolutionary plan adopted the evening -previous. The throngs would serve as a cover for apparently safe operations. -Another advantage gained by holding the meeting at the point -indicated was that the street was dimly lighted, and, as the building in front -of which the speaking took place was a manufacturing establishment,—that -of Crane Bros.,—not used or lighted at night, and as the alley contiguous -to the speaker’s stand formed an L with another alley leading to -Randolph Street, there were points of seeming safety for a conflict with the -police. Besides, the point was about 350 feet north of the Desplaines -Street Police Station, and it was evidently calculated that when the police -should attack the crowd, that part of the Monday night programme about -blowing up the stations could easily be carried into effect.</p> - -<p>These were the undoubted reasons for effecting the change. The reader -will remember that one of the objections urged by Fischer against holding -the meeting on Market Square was that it was a “mouse trap,” and one of -his potential arguments for the Haymarket was that it was a safer place -for the execution of their plot. There was thus a “method in their madness.” -All the contingencies had evidently been very carefully considered.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-142.jpg" width="400" height="260" id="i142" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE HAYMARKET RIOT.<br /><span class="smcap">The Explosion and the Conflict.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span></p> - -<p>But, as I have already stated, the hour had arrived for calling the -meeting to order, and as there appeared no one to assume prompt charge, -the crowd exhibited some manifestations of impatience. About eight -o’clock there were perhaps 3,000 people in the vicinity of the chosen place, -and some fifteen or twenty minutes later Spies put in an appearance. He -mounted the truck wagon improvised as a speaker’s stand and inquired for -Parsons. Receiving no response, he got down, and, meeting Schwab, the -two entered the alley, where there was quite a crowd, and where they were -overheard using the words “pistols” -and “police,” and Schwab -was heard to ask, “Is one enough -or had we better go and get -more?” Both then disappeared -up the street, and it is a fair -presumption—borne out by the -fact that they had entered a -group of Anarchists on the corner -of Halsted and Randolph -Streets, as noted in the preceding -chapter, and other circumstances—that -they went to secure -bombs. Spies shortly returned, -and, meeting Schnaubelt, -held a short conversation with -him, at the same time handing -him something, which Schnaubelt -put carefully in a side-pocket. -Spies again mounted -the wagon (the hour being about -8:40—Schnaubelt standing near him), and began a speech in English. It -is needless, at this point, to reproduce the speech, as its substance appears -later on, both as given by the reporters and as written out subsequently -by Spies. But both reports fail to give a proper conception of its insidious -effect on the audience. It bore mainly on the grievances of labor, -the treatment of the strikers by McCormick, and an explanation of his -(Spies’) connection with the disturbances of the day previous. The lesson -he drew from the occurrence at McCormick’s was “that workingmen must -arm themselves for defense, so that they may be able to cope with the -Government hirelings of their masters.”</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-143.jpg" width="250" height="320" id="i143" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">INSPECTOR JOHN BONFIELD.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Parsons had meanwhile been sent for, and on the conclusion of Spies’ -harangue was introduced. He reviewed the labor discontent in the country,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span> -the troubles growing out of it, touched on monopoly, criticised the so-called -“capitalistic press,” scored the banks, explained Socialism, excoriated -the system of elections, and terminated his remarks by appealing -to his hearers to defend themselves and asserting that, if the demands of -the working classes were refused, it meant war. His speech, like that of -Spies, was mild as compared with what would be expected on such an -occasion. Perhaps this is accounted for by the fact that during their -harangues Mayor Harrison mingled in the throng and paid close attention -to the sentiments of the speakers. He afterwards characterized Parsons’ -effort as “a good political speech,” and, being apparently satisfied that -there would be no trouble, left for the Desplaines Street Police Station, -giving his impressions of the gathering to the Captain in charge and telling -Bonfield that there seemed to be no further use for holding the force in -reserve.</p> - -<p>No sooner had Harrison left for the station and thence for his own -house, than the next speaker, Fielden, grew bolder in his remarks and sent -the words rolling hot and fast over an oily, voluble and vindictive tongue. -He opened with a reference to the insecurity of the working classes under -the present social system, drifted to the McCormick strike, in which men, -he said, were “shot down by the law in cold blood, in the city of Chicago, -in the protection of property,” and held that the strikers had “nothing -more to do with the law except to lay hands on it, and throttle it until it -makes its last kick. Throttle it! Kill it! Stab it! Can we do anything,” -he asked, “except by the strong arm of resistance? The skirmish -lines have met. The people have -been shot. Men, women and children -have not been spared by the capitalists -and the minions of private -capital. It had no mercy—neither -ought you. You are called upon to -defend yourselves, your lives, your -future. I have some resistance in -me. I know that you have, too.”</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-144.jpg" width="250" height="321" id="i144" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">CAPT. WILLIAM WARD.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>At this juncture the police made -their appearance. During the remarks -of Spies and Parsons, detectives -had frequently reported to the -station that only moderate, temperate -sentiments were being uttered, but -after Fielden had got fairly worked -up to his subject, this was changed. -The crowd was being wrought up to -a high point of excitement, and there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span> -were frequent interjections of approval and shouts of indignation. Fielden’s -was just such a speech as they had expected to hear. Very little was -required to incite them to the perpetration of desperate deeds. Like a -sculptor with his plastic model, Fielden had molded his audience to suit -the purpose of the occasion. With his rough and ready eloquence he -stirred up their innermost passions. -His biting allusions to -capitalists caught the hearts of -the uncouth mob as with grappling-hooks, -and his appeals for -the destruction of existing laws -shook them as a whirlwind.</p> - -<p>It would be as well, he said, -for workmen to die fighting as -to starve to death. “Exterminate -the capitalists, and do it -to-night!” The officers detailed -to watch the proceedings saw -that the speech portended no -good, and they communicated -the facts to Inspector Bonfield. -Even then the Inspector hesitated. -To use his own language, -in the report he sent to Superintendent -Ebersold: “Wanting -to be clearly within the law, and -wishing to leave no room for doubt as to the propriety of our actions, I did -not act on the first reports, but sent the officers back to make further observations. -A few minutes after ten o’clock, the officers returned and reported -that the crowd were getting excited and the speaker growing more incendiary -in his language. I then felt that to hesitate any longer would be -criminal, and gave the order to fall in and move our force forward on Waldo -Place,”—a short street south of the Desplaines Street Station.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-145.jpg" width="250" height="307" id="i145" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LIEUT. (NOW CHIEF) G. W. HUBBARD.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>The force formed into four divisions. The companies of Lieuts. Steele -and Quinn formed the first; those of Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler, the second; -those of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, the third; and two -companies commanded by Lieuts. Beard and Penzen constituted the -fourth, forming the rear guard, which had orders to form right and left on -Randolph Street, to guard the rear from any attack from the Haymarket. -These various divisions thus covered the street from curb to curb. -Inspector Bonfield and Capt. Ward led the forces, in front of the first division. -On seeing them advancing in the distance, Fielden exclaimed:</p> - -<p>“Here come the bloodhounds. You do your duty, and I’ll do mine!”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span></p> - -<p>Arriving on the ground, they found the agitator right in the midst of his -incendiary exhortations, that point where he was telling his Anarchist zealots -that he had some resistance in him, and assuring them that he knew -they had too. At that moment the police were ordered to halt within a -few feet of the truck wagon, and Capt. Ward, advancing to within three feet -of the speaker, said:</p> - -<p>“I command you, in the name of the people of the State, to immediately -and peaceably disperse.”</p> - -<p>Turning to the crowd, he continued: “I command you and you to -assist.”</p> - -<p>Fielden had meanwhile jumped off the wagon, and, as he reached the -sidewalk, declared in a clear, loud tone of voice:</p> - -<p>“We are peaceable.”</p> - -<p>This must have been the secret signal,—it has about it suggestions of -the word “Ruhe,”—and no sooner had it been uttered than a spark flashed -through the air. It looked like the lighted remnant of a cigar, but hissed -like a miniature skyrocket. It fell in the ranks of the second division and -near the dividing-line between the companies of Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler, -just south of where the speaking had taken place.</p> - -<p>A terrific explosion followed—the detonation was heard for blocks -around. The direction in which the bomb—for such it was—had been -thrown was by way of the east sidewalk from the alley. It had been hurled -by a person in the shadow of that narrow yet crowded passageway on the -same side of, and only a few feet from, the speaker’s stand.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-146.jpg" width="250" height="311" id="i146" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">SERGT. (NOW CAPT.)<br />J. E. FITZPATRICK.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>The explosion created frightful havoc and terrible dismay. It was -instantly followed by a volley of small fire-arms from the mob on the sidewalk -and in the street in front of the -police force, all directed against the officers. -They were for the moment stunned -and terror-stricken. In the immediate -vicinity of the explosion, the entire column -under Stanton and Bowler and -many of the first and third divisions were -hurled to the ground, some killed, and -many in the agonies of death.</p> - -<p>As soon as the first flash of the tragic -shock had passed, and even on the instant -the mob began firing, Inspector -Bonfield rallied the policemen who remained -unscathed, and ordered a running -fire of revolvers on the desperate -Anarchists. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn -charged the crowd on the street from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span> -curb to curb, and Lieuts. Hubbard and Fitzpatrick, with such men as -were left them of the Special Detail, swept both sidewalks with a brisk -and rattling fire.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-147a.jpg" width="250" height="300" id="i147a" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LIEUT. JAMES P. STANTON.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>The rush of the officers was like that of a mighty torrent in a narrow -channel—they carried everything before -them and swept down all hapless enough -to fall under their fire or batons. The -masterly courage and brilliant dash of -the men soon sent the Anarchists flying -in every direction, and a more desperate -scramble for life and safety was never -witnessed. Even the most defiant conspirators -lost their wits and hunted nooks -and recesses of buildings to seclude themselves -till they could effect an escape -without imminent danger of bullets or of -being crushed by the precipitate mob.</p> - -<p>Fielden, so brave and fearless on the -appearance of the police, pulled a revolver -while crouching beneath the protection -of the truck wheels, fired at the -officers, and then took to his heels and disappeared. Spies had friendly -assistance in getting off the truck, and hastened pell-mell through the -crowd in a frantic endeavor to get under cover. He finally reached safety, -while his brother, who was with him on the wagon, got away with a slight -wound. Parsons seems to have taken time by the forelock and nervously -awaited developments in the bar-room of -Zepf’s Hall.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-147b.jpg" width="250" height="317" id="i147b" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LIEUT. BOWLER.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Fischer had been among the -crowd while Spies and Parsons spoke, but -he was in the company of Parsons at Zepf’s -when the explosion occurred. Schnaubelt, -who had sat on the wagon with his hands -in his pockets until Fielden began his -speech, hurried through the mob, after -sending the missile on its deadly mission, -and got away without a scratch. Other -lesser yet influential lights in the Anarchist -combination found friendly refuge, and, as -subsequently developed, lost no time in -reaching home as soon as possible. How -any of these leaders who were in the midst -of the awful carnage managed to escape, -while other of their comrades suffered, is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span> -not clear, unless they dodged from one secluded spot to another, while the -storm raged at its height—and there are many circumstances showing that -this was the case. At any rate the point is immaterial: the fact remains -that they were all found lacking in courage at the critical moment, and -each seemed more concerned about his own safety than that of his fellow -revolutionists.</p> - -<p>Owing to the masterly charge of the police, the conflict was of short -duration, but, while it lasted, it produced a scene of confusion, death and -bloodshed not equaled in the annals of American riots in its extent and far-reaching -results. The hissing of bullets, the groans of the dying, the cries -of the wounded and the imprecations of the fleeing made a combination -of horrors which those present will never forget.</p> - -<p>No sooner had the field been cleared of the mob than Inspector Bonfield -set to work caring for the dead and wounded. They were found scattered -in every direction. Many of the officers lay prostrate where they -had fallen, and to the north, where the mob had disputed the ground with -the police, lay many an Anarchist. On door-steps and in the recesses of -buildings were found wounded and maimed. The police looked after all -and rendered assistance alike to friend and foe. The dead, dying and -wounded were conveyed to the Desplaines Street Station, where numerous -physicians were called into service.</p> - -<p>In subsequently speaking of the bravery of his men on this occasion, in -his report to the Chief of Police, Inspector Bonfield very truly said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">It has been asserted that regular troops have become panic-stricken from less cause. I -see no way to account for it except this. The soldier acts as part of a machine. Rarely, if -ever, when on duty, is he allowed to act as an individual or to use his personal judgment. A -police officer’s training teaches him to be self-reliant. Day after day and night after night -he goes on duty alone, and, when in conflict with the thief and burglar, he has to depend -upon his own individual exertions. The soldier being a part of a machine, it follows that, -when a part of it gives out, the rest is useless until the injury is repaired. The policeman, -being a machine in himself, rarely, if ever, gives up until he is laid on the ground and unable -to rise again. In conclusion, I beg leave to report that the conduct of the men and officers, -with few exceptions, was admirable—as a military man said to me the next day, “worthy -the heroes of a hundred battles.”</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER IX.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Dead and the Wounded—Moans of Anguish in the Police Station—Caring -for Friend and Foe—Counting the Cost—A City’s Sympathy—The Death -List—Sketches of the Men—The Doctors’ Work—Dynamite Havoc—Veterans of -the Haymarket—A Roll of Honor—The Anarchist Loss—Guesses at their Dead—Concealing -Wounded Rioters—The Explosion a Failure—Disappointment of the -Terrorists.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE scene at the Desplaines Street Station was one which would appal -the stoutest heart. Every available place in the building was utilized, -and one could scarcely move about the various rooms without fear of accidentally -touching a wound or jarring a fractured limb. In many instances -mangled Anarchists were placed side by side with injured officers. The -floors literally ran with blood dripping and flowing from the lacerated bodies -of the victims of the riot. The air was filled with moans from the dying -and groans of anguish from the wounded. As the news had spread throughout -the city of the terrible slaughter, wives, daughters, relatives and friends -of officers as well as of Anarchists, who had failed to report at home or to -send tidings of their whereabouts, hastened to the station and sought -admission. Being refused, these set up wailing and lamentations about the -doors of the station, and the doleful sounds made the situation all the more -sorrowful within.</p> - -<p>Everything in the power of man was done to alleviate the suffering and to -make the patients as comfortable as possible. Drs. Murphy, Lee and Henrotin, -department physicians, were energetically at work, and, with every -appliance possible, administered comparative relief and ease from the -excruciating pains of the suffering. The more seriously wounded, when -possible, were taken to the Cook County Hospital. Throughout the night -following the riot, the early morning and the day succeeding, the utmost -care was given the patients, and throughout the city for days and weeks -the one inquiry, the one great sympathy, was with reference to the wounded -officers and their condition. The whole heart of the city was centered in -their recovery. Everywhere the living as well as the dead heroes were -accorded the highest praise. The culprits who had sought to subvert law -and order in murder and pillage were execrated on all hands. For days -and weeks, the city never for a moment relaxed its interest. From the time -the men had been brought into the station, it was long a question as to how -many would succumb to their wounds. Care and attention without -ceasing served to rescue many from an untimely grave; but even those -who were finally restored to their families and friends, crippled and maimed -as they were, hovered between life and death on a very slender thread -through many a restless night and weary day and through long weeks and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span> -agonizing months. The devotion of friends and the skill of physicians -nerved the men to strength and patience. That only eight should have -died out of so great a number as were mangled, lacerated and shattered by -the powerful bomb and pierced by bullets, attests the merits of the treatment.</p> - -<p>The only one who was almost instantly killed was Officer Mathias J. -Degan. The following list will serve to show the names of the officers -killed and wounded, the stations they belonged to, their residences, the -nature of their wounds, their condition and other circumstances:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Mathias J. Degan</span>—Third Precinct, West Lake Street Station; residence, No. 626 -South Canal Street. Almost instantly killed. He was born October 29, 1851, and joined the -police force December 15, 1884. He was a widower, having lost his wife just before joining -the force, and left a young son. He was a brave officer, efficient in all his duties, and highly -esteemed.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Michael Sheehan</span>—Third Precinct; residence, No. 163 Barber Street. Wounded in -the back just below the ninth rib. The bullet lay in the abdomen, and, after its removal by -the surgeon, he collapsed and died on the 9th of May. He was twenty-nine years of age, -born in Ireland, and came to America in 1879. He joined the force December 15, 1884, and -had only one relative in America, a brother, his parents still living in the old country. He -was a very bright, prompt and efficient officer, and had excellent prospects before him. He -was unmarried.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">George Muller</span>—Third Precinct; residence, No. 836 West Madison Street; was shot in -the left side, the bullet passing down through the body and lodging on the right side above -the hip bone. He suffered more than any of the others and was in terrible agony. He -would not consent to an operation, and finally his right lung collapsed, making his breathing -very difficult. He expired on the 6th of May. He was twenty-eight years of age. Born in -Oswego, N. Y., where his parents lived, and to which place his remains were sent. Muller, -on coming to Chicago, began as a teamster, and became connected with the Police Department -December 15, 1884, being assigned for duty at the Desplaines Street Station. He was -a finely built, muscular young man, and became quite a favorite with his associates because -of his quiet habits and genial manners. At the time of his death he was engaged to Miss -Mary McAvoy.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">John J. Barrett</span>—Third Precinct; residence, No. 99 East Erie Street; was shot in the -liver, from which a piece of shell was removed, and he had a bad fracture of the elbow. -The heel bone of one leg was carried away. With so many serious wounds, he lay in the -hospital almost unconscious until the day of his death, May 6. He was born in Waukegan, -Ill., in 1860, and came to Chicago with his parents when only four years of age. Here he -attended the public schools, and then learned the molder’s trade, which he abandoned on -January 15, 1885, to join the police force, being assigned to duty at the Desplaines Street -Station. He was a brave and efficient officer and always ready to do his part in any emergency. -He had been married only a few months preceding his death, and left a wife, a -widowed mother, three sisters and a younger brother.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Thomas Redden</span>—Third Precinct; residence, No. 109 Walnut Street; received a bad -fracture of the left leg three inches below the knee, from which a large portion of the bone was -entirely carried away. He also had bullet wounds in the left cheek and right elbow, and -some wounds in the back. Pieces of shell were found in the leg and elbow. He died May -16. He was fifty years of age, and had been connected with the police force for twelve -years, joining it on April 1, 1874. He was attached to the West Lake Street Station, and was -looked upon as an exemplary and trusted officer. He left a wife and two young children.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Timothy Flavin</span>—Fourth Precinct; residence, No. 504 North Ashland Avenue; was -struck with a piece of shell four inches above the ankle joint, tearing away a portion of the -large bone and fracturing the small bone. He also had two wounds just below the shoulder -joint in the right arm, caused by a shell, and there were two shell wounds in the back, one -passing into the abdomen and the other into the lung. His leg was amputated above the -knee, the second day after the explosion, and he had besides a large piece torn out of his -right hip. He died on May 8. He was born in Listowel, Ireland, and came to America in -1880 with a young wife, whom he had married on the day of his departure. He had worked -as a teamster, and joined the police force on December 15, 1884, being assigned to duty at -the Rawson Street Station. He left a wife and three small children.</p></div> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-151.jpg" width="400" height="280" id="i151" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE DESPLAINES STREET STATION.<br /> -<span class="wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Nels Hansen</span>—Fourth Precinct; residence, No. 28 Fowler Street; received shell wounds -in body, arms and legs, and one of his limbs had to be amputated. He lost considerable -blood, but lingered along in intense agony until May 14, when he died. He was a native of -Sweden, having came to Chicago a great number of years ago, joining the force December -15, 1884, and was about fifty years of age. He left a wife and two children.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Timothy Sullivan</span>, of the Third Precinct, was the last to die from the effects of the -Haymarket riot; this brave officer lingered until June 13, 1888. He resided at No. 123 -Hickory Street, and was a widower, four children mourning his loss. The illness from -which he died was the direct result of a bullet wound just above the left knee.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The following is a list of the wounded officers belonging to the Third -Precinct:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">August C. Keller; residence, No. 36 Greenwich Street; shell wound in right side and ball -wound in left side; wife and five children.</p> - -<p>Thomas McHenry; residence, 376 W. Polk Street; shell wound in left knee and three shell -wounds in left hip; single; had a sister and blind mother to support.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span></p> - -<p>John E. Doyle, 142½ W. Jackson Street; bullet wounds in back and calf of each leg; -serious; wife and one child.</p> - -<p>John A. King, 1411 Wabash Avenue; jaw-bone fractured by shell and two bullet wounds -in right leg below the knee; serious; single.</p> - -<p>Nicholas Shannon, Jr., No. 24 Miller Street; thirteen shell wounds on right side and five -shell wounds on left side; serious; wife and three children.</p> - -<p>James Conway, No. 185 Morgan Street; bullet wound in right leg; single.</p> - -<p>Patrick Hartford, No. 228 Noble Street; shell wound in right ankle, two toes on left foot -amputated, bullet wound in left side; wife and four children.</p> - -<p>Patrick Nash, Desplaines Street Station; bruises on left shoulder, inflicted by a stick; -single.</p> - -<p>Arthur Connolly, No. 318 West Huron Street; two shell wounds in left leg; bone slightly -fractured; wife.</p> - -<p>Louis Johnson, No. 40 West Erie Street; shell wound in left leg; wife and four children.</p> - -<p>M. M. Cardin, No. 18 North Peoria Street; bullet wound in calf of each leg; wife and -two children.</p> - -<p>Adam Barber, No. 321 West Jackson Street; shell wound left leg, bullet wound in right -breast; bullet not extracted; wife and one child.</p> - -<p>Henry F. Smith, bullet wound in right shoulder; quite serious, wife and two children in -California.</p> - -<p>Frank Tyrell, No. 228 Lincoln Street; bullet in right hip near spine; wife and two children; -wife sick in County Hospital at the time of the riot.</p> - -<p>James A. Brady, No. 146 West Van Buren Street; shell wound in left leg, slight injury to -toes of left foot and shell wound in left thigh; single.</p> - -<p>John Reed, No. 237 South Halsted Street; shell wound in left leg and bullet wound in -right knee; bullet not removed; single.</p> - -<p>Patrick McLaughlin, No. 965 Thirty-seventh Court; bruised on right side, leg and hip, -injuries slight; wife and two children.</p> - -<p>Frank Murphy, No. 980 Walnut Street; trampled on, three ribs broken; wife and three -children.</p> - -<p>Lawrence Murphy, No. 317½ Fulton Street; shell wounds on left side of neck and left -knee, part of left foot amputated; wife.</p> - -<p>Michael Madden, No. 119 South Green Street; shot in left lung on May 5th, after which -he shot and killed his Anarchist assailant; wife and seven children.</p></div> - -<p>The following belonged to the West Lake Street Station of the Third -Precinct:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">Lieut. James P. Stanton, residence No. 584 Carroll Avenue; shell wound in right side, -bullet wound in right hip, bullet wound in calf of leg; wife and three children.</p> - -<p>Thomas Brophy, No. 25 Nixon Street; slight injury to left leg; reported for duty; wife.</p> - -<p>Bernard Murphy, No. 325 East Twenty-second Street; bullet wound in left thigh, shell -wound on right side of head and chin; not dangerous; wife.</p> - -<p>Charles H. Fink, No. 154 South Sangamon Street; three shell wounds in left leg and two -wounds in right leg; not dangerous; wife.</p> - -<p>Joseph Norman, No. 612 Walnut Street; bullet passed through right foot and slight -injury to finger on left hand; wife and two children.</p> - -<p>Peter Butterly, No. 436 West Twelfth Street; bullet wound in right arm and small wound -on each leg near knee; wife and one child.</p> - -<p>Alexander Jamison, No. 129 Gurley Street; bullet wound in left leg; serious; wife and -seven children.</p> - -<p>Michael Horan, bullet wound in left thigh, not removed; slight shell wound on left arm; -single.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span></p> - -<p>Thomas Hennessy, No. 287 Fulton Street; shell wound on left thigh, slight; has mother, -who is crippled, and two sisters to support.</p> - -<p>William Burns, No. 602 West Van Buren Street; slight shell wound on left ankle; single.</p> - -<p>James Plunkett, No. 15½ Depuyster Street; struck with club and trampled upon; wife.</p> - -<p>Charles W. Whitney, No. 453 South Robey Street; shell wound in left breast; shell not -removed; single.</p> - -<p>Jacob Hansen, No. 137 North Morgan Street; right leg amputated over the knee, three -shell wounds in left leg; wife and one child.</p> - -<p>Martin Cullen, No. 236 Washtenaw Avenue; right collar bone fractured and slight injury -to left knee; wife and five children.</p> - -<p>Simon Klidzis, No. 158 Carroll Street; shot in calf of left leg; serious; wife and three -children.</p> - -<p>Julius L. Simonson, No. 241 West Huron Street; shot in arm near shoulder; very serious; -wife and two children.</p> - -<p>John K. McMahon, No. 118 North Green Street; shell wound in calf of left leg, shell not -found; ball wound left leg near knee, very serious; wife and two children.</p> - -<p>Simon McMahon, No. 913 North Ashland Avenue; shot in right arm and two wounds in -right leg; wife and five children.</p> - -<p>Edward W. Ruel, No. 136 North Peoria Street; shot in right ankle, bullet not removed; -serious; single.</p> - -<p>Alexander Halvorson, No. 850 North Oakley Avenue; shot in both legs, ball not extracted; -single.</p> - -<p>Carl E. Johnson, No. 339 West Erie Street; shot in left elbow; wife and two children.</p> - -<p>Peter McCormick, No. 473 West Erie Street; slight shot wound in left arm; wife.</p> - -<p>Christopher Gaynor, No. 45 Fay Street; slight bruise on left arm; wife.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The following belonged to the Fourth Precinct:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">S. J. Werneke, No. 73 West Division Street; shot in left side of head, ball not found; -serious; wife and two children.</p> - -<p>Patrick McNulty, No. 691 North Leavitt Street; shot in right leg and both hips; dangerous; -wife and three children.</p> - -<p>Samuel Hilgo, No. 452 Milwaukee Avenue; shot in right leg; not serious; single.</p> - -<p>Herman Krueger, No. 184 Ramsey Street; shot in right knee; not serious; wife and two -children.</p> - -<p>Joseph A. Gilso, No. 8 Emma Street; slightly injured in back and leg; not serious; wife -and six children.</p> - -<p>Edward Barrell, No. 297 West Ohio Street; shot in right leg; quite serious; wife and six -children.</p> - -<p>Freeman Steele, No. 30 Rice Street; slightly wounded in back; not serious; single.</p> - -<p>James P. Johnson, No. 740 Dixon Street; right knee sprained; not serious; wife and three -children.</p> - -<p>Benjamin F. Snell, No. 138 Mozart Street; shot in right leg; not serious; single.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The following belonged to the Central Detail:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">James H. Wilson, No. 810 Austin Avenue; seriously injured in abdomen by shell; wife -and five children.</p> - -<p>Daniel Hogan, No. 526 Austin Avenue; shot in calf of right leg and hand; very serious; -wife and daughter.</p> - -<p>M. O’Brien, No. 495 Fifth Avenue; shell wound in left thigh; very serious; wife and two -children.</p> - -<p>Fred A. Andrew, No. 1018 North Halsted Street; wounded in leg, not serious; wife.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-154.jpg" width="400" height="507" id="i154" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE HAYMARKET MARTYRS.</p> -<p class="pi16 wn">1. John J. Barrett.<br /> -2. Michael Sheehan.<br /> -3. Timothy Flavin.<br /> -4. Timothy Sullivan.<br /> -5. Thomas Redden.<br /> -6. Mathias J. Degan.<br /> -7. Nels Hansen.<br /> -8. George Muller.</p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>Jacob Ebinger, No. 235 Thirty-seventh Street; shell wound in back of left hand; not -serious; wife and three children.</p> - -<p>John J. Kelley, No. 194 Sheffield Avenue; shell wound on left hand; not serious; wife -and three children.</p> - -<p>Patrick Lavin, No. 42 Sholto Street; finger hurt by shell; married.</p> - - -<p>Officer Terrehll had a shell wound in the right thigh.</p> - -<p>Patrick Hartford had an opening in the ankle joint. The shell was removed. A portion -of his left foot, with the toes, was carried away.</p> - -<p>Arthur Conelly had a compound fracture of the tibia. The shell struck him about two -inches below the knee, tore away a piece of bone of the fibula, perforated the tibia and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span> -lodged about the middle of the large bone of the leg, a short distance below the knee. A -piece of shell was removed.</p> - -<p>Lawrence Murphy had fifteen shell wounds, one in the neck, three or four in the arms, -and one in his left foot; the last, weighing almost an ounce and a half, lodged at the base of -the great toe and left his foot hanging by a piece of skin. The foot had to be amputated -about two inches farther back. He had a piece two inches square taken out of the -anterior surface of his leg. He had two perforating wounds in the left thigh and a number -in the right.</p> - -<p>Edward Barrett had two shell wounds in the neighborhood of the knee joint, turning out -large pieces of flesh and leaving ragged wounds on the surface.</p> - -<p>J. H. King was struck in the chin by a piece of shell which went through his upper lip; -another piece carried away about an inch of his lower jaw-bone.</p> - -<p>J. H. Grady had severe flesh wounds, both in the thigh and legs. Some pieces of shell -were taken out of them.</p> - -<p>John Doyle had several wounds about the legs, in the neighborhood of the knee joint.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The list shows the character of the wounds and the condition of the -officers just after the eventful night. Some of those who died lingered along -for some time after, but the name of Timothy Sullivan was the last to add to -the death-list. Some of the sixty-eight wounded men have since returned -to active duty, but many are maimed for life and incapacitated for work.</p> - -<p>It is impossible to say how many of the Anarchists were killed or -wounded. As soon as they were in a condition to be moved, those in the -Desplaines Street Station were turned over to their relatives and friends. -The Anarchists have never attempted to give a correct list, or even an -approximate estimate, of the men wounded or killed on their side. The -number, however, was largely in excess of that on the side of the police. -After the moment’s bewilderment, the officers dashed on the enemy and fired -round after round. Being good marksmen, they fired to kill, and many -revolutionists must have gone home, either assisted by comrades or unassisted, -with wounds that resulted fatally or maimed them for life. Some of -those in the station had dangerous wounds, and they were for the most part -men who had become separated, in the confusion, from their companions, or -trampled upon so that they could not get up and limp to a safe place. It is -known that many secret funerals were held from Anarchist localities in the -dead hour of night. For many months previous to the Haymarket explosion -the Anarchists had descanted loudly on the destructive potency of dynamite. -One bomb, they maintained, was equivalent to a regiment of militia. A -little dynamite, properly put up, could be carried in a vest pocket and used -to destroy a large body of police. They probably reasoned that if it was -known that many more of their number had fallen than on the side of the -police, it would not only tend to diminish the faith of their adherents in the -real virtues of dynamite, but would prove that the police were more than -able to cope with the Social Revolution, even though the revolutionists -depended on that powerful agency. The public is not, therefore, likely ever -to know how many of their number suffered.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER X.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Core of the Conspiracy—Search of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Office—The -Captured Manuscript—Jealousies in the Police Department—The Case Threatened -with Failure—Stupidity at the Central Office—Fischer Brought In—Rotten Detective -Work—The Arrest of Spies—His Egregious Vanity—An Anarchist “Ladies’ Man”—Wine -Suppers with the Actresses—Nina Van Zandt’s Antecedents—Her Romantic -Connection with the Case—Fashionable Toilets—Did Spies Really Love Her?—His -Curious Conduct—The Proxy Marriage—The End of the Romance—The Other Conspirators—Mrs. -Parsons’ Origin—The Bomb-Thrower in Custody—The Assassin -Kicked Out of the Chief’s Office—Schnaubelt and the Detectives—Suspicious Conduct -at Headquarters—Schnaubelt Ordered to Keep Away From the City Hall—An -Amazing Incident—A Friendly Tip to a Murderer—My Impressions of the Schnaubelt -Episode—Balthasar Rau and Mr. Furthmann—Phantom Shackles in a Pullman—Experiments -with Dynamite—An Explosive Dangerous to Friend and Foe—Testing -the Bombs—Fielden and the Chief.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">IT was not difficult to locate the moral responsibility for the bold and bloody -attack on law and authority. The seditious utterances of such men as -Spies, Parsons, Fielden, Schwab and other leaders at public gatherings -for weeks and months preceding the eight-hour strike, and the defiant declarations -of such papers as the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and the <i>Alarm</i>, clearly -pointed to the sources from which came the inspiration for the crowning -crime of Anarchy. It was likewise a strongly settled conviction that the -thrower of the bomb was not simply a Guiteau-like crank, but that there -must have been a deliberate, organized conspiracy, of which he was a duly -constituted agent. In the work, therefore, of getting at the inside facts, -the points sought were: What was the exact nature of that conspiracy, and -who constituted the chief conspirators? The possession of every detail in -connection with these two points was absolutely necessary in order to fix -the criminal responsibility, and to the solution of this problem the officers -bent all their energies.</p> - -<p>The detectives were well aware that the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> had -been the headquarters for the central, controlling body of the Anarchist -organizations in Chicago, and on the morning following the explosion -Inspector Bonfield determined to raid the establishment and bring in such -of the leaders as might be found there. Several detectives were assigned -to this duty, and they soon returned, having under arrest August Spies, his -brother Chris, Michael Schwab and Adolph Fischer. These were locked -up at the Central Station. Shortly thereafter fifteen or sixteen compositors -of the paper were arrested and brought to the same place. They were a -meek-looking set, and were visibly moved with fear.</p> - -<p>Immediately after 12 o’clock, State’s Attorney Grinnell, Assistant State’s -Attorney Furthmann, Lieut. Joseph Kipley, Lieut. John D. Shea, Detectives<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span> -James Bonfield, Slayton, Baer, Palmer, Thehorn and several other officers -repaired to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building and made a most thorough -search of every room in the premises. A lot of manuscript was found on -hooks attached to the printers’ cases, and this was carefully wrapped up and -taken away. The files of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and <i>Alarm</i> were also piled -into a wagon and carted to the Central Station.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-157.jpg" width="250" height="292" id="i157" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">ADOLPH FISCHER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Subsequent investigation by Mr. Furthmann of all the scraps of paper -brought over by the police revealed Spies’ manuscript with the signal word -“Ruhe,” the manuscript of the “Revenge Circular,” issued on the afternoon -of May 4, the manuscript for the “Y, come Monday night” notice, Spies’ -copy of the article headed -“Blood,” published in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -of May 4, and a -number of other documents -damaging in their character. -This discovery was regarded -as highly important, and in the -trial it proved extremely serviceable -to the State. It likewise -served, as will be shown, -in furnishing a point by which, -when I came to take up the case -I was enabled to finally lay bare -the whole conspiracy from its -inception to its conclusion.</p> - -<p>With the clues obtained -from the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, -the officers were enabled to put -some pointed questions to the -prisoners, but they failed to -properly utilize even the meager -information they had managed to extract. At this time the Police Department, -from the Chief to the detective branch, was rent with rivalries, -dissensions and jealousies, and it did not require much frowning or many -innuendoes from the one to destroy in the other any special interest in -pursuing a clue to its legitimate results. At the start all the officers were -on a keen scent, and while outwardly all seemed working like Trojans in -order to meet public expectations, which was keyed up to its highest pitch, -not alone in Chicago but throughout the country, still the fear that one might -get the credit for the work done by another operated to destroy discipline -and deaden personal enthusiasm. Outside events alone prevented a complete -failure in the prosecution.</p> - -<p>The arrested Anarchists, however, knew nothing of these dissensions.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span> -All they knew was that public indignation was strong against them, and -they realized that they were in a very embarrassing situation.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-158.jpg" width="400" height="473" id="i158" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE FISCHER FAMILY. -<span class="wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Fischer</span> seemed to feel his position at the station more keenly than the -others. On his arrest he was found to have in his possession a 44-caliber -revolver, a file sharpened so as to make it serviceable as a dagger, and a -detonation cap, and, as he was the foreman of the compositors in the office, -his trepidation may have been caused by a suspicion that possibly the officers -took him to be the leader of an armed gang among them. Before the raid -on the office it appears that he had endeavored to hide these weapons, but -he had been unable to unload himself, as the others in the office would not -consent to concealment in their vicinity, lest discovery in the event of an -investigation might criminate them in the conspiracy. Fischer was on his -way down stairs to find a hiding-place for his weapons at the very moment -when he was overtaken by the police and relieved of all further trouble. -The dagger was a peculiar instrument, and it was the general opinion of -those who examined it that it had been dipped in some deadly poison from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span> -which, through a slight scratch or through a deep plunge of the weapon, -death would be speedy.</p> - -<p>Fischer always seemed thoroughly unscrupulous as to the means to be -used to bring about the death of capitalists, and he never tired of uttering -dire threats against the foes of Socialism. He was a tall, lithe and muscular-looking -man, and, with a resolute purpose, he impressed his comrades as one -who would not easily be balked. It is difficult to determine just how Fischer -came to imbibe his bloodthirsty principles, as little is known of his antecedents. -At the time of his arrest he was twenty-seven years old and married. -He had been in the United States thirteen or fourteen years. He had -learned the printer’s trade in Nashville, Tenn., working for a brother who -conducted there a German paper. Subsequently he acquired an interest in -a German publication at Little Rock, Ark., and in 1881 he moved to St. -Louis, where he worked at the case and where he became known for his -extreme ideas on Socialism. He soon found his way to Chicago, where he -felt satisfied he would find more congenial spirits in the work upon which he -had set his heart. Here he became associated with Engel and Fehling in -the publication of a German paper, the <i>Anarchist</i>, but as this did not live long, -he became a compositor on the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. Wherever he was, he -always talked Anarchy and showed a most implacable hatred of existing -society.</p> - -<p>When brought to the station, Fischer weakened perceptibly, but afterwards -braced up and yielded no information except as to his whereabouts -for several days prior to the Haymarket meeting. He had no love for the -police, and he did everything in his power to trip us up in our subsequent -investigations. From the moment of his arrest to the day of his execution -he adopted a most secretive policy.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-159.jpg" width="250" height="197" id="i159" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">FISCHER’S BELT<br />AND POISONED DAGGERS.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Spies</span> also weakened at first when brought into the -station, almost trembling with fear, but, after the first -flush of excitement had passed, he took on an air of bravado, -and exhibited a bold front in spite of the documentary -disclosures against him. He became glib of -tongue, but stoutly denied any knowledge of a conspiracy -to precipitate a riot at the Haymarket. He was -savagely denounced by Superintendent Ebersold, but -he stood his ground and -resolved to act the part of -the innocent victim. His -active participation in all -large demonstrations, notably -those at the McCormick -factory and the Haymarket, -made him a splendid mark<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span> -for critical examination, but every effort to extract definite information -proved futile.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-160.jpg" width="250" height="366" id="i160" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">AUGUST SPIES.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Spies was a young man of considerable ability, having enjoyed more -than a common school education in Germany, and in all his talks he -demonstrated that he had been a diligent reader of history and an enthusiastic -student of Socialism and Anarchy. With all his reading, however, it -was apparent that he had not carefully digested his information. He -always acted as if self-conscious of great knowledge. He was a strong -and effective speaker, but in all -his harangues there seemed to be -lacking the element of sincerity. -For a long time some of his associates -doubted if he really meant -what he said, and there are Anarchists -to-day who do not believe -that he was at any time really in -earnest in his public utterances. -They think that he exerted himself -simply for the purpose of being -looked upon as a popular leader -and hero, and that he worked for -the cause only as a means of obtaining -an easy living. He was -exceedingly vain and pompous, -and courted public notoriety.</p> - -<p>Spies had received a very good -salary as editor of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -and enjoyed nothing better -than to write a fiery editorial or -deliver an incendiary speech. It -all served to rivet attention on himself. -The more attention, the more -it pleased his vanity. His constant desire was to place himself on dress -parade, so to speak, and he generally sought out, when he lunched down -town at noon, some fashionable or crowded restaurant. He would strut to -a table which could only be reached by passing other crowded tables, and -enjoy the <i>sotto voce</i> remarks as he passed or as he sat at the table he -had selected—“There is Spies, the noted Anarchist.” No common Anarchist, -lager-beer-and-pretzel lunch-houses suited him.</p> - -<p>It was at a large restaurant, on the 3d of May, at noon, that he met a -well-known attorney, to whom he was introduced and with whom he had -some conversation of a joking, bantering nature. The attorney testified -before the grand jury subsequently as to this conversation, and the substance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span> -of it will be found in the chapter devoted to a review of its proceedings. -But it transpires that there was some further conversation that does -not appear in the report of the grand jury investigation, but which has -since been brought out through the recollection of another party, and, -which, while it was given in an off-hand way, fully showed that Spies desired -to make a great impression on the mind of his casual acquaintance as well -as to intimate the existence of some secret understanding for bringing on -bloodshed. On that occasion Spies, after being assured that the attorney -was not an Anarchist, remarked:</p> - -<p>“You had better be one, for in less than twenty-four hours a Socialist, well -armed, with a market on his shoulder, will appear out of every door, and -whoever has not got the sign or pass-word will be shot down in his tracks. -I am about going out now to McCormick’s factory, west of here, for the -purpose of addressing a multitude of workingmen, and I will raise h——l -before I get through.”</p> - -<p>Besides his fancy for popular restaurants, there was another peculiarity -about Spies. He frequently attended the German theaters, ostensibly -for the recreation he might find in the plays, but the principal motive -was the cultivation of the actresses’ acquaintance. Introductions, which he -sought eagerly, were followed by invitations to wine suppers. He was good -company, and his lady acquaintances were not averse to accepting his invitations -even though he was an Anarchist. Possibly they doubted the sincerity -of his convictions—although they entertained no question about the -reality of his cash. None of them, however, seem to have visited him during -his incarceration, save one, a tall woman who now lives on Wells Street -near Chicago Avenue.</p> - -<p>During his troubles Spies made the acquaintance of a woman in another -station of life. It was during his trial that Miss Nina Van Zandt became -interested in him and espoused his cause. She had read of his case, and -there seemed to be a charm about his conduct as described in the newspapers -that prompted her to seek his acquaintance. She was a young girl -of rare beauty and considerable mental endowment, and she had moved in -the best society, but, notwithstanding her social position and culture, she -sought an introduction and soon fell desperately in love with the Anarchist. -She was an only child and the petted daughter of parents of high social connections, -and her immediate relatives were wealthy people in Pittsburg. -Her parents threw no obstacles in the way of her attachment, and she -espoused Spies’ cause with her whole impetuous nature, and cast her lot -with the conspirator and his rabble of low-browed followers. It may have -been love, but it was love which could only have been the product of a -disordered mind.</p> - -<p>During the later stages of Spies’ trial she was a constant visitor at the -County Jail, frequently accompanied by her mother and sometimes by her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span> -father, and on each occasion she would bring him some delicacy or token of -her esteem. Rare flowers and bouquets she either brought or sent daily, -and the affection she evinced seemed a growth of months instead of days. -She had great confidence in the jury and implicitly believed that acquittal -would result at their hands. Her presence invariably graced the court-room, -whenever possible, and the defendants themselves could not have been more -eager listeners to the proceedings. When her love for Spies became publicly -known, she attracted great attention, but her demeanor would have led -one to believe that she was entirely unconscious of the notoriety she had -achieved. This was not the case. -It rather pleased her, and, to -still further intensify public attention -and curiosity, she made -it a point to display a most varied -wardrobe during the progress of -the trial. At the forenoon session -she would appear in court -with one fashionable outfit, and -this she would change for an -equally stunning attire in the -afternoon. She had a striking -figure, was stately in appearance, -dignified in manner, and -with a fine, handsome face, it -was no wonder that she became -an object of marked attention, in -the Court-house as well as upon -the streets.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-162.jpg" width="250" height="296" id="i162" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">MISS NINA VAN ZANDT.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>But withal she never lost -sight of her lover nor of the court -proceedings. Spies was in her mind constantly, and every movement in -the trial excited her closest attention. It was indeed a strange infatuation -she displayed for the Anarchist, and it was the more strange since Spies -seemed indifferent to her attentions. The public gradually began to learn -of this state of affairs through rumors and newspaper reports, but the general -opinion was that, if such was the case, Spies had accepted her attentions -simply as a matter either of expediency or from an innate desire -for notoriety on his part. The public was right. Spies was playing for -points, as billiardists would say. To be sure, he received her kindly and -very courteously, and indulged in the expressions which lovers are wont -to exchange, but those who watched him closely and long could never -discover that his love came from the heart. He simply saw in her -devotion and in her standing in society a possible chance for favorably<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span> -influencing the minds of the jury, and thus, through her, he hoped -to secure a release from the troubles surrounding him. When this -failed and death stared him in the face, he still figured that she could -prove serviceable to him in influencing her wealthy relatives to aid him -financially in further conducting his case, or help him in some manner -in effecting a change in public sentiment. Such were undoubtedly his -motives—at least close observers of his actions hold that theory. When, -later on, things did not move exactly in the line he had hoped for, he -willingly assented to a marriage, and entered into the arrangements for its -celebration with apparent eagerness.</p> - -<p>This course, Spies no doubt supposed, would demonstrate to the unfeeling -world that there existed a devout mutual attachment, and his claims for -interested consideration at the hands of her relatives would become greatly -strengthened. But it only proved his desperate situation. His love had -been questioned by the public, and marriage -was calculated to settle the doubt. -The public did not take kindly to the proposed -ceremony. The moment the newspapers -had announced such a contemplated -step, the utmost indignation was aroused, -and protest upon protest poured in upon -Sheriff Matson. Mr. Matson promptly declared -that no marriage should take place -between the two while Spies was in his -custody, and thereafter Miss Van Zandt -was placed under the strictest surveillance -whenever she visited her affianced.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-163.jpg" width="250" height="273" id="i163" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">CHRIS SPIES.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>But all this unexpected interference -in what he regarded as his own business -only tended to make Spies desperate, and, spurred on by his outside Anarchist -friends, who had likewise become indignant over a public intermeddling -in a love affair, he dropped his diplomacy and resolved that the -wishes of his ardent lady love should not be baffled either by officials or by -the public. Miss Nina in her unreasoning infatuation readily acquiesced in -the suggestion of a proxy marriage, and Justice Engelhardt was consulted. -This gentleman claimed that under the statutes such a marriage would be -valid, and he consented to a performance of the ceremony. Accordingly, -on the 29th of January, 1887, a proxy marriage was performed between -Miss Nina and Chris Spies, a brother of the doomed man. The attorneys -of Chicago regarded the ceremony as illegal, but the Anarchists considered -it as binding as if directly contracted.</p> - -<p>Miss Nina continued her visits to the jail after this mock proceeding, -but lynx-eyed officials saw to it that there was no one present during her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span> -interviews with Spies to secretly and legally splice them together. She was -devoted to him at all times and all the time, and whenever she was not well -enough to visit him for some days or was kept away by other circumstances, -she would write him tender missives of love and encouragement. She clung -to him to the last, and in their final interview, two days preceding -his execution, she wept most bitterly.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-164.jpg" width="250" height="339" id="i164" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">MISS GRETCHEN SPIES.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Her love was remarkable, but throughout it all Spies proved himself -wholly unworthy. He was a reprobate cunningly playing upon her feelings, -caring very little for her, and he must have known that her station in life at -that time made her an unsuitable -companion. For him, however, -she renounced friends and all. -After his death she went into deep -mourning, hung a cabinet photograph -of him in the parlor window -of her father’s fashionable residence -on Huron Street, and locked -herself in against the outer world -for a number of days. She still -cherishes Spies’ memory and keeps -in her parlor a marble bust of the -executed Anarchist. Recently she -has been extending her acquaintanceship -among Anarchists outside -of Chicago, and she has lately -visited some of the most rabid and -demonstrative Socialists at Ottawa, -Illinois.</p> - -<p>Spies was born in Friedewald, -in the province of Hesse, Germany, -in 1855. He came to America -in 1872, and one year later -arrived in Chicago, where he engaged in various occupations until he -relieved Paul Grottkau as editor of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> in 1876. His -identification with Socialism began in Chicago in 1875. He was unmarried -and supported his mother and a sister, Miss Gretchen Spies. He has two -brothers in Chicago, Chris and Henry.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-165.jpg" width="250" height="304" id="i165" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">MICHAEL SCHWAB.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Michael Schwab</span>, when confronted by the officers, looked like an exclamation -point, and had his long, bushy hairs been porcupine quills, each would -have stood straight on end. He was bewildered, dumbfounded, and there -was a distant, far-off expression in his eye. He realized that he was in -trouble, and to the many questions put to him by the officers he stammered -apologetic but non-committal answers. It was clearly to be seen that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span> -had been like clay in the potter’s hand, a mere dupe of his associates. He -was far less talented and less active than the other leaders, but still in his -own way he had played quite a conspicuous part in the Anarchist drama. -He had seen something of the world as a peripatetic book-binder. Through -his varied experience, his nature had grown irritable and crusty, and Anarchy -seemed the only thing suited to right the wrongs of mankind. He fell in -with the ideas of the cranks in Chicago, and soon wormed himself into an -assistant editorial position of $18 a week on the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. In -appearance Schwab was ungainly and ferocious, but when put to the test he -was calm and mild as a lamb. The only thing really vicious about him was in -his incendiary writings and -speeches. He aimed with his -limited capacity to be a great -leader, but the moment he got -into the clutches of the law and -found himself in peril of his life -he retracted everything which -he had so persistently and stubbornly -advocated. His new troubles -brought out the fact that -he had written and spoken simply -for the money that was in the -business, and not because he sincerely -believed in the theories he -preached. He was at all times -a supple tool in the hands of -Spies and Parsons, and during -the remainder of his days in -the penitentiary he will have -ample opportunities to repent of -his past misdeeds.</p> - -<p>Schwab was born in the village of Kibringen-on-the-Main, near Mannheim, -in Bavaria, in 1853, and emigrated to the United States in 1879, -reaching Chicago in the year following. He afterwards traveled from point -to point in the West, roughed it a little, and three or four years later -drifted back to Chicago. He is a brother of the notorious Anarchist of New -York, Justus Schwab, and has a wife and two children, who are now being -supported by friends.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Albert R. Parsons</span> was another leader wanted by the police, and the -search for him was immediately instituted. Officers went to his house -only to discover that he had escaped, and for some time it was believed that -he was in hiding among his friends in the city. Every effort, however, to -find him failed, and there were all sorts of speculations as to his whereabouts.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span> -It was found out afterwards that he had become alarmed over -the aspect of affairs resulting from the Haymarket meeting, and, thinking -“discretion the better part of valor,” he had gathered a few dollars together, -boarded an outgoing train, and landed at Geneva, Ill., thoroughly disguised. -He sought out the home of a friend named Holmes, who cherished -Anarchist sentiments, and remained with him three or four days in concealment. -With a dilapidated outfit, he concluded to shift his abiding-place, -and accordingly he went to Elgin, Ill., where he was taken care of. From -this point, in the course of a few days, he went to Waukesha, Wis., and -there hunted around for work as a tramp carpenter. Waukesha is a great -resort for Chicago people, but no -one recognized him in his changed -appearance. He succeeded in finding -employment, and for some -time worked as a carpenter, unknown -and undetected. The labor -proving too arduous for his undeveloped -muscles and contrary to -his principles as an Anarchist, he -began to look out for easier work, -and this he managed to secure as -a painter. For seven weeks he -remained at Waukesha, communicating -with his wife under an -assumed name and through a third -party living out of Chicago.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-166.jpg" width="250" height="299" id="i166" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">ALBERT R. PARSONS.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>When the trial opened, the -counsel for the Anarchists were -confident that the State had not -sufficient evidence to convict, and -upon assurances from Capt. Black -that an acquittal was certain, Parsons decided to surrender himself to -the authorities. He boarded a train, reached the city, and, securing a -hack, drove to his home, on Milwaukee Avenue, where he met his wife. -After remaining there for three or four hours, he got into a hack, in -company with Mrs. Parsons, and drove down to the Criminal Court building. -It was on the 21st of June, after Judge Gary had overruled a -motion for separate trials, that Parsons reached the building. He alighted, -tripped up the stairs, and entered the court-room. If a bomb had exploded -on the outside, it would scarcely have created a greater surprise than the -appearance of Parsons as he stalked in and took his seat with the prisoners.</p> - -<p>Parsons was born in Montgomery, Ala., June 20, 1848, and after he had -reached the age of five, his brother, Gen. W. H. Parsons, of the Confederate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span> -army, took his education in charge at the latter’s home in Tyler, Texas. -When young Parsons was eleven years of age, he learned the printer’s -trade, and finally drifted into the service of the Confederate army. After -the “unpleasantness,” he branched out as editor of a paper at Waco, Texas, -and then connected himself with the Houston <i>Telegraph</i>. He identified -himself about this time with the Republican party, and, taking an active -part in politics, he became Secretary of the State Senate under the Federal -Government.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-167.jpg" width="250" height="333" id="i167" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">MRS. LUCY PARSONS.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>In 1872 he married a mulatto at Houston, and, being discarded -by his brother and -friends, he emigrated with -her to Chicago in 1873. No -sooner had he reached Chicago -than he joined the Socialists. -He worked for a -time as a newspaper compositor, -but his radical ideas -and obtrusive arguments prevented -him from holding any -position permanently. He -eventually became editor of -the <i>Alarm</i> and depended on -his Anarchist friends for a -livelihood. He was always -active at their meetings, both -secret and public, and paraded -himself as a labor agitator. -He managed to become a -member of the Knights of -Labor, but that body as a -whole, after seeing how extremely -radical were his theories, -repudiated him.</p> - -<p>When his troubles overtook -him in connection with the trial, Parsons’ brother came to his -defense and took a keen interest in his case, working for him until -the very last. Mrs. Parsons had early identified herself with her husband’s -views, and was one among several others to organize a women’s branch -of the Anarchists. She can make an effective address, and she always -took a leading part in extending the membership of her union. On the -question of her birth, she maintains that she is of Mexican extraction, -with no negro blood in her veins, but her swarthy complexion and distinctively -negro features do not bear out her assertions. Since her husband’s -execution she has appeared on the stump in various parts of the United -States, and she is now even more violent than ever.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span></p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-168.jpg" width="250" height="376" id="i168" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">OSCAR W. NEEBE.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Oscar W. Neebe</span> was fortunate in the failure of the prosecution to -show his direct complicity in the Haymarket murder. There was no doubt -as to his active participation in all the plots of the Anarchist leaders, and, -had it not been for the loss of some important papers, he would now be -serving a life sentence instead of a fifteen years’ term in the penitentiary. -He took an active part in stirring up the members of the Brewers’ Union -after the McCormick riot, and he contributed no little towards sending -many of those members to the Haymarket meeting, ready for violence and -desperate deeds. Immediately following the Haymarket slaughter, he was -placed under arrest and taken to the -Central Station at the City Hall. He -was there questioned in a general way, -but the near-sighted officials then in -charge of that important department -were unable to see any reason for his -detention and permitted him to depart -with his friend Schnaubelt, who had -been gathered in about the same time. -This led him to believe that he had -friends at the Central Headquarters. -His belief in his “influence” was somewhat -shaken, however, when I ordered -a search of his house on the 8th of -May. The officers on that occasion -found one Springfield rifle, one Colt’s -38-caliber revolver, one sword and belt -of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, a red -flag, a transparency, a lot of circulars -calling different meetings, including -the one calling for “revenge,” and -several cards of Anarchist groups, and -with all these and other evidence of his connection with the great conspiracy, -I went before the grand jury and had him indicted for conspiracy -to murder. On the 27th of May, about 6 o’clock, Deputy Sheriff -Alexander Reed called at the Chicago Avenue Station and asked me for -assistance to arrest Neebe under the indictment. I detailed Officer Whalen -for this duty, and the two called at the man’s house, No. 307 Sedgwick -Street. The deputy sheriff informed Neebe that he was under arrest, and -the officer explained the nature of the charge against him. They told him -that they would be obliged to take him to the County Jail.</p> - -<p>Neebe smiled when notified of the charge, and remarked in a most careless -manner:</p> - -<p>“Is that all? That’s nothing. I will get out on bail right away.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span></p> - -<p>But he did not; he had to linger for a long time.</p> - -<p>Neebe was born in the State of New York, in 1850, of German parents, -and since his location in Chicago he had succeeded in establishing a prosperous -business in the sale of yeast to grocers and traders. He was ambitious -to distinguish himself in other directions, however, and he chose -Anarchy as a basis for building up a reputation as a leader among men. -He achieved considerable notoriety, as he was active, energetic and pushing, -and at the time of the Board of Trade demonstration he acted as chief -marshal of the procession.</p> - -<p>Neebe was in the habit of taking members of the North Side group to -Sheffield, Ind., for the purpose of practicing and experimenting with -dynamite bombs. It was on one of these experimenting excursions that he -lost the joints of all the fingers of his right hand by a premature explosion. -When questioned about it, he told all his friends and even his own family -that he had lost his fingers in assisting a friend to lift a sharp building-stone -on the South Side. His family physician was asked with reference to the -matter, and, after some hesitation, finally stated that Neebe had admitted -that he had lost his fingers through the explosion of a bomb. In the explanation -Neebe gave to his friends he overlooked the fact that if a sharp -building-stone had taken off his fingers it would not have taken his thumb, -because that member of the hand is never in a position to be crushed when -one lifts a heavy stone.</p> - -<p>After his trial and conviction, Neebe’s wife and little children often visited -him at the jail, and Mrs. Neebe sought as well as she could to raise his -drooping spirits. But she subsequently took sick, and after a short illness -died. A most demonstrative funeral was arranged by the Anarchists. The -hall in which the ceremonies were conducted was profusely decorated with -flowers and emblems of mourning. Under most binding pledges on the part -of the Anarchists, Sheriff Matson permitted Neebe, under proper official -escort, to take a last look at the remains of his wife at the residence, and -the scene was a most impressive one. Mrs. Neebe had been a firm believer -in the doctrines advocated by her husband, but his friends claimed that the -unexpected troubles of the family had precipitated sickness and brought on -death. At one time it was thought that some serious disturbance might grow -out of the demonstration, and that, with Neebe back at his home, an attempt -at his rescue from the hands of the county officials might be made. But the -police were present to see that order was maintained. The only thing bordering -on disorder was the fiery speeches of the orators at the hall to which -the remains were first taken, and from which an immense procession started -to the place of burial.</p> - -<p>The death of his wife was a severe blow to Neebe. Verily, the way of -the transgressor is hard. He was subsequently removed to the penitentiary, -and possibly by the time his sentence expires he may be able to see life in a -different light than through Anarchist spectacles.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span></p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-170.jpg" width="300" height="385" id="i170" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT,<br /><span class="smcap">the Bomb-Thrower</span>.<br /> -<span class="wn">From a photograph</span>.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Rudolph Schnaubelt</span> is indeed a fortunate man, and, wherever he is at -present, he must be felicitating himself on his escape from a felon’s death. -On the morning of May 5, after all the help in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> had been -arrested, Schnaubelt was gathered in and taken to the Central Station. He -was suspected of complicity in the conspiracy, but there seemed to be so -“little against the young man,” that he was promptly released without the -slightest pains being taken to inquire into his antecedents. Under the free -and easy system then -prevailing in the department, -there seemed to -be no idea that officers -were employed for other -purposes than simply -drawing salaries. I looked -carefully into the release -of Schnaubelt, and -the more I saw of it, the -more I was convinced -that the examination of -this most important prisoner -was the same kind -of investigation as those -one could have seen at -some of the primaries -three or four years ago, -when, if a man happened -to be of a certain political -faith, he would be -passed along with the -remark, “He’s all right,” -and permitted to vote. -Schnaubelt was simply -asked two or three questions -and then allowed to go. The stupid detectives knew he was a close -friend of Spies and Fielden, who were already locked up, and to prove that -friendship now that they were in trouble, Schnaubelt frequently dropped -in at the City Hall to inquire after them. He continued to hang around -under the tolerance of the officials, and I have always believed that the -only thing that saved him from being locked up was the fortunate circumstance -that no one put a sign on his back reading that he was the bomb-thrower.</p> - -<p>Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had managed to get a slight clue against -this man, and they arrested him again on the 6th of May. They stated their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span> -case to Lieut. John D. Shea, and by him the arrest was reported to his superior -officer. What was the result? Shea did not care to be bothered with the -case. The head of the department likewise did not care to be troubled. -They accordingly saved themselves all further annoyance by telling Schnaubelt -to go away. The prisoner, with singular stolidity, did not seem to care -particularly, and had to be told again that he was at liberty to go where he -pleased. It is a wonder that the officials did not offer him a cigar in -acknowledgment of their kindly feelings. When Schnaubelt was released, -Officer Palmer remonstrated with the Lieutenant, but he was told to let the -man alone and not bring him there any more. That ended the matter with -the officer. Several other detectives had meanwhile learned of Schnaubelt’s -close friendship with Spies and other Anarchists, but when they learned of -the instructions Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had received they likewise -dropped all investigations when they reached Schnaubelt. The man naturally -felt pleased at such friendly favor and remained in the city until about -the 13th of May.</p> - -<p>It was on the 14th of May that I first received information about the -part Schnaubelt had played in all the Anarchist meetings and that I learned -something of his special intimacy with Fischer and Balthasar Rau.</p> - -<p>“You get him,” said my informant, “and I will tell you something interesting -that will surprise everybody.”</p> - -<p>At this time the man was called Schnabel, and the information was that -he was working in a store on the South Side. I at once sent Officers Whalen -and Stift to hunt him up. While engaged in the search they met Officers -Palmer and Cosgrove. Whalen explained their mission, and then Palmer -asked:</p> - -<p>“Are you not afraid to arrest him?”</p> - -<p>Whalen wanted to know why there should be any fear in the case, -and Palmer remarked:</p> - -<p>“Well, you are running a chance of getting yourselves in trouble. We -wanted to arrest Schnaubelt in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, and we were not -allowed to do so. We found him, Neebe, Fischer, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. -Schwab and Mrs. Holmes in the editor’s room. Shea told us not to arrest -him, that he was a ‘big stiff,’ and then and there he told Schnaubelt to get -away from there or he would kick him out. All the others were arrested, -but he was let go. I was detailed to remain around the building. Schnaubelt -came around there again afterwards, and I arrested him and took him to -the Central Station. There the man was told to go and get out. On the -next day he came around there again. I had in the meantime obtained a -little information about him, and I arrested him and took him to the Central -Station. I was again asked if I had not been told to let him alone and was -curtly informed that I was altogether too officious. Schnaubelt was again -released. I explained that he was a partner of Fischer, that he had the big -revolver and dagger; but it was no use—he was permitted to leave.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span></p> - -<p>Officer Whalen replied: “We work for a different man, and I would -like to see Schnaubelt if he is in the city.”</p> - -<p>Officer Gosgrove remarked that he knew where the man was working, -and the two officers proffered their services to pilot Whalen and Stift to the -place. They went to No. 224 Washington Street, third floor, but on reaching -there they learned that “the bird had flown.” He had not even drawn -the wages due him, having sent his sister after the money. It subsequently -transpired that Schnaubelt was the very man who had thrown the bomb at -the Haymarket, but he had “taken time by the forelock” and skipped for -parts unknown. Possibly he had got tired of being kicked out of the office -of the Chief of Police and left Chicago in disgust, or possibly his friends at -the Central Station may have given him a “tip” to save himself from serious -trouble.</p> - -<p>Some two weeks thereafter I received information as to where Schnaubelt -could be found.</p> - -<p>I told Mr. Grinnell what I had learned, and he asked me to send a few men -at once and get him. I informed Mr. Grinnell that I could not detail officers -outside of the city limits without the consent of the Chief. Mr. Grinnell -thought I had better do so anyway. I insisted that I must see the Chief -first, and Mr. Grinnell remarked:</p> - -<p>“If you do, that will be the end of that matter.”</p> - -<p>I went, however, to the Chief’s office, and stated my business. I was -there told that they would get the man. The Chief said that he would go -out to California and thus head him off. I reported back to Mr. Grinnell the -result of my interview, and he remarked:</p> - -<p>“Well, that is just what I expected—jealousy, and that is all.”</p> - -<p>Schnaubelt thus had a good friend at the City Hall, and he cannot thank -the officers there too much for having saved him the painful necessity of -going down to death on the 11th of November, 1887, with the other conspirators.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Balthasar Rau</span> was another man who did not tarry in Chicago. He had -been a faithful lieutenant of Spies and had earned a living as solicitor for -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. He took a keen interest in all of Spies’ plans, and on -Saturday afternoon preceding the day of the riot visited the vicinity of -McCormick’s factory to secure points about the strike for his friend’s information. -He reported that ten thousand striking lumber-shovers had met -on that day and had appointed a committee to wait upon the lumber bosses -to induce them to inaugurate the eight-hour system in the various yards. -Rau had seen the gathering, and, as the committee appointed by it were to -report to another meeting the following Monday, he knew that it would -bring together just such a throng, if not a larger one than the previous -assemblage. He so posted Spies, and in turn was advised by his friend to -insert in the <i>Fackel</i> of Sunday, May 2, the notice “Y, come Monday night,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>” -which was the signal for the armed groups to meet that night at No. 54 -West Lake Street. The bandits did meet, and matured the conspiracy -which was carried out the following night at the Haymarket. On Monday -Rau went with Spies to McCormick’s factory, aided in inciting the people to -a riot, and then accompanied his friend to the strikers’ headquarters on Lake -Street, where they informed the people that ten or twelve of their brother -workmen had been brutally shot down by the “bloodhounds”—the police—that -afternoon.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-173.jpg" width="250" height="334" id="i173" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">BALTHASAR RAU.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>In consequence of his intimacy with Spies, Rau was at once—and the -only one at first—suspected of -being the thrower of the fatal bomb. -He seemed to realize that he was -under suspicion, for he speedily -left the city after the explosion. -Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann -learned that he had fled to -Omaha and promptly repaired to -that city. By instructions, James -Bonfield was to secure the necessary -requisition papers for Rau’s -extradition from the State of Nebraska -and was to follow Furthmann -to Omaha. The Assistant -State’s Attorney found Rau willing -to talk, and asked him to write as -he had been dictated, to the text -of the signal, “Y, come Monday -night.” Rau promptly discovered -that Furthmann knew some of the -inside facts in the conspiracy, and -tremblingly asked what he could -do to save his neck from the rope. -He was informed that nothing short of “unconditional surrender” would -help him out of his scrape, and that he must not keep back any information. -He then unbosomed himself and told everything he knew.</p> - -<p>While these things were taking place the leaders of the Anarchist group -in Omaha were collecting money to take Rau away from Mr. Furthmann by -<i>habeas corpus</i> proceedings. Rau had meanwhile been locked up in a cell -where he could not easily be reached by his friends, and, as he did not like -his surroundings, he was anxious to return to Chicago even without extradition -papers. It was on a Monday before daylight that he agreed to go, -and Mr. Furthmann promptly took him across the river to Council Bluffs, -in the State of Iowa, to avoid litigation, as he had learned that the Omaha<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span> -judge was ready and willing to assist the Anarchists of that section in effecting -Rau’s release. At this time the extradition papers had not arrived. On -taking up the trip to Chicago Rau became more communicative than ever -and entered into details quite interestingly.</p> - -<p>Some one in the parlor car which conveyed them to Chicago recognized -Mr. Furthmann, and it was whispered around:</p> - -<p>“There’s Furthmann with the bomb-thrower!”</p> - -<p>A flutter of excitement speedily developed, and soon a demand was made -on Furthmann that unless he handcuffed Rau the passengers would object -to his sitting in the parlor car, and they certainly would not allow Rau to -sleep in the same car unless shackles were placed about his limbs. A -great deal of parleying ensued. Finally Mr. Furthmann consented to -appease the now thoroughly frightened passengers. Only one condition -was imposed by Mr. Furthmann, and that was that the handcuffs and -shackles should be furnished, as he had none in his possession. The -implements were immediately telegraphed for, and were on hand when -Cedar Rapids was reached. But the idea of handcuffing and shackling a -man who was willingly returning without extradition papers was repulsive -to Mr. Furthmann.</p> - -<p>A novel thought flashed through the Assistant State’s Attorney’s mind. -He informed Rau of everything that had transpired, and told him that he -did not desire to shackle him in any way. But for the purpose of quieting -the passengers he would rattle the iron bracelets around in good shape if -Rau would give up his coat, vest, pantaloons, shirt, drawers, stockings and -shoes and hat during the night. This was done, and the passengers, hearing -the rattling of the chains at intervals during the night, rested in the -sweet confidence that a violent outburst on the part of a wild Anarchist had -been averted.</p> - -<p>The prisoner was safely landed in Chicago, and not a handcuff or -shackle had been placed about him. He was taken to the Chicago Avenue -Station, and there put through an examination by State’s Attorney Grinnell.</p> - -<p>In the statement he made to Mr. Grinnell and myself Rau gave his age -as thirty, his occupation as that of a printer, and his residence as No. 418 -Larrabee Street.</p> - -<p>“We had,” he said, “an excursion to Sheffield, Indiana, and there were -present August Spies, Schwab, Neebe, Engel and Schnaubelt. Those are -the only ones I can now remember. Engel and Schnaubelt were the ones -to set dynamite bombs for experiments.”</p> - -<p>“Why do you good people use dynamite bombs, and what do you intend -to do with them?” asked Mr. Grinnell.</p> - -<p>Rau hesitated, but finally replied: “The time we shot off the dynamite -bombs at Sheffield, at the time of the explosion there were only a few of us<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span> -present. They were the parties whose names I have given and a man who -came with Engel. We exploded only two bombs, and they were made of -iron and were round.”</p> - -<p>“What is the meaning and for what purpose does that letter ‘Y’ appear -in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>?” asked Mr. Furthmann.</p> - -<p>“The last time I saw it was on Sunday, May 2, 1886. The Sunday issue -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> is called the <i>Fackel</i>. Lorenz Hermann was requested -to have the letter ‘Y’ inserted in the paper, and it was printed in the issue -mentioned. He brought the notice to the office. We did not charge anything -for notices brought in by the members of the armed section. And -that letter ‘Y’ was intended to signify that there would be a meeting at No. -54 West Lake Street, May 3, for the armed men. I was at Zepf’s Hall at -a meeting held Monday, May 3. I had with me a lot of ‘Revenge’ circulars, -calling people to arms. I gave the circulars to the boys who were -present at the meeting. It was after nine o’clock. One meeting had been -called by the carpenters for that night. August Belz is the man who told -me the meaning of the word. He asked me at Greif’s Hall if I knew the -meaning of the word ‘Ruhe,’ and if I knew what effect its publication -would have. He then told me that they had agreed that the word ‘Ruhe’ -should apply to a meeting at the Haymarket. If it appeared in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, -he said, then there would be trouble. The trouble would be fighting -the police, storming buildings and throwing dynamite bombs. When I -saw that word in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, I was working in the office of that -paper. I remarked to August Spies that that would make trouble in the -city, and his answer was that Fischer did it, meaning that Fischer was -responsible for it. Spies, after I had told him what trouble it would make, -got excited and called Schnaubelt. Spies asked him, ‘How is this?’ referring -to the word ‘Ruhe.’ Schnaubelt replied, ‘Well, they want to throw -dynamite bombs.’ He also said that if the police interfered, then there -would be trouble at the Haymarket. He further said that the people -stationed on the outskirts of the city, east, west, south and north, should be -informed as to when the riot commenced and when their time had arrived -for storming the city. When Fischer was asked about this word ‘Ruhe’ -he was close-mouthed. He would not say anything to us. I heard Spies -say in his office, ‘If that word “Ruhe” is in the paper, there will be trouble, -and I don’t want that. That will break up our organization.’ Spies said: -‘I will print hand-bills to stop the meeting at the Haymarket May 4.’ He -said he would attend to that himself. I said that we had better put up signs -on the corners to notify the people that there would be no meeting at the -Haymarket that night. Spies said that if there was a meeting, then there -would be trouble. Schnaubelt was to go to the North Side that afternoon, -May 4, and tell the people that there would be no meeting at the Haymarket -that night. On May 4, in the evening, some one called at the office and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span> -wanted Spies to speak at the meeting at Deering Station; but he could not -be found, and consequently we sent Schwab. Afterwards I went over to -the West Side meeting at the Haymarket. I saw Spies standing on a wagon, -making a speech to the people present. When he saw me he called me and -asked me to go and find Parsons. Spies said, ‘I want help here, and he -must help me out.’ I went to look for Parsons, and I found him. Parsons -and Fielden were together. I told them what Spies had said and I asked -them to go and help him. They did go—I went along. We got there -speedily. I asked Fischer for an explanation as to the publication in our -paper of the notice calling the people to arms, but he would give me no -satisfaction.”</p> - -<p>“Why did you not give me this statement first when I asked you for this -information?” asked Mr. Grinnell.</p> - -<p>“Because I was afraid it would hurt myself, or it might convict me. -That is the reason why I did not tell you at first. I saw dynamite in the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building. I saw dynamite lying on a shelf in the back room -from the office. I know George Engel and Fehling. They printed the -<i>Anarchist</i>. It was a small paper. They only published six numbers.”</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Edmund Deuss</span> was also sought for with some interest. He had been -city editor of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> under Spies. The first week after the -bomb had been thrown the authorities at police headquarters were informed -that Paul Grottkau and Deuss, both ex-employés of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, -were then living in Milwaukee. Mr. Furthmann thought some points might -be gathered from them, and accordingly went to that city. He found them -both. Grottkau, who has since tasted the bitterness of prison life for his -preachments of violence in the “Cream City,” expressed himself as pleased -that Spies had been placed under arrest and charged with responsibility for -the murder at the Haymarket.</p> - -<p>“I knew long ago,” said Grottkau, “that August Spies would thus end -his crazy and ambitious career.”</p> - -<p>Grottkau and Spies had not been on very friendly terms since the latter -had succeeded in displacing the former from the editorship of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. -But, however strong his enmity, Grottkau would not give us any -information regarding Spies, or dynamite practices, or anything else that -would tend to put a rope around Spies’ neck or hurt any of his companions. -He referred Mr. Furthmann to Deuss, who was then depending upon -Grottkau for a livelihood and who received a dollar now and then for writing -a firebrand article for a paper Grottkau was editing in Milwaukee.</p> - -<p>Deuss was found in a neighboring saloon without a cent in his pocket. -He stood wistfully eyeing the saloon patrons, hoping to fall in with some one -willing to buy him a glass of beer or a cigar. Mr. Furthmann at once opened -a conversation about the Chicago Anarchists. Deuss promised to tell everything -he knew in regard to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, the dynamite brought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span> -there, the men in the building of that paper and the nefarious things practiced -by them, on condition that Mr. Furthmann would first buy him a -good cigar, several sandwiches and the necessary beer. The conditions -were complied with, and Deuss rattled away a long story. He proved to -be the first man to inform Mr. Furthmann as to when the dynamite that -was afterwards found in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> had been brought there, and -where it had been placed. A grease-spot caused by dynamite was afterwards -found exactly where Deuss said the explosive material had been -placed, which was right next to the desk used by Malkoff, a reporter for the -paper and an exiled Russian Anarchist. Rau at that time, it appears, did -not know the properties of dynamite, for on one occasion a stray match was -thrown upon the dynamite sack in the office and he was nearly frightened -out of his wits.</p> - -<p>“Don’t you know what you are doing?” he exclaimed.</p> - -<p>“You greenhorn,” was the answer, “Malkoff has handled this stuff for -years and knows by this time, as you ought to know, that dynamite cannot -be exploded by contact with fire in such a form.”</p> - -<p>This information, though unimportant on its face, assisted Mr. Furthmann -greatly in making Deuss talk, and served also as a straw showing that -the man had given up all the information he possessed.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-177.jpg" width="150" height="230" id="i177" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LINGG’S CANDLESTICK.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="p2"><span class="smcap">So far</span> Mr. Furthmann had managed to secure many valuable clues, and -we studied at once the best method of following -them up. In running down the pointers, one day -Mr. Furthmann sought Dr. Newman, one of the -surgeons who had rendered heroic service in attending -the wounded on the night after the explosion. -The doctor was asked with reference to the metal -and pieces of lead which he had taken from the -bodies of some of the men wounded at the Haymarket. -He informed Mr. Furthmann that a young -man named Hahn, a shoemaker on the West Side, -had come to the hospital wounded by the explosion, -and that upon examination a wound had been found -in the fleshy part of his thigh, from which a piece of -iron had been removed. This piece was nothing -less than the nut which had been used to assist in -holding together the two halves of the composition bomb which had been -exploded at the Haymarket. This discovery was a most important one. -It proved at the trial the best piece of evidence used, by the prosecution, -as it demonstrated that the bomb exploded at the Haymarket was one of -the bombs manufactured by Louis Lingg, since fifty bolts and nuts of the -same size and description were subsequently found in Lingg’s possession.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span></p> - -<p>The metal removed from the person of the wounded officers was placed -in the hands of Professors Haines and Delafontaine, expert chemists, for -analysis, and they found that it contained the same quantity of lead, zinc, -tin and other ingredients, and the same proportion of impurities as the bombs -found in Lingg’s possession. Even a trace of the copper discovered in the -bomb exploded at the Haymarket was shown to have come from the candlestick -used by Lingg. A small fragment was missing from the candlestick, -and it was clearly shown that it had found its way into that deadly bomb.</p> - -<p>During this period I also learned that Lingg had not been the first and -only one to experiment with dynamite in Chicago. I learned that as far -back as 1881 there had been some desperate men among the Socialists, but -by keeping their secrets to themselves they had managed to keep the -general body of the party and the public at large in ignorance of their -clandestine operations. They had even experimented with dynamite, hoping -to perfect it so that it could be handled with safety; but somehow they -had failed to discover means for making its use practicable. They had -adopted various expedients to test its strength when confined in a small -implement, and in their labors several had received serious injuries. Four -or five men are living to-day who were crippled by the rash and ineffectual -experiments. One Communist was particularly active in studying the properties -of the explosive and devising a plan to make it serviceable in a combat -with the police. This man had fled from France after the downfall of -the Paris Commune, and thought himself quite capable of getting dynamite -down to such a fine point that when his new-found brethren in Anarchy -started their revolution they would be more successful than his French associates -had been. He finally succeeded in making an explosive similar to -dynamite, but which was found very unsafe to handle. After some of the -Anarchists had tried it and got hurt, they refrained from further meddling, -and dropped both the Frenchman and his explosive. For along time thereafter -dynamite was not heard of.</p> - -<p>A man living on West Lake Street, however, still entertained hopes, and -finally supplied some of the Anarchists with a dynamite prescription by -which they could use it with great effect. In imparting his knowledge he -told them to keep the “stuff” hermetically sealed, for if the air reached it -an explosion would surely follow. Some found this true, to their sorrow.</p> - -<p>Then a man residing on West Twelfth Street stepped to the front and -supplied what he claimed could be successfully used. One Sunday some -half dozen Anarchists went out to Riverside to test the new compound by -putting some of it under a lot of stone near the Desplaines River, but, to -their surprise and mortification, they found that it was so weak that it -scarcely made a noise.</p> - -<p>Subsequently the Southwest Side group took up the dynamite problem -and experimented with the “stuff.” The members of this group, known at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span> -the time familiarly as “the Bridgeport group,” were the craziest lot of Anarchists -in the city, and, judging from their talk, were always ready to participate -in a riot or a revolution. They were great readers of books on -Socialism, Communism, Anarchy and Nihilism, and they had drilled themselves -thoroughly in arms for the coming uprising. But they wanted something -more potent and effective than simple guns and revolvers, and, as they -possessed a work on “The Wonders of Chemistry,” they saw no reason -why they could not carry out its instructions with reference to dynamite and -find some means for putting them to practical use. They accordingly experimented. -They had a friend in a drug-store on State Street, near Van -Buren, and from him they obtained their supplies by paying a good round -price. This store finally became known to all the Socialists in the city, but, -as the owner became frightened at the publicity obtained, he declined to -furnish any more material for experiments. The Anarchists, however, had -met with some small success, and they were not discouraged. They found -another friend on West Twelfth Street, and this party sold them dynamite -cartridges such as are used by miners.</p> - -<p>There were in the city at the time the Bridgeport group, the Town of -Lake group, the South Side group, the Southwest Side group, the Freiheit -group, the Northwest Side group, the North Side group, the Karl -Marx group, the English group, the Lake View group (near Clybourn -Avenue), and another group which existed only a short time, all together -having a membership list of about 1,500 men, who hailed with great delight -the report that with some further experiments the dynamite cartridges could -be made serviceable not only for blowing up buildings, but also for use in -a hand-to-hand conflict in a crowd.</p> - -<p>The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were not then interested -in this branch of Socialism. They drilled with arms and believed in meeting -the enemy with guns. It was about this time—October, 1883—that the -national convention of Socialists was held at Pittsburg to formulate plans and -principles, and there was a division of sentiment on the use of dynamite. -The radical delegates from Chicago, as stated in a preceding chapter, were -numerous, and insisted on employing the most effective weapon they could -find to exterminate capitalists. The result of the conflict was that on their -return home they made it a point to bring over the members of the Lehr -und Wehr Verein, some of whom had opposed them at Pittsburg, to their -ideas, and some time thereafter they succeeded in having the superiority of -dynamite over guns almost generally conceded. Not only that, but some of -the members became enthusiastic in the experiments being made. One -member had even reached a point beyond his competitors in making round -cast-iron bombs, and succeeded in turning out fifty pieces. A few were -tried, with what success is not known, but one night two friends of the man -went to him, told him that they had heard of his having bombs and that his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span> -arrest would be made the next day. In fact, they assured him that -he had been spotted for some time by detectives. This frightened the man, -and he begged his friends to assist him in carrying the bombs away and thus -help him out of his troubles. The three then went to work, removed the -bombs, and, to effectually destroy all evidence, threw them into the lake.</p> - -<p>This procedure gave the great man of the Lehr und Wehr Verein a -chance to breathe a little easier, the air seemed to be more bracing, and he -could look into the eye of a policeman, when he passed one, with more -assurance and confidence. But one of those bombs got astray while being -removed, just before the others were submerged, and it afterwards came -into the possession of the police. It has had its picture taken and looks -quite innocent on paper.</p> - -<p>An engraving of it is herewith presented. This sort of iron bomb was -afterwards adopted as a model, and became quite popular with the brave -dynamite experimenters until some one manufactured a smaller one that -could be carried handily in a coat pocket.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-180.jpg" width="150" height="141" id="i180" - alt="" - title="" /> -</div> - -<p>They next adopted the long iron gas-pipe bomb, six inches in length, -which could be carried in the inside vest pocket. -Every one fell in love with the new invention, especially -Fischer, and he kept a large soap-box full of -the bombs at his home, carefully concealed under his -bed.</p> - -<p>But the Anarchists were bent on still greater -improvements. They continued their experiments, -and the next new invention was the round lead -bomb, called by them the “Czar bomb.” This was the kind brought -to August Spies’ office by “the man from Cleveland,” or rather by -Louis Lingg. One of these bombs is shown in a full-page engraving presented -elsewhere. They had been designated as the “Czar bomb” until -bombs began to fill my office, and then they were referred to as “the -round lead bombs.” The police knew them as Lingg’s bombs.</p> - -<p>Some of Fischer’s bombs were scattered among trusted Anarchists in -the Board of Trade procession, and their effectiveness would have been -tried on that occasion had it not been for police interference. The character -and explosiveness of the “Lingg bomb” are described in the testimony -of the officers and expert chemists during the trial.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Samuel Fielden</span> was found at his home during the day of May 5th, and -placed under arrest. He accepted the situation calmly, and, without a -remonstrance, accompanied the officers to the Central Station. Officer -Slayton, who had him in care, introduced him to the Lieutenant in charge of -the detective department, and, in view of the conspicuous part the prisoner -had played at the Haymarket, one would suppose that he would have been -subjected to a very rigorous examination as to his movements for several<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span> -days preceding the evening of May 4. But nothing of the kind occurred. -The Lieutenant proceeded to denounce him in English more vigorous than -elegant, and delivered himself of an opinion about the man and the work -of the Anarchists at the Haymarket. Fielden stood it all without a murmur, -and probably would have said nothing had not the Lieutenant called him -a Dutchman. That allusion was the “last straw.” Fielden remonstrated -and emphatically declared that he was an Englishman. He was subsequently -turned over to Superintendent Ebersold, and, while exhibiting his -wound, caused by a shot during the Haymarket riot, he was informed by -that officer that it ought to have gone through his head. The observation -was a pertinent one at the moment, -and possibly the felicity -of its expression may have satisfied -the official that with it -his duty had ended in the case. -At any rate, Fielden was not -catechized to any material extent -by the Chief, and that official, as -well as the head of the detective -department, was no wiser than -before the man’s arrest.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-181.jpg" width="250" height="301" id="i181" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">SAMUEL FIELDEN.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>The prisoner, who had been -shown to have declared at the -Haymarket, “Here come the -bloodhounds, the police; you do -your duty and I’ll do mine,” -and to have fired a shot in the -direction of the police after dismounting -from the speakers’ -wagon, was then passed into a -cell. His house was searched, -but nothing of a criminating -character was discovered. He undoubtedly possessed a great deal of information -respecting the revolutionary plot. Had it not been for work done -outside of the Central Station, Fielden would have been speedily released, -and possibly some apology might have been offered him for the inconvenience -occasioned by his arrest and the unintentional reflection cast upon -the English and German nationalities.</p> - -<p>Fielden was kept locked up, indicted, and finally convicted on discoveries -made independently of the Chief’s office or the detective department. The -education, demeanor and independence of the man were well calculated to -deceive the most expert readers of human nature, and his emphatic assertions -regarding the want of any knowledge of a conspiracy would have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span> -made him a free man to-day had his case rested on the efforts of the Central -Station. Fielden was a sort of diamond in the rough. He possessed much -native ability, a ruggedness of character which commanded admiration, and -a force and volubility of speech which swayed the unlettered masses. Had -he passed through either an academic or collegiate training, there is no telling -what eminence he might have achieved in the higher walks of life. His -rough, uncouth appearance greatly heightened the effect of his utterances, -as few looked for eloquence from such a man. He was born in Dodmorden, -Lancashire, England, in 1847, and spent a number of his earlier -years in a cotton mill. While thus engaged he became a Sunday-school -teacher at the age of eighteen, and some time later branched out as an -itinerant Methodist exhorter. Some time after (1868) he came to America, -settling in New York, and the next year he found his way to Chicago. He -went to work at Summit, a hamlet a few miles southwest of town, on the -farm of ex-Mayor John Wentworth, but he did not remain there long before -he migrated to Arkansas and Louisiana to engage in railroad construction -work. In 1871 he returned to Chicago and engaged in manual labor, principally -as teamster in handling stone. In 1880 he became a member of the -Liberal League, and under the training and guidance of George Schilling -he soon became a rabid Socialist. From that the step was only a short one -to unbridled Anarchy, and the pupil finally became a teacher to Schilling in -advanced theories on the state of society they all sought to inaugurate. -Fielden finally became a boon companion of Spies and Parsons, and all the -rugged eloquence he could command was given to the cause. He was a -more forcible speaker than either of the two just named, and whenever he -preached force, as he always did after becoming an Anarchist, his language -commanded wider attention and made a deeper impression. Had it not -been for his own sincere penitence for his past misdeeds and the intervention -of influential friends because of that penitence, he would have died on -the gallows. But he recanted at the last moment of hope for clemency, and -the Governor commuted his sentence to imprisonment for life. He is a -married man with two small children, and the misery he wrought upon -them has been beyond expression. Such is the fruit of Anarchy.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XI.</h2> - -<p class="pch">My Connection with the Anarchist Cases—A Scene at the Central Office—Mr. -Hanssen’s Discovery—Politics and Detective Work—Jealousy against Inspector -Bonfield—Dynamiters on Exhibition—Courtesies to the Prize-fighters—A Friendly -Tip—My First Light on the Case—A Promise of Confidence—One Night’s Work—The -Chief Agrees to my Taking up the Case—Laying Our Plans—“We Have -Found the Bomb Factory!”—Is it a Trap?—A Patrol-wagon Full of Dynamite—No -Help Hoped for from Headquarters—Conference with State’s Attorney Grinnell—Furthmann’s -Work—Opening up the Plot—Trouble with the Newspaper Men—Unexpected -Advantage of Hostile Criticism—Information from Unexpected Quarters—Queer -Episodes of the Hunt—Clues Good, Bad and Indifferent—A Mysterious Lady -with a Veil—A Conference in my Back Yard—The Anarchists Alarmed—A Breezy -Conference with Ebersold—Threatening Letters—Menaces Sent to the Wives of the -Men Working on the Case—How the Ladies Behaved—The Judge and Mrs. Gary—Detectives -on Each Other’s Trail—The Humors of the Case—Amusing Incidents.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap00"><span class="smcap">I have</span> often been asked how it was that I came to have charge of the -detective work which was done in bringing the Anarchists to justice, and -I think that the time has now come for the whole story to be told. I think -it would be a false delicacy for me, in this book, which I mean to make, as -nearly as I can, a fair and truthful record of the Anarchist case, to pass over -the notorious incompetency which prevailed at Police Headquarters at that -time. It cannot be denied that, had the case been left in the hands of the -men of the Central Office, the prosecution would have come to naught, and -these red-handed murderers would have gone unwhipped of justice. This -was something which every good citizen would have been bound to prevent, -and more than others a police officer, for into our hands is intrusted the -care of the lives and property of the community and the preservation of law -and order. I knew as well as my questioners that the case belonged to the -Central Office. There was the Chief; there were the two heads of the detective -department; there was the detective corps, supposed to contain the -keenest and the best officers on the force.</p> - -<p>From the first I was satisfied that the men at headquarters neither -appreciated the gravity of the occasion, nor were they able to cope with the -conspirators—a set of wily, secret and able men, who had made a special -study of the art and mystery of baffling the law and avoiding the police. -There was neither order, discipline nor brains at headquarters. Every -officer did as he liked, and the department was rent and paralyzed with the -feuds and jealousies between the chiefs and the subordinates. This, too, -was at a time when the people of Chicago were in a condition of mind -almost bordering upon panic. They were looking to us for protection. The -red flag was flaunted in the streets, demagogues were shouting dynamite in -a dozen parts of the city, riotous mobs had already met the police—and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span> -police were in charge of a man who—it is a charity to say no more—had -neither a proper conception of his duties nor the ability to perform them.</p> - -<p>For instance, on the evening of May 3 all the captains of the city were -ordered to meet at the Chief’s office, and, together with Inspector Bonfield, -they responded promptly. While the situation was being discussed, there -was a rap at the door. I was nearest the entrance, and I opened it. Mr. -Hanssen, one of the editors of the <i>Freie Presse</i>, was there. He handed in a -paper, saying that it was of most serious import—so serious that, as soon as -he had seen it, he had felt it his duty to bring it to police headquarters. It -was the “Revenge” circular, of which so much is said elsewhere in this -book, and which afterwards became so notorious. I handed it to Chief -Ebersold, who glanced at it and said it was all nonsense. “Why,” said he, -“we are prepared for them.” Bonfield looked it over, and thought it serious. -I was sure that it meant mischief and murder, -but the rest treated it as a farce. Now, what -was to be expected from men who had no clearer -idea of the gravity of the crisis that was upon -us than the story of this incident conveys.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-184.jpg" width="200" height="246" id="i184" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">DETECTIVE JAMES BONFIELD.<br /> -<span class="wn">From a Photograph</span>.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>On the next evening the crash of dynamite -was for the first time heard on the streets of an -American city. The Red Terror was upon us.</p> - -<p>What was done?</p> - -<p>Every citizen of Chicago demanded justice -for the brave men who had fallen—justice on -the miscreants who had done them to death. -Knowing what I did of the manner in which the -detective work was apt to be done, it will not be -wondered that I at once made up my mind to do -what lay in my power to hunt these murderers down. Even had I not so -concluded, the events of that day, the 5th of May, would have fastened the -determination in my mind. At ten o’clock in the morning I was ordered by -telephone to report at the Central Station at once with two companies—trouble -was momentarily expected on the Black Road. When I had disposed -my men at the City Hall, and arranged for the patrol wagons we were to -occupy if a call should come, there was nothing to do but wait in the Chief’s -office till we were summoned. No one ever had a better opportunity of -seeing how the police business of the city was transacted.</p> - -<p>It was a time of acute excitement, the day after the Haymarket. The -Chief was in a state of alarm that would have been ridiculous if it had not -been pitiable. Whenever the telephone rang, he would start nervously and -demand, “Is that on the prairie, or the Black Road?” and when assured -that there was no trouble, his relief was absurdly manifest. Among the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span> -detectives the topic was whether they would be called on to work in the -Anarchist case and how many they would be expected to arrest.</p> - -<p>Another question that bothered them was: What would the old man -(Mayor Harrison) say if they went to work arresting Anarchists, and how -would he like it?</p> - -<p>The officers who did their duty after such a stupendous crime as the -slaughter of the police officers would never have lost anything in the end, -even if they should have lost their positions. The question, “How would -Harrison like it?” as asked by one of the detectives, should, therefore, have -cut no figure, and possibly it did not. Probably the officer fell back upon it -as an excuse for his own laziness and incompetence. But one thing is certain, -and that is that the department did -nothing to speak of in the case.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-185.jpg" width="250" height="326" id="i185" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">OFFICER HENRY PALMER.<br /> -<span class="wn">From a Photograph</span>.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>I saw some of those red-handed murderers -come out of that office smiling -and laughing instead of being made to -feel that they were about to have a rope -around their necks.</p> - -<p>In fact, the Central Office was run so -that no one could tell who was officer, -waiter or janitor. Everybody had a full -sweep in and out of the office, and if a -prisoner happened to be brought in by -some well-meaning officer, everybody -was allowed to hear the investigation. -It was a sort of town meeting, and it -was free to all.</p> - -<p>At that time Inspector Bonfield had -been receiving a great deal of favorable -mention in the newspapers, in connection -with the labor troubles, and this aroused the jealousy of Chief Ebersold. -The Chief accordingly concluded to attend to all the business himself, -assisted by his pet gang of ignorant detectives, and they made a fine mess -of it. But forces were at work, in spite of the internal difficulties, which -rescued the case from utter failure.</p> - -<p>On the morning of May 5, at an early hour, Inspector Bonfield had a -short interview with State’s Attorney Grinnell; but exactly what transpired -no one but themselves knew. Before noon of that day, however, the result -could be plainly seen. Officers James Bonfield, Palmer, Slayton and a few -others had by that time succeeded in arresting August Spies, Chris Spies, -Schwab, Fischer and Fielden. Of course, this step only served to create -more jealousy in the Central Station.</p> - -<p>After the prisoners had been brought in, some of the newspaper reporters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span> -endeavored to obtain interviews with them, but they were not permitted -to get anywhere near the Anarchists.</p> - -<p>In the meantime, and while the working officers were out hunting for -more of the chief conspirators, the lieutenants in command of the detective -department concluded that they would enjoy a little breathing-spell. -Accordingly they took a stroll among the fashionable saloons on Clark -Street. There they met their friends, and while sampling the various decoctions -compounded by the cocktail dispensers, they fell in with a party of -professional prize-fighters, heavy-weight and light-weight, and match-makers -for man and beast. They found there was more sport in that party than in -taking risks by going out into the suburbs through tough streets and dirty -alleyways looking for Anarchists.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-186.jpg" width="250" height="321" id="i186" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">OFFICER (NOW LIEUT.) BAER.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>At any rate, after a lot of wine had been consumed and good cigars -tested, round after round, one of the pug-faced -sluggers made the remark to one of the lieutenants -that he would like to see the Anarchists -who had been arrested, and the officer -addressed responded: “Of course you can -see them—all you gentlemen can see them. -Come right along with us.”</p> - -<p>They all fell into line, went over to the -Central Station, were taken down stairs to the -lock-up, and there told to go around and look -for themselves. This was some time after -nine o’clock in the evening, and after the -party had satisfied their curiosity, they returned -to the saloon which they had left. The vigilant -reporters had noticed this proceeding, -and, holding a short conference, they resolved to insist on seeing the prisoners -also. They told the officials that the public had as much right to -know about the parties arrested as a gang of prize-fighters, whether Sullivans -or lesser lights in the prize-ring firmament, and the lieutenants at once -recognized the force of the argument. Between eleven and twelve that -night one reporter from each paper in the city was allowed to see the -Anarchists, and interviews were secured for publication the next morning.</p> - -<p>When I understood how the whole affair was being managed during that -day, I came to the conclusion that the case would never be worked up by -that department, and I was more resolved than ever that if the opportunity -came I would not rest until the criminals were brought to justice.</p> - -<p>Inspector Bonfield had likewise become disgusted with the nervous -actions of the Chief and the heads of the detective department, and he -decided to confine his operations to the West Side. He went over there -that day,—May 5,—and as a result he cleaned out all Lake Street from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span> -the river to Halsted Street. He broke up all the Anarchist <i>rendezvous</i>, -captured their guns, confiscated their flags, and created general dismay -among the reds. Some sought safety by fleeing to the roofs, others escaped -through back alleys, and still others got into the dark recesses of basements. -When they learned that “Black” Bonfield, as they called him, was on their -track, consternation took possession of them all. The Inspector had no -easy task. He looked up all their halls and meeting-places, hunted for -“Revenge” circulars at every place he visited, and in every instance he -found plenty of them as evidence of the extensive circulation given that -document among Anarchists. He gathered them all together, and in the -trial they proved of great service to the State as showing that all had -notice to come to the Haymarket meeting with arms and be prepared for a -deadly conflict. After that day Inspector Bonfield turned all his attention to -the sick and wounded officers and their families, and, as a consequence, the -Central Station was left without a competent head. But the Central considered -itself capable of handling the case, and Bonfield never asked any -questions. Ebersold and the dual-headed monstrosities in charge of the -detective department struggled along, and, with a great deal of bluster, -endeavored to show to the outside world that they were moving along finely. -But they accomplished absolutely nothing. Insults in various ways were -heaped upon Bonfield, so that every one about the City Hall noticed them. -Even on the 5th of May, the slights cast upon the Inspector were commented -upon by some of the officers in the Central. Some of the officers -friendly to the incompetents would declare that Bonfield did not know his -business and that he was to blame for the killing of the officers, but there -were others who took a different view and regretted that he was not kept continually -at work on the case. In fact, the only ones about the building, -after the incompetent heads took charge, who showed a willingness to work -and who tried to do their duty, were Officers James Bonfield, Palmer and -Slayton. All the rest looked scared, absent-minded and indifferent.</p> - -<p>On the next morning—May 6—I was again at the Central Headquarters. -I learned then how deep and wide-spread was the spirit that pervaded -the department. Nothing was done, and nothing was proposed to -be done. I also learned of the treatment accorded Officer Palmer by the -lieutenants in charge of the department.</p> - -<p>The whole trouble appeared to be that no one cared about doing anything, -and that if any one had the temerity to bring information in, he would -be kicked out. While such was the stupidity or the lethargy of the head -officials, I was powerless to act. I could not take the case away from my -superior officer on information rejected and spurned by those in authority -about police headquarters, and I almost despaired of ever seeing the culprits -brought to punishment.</p> - -<p>An incident occurred, however, which changed the whole course of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span> -events. On my way home to supper that evening, about six o’clock—May -6—I met a man near my house. He acted as though greatly frightened, -but he had some information he wished to impart to me. He was afraid to -speak, as he said it was life or death to him.</p> - -<p>“If I speak,” he said, “and these people [the Anarchists] find it out, -they will kill me sure. On the other hand, when I think of how many -were killed, it drives me nearly crazy. I can probably help to bring the -murderers to justice, and I cannot forgive myself unless I try to assist.”</p> - -<p>I told the man that as a good citizen it was his duty to tell everything -he knew about the affair, and that I should consider everything he said -strictly confidential. My personal pledge being given to him that I would -not get him into trouble by exposing him to the reds, he began his statement. -The man did not tell very much, but after I had gathered together all -the little threads carefully, the whole proved of considerable service. After -supper I went to a great many places and remained out till four o’clock the -next morning. The following day I instructed some of my people how to -get information respecting the throwing of the Haymarket bomb, and I told -them where they might leave their information if they obtained any. I got -back to the station at 9 <span class="smcap">A.M.</span>, and found in my closed letter-box a slip of -paper containing about five lines of important news. I scanned the paper -closely, and those who stood around told me afterwards that they noticed -that my face brightened up considerably.</p> - -<p>I knew then that I had a very light starter in the case, but a good one. -I could readily see also that everything had to be handled with the greatest -care, and by preserving the utmost confidence with the informers. I knew, -too, that nothing must be told even in the Chief’s office or in the detective -department.</p> - -<p>I had previously discovered that there was not a man among the three -heads of the Central that knew how to listen to information, how to put -questions or remember conversation, or, in fact, to have anything in shape, -or to keep secrets, and I therefore decided to keep my own counsel.</p> - -<p>On the morning of the 7th of May, at nine o’clock, I arrived at the Chief’s -office and asked him if he had any good news. He replied that it was hard -to get at the bottom of the affair. I then asked him if he would give me -the privilege of working up the case. He looked at me a moment and then -said, “Yes.”</p> - -<p>“Yes, Captain,” he added, after a brief pause, “I will—sure. If you -can do anything, do it. I hope you will do it. I shall be pleased if you -can only do it.”</p> - -<p>I then said: “With your permission I will work this case and all there -is in the case. You will hear from me soon, but if you should not hear from -me in three months, do not ask for me. I am going to work night and day -until this case is cleared up. Good day.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-189.jpg" width="400" height="352" id="i189" - alt="" - title="" /> -</div> - -<p>Then I started for the North Side. Arriving at the station, Lieut. -Larsen handed me a little note which had been left for me. It was small, -but full of information, and was the first fruit of one night’s work. I immediately -turned over the command of the station and all the details to Lieut. -Larsen, and at once called in my old reliable officers, those whom I knew to -be honest and true, strong and vigilant, intelligent and brave. They began -earnestly and were with me through all the investigations up to November -11, 1887. They were Michael Whalen, John Stift, Michael Hoffman, -Hermann Schuettler, Jacob Loewenstein and Charles Rehm, and they -reported to me promptly at the office, where they received their first instructions. -I told them that this must be like all the other cases we had worked, -secret and only known among ourselves. All information and reports must -come to me as soon as possible, and all details must be attended to strictly. -I further told them that they must expect a forty-eight hours’ stretch of work -frequently before we got to the end; that they must keep in mind that -their lives would often be in danger, but they should only kill in dire necessity. -Insults or abuses they must not take from any one. I knew that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span> -they would get into many of those h—l-holes, where the women were a -great deal worse than the men, and I proposed that the officers should show -that they were not to be trifled with in the discharge of their duties.</p> - -<p>The field chosen for work was the vicinity of Clybourn Avenue, Sedgwick -Street and North Avenue. The officers were provided with chisels, -jimmies and keys and one or two dark lanterns, and after these preliminary -arrangements they mounted a patrol wagon and started for the scene of -their operations. This detail was in charge of Officer Whalen, and the first -objective point was Sedgwick Street, near the residence of Seliger. They -began searching all the houses, barns and wood-sheds belonging to Anarchists, -and created quite a consternation in the locality.</p> - -<p>While they were thus engaged, I was temporarily called away from my -office, and on my return I was soon called up by a telephone message from -the Larrabee Street Station. Answering the call, I recognized the voice -of Officer Whalen, and some important news was at once communicated.</p> - -<p>“We have found the bomb factory,” said Officer Whalen. “It is in the -rear of No. 442 Sedgwick Street. The house is full of bombs and all kinds -of material. My men are all there, and I am almost afraid to touch any -of the stuff. There are some very queer-looking things, besides round lead -bombs and very long iron bombs, about the house, and probably some trap -may have been set to blow us all up the moment the articles are disturbed.”</p> - -<p>I questioned him as to whether there was any one about the house, and, -being answered in the negative, I instructed the officer to handle everything -himself and exercise great caution. Everything that looked suspicious was -to be packed in a box and sent to the Chicago Avenue Station. I further -instructed the officer to hunt up the parties who lived there, place them -under arrest and send them also to the same station.</p> - -<p>Whalen then returned to the house, packed up all the “stuff” and -hunted for the occupants, who were nowhere to be found. He ascertained -their names, however, and learned from the neighbors that the head of the -house worked in Meyer’s Mill, a sash and door factory on the North Pier. -This information was telephoned to me, and I instructed Lieut. Larsen just -what I desired in the way of securing the man’s arrest. The Lieutenant -called up the Larrabee Street Station patrol wagon, and, with a number -of officers, he repaired to the mill. He there found his man, William -Seliger, and brought him to the Chicago Avenue Station.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile Officer Whalen and his men were busy getting their load of -deadly missiles, and, still unsatisfied, they got some shovels and picks and -went to mining in the back yard of the bomb factory. They found a lot of -lead and gas pipes buried in the ground, and after they had collected about -all the suspicious-looking articles they could find, they brought it all to the -station. This was the first of a series of searches kept up night and day -for two weeks, and no house or place where an Anarchist or Socialist<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span> -resided escaped police attention. The houses were examined from top -to bottom, and when the officers had finished their labors in this direction -the Chicago Avenue Station was filled with all kinds of arms, some -old and some new, nearly every nation on the globe being represented in -the collection.</p> - -<p>On the evening of May 7, about eight o’clock, a gentleman called at my -house, and in a most confidential manner desired to post me about an arrest -that ought to be made.</p> - -<p>“You had a fellow taken from Meyer’s Mill,” said he, “but you left a -man worse than the one you arrested.” He gave the name of the party and -then silently took his departure.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-191.jpg" width="250" height="312" id="i191" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">EDMUND FURTHMANN.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>On the next day Officer -Whalen was detailed to bring -the man to the station, but when -the officers arrived at the mill -the bird had flown. This man’s -name was Mueller, No. 2. He -has never returned to the factory, -although his tool chest is -still there, and $27 still stands -due to him on the books of the -concern to this date.</p> - -<p>With the information so far -secured I became confident that -I had an opening to the case, -but, knowing that no aid could -be had from the Central Headquarters, -I refrained, I think -wisely, from asking for assistance. -In Mr. Grinnell and his -staff, however, I had every confidence, -and I went to his office. I told him what discoveries had been -made, giving him all the details, and said to him that in working up the -case I should frequently need his advice. He promptly said: “Schaack, -you can command my services and those of every man in my office at any -time.” I thanked him, and felt greatly strengthened in the task I had -before me.</p> - -<p>Mr. Furthmann was directed to go with me and assist in the same -way that he had assisted in working up the evidence in the Mulkowsky -murder case.</p> - -<p>I then felt highly gratified, and stronger and more resolute than -ever, because of my new partner in the case. When we were about to go, -Mr. Grinnell said, “I will be up to-night and see you.” He called, as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span> -promised. We then told him what progress we had made during the day, -and he expressed himself as greatly pleased. He urged us to keep everything -as secret as possible and not to take any more people into our confidence -than was absolutely necessary. Having given us this advice, he left -us, but we continued our work until three o’clock the next morning. We -met again—Furthmann and myself—the next day at nine o’clock, and that -day we worked with great success. The boys brought us in good news -every hour. Good citizens would leave letters at my house, and these would -be immediately sent to me by my wife. Before eight o’clock that night we -had gained an entrance to the conspiracy plot. Mr. Grinnell was sent for, -and he called on us at once. He was informed of all the facts and said:</p> - -<p>“You boys have done well. You have found the missing link, and you -have it right.”</p> - -<p>Mr. Grinnell became enthusiastic over the work accomplished and recognized -the fact that the right parties were under arrest, and that what had -been morally certain before as to a conspiracy had now been made a legal -certainty susceptible of the strongest proof. In reaching this point, a great -deal of work had been done, and in its performance talent, tact and -ingenuity of a very high order seemed essential. Mr. Grinnell inspired us -with confidence, however, and was kind enough to say, just before going -home that night:</p> - -<p>“Schaack, I want to say that you are one of the greatest detectives in -America.”</p> - -<p>When the case had been worked up to the discovery of the leading facts -at this time, the reporters for the various papers in Chicago began to gather -at the Chicago Avenue Station, and they plied me with all sorts of questions. -They desired all the information I possessed, but their laudable ambition -was not gratified. Nothing respecting the merits of the case was furnished -them. This provoked quite a number of the newspaper craft, and they -sought to even up things by scoring me and my assistants in the columns of -their papers. They continued their attacks, evidently expecting that I would -weaken and tell all I knew, but in this they were mistaken, as their shafts -fell harmless at my feet.</p> - -<p>The more the papers blamed us, the better we liked it. It made our -work much easier, because we received a great deal of good information -from persons who would not have told us anything without positive assurance -of secrecy.</p> - -<p>This was in fact a potent factor in our success, and the newspaper-reading -public really lost nothing by it. The latest news respecting the -Anarchist conspiracy was always presented by the dailies, and, while there -may have been wanting many of the essential and interesting facts, the -public demand was measurably satisfied. At any rate, the interests of -justice could not be permitted to be overshadowed by those of the newspapers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span> -and I held unflinchingly to the course mapped out until the day of -the trial. The result proved the wisdom of the plan, and the encomiums -bestowed on me by the press on the evidence I finally accumulated more -than offset the former bitter attacks.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-193.jpg" width="300" height="391" id="i193" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE EAST CHICAGO AVENUE STATION.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Had it not been for the caution and secrecy which we made our rule all -through the investigation, the plot would not have been successfully unraveled. -Recognizing this trait in my management of the case, men close to -the Anarchists -gave points they -otherwise would -not have dared to -give, and there -was scarcely an -hour during the -investigation -that I did not -find some trails -leading up to -the arch-conspirators. -I even -received private -letters on my -way home to -meals. Persons -would meet me -on the street, -hand me letters -and pass right -on. Some of -these letters -were purposely -misleading, -while others contained -good -points; but by -putting one -thing with another, -and working up everything, something tangible was generally produced. -In many of the notes a few words would signify a great deal, and the clues -would be run down to the last point. Of course, sometimes the detectives -made long and weary walks with no results. But whenever the boys met with -disappointments in not getting just what they expected, and even when they -were kept up all night, they never grumbled or expressed dissatisfaction.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span></p> - -<p>On the morning of May 8, at eight o’clock, we all met for general consultation -behind locked doors in an inner room, and, while thus occupied with -the case, I was notified that a lady desired to see me on important business. -I immediately responded, and as I entered the main office I was confronted -by a woman very heavily veiled. She briefly stated her mission and said -that she desired an interview in private. I took her into another office, and, -after the door had been locked, she said:</p> - -<p>“You must excuse me. I will not uncover my face. Don’t ask me anything -about myself, and I will tell you something.”</p> - -<p>She was a German lady, well educated, and she spoke in an earnest, -truthful manner. Being assured that no questions would be asked to -establish her identity, she then told me where to send and what would be -found at the indicated place. Before making her exit she remarked:</p> - -<p>“You will have to attend to this matter this very day and before four -o’clock.”</p> - -<p>Her information proved highly interesting and valuable, and I thanked -her for it. In less than half an hour one of the detectives was set to work -on her “pointers,” and before two o’clock he returned to the station with “a -good fat bird” and a lot of new evidence. Who the lady was is a mystery. -She left the station as mysteriously as she had entered.</p> - -<p>In the evening of the same day we met again and put together the -results of each one’s investigations. The work accomplished was surprising -to all. Mr. Grinnell called, and, seeing what had been done, was more -than pleased. At this time we had some of the Anarchists already behind -the bars. That night we worked until two o’clock the next morning, and it -was half an hour later when I directed my steps homeward. As I neared -my house, I saw the indistinct outlines of a man standing close to a large -bill-board about ten feet north of my residence. The figure proved to be -a tall man, and, as I came to a halt, the stranger spoke up in German:</p> - -<p>“Is this Mr. Schaack?”</p> - -<p>“I am,” I replied, “and what are you doing standing there?”</p> - -<p>The stranger asked me to wait for a moment, and I complied, hardly -knowing what to make out of the man’s intentions toward me at such an -unseemly hour in the morning; but at the same time I kept my eye steadily -upon him for any hostile demonstrations. The strange individual hurriedly -placed a cloth of some sort over his face, and I began to think some Anarchist -had been commissioned to murder me. Still, the coolness and self-possession -of the man and the seeming absence of the usual bluster -incident to the commission of a foul crime reassured me. Noticing all -this, by way of making the man understand that I was prepared for him if -he had any murderous intentions, I said: “If you make any attack upon -me I will kill you dead!”</p> - -<p>“<i>Mein Gott, nein.</i> I only want to tell you something,” was the reply.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span></p> - -<p>I told him that that was all right and asked him into the back yard, -when he said he would talk to me. I made the stranger go ahead of me, -and when we reached the yard the man gave me a long story.</p> - -<p>“I dare not,” said he, “write to you. I dare not come near you during -the daytime. I don’t want you to know me, but I think you are the -right man to talk to. I would not talk to anyone else.”</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-195.jpg" width="250" height="365" id="i195" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">A BACK-YARD INTERVIEW.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>During the whole conversation the man kept his improvised mask on, -and made it clear that his motive in so doing was to prevent the possibility -of his being made to appear -in court to verify the statements -he desired to communicate. -He gave information -mainly bearing on the conspiracy -meeting which had -been held on the evening of -May 3, at No. 54 West Lake -Street, and the interview -lasted until about three -o’clock.</p> - -<p>When we parted I was no -wiser as to his identity than -I had been before, and to this -day I don’t know with whom -I talked there in my back -yard that early morning.</p> - -<p>In the forenoon of the 9th -of May my trusted assistants -again met in the office to compare -notes. At this meeting I -told Mr. Furthmann what a -ghost I had seen that night, -and in our deliberations that -ghost aided us a great deal.</p> - -<p>As a result the detectives -started out with new instructions, -and they were ordered to be back at the office at one o’clock in the afternoon. -All reported promptly except a few who had struck a good trail and -who kept out until six o’clock. The reports of those present showed good -results. They started out again at two o’clock with new instructions and -were ordered to report as soon as they had completed their work. Between -three and five o’clock that afternoon things became exceedingly lively. The -Anarchists began to move about like hornets disturbed in their nest, and -some jumped around as if charged with electricity. Towards six o’clock the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span> -detectives reported back to the office, and an exchange of notes showed -that it had been a day more fruitful of results than the day preceding. I -found that a strong chain had been wrought connecting all the leading -Anarchists in Chicago with the Haymarket murder, and I knew that no -mistakes had been made in the arrest of those who had already been -locked up.</p> - -<p>During the same evening Mr. Grinnell and Mr. George Ingham gave -me a call, and anxiously inquired about the progress made in the case. -Mr. Grinnell assured Mr. Furthmann and myself that Mr. Ingham was all -right, being with them, and with this statement all the facts were laid -before them.</p> - -<p>When the whole situation had been explained, Mr. Ingham said:</p> - -<p>“Mr. Grinnell, now you have a case.”</p> - -<p>“George,” replied Mr. Grinnell, “up to the time when Capt. Schaack -began his work I had no case whatsoever. I would have been laughed out -of court, but now I say we have a good, strong case, and it will be in -excellent shape. The boys are making it stronger every day. They have -got things down fine, and they are going to bring out everything there is -in it.”</p> - -<p>We worked that night until one o’clock, and met again the next morning -at eight, vigorous and keen for further developments. At this time we -had our hands full, with an abundance of material on which to work. During -the night several letters were dropped in my letter-box, and they all -contained good news. Some of the letters were somewhat obscure, their -import having to be guessed at from suggestive circumstances, but they -nevertheless helped. With fresh instructions the detectives started out -for the day and reported back at one o’clock as per orders. Everything -was discovered to have worked well. About two o’clock a man was noticed -standing across the street from the station. His actions were somewhat -strange, and one of the officers remarked that the fellow appeared to be -watching the building very closely. I told the officer to keep watch of him, -and in the event of his walking away to follow him. The man did not -move, and as he remained there for nearly half an hour I ordered the officer -to go across the street and ascertain what the stranger was watching. The -man declined to speak at first, but, after the officer had threatened to lock -him up, he stated that he desired to see me, but did not want to go into the -building. He then requested the officer to tell me that he would meet me -at the corner of La Salle and Chicago Avenues, and I was so notified.</p> - -<p>I started at once to see the man, but as soon as he saw me he started -off. When he got to the corner he turned north on La Salle Avenue, and -I followed. When I got within twenty feet of him he looked around, and -then dropped a letter, pointing his fingers to it as he passed on, without -stopping. I picked up the letter and went back to the station. This letter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span> -contained very important matter and kept us busy for two days. This man -was a stranger to me. I had never seen him before to my knowledge, and I -have never seen him since.</p> - -<p>After this day the office had all it could do and all the information it -needed. After six days and nights of hard and exacting labor, the real -troubles of all engaged in the case began. The newspapers now appreciated -the work accomplished, and they were not slow to bestow great praise upon -all connected with the case. This did not please Mr. Ebersold, the Chief, -and on the 11th of May he sent for me to report at once.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-197.jpg" width="300" height="295" id="i197" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">A FRIENDLY COMMUNICATION.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>The moment I entered the office at the Central Station I saw that there -was “fire in the eye” of the -Superintendent, and the -atmosphere was somewhat -above the boiling-point.</p> - -<p>“Are you Chief of Police -or am I?” broke in Mr. -Ebersold, in a gruff, blustering -manner, the moment -I had set my foot inside of -the private office.</p> - -<p>“You are,” said I, “or -at least you are supposed -to be. I certainly don’t -desire to be.”</p> - -<p>This shot did not contribute -anything to the -comfort of the Chief, and -he grew hotter than ever, -and desired me to understand -that he was the Chief, and no one else. Mr. Ebersold then proceeded -to unburden his mind. He said that his friends had told him that -they had thought he was Chief, but since they had not seen his name published -in connection with the case, they had reached a different conclusion. -He further stated that ministers even, and professors, too, and other people, -had come to him and said that “Capt. Schaack was getting too much -notoriety.” He declared that he wanted me to stop the newspapers writing -anything more about me and to let the credit be given to the head of the -department.</p> - -<p>“I want this thing stopped!” declared the Chief, as he struck the desk -vigorously with his fist and glowered savagely at me.</p> - -<p>I told him that I had not asked any newspaper to write me up and I -would not tell any of them to stop, simply because it was not my business.</p> - -<p>I had progressed too far to think of allowing all the work already done<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span> -to be set at naught by the incompetents then at the head of what was -facetiously called the defective department. I therefore took occasion to -say, just before leaving the Chief’s presence, that, now that I had opened up -the case, I proposed to finish it, even if I did not remain on the force one -day after my work had been fully accomplished. A day or two after this -interview I met Mr. Grinnell and related the circumstances. The State’s -Attorney said:</p> - -<p>“Captain, you are doing well; you keep on and work just as you have -been doing.”</p> - -<p>During the afternoon of May 10, the detectives of the Chicago Avenue -Station discovered a lot of bombs, guns and revolvers, which they brought -to the station. They also arrested a few Anarchists, who pretended to be -as harmless and spotless as little lambs, but who, before they went to sleep -that night in our hotel, discovered that they had a great many black spots -on them. The force continued at work till three o’clock the next morning. -The following day they met again at eight o’clock in the morning, and several -arrests were made that day.</p> - -<p>At about this time the mail was burdened with a great many letters, -some very encouraging in the cheering and complimentary sentiments they -conveyed, and others very threatening in their character. The latter class -were full of most dire menaces, suggesting all sorts of torture in the event -that I did not stop prosecuting the Anarchists, and the whole formed a very -interesting collection. It was evident that many of them had been written -by cranks, and that some bore marks of having been inspired by religious -enthusiasts. One wrote that enough men had already been killed without -hunting for innocent men as a sacrifice for the Haymarket murder, and -another wrote urging that the whole lot of the Anarchist brood be hung as -fast as they could be arrested. Several drew on their imaginations and -volunteered “pointers” which bore on their face evidences of falsehood. -Others would say that their prayers were constantly with the police in their -efforts, and expressed a hope that out of it all might come the extirpation -of Anarchy from American soil. These communications poured in upon -me in such numbers that I had no time to read them through, and even the -most savage and bloodthirsty hardly gave me a moment’s thought. -As a matter of fact I was never for a moment alarmed about my own personal -safety. All of the letters I received I filed away, and some day, when -I do not know what else to do to amuse myself, I purpose to run them over -again and enjoy another hearty laugh. Meanwhile Anarchist after Anarchist -was overhauled, and after one clue had been worked out another was -undertaken with the utmost secrecy. The detectives continued persistently -at work, and for two months they carefully kept their own counsel, never -permitting themselves to be drawn into conversation by outsiders respecting -the case.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span></p> - -<p>Their experience was highly exciting at all times, and the various haunts -of the Anarchists were kept in a lively commotion. The social miscreants -never knew when the investigations would end, and they were in constant -dread. Finding that threats upon the lives of State’s Attorney Grinnell, -Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, myself, and the officers engaged in -the case, had failed to have the desired effect, they turned their attention to -writing letters to our wives. These letters were written in a most vindictive -and fiendish spirit. They threatened not only bodily harm to these ladies, -but promised to inflict death by horrible tortures upon their husbands and -children, if the prosecution was not dropped; and they vowed vengeance -also upon property by the use of explosives that would leave to each house -only a vestige of its former location. Some of these letters were general -in their character, and others particularized the kind of death in store for -all engaged in the case. One said that on some unexpected day we would -be blown to atoms by a bomb; another pictured how a husband would be -brought home in a mangled, unrecognizable mass. Still another would -suggest that, if a husband proved missing, his remains might be looked for -fifty feet under the water, firmly tied to a rock or a piece of iron. Another, -again, stated that on the first opportunity the husband would be gagged, -bound hand and foot, and placed across some railroad track to horribly contemplate -death under the wheels of a fast approaching train. Still another -would say: “When your husband is brought home be sure and pull the -poisoned dagger out of his body.” One writer penned a tender epistle and -closed by urging the mother to be sure to “kiss your children good-by -when you leave them out on the street.” One letter was written with red -ink and stated that “this blood is out of the veins of a determined man -that would die for Anarchy.” One man expressed sorrow for the woman -and then concluded: “But we cannot help this. If you have any property -you had better have a will made by your liege lord to yourself, because he -is going to die so quick that he will not know that he ever was alive.” -Another said: “Take a good description of your husband’s clothes. He -will be missing before long, and probably after some years you will hear -that in some wild forest a lot of clothes have been found tied to some tree, -and these clothes will be stuffed with bones.”</p> - -<p>Epistolary threats of this kind were sent almost daily to the wives of -the officers and officials, and, if published, the collection would form a -volume in itself. The threats I have given are only a tithe of the whole, -but I have given enough to illustrate the general trend of the letters. We -paid no attention to them, but the women, of more delicate and sensitive -disposition, took them more to heart. The constant receipt of such letters -naturally made a deep impression on their minds, and some of the ladies -had dark forebodings. But the officers always took a cheerful view, and -urged that it was only cowards who resorted to threats. They still continued<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span> -their work, undaunted by these denunciations and menaces, and -frequently remained out all night in their work in some of the most desperate -districts of the city, sometimes keeping up forty-eight hours at a stretch.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Schaack, a generally strong and courageous woman and deeply -interested in all my work, did not bear up as well as some of the others -under the pressure. She had been sick for over eight months, and, when these -letters began to reach her, she had just reached a convalescent state. Having -thus passed through a long siege of illness, her system was in a highly -nervous condition, and it was, therefore, quite natural that sometimes she -should become greatly solicitous for my personal safety whenever a very -savage and gory letter accidentally reached her eye. When the trial finally -began, I begged her to take the three children and visit for two months a -place six hundred miles away from Chicago, where she could not only -enjoy a comparative serenity of mind, but build up her shattered constitution, -under more favorable circumstances and climatic conditions. She -acted on my advice. While away, she was in constant receipt of such -letters as were calculated to make her reassured as to my comfort, and she -rapidly gained in health and strength.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Grinnell bore up remarkably well under the severe strain. She -had come in for a goodly share of these murder-threatening letters, but, -being blessed with good health and strong nerves, she never displayed -signs of weakness.</p> - -<p>She was a brave lady. Whenever I saw her with Mr. Grinnell, she -would always say: “Captain, I want you and Mr. Grinnell and all the boys -to keep on with your noble work.” She at all times appeared very pleasant -and not the least disturbed.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Furthmann was not overlooked by the letter-writers, but her -husband arranged matters so that their epistles did not fall into her hands. -He would gather them in, and, with what the mail brought him every day -for his own individual benefit, he had plenty of hair-raising literature. -But he paid no attention to the threats and never for a moment relaxed -his efforts on account of them. These letters became so numerous and frequent -that after a time the officers would jestingly allude to them as their -“love letters.”</p> - -<p>But the Anarchists did not stop with writing letters. One night they -held a small meeting in the rear room of a saloon on North Avenue, and -there was a great deal of talk and bluster about what they ought to do to -“bring the officials to their senses.” One suggested that they should blow -up the house of Officer Michael Hoffman, but that officer appears to have -had a friend there. That friend opposed the plan and said:</p> - -<p>“Cowards, if you want to do anything, why don’t you meet the man -himself and attack him? Why do you seek to hurt his wife and innocent -children?”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span></p> - -<p>This appealed to their sense of humanity, and they at once decided to -abandon the scheme. Finally one cut-throat arose, and, in a braggadocio -style, broke out, in a loud, coarse and beer-laden voice:</p> - -<p>“Well, we will drop that plan, but you all know where he lives and we -all have bombs yet. Any one that does not care for a screeching woman -or squealing young ones, let him go and see the shingles fly off the -roof.”</p> - -<p>On a subsequent night about two o’clock in the morning a carriage -drove up to the officer’s house, and one of the occupants shouted out, -“Mike!” The officer drew to the window, and his wife opened it. At -first, mistaking her for the officer, they halloaed, “We only want to see you -for a moment.” When the woman asked what was wanted they said, “We -don’t want to see you. Where is Mike?” Being informed that he was -not at home, one of the burly fellows said, just as the carriage started away, -“A d——d good thing for him that he is not at home.”</p> - -<p>This band of intimidators and cowards did not overlook me. On two -occasions they sought to burn my house, but each time they were foiled in -their attempt. They sneaked, true to their nature, into the back yard, and -started a fire by means of a kerosene-saturated torch or by the use of an -explosive. The fires, however, failed to do any damage.</p> - -<p>When the trial of the arch-conspirators began, these same unpunished -red-handed cranks began to give their attention to Judge Gary and his -wife. They fairly overwhelmed them with letters of a most threatening -character, and whenever there was any ruling of the court which they regarded -as inimical to their friends’ interests, they were particularly vituperative. -But throughout the whole trial neither the Judge nor his wife -was at all intimidated. They paid no attention to them, and nearly every -day Mrs. Gary sat by the side of her husband on the bench, giving the -strictest attention to the proceedings. She was there in the forenoon and -in the afternoon. When the two went out to lunch together, a detective -would always follow them, without their request or knowledge, and the -same course would be pursued when they went home at night or came -down in the morning. I had this done as a precautionary measure, as -there was no telling at that time but what some demented Anarchist might -seek vengeance upon the Judge for some fancied wrong to the defendants. -Sometimes, after lunch, Mrs. Gary would return in the company of some -lady friends, but she would invariably, after an exchange of pleasantries -with them, rejoin her husband on the bench, where she would remain until -the adjournment of court. Once in a while the Judge would find a -moment’s interval to talk to her, and the devoted appearance of the venerable -couple formed a most pleasing and picturesque background to the -crowded and excited court scene throughout the trial. She was there during -all the arguments, and listened most intently to the reading of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span> -verdict which finally sent the defendants to the gallows. From the beginning -of the trial to its end she never displayed a sign of weakness or fear.</p> - -<p>While the investigations were in progress, and even during the trial, a -lot of cranks and desperate men flocked into the city from outside points, -and there was no telling what villainous deeds they might perpetrate and -then escape undetected. For this reason I thought it prudent to place a -watchman at the house of every one actively engaged in the case, and both -night and day the lives as well as property of all were closely watched to -prevent the execution of any of the numerous threats made against the -officials by the red-handed fiends. The attempt on my own house was -made before these guards were placed, but after that there was no trouble. -The Anarchists, seeing the precautions that had been taken, gave the houses -no further attention, and thereafter vented their spleen in denunciatory -letters.</p> - -<p>From the very start of the investigations, I engaged the services of private -men to work under my instructions, and they invariably submitted -their reports to me at my house. They never called at the house without -first notifying me, and this notification would be by means of a sign at a -place near my residence. I would always look at the spot before entering -the house, and if I found the sign, I would also find my man in the -vicinity.</p> - -<p>I would then go up-stairs, fix the rooms so that no one could see who -might enter, and leave a sign at the window. In a few minutes my friend -would appear at the door. Not one of my officers ever knew any of these -men so employed, but they knew the officers.</p> - -<p>Many funny incidents naturally grew out of this situation. It was very -amusing to listen to the officers. One would tell me: “I saw such and such -a fellow, a rank Anarchist, on the street to-day in company with a -stranger,” or: “I saw a couple of them in such and such a saloon together, -and one of them had a stranger with him, who looked like a wild Anarchist.” -Then the officers would describe the fellow, and one of them would -say:</p> - -<p>“I know he is an Anarchist. He and the stranger walked around the -jail building, and the next time I meet that stranger I will bring him in. It -will do no harm to give him a few days’ entertainment in the station. I -want to introduce him to you. I bet you will keep him, and you can, no -doubt, learn something from him. I think he is a stranger in the city, and -he is here for no good purpose.”</p> - -<p>The officer was bound to bring him in, and this placed me in a rather -awkward position. All I could do, however, was to say, “Don’t be too -hasty; wait till you find him connected with others.”</p> - -<p>This worked well for a while, but after a time some of these men who -were in my secret service were brought in. One morning I arrived at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span> -station and found that they had been locked up in a cell. As they had -received at the start rigid instructions not to reveal their identity under any -circumstances, they did not send for me the moment they were arrested, -and so they had to remain until the next day, when I promptly released -them.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-203.jpg" width="300" height="344" id="i203" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE NOTORIOUS FLORUS’ HALL.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>At one time, one of these privates reported to me that he had seen a -fellow around with some of the worst Anarchists in the city, that every one -regarded him as sound in the Anarchist faith, and that he and the others -were in Chicago to liberate the Anarchists from the jail. The private further -stated that the stranger had never been seen except in the company of -old-time revolutionists. -That was enough for the -detective to warrant arrest. -I told him to make -the fellow’s acquaintance -and draw him out, -but be in no haste. A -few days later, the detective -reported that he -had spoken to the -stranger and that he -would become well acquainted -with him -shortly.</p> - -<p>At this time every -Anarchist resort was -watched very closely. -I told the private to ascertain -where the stranger -lived, but he must not -push himself too rapidly -forward; he must make -an engagement to meet -the man in the evening -and stay with him as late as possible. Just as soon as they parted, -he was to double back on the stranger and follow him. A few nights -later the private reported again and said that they had been together -one evening for three hours, when they parted on the corner of Madison -and Canal Streets. He told the stranger that he would go back to the -South Side, and then, by following him after parting, he found that the -stranger started north. The man turned on Lake Street west and entered -No. 71 West Lake Street, one of the worst Anarchist resorts in the city. -This place was kept by a man named Florus, a rank “red.” The private<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span> -waited for his friend to come out, remaining in the vicinity until Florus -closed his saloon; but no one came. The next day the private reported -the facts to me, and said that the stranger evidently had a room at Florus’ -house. I told the private to try and get the stranger on the North Side so -that I could have a look at him. He started out to hunt up his friend.</p> - -<p>On the evening of that same day, detective No. 2 reported. He said -that he had a fellow spotted whom he described as one of a gang that -had come from St. Paul. He remarked that the fellow was very sharp, but -not sharp enough for him. He also stated that the stranger appeared to -like him, but that he did not trust him very much.</p> - -<p>No. 2 further said: “I have been around with him -every evening. He is very good company, and I am sure -that he is an Anarchist. But I can’t get at his motives.”</p> - -<p>I then told him to get the man up here on the North -Side where I would be able to see him.</p> - -<p>“All right, but you want to get a good look at him; -the fellow changes his clothes often. He is a foxy fellow.”</p> - -<p>I said that I would always be at the station from one -to three o’clock, so as -to take a look at the -man when they passed.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-204.jpg" width="300" height="362" id="i204" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE “SHADOWED” DETECTIVES.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>On the next day I -was on the look-out, -but no one came. The -second day I again -watched, and, to my -great surprise, at two -o’clock I saw two fellows, -both in my employ, -coming east on -Chicago Avenue from -Wells Street, and on -the same side where -the station is located. They were engaged in conversation, and neither -looked aside as they passed. I got up on the steps of the front entrance -and remained there as they came by. They had no sooner got past, when -the fellow on the inside lifted his hand to the right hip, and after a few -steps further the other fellow put his left hand behind his back and worked -his fingers—thus each man giving the tip on the other. They proceeded -towards the Water-works.</p> - -<p>When all this was over, I almost fell in a fit laughing at the joke. It -was extremely ludicrous, but I had to keep it all to myself. The privates<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span> -kept at work, but I did not tell either the occupation of the other. I had -promised every man in my employ that I would not give him away, and I -kept my word. One of these detectives had been assigned for duty north -of Kinzie Street on the West Side, and the other had been set to work particularly -along Lake Street. By invitation of some Anarchists on Milwaukee -Avenue, the detective in the district north had left his field and -gone with them to the halls of the “reds” on Lake Street, and in this way -the two detectives had made each other’s acquaintance and got mixed up.</p> - -<p>I was now in a predicament to straighten matters out and prevent the men -from wasting time on each other. I finally told each separately that the -other was working for Billy Pinkerton, and that he should pay no more -attention to him. This worked satisfactorily. Now and then I received a -report stating that my detective had seen that Pinkerton man at such or -such a place. This will be the first time, however, that either one knows -the other’s exact identity, and they can now laugh over their mixed-up -condition and see what a fix I was in at that time.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Tracking the Conspirators—Female Anarchists—A Bevy of Beauties Beauties—Petticoated -Ugliness—The Breathless Messenger—A Detective’s Danger—Turning -the Tables—“That Man is a Detective!”—A Close Call—Gaining Revolutionists’ -Confidence—Vouched for by the Conspirators—Speech-making Extraordinary—The -Hiding-place in the Anarchists’ Hall—Betrayed by a Woman—The Assassination of -Detective Brown at Cedar Lake—Saloon-keepers and the Revolution—“Anarchists for -Revenue Only”—Another Murder Plot—The Peep-hole Found—Hunting for Detectives—Some -Amusing Ruses of the Revolutionists—A Collector of “Red” Literature -and his Dangerous Bonfire—Ebersold’s Vacation—Threatening the Jury—Measures -Taken for their Protection—Grinnell’s Danger—A “Bad Man” in Court—The Find -at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Office—Schnaubelt’s Impudent Letter—Captured Correspondence—The -Anarchist’s Complete Letter-writer.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">IN the light of all the facts that have developed, I do not believe that it is -too large a statement, nor too egotistical, to say that, but for the work -done at the Chicago Avenue Station, the Anarchist leaders would soon -have been given their liberty, and Anarchy would have been as rampant as -ever in Chicago—worse indeed than before; for the conspirators would -then have despised as well as hated the law. What the work was, the -reader will better understand after he has gone through this and the succeeding -chapters.</p> - -<p>I did not depend wholly upon police effort, but at once employed a -number of outside men, choosing especially those who were familiar with -the Anarchists and their haunts. The funds for this purpose were supplied -to me by public-spirited citizens who wished the law vindicated and order -preserved in Chicago. I received reports from the men thus employed -from the beginning of the case up to November 20, 1887. There are 253 of -the reports in all, and a most interesting history of Chicago Anarchy do they -make even in themselves.</p> - -<p>They always conveyed important information and gave valuable clues. -They confined their efforts wholly to Anarchists, and their principal duty -was to ascertain if the reds intended to organize again for another riot or -an incendiary attempt upon the city. They were also to learn if steps -were contemplated to effect the rescue of the Anarchists who were locked -up in the County Jail, and whether they were getting up any further murder -plots. At each Anarchist meeting I had at least one man present to note -the proceedings and learn what plots they were maturing. Generally before -midnight I would know all that had transpired at meetings of any importance. -From many meetings I learned that the Anarchists were discussing -plans to revenge themselves on the police, but in each case, as soon as they -were about to take some definite action, some one would move an adjournment -or suggest the appointment of a committee to work out the plan in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span> -some better shape. When the next meeting was held the fellows who had -done the loudest shouting would be absent, and then those who happened -to be on hand would vent their wrath upon the absentees by calling them -cowards. In many of the smaller meetings held on Milwaukee Avenue or -in that vicinity, a lot of crazy women were usually present, and whenever a -proposition arose to kill some one or to blow up the city with dynamite, -these “squaws” proved the most bloodthirsty.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-207.jpg" width="400" height="310" id="i207" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE “RED” SISTERHOOD.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>In fact, if any man laid -out a plan to perpetrate mischief, they would show themselves much -more eager to carry it out than the men, and it always seemed a pleasure to -the Anarchists to have them present. They were always invited to the -“war dances.” Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr. Bonfield and myself were -usually remembered at these gatherings, and they fairly went wild whenever -bloodthirsty sentiments were uttered against us. The reporters and -the so-called capitalistic press also shared in the general denunciations. At -one meeting, held on North Halsted Street, there were thirteen of these -creatures in petticoats present, the most hideous-looking females that could -possibly be found. If a reward of money had been offered for an uglier set, -no one could have profited upon the collection. Some of them were pock-marked, -others freckle-faced and red-haired, and others again held their -snuff-boxes in their hands while the congress was in session. One female<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span> -appeared at one of these meetings with her husband’s boots on, and there -was another one about six feet tall. She was a beauty! She was raw-boned, -had a turn-up nose, and looked as though she might have carried -the red flag in Paris during the reign of the Commune.</p> - -<p>This meeting continued all right for about two hours. Then a rap came -on the locked door. The guard reported that one of their cause desired -admittance, giving his name at the same time,—and the new arrival was -permitted to enter. He was a large man with a black beard and large eyes, -and very shabbily dressed. He looked as though he had been driving a -coal cart for a year without washing or combing. He also had the appearance -of being on the verge of hydrophobia. As soon as he reached the -interior of the hall he blurted out hastily, in a loud voice:</p> - -<p>“Ladies and brothers of our cause! Please stop all proceedings—I am -out of breath—I will sit down for a few minutes.”</p> - -<p>All present looked at the man with a great deal of curiosity and patiently -waited for him to recover his breath. The interval was about five minutes. -Then the stranger jumped up and said:</p> - -<p>“I am from Jefferson. I ran all the way [a distance of five miles]. I -was informed that you were holding a meeting here this evening, and that -there is a spy in your midst.”</p> - -<p>At this bit of information every one became highly excited, and the -stranger immediately proceeded to inquire if there was anyone they suspected. -They all looked at each other, and, becoming satisfied that they were all -friends of Anarchy, waited for the man to give them more precise information. -The stranger then continued:</p> - -<p>“The man is described to me, and that is all I know.”</p> - -<p>He looked around for a moment and finally said, pointing to the man -addressed:</p> - -<p>“If I am not damnably mistaken, you are the man!” At the same time -he ordered the guard to lock the door and pull out the key.</p> - -<p>“Now,” he resumed, addressing the man to whom he had pointed, who -was none other than a detective in my service, “you will have to give a good -account of yourself.”</p> - -<p>This placed my man in a rather embarrassing position, but he was equal -to the emergency.</p> - -<p>“I am an Anarchist,” he spoke up promptly, in a loud, clear and firm -tone of voice, “and I have been one for years, and you are simply one of -those Pinkerton bummers. What business have you here in our meetings, -I would like to know. The other day I passed Pinkerton’s office. I was -sitting in a car, and I saw you coming down stairs. I suppose you met some -fool that gave you a little information so as to get in here. All you want to -know evidently is how many are present here, and, if possible, learn what<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span> -we are doing. You get out of here in five seconds, or I will shoot you down -like a rat.”</p> - -<p>The officer then pulled out of his pocket a large revolver, and, brandishing -it in the air, asked:</p> - -<p>“Shall I kill that bloodhound?”</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-209.jpg" width="400" height="314" id="i209" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">TURNING THE TABLES.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>The women cried out in a chorus: “Yes, yes; kill him!” The men, -however, did not like the proposition. One of them said: “Don’t kill him -here; take him out somewhere else and shoot him.” This seemed to meet -with general approval.</p> - -<p>The turn of affairs completely surprised the stranger, and he became so -frightened that he could not speak. No one in the meeting knew him, and -he was powerless to speak in his own defense. The officer held his revolver -directed at the man’s face and kept toying with it in the vicinity of his nose. -Finally the fellow stammered out:</p> - -<p>“I am all right, and you will find me out so.”</p> - -<p>At last the women again broke in, with a demand that the intruder be -immediately ejected, and the men responded promptly by kicking him out -of the door. He had no sooner reached the outside than he started on a -keen run, in momentary dread of his life, and he kept up his rapid gait until -he thought he was at a safe distance.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span></p> - -<p>The officer was then the hero of the moment, but he recognized the fact -that he himself was not absolutely safe after this episode. It occurred to -him that possibly the stranger might hunt up some one on Milwaukee -Avenue who could identify him and assure the meeting that he was -a true and reliable Anarchist, and thus turn the tables against the -officer. The moment, therefore, he had regained his seat, he decided to -resort to strategy, and said:</p> - -<p>“We will have to adjourn at once. This fellow will run to the station-house -and bring the patrol wagon with a lot of officers, and we will all be -arrested.”</p> - -<p>In less than three minutes the meeting adjourned, and then the officer -advised them all to go home immediately and not to remain a second if they -did not desire to be arrested. The Anarchists did as he suggested, and -scattered for home in a hurry.</p> - -<p>This detective did not attend any more of the meetings, but was content -in congratulating himself on having come out of that assembly without -a bruise or a scratch.</p> - -<p>About January, 1887, one of my privates informed me that there was a -place on Clybourn Avenue where the Anarchists were accustomed to hold -private meetings. He said that he could not get in as yet, and I told him -to pick up some one whom he could work handily. He must first form the -man’s acquaintance, and then hang around the saloons in the neighborhood -and read the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. I gave him one of John Most’s books and -made him wear a red necktie. I advised him also to get about half drunk, sing -the Marseillaise and curse the police. By so doing, I told him, it would not -be long before he would find a partner. Several times subsequently the -detective visited the Anarchist resorts, accompanied by a little boy who -belonged to one of his friends, and in less than two weeks he had wormed -himself into the confidence of the gang who frequented Clybourn Avenue. -If any one asked him his name he would say:</p> - -<p>“I don’t give my name to people I don’t know. I am against law and -order, and that is sufficient. I don’t believe in having good men hung to -satisfy the rich. They will not hang if I can help any.”</p> - -<p>For the first couple of weeks, the newly formed friends of this detective -would not take him to any of their meetings. I advised him not to make -inquiries. As soon as they thought him all right, they would speak -themselves. Within three weeks some one took him to a meeting and -vouched for him as being true to their cause. At the first meeting he -attended he saw that he was as intelligent as any one of them, and so he -delivered a short speech. That captured them, and they pronounced him -a good man. They asked him to call again at their next meeting, and he -promised that he would be on hand. He then reported to me. I told him -to find a weak spot around the building, where I could put some one to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span> -protect him in case of discovery and danger. A few days after he reported -again that there was a vacant basement under the house, and that it was -very low. There was only a common door with an ordinary lock. I -then promised him that I would put a strong man in there at every meeting, -and in case he should be attacked by the gang, he should shout, “Police.” -Then, the moment the door was broken in, he was to cry out, “Brother!” -so that the man coming to his assistance would know him at once. I also -told him that at the next meeting he should ascertain the size of the room -and notice whatever furniture might be there and where it was standing. -This he did. He made a small diagram.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-211.jpg" width="250" height="247" id="i211" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">UNDERGROUND AUDITORS.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>I then detailed a man to take a -position in the basement at several meetings, but, running short of men shortly -afterwards, I was obliged -to take this man away. -But this did not cripple -us. On another occasion -the private reported -again, handed me a plat -of the room and gave me -some desired information. -I sent for Officer Schuettler. -He responded -promptly, and I told him -what I wanted done. He -said that he was ready -to carry out my instructions. -I told him to go -and buy a one-inch auger, -and next procure a funnel -with the large end the -circumference of a saucer, -and a pipe about four inches long. After an hour’s absence he returned with -the desired articles. I handed him several keys with which to open the -door, showed him the plat, and told him where to bore a hole. I also told -him to secure a cork and plug up the hole after he was through. I then -instructed him to get into the place about half an hour before the meeting -opened and have his apparatus in working order. I gave Officer Schuettler -the dates on which meetings were to be held, and then he started -out with good hope in his new undertaking. A few days subsequently -the officer reported back, and his face was wreathed in smiles.</p> - -<p>“You must have had success,” I said.</p> - -<p>“Yes, everything worked like a charm.”</p> - -<p>He handed me a good report and remarked that it contained the most -important part of the business done by the meeting. He suggested that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span> -he ought to have some one with him so that he could secure all the details. -For the next meeting I sent another officer with him, and this man had a -dark lantern. Schuettler would listen, and as he whispered the words and -sentiments of the speakers, the other officer, with the aid of the light from -his lantern, would commit them to paper. The next morning I received a -full report of all the transactions.</p> - -<p>This sort of work was kept up for several months, and during all this -time I was kept pretty well informed of the secret movements of the old -North Side groups. At the beginning of all their meetings the speakers -would declare their wish to see Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, all the officers working -on the case and myself hung. They generally closed with a promise to -kill all capitalists and blow up all the newspaper buildings.</p> - -<p>One private detective, whom I had at work for me for a long time, -proved very valuable. He belonged to a union and showed very fine -judgment. He would watch only the most radical leaders and ascertain -their intentions. He was a rabid Anarchist himself, but he did not believe -in killing people or precipitating riots so long as it would not help their -cause. He often used to say to me:</p> - -<p>“Captain, I will be true to you. I will help you all I can to prevent -some of these fools from committing any more murders.”</p> - -<p>He said that some of his people had not sense enough to know what -they were doing, and that, whenever he met a man of family who talked -about killing somebody, he would remonstrate with him. For this good -and sensible advice some of the reds called him a coward and a spy. At -one time, on Lake Street, a big, burly brute called him a coward and a -creeping thing. My man stepped up to the fellow and said:</p> - -<p>“I will make you eat your own words, or you will have to kill me.”</p> - -<p>“What do you want me to do?” asked the big ruffian.</p> - -<p>“Fight a duel,” retorted the detective. “I will give you twenty minutes’ -time in which to secure a revolver and get ready. I will pay your -car-fare, and we will go out to Garfield Park. No one shall go with us, and -if you don’t accept my challenge, I will kill you anyhow.”</p> - -<p>“Are you in earnest?” asked the other.</p> - -<p>“Never more so in my life,” was the reply.</p> - -<p>The boasting coward then begged for more time, which was not granted, -and, seeing the challenger determined, he winced.</p> - -<p>“I believe you are a good man. I am sorry that I have insulted you, -and I beg your pardon. Let up on this. If you don’t feel like doing so, -for God’s sake do it for my wife and family.”</p> - -<p>The young fellow then struck the braggart in the face and walked away. -The whimpering coward never raised his hand nor uttered another word.</p> - -<p>This man whom I had employed did not like Spies. He termed Spies -a rattle-head, and disapproved of his arguments in the <i>Fackel</i> that the 1st<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span> -of May was the time for the Anarchists to rise. In this view all the more -sensible conspirators agreed. They knew that they could not accomplish -anything, and therefore they kept away. My man was one of this latter -class. He said everything was working nicely in their favor, but Spies -killed everything. He told me that one night he was in company with -Spies, and that Spies said:</p> - -<p>“I do not care how little I can accomplish. I want revenge on the -police. They killed my brother—a d——d policeman killed him at a picnic. -He shot him dead, and I will never stop until I have more than -double revenge.”</p> - -<p>This statement of Spies’ about the killing was true. The brother killed -was a young tough, and had been shot by Officer Tamillo.</p> - -<p>My man said that from the moment of this interview he had no more -use for Spies. This detective ceased work for a few months, but he thereafter -resumed his secret service, as he found that, in view of the strikes and -laying-off, he could hardly make a living otherwise. I put him to work -again, and he did well, continuing for two months. One day he came to me -and wanted $30. I gave it to him, and he started away. He would report -to me daily through the mail, and whenever he had anything of special -importance to communicate he always knew just where to find me. I -missed his reports for five days, and I failed to learn anything of him during -that time. On the 2nd of August I was severely injured by being thrown -out of my buggy, and I was obliged to keep to the house for two weeks. -On the 5th of August I received a communication from the Coroner of -Lake County, Indiana, asking me if I had a man named Charles Brown -working for me as a detective. The letter was as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pr4 p1"><span class="smcap">Hammond, Lake County</span>, Indiana, August 3, 1887.</p> - -<p><i>Captain Schaack</i>—Sir: I enclose a copy of a statement of a witness who identified the -bodies of two parties drowned in Cedar Lake; also the badge pin found on the man. A Mr. -Heise stated to me before he saw the body that the man was a detective and wore his police -badge on his breast. The body had been found by a hard case by the name of Green and -some pals of his, on the southeast corner of Cedar Lake. When the body was landed, all -the garments on it were undershirt, drawers and pants. All the rest had disappeared. His -coat was found later, but nothing in the pockets. The rest was not found. Mr. Heise said -that he had some money, a watch and chain and a revolver when he left Chicago. Other -parties say that the man Green changed a $20 note for him some time before he was drowned. -There are some very mysterious circumstances with regard to his condition as found and -reported by Green and Scotty, when they found the body, with regard to vest, watch, money -and revolver. I think a little detective work might show up the matter.</p> - -<p class="pr4">Respectfully yours,<span class="vh">————</span> -<span class="smcap">G. Van De Walker</span>,</p> -<p class="pr2">Coroner, Lake Co., Indiana.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Three days after, I learned that this was the same man I had employed, -and I placed Officer Schuettler on the case to unravel, if possible, the mystery -surrounding his death. The officer in a few days reported that it was -exceedingly difficult to obtain a clue, as no one seemed disposed to give<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span> -any information as to foul play; but enough was learned in a general way to -warrant the conclusion that underhanded methods had been used to accomplish -the man’s death.</p> - -<p>I recalled certain incidents in connection with the man’s work as a -detective, and, placing them by the side of the seemingly accidental drowning, -I became convinced that a deliberate -crime had been committed.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-214.jpg" width="400" height="306" id="i214" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">BETRAYED BY BEAUTY.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>One day this private asked me if I -would allow him to tell a young lady -what he was working at. I told him that -he must do nothing of the kind; that if -he did so I would have no further use for him. He then begged me to -permit him to use my name as his friend, and I told him I had no objection -to that. But I found out later that he had said more to the young lady -than I had consented to, and I believe his indiscretion in that respect is -what cost him his life.</p> - -<p>From the moment that the girl ascertained his secret occupation he was a -doomed man. She let other Anarchists into the secret, and they at once set -about devising means for ending his life.</p> - -<p>The information I received later was that it had been decided upon that -the young woman should inveigle him to Cedar Lake, and then, when he -was in her power, to do away with him. The two left the city together, and -were followed by the others in the conspiracy to the place where his body was -found. Before taking the trip on the water, she was seen talking with some -mysterious-looking individuals, and they then and there decided upon the -details of the plan. She was to get him to row out into deep water, and, -when they had got fairly started, her friends were to follow in another rowboat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span> -at a convenient distance. When they reached the middle of the lake -she was to keep a close watch on the other boat, and as they neared her -boat she was to suddenly throw herself on one side and tip the boat over so -that both occupants would be thrown into the water. Her friends were then to -be close at hand, pick her up and save her from drowning. The programme -was carried out so far as related to the capsizing of the boat, but the men -did not get near enough in time to save her. She went down with her companion -and was drowned with him.</p> - -<p>There is no doubt as to the truth of this plot. It was in entire keeping -with Anarchistic methods; and parties who were at the lake at the time state -that they saw the young lady get up in the boat, and that while thus standing -she swung it over, precipitating herself and her lover into the water. -I had men engaged on the case for some time, but the investigation always -ended in the same way—an undoubted conclusion that the detective’s life -was taken by reason of a plot, but no evidence to establish the guilt of the -conspirators. From the information I received, I am satisfied that the -whole matter was carefully planned and carried out by the woman.</p> - -<p>From May 7, 1886, to November 20, 1887, I had a great deal of work, -there were so many things to look after, but after matters had become -systematized and the force had been brought down to good working order, -the burdens of the office became much easier than most people would suppose.</p> - -<p>In the first place, I had one hundred and sixty rank Anarchists to look -after; but as soon as these became known to my men, it was an easy matter -for the officers to report where they had seen them and with whom they -associated. Then I had ten small halls to watch where the Anarchists -met night and day. There were also seventeen saloons where these people -were accustomed to congregate. Three of these latter had small halls connected -with them. Twelve of the other saloons had rear rooms where the -reds would sit at times and hold small meetings. After we had all their -haunts located, and knowing the kind of men who frequented them, the -work of keeping track of them was not so hard. Some of these Anarchists -would enter boldly into these places, while others would almost crawl on -their stomachs to get into the resorts without being seen. Others again -would disguise themselves so that their identity could not become known -to detectives.</p> - -<p>The officers made no attempt to close these places, and possibly the -reader may ask why such notorious and dangerous resorts were permitted -to continue unmolested.</p> - -<p>My reason for not closing them was that the Anarchists were bound to -meet in some place. We knew their resorts thoroughly, and I had plenty -of my men among them, who worked ostensibly for the cause of Anarchy, -but who continually furnished me pointers. Again, we knew just where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span> -they would meet and could always have our men present. If I had shut -them out from these places, they would have been driven into private -houses, broken up into smaller factions, and our work would have been -made much broader and harder in keeping track of them and their doings. -So long as I had the machine, so to speak, in my own hands, and knew all -that had been done and said, we let them alone. And the results justified -our course.</p> - -<p>Among the saloon-keepers there was one who seemed to have a special -liking for me. This man, who had a place on Lake Street, on taking his -first drink in the morning would invariably drink to my health, saying: “I -hope that that d——d Luxemburger, Schaack, will be killed before I go to -bed to-night;” and when he was about to close his doggery for the day, he -would take two drinks and say: “I hope I will find Schaack hanging to a -lamp-post in the morning when I get up.”</p> - -<p>When the saloon-keepers were particularly loaded with beer, they -shouted louder than any one else for Anarchy, and the louder and more -vehemently they shouted the more “solid” did they become with their -Anarchist customers. At every meeting held at these places, collections -were taken up, and the saloon-keepers could always be counted upon to -contribute liberally.</p> - -<p>The worst of these ignorant fools never did realize why the saloon-keepers -shouted so lustily for Anarchy until they came home to find their -wives and little ones crying for bread. Then, perhaps, it faintly dawned -upon their minds that the saloon-keepers were after their nickels. These -liquor-sellers were Anarchists for revenue only, and they sought in every way -to keep on the right side of the rank and file of the party. They always -looked to it, the first thing in the morning, that plenty of Anarchist literature -and a dozen or so copies of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> were duly on the tables -of their places, and in some saloons beer-bloated bums, who could manage -to read fairly, were engaged to read aloud such articles as were particularly -calculated to stir up the passions of the benighted patrons. Robber -and hypocrite are terms too weak to apply to these saloon-keepers. Some -of them had “walking delegates” by their side, and if an Anarchist -seemed to them to be “going wrong” by seeking work, the delegate and -assistant robber would tell him to go back to his headquarters and -wait, assuring him that they would have all things right in a few -days.</p> - -<p>And this is the way these poor fools and their families were kept in -continual misery. Many of the dupes have had their eyes opened and -have quit frequenting these places and the underground caves. What is -the result? Their families are better looked after, and the difference in -their comfort is very apparent. They used to call the Chicago Avenue -Station “Schaack’s Bastile,” but let me say that those saloon-keepers with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span> -their low and contemptible resorts were the real bastile-keepers. Hundreds -and hundreds of men, heads and fathers of families, have been kept in -squalid want by spending their very last cent in these holes, and their -dependents have been left without food, proper clothing or fuel. I believe in -unions for proper objects, but even these should not be continued for the -benefit of such saloon-keepers.</p> - -<p>All these men were great heroes so long as they could hope to enrich -themselves, but when the chief conspirators were locked up in jail, and -liberal contributions were demanded for the defense, their enthusiasm in -the holy cause of Anarchy was considerably cooled.</p> - -<p>While Chicago is regarded as the head center of Anarchy in America, -people of other cities and States should not imagine that the vicious reds -are all in this city. There are plenty of them scattered throughout the -country, and this fact was made quite manifest at the time the Anarchists -were being arrested. Friends of the imprisoned men came to Chicago from -all over the United States, and financial assistance poured in on all sides. -Those who came here were open in their declarations of sympathy and -never attempted to conceal their actions.</p> - -<p>When these same men were at their homes they did not dare to openly -say a word in favor of Anarchy, because they were few in numbers; but -should there be enough to make a formidable showing, they will throw off -their mask and assume a defiant, menacing attitude.</p> - -<p>These arrivals, just as soon as they became known, were kept under -espionage, and every movement they made was looked after, lest they might -commit some desperate deed. Of course there were a great many whom -the police did not discover, and it is a wonder that, during the excitement -incident to the arrest of so many Anarchists and the searches made of -Anarchistic houses, some diabolical act was not perpetrated. Possibly -they discovered that the omnipresent police were so thoroughly on the -inside of their conspiracy that detection was inevitable. It is certain that -they knew that I had become thoroughly posted as to the inside workings -of Anarchy, and the sound fear which I was able to inspire by a bold and -aggressive policy no doubt acted as a restraint upon any violent outburst -of passion and revenge.</p> - -<p>It was constant vigilance alone that averted trouble, and no Anarchist -of a specially vicious disposition was permitted to feel that his movements -were overlooked or unwatched. For this purpose I had Anarchists among -Anarchists to inform on Anarchists, and all the meetings were thus kept -under strict surveillance. Even private houses were watched. On one -occasion I desired to secure certain information. One of the private detectives -was accordingly detailed to watch the rear of a certain building from -an alley. He was there for two days without being observed by any one, -but on the third day he was noticed by a police officer. The officer asked -him what he was doing in that locality, and the private responded:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span></p> - -<p>“I am waiting for a friend of mine who is working in this barn, and I -expect him around soon.”</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-218.jpg" width="300" height="355" id="i218" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THALIA HALL.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>The officer placed no reliance on the statement, and so he hustled him -out of the alley. The detective walked on a short distance, and, as soon as -the officer was out of sight, retraced his steps and returned to the place, -this time finding a different point for his observations. He had scarcely -thought himself secure from further interruptions, when the back gate -of the next yard opened, and in walked the same officer. Both were alike -surprised. But this -time there were no -questions asked and -no explanations demanded. -The officer -promptly seized the -detective by the collar -and marched him to -the Chicago Avenue -Station. The detective -kept his identity -to himself, and of -course found himself -speedily assigned to -a cell over night. On -the next morning, as -I sauntered through -the lock-up, I discovered -my friend in -durance vile, and, -promptly looking up -the record, found that -he had been booked -for disorderly conduct.</p> - -<p>I then returned and told him that, when brought into court, he should -not say anything to the judge, but play the part of a fool and simpleton. -His case came up; he was fined $5 and sent back to the lock-up. I went -to him later, handed him the money, and in half an hour he paid his fine -and left. The detective went back to his post, but the officer was not put -on that beat again. My man worked for about two weeks and finished -his job.</p> - -<p>Of course, the detectives in the case had varied experiences. On another -occasion it was desirable to know what was being done at some secret -meetings held at Thalia Hall, No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. This was after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span> -the trial of the Anarchists had begun. I assigned a few detectives in that -direction, and shortly afterwards the proceedings might as well have been -open so far as the police were concerned.</p> - -<p>My boys had a great deal of fun. They managed to discover a way by -which they secured an entrance under the stage, and at the first meeting -they attended they amused themselves by cutting a hole through that portion -of the stage facing the audience. When they had done this, they could -see all present and hear everything that was said. Many a night they held -to that port-hole and enjoyed the circus on the outside. They heard many -a speech of a threatening character against Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr. -Bonfield and myself, and sometimes they had to listen to some rampant -speaker who would depict the pleasure all Anarchists would enjoy at seeing -the funerals of these officials passing through the streets. Of course, those -who were the most bitter had the least courage, and so long as the auditors -only listened to speeches, my boys were perfectly satisfied that no immediate -danger was to be apprehended.</p> - -<p>I finally learned that some of the Anarchists had become suspicious, -and therefore ordered Officer Schuettler and the others to remain away, as -they would otherwise be discovered. And they would have been. One -day the Anarchists made a careful search of the building, and they found the -hole through which the boys had peeped. They then decided on a plan. It -was that during the next meeting, which they felt certain some of my boys -would attend, a great commotion should be made in the hall. This would -surely bring one of the detectives with his eye very near the hole. Then -one of the Anarchists should stealthily creep up on the side, suddenly -plunge a sharp iron through the hole, and kill the man within.</p> - -<p>One officer, who proved of great assistance to me, was Charles Nordrum. -He became engaged in the case shortly after the Haymarket riot, and after -a time became a regular attaché of the detective department. He was -born in Norway on the 9th of November, 1858, and had lived in Chicago -since 1868. He joined the police force in November, 1884, and, possessing -a great deal of tact and shrewdness, his services were soon enlisted in the -work of hunting up the red conspirators. He worked at times with Officer -Schuettler, but reported to Ebersold. Both were known to my officers, but -they did not know of my private workers. Nordrum was especially detailed -to look after some meetings at Thalia Hall, at the Emma Street Hall, in -the rear room of Zepf’s saloon, in the rear room of Greif’s saloon, at No. -600 Blue Island Avenue, and at the Northwestern Hall, and he did not -overlook meetings held in the cellars of some of the more prominent Anarchists -on the Northwest Side and of others who were in sympathy with the -Anarchists. He wormed himself into the good graces of quite a number of -the reds, and was always kindly received by them. After a time the police -stopped the holding of meetings in some of the halls, and then the Anarchist<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span> -sympathizers harbored the reds in their cellars, furnishing candles for -illumination and nail-kegs for seats. On the 5th of July, 1887, Nordrum -was exposed at No. 599 Milwaukee Avenue, and he was at once surrounded -by an infuriated mob. The Anarchists with whom he had associated -attempted to kill him, but the officer, after a desperate fight, succeeded in -reaching the door before any serious violence had been done him. This, of -course, destroyed his further usefulness among them, but out of his knowledge -of the men and their affairs two arrests were effected. He and Officer -Schuettler brought in Emil Wende and Frederick Kost, members of the -Terra Cotta Union. These men had been selected to buy each member of -their group a 42-caliber revolver and one box of cartridges, and the weapons -so secured were to have been used on the police on the day of the execution. -The weapons had been purchased, and as soon as the principals had -been placed under arrest, a descent was made upon the supply. All the -revolvers were captured and brought to the Central Station.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-220.jpg" width="400" height="328" id="i220" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">UNDERGROUND CONSPIRATORS.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Noticing how successfully they had been circumvented in all their movements, -the Anarchists naturally came to the conclusion that detectives were -working in their ranks either in the interest of myself or of Billy Pinkerton, -and they resolved to discover, if possible, the men so engaged. One<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span> -day a very intelligent fellow called at my office and wanted to know if I -desired any more men to work for me among the Anarchists. He stated -that he was well acquainted with all the reds, and, if I would pay him well, -he would render good service.</p> - -<p>I called him into my private office, and I closely questioned him. I -learned that he knew a great many of them, and I told him that I wanted -one good man. He then considered himself engaged, and said to me:</p> - -<p>“Now you had better tell me all the men that are working for you -and show them all to me so we can work together.”</p> - -<p>I told him that if he could find out any one of my men I would pay -him $20 a week, and then he might consider himself engaged. He went -away, but he never came back to claim the $20.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-221.jpg" width="200" height="257" id="i221" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">OFFICER NORDRUM.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>This ruse having failed, the Anarchists devised another. One day early -in August, 1886, they sent one of my countrymen, a Luxemburger, to me. -This fellow began to play his cards very nicely, -and sought to carve a very pretty little path -into my confidence, but he had not proceeded -very far before my suspicions were aroused, -and he got nothing to satisfy either himself -or those who sent him. While our conversation -was going on one of the officers came in, -and, noticing the fellow, called me into another -room. The officer then stated that he had seen -the man hanging around West Lake Street, -had seen him drunk frequently, and had once -found him in tears, saying that he had come -from Paris, had seen the downfall of the -Commune there, and that now that Anarchy -was suppressed in Chicago all hope for liberty -was gone, and he would be ready to die at his -own hands after he should have first killed somebody. I returned to -the office.</p> - -<p>“See here, old fellow,” said I, “I have spies amongst the Anarchists, -but I do not want spies among my own command.”</p> - -<p>The man was then asked if he could do any work, and when he said -that he had not done any work in a long time, I remarked that I had a job -for him. He became interested and wanted to know what kind of a job it was.</p> - -<p>“It is under Superintendent Felton at the House of Correction, and he -will assign you to work that will keep the dogs from biting you for six -months. You are a vagrant, and I will bring you into court to-morrow -morning and have you fined $100. That will be six months.”</p> - -<p>The man begged piteously to be spared that punishment, and I plied -him with questions. He stated that, inasmuch as he was of the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span> -nationality as myself, the Anarchists thought he could readily get into my -secrets, and they had forced him to come. I told him that my officers knew -him and had him spotted, and that unless he left the city by the next day I -would have him arrested and sent to the work-house. He left the station, -and I have never seen him since. Since then I have received a letter from -Michigan, saying that if the writer had me there I would never see Chicago -again, as he would find work for me for awhile, and I am confident that it -came from my old friend.</p> - -<p>During the progress of the investigations some curious characters were -encountered. Some sought me, as I have already noted, but in most -instances I had to hunt them. One eccentric genius was especially noticeable. -He had started out with the intention of reading himself into the -Anarchist faith, and for this purpose be became a constant reader of the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and its Sunday edition, the <i>Fackel</i>. For some time he -wavered in his opinion, but the more he read the more he became convinced -that there was something in Anarchy. At last he became so deeply imbued -that he almost regarded it a sacrilege to destroy the copies he had purchased -for his enlightenment. He carefully stowed the papers away in the -closet in his room, and when he returned from work he would open the -door and examine his collection much as a miser inspects his hoard.</p> - -<p>May 4 finally came, and with it the event he had looked forward to so -longingly. But the outcome did not suit him. He noticed that the police -were getting uncomfortably close to his locality, but he did not feel any -special concern until one evening a patrol wagon pulled up in front of -No. 105 Wells Street, near his own domicile. He saw the officers -approaching in the direction of the entrance, and, jumping from his chair -near the window, shouted to his landlady:</p> - -<p>“For heaven’s sake!—the police are coming to search the house—what -will I do? If they come into my room and find my papers, I will be arrested -and locked up as an Anarchist. Let me burn my papers in your stove.”</p> - -<p>The landlady would not permit it, as she feared arrest as an accomplice. -The young man almost fell on his knees in pleading with her for permission. -Finding his appeals useless, he hastened to his room, lit a fire in a sheet-iron -stove there, and began to burn his whole collection. His haste was so -great that he crammed too many papers in at once, and the stove became -overheated. The wall paper began to burn, and the Anarchist had to give -his attention to moving the bed and furniture away from the walls. He did -not dare to give an alarm of fire, and yet he saw that the whole room would -be in flames in a few moments. He seized a pitcher of water, emptied its -contents on the wall, opened the door and called for the landlady to come -to his assistance. She responded, and when she saw the situation, she -cried out, “Fire, fire!” He endeavored to make her desist from her cries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span> -and urged her to bring him water. Water was brought and soused all over -the stove and the walls.</p> - -<p>By this time the house was full of smoke, and they opened the window. -An officer in the wagon noticed the smoke, and shouted to some of his companions -that there was a fire next door up-stairs. The young man overheard -this and hastened to tell the officer that it was only smoke and that -no assistance was required.</p> - -<p>The landlady now ran away to escape possible arrest, and the young man -was left alone. He again assured the officer below that the smoke had all -cleared away, and he slammed down the window.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-223.jpg" width="300" height="311" id="i223" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE SCARED AMATEUR ANARCHIST.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>After thus escaping -police investigation, -the -youthful Anarchist -felt happy, and he -had reasons to be, -as he would certainly -have been arrested, -in view of -his actions, had the -officers ever entered -his room. -Others had been -arrested under less -suspicious circumstances, -and it took -some of them a long -time to satisfactorily -explain their position. -The young -man has since become -connected -with a newspaper. -He may deny this in his paper, but I will never “give him away.”</p> - -<p>While pursuing the investigations, and never losing hope of finding Parsons, -I was one day informed by Officer Henry Fechter that a man who knew -the foxy Anarchist had seen the fugitive at Geneva, Wis., and his arrest -might be easily effected. The officer was a detail at the time at the Northwestern -Railroad depot, and his informant was a reliable gentleman. I -instructed the officer to report his information to Chief Ebersold, as I was -helpless in the matter, having no authority to send an officer outside of the -city limits. That was the last I ever heard of it. The information -was evidently pigeonholed, and Parsons continued to bask in rural sunshine<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span> -and enjoy himself until the day he came into court of his own free will. -This was not the only instance of supine neglect in the Chief’s office and -the detective department. I have already spoken of the case of Schnaubelt, -the bomb-thrower, but there is still another striking illustration. It -was shortly after the selection of a jury to try the Anarchists. The Bonfield -brothers and myself were obliged to be in court nearly all the time, and the -Anarchists on the outside, observing this, began to concoct plots for taking -revenge on the city. In this emergency the Chief decided to go to California, -and, in order that he might have cheerful company, he invited Lieut. Joseph -Kipley, of the so-called detective department, and Capt. William Buckley, -of the First Precinct.</p> - -<p>When Mr. Grinnell heard of this contemplated trip, at a time when, for -the sake of public appearance at least, the Chief ought to have remained at -home, he firmly remonstrated and reminded the official of his duty. But -Ebersold shook his head.</p> - -<p>“I have got my tickets,” said he; “what will I do with them?”</p> - -<p>“Throw them into the lake,” replied Mr. Grinnell.</p> - -<p>But the Chief was obstinate, and he and his party left for the Pacific -Coast. The force was then left in command of Inspector John Bonfield, -who thus had double duty imposed upon him.</p> - -<p>The moment the work of impaneling the jury had begun, the outside -Anarchists began to exert themselves to put some of their own men into -the jury-box. When they found that the State was too vigilant, however, -they next set about to secure such witnesses as could be counted upon to -swear their friends out of jail. Take the evidence of the strongest witnesses -put on the stand by the defense, and the critical, unbiased examiner will -readily discover that many of them were simply perjurers.</p> - -<p>But the labors of the reds were in vain, and when they began to realize -that the jury did not seem impressed with the character of their evidence, -the outside barbarians grew desperate and resolved on a new line of tactics.</p> - -<p>One day I received a note from one of my men warning me to protect -the jury. The Anarchists, he said, were working out a scheme to injure -some of the jurors, and if they could succeed in that, they were confident -the case would have to be begun anew. If the case ever came up -again, no man would care to risk his life in a trial of the conspirators, -and their brothers would go free. If, however, the State should secure a -full set of jurors, they would give them a dose of dynamite, and that would -certainly end the case. Then they could keep on with Anarchy and make -the capitalists cower before them. This plan, I was informed, had met the -entire approval of the gang.</p> - -<p>I conferred with Mr. Grinnell, and as a result we doubled the watch to -protect the jury. We made it a point also to know when the jurors went -out for a walk or a drive, and, without their knowledge, trustworthy men<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span> -were always with them or near them until their return. The hotel in which -they were quartered was only about two hundred feet from the Criminal -Court building, but whenever they came to the court in the morning, or -went to their meals during recess, or left the court building after each day’s -adjournment, twelve detectives along the line kept vigilant watch of all -suspicious characters. Besides the detectives there were fifteen officers in -uniform, and during the last three days of the trial we even redoubled our -vigilance. There were twenty-five officers on the street, twenty-five more -in the court-room, and twenty-five men about the building. All these men -were in uniform, so that the “cranks” could see them, and it proved to be a -very good precaution. During the night, detectives and regular patrolmen -were watching inside and outside at the jurors’ hotel.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-225.jpg" width="400" height="328" id="i225" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">WATCHING A SUSPECT.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>On the last day of the arguments, when Mr. Grinnell was closing for the -State, something very suspicious was noticed in the court-room. A man -with a very mysterious air had been seen around the building for eight -days preceding, and it was recalled that he came at varying hours of the -day. On each occasion he held a few moments’ private talk with some of -those Anarchists who had displayed interest in the proceedings, after which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span> -he always disappeared. The parties he generally talked with were Belz, -who assisted in conducting the defense, Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. -He was about five feet ten inches tall, about forty years of age, weighed -about 180 pounds, had a round face, short, stubby, sandy beard and mustache, -a nose built on the feminine plan, large, gray, piercing eyes, and -withal he was not a very prepossessing man.</p> - -<p>During the last hour, when Mr. Grinnell was making his plea to the -jury, this man entered the court-room and took a seat in the front, right in -the midst of the Anarchists’ families. This brought him within seven or -eight feet behind the State’s Attorney. He crossed his arms over his -stomach, and leaned pretty well forward, keeping his hands concealed under -his coat. I was surprised at the fellow’s impudence, because the court-room -at the time was so still that a whisper could have been distinctly -heard all over the room. I sat at a table, with Mr. Walker to the left and -Mr. Ingham to the right, and I called the attention of these two gentlemen -to the mysterious man and his queer attitude. They watched his nervous -actions, and became alarmed lest he might be there for some vicious object. -The man had indeed a desperate look, but it was thought best not to interrupt -the proceedings just then. Under the strict orders of Judge Gary, -everybody was obliged to be seated in the court-room, and when the seats -were full no more were admitted. This was another good precaution at such -a trial. The police officials had thus a clear view of the whole room.</p> - -<p>At times, whenever there happened to be some severe allusions to the -defendants by Mr. Grinnell, the stranger would twist himself around -uneasily, all the time, however, maintaining his peculiar attitude. Mr. -Ingham remarked that he was afraid the stranger might suddenly jump on -Mr. Grinnell and stab him in the back. Mr. Walker expressed a similar -opinion. I said that he should get no chance to do that, as I would kill -him before he could take one step toward Mr. Grinnell, and at the same -time I got my trusty 38-caliber Colt’s revolver in position where I could -produce it the instant it was needed. We all agreed that this would be -the right course to take. At one time the man looked sharply at me, and -I gave him a savage look right into his eyes. From that time I kept him -busy looking at me.</p> - -<p>As soon as Mr. Grinnell had concluded the man jumped up, drew near -to Belz and spoke to him. Then he turned to a woman and handed her a -paper. Meanwhile I had already called a detective to watch him, and as -soon as the stranger reached the corridor he was searched. Nothing dangerous -was found about his person, but it was impossible to learn where -he lived or what was his name. He would give no account of himself, and -he was taken down stairs and kept there until all the detectives had taken -a good look at him. He was then told to go and never show himself around -the building again.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span></p> - -<p>On the next morning a revolver was found in the building, and the opinion -among those posted on the affair was that it must have belonged to the -mysterious visitor. He had evidently come with a desperate determination -to shoot some one, even at the sacrifice of his own life, but, seeing how slim -were his chances for getting near his victim after the close watch kept upon -him, he abandoned his intention and dropped his revolver to destroy any -evidence against himself.</p> - -<p>Possibly he may have been simply engaged in playing a “bluff” on his -Anarchist friends, his intention being to make them believe that he had -nerve enough to go right into a court-room and shoot down an official, and -afterwards to excuse his failure by referring to his friends for proof that he -was so closely watched that he had no opportunity to get near his victim.</p> - -<p>Mr. Grinnell was shortly afterwards informed of the incident, and he -remarked that possibly a “crank” might have been found by the Anarchists -to make an assault that they themselves had not the courage to undertake.</p> - -<p>As I have already indicated, a great many documents and letters, public -and private, fell into the hands of the police during the searches made, -and from the collection I give a few for the purpose of showing what kind -of a dynamite office was being run by Parsons and Spies.</p> - -<p>The following was found by Detective James Bonfield on Parsons’ desk -in the <i>Alarm</i> office, May 5, 1886:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pch2 p1">Dealers in Marble and Granite Cemetery Work.—No. 193 Woodland Avenue, <span class="smcap">Cleveland, -Ohio</span>, April 29, 1886.</p> - -<p><i>Comrade Parsons</i>:—Providing we send you the following dispatch: “Another bouncing -boy, weight 11 pounds, all are well—signal Fred Smith,”—can you send us No. 1 for the -amount we sent you by telegram. Please give us your lowest estimate. Also state by what -express company you will send it to us.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Parsons had nothing to do with either handling or selling dynamite, if -his own statements are to be accepted. Still he and Spies and their crowd -seem to have had a great many inquiries for the “good stuff” Parsons -used to refer to in his speeches, and which he urged his followers to carry -in their vest pockets during the day and keep under their pillows at -night. Another evidence of their guilt was found on the same day by -Detective Bonfield in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, on Spies’ desk:</p> - -<table id="t02" summary="t02"> - - <tr> - <td class="tch1"><span class="smcap">The Ætna Powder Company</span>,<br /> -<i>Manufacturers and Dealers.</i><br /> -High Explosives and Blasting Supplies.</td> - <td class="tdl2">Works: Miller, Ind., Lake County.<br /> -Office: No. 98 Lake Street, Chicago.</td> - </tr> - -</table> - -<table id="t03" summary="t03"> - - <tr> - <td class="tch1"><span class="smcap">Order No.</span> ——.</td> - <td class="tch1"><i>Sold to Cash.</i></td> - <td class="tch1"><span class="smcap">Chicago</span>, October 24, 1885.</td> - </tr> - -</table> - -<p class="pc reduct">10 lbs. No. 1, 1¼, $3.50; 100 T T caps, $1.00; 100 feet double T fuse, 75 cts.—$5.25.<br /> -Paid—Ætna Powder Company, I. F.</p> - -<p class="p1">In justice to the company it should be explained that they had no -knowledge of the purposes for which the material was to be used.</p> - -<p>I have already referred to the great courtesy shown Schnaubelt at the -Central Station—how, when he was brought by Officer Palmer for the third<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span> -time before Lieut. Shea and the Chief, he was promptly ordered released, -and how he finally and hastily concluded to leave the city in order to save -the detective department any further trouble on his account. It subsequently -transpired that the direction he took was for the great and boundless -West; but in all his wanderings he always seems to have kindly -remembered his friends in Chicago for permitting him to take so extended -a journey. He even wrote back to some of them, and one letter, which, -was put in the possession of Officer Palmer, is especially worthy of publicity. -It reads as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pr2 p1"><span class="smcap">Portland, Oregon.</span></p> - -<p><i>To the Chief of Police, Chicago</i>—My Dear Old Jackass: Thanks to your pig-headed -lieutenant, I am here sound and safe. Before this reaches you I have left here, and the only -thing I regret is that we did not kill more of your blue-coated hounds.</p> - -<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Schnaubelt.</span></p></div> - -<p class="p1">The following, received by Parsons and Spies, are self-explanatory:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pr2 p1"><span class="smcap">Eufaula</span>, April 13, 1886</p> - -<p><i>Dear Comrade Parsons</i>:—I have received your papers and am very much obliged for -them. Glad that you like my article. I am writing now for <i>To-Day</i>, of London, and for -the <i>Alarm</i>, and am going to write for <i>La Tribune du Peuple de Paris</i>. Situated as I am now, -I can be of no good but by writing, and I intend to avail myself of it. You may be astonished -if I tell you that I never use the word “Anarchy.” I stick to the old word “Socialism.” -It can be understood and does not require any knowledge of Greek to make out its -meaning. If I was to seek in the Greek language for a word to express where I stand, I -would call myself an Anticrat, opposed to any kind of crazy notions, democracy as well as -aristocracy. I am for individual responsibility and social action. I am for liberty, but -within society, not above it, and, first of all, I am for equality of conditions. I want organization -first, revolution second, social economy reorganization third, and abolition of -governmental action last of all. If you could confiscate the government to-morrow, I would -have no objection to use it for a while.</p> - -<p>Anarchism has a very dangerous drift toward individualism, as you may perceive by -reading <i>Liberty</i>, of Boston, and individualism is bound to generate some kind of a crazy -notion and end in despotism. Beware of individualistic Anarchism and stick to the socialistic.</p> - -<p>We are in a state of warfare with all the crazes and must use all the weapons of warfare -within our reach. Our present weapons—strikes and boycotting—are dangerous, and -expulsive if we were to use the ballot. The workers are the many; the masters the few. -Before upsetting the government, let us try to use it. Mayors, councilmen, aldermen, governors, -and so forth, have a good deal to say about how the police and militia shall be used, -and judges have a good deal to say when workingmen are prosecuted for claiming their -rights. Could not the workers organize to conquer these offices? What do you think of -that? What do you think of that?</p> - -<p class="pr2">Salute and Fraternity.<span class="vh">————</span><span class="smcap">Frederic Tafferd.</span></p> - - -<p class="pr2 p2"><span class="smcap">What Cheer, Keokuk County, Iowa</span>, April 18, 1886.</p> - -<p><i>A. R. Parsons, Esq.</i>—Dear Sir: We organized a group of the Lehr und Wehr Verein -in this town on the above date. The organizer was your comrade John McGinn, of Rock -Spring, Wyoming. Inclosed you will find the amount for the cards—names as follows:</p></div> - -<table id="t04" summary="t04"> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">John H. Nicholson,</td> - <td class="tch1">miner;</td> - <td class="tch1">age,</td> - <td class="tdl2">41</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">Arthur Cowrey,</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tdl2">42</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">William Morgan,</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tdl2">34</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">Isaac Little,</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tdl2">39</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">Benjamin E. Williams,</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tdl2">37</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">William Jackson,</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tdl2">39</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">John McGinn,</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tdl2">29</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">William H. Osborne,</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tdl2">36</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="tdl2">John R. Thomas,</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tch1">”</td> - <td class="tdl2">33</td> - </tr> - -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">I suppose you will need to know who is chief and secretary of the group. John McGinn -is chief and John H. Nicholson is the secretary. I remain yours, in the care of John H. -Nicholson, What Cheer, Keokuk County, Iowa, Box 697.</p> - -<p class="pr2 p2"><span class="smcap">St. Louis</span>, March 27, 1886.</p> - -<p><i>Mrs. and Mr. Parsons</i>:—We were quite sorry to learn of your sickness, which prevented -you to be with us at the Commune Festival, while we were just as glad to see that Mrs. Parsons -did accept our invitation. My hope and wish that you are well again for the present. -The Commune Festival was well attended by a large crowd, and it was a great disappointment -for the J. W. P. A. being forced to announce the absence of the English speaker. I -am quite aware that it would have been a great lift for our principles if Mrs. Parsons could -have been present. However, St. Louis is not Chicago, and the movement is not as well -progressing as in Chicago. No wonder. I have been teached lately a lesson myself, and -therefore withdraw as a member of the group. We herewith send you a little collection of -picture cards, which Mary had saved up for your children. We intended to send them -along with Mrs. Parsons. Mary has already two large scrap-books full of such collections. -Hail for the revolution.</p> - -<p> -Yours respectfully,<span class="vh">————</span> -<span class="smcap">J. M. Mentyer</span>.</p> - -<p>P. S.—If you have any old <i>Alarms</i> to spare, I would make good use of them at present -during this railroad strike. I shall soon send some money again. I also send you the -<i>Chronicle</i> so you can see what declaration the Knights of Labor have issued in answer to -Monster Robber Gould.</p> - -<p class="pr2 p2">Personal.<span class="vh">——————————</span><span class="smcap">Port Jarvis, N. Y.</span>, October 31, 1885.</p> - -<p><i>My Dear Comrade</i>:—Well, I will stay here, as I wrote you. I started out on a “tramp” -to look for a job. I stayed nearly a week at New Haven and spoke there, though why Liberty -should head his letter from there “Unfortunate for Herr Most,” is more than I can -see. I came here and looked up an old friend, John G. Mills. He proposed starting a small -job book-bindery. He puts in capital and I the skill. That seems fair; while I will be sure -of a mere living for the winter, there is no guarantee that capital will gain by it. So the -timidity of capital must be overcome. Well, the bargain is this: When I pay back the -advance capital (and until I do so I am not to draw in amount over $5.00 a week), paid it -all, then I am to own half and we will start equal partners, and he furnishes more capital if -necessary on half paid back. I have agreed, as I believe it is the best I can do, and it opens -a good prospect. It is probable that I will not be very active in “the cause” here, as every -moment will be occupied, but I am willing to go anywhere within reasonable distance this -winter and give a lecture to any group for mere expenses—car-fare and board—and believe -I could stir up the boys. New Jersey, Pennsylvania and New York, all three join -together here, and any of the three States would be convenient. I should give a lecture -rather than a speech, but it would be <i>extempore</i>. Can’t you drop a line to Philadelphia, or -some point near? Buffalo is nearly as near.</p> - -<p>When I feel like giving you an article I shall mail it, but, of course, you will use it or lay -it over as you feel about it. I think I can put a point strongly, but do not want to crowd -out anything else.</p> - -<p>If you can use me on your paper, draw on me for all the copy you like. I like the Alarm -and think it has improved since last spring. Any points I can get from French papers, I -will give you the benefit of. I never got that card. Is it contrary to custom?</p> - -<p class="pr2">Yours truly,<span class="vh">————————</span> -<span class="smcap">Lum</span>.</p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XIII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Difficulties of Detection—Moving on the Enemy—A Hebrew Anarchist—Oppenheimer’s -Story—Dancing over Dynamite—Twenty-Five Dollars’ Worth -of Practical Socialism—A Woman’s Work—How Mrs. Seliger Saved the North Side—A -Well-merited Tribute—Seliger Saved by his Wife—The Shadow of the Hangman’s -Rope—A Hunt for a Witness—Shadowing a Hack—The Commune Celebration—Fixing -Lingg’s Guilt—Preparing the Infernal Machines—A Boy Conspirator—Lingg’s -Youthful Friend—Anarchy in the Blood—How John Thielen was Taken into Camp—His -Curious Confession—Other Arrests.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE preceding pages will have given to the reader facts enough to show -the difficulty of the task assumed, as well as the manner in which we -went about the work. One of the greatest of the obstacles to be overcome -arose from the character and habits of thought of the Anarchists themselves. -They heartily hated all law, and despised its constituted representatives. -The conspiracy was well disciplined in itself, and it had been -specially organized with a view to guarding its secrets from the outside -world and protecting its members from the consequences of their crimes. -Thus I soon found that it would require peculiar address, patience, secretiveness -and diligent work to lay bare the great plot to the world.</p> - -<p>I can find no better place than this to testify to the help given me -throughout the case by Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, whose work -was a most important feature of the result finally brought before the -Criminal Court.</p> - -<p>The protection of society is an interest so momentous that it would be a -false modesty in me to refuse, for fear that I should be charged with egotism, -to analyze the processes by which the conviction of the confederates -in the Haymarket murder conspiracy was bought about, and accordingly I -will now say, once for all, that I believe that careful, systematic detective -inquiry, conducted with some brains and a good deal of grit, can unravel -any plot which the enemies of law and order and our American institutions -are apt to hatch. It will require tact. It will require intelligence. It may -require the hardest and most persistent work that men may do—but about -the result there can be no doubt. Our government and our methods are -strong enough for the protection of the people and the maintenance of law -and order, no matter how dangerous may seem the forces arrayed against it.</p> - -<p>The various steps taken may be gathered best from the memoranda -made upon the arrest of each Anarchist who had been conspicuous in his -order and who was supposed to know the secret workings of the “armed -sections;” and, in reading the particulars, the general conclusion will -become irresistible that the men who posed as the bloodthirsty bandits of -Chicago became arrant, cringing cowards when they found themselves<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span> -within the clutches of the law. In the galaxy of trembling “cranks” there -were a few exceptions, notably George Engel and Louis Lingg, but the -demeanor of the common herd under arrest proved that their vaunted -bravery had been simply so much talk “full of sound and fury.”</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-231.jpg" width="250" height="327" id="i231" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">JULIUS OPPENHEIMER’S “DOUBLE.”<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>One of the first arrests which I made was that of Julius Oppenheimer, -<i>alias</i> Julius Frey. This man was a peculiar genius and was possessed by -an unbounded admiration for Anarchists and all their methods. He had -come to America five years before and had been brought up an Anarchist. -He was a Hebrew of a very -pronounced type, twenty-five -years of age, a butcher -by occupation, but an -Anarchist in and out of -season. Whenever he succeeded -in securing employment -he was sure speedily -to lose it by his persistent -teaching of Anarchy, and -in some places people even -went so far as to drive him -out of town. If fortunate -enough to get work in an -adjoining town, he would -tell his fellow workmen of -his prior experience and -curse what he termed his -persecution for conscience’s -sake. Whenever his Anarchist -beliefs had been expounded, -he was promptly -dismissed, and in one town -he was politely informed -that unless he got out in -short order he was liable -to find himself hanging to a tree. This sort of thing embittered him still -more against society, and finally he abandoned all attempts to find work. -He resolved himself into a tramp, and, in traveling from place to place, -he sought to convert every other tramp he met to his revolutionary ideas.</p> - -<p>He soon learned that Chicago was regarded all over the country as the -home of Socialism, its stronghold and citadel, and he made haste to reach -it so that he too could become an agitator, with nothing to do and plenty to -eat and drink. He had been in the city only a few days when he learned -of the Socialistic haunt at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, and there he soon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span> -made the acquaintance of Lingg and other, lesser lights, whose principal -aim seemed to be to loaf around the saloons, guzzle beer and talk dynamite. -This pleased Oppenheimer. He had traveled many weary days, but at -last he had found what he had so long sought. He was received cautiously -at first, but finally with open arms. One night he attended a meeting at the -number given above and heard Engel speak about killing all the police in -Chicago. Oppenheimer was delighted, and on the adjournment of the -meeting he grew very enthusiastic, threatening to visit dire punishment on -both the police and the rich. He stepped out on the sidewalk, and, just -then encountering a policeman, he ejaculated:</p> - -<p>“You old loafer, you won’t live much longer!”</p> - -<p>The words had hardly been uttered when Oppenheimer found himself -prostrate in the gutter. The policeman passed on, and not one of Oppenheimer’s -comrades dared to come to the Anarchist’s assistance or proffer -sympathy. This was a treatment he had not expected, but he smothered -his wrath and continued to attend all the meetings of the “revolutionary -groups.” He grew stronger every day in the good graces of his comrades, -and at one of their meetings he was asked, along with others, to secure some -of the “good stuff” and bombs. He responded and secured a substantial -outfit. When the 4th of May came he happened for some reason to be -some eighteen miles out of the city, but the moment he heard of the explosion -he hastened back at once and hunted up his old friends to help them -destroy the town.</p> - -<p>On the evening of May 7 he was encountered by Officer Loewenstein at -58 Clybourn Avenue, in Neff’s Hall, and taken to the Larrabee Street -Station. He was put into a cell and kept locked up for about a week. -Gradually it began to dawn upon his mind that he was in trouble, that possibly -the police had secured evidence against him, and so at last he sent -for me.</p> - -<p>“I see,” he said, “that it is foolish to fight against law and order, but -you must excuse me for my actions. I read so much of that Most trash -and other books that I was really crazy. I lost my reason and did not -know what I was doing. Now I will tell all I know, but I will not testify -against any of these people.”</p> - -<p>He was given no special assurances, but he unbosomed himself fully -and became extremely useful in giving needed information. One day he -said that if I would take him out in a carriage he would show where he -had a lot of dynamite bombs planted, and added:</p> - -<p>“Before going after the stuff, I will show you some of the worst Anarchists -in the city, but in doing so I will tell you candidly my life is in danger. -If these men see me they will shoot me on the spot.”</p> - -<p>He was assured that he would be fixed in such a disguise that no one -would recognize him, and, consenting to go under such conditions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span> -Oppenheimer was rigged out like a veritable darkey. Officers Schuettler -and Loewenstein were detailed to accompany him, and together they -visited Sullivan, Connor, Hoyne, Mohawk and Hurlbut Streets, where -many Anarchists then lived, and where Oppenheimer pointed out the -houses of many notable conspirators.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately, in one of the localities visited, colored people were very -scarce, and it did not take the boys long to discover the sham, when they -at once began shouting, “Here is a lost, crazy nigger,” and they followed -him, throwing bricks and stones. At other times the officers were obliged -to hustle away with their “Hebrew negro,” as they called him, as soon as -possible. They got back to the station about eleven o’clock that evening, -and, entering my office, Oppenheimer was permitted to view his ebony -countenance in a mirror. He was startled by his make-up and declared -that it was most artistically done.</p> - -<p>“Mein Gott, if I was asleep,” he exclaimed, “and wake up, and looked -in the glass, I’d think I was a real nigger.”</p> - -<p>On the next day he was taken by the officers, in a carriage, to Lake -View, about three miles from the city limits, to locate the bombs. It was -a rainy day, and it was no easy matter for Oppenheimer to determine the -right spot, although he kept a sharp look-out. He had planted them -during the night, and that added to the difficulty. Finally he directed the -driver to a grove used as picnic grounds, and they soon reached the spot. -It now rained hard, and lightning and thunder filled the air with light and -noise. Oppenheimer hesitated about alighting from the carriage.</p> - -<p>“It is dangerous,” he said, “to go near the place. The bombs I have -planted here are all loaded with dynamite, and charged with poisoned iron, -and this heavy thunder may explode them and kill us all.”</p> - -<p>Officer Schuettler said that he himself was familiar with the properties -of dynamite, and assured him that there would not be the slightest danger. -Oppenheimer then became somewhat braver. He jumped out and beckoned -to his companions to follow. They proceeded to the dancing-platform, -in the middle of the grove, and Oppenheimer, having removed some short -boards, making an opening large enough for the admission of a man’s body, -asked Loewenstein to take hold of his legs, and, when he shouted, to pull -him out, adding that when he had been there before he had had a hard -time getting out. Oppenheimer then went in. On giving the signal, he -was pulled out, with one bomb in each hand. He was thus lowered and -pulled out until he had produced thirteen bombs. They were of the heavy -gas-pipe make, loaded with dynamite and rusty nails, with cap attachments, -and ready for use in four seconds. To show that he had exercised great -care to preserve the “stuff” properly, he asked to be lowered again, and -this time he brought to the surface an oil-cloth table-cover, which, he explained, -he had used for wrapping up the bombs so that “they would not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span> -spoil on him.” He also fished out of the place two large navy revolvers -fully loaded. Having finished, Oppenheimer gave a sigh of relief and remarked:</p> - -<p>“Now I feel relieved. As long as I had these things I always felt that -I must do some damage with them. I had them once in the city (May 5), -and my mind was made up to throw some in the North Side Post-office. I -also had determined to go to the <i>Freie Presse</i> office and blow up that d——d -Michaelis, the editor of the paper. And then I was going to kill myself.”</p> - -<p>At about this time Oppenheimer possessed two large 44-caliber navy -revolvers and seemed withal a desperate fellow. When the parties returned -to the station he asked me to keep him there until all trouble was over, and -for three months he became quite a character about the establishment. -The defense in the Anarchist trial made several attempts to secure his -release, but Oppenheimer declined to go. He was taken out frequently for -regular exercise by one of the officers, but he always went in disguise.</p> - -<p>He proved such a valuable aid to the State that State’s Attorney Grinnell -ordered his release, but as he was nervous lest some one should shoot -him on regaining his full liberty, he begged me to send him to New York -City. He was accordingly furnished with money and clothing and sent away. -While he was at the station he gained twenty-seven pounds and declared he -had never been so well taken care of in all his life. He bade all the officers -who were working up the Anarchist cases good-by and was given safe -escort to the depot by Officer Stift. Some time after his arrival in New -York he was discovered by an Anarchist, who telegraphed to Capt. Black -that he was there if wanted, but the Captain did not seem to specially care -for him.</p> - -<p>The information he furnished the State was substantially as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I came to Chicago May 5, 1886, in the morning. I went to Seliger’s -house, 442 Sedgwick Street. I know Seliger and his wife and Louis Lingg. -I am an Anarchist. I think the workingmen are not treated right in this -country. I have always attended Socialistic meetings here. I have attended -several meetings where the speakers would call us to arms and to all kinds -of weapons, so that when the time came we could secure our rights. It -was urged that we should be prepared to fight any one who would obstruct -us or oppose our ideas. A meeting was held at Neff’s Hall on or about last -February. A man who lives on the West Side, on Milwaukee Avenue, and -who keeps a toy store—I do not know his name—was there. He was -accompanied by a young lady. Now that you show me this picture -[Engel’s] I will say he is the man, and he made a speech at that meeting. -He told us to prepare ourselves, and if we were too poor and could not -afford to buy arms, he could tell us about a weapon that was cheaper and -better in its effect than arms. He then spoke of dynamite, but in his -speech he always called it ‘stuff.’ He explained how to make dynamite -bombs. He said: ‘Take a gas-pipe, cut it in the length of six inches, -put a wooden plug in one end, fill it with dynamite, then plug the other end,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span> -and drill a small hole through one of the plugs. In this hole put a cap and -fuse.’ Then the bomb was complete. He also told us of a place on the -West Side, near a bridge, where we could go and steal all the pipe we -wanted. We could then buy the ‘stuff’ and make the bombs ourselves. I -bought seven or eight bombs some time ago from a man named Nusser or -Nuffer, at 54 West Lake Street. The man used to work for Greif. I paid -him twenty-five cents apiece for them. They were dynamite bombs, and I -purchased them at night. I had a little book that told all about making -and using dynamite bombs. I know something about the armed group. -They are not known by their names. They are known by numbers, so that -the police cannot find them out in case they have done anything wrong. -There never would be any more than three in a job—that is, if there were -any persons to be killed. Number one would find the second man, and this -second man would find the third. No questions would be asked. The first -man and the third man are not supposed to know each other. The first and -third would know the middle man, but in case of trouble, and should there -be a ‘squeal,’ only two parties could be given away, leaving one to get -away and save himself. I have tried some of the dynamite bombs I had, -and they worked splendidly. I also have a big navy revolver. Everything -attempted hereafter will be done according to the instructions given in a -book printed by Herr Most, of New York. Those long gas-pipe shells I see -before me are like one that was shown me at Neff’s Hall last winter. A -man named Rau had it there and showed it to the boys. I am five years -in America, and have always been a Socialist. On Wednesday morning, -May 5, when I heard that there had been a bad blunder committed by our -boys at the Haymarket, and read an article in the <i>Freie Presse</i> condemning -us, I got very mad. I took my five dynamite bombs and started out to get -revenge. My first intention was to blow up the North Side Post-office. -The next place I decided to go to was the <i>Freie Presse</i> office to blow them -up. If I found I was in danger of being captured, I made up my mind to -kill myself right there and then. Lingg wanted me to cut a hole in the -wall in his room to put away a lot of dynamite bombs and dynamite, but -Mrs. Seliger would not let me do so. A man named Bodendick, a good -Anarchist, was well known by August Spies, and considered a rank conspirator. -This is the man that went to Justice White’s house and demanded -$25, threatening that if he did not get it he would blow up his house. -White had him arrested and locked up in jail, and for this reason Spies did -not want the man known as an Anarchist, but simply as a crazy man. The -Socialists or Anarchists do not care much for Spies or Schwab, but we have -kept them and looked upon them as a necessary evil. I know a man -named Pollinger, a saloon-keeper. He was an agent here at one time to -sell arms, but he did not run things right. He was crooked. The understanding -we had was that, in case of a riot or revolution, every man -should use his own judgment and do as he pleased, that is to say, commit -murder, shoot people, burn buildings or do that for which he was best -fitted, so long as it was in the interest of the Anarchistic society. The -main idea inculcated in the little paper called the <i>Freiheit</i>, which I have -read, is that no rights could be secured until capitalists were killed and -houses were laid in ashes. If we would not take a chance on our lives, we -would be slaves always. I know positively of fifty men, radical Anarchists, -who stand ready to commit murder and to destroy the city by fire whenever -they are called on. I know Lingg well. He is a Socialist and an Anarchist -and a very radical revolutionist. I heard him speak at 58 Clybourn -Avenue, and formed my opinion of him. He told me that Seliger was a -coward.”</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span></p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-236a.jpg" width="230" height="322" id="i236" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">WILLIAM SELIGER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-236b.jpg" width="230" height="321" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">MRS. WILLIAM SELIGER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="vh">————</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“He called me a coward the morning I helped Mrs. Seliger to get -the guns out of the house. That morning I was in Lingg’s room when -Mrs. Seliger brought in a lot of lead and said to Lingg: ‘Here is your -lead.’ Lingg then got mad at her and said: ‘You are crazy.’ He became -very much excited, wrapped up his gun, got ready to move, and wanted me -to conceal his dynamite bombs in the hall. Mrs. Seliger would not let him -do so. Then Lingg was going to carry his bombs out of the house. He -finally got into quite a quarrel with her and started out to get a wagon to -carry away all his things. I told him to hurry up and get all his dynamite -stuff away, also the printed literature he had, as there was danger that the -police would be around to search the house. He looked at me and called -me ‘a d——d fool and coward.’ Then Lingg asked me to go to the West -Side with him, as there was to be a meeting at 71 West Lake Street. -Lingg saw my dynamite bombs. I had told him of them. I saw two -round lead bombs in his room. I had them in my hands. Lingg told me -to be careful and not let them drop, as they were loaded and might go off. -They were dangerous, he said. I also saw four gas-pipe bombs in his room. -Some of them were not finished. I remember now that Seliger, the Hermanns -and Hubner were at the meeting in Neff’s Hall last winter when -Engel urged all men who had revolutionary ideas to pay attention and he -would explain how to make dynamite bombs. I am glad I am arrested. I -now can realize how near I was to ruin through those d——d fellows making -revolutionary speeches and exciting the people to commit murder. The -books given out by Herr Most are doing more harm among those men than<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span> -any one can imagine. I have given you facts, and they are true, every one -of them. I will swear to them.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The next arrest was that of William Seliger. When the police had -learned that Seliger’s residence had been used as a bomb factory, we -wanted him. He was a man about forty-five years of age, a carpenter by occupation, -a good mechanic, very quiet and sober, but one of the most rabid -of Anarchists. He had filled various positions in the “groups,” and -always manifested a deep interest in their meetings. He was popular with -his comrades and trusted with all their secrets. He lived at No. 442 Sedgwick -Street, in a rear building up-stairs. This was a two-story frame -dwelling, and a great resort for Socialists and Anarchists. Officer Whalen -had searched the house, finding it a regular dynamite magazine, and, locating -his man, telephoned to me that Seliger was working at Meyer’s mill on -the North Pier. Officer Stift and Lieut. Larsen were at once detailed, in -charge of a patrol wagon, to effect the arrest, and soon the man was produced -at the station—May 7. When I confronted him he stubbornly -refused, according to the instructions in Most’s book, to answer questions, -but when he discovered the evidence I had against him, he broke -down and said:</p> - -<p>“Captain, I will tell you all, but for Heaven’s sake do not arrest my -poor wife. I am to blame for all you found in my house, because I kept -that man Lingg in my house against her will—the poor woman! Hang -me, but do not trouble her, for she is innocent, and God is her witness.”</p> - -<p>Seliger then unbosomed himself, telling of all his connection with the -Anarchists since his location in Chicago, and giving valuable information -on all the “groups,” their leaders, their places of meeting, their purposes, -their mode of operations, the character of the speeches made at meetings, -and the manufacture of bombs at his house, giving the names of all calling -or taking part in their manufacture. He gave the most important points -the State had to work on, and every detail he furnished was fully corroborated -by other parties subsequently arrested. He was in the confidence of -Lingg, and was also a <i>particeps criminis</i> in the manufacture of the bombs, -and gave, therefore, no hearsay statements. What was found in his -house and the character of his information are fully shown in his testimony, -given in a later chapter, as well as that of the officers during the -memorable trial.</p> - -<p>After telling what he knew, Seliger was released, on the 28th of May, -with instructions to report every day at the Chicago Avenue Station.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Seliger was also arrested. She was a small woman about 38 years -of age. She was found at No. 32 Sigel Street on the morning of May 10. -She readily consented to accompany Officer Schuettler to the station. Mrs. -Seliger showed plainly that she had not been in sympathy with her husband -in his revolutionary ideas, and proved a prompt and willing witness, demonstrating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span> -before she got through that she had done incalculable service to the -people of the city.</p> - -<p>It was in her house that Lingg made his bombs, and when I questioned -her she gave me a great deal of information concerning the man and his -methods. All the statements she made and her testimony in court did not -vary in the slightest details, even under the most rigid cross-examination. -She was found to be a very industrious woman, a neat housekeeper, and she -was highly esteemed by all her neighbors. She related how she had lived -in misery ever since her husband began to take an active part in the Anarchist -meetings, and she stated that after Lingg came to live in the house -she had not seen a pleasant hour. She had often remonstrated with her -husband and pleaded with him not to attend the meetings, or read any of -the Anarchist papers, but to remain at home with her.</p> - -<p>Seliger was so completely carried away by the doctrines of Johann Most, -Spies and the others that he refused to listen to his wife. The moment he -got into trouble, however, he became very penitent and readily accepted her -advice in everything.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Seliger’s experience on the 4th day of May, when she witnessed -the preparation of the bombs, she described as terrible. There she was -forced to remain all day, she said, seeing eight men working on the murderous -weapons, some making one kind of bombs, some another, others -fitting them and loading them with dynamite, and others again putting on -the caps and fuse. Throughout the whole operation she was obliged to -listen to their bloodthirsty conversation, how they would blow up the police -stations, patrol wagons and fire-engine houses, kill all the militia, hurl -bombs into private residences, and murder every one who opposed them.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Seliger viewed affairs differently and told the conspirators that -there were more chains than mad dogs. Another thing they overlooked, she -said, was their own families, and should they carry all their threats into execution -their families would be made to suffer to the end of their days in misery -and want. Remonstrances, however, were useless.</p> - -<p>They worked until dark, and then they separated to meet in the evening -at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. Her husband and Lingg ate supper, and then -the two put a lot of the bombs into a satchel and started for the designated -place. Lingg carried the satchel down stairs and was followed by Seliger.</p> - -<p>This was a trying moment, but Mrs. Seliger proved equal to the emergency. -Just as Seliger reached the third step, she grasped his arm, threw -her arms about his neck, and, like a loving, devoted wife, asked him for God’s -sake not to become a murderer.</p> - -<p>“If you ever loved me and ever listened to me when I spoke,” she -whispered fervently into his ear, “I want you to listen to me now. I don’t -ask you to stay at home, but I want you to go with that villain and see that -he does not hurt any one. Restrain him from carrying out his murderous -ideas. If you do this, I will creep on my knees after you and will be your -slave all my life.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-239.jpg" width="400" height="620" id="i239" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">A NOBLE WOMAN’S INFLUENCE. <span class="smcap wn">A Kiss that Prevented Bloodshed.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span></p> - -<p>These tender words touched a sympathetic chord in the heart of Seliger, -and he promised to do as she had requested, while she sealed the promise -with a loving kiss. As subsequent events and his testimony in court proved, -he faithfully carried out that promise, and by that injunction of his wife and -that fervid kiss of a true woman, hundreds of lives and millions of property -were saved.</p> - -<p>From the time they left the house until their return, Seliger never left for -a moment the side of Lingg. During the evening Lingg was continually -prompted by his own treacherous heart to throw bombs, now at a passing -patrol wagon, then at some residence or into a police station, and invariably -Seliger had some handy reason to proffer why such an attempt would be inopportune -at the moment. Lingg finally became suspicious and upbraided -Seliger for being a coward. The night passed, and the only harm Lingg -did was indirectly in the explosion of one of his bombs at the Haymarket, -to the prospective happening of which he frequently alluded during -the evening.</p> - -<p>It is my deliberate opinion that, had it not been for this intervention of -Mrs. Seliger, hundreds of people would have been killed, and probably one-half -of the North Side destroyed, that eventful night.</p> - -<p>After giving considerable information to the police Mrs. Seliger was released, -but kept under strict surveillance.</p> - -<p>Seliger faithfully carried out his instructions to report at the station -daily for two weeks, and then he suddenly disappeared. Officer Schuettler -was detailed to visit his home to ascertain the cause, and was there informed -that Seliger had mysteriously left.</p> - -<p>“Why,” inquired Mrs. Seliger, “don’t you know where he is; did you -not arrest him again?”</p> - -<p>On being answered in the negative, she stated that it had been her intention -to call on me that afternoon with a view to finding out something -about her husband.</p> - -<p>It looked like a case of concealment, and Mrs. Seliger was therefore -taken to the Larrabee Street Station. She immediately desired to see me, -and, when I called, she informed me that three days before her husband -had said: “I am going away. Don’t ask me any questions. You will -hear from me later,” and then bade her good-by.</p> - -<p>She was under the impression that since leaving her he had been at the -Chicago Avenue Station. I thought it a ruse and subjected her to a severe -examination. I asked her who had been to see them and whether they had -not received money from certain lawyers or others. But Mrs. Seliger could -tell no different story from that she had already given, and she finally volunteered -the guess that possibly her husband had been frightened away.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span></p> - -<p>“If you will only allow me to go,” she earnestly pleaded, “I will neither -eat, drink nor sleep until I find him.”</p> - -<p>I was now satisfied that she was in earnest, and, having confidence in -her, I ordered her release. But from that moment she was watched night -and day, more closely than ever. It was found that she visited many houses -in various parts of the city, and when these places were immediately afterwards -called upon by the detectives it was ascertained that she had invariably -inquired for her husband and urged those who knew him to tell him to come -home if they should happen to meet him; that she was weary of life, and if -he remained away much longer she would not be responsible for any act of -hers on her own life.</p> - -<p>After several days’ ineffective search, Mrs. Seliger received a letter from -her husband asking her to call and see him. She hastened at once, with a -throbbing heart and a light tread, to my office. I asked her if she would -work under my instructions, and she promptly consented to do everything -in her power to help the police. I had come to the conclusion that it would -be no easy matter to find the slippery Seliger, but that, if he was not discovered -that day, we might at least get on his track.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Seliger was accordingly told to wait in the office a few minutes. -Two men were sent for, men whom the woman would not know. I instructed -them to slip through a side door and get a good view of her while unobserved. -A carriage was then ordered, and the driver directed to take the woman to -whatever place she might desire, and remain with her even all day and all -night, if required. Mrs. Seliger stepped into the carriage, and the horses -were soon in a sharp trot. But the conveyance was not alone. No sooner -had it started than the two men I have spoken of jumped into a buggy and -followed the carriage south, keeping it in good view all the time.</p> - -<p>The first stop made was at a place on West Thirteenth Street. There -Mrs. Seliger had to identify herself first, and thence she was directed to a -place some four blocks away. Arriving there, she was sent on to Sixteenth -Street, and again sent to Twelfth Street, near the limits. She was here subjected -to a great many questions, and after she had fully proven her identity -she was taken to the next house and led into a dark bed-room, where -she found her husband. She remained there about three hours, and then, -under direction of her husband’s friends, was told to drive to several other -places in order to throw any detectives that might be watching off the scent. -She did so, but the two men had kept a close watch and were not to be -baffled.</p> - -<p>When the carriage had started for home, one of the officers returned to -the place where she had tarried so long. He represented to the occupants -that he was working for Salomon & Zeisler, attorneys for the imprisoned -conspirators, to whom Seliger had written a letter, and that in accordance -with the request they had decided to protect him and his friends.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Seliger,” said the officer, “is here, and I want to talk with him.”</p> - -<p>The occupants admitted that he had been there and had had a talk with -his wife, but that he was at the time on his way home with her.</p> - -<p>Mr. and Mrs. Seliger called at the station the next afternoon (June 8). -Both entered smiling, but it was quite apparent that Seliger was very -nervous.</p> - -<p>“Captain,” said Mrs. Seliger, “we are both here.”</p> - -<p>“Yes, madam,” I replied; “I am glad you are both here—on your own -account.”</p> - -<p>“Captain,” again spoke Mrs. Seliger, “I want my husband to testify in -court against that villain Lingg. He ruined my home. He is the cause of -the slaughter of all these people. He is the cause of the sufferings of the -women and children whose husbands and fathers attended the Anarchist -meetings. Now, Captain, you see I have been faithful to my promises. I -have done as I agreed. You have my husband; he is in your power. You -can do with him as you please, but for God’s sake spare his life.”</p> - -<p>Mrs. Seliger had scarcely finished her appeal when she swooned away. -She had for days been wrought up with intense excitement and haunted -with terrible forebodings. The climax was reached when she had executed -her commission, and, trying as had been the situation for nights and days, -she had courageously borne up in order that she might atone the wrongs -her husband had committed despite her most earnest entreaties, and to help -in some way to extricate him, who had so cruelly wronged her, from the -meshes into which he had madly and ignorantly rushed. Her keen judgment -and innate sense of right had swept aside every consideration of the -apparent security his concealment might have given him, and her whole -soul was centered in his delivery to the authorities that he might not eventually -be found and sent to an ignominious death on the gallows. That was -her hope, and, much as she longed for his safety, she had bent her whole -energies to seeing him brought out of concealment and placed where there -might at least be a chance for his life. The struggle had been intense, and -it culminated when she so pathetically asked that her husband’s life might -be spared. Her emotions then were at their highest tension, and as she -recognized the fact that he was now at the complete mercy of the law, -from which he had sought to escape, she could bear up no longer.</p> - -<p>A physician was immediately sent for, and after applying restoratives it -was found she was quite a sick woman. A carriage was summoned, and she -was sent home.</p> - -<p>Seliger was detained at the station until after the trial of the conspirators. -Mrs. Seliger was a frequent caller after that trying day, and remained -with him much of the time, cheering him and seeking in every way to -lighten his burden, like a true, devoted and loving wife. In a subsequent -conversation the circumstances in connection with her visit to her husband<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span> -at his place of concealment were learned. It appears that at first he emphatically -declined to accompany her, and then gave his reasons. One day, -while on his way to report at the station, he was met, he said, by a stranger, -and threatened that if he ever went near the station again, or sent word verbally -or by note or letter to me, both he and his wife would be murdered in -cold blood. The threat made a marked impression on his mind. He -returned home, but made no mention of it to Mrs. Seliger. He knew, he -said, that the threat was meant, and, thinking to save his wife, he concluded -to act on the warning and place himself in concealment without her -knowledge. He left, as already stated, and decided to keep under cover to -await results.</p> - -<p>He called first at the house of a widow named Bertha Neubarth, No. -1109 Nelson Street, Lake View. This was a small cottage, with a basement -used as a tailor-shop, and, thinking it a secure place, he remained -there a few days. Then he went to the house of a friend, named Gustav -Belz, who lived near McCormick’s factory, and remained there several -days. His next move was to a house on West Twelfth Street, near the -city limits, and there he remained until discovered by his wife. The letter -he had sent to her was mailed by a trusted friend named Malinwitz, and -the purpose he had in sending it was to ascertain if matters had changed -any and if I was angry over his sudden departure. On meeting his wife, -the first question he asked was as to whether the police had been watching -their house, and, on being answered in the affirmative, and informed that -she had even been locked up again, he asked for particulars and the cause -for her release.</p> - -<p>“Capt. Schaack,” she said, “let me out in order to bring you back.”</p> - -<p>“I often felt sorry,” answered the husband, “for going away, but I will -never go back.”</p> - -<p>His wife insisted that he must go back, and said:</p> - -<p>“I told the Captain that I would come and see you. The Captain said -that he would give you six hours to return, and that if you did not report to -his office within that time, he would surely find you and prosecute you for -murder. Your chances for hanging, he said, were very good, and you need -look for no mercy at his hands. He also said that he had your picture -ready, to send out for your arrest on sight, and that it would be useless for -you to hide or run away. I saw the picture myself, and the Captain intends -to publish a large reward for your arrest.”</p> - -<p>“I believe all you say,” said Seliger, struggling with his feelings, “but -what would you prefer, seeing me shot or killed by assassins, or hung -by law?”</p> - -<p>“All these cowards making threats,” replied the wife, “will be arrested. -The station-houses on the North Side are now full of the murderers. I -know the Captain will take care of us, and, if you are arrested, you will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span> -have no one to help you or do anything for you; then you are sure to hang. -You had better come with me to Captain Schaack.”</p> - -<p>He consented, and she sent word that they would be at the station the -next day. Seliger gave himself up, and Mrs. Seliger redeemed her promise. -The sacrifice, in view of the uncertainties of the time, seemed great, but -had it not been for the honesty and persistency of that true woman, Seliger -to-day would lie in an unhonored grave. Both proved strong witnesses at -the trial, and shortly after his release they left the city. Reports from -them show that he has been cured of Johann Most’s crazy notions. He -now denounces Anarchy both in America and Germany, in which latter -country he and his wife were born. He has applied himself to legitimate -pursuits as a law-abiding citizen, and is prospering.</p> - -<p>Seliger, during his interview with me, recounted his connection with the -Anarchists as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“About three years ago I noticed an article in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> that -the North Side group would give lessons to all who desired, in the English -language. I went to Neff’s Hall and I was there told that the school was -only for members, and that, if I wanted to join, I could do so. I did, and a -year afterwards I was elected financial secretary. In looking over the -books, I found that the group had 206 members, the most of them being in -arrears, but no one ceased to be a member on account of it. I found also -that there was a great deal of wrangling and trouble among the members. -One faction claimed to be revolutionary, as they were at war with capital. -This contention drew the lines pretty sharply, and the Socialistic movement -commenced to take a sharp character. Stellmacher, I believe, was executed -in Vienna. It was on Monday, if I am not mistaken, in the month of -August, 1884. My group decided to commemorate the event and glorify -the man. They had posters printed, and about twenty men went to work -to post them, especially in the vicinity of the churches. From that day -they began talking force and dynamite. At every meeting, Stellmacher’s -name was mentioned and his deeds glorified. Some held that Stellmacher -was simply a burglar and murderer, having burglarized the premises of -Banker Eifert at Vienna and killed one of his children. Rau and Lange -were always quarreling over this question. Lange maintained that it was -a shame that any Socialist, Communist or Anarchist should burglarize and -murder under a pretext of getting money for the cause. Every member, he -said, could get enough money in an honest way to swell the fund for agitation -and the destruction of capital. Lange said that he was not opposed to -the killing of capitalists in the right way, but he did not want to see children -killed. Rau would uphold a contrary view. He held that it was all -the same, capitalist or child, and said that the children of the rich would -grow up only to learn how to enrich themselves at the expense of the working -people. Schnaubelt favored murder and thought that it would be best -for the Anarchists to form into groups of four or five with a view to killing -any one who would work against the laboring people’s agitation. One or -two suddenly removed would not arouse suspicion.</p> - -<p>“A cigar-maker named Hoffman became a member of the North Side -group, and he was never satisfied with the rules, as he regarded them too -lenient. He wanted the whole International Working People’s Association<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span> -made an armed body, but Schwab and Hermann opposed it, as they said that -the Lehr und Wehr Verein filled that part of the bill. Hoffman subsequently -withdrew from the group and the military organization. He as well -as Polling and Hermann wanted the Anarchists to give a commemorative -entertainment on the anniversary of the Paris Commune, in March, 1885, -and of the clubbing of the working people of Philadelphia by the police. -His idea was that rifles should be discharged, and then a woman personating -the goddess of liberty should throw a chain away from her body. In -this way the three men believed that the agitation for securing arms could -be greatly helped. The committee for the celebration of the Commune -opposed this plan, especially Neebe and Rau. Neebe held that the celebration -of the Commune as generally planned by the committee was for the -express purpose of making money to help agitation, and the other features -were not necessary. Hoffman endeavored to carry through his plan, but he -was knocked out. After some further wrangling he left the group and permanently -kept away. At another meeting Rau said that he desired to bring -dynamite into the meetings and show how it was manufactured, but no -definite action was taken.</p> - -<p>“At the beginning of last year [1885], a man named Deters declared -that he was an Anarchist and was very loud in his declarations, but he was -afterwards expelled for stealing tickets from the Central Labor Union. -Poch always claimed to be a Communist, and he became unpopular on -account of a dereliction. Haker was also a Communist, but he was expelled -on account of being in arrears $3 as a member of the Southwest group. -Then Lingg became a member, and from that time served as president of -that group. He was always in hot words with a man named Hartwig. -During the beginning of April we got quite a number of new members, and -they all became strong agitators in the cause. I knew as members of the -armed sections Schlomeker, a carpenter; Stahlbaum, a carpenter, lieutenant -of the first company; Petschke, secretary of the same company; Kitgus; -the Riemer brothers, one a carpenter and the other a painter; Ted, a carpenter; -Rau, Bak, Hirschberger, the Hermann brothers, all members of the -Lehr und Wehr Verein; the Hageman brothers; the Lehman brothers; -Messenbrink, a carpenter; Stak, a tinsmith; Lauke, Feltes and Kraemer, -all carpenters, and Siebach and Niendorf, carpenters, living in Lake View. -With these two exceptions and those of Lenhard and Krueger, who belonged -to the Northwest group, all I have mentioned lived on the North Side. -There were also Classner and Sisterer, who belonged to the Southwest -group. I know a great many others who belonged to the armed forces, but -I don’t recall their names. They all carried revolvers. All I knew about -bombs at that time was what I heard Lingg say, that the Northwest group -and the Southwest groups and the Bohemians were well supplied with them. -Among the Bohemian Socialists I only know Mikolanda and Hrusha and -three more whose names I can’t remember.</p> - -<p>“At a meeting last winter [1885] of the North Side group, Neebe stated -that it was time that every comrade should supply himself with arms and -should lay bombs under his pillow at night and sleep over them. Every -one should practice so as to know how to handle them when necessary. -Every workingman, he said, who is down on capitalists, should kill every -one of them, and they should not neglect the police and the militia, because -they were hired and supported by the capitalists. He said that he himself -would kill one of these loafers and would not turn an eye on him. One in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span> -the audience, a barber, whose name I don’t know, said that there were some -among the militia and the police who would join them in case of an uprising -and cited as an instance that during the riots of 1877 he had spoken to some -of them and they had told him that they would not shoot at the strikers. -Neebe declared that it was all the same. ‘A man employed by the capitalists,’ -he said, ‘is my enemy, even though he is my brother.’ In case of -an uprising, he said, every revolutionist should use force on every corner -and on the sidewalks, and should throw dynamite wherever these loafers -stood or walked.</p> - -<p>“The casting of one bomb Lingg had was made of sheet-iron, and the -man who manufactured it was shown to me at the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. -Then Lingg had another casting made out of iron, which he had -made at some iron foundry. I saw him have dynamite twice in a cigar-box. -Before this he said to me that he had seen Spies at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -office, and that Spies had told him that he would give him dynamite. This -was about two months before the 4th of May. Friday preceding that day -Lingg received a box, 1 × 2½ feet in dimensions, from the West Side, at the -hands of a man whom I took to be a Bohemian. Lingg always liked the -Bohemians. With a view to learning this man’s address I walked over to -the West Side, and I found that he had moved to No. 661 Blue Island -Avenue. One evening two others came to see Haker, and Haker told them, -as I entered, that I was Seliger. One of them I knew, his name being -Kaiser, a carpenter, and the other was a strongly built man of medium -height and bow-legged. They were a little embarrassed and said that they -did not know what to say under the circumstances. I asked them if they -had bombs, and Haker spoke up and said that he would not say anything -about it, even to his brother, as he expected a search would be made of his -house. But he said they would find nothing, and the other two confirmed -his story. It was stated that every one should buy a book, which could be -had at cost price, giving directions about the manufacture of dynamite, -which could also be purchased very cheap. The North Side group bought -one of these books. I was so informed by Thielen, who had seen it.</p> - -<p>“A short time after this I was elected a member of the central committee, -with four other delegates from the North Side group, who were -Neebe, Rau, Hermann and Hubner, and as long as I was a member Neebe -and Rau were continued as delegates to that committee. Spies was at the -head of it. I attended seven of its meetings, and at one of our sessions, -during the West Side street-car drivers’ strike, Spies said that we should -take part in that strike. In case the strikers should resort to force against -the company and the policemen who protected it, Spies said that he had a -few bombs on hand, and he would distribute some of them to people whom -he knew. At the same meeting it was proposed that a meeting should be -held on the lake front the following Sunday, but there was some opposition -to it. Spies, however, declared that the meeting should be held and that -every one should be present, well armed. Then, in case the police should -interfere to disperse the gathering, they should send them home with bloody -heads. The meeting was held, but there was no interference. Spies also -proposed that meetings of the committee should be held every evening at -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office during the strike, to hear grievances, and that, -whenever necessary, special meetings should be held of the various groups. -The leaders in the committee were Spies, Rau, Neebe, Hermann, a man -named Walter, of the American group, and a small man from the Northwest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span> -group with an illuminated nose, who was a very intimate friend of Spies. -This man was the founder of the Freiheit group.</p> - -<p>“Just preceding this car strike, Haker, who belonged to Carpenters’ -Union No. 1, was a strong advocate of the use of dynamite. At one meeting -he told some of the members to wait till after adjournment, as he explained -that he desired to show them something very interesting. They -remained, and he produced a ball of clay, having two parts joined together -and a cavity in the center. He told them that he manufactured them, and -if any one desired any they could get them from him at a dollar each. I -then left.</p> - -<p>“Subsequently I called upon Secretary Lotz and asked for the book of -membership of the North Side group. I found that Charles Bock was its -financial secretary; Hubner, librarian; and Rau, delegate to the central -committee, which position he held almost continuously. Abraham Hermann -was also a delegate and agent for the sale of arms to the whole organization. -The principal speakers at our meetings were Schwab, Feltes or -Veltes, Neebe, Grottkau and (while living in the city) Kraemer. During -1885 an Austrian, whose name I don’t remember, spoke very often, but he -is now at the Jefferson Insane Asylum. Fischer is one of the founders of -the North Side group and always spoke most strongly in favor of Anarchy. -Rau, an employé of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, Lingg, Schnaubelt and Emil Hoffman, -the cigar-maker, also spoke frequently. Hoffman claimed that he was a -great friend of Most and one of the founders of <i>Freiheit</i> of London. He had -lived in London several years and was an active member until he left our -organization, as I have already stated. Hermann would sometimes take the -places of speakers who might happen to be absent from some of the meetings. -Hirschberger, of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, and Menz, a carpenter, born -in America, generally participated in some of the discussions.</p> - -<p>“A man named Kiesling was a member, and after my liberation from -the station I was informed by Haker, Kaiser and another man that he had -helped a member to escape arrest. Commes, or Commens, had shot and -wounded two Jews, and Kiesling was delegated to take him in an express -wagon to Lake View, where he turned him over to some members of the -Southwest Side group, who then assisted him in effecting his escape.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Seliger then gave a number of names of members who belonged to the -groups he was most familiar with, as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“<i>North Side Group.</i>—Asher, a mason; Turban, carpenter; Huber, carpenter; -Heuman, railroad laborer; Stak, cornice-maker; Reuter; Habitzreiter, -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>; Kasbe, shoemaker; Menge, carrier of -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>; Hoelscher, carrier of same paper; Jebolinski, carpenter; -Behrens, shoemaker. Members no longer with group: Wichman, a saloon-keeper, -expelled from Berlin, Germany; Ammer, book-binder; the Thiesen -brothers, one a shoemaker and the other a carpenter, and Polling.</p> - -<p>“<i>Northwest Side Group.</i>—Blume, carpenter; Elias, carpenter; Fischer, -Engel, Lehnhard, Breitenfeld. Blume and Elias left because they were -quarreling all the time with Fischer, and they founded the Karl Marx -group.</p> - -<p>“<i>Southwest Side Group.</i>—Scholz; Fehling, cigar-maker; Kaiser, carpenter; -Haker, carpenter; Schoening.”</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">The next arrest was that of <span class="smcap">John Thielen</span>. Thielen was a man about -37 year of age, born near the city of Coblentz, Germany, a carpenter by occupation, -and a rabid “red,” living in Chicago at No. 509 North Halsted -Street. He had been an Anarchist in the old country, and there had divided -his time between talking up the social revolution and running a small -grocery store, until business had got so dull that he was obliged to sell out. -He then fell back upon his trade for a living. Much as it went against his -grain to labor, he had no alternative except to starve. It occurred to him -that the stronger a Socialist he became the less hard work he would have to -do, and he accordingly availed himself of every opportunity to talk on his -pet hobby. At last the officials of Emperor William got after him, and, -packing up a few things, he emigrated to America, reaching Chicago about -five years before his arrest. He had been here only a short time when he -learned that there were a number of men in the city who talked to workingmen -about the shortest way to get rich without -work, how to have a good time playing cards, -drinking beer, attending picnics and balls, wearing -good clothes, and smoking good cigars. This -struck Thielen’s fancy, and he concluded that -at last he had found the place he had longed -for during many years. He decided to identify -himself with these men, and accordingly made -haste to attend all their meetings. It was not -long before he proved himself as good an Anarchist -as the rest of the leaders. His wife also -had become imbued with his doctrines, and had -grown indeed more positive than her husband.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-248.jpg" width="200" height="253" id="i248" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">JOHN THIELEN.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>They had a son, 15 years of age, a tall, slim -fellow. Nothing would satisfy the mother except -his induction into the order. After the stripling had become a member, -she was still unsatisfied; he must join the Sharpshooters. This the boy -did, and thus he fell in with the most rabid of the Anarchists—into the -very crowd that gathered in secret session at 63 Emma Street on Sunday, -May 2, at ten o’clock in the morning, to hear Engel unfold his murderous -plan.</p> - -<p>The youth was a close listener and an ardent admirer of the leaders. -He also attended the Haymarket meeting, and went there for a purpose. -It appears that the order had established, in furtherance of this conspiracy, -a line of runners, composed of all the young men who were swift and light -of foot, the object being to furnish means of rapid communication between -a “commander” and his men. For instance, in the execution of Engel’s -plan, a number of Anarchists had gone to Wicker Park, some to Humboldt -Park, and others to Garfield Park, on the evening of May 4. Their instructions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span> -were to stand ready to obey orders, and, on receipt of a signal, to -advance into the city and shoot down all who opposed them. The “commander” -attended the Haymarket meeting, accompanied by young Thielen, -and it was his intention, the moment the proper signal was given, to -despatch the boy on his mission. The boy was then to start on a keen run -to a certain place, where he was to meet another runner; the second was to -take the message to a third, and so on until the men posted at the parks -were reached.</p> - -<p>Fortunately, however, young Thielen missed his “commander” when the -bomb fell and the shooting commenced at the Haymarket. The boy then -lost his courage, like his superior, and applied his speed to getting home -as fast as possible.</p> - -<p>Young Thielen had been selected because of his supposed coolness. He -had been a great favorite of Lingg’s, and had been in that worthy’s room on -that very afternoon up to 7:30 in the evening. He had even helped to load -dynamite bombs there. When the work had been completed, Lingg had -distributed a lot of the dynamite left over to his friends present. Three -boxes had been given to Thielen and the boy, and the “stuff” was subsequently -found buried under their house, together with fire-arms and ammunition.</p> - -<p>When trouble finally surrounded the Thielen household, the wife and -mother showed true grit. On being shown the evidence of their complicity -in a conspiracy, she neither flinched nor quivered.</p> - -<p>“Our whole family are Anarchists,” she defiantly remarked, “and what -of it? Try your best, you can’t scare me!”</p> - -<p>The son was ordered by the officers to come with them to the station, and -as they left the house Mrs. Thielen said to him:</p> - -<p>“I want you to brace up and be firm, as you have been taught by your -comrades. This is for a good cause. Bear it all like a man.”</p> - -<p>The boy was taken to the Larrabee Street Station and put under cross-fire. -He was decidedly firm at first, but after he had become involved in a -number of false statements and shown that the police knew a good deal -about him, he looked at every officer in the station and asked:</p> - -<p>“If I tell all I know and tell the truth, what will you do with me?”</p> - -<p>He was informed that such a course would be the best for him and that -it might afford him a chance to get out of his troubles. This satisfied the -youth, and he gave a long and strong statement, which others subsequently -corroborated. He then explained that he had been misled into reading all -sorts of nonsense on Anarchy. He had eagerly studied all books on the -question, and, being encouraged by his parents, had taken a deep interest -in all the meetings. He worked whenever he could find employment, but -at all times his mind was centered in the success of the cause.</p> - -<p>He was detained at the station only a few days, and then released on a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span> -promise to hold himself subject to the orders of the State and testify when -called on. But the State did not need his evidence, and soon thereafter I -secured him employment in a factory. He is still at work and is now proving -himself an exemplary youth.</p> - -<p>The father proved a rather elusive individual after the police began -searching for him. But at the time of Mrs. Seliger’s arrest he ventured -too near the Chicago Avenue Station. It was on the morning of May 12 -that a man was noticed in the company of two women. The man remained -on the outside at a good distance, but the women entered the court-room of -the station and sat there for some time, watching the prisoners brought -before the magistrate. The women asked no questions of any one in the -room, and it was soon discovered that they had no business there. Officer -Loewenstein approached them and asked if they had come to see Mrs. -Seliger. One replied that they did not know her.</p> - -<p>“But,” interposed the other, with some hesitancy, “is she here?”</p> - -<p>“I can’t tell,” remarked the officer. “I was going to make some -inquiries, but as you do not know her, it will save me the trouble.”</p> - -<p>“Say, young man,” said one of the women, who was getting interested -as well as curious, “what is your business here?”</p> - -<p>“Well, madam, I am known here as a ‘straw-bailer.’ I go bail for all -people who pay me well, and I am all O. K. with the police. If you want -anything done for Mrs. Seliger, you must be very careful here. Don’t let -the police know your object. As you are Germans, I will not charge you -anything for my trouble, if I can do anything for you.”</p> - -<p>“Well, we will talk to you later,” they said. “Can we remain here for -awhile?”</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes; I will take care of you so that no one will disturb you,” replied -the officer, in a patronizing tone of voice. “By the way, when I came to -the station this morning, I saw you standing at the corner talking to a gentleman -with black whiskers, and he is now standing across the street. If he -is a friend of yours, I will call him in here.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes,” responded the women, “he is our friend and a friend of Mr. -and Mrs. Seliger. He is a good man.”</p> - -<p>“What is his name? I will call him in at once.”</p> - -<p>“His name is John Thielen. He lives at No. 509 North Halsted Street -and is all right.”</p> - -<p>Officer Stift meantime had kept his eye on the individual across the -street, with instructions not to arrest him so long as he hovered about the -station, but, in the event of his going away any distance, to take him in -charge. The man at no time went far from his post; he was too anxious -to hear from the women. The moment Officer Loewenstein had secured -the information about his identity, he posted across the street, and, hailing -the man, said:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span></p> - -<p>“John, I think you have been ‘ransacking’ around here long enough. -Come with me; the boys want to see you.”</p> - -<p>“Who are the boys?” inquired Thielen.</p> - -<p>“Capt. Schaack,” answered the officer.</p> - -<p>“I don’t want to see him or have anything to do with him.” Thielen -was surprised as well as indignant.</p> - -<p>“Well,” said the officer, “he would like to make your acquaintance.”</p> - -<p>“You tell him that he don’t know me and I don’t know him; so what -the d——d does he want? Good-day, I am going home.”</p> - -<p>“You must come in first and give an account of yourself.”</p> - -<p>“I am a good man; I am not afraid.”</p> - -<p>He went to the station rather reluctantly, still with an air of innocence -and bravery. The moment he stepped inside the office, I said to him:</p> - -<p>“John, you are an Anarchist. You are one of the rioters. You were at -the Haymarket meeting. You knew about the bombs. You are under -arrest.”</p> - -<p>“I am no Anarchist,” responded John, rather warmly. “I am a -carpenter.”</p> - -<p>“Yes,” said I, “you are both, and you live at 509 North Halsted Street. -I have no time now to talk to you. Whenever you want to see me send -word by the turnkey.”</p> - -<p>On the second day, John sent word that he wanted to see me. He was -taken up into the office, and there he asked what benefit it would be to him -if he told all he knew. He was informed that we would expect him to tell -only the truth and not lie about any one or shield any one who was guilty -of wrong-doing. If he did all this honestly and conscientiously the State -would, no doubt, reward him for his information. Thielen assented to the -proposition, but he told very little at this interview. He was brought up -again the next day, and from the questions put he soon discovered that -some one had been telling the truth about him.</p> - -<p>“Now I will tell you all I know,” he said, “and let it fall where it -belongs. What I say I will swear to. I see every one is trying to get out. -First I will tell you what I did myself, and then what the others did.”</p> - -<p>He accordingly made a long statement, but as substantially the same -facts were brought out in the trial by other witnesses, he was never called -on to testify. Since then Thielen has abandoned Anarchy and is a better -man.</p> - -<p>The statement Thielen made runs as follows, and it will be noticed by -reference to the trial proceedings that, had he been a witness, he would -have fully corroborated the testimony given by Seliger and his wife. On -being shown, at the station, some round lead bombs, he said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I saw Louis Lingg have twenty-two pieces like these in his room. -They were not all finished. I saw them when they were being cast. They<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span> -were in halves and placed in Louis Lingg’s trunk. If that trouble had not -occurred at McCormick’s factory that Monday, they would not have been -finished yet, but after that trouble with the officers he completed them. -That is, he loaded them with dynamite, ready to be used. I never knew of -any one or heard of anybody who could make these bombs except Lingg. -I had two of these gas-pipe bombs, loaded with dynamite. I got them from -Lingg, and I threw them away as soon as I got them. There were only a -few left of these long ones. There were seventeen pieces loaded at Seliger’s -house. Bonfield had better look out for himself, as these bombs are -for the most part made for him, and he will get one yet. He was shooting -the people during the West Side car strike and at McCormick’s. I promised -to give you the round bombs that I had, but, as I said, I threw them -away and out of danger. I will tell you, before all these men, that these -two iron shells now lying before me at this table I got from Lingg at his -house, No. 442 Sedgwick Street, on May 4, 1886. He gave them to me, -and I took them along home. They were loaded, and there was a fuse in -each of them. This was Tuesday night, May 4, 8 o’clock. The very same -night he also gave me those two cigar-boxes here now before me, filled -with dynamite. He wanted me to take them and throw them in the alley. -He said they were empty, but I saw that they were filled. They were too -heavy to be empty. I took them home myself, together with my boy. We -buried them under our house. The last time I saw any bombs was at -Florus’ place, where a search was made by the police. I would have given -up those bombs to you to-night if you had not found them. In these boxes -is finished dynamite ready to be used. I know Seliger had charge of selling -arms. We paid $7.00 for a revolver and $10.00 for a gun. I saw -Lingg and Seliger at Seliger’s house, Tuesday, May 4, at about 8 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span>, and -9:30 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span> I saw them together at Larrabee Street. There were twenty-two -lead bombs that I saw in Lingg’s room. They were made on a Sunday -afternoon. Lingg, Seliger and myself made them. They had been cast -about two weeks before Tuesday, May 4. I saw in a satchel in Lingg’s -room about fifteen pieces of these long iron shells, on Tuesday, May 4. -There were also some round lead bombs, and they were all loaded. The -time I was in Lingg’s room, May 4, I saw one man take along with him, -when he left, three round lead bombs loaded with dynamite, and Lingg -gave those bombs to the man himself. I know the man, and I, John Thielen, -will get them from that man and give them to you this evening. After -what happened at the Haymarket on that Tuesday evening, May 4, you -could not hear of any one having bombs in their possession. I should -judge that two men more received from Lingg six round bombs loaded -with dynamite. In Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street, on the evening of -May 3, at the meeting there, Lingg said to the people present that he would -furnish the dynamite bombs if any one would throw them. I told him to -throw the bombs himself. Then I said to Lingg that it would cost a man -his life to throw them. Lingg replied that no man could see any one throw -one of them. He said if necessary he would throw some. He also -stated that if any one would come to him he would show him how to -make bombs with dynamite. I saw Lingg and Seliger together at Thüringer -Hall—Neff’s place—58 Clybourn Avenue, on the evening of May 4. -Lingg had a satchel. The satchel was placed near a little passageway -leading to the ‘gents’ closet.’ It was a gray canvas-covered satchel about -two feet long, one foot wide and one and a half feet high. Seliger, Lingg<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span> -and myself went away together to Clybourn Avenue. We then went up -on Larrabee Street, at 9:30 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span> I left Lingg and Seliger at the corner -of Clybourn Avenue and Larrabee Street. The satchel was brought by -Lingg to Neff’s Hall that night, and any one there could help himself to -bombs. Lingg said to some people: ‘There are bombs in that satchel, and -now help yourselves.’ These words were spoken in the saloon of Neff’s -place to a crowd of armed men.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The above confession was given on the 14th of May. On the next day -Thielen was brought face to face with Lingg—with what results the next -chapter will show. On the 16th of May Thielen supplemented his first -statement with additional particulars. He said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“On Tuesday, May 4, 1886, about 9:30 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span>, myself and old man Lehman -were together on the corner of North Avenue and Larrabee Street, -near the police station, and afterwards we went back to Neff’s Hall. Three -men came into the saloon and said that there had been a terrible explosion -on the West Side at the Haymarket meeting and that a great many were -killed and wounded; that Fielden had made a speech, and a radical one. -The police came, and a shot was fired. Some one in the crowd said: ‘Now, -do not spare powder or lead.’ A friend of mine got shot through the cheek. -The man works for Mr. Christal, corner of Lake and State Streets, in a -basement—a carpenter-shop. That man stated that he was there at the -meeting, standing near the speaker, and about fifteen feet away from where -the bomb was thrown. The understanding with us when we left Neff’s -Hall on that Tuesday night, May 4, was to make a racket that would -call out the police. It was a failure because the West Side police did not -come out any sooner to interfere with the meeting or the mob. The grudge -we had was the score of the police shooting our men at McCormick’s factory. -We wanted revenge. The order came from the International armed -men or the group. I was at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street, May 3. I -there saw a circular calling for revenge. I was at the meeting Monday -night at Zepf’s Hall, and there an order was given for the armed men to go -to 54 West Lake Street, in the basement. The pass-word to get into that -meeting was ‘Y komme.’ I went there to the meeting. I found George -Engel there, and he made a speech. The whole plan was then unfolded by -Engel. He said that there would be a meeting held on Tuesday night, May -4, at the Haymarket, and that the North Siders should stay on the North -Side, and there they should wait until it had started—meaning the riot on -the West Side. Engel said that some of those who had arms should come -to the meeting, and those who had no arms should stay away from the meeting -at the Haymarket. At the meeting in the basement a man by the name of -Waller was chairman. George Engel did the speaking. There were about -fifty men present belonging to the armed sections. Engel explained that the -plan would have to be worked in this way: As soon as they had commenced -on the West Side, then they should commence on the South Side and the -North Side. Engel stated that the signal would be a fire which would be -set, and seen at Wicker Park, and by the noise of the shooting. That would -be the signal for commencing, and they should all attack the police stations; -should throw dynamite bombs into the stations, to either kill or keep the -officers in the stations, and should shoot the horses on the patrol wagons to -prevent the police from helping one another. Engel is the man who proposed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span> -this plan. Engel is the only man that gave us any orders. And -under the orders Engel gave us that night, May 3, in that basement, 54 West -Lake Street, we started out May 4 on the North Side to do harm—that is, -to shoot and kill anything that opposed us. The word ‘Ruhe’ in the -‘Briefkasten’ was adopted at our meeting May 3. It was to be used as a -signal word. If it should appear the next day in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, then -every man was to be ready with his arms or guns; that then the riot would -commence, and they should watch for the signal. ‘Right and fest’ were -passwords for the armed men should there be any fighting at McCormick’s. -With the signal they should all come out with their bombs and arms, no -matter whether it happened in the day or in the night. They should attack -the armed officers of the law and the State militia. All of us armed men -thought at one time that the police would not fight us, because they were all -married men, and if they should fight us they would not do it so very hard. -The plan was to call out a meeting first and have no speakers there. The -police would then come and drive us away. They then should fire on the -police. There were a lot of armed people at the meeting, I know. But the -police did not interfere, so they got speakers at the meeting. Finally the -police came out, and the mob did what they had agreed to do. Afterwards -fault was found, and they said the North Siders were cowards. When Spies -and others were arrested, the armed men all said that, should anything happen -to those men, there would be a riot. In reference to the report about -the shooting of six of our men at McCormick’s factory, I will say that what -I saw and read in that circular calling for revenge made me mad at the officers. -At that meeting Engel called on us to take revenge on the police -officers, because they had killed six of our men. There were about seventy-five -of us, so far as I know, on the North Side, to do the work on Tuesday -night, May 4, and Lingg was mad because there were no more men coming -after bombs. At Neff’s Hall Tuesday night, May 4, we all looked to Lingg -as a leader of the North Siders. I know of no one else who could make -bombs. Some one found fault with Lingg at Neff’s Hall on Tuesday night -because he came so late with his bombs. Then Lingg asked why they had -not come after the bombs. They all knew, he said, where he lived. Lingg -was very angry. Schablinsky lives near me, and he got bombs from him. -There were about nineteen men in the vicinity of the Chicago Avenue Station -on the night of May 4, to attack the station when the police should -come out on the wagons to answer a call from the West Side Haymarket. -The men, seeing all this, lost their courage because the police, they said, -passed them so quick, and then they said to one another, ‘Why should we -attack and lose our own lives for the sake of others?’ When the wagon -was gone, they saw lots of officers coming on foot to the station. Then the -men went away. The North Siders, the armed men, were to meet in Neff’s -Hall May 4, in the afternoon. I was at Thalia Hall, Northwest Side, where -the Lehr und Wehr Verein met, on Wednesday, May 5, in the forenoon. -I saw Fischer, and he said Spies and others had been arrested. I always -knew that Fischer was one of the leaders in this affair—the riot. Fischer -said the riot was a failure. It was botched, and nothing could be done any -more. On Tuesday afternoon there was a tall young fellow at Lingg’s room -about six o’clock. He had a smooth face and was about six feet tall. The -tall man and Lingg were working at the bombs and dynamite. The tall -man, I think, worked at Brunswick & Balke’s factory.”</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">The foregoing was read to Thielen and its correctness acknowledged -before Mr. Furthmann, the officers and myself, and his signature is affixed -to the margin of each sheet of the paper on which it is written. Thielen’s -stepson, William Schubert, confirmed the statement of his father with reference -to the dynamite bombs and the cigar-boxes filled with dynamite, and -added:</p> - -<p>“I went under the house and dug a hole in the ground, and father and -myself put those things in the hole and then covered them up.”</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">About</span> the time of Thielen’s arrest Officers Hoffman and Schuettler ran -across <span class="smcap">Franz Lorenz</span> on North Avenue near Sedgwick Street, in the very -stronghold of Anarchy, and as the man seemed to be suffering from an -over-dose of Anarchy and liquor, they took him to the station. This was -on the 10th of May. He was a German, 48 years of age, and lived with a -man named Jaeger, at No. 31 Burling Street. He did not seem to be -known much in Socialist circles, and no one seemed specially interested in -him. He was locked up at the Larrabee Street Station, and for four days -he was as stupid as an owl. He would eat and drink very little, but -managed to sleep every day. On the sixth day he was taken to the Chicago -Avenue Station and remained there two days longer before he recovered his -normal condition. When brought into the office, he told me that he had -been drinking very hard, and, being asked for the reason, he said that he -had attended many Anarchist meetings, had heard all the speeches and had -learned that soon they would all have plenty of money. Whenever such -assurances were given, it always, he said, made him feel so good that he -would go and get one more drink. Between speeches and drinks, he said, he -had come near dying. He assured me that if he was released he would go -right to work and give Anarchy and all meetings a wide berth. On being -questioned as to his acquaintances, he said he knew “all the boys”—the -leading Anarchists—and had admired them warmly.</p> - -<p>“I heard Lingg speak,” said he, “and he is a good one. I tell you he -is a radical.”</p> - -<p>“I suppose,” said I, “you took two drinks on his speech?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, I took more than that,” replied Lorenz. “The last time I heard -Lingg speak in Zepf’s Hall, I went and got drunk. On May 4, I heard all -the boys speak on the wagon at the Haymarket, but I did not stay there -until it was over. I went into a saloon a block away from there and got -drunk in no time, and when I woke up the next morning I was in bed in -one of the cheap lodging-houses.”</p> - -<p>Not knowing anything definite, he was released by the State’s Attorney, -and he has not since been heard from. He has probably retired to some -other city to renew his drunks at Anarchist headquarters on the free beer -usually provided.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XIV.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Completing the Case—Looking for Lingg—The Bomb-maker’s Birth—Was -he of Royal Blood?—A Romantic Family History—Lingg and his Mother—Captured -Correspondence—A Desperate and Dangerous Character—Lingg Disappears—A -Faint Trail Found—Looking for Express Wagon 1999—The Number that Cost -the Fugitive his Life—A Desperado at Bay—Schuettler’s Death Grapple—Lingg in -the Shackles—His Statement at the Station—The Transfer to the Jail—Lingg’s Love -for Children—The Identity of his Sweetheart—An Interview with Hubner—His -Confession—The Meeting at Neff’s Place</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">WITH the information already obtained we had managed to secure a -pretty clear insight into the diabolical plots of the “revolutionary -groups.” It was apparent that Chicago had been regarded by Anarchists -everywhere as the head center of Socialism in America, and that it had been -decided that here should be the first test of strength in the establishment of -the new social order. Any reasoning, sentient being ought to have seen the -utter folly of such an undertaking in the very midst of millions of liberty-loving, -law-abiding citizens, but these Anarchists, hypnotized as they were -by the plausible sophisms and the inflammatory writings of unscrupulous -men bent on notoriety, could view it in no other light than as a grand stride -towards their goal. As boys are led astray by yellow-covered literature, -these poor fools were crazed by Anarchistic vaporings. Day or night, -sleeping or waking, the beauties of the new social order to be inaugurated -by the revolution were continually before their minds.</p> - -<p>It was clear that such people were capable of desperate deeds, and that -it was not only necessary to bring to justice the instigators of the massacre, -but to show their deluded followers the inevitable result of carrying out -ideas repugnant to our free institutions and inconsistent with common sense -and right.</p> - -<p>With so many facts before us, we redoubled our efforts to capture every -dangerous Anarchist leader in the city, and the next one to fall into the toils -was no less a personage than the bomb-maker, Louis Lingg.</p> - -<p>This notorious Anarchist came to Chicago when about twenty-one years of -age. He had learned the carpenter’s trade in Germany, and when not engaged -in spreading Anarchy’s doctrines, he pursued that calling to liquidate his -board bills and personal expenses. He was a tall, lithe, well-built, handsome -fellow, and, while not of a nervous disposition, his nature was so -active and aggressive that he never appeared at rest. Sleeping or waking, -Anarchy and the most effective methods of establishing it were uppermost -in his thoughts. By reason of his very restlessness it was not difficult to -trace him in Socialistic circles when on his tours of agitation, and it was -noticeable, too, that he never remained at any one point for any regular<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span> -length of time. His make-up was a queer combination of nerve, energy -and push. His mind seemed always weighted with some great burden. -Perhaps there was a reason for this not alone in his radical beliefs, but in -his blood and birth.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-257.jpg" width="250" height="272" id="i257" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LOUIS LINGG, THE BOMB-MAKER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Louis Lingg was born in Schwetzingen, Germany, on the 9th day of -September, 1864, and, while his childhood was spent pleasantly enough, a -cloud gradually gathered which overshadowed his life and embittered him -against society. His mother, at the age of eighteen or twenty, had worked -as a servant, and, possessing a very handsome face, a shapely figure and -attractive manners, had caught the eye of a Hessian soldier in the dragoons. -This man was young, dashing and handsome, and mutual admiration soon -ripened into undue intimacy. -One day the soldier left town -on short notice—whether -because of military orders -or through his own inclination -is not known. It is certain, -however, that she never -heard of him from that day, -and that a son was born to -her out of wedlock. That -son was Louis Lingg. The -name of that dragoon has -never been made public, but -it is believed with reason -that Lingg was born of royal -blood.</p> - -<p>Several years after her -escapade the mother wedded -a lumber-worker named -Link. Louis was then four -years old. When young -Lingg had arrived at the age of twelve, his foster-father, while engaged in -his occupation of floating logs down the river Main, contracted heart disease, -through over-exposure, and died. The widow was left in poor circumstances, -and she was obliged to do washing and ironing in order to support -herself and family, a daughter named Elise having been born since her -marriage.</p> - -<p>Louis, in the course of years, grew strong, robust and muscular. He -had received a fair education, and, desiring to relieve his mother’s burdens -as much as possible, he learned the carpenter’s trade under the tutelage of -a man named Louis Wuermell in Mannheim. He remained there until -May 13, 1879, and then, quitting his apprenticeship, proceeded to Kehl, on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span> -the Rhine. There he found employment with a man named Schmidt until -the fall of 1882. He next went to Freiburg, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, -where he worked for several contractors. At this place he began to change -his employment frequently, and his mother, learning of it, wrote several letters, -in which she advised him against such a course and admonished him -to become a good man, to save his money and keep out of bad company, so -that he might become useful to himself and to society and make her proud -of him. But the son did not heed this motherly advice. He fell in with -free-thinkers who were set against religion in particular and against society -in general, and soon began reading and absorbing Socialistic literature. It -was not long before he became an avowed Socialist, attending Socialistic -meetings and eagerly listening to all the speeches.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-258.jpg" width="250" height="188" id="i258" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LINGG’S TRUNK.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Finally young Lingg grew weary of Baden and wandered to the republic -of Switzerland. Here he -spent the fall of 1883 at Luzerne, -working at his trade -with a man named Rickley, -but his roving nature soon -brought him to Zurich.</p> - -<p>It was there that he met -the famous Anarchist Reinsdorf, -and for this man he -speedily formed a warm attachment. -While in Zurich -Lingg also affiliated with a -German Socialistic society -called “Eintracht,” and -threw his whole soul into the -cause. After a time he turned up at Aarau, but here he was unable -to find employment and had to write home for assistance. The mother -loved her son dearly, despite his wanderings, and he did not appeal to -her in vain. She wrote him enclosing a small sum of money to help him -bridge over his idleness, and at the same time informed him that she had -again married (August 6, 1884), her second husband’s name being Christian -Gaddum. This man had been a neighbor of the family at Mannheim -for years. In writing to her son, Mrs. Link indicated that the marriage -was not prompted by love or admiration, but came about on account -of her feeble health and her desire to secure support for herself and her -daughter. Louis’ mother had frequently expressed a wish that he visit -home, but, as the boy had now reached the age for military service under -the German Government, he concluded to remain away, and in casting -about for a permanent location he decided to emigrate to America. He -presented the matter to his mother. At first she opposed it, but finally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span> -gave her consent. With what money he secured from his mother and from -his friends, he proceeded to Havre, France, in June, 1885, and boarded a -steamer for the United States.</p> - -<p>After the wayward boy had left home, he and his mother corresponded -regularly. She always expressed deep solicitude for his welfare, and when -he was in financial distress she would write him: “Dear Louis, I will -share with you as long as I have a bite in the house.” All her letters -breathed encouragement; she sent money frequently, although at times in -need herself, and concluded invariably by giving good counsel and urging -Louis to write her soon and often. When Lingg had arrived in the United -States the fond mother wrote him that she would soon be able to send him -money enough to come home on a visit.</p> - -<p>That Lingg had great love and affection for his mother is evidenced by -the fact that he had carefully preserved all her letters from the time of his -leaving home until he died a suicide’s death. From these letters it appears -also that Lingg had several lady admirers at home.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-259.jpg" width="400" height="206" id="i259" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">COILS OF FUSE.<br /> -<span class="wn">Found in the secret bottom of Lingg’s Trunk.<br /> -From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>There were many expressions, such as “kindest regards” or “heartiest -respects,” conveyed to him by his mother on behalf of this or that lady -friend. Another fact made apparent by the letters was that there was some -great burden on his mind. It would seem that he had plied his mother with -many questions respecting his birth. That seemed a dark spot in his life. -He wanted a solution as well as satisfaction. This worried the mother, -but she always managed to give him some consolation, saying she “would -guard against everything” and have “all things set right.” In one of her -letters occurs the following:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">As regards your birth, it grieves me that you mention it. While you did not know it -before, I will now say that you were born in Schwetzingen on the 9th day of September, -1864, at your grandfather’s house, and baptized. Where your father is I don’t know. My<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span> -father did not want me to marry him because he did not desire me to follow him into Hessia, and -as he had no real estate he could not marry me in Schwetzingen according to our laws. He -left and went, I do not know where. If you want a certificate of birth you can get it at -Schwetzingen any time. If you make a proper presentation everything will be all right, but -don’t hold on six months.</p> - -<p class="p1">The original of the above, which is in German and which was found in -Lingg’s trunk, had no signature. Another letter regarding his paternity -reads as follows, showing that Lingg’s mind had been sorely distressed over -the matter:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pr2 p1"><span class="smcap">Mannheim</span>, June 29, 1884.</p> - -<p><i>Dear Louis</i>:—You must have waited a long time for an answer. John said to Elise -that I had not yet replied to your last letter. The officials of the court you cannot push. -For my part I would have been better pleased if they had hurried up, because it would have -saved you a great deal of time. But now I am glad that it has finally been accomplished. -After a great deal of toil, I put myself out to go to Schwetzingen and see about the certificate -of your birth. I know you will be glad and satisfied to learn that you carry the name -of Lingg. This is better than to have children with two different names. He had you -entered as a legitimate child before we got married. I think this was the best course, so -that you will not worry and reproach me. Such a certificate of birth is no disgrace, and you -can show it. I felt offended that you took no notice of the “confirmation.” Elise had -everything nice. Her only wish was to receive some small token from Louis, which would -have pleased her more than anything else. When she came from church, the first thing she -asked for was as to a letter or card from you, but we had to be contented with the thought -that perhaps you did not think of us. Now it is all past.... I was very much troubled -that it has taken so long [to procure certificate], but I could not help it. I have kept my -promise, and you cannot reproach me. Everything is all right, and we are all well and -working. I hope to hear the same from you. It would not be so bad if you wrote -oftener. I have had to do a great many things for you the last eighteen years, but with a -mother you can do as you please—neglect her and never answer her letters.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The certificate sent him reads as follows:</p> - -<p class="pc1">CERTIFICATE OF BIRTH.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pn1">No. 9,681.</p> - -<p>Ludwig Link, legitimate son of Philipp Friedrich Link and of Regina Von Hoefler, was -born at Schwetzingen, on the ninth (9th) day of September, 1864. This is certified according -to the records of the Evangelical Congregation of Schwetzingen.</p> - -<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Schwetzingen</span>, May 24, 1884. -<span class="vh">————</span>[<span class="smcap">seal.</span>] -<span class="vh">————</span>County Court: <span class="smcap">Cluricht</span>.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">To the letter of Mrs. Link, given above, no signature appears, but -that is not strange. What seems more singular is that, whenever her letters -were signed, they closed with simply “Your Mother.” Another thing -appears from the above, and that is that at home Louis’ name was Link. -Other documents, some of them legal, also found in his trunk, show that his -name was formerly written Link. His name must have been changed -shortly before leaving Europe or just after reaching the United States.</p> - -<p>It would seem that, with such a certificate, Lingg would have been -measurably happy, but the fact of his illegitimacy, despite court records, -rankled in his blood. The thought of it haunted him continually, and no -doubt it helped to make him in religion a free-thinker, in theory a free-lover, -and in practice an implacable enemy of existing society. His mother’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span> -letters showed that she wished him to be a good man, and it was no -fault of her early training that he subsequently became an Anarchist. She -still lives at the old place, and when Lieut. Baus, of the Chicago police -force, was on a visit to Mannheim, some time ago, he called on her and -found her very pleasant and affable in her manner, with a strong, robust -constitution, and still a good-looking woman.</p> - -<p>No sooner had Lingg reached Chicago than he looked up the haunts of -Socialists and Anarchists. He made their acquaintance, learned the -strength of the order in the city as well as in the United States, and was -highly gratified. At that time the organization was not only strong in -numbers, but it fairly “smelt to heaven” in its rankness of doctrine.</p> - -<p>Lingg was not required to look around very hard for the haunts of Anarchy, -for a blind man could plainly see, feel and smell the disease in -the air. Lingg arrived here only eight or nine months before the -eventful 4th of May, but in that short time he succeeded in -making himself the most popular man in Anarchist circles. No -one had created such a <i>furore</i> since 1872, when Socialism had -its inception in the city.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-261.jpg" width="250" height="346" id="i261" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">COMPOSITION BOMB.<br /> -<span class="wnn">Found in Lingg’s room, ready for use.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>The first organization to which Lingg attached himself was -the International Carpenters’ Union No. 1. -Every member of this society was a rabid Anarchist. -All of them had supplied themselves -with arms, and a majority of them drilled in -military tactics. Lingg had not been connected -with the organization long before he became a -recognized leader and made speeches that enthused -them all. While young in years, they -recognized in him a worthy leader, and the -fact that he had sat at the very feet of -Reinsdorf as a pupil elevated him in their -estimation. This distinction, added to his -personal magnetism, made him the subject -for praise and comment, which pleased his vanity and spurred his ambition.</p> - -<p>Men longer in the service and more familiar with the local and general -phases of Anarchy at times reluctantly yielded to him where points of -policy were at stake. No committee was regarded as complete without -him, and this brought him in contact with August Spies and Albert Parsons. -He was often at the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, which was the -headquarters of the governing body, with reports and suggestions, and by -his admirable tact soon won their esteem and good graces. He there also -made the acquaintance of Fielden, Fischer, Schnaubelt, Rau, Neebe, -Schwab, and of some of the more noted women in the Anarchist movement.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span> -He was frequently complimented for his work and became quite a favorite -with the ladies.</p> - -<p>When Lingg first became actively identified with the party of assassination -and annihilation here, he was cautious and secretive. He knew -that secrecy in the old country was not only essential to success, but absolutely -requisite for self-preservation. He supposed that the same sort of -tactics prevailed here, but when he saw how bold, aggressive and open -were the utterances of the Anarchists in Chicago and elsewhere, he came to -believe that the government and the municipal administration existed -simply through their sufferance. At first, whenever Lingg was doubtful on -any point, he would seek knowledge and inspiration from Spies, and it was -through Spies that he gained his information of the movement -in the United States. They became firm friends, and -Lingg implicitly believed everything Spies told him, and -looked, as he informed the police officers, upon every line -published in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> as absolutely true and correct. -While not able to read English, he regarded all papers -printed in that language, as well as in the German, not of the -Socialistic faith, as published for the benefit of capitalists -and millionaires. They were all, in his estimation, stupendous -frauds, and existed simply because they printed -such lies as pleased the rich and those in power. Being a -man of sincere convictions and -earnest zeal, Lingg won the -confidence of his confrères and -always knew just what was -going to be done and how it -was to be accomplished. He -was a faithful ally and was -invariably counted upon to -take a leading part in all the -movements of the reds. How -he was regarded by his fellows -in this respect is shown in the fact that to him was intrusted the task -of organizing the people of the Southwest Side and directing their plans -against the McCormick factory.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-262.jpg" width="250" height="253" id="i262" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">CAST-IRON AND LARGE GAS-PIPE BOMBS.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From Photographs.</span></p> -<p class="pf300">The long bomb in center weighs five lbs., and was thrown -at a patrol wagon on Blue Island Avenue, but failed to explode. -The round bombs were lined on the inside with a coating of -cement saturated with a deadly poison.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>His communications, which I have given in a prior chapter, to the -Bohemians and others in that locality, show that he was bent on riot and -destruction, and in that mad and frenzied movement he had the hearty -coöperation of the colleagues who had with him concocted it at the office -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. They alone knew of it, and worked out the details -at a meeting held near the factory on the 3d of May. Lingg, being braver<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span> -and more daring than the other leaders, was the chosen instrument to -inspire the men to an attack upon the works, and he subsequently claimed -that he had been clubbed by the police during the affray.</p> - -<p>During the turbulent and momentous days preceding May 4, Lingg’s -comrades saddled upon him a great responsibility, but he never flinched. -On the contrary, he proved the mettle of his make-up, not only volunteering -to carry out certain ends he himself outlined, but cheerfully assuming -every task imposed upon him and always willing to take all responsibility -for the consequences. He was found on the North Side actively -engaged in calling Anarchists to arms, on the Southwest Side endeavoring -to form a compact body of fighters in view of the near approach of -May 1; he was busy at Seliger’s house constructing bombs, and at -meetings giving instructions how to make infernal machines. His work -was never finished, and never neglected. At one time he taught his -followers how to handle the -bombs so that they would -not explode in their hands, -and showed the time and -distance for throwing the -missiles with deadly effect; -at another he drilled those -who were to do the throwing, -instructing them how -to surround themselves with -friends so that detection by -an enemy would be impossible.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-263.jpg" width="250" height="198" id="i263" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">GAS-PIPE BOMBS.<br /> -<span class="wnn">Found in Lingg’s Room. From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>All these things kept -him busy, but his whole -soul was in the work. He -was not alone a bomb-maker; he also constituted himself an agent to sell -arms. He sold a great many large revolvers and rifles. This is shown -by a note found in his trunk, addressed to Abraham Hermann. It reads as -follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><i>Friend</i>:—I sold three revolvers during the last two days, and I will sell three more to-day -(Wednesday). I sell them from $6.00 to $7.80 apiece.</p> - -<p class="pr2">Respectfully and best regards, -<span class="smcap">L. Lingg</span>.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">At this time Hermann was the general agent in this city for buying and -selling arms to the Anarchists. Engel had been an agent at one time, but -the men claimed that he had fleeced them, and he was dropped.</p> - -<p>Lingg thus proved himself a very useful man to the order. He could -make an effective speech; he was a good organizer; he could make bombs -with dynamite whose power had been enhanced manifold through his skill;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span> -he would carry hand-bills, and he would do anything to help along the cause. -In truth, he was the shiftiest as well as the most dangerous Anarchist in -all Chicago.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-264.jpg" width="200" height="193" id="i264" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Gas-Pipe Bombs, Without Fuse.</span><br /> -<span class="wnn">Found in Lingg’s Room.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Having been a pupil of Reinsdorf, Lingg was an opponent of all peaceable -agitation. He believed in organizing armed forces and conquering -everything by main force. He had no love at all for those who talked -peaceable agitation; he called them fools and cranks. Of this class were -the old-time Socialists, and he looked upon them with haughty disdain. -He found better material to work on for helping him in the revolution he -proposed, and, although he molded many an Anarchist out of the softer clay -of humanity, still he was not satisfied, but complained continually that -they did not move fast enough, did not take hold with celerity and failed to -develop such heroic qualities as he wished to see. The restless spirit -within him, his implacable hatred of society, tinged with the bitterness of -his doubtful birth, and his strong impulses manifested themselves in all his -acts and utterances. An illustration of these -traits is the impatience he exhibited over the -failure of trusted men to come early to the house -of Seliger to secure bombs on the evening of -May 4, and his departure with the bombs to -Neff’s Hall to have them speedily distributed. -Another example is found in the bitter reproaches -he heaped on those who had failed to carry out -their part after the inauguration of the Haymarket -riot. His hopes, his ambitions, had been -set on the successful consummation of that plot. -It was to have overthrown all government and -all law, which he declared were good enough for -old women to prevent them from quarreling, but needless for men of intelligence -and independence.</p> - -<p>For four weeks prior to the 4th of May he was out of work, but he was -by no means idle. He worked early and late attending meetings and making -bombs, so that, the moment the signal for the general revolution was -given, every member of the armed sections might be supplied with the -destructive agent. He wanted the whole city blown up, every capitalist -wiped off the face of the earth; and he and his trusted comrades, Sunday -after Sunday, in anticipation of the uprising, practiced in the suburbs with -rifles and 44-caliber revolvers. Lingg became the most expert of them all -and was looked upon by his associates as a crack shot.</p> - -<p>Lingg’s money and time were freely given to the purchase of arms and -to the manufacture of dynamite bombs. His room at Seliger’s became a -veritable arsenal, and, the more deadly “stuff” he brought into the house, -the more pleased he became, and the more bitter grew the enmity of Mrs.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span> -Seliger toward him. How careful and elaborate were his preparations for -the coming day is not only shown by the deadly implements found in his -room, but is evidenced in the statements of his trusted lieutenants. These -statements—made to me by men anxious to save themselves, prostrate -suppliants for mercy, whose every material revelation was corroborative -of the others, although given independently and under different circumstances -and without knowledge of what others had said—unmistakably -pointed to a most gigantic conspiracy. Read any of these statements, and -no doubt can exist that, had it not been for the hand of Providence on the -night of May 4, thousands of people would have been killed and vast districts -of the city laid waste. Lingg expected it as certainly as he believed -in his own existence at the time, and his intimate comrades bent all their -energy in the direction of carrying out the villainous plot.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-265.jpg" width="250" height="126" id="i265" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">UNFINISHED GAS-PIPE BOMBS.<br /> -<span class="wnn">Found in Lingg’s Dinner-Box. From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>But “the best laid plans of mice and men gang aft agley,” and the -Haymarket riot proved a most bitter disappointment. Lingg was fairly -beside himself with chagrin -and mortification. The one -consuming desire of his life -had utterly and signally -failed of realization. He -clearly foresaw dire trouble -in consequence of the attempt, -and his mind was -bewildered with perplexities -as to his future movements. -On the night of May -4, about 11:30 o’clock, when the full truth of the failure of the riot had -flashed upon him, he stood in front of No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, not knowing -exactly whither to turn for refuge from possible arrest, and, while in this -dilemma, he broached the subject to Seliger, finally asking to be permitted -to remain at the house over night until next morning, when he promised he -would move away. He was without a cent in his pocket, having squandered -all his money in the manufacture of bombs, confident of plenty when -he and his fellows had secured control of the city. Seliger, knowing his -condition, finally consented.</p> - -<p>The next morning came, but Lingg manifested no disposition to carry -out his promise.</p> - -<p>“I would move from here now,” said he, very adroitly, “but if I do so it -would create suspicion.”</p> - -<p>Seliger saw the force of the argument, and, being implicated also in the -manufacture of bombs, shrewdly concluded to let him remain until matters -quieted down. Lingg accordingly remained until the 7th of May. On this -date officers began to appear in the vicinity, looking into the haunts and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span> -resorts of Anarchists. This startled Lingg, and, lest they might pounce -down upon his room, he decided to speedily vacate the premises. He did -move, but with such haste that he left his implements of destruction and -nearly all his personal effects behind him. When the house was finally -searched the “bird had flown.”</p> - -<p>I sent out eight good detectives, and kept them working night and day -looking for the bomb-maker, but no one could furnish a clue. It was -learned that Lingg had a sweetheart, and her movements were closely -watched. The houses of his known friends were also watched, and all his -acquaintances shadowed. Anarchists who had hopes of saving their own -necks if he could be found were pressed into the service, and decoy letters -were sent out. Money was even held out as an inducement to divulge his -hiding-place, but all to no purpose.</p> - -<p>These expedients were kept up until the 13th of May, when I sent for -Mrs. Seliger to ascertain where Lingg had last been employed and secure -the addresses of all his friends. Nearly all the places she mentioned had -been visited, but she spoke of one place that seemed to me to hold out -some promise of a successful result. Mrs. Seliger stated that there was a -place near the river, where there was a bridge that she had heard spoken -of, and that Lingg had said to her husband that he would call on a friend -of his near that place, on Canal Street. This place I at once recognized -as being only a few blocks from the shop where Lingg had worked. Mrs. -Seliger further stated that her husband had told her that this shop was only -a few blocks from a Catholic church. All this I regarded as a good clue, -and Officers Loewenstein and Schuettler were promptly detailed to follow it -up—first going, however, to a planing-mill on Twelfth and South Clark -Streets to ascertain if Lingg had ever worked there.</p> - -<p>The officers carried out these instructions, and a few hours later they -returned to the office, their faces wreathed in smiles. They informed me -that they had secured a clue, that only a few days before Lingg had sent -there for his tool chest, and that they had learned of a man who had noticed -the number of the express wagon that had carted it away. But this man, -they said, they would be unable to see until the next day.</p> - -<p>Bright and early the next morning the officers started out with new -instructions and visited the house of the person who had so singularly taken -note of the express number. They found him, and he gave them all the -information he possessed. About eleven o’clock the officers found the residence -of the expressman, whose name was Charles Keperson and whose -wagon was numbered 1,999. He lived at No. 1095 Robey Street. The -officers rapped on the door, and a little girl about ten years of age answered. -On being asked after her father she informed them that he was not at home. -They inquired if her father had not brought in a trunk. She replied that -her father had brought no trunk into their house, but he had hauled a tool<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span> -chest from down town, which he had taken to a house on an adjoining -street. She pointed out a little cottage at No. 80 Ambrose Street, and on -being asked if she had seen her father take it there she answered:</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes, it was a gray-colored box, and I heard my father say it -belonged to Louis Lingg.”</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-267.jpg" width="300" height="123" id="i267" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LINGG’S REVOLVER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">Cocked as found when wrested from<br /> -Lingg’s hands after the struggle with Officer Schuettler.<br /> -From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>The officers went over to the cottage and learned that a family named -Klein lived there. Schuettler knocked on the door, and Mrs. Klein responded. -He asked if Louis was at home. She replied that he was not and that he -had gone out with some gentlemen about nine o’clock. She inquired what -he desired to see Louis for, and Schuettler told her that he owed Louis $3 -and had come to pay him. He further informed her that they were good -friends, both carpenters, and belonged to the same union. She inquired -after his name, and Schuettler responded that it was “Franz Lorenz.” -Lorenz was a well known Anarchist, and it was thought the name would -prove effective in winning the woman’s confidence. She said that her -father lived only a short distance from the house, and she would step over -and ask him if he knew where Louis had gone. This conversation had -taken place in a rear -room of the house. The -woman excused herself, -and ostensibly started -for the house of her -father. She passed into -the front room and slammed -the outer door. -Loewenstein stepped out of the back room to see if she had really gone, -but he saw no Mrs. Klein. At the same time he noticed Lingg’s chest -standing on the rear porch, covered with a piece of carpet. Loewenstein -returned, and he had hardly joined Schuettler when Mrs. Klein stepped in. -She said she had seen her father, but that he did not know where Louis -had gone. The officers were suspicious, of course, but they said nothing, -simply withdrawing with the assurance that they would call again and see -Lingg some other time.</p> - -<p>After leaving, the officers walked for two blocks and talked over the mysterious -actions of Mrs. Klein. They concluded to go back and search the -house. They secured entrance from the rear, and, while Loewenstein -guarded the front door, Schuettler entered the rear room. There he found -a man smoothly shaven. Lingg had been described as having chin whiskers. -Schuettler stepped up to the man, however, and asked his name. -In an instant Lingg—for it was none other—whipped out a 44-caliber -revolver, which he had had concealed in front inside his trousers, and, with -the glare of a tiger held at bay, he turned on the officer. Schuettler saw the -movement, and, quick as a flash, sprang on Lingg and seized the weapon.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span> -They clinched, and while the one was struggling to save himself and secure -his prisoner, the other was bent upon killing the officer and effecting his own -escape. Both were strong, muscular and active, and the cottage shook -from foundation to rafters as the bodies of the contestants swayed in the -equal contest. Lingg quivered with rage and aroused himself to his utmost -to vanquish the foe. He realized that the result meant life or death. At -one moment his revolver was pressed close to the officer’s breast, and with -a superhuman effort the Anarchist tried to send a bullet on its fatal mission. -But Schuettler had a firm grasp of the cylinder and wrenched the weapon -aside. In another second, while the mastery was still undecided, Lingg, by -a quick movement of his hand, brought the revolver square into the officer’s -face. At that moment, however, Schuettler managed to get Lingg’s thumb -between his teeth. The Anarchist made a sudden dash to release his thumb -and succeeded in breaking loose.</p> - -<p>All this took place in less time than it takes to tell it. The moment -Lingg was foot-loose, Schuettler found time to shout for his companion, -who had stood on the outside in front of the house, all unconscious of the -short but desperate struggle within. Loewenstein did not stop a moment -to determine what was wanted, but sprang into the room. He entered just -at the moment when Schuettler had bounded after Lingg on his release and -found him holding Lingg tightly by the throat with one hand and the -revolver with the other. Loewenstein saw the situation at a glance, and, -raising his loaded cane, brought it down on the Anarchist’s head. This -stunned Lingg, and he was overpowered. The revolver was wrenched from -his hand and placed on a table, and the officers adjusted the handcuffs. -These had no sooner been placed in position than Lingg made a sudden -dash for his revolver. But the detectives were too quick for him.</p> - -<p>Lingg’s teeth gnashed with rage, and his eyes fairly bulged from their -sockets with savage scorn. The arch-Anarchist looked the picture of desperation. -He had been vanquished, however, and he saw that further -resistance was useless.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Klein had meanwhile been an excited spectator, but before she -could collect her thoughts and decide what course to take under the circumstances, -Lingg was in the power of the law. Seeing this, she hurried out. -It was not long before the whole neighborhood heard of what had happened, -and, as the officers started to take their prisoner to the Hinman Street Station, -a true-hearted Irish-American came up, accosted them and said:</p> - -<p>“My dear boys, your lives are in danger here. Nearly every one who -lives about here is an Anarchist. Wait for a minute, and I will give you -protection.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-269.jpg" width="400" height="659" id="i269" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">A DESPERATE STRUGGLE. <span class="smcap wn">Louis Lingg’s Arrest.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span></p> - -<p>He disappeared, but meanwhile the street had become crowded with an -excited populace. He soon returned with a double-barreled shot-gun, ready -for action in case of emergency. No sooner had he placed himself at the -disposal of the officers than a loyal Bohemian-American came running -across the street, and said:</p> - -<p>“Officers, I will also protect you against this mob.”</p> - -<p>He had in his hand a large navy revolver, and he showed that he was -ready to assist the officers, even at the cost of his own life.</p> - -<p>Schuettler and Loewenstein, under this volunteer escort, marched Lingg -to the Hinman Street Station, reaching there about twelve o’clock. Sergeant -Enwright was in charge of the station that day, and, lest any attempt -at rescue might be made, he called in all his officers and gave them -instructions as to what should be done to protect the station. He also -ordered out the patrol wagon, and detailed five officers to accompany -Schuettler and Loewenstein to the Klein residence to investigate the premises. -They made a thorough search, but could discover nothing except a -lot of cartridges. They also investigated the houses at Nos. 64, 66, 68 and -70 on the same street, all occupied by Anarchists, but they found nothing. -The presence of the police, however, speedily cleared the street, and all the -low-browed, shaggy-haired followers of the red flag hunted their holes. -Schuettler and Loewenstein then sent for the Chicago Avenue patrol wagon -and transferred Lingg to new quarters at that station. On the way Lingg continually -ground his teeth, and, looking savagely at Schuettler and turning -slightly towards Loewenstein, hissed out:</p> - -<p>“If I had only got half a chance at that fellow, he would be a dead man -now.”</p> - -<p>The officers of the Hinman Street Station did not relax their vigilance -over Ambrose Street, and one day some molds made of clay were found in -the alley in the rear of the Klein residence, proving that Lingg had not -abandoned hope, but was getting ready to prepare a new supply of bombs -for a future attack.</p> - -<p>When Lingg had been ushered into the office of the East Chicago Avenue -Station, the shackles were removed from his wrists, and he was given a -chair. He became quiet in his new surroundings, and grudgingly answered -a few simple questions. His thumb giving him considerable pain, some -liniment was procured from a neighboring drug store, and the wound dressed. -He was then assigned to an apartment below, and left to his own thoughts.</p> - -<p>In the afternoon he was brought up to the office.</p> - -<p>“What is your name?” I asked him.</p> - -<p>“Lingg,” curtly replied the prisoner.</p> - -<p>“Ah, yes; but how do you spell it?”</p> - -<p>“L-i-n-gg,” came the spelling.</p> - -<p>“Yes; but give us your full name.”</p> - -<p>“It is Louis or Ludwig Lingg. I am twenty-one years and eight -months old.”</p> - -<p>He was asked a great many questions. Some he refused to answer, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span> -others he answered promptly and with pleasure, especially when they -touched on killing capitalists and capitalistic editors, as he called them. He -had no use, he said, for these people, and thought that if they could be -taken away suddenly the world would be satisfied and happy. He remarked -that he did not blame the police very much, because they were workingmen -themselves, but there was one officer, he said, that he perfectly despised. -It was John Bonfield. If he could have blown him to atoms, he thought, -he might become reconciled to a great many things as they then existed. -He finally gave to me and to Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, in the -presence of Officers Stift, Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman, a -brief account of himself and his movements, but he said that he would -rather die than give information against any one. He did not deny -what others had stated about him, but further he would not go. He was -informed by Mr. Furthmann how strict the law was against conspiracies, -but the only answer he vouchsafed was that the laws would not remain in -force much longer; that the working people would make laws to suit themselves, -and they would not allow any higher power to dictate to them. For -his own part, he could work and was willing to work, he said, but he wanted -his share of the profits. He thought the police had made fools of themselves -in the movement the Anarchists had inaugurated. If they had only -known enough, he said, to have held back, the capitalists would have been -forced to submit; but now the police had spoiled their own chances for gain -for years to come. They would be sorry for it, he added. If the Anarchists -had won in Chicago, he further stated, all the other large cities would have -fallen into line, and wretchedness and poverty would have been banished -forever.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-271.jpg" width="400" height="73" id="i271" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">IRON BOLT FOUND IN LINGG’S TRUNK. <span class="smcap wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -<p class="pf400 reduct">Designed, according to Lingg’s own statement, to connect the halves of a composition bomb weighing -twelve pounds. “The Haymarket bomb,” said he, “killed six. The one which I was going to make with -that bolt would kill six dozen.” Four such bolts were found.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>After Lingg had been taken away from the Ambrose Street house, Gustav -and Kate Klein became anxious about their friend. They traced him -to the Chicago Avenue Station and called there later in the day, after -his arrest. When they reached the office I questioned them, although they -were not under arrest, and they answered without hesitancy. They stated -that Lingg had come to their house on the 7th of May, and had remained -indoors nearly all the time up to his arrest that day—May 14. He had -only been out twice to secure books from some neighbors, and he had felt -measurably safe in the locality. This section, it was found, as already<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span> -stated, was a hotbed of Anarchy, and as the neighbors knew the man, they -were anxious to protect him. It had even been whispered in the locality -that he was the one who had thrown the bomb at the Haymarket, but, -knowing that he was a man not to be trifled with, and out of sympathy for -the cause, none would betray him. He could not have selected a better -place for concealment. Mr. Klein had known him for some time and had -noticed a great change in him since the Haymarket bloodshed.</p> - -<p>“He was always cheerful,” he said, “up to that time, but since then he -acted very strangely. He would not converse with any one, but always -sought to be alone. Whenever any one came near the house he was -uneasy.”</p> - -<p>“I noticed that too,” interposed Mrs. Klein. “He always used to fool -and play with me before the Haymarket event, and was good company, -but since then he was a changed man altogether.”</p> - -<p>Mrs. Klein described the scene of Lingg’s arrest, and told how at first -she had regarded it simply as fun between two friends, and how frightened she -had become when she discovered that it was a serious affair. She also -described the terrible look which came over Lingg’s face when he found himself -powerless to fire the revolver.</p> - -<p>I subsequently thought it best to bring Lingg face to face with one of -his former comrades, who had furnished information about him, and this -was accordingly done. The moment he was brought into the presence of -the informer his face assumed a terrible scowl, but he remained obstinately -silent.</p> - -<p>One day Lingg was again brought into the office, and I questioned him -as to the real strength of the Anarchists in the city and country.</p> - -<p>He smiled and said:</p> - -<p>“Don’t you know that yet? This I cannot answer, but I will tell you -that you only know the noisy fellows. The real Anarchists in this city or -country you do not know yet, because they are not ready to take hold, but -you will be taken by surprise unless you die soon. I only hope that I will -live long enough to see this hidden power show its strength.”</p> - -<p>During the time Lingg remained at the station his hand was regularly -attended to, he was treated very kindly, had plenty to eat, and was made as -comfortable as possible. All these attentions somewhat mollified his bitterness -against us.</p> - -<p>Some time after the other interviews, I visited him and asked him if he -entertained any hostility towards the police. He replied that during the -McCormick factory riot he had been clubbed by an officer, but he did not -care so much for that. He could forget it all, but he did not like Bonfield. -If it had not been for Bonfield, he said, the street-car men, in their strike -in the summer of 1885, would have had things all their own way, and that -would have changed everything all over the city in a business way.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span></p> - -<p>“If I could only kill Bonfield,” he vehemently declared, “I would be -ready to die within five minutes afterwards.”</p> - -<p>Lingg was a singular Anarchist. In every act and word he showed no -care for himself, but he always expressed sympathy for men who had families -and who were in trouble. He showed that he was a man with a will, -and that if he set his mind to the accomplishment of an end he would bend -all his energies to attain it.</p> - -<p>There was another peculiarity about Lingg which distinguished him -from the rest of his associates. Although he drank beer, he never drank to -excess, and he frowned upon the use of bad or indecent language. He -was an admirer of the fair sex, and they reciprocated his admiration, his -manly form, handsome face and pleasing manners captivating all.</p> - -<p>On the 27th of May, Lingg and Engel were taken in a patrol wagon to -the Harrison Street Station, where the “art gallery” of the Police Department -was kept, to have their photographs taken. On the way, Loewenstein -remarked to Lingg:</p> - -<p>“Louis, you want to look your prettiest, so that you will make a good -picture.”</p> - -<p>“What difference does it make whether a dead man’s picture looks good -or bad,” was the reply, uttered in a most serious manner and in a strong -tone of voice.</p> - -<p>From the gallery the Anarchists were driven to the County Jail, and -that was the last time they ever saw the streets of Chicago or breathed the -air outside of prison walls.</p> - -<p>From the day Lingg entered the jail he became surly and ugly to all the -officers, but he implicitly obeyed all prison rules. He held himself aloof -from everybody except his fellow Anarchists, and would have nothing to say -to any one except his friends or his sweetheart.</p> - -<p>Lingg was very fond of children, and when those of Neebe, Schwab or -others called at the jail he would play with them and seemed to extract -much amusement from their little pranks and antics.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Klein often visited him and always brought a baby, in which Lingg -seemed to take a special interest. Lingg and Mrs. Klein conversed freely -together, and he seemed to enjoy her visits greatly. Whenever she called -she brought him fruit of the season and choice edibles with which to vary -his prison fare.</p> - -<p>Lingg and his associates proved quite a drawing card, and Anarchists -from all parts of the country called at the jail. But while his fellows -appeared pleased to hold receptions, so to speak, Lingg did not desire the -company of strangers. He gave his time only to the few ladies who called -on him and to his nearest friends. He disliked being gaped at by curiosity-seekers, -and when he had no good friend to keep him company he traveled -the corridors of the jail beyond the reach of public gaze. He also whiled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span> -time away by cutting pretty little carvings out of cigar-boxes with his jack-knife, -and in this he displayed considerable ingenuity. Tiring of this -diversion, he would pick up a book or a paper; but, however monotonous -prison life at times became, he never thrust himself before the visitors’ cage -to pose before the idle throng. Many callers came to sympathize with -Lingg as well as to admire his handsome physique, and, as he would not -allow his hair to be cut after his incarceration, his flowing, curly locks added -to his picturesque appearance.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-274.jpg" width="250" height="316" id="i274" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LINGG’S SWEETHEART.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>But there was one visitor he always welcomed. It was his sweetheart, -whose acquaintance he had made before his arrest, and who became a regular -caller. She invariably wore a pleasant smile, breathed soft, loving -words into his ears through the wire -screen that separated the visitors’ cage -from the jail corridor, and contributed -much toward keeping him cheerful. -This girl had lived at one time with -a family on West Lake Street, in the -heart of an Anarchist camp, but, for -some reason, while her lover was at the -Chicago Avenue Station she never paid -him a visit. The second day after he -had been locked up at the County Jail -she promptly made her appearance, -however, and became a regular visitor. -She simply passed with the jail officials -at first as “Lingg’s girl,” but one day -some one called her Ida Miller, and -thereafter she was recognized under -that name. She was generally accompanied -by young Miss Engel, the -daughter of Anarchist Engel, and during the last four months of her lover’s -incarceration she could be seen every afternoon entering the jail. She was -always readily admitted until the day the bombs were found in Lingg’s cell. -After that neither she nor Mr. and Mrs. Klein were admitted. While it has -never been satisfactorily proven who it was that introduced the bombs into -the jail, it is likely that they were smuggled into Lingg’s hands by his sweetheart. -She enjoyed Lingg’s fullest confidence, and regarded his every wish.</p> - -<p>It is not known whether Miller is the real name of the girl, but it -is supposed to be Elise Friedel. She is a German, and was twenty-two -years of age at the time, her birthplace being Mannheim, which was also -Lingg’s native town. She was robust in appearance, with fair complexion, -and dark hair. She had quite a penchant for beer, and could sit in a crowd -of her Anarchist friends and drink “schnitts” with the proficiency of a veteran.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span> -She always entertained hope of executive clemency, but when Lingg -died at his own hands she somewhat surprisingly failed to evince great sorrow. -Perhaps the consciousness of having aided him in escaping the gallows -had prepared her for the worst.</p> - -<p>Lingg’s terrible death did not perceptibly change her demeanor. She -was seen at several dances shortly afterwards, and seemed to enjoy herself -as much as anybody. She even danced with detectives, unconscious of -their calling, and, in jesting with them, her laugh was as hearty and ringing -as though she were bent on capturing a new beau.</p> - -<p>During all the long, weary days Lingg remained in jail his demeanor was -the same as during the trial—cool, collected and unconcerned. No special -trouble apparently burdened his mind. His constant companions—whenever -they were permitted to be together—were Engel and Fischer. They -appeared to believe that their fellow prisoners and co-conspirators would -turn on them to save their own lives.</p> - -<p>The statement Lingg made, on the 14th of May, omitting the part pertaining -to his occupation, age and residence, was as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Whenever I did any work at home [Seliger’s house] I did it as carefully -as possible, so that no one could see me. I did make dynamite bombs -out of gas-pipe, and I generally found the gas-pipe on the street. Finding -them two or three feet long, I would cut them into pieces. After cutting -them about six inches long I would fill them with dynamite and attach a -fuse to each. I then would call them bombs.”</p> - -<p>“Who showed or taught you how to make those bombs?”</p> - -<p>“No one. I learned it from books.”</p> - -<p>“What books?”</p> - -<p>“I read it in a book published by Herr Most of New York. It explains -how to make dynamite and other articles used in war. I once had four -bombs in my dinner-box—two were loaded and two empty. I bought two -pounds of the stuff on Lake Street, near Dearborn. I also bought one coil -of fuse and one box of caps at the same place, and that is all I bought. I -paid 65 cents for the box of caps, 60 cents for two pounds of dynamite, and -50 cents for the coil of fuse.”</p> - -<p>“Did you work all the material into the bombs?”</p> - -<p>“No, there is some of it left in my trunk. I do not deny making bombs. -I made them for the purpose of being used in a war or a revolution during -these workingmen’s troubles. The bombs found in my room I intended to -use myself. I have been at August Spies’ office several times, and I have -known him for some time. I always received the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, and I -like to read it. I made some of those round lead bombs. I made the -molds myself and cast the bombs. The iron bolts I used to connect and -hold them together I bought in a hardware store. I bought five small ones -and two big ones. I could only use the molds to cast bombs with a few -times; then they would be useless. At the time I bought the dynamite I -was alone. On Tuesday night, May 4, Seliger and I were on Larrabee -Street, between Clybourn Avenue and the city limits, and we remained -there until about ten o’clock. We then went home and had several glasses -of beer. We did not meet any one we knew. We were on Larrabee<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span> -Street all the time. When we came home Mrs. Seliger was abed. I was -at the meeting held in the hall at No. 71 West Lake Street, Monday night, -May 3. I saw there the circular which called the workingmen to arms and -to seek revenge on the police because they had killed six of our brothers -at McCormick’s factory on that day. I also attended a meeting the same -night, at No. 54 West Lake Street, which was held by the armed sections. -I was out to Lake View and tried one of my dynamite bombs to find out -what strength it had. I put the bomb in a tree between two limbs. I lit -the fuse; the bomb exploded and split the tree, damaging it considerably. I -had my hair cut, and mustache and whiskers shaven off, about May 8th or -9th. I want to say right here to you men that I did make dynamite bombs -and intended to use them.</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-276.jpg" width="250" height="224" id="i276" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">CAN OF ENGLISH DYNAMITE AND LADLE.<br /> -<span class="wnn">Used by Lingg in Casting Bombs. From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>I am down on capital and capitalists. I knew -that if we sought our rights—I mean the workingmen—they would turn out -the police and militia against us with their Gatling guns and cannon. We -knew that we could not defend ourselves with our revolvers, and therefore -turned to the adoption of -dynamite. For one, I was -not going to get hurt. I -made bombs of lead and -bombs of metal, and I made -them with the two materials -mixed. I tried both the lead -and gas-pipe bombs, and I -found that they could do -good service. If you cut the -fuse ten inches long and light -it you can run away forty -steps before the explosion -takes place. The armed men -of the so-called International -Group of the North Side -always met at Greif’s Hall, -No. 54 West Lake Street. -We used to go to the Shooting -Park in Lake View and -shoot at targets on Sundays. -I have been there about ten times. I admit that the two Lehmans came -to see me at my room at No. 442 Sedgwick Street, and I will confess that -on Tuesday, May 4, six men came to my room to see me.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">At this interview there were present, besides myself, Furthmann, Stift, -Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman. On the 17th of May, Lingg -again remarked to Officer Schuettler that he regretted that he had not had -a chance to kill him.</p> - -<p>On the 24th of May Lingg and Hubner were brought together, and -Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann asked the latter if he knew the -bomb-maker.</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes, I was at his room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, helping him -to make dynamite bombs, and what I stated in my affidavit is true.”</p> - -<p>Lingg scowled furiously, and emphatically denied the statement. All<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span> -he could be made to say in explanation of the affair, however, was that he -“had been a Socialist all his life and ever since he could think.”</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Ernst Hubner</span> was arrested by Officers Schuettler and Whalen on -the morning of May 18, at six o’clock, while he was on his way to his -work. He is a German by birth and a carpenter by trade, and worked -for a man by the name of Schombel, on the corner of Clybourn Avenue and -Larrabee Street. He was about forty years of age, married, wore very -shabby clothes, and lived, at the time of his arrest, at No. 11 Mohawk -Street, in three small and dirty rooms. His house was searched, and the -officers found one breech-loading rifle, one large 44-caliber Remington -revolver and half a pailful of ammunition for both guns. While they -were searching the house, Mrs. Hubner, a sickly, delicate woman, said to -Officer Schuettler:</p> - -<p>“My dear man, if my husband had gone more to his shop and to work -instead of running to meetings, you would not find my house in this shape. -I am all broken up. I am sick, and now he is arrested. I suppose this is -the last of our family.”</p> - -<p>The search still going on, Mrs. Hubner crossed the room to a closet, -saying to Schuettler:</p> - -<p>“Here, officers, take this devil’s print out of my house. This is what -my husband prayed with night and day, and what got him into trouble. If -you don’t want to take it, I will throw it into the stove. I don’t want any -more families made miserable by it.”</p> - -<p>The officer opened the bundle, and the first thing he saw was a picture -of the burly face of John Most. This led to the exchange of a few pleasantries -between the officers.</p> - -<p>“I have got him,” shouted Schuettler.</p> - -<p>When Officer Whalen got a glimpse of the portrait, which was printed -on the cover of a pamphlet, and not knowing what the title on the cover -had reference to, as it was printed in German, or whom the picture represented, -he facetiously remarked:</p> - -<p>“I see the face of a Scotch terrier.”</p> - -<p>“You fool,” replied Schuettler, with a twinkle in his eye, “that is -Johann Most.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” retorted Whalen, “if that is the great Anarchist, he ought to -have two more legs. He’d make a fine ratter.”</p> - -<p>In the bundle were found a number of Communistic, Socialistic and -Anarchistic documents, and a complete collection of hand-bills of all -the meetings that had been held for years past. Hubner had been an -active worker at all times. He would post bills, carry hand-bills and do -any kind of work for the “good of the cause.” No meetings were ever -held too far from his home. He was well known in all the “groups” and -to all the leaders. He attended all the picnics and parades. Nothing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span> -delighted him more than to carry the big banner belonging to the International -Carpenters’ Union No. 1. How he strutted and flaunted that banner -as he passed churches, police stations and the residences of the wealthy. -Next to Most’s book, that banner was his principal source of inspiration. -He would even neglect his meals for the sake of bearing aloft that crimson -standard. Whether this was the cause of his emaciated look at the time -of his arrest is problematical, but certain it is his appearance, when -brought before me, indicated want and starvation, and his voice was weak -and husky.</p> - -<p>“From what I can hear about you,” I said, “it appears that you are -one of the ‘boys.’”</p> - -<p>“Oh, well,” drawled Hubner, “you may hear a great deal.”</p> - -<p>“Yes,” I replied, “I hear so much it keeps me busy thinking.”</p> - -<p>“Have you been thinking any of me?” queried Hubner.</p> - -<p>“I have, and I think you are the worst I have heard of yet.”</p> - -<p>“Ah, but you have got others far more dangerous than I am.”</p> - -<p>“If you want to give credit to any one else, name the parties.”</p> - -<p>Hubner finally stated that only on the evening previous, at a meeting of -the Carpenters’ Union, a member had said that their attorneys, Messrs. -Salomon & Zeisler, held that there was no law to convict any one, and that -they would secure the release of the “boys” as fast as the police locked -them up. They advised all to “keep their mouths shut,” and that, in the -event of an arrest, the police could not hold them longer than two days.</p> - -<p>“Do you want to try that and see how it works?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“That’s what I want,” responded Hubner, bent on an experiment.</p> - -<p>“Well, I guarantee you,” said I smilingly, “that you will remain here -with us as long as we like your company. When we get tired of you we -will send you to the big jail. Officer, take this man and tell the lockup-keeper -that he will probably stay with us a week.”</p> - -<p>Hubner was escorted down stairs, given a good cell and allowed to metaphorically -wrap “that banner” around him as he lay down to dream of -Anarchy. Things got monotonous, however. The very next day he sent -word that he desired to see me. He was brought up and made a long -statement. He assured me that every word was true, that he would face -any of those mentioned and defy them to contradict his assertions. He -told the day and date of almost every transaction. He said he would -swear to everything he had stated.</p> - -<p>“I don’t believe in a God,” he added, “but when I swear, I understand -that if I should tell a lie or an untruth I can be punished for it. I am disgusted -with the way things are now. There are no more brave men.”</p> - -<p>After a few days he was released by order of the State’s Attorney. -Before leaving, he promised that he would testify in court in accordance -with his statement, and afterwards, for a time, he was on hand whenever -sent for.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span></p> - -<p>The parties arrested were required to report regularly. At the commencement -of the trial, they were all kept in a large room in the station, -where ten officers guarded them night and day. They were taken out for -exercise every evening, but were not allowed to talk to any one. Their -wives had the privilege of seeing them, but an officer was always present to -hear what was said.</p> - -<p>Hubner after a time showed signs of weakening. He had been seen by -the attorneys for the defense and changed his mind. He also began talking -to others, urging them not to testify. He finally said he would not -take the stand, and, as he was not wanted to testify, he was again released. -After the trial he went back to his comrades, attended some of their -meetings and talked for the cause. When the time approached for the -execution, he suddenly left the city, and subsequently sent for his family. -He has returned to Chicago, however, and is working on Division and -Clark Streets, in a little carpenter-shop.</p> - -<p>The following is his statement, to the correctness of which he would -have testified had he not been a poltroon and a simpleton. It fully bears -out the truth of the witnesses who appeared for the State during the trial -as to the conspiracy and the parties thereto:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I know Gottfried Waller. I belong to the armed men. I know George -Engel. At one time he published a paper called the <i>Anarchist</i>. I know -Louis Lingg. I was at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street, Monday afternoon -about five o’clock. I left there at nine o’clock and got home at eleven -the same night. I read and saw a circular that called for revenge and to -arm ourselves. I saw August Spies in the hall, and he told us that the police -had been shooting our workingmen at McCormick’s, and we should be ready -with our arms. Then Rau came into the meeting, very much excited and -said that a number of our people had been shot at McCormick’s by the -police. He called us to arms. Then Rau and Spies left the hall together. -Both were much excited. The speech and talking of Spies in the hall happened -in this way. Spies would catch a man alone and talk about the -shooting, or when he saw a crowd of four or five standing together he would -talk to them to excite them and urge them on. The effect of his talking to -us brought our temper to such heat that I and others were ready to take -revenge on the police officers and the law. And we would have done almost -anything to get revenge. If Spies and Rau had there and then started out -and we had had our arms with us, we would have followed them to do harm -at once.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Such was the confession the brave Hubner first made to the police. On -the 18th of May he made a second statement, as follows, adding a few -further details as to the conspiracy:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“On Tuesday, May 4, about 4 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span>, I went to the house of William -Seliger, at 442 Sedgwick Street, and there I found William Seliger and -Louis Lingg. I had been in Seliger’s house the day before, and I took -along with me when I left three bombs—that is, three empty shells. Lingg -also gave me the dynamite with which to fill them. Not knowing how, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span> -was afraid to fill them, and I brought them back to Lingg to fill them for -me. When I got there, Seliger and Lingg were working, filling bombs or -shells with dynamite. I went to work and helped them and got the bombs -ready for use. They had some of them filled when I got there, but in all -they filled and finished twenty round lead or metal bombs and about fifteen -or eighteen long ones—that is, I mean to say, made of gas-pipe, about six -inches or more long. I saw there a lot more of dynamite and fuse. As I -went away from there—Seliger’s house—that evening, I took along with -me four long bombs, but before I left we had all the bombs finished, ready -for use. I saw about six men at 5 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span> in Seliger’s house, and when any -one came Lingg always went to the door and waited upon them. That -evening, May 4, at eight o’clock, I went to Neff’s Hall, 58 Clybourn -Avenue, and when I had been there only a few minutes I saw Lingg, -Seliger and a little stout man, who carried a heavy satchel with a gray cloth -cover. They came in together in Neff’s Hall and placed the satchel in a -little hallway leading to a ‘gents’ closet.’ I was sent to Neff’s Hall to see -and report if there were many of our armed men in the hall who were waiting -for bombs. As I had not been there long enough to find out and report -back, Lingg and Seliger got tired of waiting at 442 Sedgwick Street and -brought the satchel filled with bombs to Neff’s Hall themselves. When -Lingg saw me he came up to me and found fault with me for not reporting -back sooner. He said there might have been lots of people there who -failed to get bombs or shells. After that I went to supper, since Lingg -was in the hall to look after things himself. The men I saw there were -Hageman and Hermann. On Monday night, May 3, I was at Greif’s Hall, -54 West Lake Street, up to ten o’clock, and afterwards I also went into the -saloon. There were about forty men sitting and standing around the bar-room. -Someone called out that the so-called armed sections should go -down into the basement, as there would be a meeting for them. Then forty -of us went down, and we decided to hold a meeting there. This was about -nine o’clock in the evening. Gottfried Waller was chosen president. -George Engel was one of the speakers and originator of the plan then and -there given to us to shoot and kill people and destroy property. He told -us what to do and began in this way. He asked us if we knew about his -plan. The majority said ‘no.’ Then he began to tell us that his plan was -to call a meeting for the next evening at the Haymarket, and there draw -out as many police as possible, so that the outside parts of the city would -not be strongly protected by the police. The signal for action would be -given, and they should set fire to buildings in several places and in all parts -of the city. One building at Wicker Park was mentioned, and as soon as -they saw it on fire, then they should attack the police stations, throw dynamite -bombs into the stations, kill the police officers and destroy the stations. -In case a patrol wagon came, they should throw a bomb among the policemen, -and if that did not stop them, then they should kill the horses attached -to the wagons with their revolvers or guns. After that they should destroy -all the property they could. The circular that called for revenge and to -arms I saw at the Monday night meeting in the basement, 54 West Lake -Street, where Engel spoke and gave us the plan of revolution. The lying -of Engel about the killing of six of our brothers at McCormick’s factory -started me so that I was ready to do anything desperate. The speech of -Engel in the basement that evening worked on me so that I went to Seliger’s -house on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, and helped to finish the bombs,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span> -as I stated before. George Engel told those that had no arms to stay at -home away from the Haymarket meeting, and that men who had arms but -no courage should also stay at home. In that meeting there were present -Adolph Fischer, Gottfried Waller, George Engel, Breitenfeld, Schnaubelt, -John Thielen, Abraham Hermann, Herman Hageman, the two Lehmans and -Hubner. Waller told us to go ahead and do our work, that he would be -with us. The meeting lasted from nine o’clock to eleven.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-281.jpg" width="400" height="342" id="i281" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">MUNTZENBERG PEDDLING BOMBS AND BOOKS.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Fischer and others agreed to have the circular printed calling the meeting at the Haymarket -for Tuesday night, May 4. After all the plans had been explained -to us Fischer said ‘That is the one’—meaning the murderous plan—‘that we -adopted in our group meeting.’ Every division group were to make their -own arrangements. The North Side armed men should meet Tuesday -evening, May 4, at the foot of Webster Avenue and Lincoln Park, at the -Schiller monument. I went there. I could not find enough of our people -there, as the night was dark and those present were scattered. I got tired -of waiting for others. The four bombs I had with me that night I took to -the North Avenue Pier and threw them into the lake. Then I went home -and went to bed. This was about ten o’clock. I did not hear anything of -the shooting or the explosion of the bomb or the killing of the policemen at -the Haymarket until the next morning when I got up. I went home so -early on that evening because I had a headache from the smell of the dynamite<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span> -used in filling the bombs. We filled thirty-five in all. The word -‘Ruhe’ was intended as the signal word. If it should appear in the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> May 4, in the ‘Briefkasten,’ then that would be a notification -to be ready for the revolution. We were to watch also for the fire and -shooting signals as well as the appearance of that word in the paper. We -were then all to get ready. I only know of Lingg as a manufacturer of -bombs. The plan was presented to the men to go and blow up the Chicago -Avenue Station. Also many others were to blow up the Larrabee Street -Station and the Webster Avenue Station. The work I did on the bombs -was drilling holes in them. This statement I make of my own free will and -accord in the presence of the officers named, and it is true and correct. -And I furthermore will say that I will not take any bribe to change my -statement or make denials; neither will I leave the city or the State as long -as this case is pending in court, unless I have the consent of Capt. Schaack; -that I always will be ready to give testimony for the people, whenever I am -called on in this case, and that I will never make a second statement, that -is to say, to a notary public or a justice of the peace, in writing or verbally; -that I will only make a statement under oath for the grand jury of the Criminal -Court, or Capt. M. J. Schaack.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Here follow the signature, etc., and the notarial acknowledgment.</p> - -<p>On the 24th of May, Hubner, among other things, stated that he knew -Herman Muntzenberg.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I met him,” he said, “as I was carrying around hand-bills for the -meeting called May 4 at the Haymarket. Muntzenberg went with me to -Seliger’s house that afternoon. We saw Lingg and Seliger making the -dynamite bombs, and we helped them to make them. Muntzenberg and I -spent about three hours in Seliger’s house that afternoon. Muntzenberg -was there when it was stated that the dynamite bombs should be carried -down to Neff’s Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue, that night. Muntzenberg and I, -by order of Lingg, went down to Neff’s Hall to see how things looked there -and report back to him. That is why Muntzenberg went to meet Lingg -and Seliger to help them to carry the bombs to Neff’s place.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Since the trial I have learned that Hubner knew a great deal more than -he divulged in his confession, and that he was one of the parties chosen to -aid in blowing up the Webster Avenue Station.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XV.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Engel in the Toils—His Character and Rough Eloquence—Facing his -Accusers—Waller’s Confession—The Work of the Lehr und Wehr Verein—A -Dangerous Organization—The Romance of Conspiracy—Organization of the Armed -Sections—Plans and Purposes—Rifles Bought in St. Louis—The Picnics at Sheffield—A -Dynamite Drill—The Attack on McCormick’s—A Frightened Anarchist—Lehman -in the Calaboose—Information from many Quarters—The Cost of Revolvers—Lorenz -Hermann’s Story—Some Expert Lying.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap06">ENOUGH was at this time known to make George Engel a mark for -speedy police attention. It had been established beyond a doubt that -he was one of the central figures in the conspiracy, and it was not long before -a warrant was secured charging him with murder. I detailed Officers -Stift and Whalen to serve the document, and they found him at his home, -No. 286 Milwaukee Avenue. He was a man about fifty years old, stoutly -built, round-shouldered, weighing about 170 pounds, and about five feet -eight inches in height. He was married and had a daughter about sixteen -years of age. He was by trade a painter, but he and his wife conducted a toy-store -at the place where they lived. In addition to toys, they sold cigars -and tobacco. The building he lived in was a two-story frame, and his support -came principally from his business. He always claimed to be a very -good friend of policemen, many of whom he said he knew, and they all, he -claimed, liked him. He was very radical in his ideas, however, and at all -times took an active interest in Anarchist meetings. In fact, he was one of -the most rabid of them all. He was a successful organizer and a hard, persistent -worker for the cause. He was one of the most positive, determined -speakers in the German language in Chicago. He could hold a house all -night, and his auditors were always charmed with his ingenious argument, -his powerful invective and his captivating sophistry. He was well read on -all topics bearing upon Anarchy, had a wonderful memory, and he could -always promptly give a plausible “reason for the faith that was in him.” -His speeches were always plain, and, although he talked rapidly, he spoke -with a directness and force that took complete possession of the illiterate and -unthinking rabble. He could work up his auditors to the point of desperation, -and with a word he could have sent them out to pillage and murder. -It was his brain alone that evolved the gigantic plan of murdering hundreds -of people and laying waste thousands of dollars’ worth of property in Chicago, -and the fact that he found so many willing to execute his purpose -fully proved his power and influence over his Anarchist followers. Like all -rabid Anarchists, he had no use for clergymen or the church, Sisters of Charity -or anything else that had a tinge of religion in it. He called them -all hypocrites and frauds. He was a great admirer of Louise Michel, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span> -French Anarchist, because of her fearlessness and courage, and he never -failed to bestow words of praise on Most, whose work he fairly worshiped. -The organs of the Anarchists in Chicago he did not think radical enough, -and so he ventured to publish a paper of his own called the <i>Anarchist</i>, -which, however, did not survive long. He was known as an honest man in -all his dealings with his fellow-men, earnest in his convictions, but withal a -most dangerous leader and most unrelenting in his hatred of existing -society, and thoroughly unscrupulous in the methods to be used to bring -about a change.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-284.jpg" width="250" height="354" id="i284" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">GEORGE ENGEL.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Engel was always cool and collected, rarely exhibiting signs of excitement. -This fact was brought out most -strikingly when the officers found him -at his home, on the 18th of May, at -five o’clock, and informed him that -they had a warrant for his arrest on -the charge of murder. He was painting -in his house at the time, and, turning -to the officers with a smile on his -face, he nonchalantly remarked:</p> - -<p>“Well, this is very strange.”</p> - -<p>The officers then told him that I -desired to see him immediately, and -he responded that if that was the case -he supposed he must go with them.</p> - -<p>When he arrived at the station he -was informed again of the nature of -the charge against him, and the floor, -so to speak, was accorded him for any -explanations he might desire to make.</p> - -<p>“I am the most innocent man in -the world,” he began, in a slow, deliberate -voice. “I could not hurt a child or see any one hurt.”</p> - -<p>Engel was then subjected to some close questioning, and all he could -be made to say was this:</p> - -<p>“On Monday, May 3, I was working for a friend of mine named Koch. -I was doing some painting for him that evening between the hours of eight -and nine o’clock. I then went to a meeting at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake -Street. The meeting was held in the basement. I don’t know Mr. Waller. -I do not belong to the Northwest Side group. I don’t belong to any armed -men. I don’t know of any plan or conspiracy. I did not give any plan at -that meeting. I was there at the meeting only a little while. I did not -speak there, nor had I anything to say to any one. I did not, and was not -authorized by any one to give a plan.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span></p> - -<p>He thus flatly contradicted every charge and seemed determined to put -a bold front upon the situation. Confronted by the facts, he never winced, -but kept up a bold exterior. He was then locked up at the station. Subsequently -his wife called and met him in my office.</p> - -<p>“Papa, see what trouble you have got yourself into,” she sadly -remarked.</p> - -<p>“Mamma,” he responded, “I cannot help it. What is in me must -come out.”</p> - -<p>“Why,” I interposed, “don’t you stop that nonsense?”</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-285.jpg" width="250" height="372" id="i285" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">MISS MARY ENGEL.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>“I know,” replied Engel, “I have promised my wife so many times that -I would stop it. But I cannot do it. -I cannot help it that I am possessed of -some eloquence and enthusiasm. It -is a curse to some people to be possessed -of this knowledge. I cannot -help it that I am gifted in that way. I -am not the first man that has been -locked up for this cause, but I will bear -it like a man. Louise Michel is a great -woman. She has been locked up and -suffered for principle. I am willing to -do the same.”</p> - -<p>When Engel was asked where he -had been on Tuesday evening, May 4, -he responded: “At home all night, -lying on a lounge.”</p> - -<p>Two days after Engel’s arrest I -secured a statement—in addition to -that of Hubner—from Gottfried Waller, -implicating the nervy Anarchist -in the conspiracy in connection with -“the plan.”</p> - -<p>I therefore thought it best to have Engel face his accuser, Waller, and, -on the evening of May 24, at 9:30 o’clock, the two men were brought together -in my office. Mr. Furthmann, who was present, with the officers, asked -Engel, the moment he was brought in, if he knew the party before him. -Engel, without the slightest hesitancy or tremor, answered in the negative. -He was next asked if he had not attended the meeting at No. 54 West -Lake Street, and Engel stated that he had come in late during the proceedings.</p> - -<p>Waller then reiterated his charge, that Engel was not only a speaker on -that occasion, but the man who had submitted a plan for murder and destruction.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span></p> - -<p>“In fact,” said Waller, “you were the only man who urged a revolution -and spoke about your plan.”</p> - -<p>When questioned as to what he had to say to this, Engel retorted that -“it was not true,” as he had not been authorized by any one to propose a -plan. Inasmuch as the accusation of Waller failed to make any perceptible -impression on Engel’s mind, I decided to see how the presence of another -accuser would affect his deportment and answers. Accordingly Ernst Hubner -was asked if he would face Engel, and, an answer being given firmly in -the affirmative, Engel was again brought back into the office. There were -present at this, as well as at the former interview, Furthmann, Whalen, -Stift, Schuettler, Hoffman, Loewenstein and Rehm. The moment Engel -was brought up by an officer, Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann asked -Hubner if he was acquainted with Engel. Hubner replied, “Yes, I know -him.”</p> - -<p>Addressing Engel, I said:</p> - -<p>“This is Ernst Hubner. He says that he knows you, and he also has -made a statement against you.”</p> - -<p>Engel replied that he did not know the man, whereupon Hubner reiterated -his acquaintanceship, and added:</p> - -<p>“Your name is Engel, and you keep a toy-store on Milwaukee Avenue. -You made speeches at 58 Clybourn Avenue. I saw and heard you several -times. I saw you in a meeting May 3, 9 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span>, at 54 West Lake Street.”</p> - -<p>“Engel,” I interrupted, “listen, and I will read you what Hubner said -about you.”</p> - -<p>Engel assented, and the statement of Hubner, as already given, was -read.</p> - -<p>“It is false,” replied Engel; “but if that good man says I did say so, -then you can believe him. I do not care.”</p> - -<p>“Where did you see Engel last?” inquired Furthmann of Hubner.</p> - -<p>“I saw him at the meeting held at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street, -where I heard him speak about the revenge circular and his plan, which he -said had been adopted by the Northwest Side group. He spoke of the -plan as I have heretofore explained in my affidavit to the officers.”</p> - -<p>“You still say that that affidavit is true in every respect?”</p> - -<p>“I do,” emphatically replied Hubner.</p> - -<p>“It is not so, and it is not true,” stoutly replied Engel.</p> - -<p>“Well,” said I, “there are other people, and we will have more, who -will prove that you did make a revolutionary speech and submitted a plan -calling on your people to get ready with their arms and do violence. If -other witnesses are produced, will you still have the same answer to -give?”</p> - -<p>“It would not be true; it is not so,” reiterated Engel.</p> - -<p>“But,” I added, “suppose I produce twenty more men who will accuse<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span> -you the same as Waller and Hubner have accused you, what then would you -have to say?”</p> - -<p>“My answer,” responded Engel, “would be that I have never spoken as -charged against me. It is not true.”</p> - -<p>Engel had evidently made up his mind to deny everything, and, knowing -his character for stubbornness, I made no further efforts to secure a statement -from him. A man who could originate such a cold-blooded scheme as -he had proposed—and part of it was actually carried out in bloodshed—was -evidently not the kind to yield, and I allowed him to ruminate over his predicament -in a cell below until the 27th of May, when he was sent to the -County Jail. As will subsequently appear, he never showed signs of weakness -during his incarceration from the time he was taken from his house -that night until he dropped from the -gallows, dying the hardest of them all. -A half dozen such men at a critical -time could upset a whole city, and it -was fortunate for Chicago that there -were not more like him during the -troublous days of 1886.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-287.jpg" width="250" height="325" id="i287" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">GOTTFRIED WALLER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Some two days before Engel was -brought in, <span class="smcap">Gottfried Waller</span> was -arrested by Officer Whalen. It appeared -that he had been selling revolvers -to workingmen, and after being -taken to the station, on the 14th of -May, he was released on bail. His -importance then as a conspicuous -figure in the Monday night meeting, -when the murderous “plan” was -adopted, was not clearly apparent, -but he was kept under surveillance -and his antecedents carefully inquired -into. Thielen, in his confession on the very day Waller was arrested, -referred to him as having presided at that meeting, and, in describing -a man who called at Lingg’s room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, said -he “believed he worked at Brunswick & Balke’s factory.” Hubner, in his -affidavit on the 18th of May, stated that Waller had presided on the occasion -referred to, and had even urged them to go ahead and do their work, and he -would be with them—meaning their work of destruction. On these and -other facts a warrant was secured for his arrest for murder, and on the 20th -of May he was again taken into custody by Officers Whalen and Stift. He -was a Swiss by birth, a cabinet-maker by occupation, and worked at the -Brunswick, Balke & Collender billiard factory. His age at the time of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span> -arrest was thirty-six years, and he was a married man with one child. At -the time of his first arrest he was living at No. 590 Milwaukee Avenue, and -at his second arrest he was found at No. 105 North Wells Street. He had -been only three years in America, and had scarcely settled in Chicago before -he began attending the Anarchist meetings. He always frequented the -gatherings where Swiss people assembled, and on a search being made of -their meeting-place, 105 North Wells Street, on the 7th of May, the police -found twelve guns. It had been the headquarters for the most dangerous -element in the order, and on Waller’s visiting the place after the trial of the -Anarchists a serious attempt was made on his life. He was called a spy, -and was pursued until he found safety under the shadow of the Chicago -Avenue Station. Several parties were afterwards arrested for this assault. -They subsequently threw a piece of iron through the window of the house -where Waller was stopping, but this was the last futile exhibition of their -rage.</p> - -<p>In view of his testimony, which appears further on in the review of the -trial, Waller was given an unconditional release, and he has since conducted -himself as a peaceable citizen.</p> - -<p>After his confession bearing directly on the principal parties in the conspiracy, -Waller wrote out his experience with the Lehr und Wehr Verein -in particular and his connection with Anarchy in general. His story is as -follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“On the 25th of January, 1884, I arrived in Chicago from Easton, Pa. -I lived sixteen months on Grove Avenue, Humboldt. I was never a Socialist -or Anarchist. I understood very little of the former and nothing at all -of the latter. After residing for a while at the place mentioned, I moved to -Milwaukee Avenue, near No. 636, Thalia Hall, on that street. Here I -noticed people uniformed and armed about twice a week. They would -enter this hall, and, by making inquiries, I was informed that these people -belonged to the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and that they -were a sort of ‘Schuetzen Verein,’ which practiced twice a week in the -North Chicago Schuetzen Park (Sharpshooters’ Park). Their principles -were kept secret. As I was an expert sharpshooter and had a passion for -military exercises, I accepted an invitation from their commander to participate -in their practices. We met on the following Sunday at Thalia -Hall, at five o’clock in the morning, and continued for some time. We dispersed -by each going in different directions toward the park, so as not to -arouse any suspicion. On account of cold weather only fourteen of us -came together. It was no fun to walk knee-deep in the snow; still we were -feeling good since we were going to practice shooting. After several -rounds of drinks, which were called for in payment of the stand we used on -such occasions, we erected two targets and commenced practicing. I soon -noticed that the company consisted of good marksmen, and that day I was -pronounced the best marksman among them. After that I wanted to -become a member of the Verein, as I had been asked several times by some -of them to join.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-289.jpg" width="400" height="249" id="i289" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">UNDERGROUND RIFLE PRACTICE.<br /> -<span class="wn smcap">A Meeting of the Lehr und Wehr Verein.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>I called at Thalia Hall one Monday evening and was -taken to the cellar, which I entered through a secret door by means of a -ladder. Here I saw thirty to thirty-five men practicing shooting at a -target. The cellar was not well lighted except at the north end, where the -targets stood. The people and all the surroundings looked quite adventurous -to me. One of the members then approached me and asked if I was -a Socialist. I answered, ‘Yes,’ in an off-hand way. The first sergeant of -the company, August Krueger, told me beforehand to do this. I paid my -initiation fee, got a red card numbered 19, by which number I was afterwards -known, and I was then a member. All the members were very -cautious before me on account of my not being well known to them. We -practiced every Monday and Wednesday, drilling and shooting. I paid a -great deal of attention to these exercises. I never missed a meeting, and -consequently I soon gained the confidence of all the members.</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-290.jpg" width="200" height="73" id="i290" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">NUMBERED PLATES.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From Lehr und Wehr Verein Rifles.<br /> -From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“At the first general meeting, which was held every last Tuesday of -each month, at No. 54 West Lake Street, I was enlightened, and how I -was enlightened will appear as I proceed with my statement. I now desire -first to speak of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. This society consists of four -companies from various parts of the city, and forms a revolutionary military -organization. The first company belongs to the North Side; second company, -the Northwest Side; third company, the Southwest Side; and the fourth -company was formed by the commander at Pullman. The first company -was the strongest and consisted of about one hundred and twenty members. -The second consisted of thirty-five members; -the third about eighty; and the -fourth, forty members. Consequently the -battalion consisted of two hundred and -seventy-five members. You could rely -upon one hundred and eighty men; the -others were more or less indifferent and -passive. All the members were armed -with Springfield rifles, 48-caliber, and -with Remington revolvers, 44-caliber. Every member was well supplied with -ammunition at his house, which was always purchased by the quartermaster -of the company. The uniform consisted of a blouse, with white buttons, and -with shoulder-straps for the officers, black leather belts with brass buckles -inscribed L. W. V., dark pantaloons and black slouch hats. Every company -had a captain, lieutenant and first sergeant. Besides these the -company had the following officers: A corresponding secretary, financial -secretary, treasurer, quartermaster, and a Lehr und Wehr auditor. The -commander received a monthly salary of $15.00, and the financial secretary -$4.00. The commander was Gustav Breitenfeld. Captain of the -first company, Abraham Hermann; second company, Bernhard Schrader; -third company, H. Betzel, and fourth company, Paul Pull. Under command -of these people, the companies were drilled and instructed. The -corresponding secretary attended to all the correspondence, domestic and -foreign, which was not a very easy job, because we corresponded with the -Internationale of the whole country. The financial secretary collected the -dues, and turned them all over to myself as treasurer. The quartermaster, -A. Hermann, had to supply arms and ammunition. The Lehr und Wehr -auditor had to investigate all complaints and to impose all fines and collect -the same. The meeting-place of the first company was at Mueller’s Hall, -on North Avenue and Sedgwick Street, in basement; of the second company, -at Thalia Hall, on Milwaukee Avenue; of the third company, at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span> -Vorwaerts Turn Hall, on West Twelfth Street, and of the fourth company, -at Rosenheim, in Pullman. Another curiously mixed company also -belonged to the Verein. It was commanded by Captain Betzel, of the -third company, and it had nothing to do with us in a business way.</p> - -<p>“The whole battalion assembled once every month on pleasant days on -the prairie behind the ice-houses of Schofield & Co., on the West Side, and -practiced skirmish drills. The commands were given in English, and no -one knew the members by name—only by numbers.</p> - -<p>“This brings me to the first general meeting of the Verein at No. 54 -West Lake Street that I attended. Before the opening of the meeting, -every one who entered the hall was examined so that none but members -might get in. The meetings would be called to order by the secretary, and -then a chairman and a doorkeeper would be chosen. August Krause, of -the second company, was generally called upon to officiate as chairman. -First of all the correspondence would be read, and at one meeting a letter -was read from Most, of New York, which pertained to arms. In the first -meeting Commander Breitenfeld was ordered to proceed to Pullman every -Sunday to work for the cause, and for his services he received a remuneration -of $3 for each trip. The new company in that town finally reported a -large increase of fine material with strong Anarchistic doctrines. The -quartermaster, who then was Lehnert, was ordered to purchase forty rifles -and four boxes of ammunition, each containing 4,000 rounds. The treasurer -delivered to him $250, and afterwards we duly received the rifles from -a firm in St. Louis. After all business had been transacted one of the -eager members delivered a speech touching the best means of bringing on -the social revolution. He proved very violent in his sentiments, and all -present agreed with him that this revolution could only be accomplished -with fire, powder, lead and dynamite. For a public attack on the streets -of Chicago the speaker considered us too weak. As to the ‘property beasts,’ -as he called the small owners of buildings, he regarded them as our biggest -enemies, as they would attack us from their windows and defeat us, and -consequently our only hope for a victory lay in the torch and dynamite. -When Chicago would be surrounded by fire and destroyed, these ‘beasts,’ -he said, would be obliged to take refuge on the prairies, and there it would -be very easy for us to master them by our unmerciful proceedings. If this -was done, other cities, like New York, St. Louis, Pittsburg, etc., would follow -our example. Then all eyes would be centered on the Anarchists of Chicago, -and therefore we would proclaim the Commune.</p> - -<p>“All these utterances were accepted with great applause, and every one -wanted to commence immediately. I thought differently. I remembered -the revolution of 1848 in Germany and that of 1871 in Paris and its consequences.</p> - -<p>“Krause, after this speech, took the floor and spoke in favor of the revolution. -He stated that they ought to invite the Anarchists of other cities -to join them here, and then we could commence the work of destruction. -Then other members gave their views, and the meeting adjourned with an -injunction that every one should be silent with reference to our proceedings.</p> - -<p>“This brings me to the revolutionary party. This organization consists -of the following sections and groups: The Lehr und Wehr Verein, commander -Breitenfeld; Northwest Side group, commanders Engel, Fischer -and Grumm; North Side group, commanders Neebe, Lingg and Hermann; -American group, commanders Spies, Parsons and Fielden; Karl Marx<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span> -Group, commander Schilling; the Freiheit group; the armed sections of -the International Carpenters’ Union and the Metal-workers’ Union. The -whole party is under the leadership of a general committee. This committee -is composed of Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Neebe, Rau, Hirschberger, -Deusch and Belz. The committee held their meetings in one of the rooms -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and received weekly reports from the delegates of -the various groups. A part of the monthly dues was delivered to the general -committee, and all expenses for traveling at the instance of the agitation -committee (Parsons and Schwab) and for arms were paid by the -quartermaster.</p> - -<p>“On one occasion I attended a general meeting of the revolutionary -party at No. 54 West Lake Street, at which the whole party of armed -sections were represented. After all precautions had been taken as to -safety, August Spies took the chair and Neebe acted as secretary. We had -to produce our cards of membership on entering, and every group was called -by name, and each representative had to rise in his seat for close inspection. -The first business was a complaint from the Northwest group and the Lehr -und Wehr Verein that the funds had been mismanaged and thrown away. -Both organizations declared that they would withdraw their delegates and, -after that, act independently. Spies became as furious as a snake when -trodden upon, and he got up and told them that they might leave immediately. -This started a war of words. Some retorted that the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -was not radical enough, and it must be made different from that -moment. The members of the general committee were called impostors -and loafers. The Lehr und Wehr Verein had paid some $75 for the purchase -of arms, but they had neither seen the arms nor the money. Engel -and the Northwest Side group were brought into the wrangle, and he was -called a traitor. They said that Engel would bring the whole party to ruin, -likewise the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, but they (Engel and the paper) did not care -so long as it enriched themselves. Finally the Northwest group withdrew, -and some of the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein shortly afterwards -followed suit. From this time on there were constant disputes.</p> - -<p>“Engel and Grunewald collected money for a new paper and started -the <i>Anarchist</i>, a paper like Most’s <i>Freiheit</i> in New York. Shortly after -these societies had left the hall, the fight was taken up again by some of the -females who were present,—Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Bolling, Mrs. Schwab and -Mrs. Holmes,—and it was continued until Spies was declared out of order. -Hirschberger then reported the result of the sale of revolutionary literature, -such as the works of Louise Michel, Most’s ‘Revolutionary Warfare,’ etc., -and he stated that it had exceeded his expectations. After this they discussed -picnics, and a number desired them to be held outside of the city. -Sheffield was suggested, because by going there they would bring in more -money, and when there they could speak more freely their Anarchist sentiments. -It was finally decided to hold a meeting of the workingmen on -Market Square on Thanksgiving day, and Parsons was ordered to make the -necessary arrangements. Spies called attention to the importance of every -one attending that meeting, and urged that they should not come without a -bomb or a revolver. The bombs, he said, they could purchase at the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, four for $1. The time was near, he said, when the -long-looked-for revolution would take place, and so they should avail themselves -of every opportunity. He wanted all Anarchists to work against the -eight-hour movement, because if it should prove successful our movement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span> -would receive a set-back for several years. Our cause would not be hastened -by it. He complained about our small gain in numbers and attributed it to -the poor agitation of some of the members. After this I left the hall.</p> - -<p>“On the day before Thanksgiving we drilled in Thalia Hall. At the end -of the exercise we were all requested to attend the meeting the following -day, and Lehnert distributed some bombs in the shape of gas-pipe. He -stated that he could only get four, but that on the next day at one o’clock -every member could have one by calling at the hall. The next day most of -the members put in an appearance. Members of the Northwest Side group -also called. Adolph Fischer was there with a basketful of bombs like the -one I saw the day before, which was the first time I had ever seen a bomb, -and he told us distinctly to use them in case the Market Square meeting was -dispersed. He cut a piece of fuse about the length of one on a bomb, put -it on the table and lighted it with a cigar. He showed the way it worked -and posted us as to the time it would have to burn before a bomb to which it -might be attached should be thrown. He also showed us the way we should -throw a bomb, and after this exhibition we all proceeded to the meeting.</p> - -<p>“On arriving at Market Square, I noticed a stage made out of barrels, -with a red flag attached to it, and this was our meeting-place. Parsons -mounted the platform and addressed the assemblage, which consisted of -about a thousand people. It was a fortunate thing that the crowd was no -larger, else the bloody bath of May 4 would have taken place that day, in -view of all the preparations and the hostile feeling among us. The Northwest -Side group was fully armed, and the preparations were alike complete -among all the the other sections. Schwab, Fielden and Neebe were present, -but none of them spoke. After they had waved the red flag the meeting -adjourned. Bad, cold weather contributed to the small attendance.</p> - -<p>“After reading in the newspapers that on a certain Monday some of -McCormick’s strikers would resume work, the armed groups were called to -a meeting at Goercke’s Hall, on Twentieth Street and Blue Island Avenue. -Reinhold Krueger and Tannenberg represented the second company of the -Lehr und Wehr Verein, and I joined them on the way to the place of meeting. -Arriving there, I found most of the different sections represented, and -the meeting opened. Gustav Belz, of the Metal-workers’ Union, and -employed at McCormick’s, was chairman, and after some discussion we concluded -to stop the reopening of the factory by force. On account of the -short time for a proper notification to our members, we decided to have our -well-known signal, ‘Y, come Monday’ (which would mean that all was ripe -for action, and our men should came to our regular meeting place, 54 West -Lake Street), in the ‘Briefkasten’ of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, and it was -accordingly done. We also at the meeting conferred with respect to having -some of our men mix up with the ‘scabs’ by going to work with them in the -factory, and then, when the moment for action arrived, they should set the -factory on fire in several places. Those who were to do this were not to act, -however, until they learned the result of the meeting that was to be held -under the call of our signal, ‘Y.’ During the same day, after the meeting, -Belz and Tannenberg carried several bombs out to the Black Road. What -happened the following Monday at the factory everybody knows. Strikers -and others assembled by thousands. The great bell at the factory rang, and -the ‘scabs’ went to work. During the day disturbances followed and many -arrests were made of people who were found to have concealed weapons, and -who were afterwards fined $10 in the Police Court.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span></p> - -<p>“But a change took place the following Tuesday. In accordance with -the signal published in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, about 180 of our people gathered -at No. 54 West Lake Street. Most of them carried their arms and -some carried bombs. I saw Suess, and some others unknown to me, have -bombs of the round pattern. These men even had their rifles with them, -and everyone knew what was up. The several sections formed in platoons. -Belz was elected chairman, and they consulted as to what should be done. -First they regretted that the strikers had not reached McCormick’s that -Monday morning, before the arrival of the police, in time to secure possession -of the place, and then Betzel of the third company spoke and insisted -that they should go around there during the night, secure good positions and -then attack the patrol wagons as they passed on the following morning. -He said he would give strict instructions to his company to obey his command, -and then, when the police came to take their positions, they should -be met with a good reception from well-aimed rifles. About fifty members -wanted this plan carried out, but I noticed that most of them carried their -hearts in their pants, and had very little courage. Excuses after excuses -were made. Suess gave his bomb to a comrade and told him that when he -thought of his wife and home he had doubts about going into an uncertain -adventure. Balthasar Rau also protested against the plan. Some one suggested -that they should stay there, in the hall, all night. Belz declared that -he was of the same opinion about remaining; but, he said, he had a better -plan to reach Mr. McCormick. It was very easy, he said, to attack this -money baron in his own house. He described the house and rooms, and -the location of the windows, and said that they should throw one of these -‘play balls’ in through the window of the room where McCormick would -be sitting, and send him flying to heaven. This course should be taken -by some one of those present, of his own accord, so that no second or third -party would know the perpetrator. There seemed to be no response to this, -and, noticing the want of enthusiasm, he grasped his rifle and made a motion -to break it in two, calling them all at the same time cowards. He then left -the hall. I was surprised at this, because among those assembled there -were some of the worst Anarchists in the city, notably Lingg, Engel, -Fischer and Grunewald. McCormick, however, is alive to-day. Rau -notified those present that if any one wanted any bombs they should follow -him to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, and he would supply them. The meeting -then adjourned.</p> - -<p>“After the experience I had thus had with the party, I was sorry that I -ever joined. I found that what good humor I had formerly possessed had -been completely wiped out by my associations with the revolutionary party. -I wanted now to join some good society, and I thought of some good excuse -for leaving the party. My opportunity came. My comrades wanted -me to buy a supply of ammunition, as the 1st of May was near at hand, but -I found that there was not money enough in the treasury. The financial -secretary had been very slow in delivering to me all the money he had collected, -and I discovered that his love for the shining dollars was so great -that he would let some of them fall through his fingers. I found out his -dishonesty, and I brought it to light. On this account we became enemies, -and sometimes he would rather have seen me dead than McCormick. One -evening I stood in front of the bar at Thalia Hall with him just before target -practice. I was talking about something not in his favor. We finally -came to hot words and then to blows. I let him have a few right-handers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span> -and he drew his revolver and fired one shot, the ball passing close to my -right ear and striking the wall. The proprietor of the saloon took the -revolver away from him, and he attacked me again with a rawhide [a billy], -which he always carried. He struck me over the head, and I grabbed a -chair and gave it to him savagely. He skipped out. Shortly after this I -sent the money-box with Schrader to the Verein along with my written -resignation. In that I explained that I did not want to associate with -murderers and manslayers. It was accepted, and I was again a free man, -rejecting every inducement except one to join their ranks again. This exception -grew out of -my own foolishness -and happened when -I attended the ill-fated -meeting of -May 2d.</p></div> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-295.jpg" width="300" height="367" id="i295" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">“LIBERTY HALL,”<br /> -<span class="wnn">No. 63 Emma Street, where the Conspiracy “Plan”<br />was first proposed by -Engel. From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“This meeting -on May 2d was held -on Emma Street. -During the day, -which was a pleasant -one, I went out -early for a walk. -While I was absent -some one called at -my house and told -my wife that I was -wanted at No. 63 -Emma Street that -evening at ten -o’clock. I returned -home about 10:30 -o’clock the same -morning, and as I -did not know the -hall, nor knew the -person who had notified -my wife, I -proceeded to the -number given. This -visit was a most unfortunate -one for me. -Entering the hall, I -noticed the Northwest Side group and the second company of the Lehr und -Wehr Verein. I was just on the point of leaving, when Schrader called me -back, and, not liking to act like a coward, I remained. A person named -Kistner acted as chairman. They wanted to admit a member who had been -proposed by two members as true and faithful, but Engel objected, and the -man had to leave the hall. They then proceeded to business, having first -ascertained that the twenty or twenty-five persons present were in perfect -security. Engel took the floor and sailed into the capitalists and the police. -He said that they should, when an opportunity presented itself, imitate the -Anarchist leaders when, at the Bohemian Turner Hall masquerade ball, they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span> -had thrown pepper in the eyes of policemen who were present to make an -attack on the turners, and he explained how that assault on their part had -come very near costing him his life. But he had done it for the good of -the cause. He then spoke of the labor troubles and said that now was the -time to produce the revolution. It was unwise to let it pass. Then he -proceeded to outline a plan for it, saying that, if any one had a better one -to suggest, to say so.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Waller gives the details of the plan just as he gave it in court, and -continues:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I could not advise any one to speak against the motion for the adoption -of the plan, as he would have been dealt with accordingly. Breitenfeld -stated subsequently at Thalia Hall that he would do everything in his -power to carry out this plan and that he would not work for the next few -days, and that on the day given he would be at No. 54 West Lake Street -to make all the arrangements.</p> - -<p>“What happened on Monday at McCormick’s is known. Spies hurried -to write the ‘Revenge’ circular, stating that six men had been killed, and -put it into circulation. That day I was at No. 105 Wells Street, where the -workingmen employed in Brunswick & Balke’s factory held their meetings. -I got home about six o’clock and had my supper, but I did not know then -as to the conflict with the police at McCormick’s. I did not feel like going -to the meeting called for that evening at No. 54 West Lake Street. I had -hardly been home thirty minutes when Clermont, of the second company, -entered my room and asked:</p> - -<p>“‘Did you hear the news?’</p> - -<p>“‘What?’ I asked.</p> - -<p>“‘From McCormick’s,’ he replied.</p> - -<p>“‘What then?’ I asked.</p> - -<p>“‘Ten men were killed by the police, and more than twenty wounded,’ -he said. ‘Now we must commence.’</p> - -<p>“I did not believe it at first, but when he showed me the ‘Revenge’ -circular my blood shot up into my head and I went with him to the meeting. -As we passed Engel’s house we met him and Fischer, and they -joined us. On the way to the meeting, Engel said that if any one wanted -to see him they should take the rear door and enter, as he thought the -detectives were watching his house. Having arrived at the hall, Breitenfeld -called the revolutionary men down to the cellar, and to my surprise I -was elected chairman.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Waller then details the business that was there transacted, the story -being identical with that he gave on the witness-stand, and alludes to his -visit to Engel’s house on his way to the Haymarket meeting on the evening -of May 4. He had been previously asked by A. Krueger, Kraemer, -and two others, who called at his own house while he was eating his -supper, to go with them to Wicker Park, as they wanted to be at their post -in response to the signal “Ruhe,” but he declined to go with them. Waller -continues:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I went to Engel’s. He was not at home, and we waited in a room -behind the store. There were two others there, one a member of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span> -Northwest Side group, and the other I did not know. The first one went -away to get some pepper, as he said, and returned again in a few minutes.... -He said he was only waiting for the pills, meaning the bombs. -I waited about five minutes, and during the time a young girl about ten or -twelve years old put in an appearance, carrying a heavy parcel, which she -handed to the man who had gone out for the pepper and who was waiting -for ‘pills.’ I took the man to be her father. He disappeared behind a -screen, and I walked out.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Waller next gives the circumstances in connection with the Haymarket -meeting precisely as he gave them in court, and reverts back to the meeting -of Monday night at No. 54 Lake Street, referring to a speech made -on that occasion by Clermont. That man, Waller says, spoke substantially -as follows: “I expect to see about 20,000 or 25,000 people at the Haymarket. -The speeches should be very threatening and fierce so that the -police will be compelled to disperse the meeting. Then, when the police -become engaged, we can carry out our purpose.” Before this meeting came -to order, Greif, the proprietor of the place, was around lighting the lamps, -and while doing so he remarked, says Waller: “This is just the place for -you conspirators.”</p> - -<p>Among those expecting to do deeds of violence on the night of the Haymarket, -at Wicker Park, was “Big” Krueger, and Waller mentions the fact -that he met him the next day at noon.</p> - -<p>“Krueger showed me a revolver,” says Waller, “and I told him that he -had better leave it at home. He replied that he would not do it, as he -intended to kill every one who came across his path, and he left. A few -hours after he shot at a policeman and lost his life.”</p> - -<p>Officer Madden was the officer thus assailed, and he immediately turned -around and shot the Anarchist down in his tracks.</p> - -<p>In concluding his statement Waller refers to his arrest and says:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“On the way to the station I made up my mind not to say a word. -Arriving there, Capt. Schaack got to talking to me and put several questions -to me in the presence of several detectives. I noticed that telling lies -would not do me any good, and the friendly and courteous treatment of the -Captain made such an impression on my mind that I told, by and by, everything -with a throbbing heart. I promised to repeat my statements before -court, and I did so.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Otto Lehman</span> was well known to the police by reputation through frequent -mention of his name by fellow Anarchists, but he managed for some -time to keep himself out of the way of a personal acquaintanceship with -the force. He never did cherish admiration for policemen, and his dislike -grew even more intense after he had learned that he was wanted. The -sight of a blue-coat would drive him fairly wild, and the only way he could -assuage his wrath was to take to his heels and run until his surcharged -feelings had oozed out at the ends of his toes. He was a brave, defiant -man in the presence of his comrades, and with his military bearing he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span> -seemed the very personification of courage. He had a great penchant for -lager beer, and, while emptying glass after glass, he talked Anarchy to the -great delight of his hearers. He was an enthusiastic attendant at all meetings -of the fraternity, and always wanted the speakers to make their harangues -strong and incendiary. If one of them failed to threaten capitalists -with dynamite and guns, he lost interest in the proceedings. In that case -he would tilt his chair back and take a nap. The moment some one rasped -the air with stinging words against capitalists and the police, Lehman -would be on his feet and applaud vociferously. He would then adjourn to -a saloon, fill himself up with lager and go home to dream of happy days -when everybody was to be rich without labor. Some nights he would jump -up in bed half asleep,—this is the story of his fellow roomers,—and shout:</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-298.jpg" width="200" height="219" id="i298" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">OTTO LEHMAN.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>“Down with them; shoot them! Don’t give them any quarter! The world now -is ours.”</p> - -<p>His bed-companion, aroused by the -demonstration, would take him by the -collar and pull him down, after which he -would sleep quite contentedly. This sort -of exhibition was repeated after every -meeting at which some new infernal -machine had been spoken of, or some new -torture for capitalists suggested. Such -speeches made him strong in the faith, and -so enthusiastic was he always that he -managed to become quite a favorite with -his fellows. In return for their admiration, -he would spend his last cent in buying -beer. His boarding-house was at No. 189 Hudson Avenue.</p> - -<p>Although this is only a two-story building, there were living in it at the -time no less than eight families. That there were no more is no fault of -the house. And such families! Every one of them, from the youngest -who could talk, to the oldest who could bear arms, was a turbulent Anarchist. -Lehman was always happy in such surroundings. Had he only had -his wife and children there, his joy would have been as nearly complete as -possible until all capitalists had been exterminated. Unfortunately his -family were in Germany. He had left them there three years before. At -that time he would have been pleased to bring them along with him had it -not been for his haste to get out of Emperor William’s dominions to escape -the law of the land.</p> - -<p>In his new surroundings in America Lehman only waited for the day -when millionaires would either “bite the dust” or capitulate by handing -over their wealth to the Anarchists. He never for a moment doubted that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span> -that day was almost at hand. Even after the Haymarket riot he had hope, -but it vanished completely the moment he was within the grasp of the law. -Of course, he did everything to save himself for another revolution by -keeping away from the “hated police.” Had it not been for his standing -in Germany he would have returned there and waited until the excitement -in Chicago had died out, and his comrades had fixed up another plan. He -would have even gone to Canada, but he had never heard of it as a refuge -for Anarchists. For a time he succeeded remarkably well in dodging us, as -we had only a meager description of his appearance; but on the 20th of -May he was seen by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman on the North Side. -They did not know him at the time. Lehman, however, apèears to have -been suspicious of their movements, as there had recently been many -inquiries for him in the locality. The moment Hoffman caught a glimpse -of the slippery Anarchist, he remarked to his comrade:</p> - -<p>“I’ll bet that is one of the cut-throats. We’ll take him in on general -principles, and we can soon find out where he belongs.”</p> - -<p>The officers gradually approached him, but Lehman, suspecting their -intentions, at once started on the run. He had run only half a block when -he was captured, put in irons and taken to the station. On his arrival, I -asked him his name.</p> - -<p>“I’ll tell you my name, and that is all,” replied Lehman, in a surly -mood and with an air of bravado. “I am not ashamed of my name, no -matter if I am poor. I am as good a man as Grant. Now, don’t trouble me -any more. I am closed, and you cannot open me with a crow-bar. Look -at me and tell the newspapers you have seen me. I am ready to be locked -up.”</p> - -<p>“Otto,” said I, “you have a brother named August, and he has a son by -the name of Paul. That boy is a very good runner, and at the Haymarket, -May 4, he was going to run and carry the news to outside men. The boy -did run, but not with news for the waiting men. He kept running until he -got out of town, and I know where he is. You will have him with you in a -few days. So good-by, Otto; I will see you about the first of June. Officers, -lock him up.”</p> - -<p>Otto was accordingly escorted down stairs. He had no sooner been -placed in a cell than the officers learned the location of his boarding-house -at the number given. They at once repaired to the place and gave it a thorough -overhauling. They learned that immediately after the Haymarket, -and especially since officers had been frequently noticed in the locality, -many of the occupants had disappeared in a great hurry, some even forgetting -the clean linen that hung in their back yards, and others neglecting to -square their board bills.</p> - -<p>The officers searched the premises and found several loaded dynamite -bombs, some showing conclusively that they had come from Lingg’s factory.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span> -It was subsequently learned that Lingg had furnished them to Lehman—one -on the evening of May 4, at 58 Clybourn Avenue, and another shortly -after, on the same street, near Larrabee. The bombs were all ready for -use, and contained Lingg’s extra strong explosive, almost doubly as powerful -as the ordinary commercial dynamite.</p> - -<p>Two days after his arrest, about eleven o’clock, Lehman was not in a -very happy frame of mind. His dreams had not been pleasant, and the possibility -of hanging haunted him continually. He told the janitor that he -wanted to see the Captain. I sent back word that I could not see him until -the next day. Again in the afternoon he sent the janitor to say that he must -see me at once, and that he would not speak so defiantly as he had done -before. Otto was thereupon brought up. As he came in, he took off his -hat and apologized for his rude behavior. After inviting the Anarchist to -take a seat, I remarked:</p> - -<p>“You know what you are arrested for?”</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes,” he replied.</p> - -<p>“Have you made up your mind, then, as to what you wish to say?”</p> - -<p>He answered in the affirmative.</p> - -<p>“Will you tell me all you know of the Anarchists ever since you became -one of them?”</p> - -<p>Assent being given, I continued: “Now, you must understand I know a -great deal of this work myself.”</p> - -<p>Otto said he so understood.</p> - -<p>“Well, I don’t want you to lie to me, and I don’t want you to lie about -anybody else to benefit yourself. All you tell me must be true, and if I find -that you conceal anything, I will consider you a liar and have nothing more -to do with you.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes,” meekly and penitently replied Lehman, “I do agree with -you on that point, and you will find me right. I will swear to all I say, and -if I lie you can hang me in this station. But, Captain, I want something for -telling the truth.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” I replied, “I will have the State’s Attorney or his representative -here, and if he tells you to speak and promises to reward you, you can -depend upon his word.”</p> - -<p>In the presence of Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, Otto at once -unburdened his mind and related his knowledge of Anarchy in Chicago. -He also testified to a fact, made apparent in my interviews with other prisoners, -that he, like others, had been carried away by “the d——d Anarchist -literature,” as he expressed it, and that he now fully realized the utter folly -of his past course. He had been told, he said, just as others had been told, -by those who had lived in America for a long time, that this was a free country, -and there was no law to stop them. “You can see for yourself,” they -used to say to him, “they are all afraid of us. Nobody interferes with us. -We have everything all our own way.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span></p> - -<p>“That sort of talk,” said Lehman, “made me as bad as the rest of -them.”</p> - -<p>He had fully believed, as his friends had informed him, that it was legal -to talk dynamite, and that they could form plans for murder with impunity -and without molestation. Mr. Furthmann read and explained the law to -him, when he said:</p> - -<p>“I am glad now that I have been arrested.”</p> - -<p>And he demonstrated the sincerity of his statement by furnishing strong -evidence against all the Anarchist leaders that he knew. He was kept in -confinement until after the trial and then released by order of the State’s -Attorney. He was forty years of age, a carpenter by occupation, and ever -since his release he has attended to work and means to live until a good -age to make amends for his past life.</p> - -<p>The statement he gave me was as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I belong to the armed section of the International Carpenters’ group. -Whenever we had a meeting, the armed section remained five minutes -later. To my group belonged myself, my brother, William Hageman, -who lives on Rees Street, over Lehman’s grocery store, also Hageman’s -brother, who was boarding at the same place, Ernst Niendorf, on Groger -Street, Waller, William Seliger, John Thielen and Louis Lingg, all of the -North Side group; also Abraham Hermann, Lorenz Hermann, Ernst Hubner, -Charley Bock and his brother, William Lange, Michael Schwab, Balthasar -Rau, Rudolph Schnaubelt, Fischer and Huber. I attended a meeting, -May 3, at 71 West Lake Street, at nine o’clock. I heard Louis Lingg -speak there, also Schwab. I saw the circular there which called for revenge -and to arms. Waller, or Zoller, opened the meeting as chairman. Lingg -said at the meeting that they must arm themselves and attend the meeting -at the Haymarket to get revenge for those workingmen who were killed at -McCormick’s factory that day by the police. I also heard Schwab urge them -to arm themselves and seek revenge on the police. I heard one man call -out that all armed men present should go to Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake -Street, that a meeting would be held there in the basement. I went there, -as also did my brother Gustav, the two Hagemans, Louis Lingg, Schnaubelt, -Breitenfeld, John Thielen and Hubner. The meeting occurred at 54 -West Lake Street. I was there during the whole session. My brother was -on the outside watching. I heard the speaker say that there would be a -meeting at the Haymarket and that they expected a big crowd there, which -would give them a chance to use their arms. He also said that the police -would no doubt come there to disperse them. If they refused to go, the -police would shoot, and they would have a good chance to shoot at them. -The speakers at that meeting would be Spies, Fielden and Parsons. The -North Side armed group would meet at Neff’s Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue, -on Tuesday night, and they were to be ready with their arms and wait for -orders. The Northwest Side group would also be ready and wait for -orders. As soon as there was trouble at the Haymarket, they would be at -Wicker Park ready for action. I heard the word ‘Ruhe’ spoken of at that -meeting in the basement. If that word appeared in the paper—the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>—the next day, it would mean a revolution, and the attack -on the police would be made that night. ‘Y, komme,’ was a sign published<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span> -in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, meaning that there would be a meeting of the -armed men. When I saw that revenge circular at No. 71 West Lake -Street, it excited me very much and brought me to the meeting at 54 West -Lake Street. I saw Adolph Fischer at that meeting. He made an address -to us calling us to arms and urged that we should take revenge on the -capitalists and the officers who had killed our brother workingmen on that -day at McCormick’s. This man Fischer, whose picture has just been -shown me by the Captain, is the person who said he would see that circulars -were printed for the Haymarket meeting next day. The word ‘Ruhe’ was -our signal word, adopted by the meeting that night at 54 West Lake Street, -to attack the police. I heard some one say at the meeting that we should -also attack the police station-houses and the police who might be within. -They should make dynamite bombs and have them ready to throw into the -stations. Lingg said: ‘I will have the dynamite and bombs ready to be -used when called for.’ I did not hear of any one else saying or offering to -furnish dynamite bombs. I was about fifteen feet away from Lingg when -he made the remark. Then I left the meeting and the hall. The unanimous -understanding among us all was that all who desired bombs must go -to Lingg and get them. And we did not look to any one else for them. It -was further stated at the meeting that, in case we should see a patrol wagon -on the night of the attack, we should destroy the wagon, the horses and the -officers, so that they could not render assistance to the officers at the Haymarket. -On Tuesday evening, May 4, at nine o’clock, I went to Neff’s Hall, -58 Clybourn Avenue, and there I met both Hermanns, Rau, the Hagemans, -Bock, Seliger and Lingg. Lingg gave me some of those long dynamite -bombs and said: ‘Here, you take this and use it.’ He then started away. -I heard that night—Tuesday—at eleven o’clock, at Ernst Grau’s saloon, that -there had been some shooting that night, that a bomb had been thrown and -that many were killed and wounded at the Haymarket. A tall man came -into Neff’s Hall that night, May 4, at eleven o’clock, and told us about the -shooting, the explosion of the bomb and the killing of the people. His clothes -were all covered with mud, and he appeared greatly excited. He said: -‘You are having a good time here drinking beer. See how I look. I was -over to the Haymarket and lost my revolvers.’ His name is August. He -is the man—about thirty years of age, five feet ten inches tall, smooth face or -a slight mustache, and is a bricklayer by occupation. [This was August -Groge.] The dynamite bomb I had was made with a gas-pipe. My statement -I will swear to at any time I am called upon.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The bomb he speaks of was among those found by Officer Hoffman at -No. 189 Hudson Avenue.</p> - -<p class="p2"><span class="smcap">Gustav Lehman</span> was arrested on the same day—May 20—with his -brother Otto, only a little earlier in the morning. He was working as a -carpenter, on a new building at the southwest corner of Sedgwick and -Starr Streets, when Officers Schuettler and Hoffman accosted him, and his -home at the time was at No. 41 Fremont Street, in the basement of a small -building. He had a poor, sickly wife and six children. His wife,—who -subsequently died in the County Hospital, in July, 1888,—when she was -notified of his arrest, said:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Well, I am very sorry for my dear husband, but now my words are -coming true. He would take the last cent out of the house and run to -meetings every night. Instead of leaving the money at home to buy -clothing with for the children and medicine for myself, he would spend the -last cent in saloons. At times when I heard him and others talk about -capitalists, about an equal division of everything, I thought it all very -foolish, and I would tell my husband so. The only answer he would give -me was:</p> - -<p>“‘Oh, you old women don’t know anything. You come to our meetings, -and there you will be enlightened and learn how we are going to have -things before long.’</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-303.jpg" width="200" height="244" id="i303" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">GUSTAV LEHMAN.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>“I often told him, ‘You will have things so that you all will be locked up -and beg for mercy and be glad to go to work and let other people alone.’ -One day he didn’t work; he wanted to -go to a meeting on the West Side. I -reasoned with him and asked him to -stay at home. I was afraid they would -all be arrested for their foolish undertakings. -Gustav got mad at me and -said:</p> - -<p>“‘Now is our time or never. Before -one month is over we will have things -our own way. We have already got the -capitalists, the militia and the police -trembling in their boots. We are prepared, -and, as soon as we strike the first -blow, they will run away. Those that -don’t run we will kill. We don’t expect -to give them quarter.’”</p> - -<p>The poor woman had clearly foreseen -the outcome, and with rare judgment -and fine instinct, in spite of her lowly station in life, she had -sought early and late to instill into her husband’s mind some practical -ideas of life. Within the limited lines of her observation she had grasped -the problem of social existence, its struggles, its sufferings and its rewards, -and she intuitively knew that such changes as her husband and others of his -ilk desired could never be brought about by revolution in a free country. -She loved her husband tenderly, and would have made any sacrifice for him. -But he, rather than forego attendance at a single meeting, preferred that -wife and children should suffer want. He kept his family in constant suspense -and ranted like a madman.</p> - -<p>Lehman was a man about forty-five years of age, weighed two hundred -pounds, and, although he had only the use of one eye, he was a good mechanic.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span></p> - -<p>When he was brought to the station he was asked his name.</p> - -<p>“I don’t give any name,” he answered, somewhat indignantly.</p> - -<p>“Why not?” asked I, in a pacific tone of voice.</p> - -<p>“Because,” was the gruff answer, “I don’t want anything to do with -you.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, you don’t. I am pleased to make your acquaintance. We don’t -find such a great man as you are every day. Officer, take this man to a -safe place down stairs and leave him there until we want him again.”</p> - -<p>“Well, you don’t scare me any,” thundered the burly Lehman.</p> - -<p>“Well, now, we don’t want to scare you,” retorted I pleasantly, “but I -thought you needed rest. You won’t feel so tired when you see us again. -You will find more of your friends down stairs. If you talk to any one, -you will be taken away from here and sent to the Desplaines Street Station.”</p> - -<p>At the last remark Lehman winced perceptibly. The name of the Desplaines -Street Station grated harshly on his ear, and he evidently felt that I -had some surprise in store for him. He could have lightly passed by any -other thrusts, but this nettled him. It was made for a purpose. I knew -that all Anarchists had an intense hatred for that station, and greater than -their hatred of the place was their anger against Bonfield, who had charge -of it. They would rather suffer torments anywhere else than be cast into -a cell in that place.</p> - -<p>But Lehman shortly recovered his equanimity, and, assuming a stolid -indifference to his surroundings, remarked:</p> - -<p>“If you think you can make me ‘squeal,’ you are badly mistaken.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, no; we don’t want you to ‘squeal,’” said I. “We are rather afraid -you will beg to be allowed to come here and sit on your knees to tell us all -you know about making bombs and dynamite—all about your meetings—how -often you have presided at meetings and how much dynamite you got from -Lingg; and to tell us all about your brother, and where your son is hiding -now, and where you placed the bombs that you carried around in your -pocket on May 4; how bad a headache you had after filling the bombs with -dynamite at Seliger’s house. You see, August, we simply want to call your -attention to all these little things—that’s all.”</p> - -<p>This charge proved a little too strong for the doughty Lehman. He had -kept up his courage well, but the rapidity of the assault, the dark secrets -hinted at and the insinuations made had taxed his powers of resistance -almost beyond endurance. His facial muscles twitched, and for a moment -he wrestled with himself. He asked for a glass of water, and, quaffing its -contents to the last drop, he rallied and straightened himself as if determined -to hold out in spite of his nerves. Recovering his breath and struggling -with his emotions, he said:</p> - -<p>“If you have the power to hang me, do so. I have belonged to the -cause so long that I will die before I reveal anything.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span></p> - -<p>That was sufficient. Lehman was taken down stairs and locked up. The -very next morning he sent the janitor to my office with a request to see me. -I told the janitor that I was very busy and could not be interrupted unless -Lehman had something very important to communicate. To this Lehman replied -that he had discovered that there were other men locked up down -stairs, and he was satisfied that if they had a chance they would “squeal.” -Would I accord him an interview? He was brought up, and, in the presence -of Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann and the officers, proceeded to -unfold a very remarkable tale. He began very cautiously, evidently following -the instructions laid down in John Most’s book for Anarchists in trouble, -but, as the questions were plied upon him, he soon discovered that he was in -a very “tight box.” He finally asked if there was any prospect of his being -hung. He was informed that he must tell all he knew, and all must be -true; that we did not want him to try to lie himself out of his trouble or tell -a falsehood against an innocent man. Probably he would be called on to -testify in court, and, of course, if he was a witness for the State, he would -not be hanged.</p> - -<p>“I do trust you men,” he said, and revealed all the secrets that he knew, -without reserve as to his own deeds and the experiences he had had with the -other Anarchists. His statement gave the officers important points.</p> - -<p>After the trial, Lehman declared he had no more use for Anarchy. He -became a good husband and a kind father. In 1889 he married again, and, -strange to say, Officer Nordrum acted as “best man” at the ceremony. -The nature of Gustav’s testimony appears in the evidence he gave at the -trial.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Abraham Hermann</span> was a man of different temperament; but, after his -arrest, he showed a somewhat similar disposition as to secretiveness and -stubbornness. He was arrested on the evening of May 10 at eight o’clock. -He lived at No. 25 Clybourn Avenue. He was about thirty-four years of -age, medium build, and weighed about 185 pounds. He was of dark complexion, -wore a full black beard, had sharp, piercing eyes, and from thinking -much on Anarchy, had come to present a sickly appearance. He did -not look at all vicious, however, and was very quiet in his manner. He was -a good machinist and fully conversant with the German language. In conversation -he was slow and deliberate, evidently thinking twice before speaking.</p> - -<p>At the time Abraham was taken in charge, his brother Lorenz was also -arrested. Abraham’s house had been searched a week before, and two -rifles had been found and taken to the station. When the officers met the -brothers, they were told to come to the station to identify their property, -and when they set foot inside my office they were notified that they were -under arrest. They manifested no surprise. Abraham was asked if he had -anything to say. He wanted to know what about, and when informed that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span> -we wanted information about Anarchy, he slowly replied that he “did not -know any Anarchists.”</p> - -<p>“You can probably tell us something about how to drill Anarchists and -how much profit you made on the rifles, or the 44-caliber Remington -revolvers; or perhaps tell us how many men you had in your command on -the night of the 4th of May around this station, and tell us about the -trouble you had with Lingg in Neff’s Hall at eleven o’clock, May 4th, after -the explosion of the bomb at the Haymarket.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-306.jpg" width="400" height="419" id="i306" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">ZEPF’S HALL. <span class="wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>I could have put a few more queries, but I stopped to watch the effect. -Abraham’s eyes bulged out for a moment in surprise, but not a word did he -have to say. He was at once locked up, and for nearly three days betrayed -no signs of weakening. On the third day he showed a little anxiety and -expressed a desire to see me. He was brought up, but, getting into a comfortable -room, where the light of day made all surroundings cheerful, he -became rather buoyant and seemed loth to depress the spirits of others -by unfolding harrowing tales of Anarchistic plots. I tried to engage him -in conversation, but the answers came in monosyllables and with a sort of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span> -guttural emphasis. The situation was becoming very tiresome. I thought -Abraham had suddenly been seized with the lockjaw, but determined to -fathom the man’s mind. I urged him not to be guided by Most’s book,—we -understood that,—but to speak out if he had any information to give. -If he had nothing to impart, to say so. He promptly saw that the situation -was growing critical, and that, if he still refrained from speaking, -possibly his last chance for saving himself might be gone. He relaxed the -muscles of his face, opened his lips and prepared to talk. It was a great -effort, but he evidently realized that something must be done.</p> - -<p>“Well,” he finally drawled out, “I don’t know what to tell you. It -seems to me you people know about everything and have things down as -correctly as I can give them to you. And you know all about me, too. I -say this for myself: I don’t know anything about the laws of the country. -I have been told by people that ought to know better, that for what we -were doing there was no law. I now see my mistake.”</p> - -<p>Hermann then gave information on himself and others, and stated that -he had never liked Lingg. Lingg, he remarked, was the most rabid Anarchist -he had ever seen, and he almost believed that the man had a dynamite -bomb in his head. He himself had never had anything to say in -favor of the use of dynamite. He was a military man, and believed in the -use of rifles. He had held that all the Anarchists should be well drilled -and that no man should carry arms unless he knew how to use them. He -was opposed to throwing stones or fighting in the streets. He believed in -swords and good riflemen, and he was one of that class. His idea was -never to undertake anything until fully prepared, and when they were prepared -to let their work show the result.</p> - -<p>During the interview he was very cautious in his statements, but he did -not spare the leaders. At the same time he would not implicate any one -of no special consequence in the order. His statement, however, was as -sweeping as it was surprising. He was implicitly believed by the officers, -as candor and earnestness were manifest in his disclosures.</p> - -<p>Hermann was indicted by the grand jury, but after he had been in custody -for awhile he was released by order of the State’s Attorney. At the beginning -of the trial he was brought in again and confined until its termination. He -was then given his liberty. He has since become an industrious man, and -has only had two or three relapses by attending some of the open, public -meetings. He now declares, however, that he is through with Anarchy.</p> - -<p>What he had to say to Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, myself and -the officers was this:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I have belonged to the North Side armed group since 1883. The -members of the group are as follows: Schwab, Rau, Huber, Neebe, the -two Lehmans, Thielen, Lingg, Hubner, Seliger, Lange, Schnaubelt, Lorenz -Hermann, Abraham Hermann, the two Hagemans, Heyman, Niendorf and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span> -Charley Bock. We were about forty men strong on the North Side. I do -not know anything about the word ‘Ruhe.’ On Monday, May 3, at 9 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span>, -I attended a meeting of the metal-workers at Seamen’s Hall, on Randolph, -near Jefferson Street. I saw August Spies. He was passing and handing -out some of the circulars that called for revenge upon the law and the -police. Spies was at the meeting when I got there, and he had a handful of -those circulars. I saw Spies busying himself around the meeting talking -to the people. The secretary of this meeting was a man named Hahneman. -Lange was president. I belong to the North Side branch of the -same union. But this was a general meeting. I only knew a few of the -members present. The president of the meeting works for a firm on -Wabash Avenue—a brass-finisher named Andrew or Andre. When I left -this meeting at ten o’clock I went to 54 West Lake Street. As I came into -the saloon some one said that there was a meeting down stairs. I went -down. Waller was president of that meeting. I also saw Fischer there. -I know Schnaubelt. He was there. When the question came up about -printing the circulars for the Haymarket meeting, Fischer said that he -would see to it. Some one suggested that letters should be sent to the -armed people or members in surrounding cities near Chicago, asking them -to attend to the police and militia there, so that they could not come to the -assistance of the officers or police of this city. On my opposition the proposition -was dropped. I saw Hubner and Lingg at that meeting. As I -came in some one said, ‘Lingg is going to attend to that.’ I understood -it to mean furnishing the dynamite bombs. I saw the meeting was intended -for mischief, and I left the place. At a meeting May 4, at 8:30 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span>, in -the hall in the rear of Neff’s saloon, 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard that the -plan of operation decided upon was the same as given to the armed men at -54 West Lake Street. So far as I remember the plan, it was something like -this: Some of the armed men were to go to the police stations, and, if the -police were called out, to throw dynamite bombs among them, set the houses -on fire and keep the police on the North Side. As far as I know, the Northwest -Side group had a similar plan. Lingg was not there at this time. -All members present were anxious to see him come, waiting for bombs. I -was in the hall about an hour. I went back again the same evening—May -4—about eleven o’clock. The first I heard of any trouble was about 10:30. -A man whose name is Anton Hirschberger came into the saloon and told -us that there had been a riot at the Haymarket. At the same time a tall -man came in and said he had been at the riot, that a lot of bullets flew -around them, a bomb had exploded, and that either some one had stolen his -revolver or he had lost it. Then Neff said he was going to close up his -place, the hour being eleven o’clock. On Wednesday, May 5, I met Lingg -and Seliger at that place. I was surprised at meeting Lingg there, because -I thought then that he ought to have been locked up. Lingg spoke to me -and said, ‘You are nice cowards.’ I replied that he had better keep his -mouth shut, as he was the cause of the whole affair. Hubner and I were -there to attend a meeting of our people to be held on the quiet in Lincoln -Park. We were to meet at the park because we expected it would not be -safe to hold it anywhere else. What led me to think that Lingg ought to have -been locked up was because he was always advocating the use of dynamite -and bombs. That a bomb had been thrown was a fact, and I thought Lingg -ought to have been arrested for it.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">On May 31, Hermann made another statement, as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I know August Spies. He is the editor of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> of this -city. I knew him to write several articles on revolution. I was elected as -an agent at a general meeting to procure and sell arms. This was in October -last—1885. Balthasar Rau was chairman of that meeting. We had -several men as a committee. They were called the Bureau of Information. -It was composed of Parsons, from the English section; Charles Bock, German, -also assistant secretary to Rau; Hirschberger, French, and Mikolanda, -Bohemian. Every Anarchist looked to that bureau for information. -I used to get my guns from New York, from a man named Seeger. He lives -on Third Avenue.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-309.jpg" width="300" height="329" id="i309" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">TIMMERHOF HALL,<br /> -<span class="wnn">No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="pbq">He was the middleman between me and the factory -where the arms were -made. I got twenty-five -revolvers last -February. They were -shipped direct to me -at No. 25 Clybourn -Avenue. I sold them -all at cost price to -members. That was -$6.50. The last two -revolvers I sold May -3, 1886—one to a -man named Asher, -and the other to -August, a bricklayer. -Before that I sold one -revolver to Schnaubelt, -one to Lingg -and one to Seliger. -It was Schnaubelt -who proposed at the -meeting held at 54 -West Lake Street, -May 3, to notify outside -cities, but I told -him it was all nonsense. -About two -weeks before this -meeting I met Breitenfeld -in a saloon, and said that I had often heard this letter ‘Y,’ and I was -bound to find out its meaning when it appeared in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. -Breitenfeld said that it meant a meeting of the armed men, and told me to -wait and he would get me into the meeting. I waited for a long time—about -an hour. Then he came out, and I was admitted with him. I was -in the meeting with him for an hour, and then it adjourned. I have known -Lingg for six months. At the meeting at 54 West Lake Street on the -evening of May 3, it was supposed then that the police would interfere -at the Haymarket, and then there would be a chance for a riot. Four -members of the North Side group were detailed at that meeting as spies. -If the riot should be a failure and we should get beaten by the police, our -gathering-places after that would be at Center Park, Humboldt Park, St.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span> -Michael’s Church, Lincoln Park and Wicker Park. The signal of attack -after the riot had commenced was to be an illumination of the heavens by -red fires. Some one asked for dynamite, and he was answered that Lingg -would furnish the stuff. The different spies detailed at that meeting were -to hold a meeting the next day, each division for itself, and afterwards in -a body at Zepf’s Hall, to perfect all arrangements for the riot. I accused -Lingg of making dynamite bombs, and told him that if any trouble grew -out of it, it would be on his account. He called me a coward. I knew -that Lingg was in trouble in Philadelphia shortly before he left there.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Lorenz Hermann</span> was twenty-six years of age, of slim build, with a very -sallow face, and apparently a consumptive. His occupation was that of a -brass-molder, and he was a good workman. On his arrival at the station he -expressed great surprise at the impudence of the officers in compelling him -to come against his will. He was asked his name, and he gave it. When -requested to spell it, he said he did not know how; all he knew was that it -was Lorenz Hermann. Being questioned with reference to Anarchy, he replied -that he did not know anything about it, and when accused of having -taken part in the revolutionary plot, he said he had not taken as great a part -in it as his brother had. He soon discovered that the police had a great -deal of information about his brother, and then he changed his tactics by -trying to smooth things over for Abraham.</p> - -<p>“My brother,” he said, “is married and has a family. I am single. I -want to see my brother out of this trouble; no matter about me.”</p> - -<p>“Well, then,” I interposed, “why not tell us something?”</p> - -<p>“Me?” asked Lorenz. “I don’t know anything to tell.”</p> - -<p>He had evidently changed his mind on the spur of the moment, and he -grew exceedingly reticent.</p> - -<p>“Well,” said I, “I will tell you something then. I will call your attention -to May 4, between the hours of 8:30 and 10:30 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span> You were around this -station with about nineteen other men, and among them was your brother. -You were to throw bombs into the patrol wagon in case the police were -called out to go to the West Side to assist the police at the Haymarket, but -you remained a little too long in a saloon on Clark Street. When you came -out and reached the corner of Superior Street and La Salle Avenue, you saw -three patrol wagons loaded with police going south on LaSalle Avenue, but -you were not near enough to throw a bomb. This made you very angry. -Then some of you went to Moody’s church and remained there for some -time. When you finally saw so many policemen coming to the station you -all got scared and went to the hall at 58 Clybourn Avenue. Oh, by the way, -which route did you take on leaving the station? Did you go to the Haymarket -or to Neff’s Hall?”</p> - -<p>“I was at the Haymarket,” replied Lorenz.</p> - -<p>“Is it not true—all that I told you about the station?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, that is true,” responded Lorenz. “Some one told me about it.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Who told you?”</p> - -<p>“I don’t know.”</p> - -<p>“You lie,” said I. “You must tell us who; that is the man we are after.”</p> - -<p>Seeing that he was gradually being cornered by his evasive replies, he -put on a bold front to the whole matter and answered:</p> - -<p>“Well, I was there myself. I did not stay very long, and from there I -went to the Haymarket. I think Hageman and I went together.”</p> - -<p>Further questioning only brought out sullen responses, with very meager -information, but, after being allowed to think the matter over, he finally -concluded to make a clean breast of it. He was kept busy with explanations -for some time, and he gave me some very pointed information. He -was indicted by the grand jury and afterwards released by order of the -State’s Attorney. Lorenz has never been heard of since, but it is supposed -he is now leading a quiet life and proving himself a better man.</p> - -<p>His statement, among other things corroborative of what others had -divulged, contains the following:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“At a meeting held at 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard Engel say that -if they wanted to make bombs they could find plenty of gas-pipe on the -West Side, in the city yards, near the Chicago Avenue bridge, and then if -they wanted to learn how to make them they could come to him. All that -was necessary was to cut the pipes up into lengths of six or eight inches, -fill them with dynamite and put a wooden plug at each end. He had with -him at the time his daughter, who was about fifteen or sixteen years of age. -I saw Hirschberger, Hageman and Charles Bock at eleven o’clock on the -evening of Tuesday, May 4, in Neff’s place, at 58 Clybourn Avenue. Hirschberger -told those present about the riot on the West Side. I was at the -Haymarket meeting in the company of Hageman, the carpenter. Two men -stood close together near me, and they looked suspicious. I was there at -the time the police came up. I got frightened and ran away. I ran without -stopping till I reached Neff’s place, on the North Side. I found my -brother there, and I told him about the throwing of the bomb, its explosion -and what happened. I did not want to get mixed up in the affair, and that -is the reason I declined to speak at first. I belonged to the armed men of -the North Side. The revolvers and guns my brother sold he got from a -factory in New York. He sold about twelve guns to the Socialists. He sold -a box full of revolvers, about twenty in a box, for $6.90 a piece. For seven -months my brother acted as agent, under appointment, to procure and sell -guns and revolvers.”</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XVI.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Pushing the Anarchists—A Scene on a Street-car—How Herman -Muntzenberg Gave Himself Away—The Secret Signal—“D——n the Informers”—A -Satchelful of Bombs—More about Engel’s Murderous Plan—Drilling the Lehr und -Wehr Verein—Breitenfeld’s Cowardice—An Anarchist Judas—The Hagemans—Dynamite -in Gas-pipe—An Admirer of Lingg—A Scheme to Remove the Author—The -Hospitalities of the Police Station—Mr. Jebolinski’s Indignation—A Bogus Milkman—An -Unwilling Visitor—Mistaken for a Detective—An Eccentric Prisoner—Division -of Labor at the Dynamite Factory—Clermont’s Dilemma—The Arrangements for the -Haymarket.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE Anarchists, both in and out of prison, had begun to discover about -this time that there was a law in the land, and that its majesty would -be vindicated. They were confronted with stubborn, serious facts, and -they realized that they were in a world of perplexities. They had been -circumvented at every step in their efforts at concealment, and their plot -had been revealed in its most essential parts. Their leaders had been -gathered in, and their comrades were being arrested every day. Cunning -and shrewd as they supposed themselves to be, they had discovered that -society was equal to the task of probing their secrets. At first they had -assumed an air of bravado and indifference, but, seeing how easily their -bluff could be called and how closely we had the record of each, they realized -that evasion or silence was not calculated either to keep their necks -out of the halter or to save them from the penitentiary. Those arrested -nearly all turned craven cowards, and this situation of affairs did not contribute -to the comfort of those still outside, who were in momentary dread -of apprehension. Arrest followed arrest, and Mr. Furthmann and I were -kept exceedingly busy in directing the taking of confessions and assimilating -the material for future use. Still the good work went on.</p> - -<p>The first victim, after the Hermann brothers, to fall under police control -was Herman Muntzenberg. He was arrested on the evening of May 20, -at eight o’clock, and the circumstances attending his arrest were somewhat -peculiar. On the evening in question, Officers Schuettler and Hoffman -were transferring the Hermann brothers from the Larrabee Street Station -to the Chicago Avenue Station. They boarded an open street-car with -their prisoners, whom they placed on a rear seat facing front, stationing -themselves immediately behind on the platform. In the middle of the car, -facing to the rear, sat a stranger. Presently the officers noticed that the -man was making signs to the Hermanns. In response, Lorenz Hermann -placed his right hand over his mouth. This was followed by another sign -from the stranger. Officer Schuettler recognized the fact that the man -was a friend of the Hermanns, and he requested the prisoners not to divulge -the officers’ identity. The stranger seemed to be in doubt about something,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span> -left his seat, and, placing himself at the side of Abraham Hermann, -started a conversation. He appeared to be an old acquaintance. This -was sufficient for the officers. When the car reached the corner of Wells -Street and Chicago Avenue, the stranger was about to leave. He was -quietly told by the officers not to trouble himself just then to get off the car, -but to keep his seat a little while longer. Naturally the man was surprised -at this request of men whom he did not know, and indignantly declined to -ride any farther. The officers promptly told him to consider himself under -arrest and not to move if he valued his life. They had in the meantime recognized -the man as the little fellow who had carried the satchel filled with -dynamite bombs to Neff’s Hall, along with -Lingg. It was Herman Muntzenberg.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-313.jpg" width="200" height="264" id="i313" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">HERMANN MUNTZENBERG.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>The three prisoners were taken to the -station, and Muntzenberg was locked up -by himself over night. The next day he -was brought into my office. The density -of his ignorance respecting Anarchy or -Anarchists was astonishing. Like the rest, -he absolutely knew nothing. Some days -afterwards, however, he took a different -view of things. A confession was looked -for, and he was given an opportunity.</p> - -<p>“I see everybody is in trouble,” Muntzenberg -began dolefully. “I am in for it -myself. I cannot help anybody; nobody -can help me.”</p> - -<p>He hesitated, as if trying to decide -what he should do, but finally, nerving -himself, he continued:</p> - -<p>“I will bear my own trouble. I will hurt no one else.”</p> - -<p>“Ah,” said I, “there is Hermann, for instance; there are other people also -who have given you away. They have all professed to be your friends in -times past, and now they are trying to save their own necks and hang you. -So you want to remain silent under their charges? Have you nothing to tell -on the others?”</p> - -<p>“That would do me no good,” answered Muntzenberg.</p> - -<p>“Then,” said I, “what have you to say about yourself?”</p> - -<p>“You don’t know the least thing about me,” defiantly remarked the little -man.</p> - -<p>“Probably you had such a bad headache from the smell of dynamite that -you can’t remember anything.”</p> - -<p>“Who told you I had a headache?” broke in Muntzenberg, now intensely -interested.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Were you not afraid,” I continued, not heeding the interruption, “that -you would fall into the basement when you sat on the iron railing at the corner -of North Avenue and Larrabee Street, near the police station, or did you -feel confident that the bombs you had in your pocket would hold you in your -place? Another thing—you are not in the habit of smoking cigars. Did -they make you sick?”</p> - -<p>Muntzenberg had remained somewhat passive up to this last shot, but he -suddenly showed there was a good deal of vitality in him. His eyes flashed -with excitement, and he was all attention.</p> - -<p>“By the way,” I went on, “how much weight can you carry?”</p> - -<p>“What do you mean?” interposed the anxious listener.</p> - -<p>“I mean how much did that gray satchel weigh that you carried to 58 Clybourn -Avenue May 4, about eight o’clock?”</p> - -<p>“D——n the informers,” ejaculated the now irate little Anarchist. “Give -me an hour to think matters over and call me again.”</p> - -<p>He was sent back to his cell, and on the expiration of two hours he was -brought back. He entered the office very meekly, and at once said:</p> - -<p>“Captain, I see it is no use for me to be stubborn. Will you treat me like -the others, if I tell all I have seen and what I have done myself?”</p> - -<p>“I promise you the same right and privilege.”</p> - -<p>Muntzenberg made his statement and was released by order of the State’s -Attorney. He was a German, twenty-eight years old, five feet seven inches -tall, stoutly built, with large head and eyes, and followed the trade of a -blacksmith. At the time of his arrest he lived at No. 95 North Wells -Street. On his release he promised to testify whenever wanted, but about -the middle of the trial he took a leave of absence and has never been seen -since. Once it was reported that he was dead, but the report could not be -verified. Muntzenberg was a warm admirer of Lingg, Spies and Engel, -and a persistent worker for their cause. He often lost several days’ work in -a week to saunter out into the country, selling Most’s books and telling people -to arm themselves. He earned good wages when he worked, and spent it -all for Anarchy. Like others, he acknowledged that he had been led astray -by incendiary literature. His statement was as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“On May 4, about eight o’clock, I was sent to meet two men who -carried a satchel filled with dynamite shells or bombs. I met them about -a block from Thüringer Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue. I told them that I had -been asked to meet them and help carry the satchel. They said, ‘All right.’ -I took it from them, put it on my shoulder and carried it to the hall. The -satchel weighed about thirty pounds. In the afternoon of that day, about -four o’clock, I came to the North Side and went to Hubner’s house, No. 11 -Mohawk Street. He was not at home. I went out to look for him. I have -known him for some time. I found him. The second time I wanted to -see him I went to his house and found him at home in his room making -transparencies for that night’s meeting at the Haymarket. He took lunch -then, and after that we went to Seliger’s house, No. 442 Sedgwick Street.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span> -Reaching there, Hubner told Lingg and Seliger that I was his friend and -all right. In the room of Lingg I saw two guns and two revolvers. Seliger -was filling the bombs with dynamite. Lingg was cutting the fuse. -One of them asked me if I had any sores on my hand. I said no. ‘Then,’ -they said, ‘you can help us.’ My task was to fill in with dynamite the -long gas-pipe shells. I filled six or eight shells or bombs. My head commenced -to ache from the smell of the dynamite, so that I could not work -any longer. Hubner also worked, putting caps on the fuse. I saw three -or four men in the house at the time. I saw about ten round lead bombs on -the bed, all empty. After they were finished they were put under the bed. I -noticed about sixteen of the long gas-pipe shells or bombs about the room. -At dark Hubner and I went to Neff’s Hall. Before leaving I saw one of -the two, Lingg or Seliger, bring in a satchel and empty it of dirty clothes. -As we were approaching the hall, Hubner asked me to see if they were -coming. I went to see, and met them in the alley near the street. Both -were carrying the satchel, each having hold of the ends of the handles on -the satchel. I asked if I should help them. They answered yes. As they -were tall men, I could not carry it with either one, and so I put it on my -shoulder and carried it myself. I took it into the rear hall back of the -saloon. After a little while one of them asked me where I had placed the -satchel. I told him. He said that was not the right place and asked me -to bring it back. So I went after it and put it into the narrow hallway. -The satchel was two feet long, eighteen inches high and sixteen inches -wide. It was covered with gray canvas. It weighed about thirty pounds. -When I left Seliger’s house at dark, I took along with me three long bombs. -I did so because one of the men there told me to do so. I knew they were -bombs in the satchel when I carried them. Some one passed us on the -street as we were going to the hall. Lingg said: ‘Those are heavy tools,’ -meaning the contents of the satchel, to throw the party we met off his -guard. I threw the three bombs I had into the lake on my way to Pullman, -because I learned they were dangerous and I did not want them any -longer. I saw at Neff’s Hall that night, May 4, a crowd of men together -for a while, and then they began to part. They went away in groups of -five or six. They all went on Clybourn Avenue to Larrabee Street. As -we got to Larrabee Street, they all separated and spread on Larrabee -Street. I went up to North Avenue and Larrabee Street to the police -station with a strange man. I remained there for some time. I saw Seliger -and Lingg near the station, going north on Larrabee Street. When I -was at Seliger’s house one of the five men present said to me to throw -bombs into the police station to kill the police, and if any patrol wagons -escaped and came out to throw bombs into the wagons among the officers -and shoot the horses. This was for the purpose of preventing them from -giving assistance to each other. I smoked a cigar that night so that I -would have a fire ready to light the bombs with and throw them if necessary. -I only smoke cigars on Sundays, and, as I am not accustomed to -smoke much, the cigar made me sick. I sat for some time on an iron railing -on Larrabee Street, opposite the police station, on the southeast corner. -I sat there about fifteen minutes. The wagon failed to come out, and, as I -felt sick and could not do much anyway, I went home. Lingg and Seliger -walked ahead of me. I saw them last when they crossed North Avenue, -going north on Larrabee Street. The next evening I went to No. 58 Clybourn -Avenue. I met Hubner, and he said that on the night of the shooting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span> -he was at Lincoln Park. I recognize this picture now shown me as -being that of Seliger. I saw him making dynamite bombs at 442 Sedgwick -Street on the afternoon of May 4 in company with Lingg. The man I -have seen locked up in this station I saw working and making dynamite -bombs in company with Seliger, and his name is Louis Lingg. When I -was at Seliger’s house, Hubner told me to go to Lincoln Park, and there I -would get my instructions.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">The next</span> Anarchist brought into the station was <span class="smcap">August Gragge</span>. He -was a German, twenty-eight years of age, straight and stoutly built, a bricklayer -by trade, and lived at No. 880 North Halsted Street. He was arrested -on the 24th of May. I gave him an evening’s audience shortly after. It -was apparent from his demeanor that he was a young man easily led astray -by men of force and decision of character; therefore it was no wonder that -he had become an extreme Anarchist, especially since he had been thrown a -great deal into the company of some of the rankest leaders in the order and -had attended meetings where gore and plunder formed the chief topics of -discussion. When the authorities took him in hand, he soon modified his -opinions. He stated that, like a great many others, he had been misled to -believe that Anarchist doctrines were right and that no law existed to -interfere with them; but after the law had been read to him, he acknowledged -that he had pursued a wrong course. He had been a man of sober -habits, and on being questioned he told a very straightforward story. After -giving such information as he possessed he was released by the State’s -Attorney, and he promised to mend his ways.</p> - -<p>The statement he made to me was as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“A man by the name of Lange and another, August Asher, coaxed me -into the armed group. Charles Bock was our secretary four or five weeks -ago. I heard Rau and Lingg speak in Neff’s Hall. Lingg spoke about -dynamite and called on us to arm ourselves. They also wanted us to buy -revolvers. I bought one—a big one—for $4. I paid $2 down. Asher -and I went to the meeting at the Haymarket on the evening of May 4. I -saw the circular that called that meeting. We had our big revolvers with -us when we went there. When the shooting commenced we ran. I fell -down, and about forty men ran over me and kept me down. I then lost my -revolver. We had a meeting on Monday night, May 3, at Neff’s Hall. -Abraham Hermann had three or four revolvers for sale. Asher always kept -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, and at times I would read it. The first man I heard -speak at the Haymarket was August Spies, then Parsons, and Fielden, next -I saw Schnaubelt standing on the wagon with Spies. On account of its -looking like rain it was decided to go to Zepf’s Hall. Parsons, however, -told the people to remain, as he only had a few more words. The police -finally came. Some of the people started to go away, but some one in a -loud voice urged them to remain. Then firing commenced. I heard the -explosion of the bomb. As I stated, I fell down. As soon as I could get -up I started to run for the North Side. I went to Neff’s Hall. I found -there several that I knew. I told them I had lost my revolver and then -explained what had happened at the Haymarket. I carried my revolver in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span> -my hip pocket, and it dropped out as I fell. The revolver was loaded. I -know Lingg. I have heard him speak at least four or five times. He -would always call on the people to arm themselves. He also said that they -were too slow in getting arms and that the time would come for their use -and they ought to be ready.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Gustav Breitenfeld</span> was next arrested. He was a German, aged thirty, -a brush-maker by trade, and lived in the lower flat of a two-story house at -No. 18 Samuel Street. On May 4 he was commander of the second company -of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and he had previously taken an active -part at all Anarchist meetings. He was regarded as a star Anarchist on the -Northwest Side, and frequently visited the house of George Engel.</p> - -<p>Gustav was an Anarchist jumping-jack. All that the leaders had to do -was to pull the strings, and he responded. He served on all committees, and -whenever in doubt as to any course of procedure he went to Engel for advice. -He lacked judgment and brains, and he sought to make up the deficiency -by consulting the leaders. But withal he was a dangerous man. He was -quick-tempered, but a coward when he thought he was not likely to get the -best of the situation.</p> - -<p>On the night of May 4 he had his company ready near the city limits to -murder people and set fire to buildings, only awaiting orders to set about -the work of general destruction. They expected to see the police flee from -the Haymarket, but as the reds did the running on that occasion, the combination -failed. Their “signal” committees were scattered and their comrades -became demoralized at the unexpected charge of the police.</p> - -<p>Breitenfeld and his company heard the shooting at their place of <i>rendezvous</i>, -and, failing to receive the signal to begin the attack, he went to -Engel’s house to ascertain what was wrong. Learning of the drubbing his -comrades had received at the Haymarket, he was not anxious to take similar -“medicine,” and he skulked away like a whipped cur. A house had -been chosen near the limits for the incendiary torches of his company, and it -would have been in flames on their first advance if they had received the -signal. But the company were dismissed, and all hurried home to escape -danger. For two weeks they were in mortal dread of the police.</p> - -<p>If, however, these misguided men had been started that night, with all -things in their favor, there is no telling what fearful havoc they would have -created. The company was composed of men desperate enough, under -proper encouragement, to have murdered people asleep or awake. They -would have held high carnival if the Haymarket meeting had come out -according to expectations, and the able-bodied and the helpless would have -suffered alike at their hands. Their plan was to shoot or stab everybody -who opposed their onward march into the city, and, crazed with success, -they would have hesitated at nothing.</p> - -<p>Breitenfeld knew all the villainous arrangements, and he was therefore a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span> -man the police sought after. He was found on the 25th of May, at about -seven o’clock, by Officers Stift and Schuettler, and brought to the Chicago -Avenue Station. When I had the honor of meeting him, he at once assumed -military airs, but he soon found himself reduced to the ranks. As he was -one of the few who understood English, the law on conspiracies was read -to him. Then he was informed that he had been indicted, and was told -what could be proved against him. He became terribly excited, could -hardly speak, but finally managed to say:</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen, you have got the wrong man. You want to get my brother. -I am not that Breitenfeld. I am a good, peaceable man.”</p> - -<p>He was informed that lies were at a discount in the station just then, -and that if he desired to speak and tell the truth an opportunity would be -given him. If not, we would tolerate no nonsense. He refrained from -speaking, and was sent below.</p> - -<p>The next day he sent word that he wanted to see me. He was brought -up, and on being seated before Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann and -all the officers, he said:</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen, I beg your pardon. I told you a lie. I am the man you -want. I have a wife and family, and I love them. I beg of you now, if you -let me speak, I will tell the truth and everything I know.”</p> - -<p>“Tell all you know,” said I, “and remember that I will know when you -tell a falsehood.”</p> - -<p>“I know you have everything by this time. If I tell you all and become -a witness against these other fellows, will you let me go?”</p> - -<p>“If you tell all and the truth, I will see the State’s Attorney for you and -ask him to take you as a witness.”</p> - -<p>Breitenfeld thereupon made a statement, and a few days later he was -released. When subsequently called on to testify, he refused to do so. He -had told others that the State could not convict anybody, and he would not -help the prosecution. He was, therefore, let alone. He is still under -indictment. With the lesson he had received it was thought he would reform. -In this we were mistaken. He has since attended a number of meetings, -and at the funeral of Mrs. Neebe turned out with his company. He is the -same unrepentant Anarchist that he was before his trouble, but he is being -carefully watched wherever he goes.</p> - -<p>This is what he swore to at the station in the presence of Mr. Furthmann, -myself and the officers:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“My name is Gustav Breitenfeld. I am thirty years old. I am married -and I reside at No. 18 Samuel Street. I am a brush-maker. I am -captain of the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. We have -twenty men in our company. I know Fischer and Schrade. Schrade is -drill-sergeant of my company. On Sunday, May 2, I was at Pullman. I -heard of the riot plan on Monday afternoon, May 3. I know George -Engel, Deitz and Fischer. They are the principal leaders in the Northwest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span> -Side group and of the armed men. Heier is the name of the man -who keeps Thalia Hall on Milwaukee Avenue. I know Kraemer; he lives -in the rear of Engel’s house. I think I saw Kraemer at the meeting held -on the evening of May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I know Schmidt, the -carrier of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. At that meeting I saw Krueger, Schrade, -Gruenwald, Clermont, Kraemer, Deitz, Engel, Fischer, Schnaubelt and -Waller. Waller was the chairman of the meeting. The first thing I heard -they were denouncing the police force for killing the workingmen at -McCormick’s factory. I saw the revenge circular, which called the people -to arms. I heard Engel say that when the word ‘Ruhe’ should appear in -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, every one should go to his meeting-place selected by -them and be ready for action. I heard some one say that as soon as they -saw the heavens illuminated with red fires, then was the time to commence -the revolution. Engel and Fischer volunteered to carry the news from the -Haymarket to the armed men stationed at Wicker Park. Engel volunteered -to act as a spy. I know Engel to have sold arms. At the meeting -of May 3, I heard some one asking for dynamite bombs. I heard Engel -respond that the dynamite bombs were ready and in good hands. Fischer -agreed to have the circulars, calling the Haymarket meeting, printed. It -was said that there would be from 20,000 to 30,000 people at that meeting, -and that the police would interfere. Then would be a good time to attack -them and get revenge on them for the killing of six of their comrades. The -word ‘Ruhe’ would signify that they should get ready and be on the look-out. -Engel said that they should look for it in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> on -May 4, and they were all to go to their respective places, as agreed upon, -with their arms or guns. The Haymarket meeting was decided upon as a -trap to catch the police. Engel, Kraemer and Krueger went to the meeting -to see if there was a big crowd there, and when they got back home Engel -said there were only 250 men present. I went to see Engel on the morning -of May 4 at his house. He told me he had been at the meeting and -there were present the number I have given. I attended the meeting of -the Northwest Side group that decided to call the meeting for the evening -of May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I heard, at the last-named place, several -say that the dynamite bombs were in good hands. I met Waller at -Thalia Hall on May 4, about eleven o’clock in the evening, and he -remarked that they had had a very hot time of it at the Haymarket. I saw -Fischer on Wednesday, May 5, at Thalia Hall, and he then told me that -Spies had been arrested about four o’clock that morning. Spies is the only -one I know of the Spies family. I have known him five years.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">William Hageman</span> was the next to inspect our plain and unpretentious -office. He came in on his dignity and carried an air about him that plainly -exhibited his complete contempt for the police. He was a German, about -thirty years old, round-shouldered, a stair-builder by occupation, was married -and had one child. He lived at the time of his arrest on the lower -floor of a house at No. 49 Reese Street, and he could always be found whenever -Anarchist plots were to be executed. His brother was, like himself, -a rampant Anarchist, but with cunning enough to escape arrest. William -was found by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman, about seven o’clock on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span> -morning of May 26. He did not long remain in ignorance of the cause of -his arrest, and then he wanted me to understand:</p> - -<p>“My brother is no Anarchist. If any one does any squealing on him, -don’t pay any attention to it, because it all means me. I am the fellow. -The people often get us mixed.”</p> - -<p>“You are the worst Anarchist of the two,” I remarked.</p> - -<p>Hageman wanted to know how I had come to that conclusion.</p> - -<p>“We know all about you,” said I.</p> - -<p>“If you know it, be sure and don’t forget it,” was the reply. “I am -sure you won’t learn anything from me.”</p> - -<p>“All right. But just as sure as you are sitting there, I will find out all -your performances, and every one you associated with during the last two -years, before you leave this station. And you will tell it to me yourself.”</p> - -<p>“Never; I will die first. I will kill myself first. I will stand any torture -you may inflict on me, but I will never tell on my comrades or any one -that worked for our cause.”</p> - -<p>“You probably don’t remember the job you pledged yourself to undertake -on the night of May 4. It was not a very small one either, but, of -course, your nerves not being very strong that evening, you came here to a -neighboring saloon several times to brace up, and your friends, lying in the -rear of this station, felt very much the same way as you did. So you -spelled one another and strengthened your nerves. Say, William, who said -that the bombs were not good? You remember the third window in the -station on the east side of the building and the little quarrel about the -bombs—whether a round lead bomb should be thrown or a long gas-pipe -bomb. Do you remember the two policemen that crossed the alley and -stood still for a moment in the middle of that alley when you fellows thought -you were discovered—how you all got into the dark side of the alley and ran? -Now, remember, when you get ready to talk, I will tell my side of the story, -and should you get stuck, you see I can help you out a great deal. You -might recall what little you know of the Haymarket, how you were surprised -that only one bomb was thrown and how the fellows detailed for that duty -did not attend to their business. Here, officers, show this gentleman the -suite of rooms which he is to occupy for the next four weeks. If you desire -anything extra that is not on our bill of fare, just touch the button, and you -will be waited on promptly. Any inattention on the part of the waiters -must be reported to this office. If you should conclude to make a long stay -with us, you had better provide yourself with a good supply of tobacco. -You understand that when a man is at sea he finds that there are a good -many things he needs that would come in handy.”</p> - -<p>He did not like his apartments—singular to relate. There was no -fire escape, the linen on the bed was not changed every day, and the noise -of his neighbors kept him awake of nights. He had struck the wrong<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span> -hotel, but his apartments had been engaged for him and paid for by the taxpayers, -and he could not gracefully withdraw.</p> - -<p>Hageman first got tired, then angry, and finally desperate. He realized -that he was in trouble and made up his mind to take me into his confidence. -He reached this conclusion on the afternoon of May 27, and sent the janitor -to the office with a message that he desired to see me. He was informed -in return that he could not see me unless he meant to talk business. Hageman -responded that he was ready to talk on any subject upon which he -might be questioned, and he was accordingly brought into the office, into -the presence of Mr. Furthmann, myself and the detectives.</p> - -<p>“Well,” said I, “I understand that you want to see me.”</p> - -<p>“Yes, I do,” was the response, “but not in the presence of all these -fellows.”</p> - -<p>“Why not?”</p> - -<p>“Because my business is with you alone.”</p> - -<p>“Well, you see, William, I am only one, and as what you tell here, -which must be the truth, will have to be given by you in the Criminal Court, -and as I may probably get killed before that time, there would be no one to -testify to your statement if given to me alone.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, that is the way you want to catch me!”</p> - -<p>“There is no catch about it. If you don’t want to make a statement in -the presence of all these men, I don’t want to hear anything from you.”</p> - -<p>“Will you answer me one question?” asked Hageman, getting a little -apprehensive that he might lose his only chance. “It is, has any one out of -the many people locked up here squealed?”</p> - -<p>“Well,” I answered, “most of them have already done so, and the others -are fairly breaking their necks to follow suit.”</p> - -<p>“This is a very unpleasant thing to do.”</p> - -<p>“Yes, that is true.”</p> - -<p>“Can I get out by telling you all I know, and can you keep me from testifying -in court? You know this will kill a man forever.”</p> - -<p>“Yes, but a great many policemen were killed, and they simply obeyed -orders. If you think you are better than a policeman, you had better go -down stairs again and await your trial in the Criminal Court.”</p> - -<p>“Now, see here, Captain, I would never tell on anybody, but I have got -a wife and little baby at home. It almost sets me crazy thinking of them, -and for their sake I will tell all.”</p> - -<p>Hageman did as he promised, but in the interview that ensued it became -apparent that he was a double-faced man, and that, when it came to his -family, he did not care a fig whether he landed the other fellows on the gallows -or in the penitentiary. He had been a brave, boasting Anarchist. -He had been accustomed to talk with his associates over foaming “schooners” -of beer, and the more beer there was the greater his talk about killing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span> -people and overthrowing capital. He was a great reader of Anarchistic -papers and literature, and the more fiery and unbridled the sentiment, the -better he was pleased. He took a hand in every movement, attended all -the meetings and picnics of the reds, and made himself quite a useful member -of the order. He continually boasted of the bombs that he had hid -away for use, and promised to let capitalists hear from him. The bombs -he had were found to be of the round lead and gas-pipe patterns, and some -of them he had received from Fischer a long time before May 4. He had -been posted as to the manufacture of bombs by Lingg, and was a warm -friend of Engel, whose talk about bombs suited him exactly. Hageman -could not listen patiently to any discussion from which dynamite was left -out, and in any peaceful gathering he was sure to become a disturber. If -there was no dispute, he would start one himself, and, if necessary, back up -his argument with blows. Whenever a dance or benefit was held to replenish -the treasury for the purchase of dynamite, he was promptly on hand and -exerted himself to the utmost to swell the receipts. Being such an active -member, it was natural that he knew a great deal about his order, and he -helped the State very materially with the points he furnished.</p> - -<p>He was kept in custody until after the trial, and with the experience he -had in prison one would think that he would cut loose altogether from -Anarchy. Not so, however. While nearly all the others repented of their -error, Hageman had no sooner regained his liberty than he became as radical -as ever. He even threatened several times to kill State’s Attorney -Grinnell, Judge Gary, myself and others. After the trial, I had a detective -at every meeting of the Anarchists, and the reports brought me were that -Hageman and Bernhard Schrade were the most violent and determined men -in the union.</p> - -<p>Hageman would boastingly say, “I never squealed to that man Schaack. -If they had all done as I did, they would know very little about the Anarchists.”</p> - -<p>One night, at 54 West Lake Street, this arrant knave was approached by -one of his supposed warm friends, who happened, however, to be in my -confidence, and who said to him:</p> - -<p>“You don’t like Schaack, and I don’t like him. He is now here at the -Desplaines Street Station. We can go into the alley and shoot him in his -office. I have a revolver here with me now, and I will go into Florus’ and -get one more. Then we will go and ‘do him.’ We will both go and fire -together and run. But mind, let there be no arrest in our case; let us die -before capture.”</p> - -<p>“Do you mean this?” asked Hageman.</p> - -<p>“Here is my hand. Here is my revolver, and if you play coward on me -I will kill you standing up. Now, come on.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span></p> - -<p>Did Hageman respond? Not at all. He crawled on his belly with -excuses.</p> - -<p>“That man Schaack,” he said, “knows me so well that it is not safe to go -around there.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” replied his companion, “we can go through a vacant lot.”</p> - -<p>“It is too dangerous, my boy,” said Hageman. “I could do all this -well enough if I never would be found out.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” said the companion, “you are a crazy coward, and don’t you -‘shoot your mouth’ hereafter where I am.”</p> - -<p>Hageman subsided for the time, but he is again as rampant as ever.</p> - -<p>Here is Hageman’s statement, which he made “for the sake of his own -family,” but which helped to drive the nails into the coffins of other families:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I was at the meeting held at Neff’s Hall, No. 121 West Lake Street. -I saw Lingg there and heard him address the people, calling them to arms. -I also saw Thielen, the two Lehmans and Peter Huber. Niendorf was -chairman of the meeting, which had been called to consider the eight-hour -movement. Some one at that meeting called out that there was a meeting -at No. 54 West Lake Street and said, ‘Let us go there.’ Then a number of -us went, including Huber, Thielen and myself. I stood at the right hand -side as one entered the basement after I got there. The meeting lasted -from half to three quarters of an hour. I saw there Fischer, Engel and -Waller. Waller was chairman. I heard Engel speak. He told us to -watch for the red fires, and when we saw them in the heavens, then was the -time to commence the revolution. The fires were to be the signals for the -outside posts that the riot at the Haymarket had commenced. It was also -to be regarded as a signal that the police had made an attack on the meeting -at the Haymarket, and then we should commence the work of destruction. -Every one should pick out houses beforehand, so that they could be -set on fire when the signal was given. Engel also said at this meeting that -the stuff, meaning dynamite, was cheap, and that any member could buy -some. He referred to the police and said that if they saw a patrol wagon -on the street filled with officers they should destroy the wagon and the -police by throwing bombs into the wagon. He (Engel) urged every man to -do as much harm as possible, meaning destruction of property and killing -people. I heard this plan repeated afterwards by a black-whiskered man -named Waller. Waller said that this plan for the revolution had been -adopted by the West Side armed group. Hermann and I were at the Haymarket -meeting, but when the shooting began we ran away.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Albert Jebolinski</span> was another welcome guest on the 26th of May. He -had been frequently invited to partake of the hospitalities of the station, but -he appeared to be contented with putting up with dingy quarters in out-of-the-way -places rather than run the risk of meeting a policeman. But on the -day in question he received such a pressing invitation from Schuettler and -Hoffman that he finally yielded. He was a German Pole, thirty-five years -of age, of slim build, and, with a dark mustache and large goatee, he looked -like a Frenchman. He lived at the time in a two-story brick building, first -flat, at No. 11 Penn Street. The officers knew that he was a very suspicious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span> -man and that he would run blocks to get out of the way of a policeman, -so great was his hatred of the force. They therefore approached his -house cautiously, lest he might mistake them for blue-coats. They called -rather early,—four o’clock in the morning,—and Schuettler, giving a regular -milkman’s rap on the door, brought Mrs. Jebolinski to the front.</p> - -<p>“Who is there,” she shouted before venturing to open the door, “and -what is wanted?”</p> - -<p>“I am here—the milkman,” responded Schuettler. “I want to see -you, madam.”</p> - -<p>With this assurance Mrs. Jebolinski opened the door, but the moment -she discovered that it was not the milkman, she slammed the door to—not -quick enough, however, to close it, for the officer, seeing his chance, had -thrust his foot between the door and the frame. Hoffman came at once to -the rescue and informed the woman that I had sent him after her husband.</p> - -<p>“We don’t know anything about Capt. Schaack,” she responded, and -again tried to close the door.</p> - -<p>“Well, madam, I am sure the Captain knows something about you -folks.”</p> - -<p>And with this bit of information the officers pushed the door open. -This was too much for Mrs. Jebolinski. She shouted to her husband:</p> - -<p>“O Albert, the <i>spitzel</i>, the police!”</p> - -<p>“Don’t open the door for anybody,” came in stentorian tones from -Albert in an adjoining room. “Keep them out!”</p> - -<p>The officers had meantime effected an entrance, and, following up the -voice, found Albert in bed.</p> - -<p>“Good morning, Albert,” said Schuettler, in pleasant, cheerful tones.</p> - -<p>“Who told you to come here?” gruffly demanded Albert.</p> - -<p>“Capt. Schaack desires to see you on pressing business.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes; he must be in love with me, since he sent you so early to see -me. Has no one killed that d——d bloodhound yet?”</p> - -<p>“No, Albert, you will have a chance to see him soon, and then you can -kill him.”</p> - -<p>“You go and tell Schaack that you have seen me, and that will be sufficient. -I will die first before I go. You cannot take me out of here. I -want my breakfast, and I will take a sleep before my wife calls me.”</p> - -<p>So saying, Albert jumped back into bed. Officer Schuettler remonstrated, -and was finally obliged to pull him out. Albert then refused to -dress. Talking to him had no more effect than talking to a stone wall.</p> - -<p>Hoffman then opened the door, and Schuettler grabbed Albert under his -arm and walked out with him despite his kicks and resistance. They got -him out into the bracing atmosphere of the morning, and, although Albert -was not dressed for company, they started off with him.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Jebolinski rushed out after them, and, wildly gesticulating, shouted:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Bring him back, bring him back, and I will dress him.”</p> - -<p>The officers retraced their steps, but not back into the house. They -took Albert to the wood-shed, and there he was dressed.</p> - -<p>At the station he was invited down stairs and told that there were so -many who wanted to see me that he would probably have a rest for a week. -He was locked up, and during the first day he would neither eat nor drink. -He was not coaxed, however, and the next morning he called the janitor, -saying:</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-325.jpg" width="300" height="283" id="i325" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">A HASTY TOILET.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>“I am sick; will you give me -a cup of coffee?”</p> - -<p>The janitor replied that he -would have to wait till nine o’clock, -when the prisoners came down from -court.</p> - -<p>“Well,” said Albert, indignantly, -“if I don’t get my coffee -now, you can -keep your -breakfast.”</p> - -<p>When nine -o’clock came -around the janitor -made the -round, inviting -the sleepers to -wake and get -their breakfast.</p> - -<p>“You can go -to the d——l; you can’t make me eat,” said Jebolinski, and he settled himself -for a nap.</p> - -<p>But when the dinner hour came Albert made up for lost time and missed -meals. At four o’clock he sent the janitor to the office to tell me that he -wanted to see me. He was brought up.</p> - -<p>“Well, Albert,” said I, “how much do you weigh now?”</p> - -<p>“You had better let me go home. I will never tell you anything. -It is no use keeping me here.”</p> - -<p>“I don’t want you to tell me anything. I have secured more evidence -in the last few days than I want, and now they are all arrested. I am going -to prosecute you in court for conspiracy and murder; so you need not -trouble yourself with being stubborn. I don’t want to see you again, not -till I see you in court. Officer, take him back to the lock-up.”</p> - -<p>“So you can do without me?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, I am sure I can.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span></p> - -<p>Albert was escorted down stairs, but inside of two hours he asked for -Officer Schuettler.</p> - -<p>“I can see now,” he said to Schuettler, “that that man Schaack wants -to hang me.”</p> - -<p>“I am sure he is done with you,” replied the officer.</p> - -<p>“I beg of you to tell the Captain I want to see him, and say to him that -I will tell him about the bombs and everything else.”</p> - -<p>Officer Schuettler reported the Anarchist’s wishes, and Jebolinski was -once more brought up. He then confessed that he had four loaded bombs -planted, which he would show if taken out.</p> - -<p>He was accordingly taken in charge by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman, -whom he led to a place north of Division Street near a planing-mill -and linseed-oil factory. At that place there was a side-track, and, at a -point where the locomotives were stopped to be dumped of their cinders, -he unearthed his bombs. These bombs were covered with about four inches -of cinders, midway between the rails, and when they were taken out they -were found fully loaded, with fuse and caps. That there had been no -explosion is almost a miracle. Had a locomotive been stationed over the -spot for an hour, as frequently happened, the cinders would have been set -on fire again. In an instant locomotive and all would have been blown to -atoms, and no one would have known the precise cause. It was lucky for -some engineer and fireman, and, in fact, for the locality, that no engine -stood over the spot after those bombs had been planted.</p> - -<p>On returning to the station, Jebolinski furnished the State with much -valuable information. He was indicted and held as a witness. But he was -never called, and after the trial he was given his liberty. He has been -watched since and found to be attending strictly to his own business. In -his statement he sets forth his attendance at the meeting at 121 West Lake -Street, where were present Lingg, Rau and others, and his presence at the -Haymarket meeting, from which he ran the moment the firing commenced. -He also described the bombs,—three round lead and one long iron one,—which -he had obtained from Hageman, the one-eyed carpenter.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Peter Huber</span> was another distinguished caller, by special invitation. -He was escorted to the office by Officers Whalen and Stift and took things -very coolly. He was a lank, lean, consumptive-looking fellow, only twenty-nine -years of age, and earned his living as a cabinet-maker. He was a -German, married, and had two children, living in a two-story frame house -at No. 96 Hudson Avenue. His manner was very quiet, and no one would -have taken him for an Anarchist. But Peter, nevertheless, was heart and -soul in the movement, and had regularly attended all the meetings. He -had never made a speech—he was too diffident for that; he had never -advised any one on Anarchy, but he had come to be trusted, and he knew -all the leaders and all about dynamite bombs. He was so undemonstrative<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span> -and non-communicative that at first I took him to be a paid detective in -the ranks of the Socialists. When he was asked a question, he would take -his own time to answer, and, once interrupted in his talk, he would stop -and say no more.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-327.jpg" width="250" height="363" id="i327" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">A DANGEROUS STORING-PLACE.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>On the second day after his arrest—May 25—Huber offered to answer -questions, and he did this without any inducement. He thereupon furnished -the State with several good points, and freely told everything. He -was indicted, but released by order of the State’s Attorney. He was ready -to testify at the trial, but was not wanted. He has since kept away from -Anarchist meetings, and is now a -useful man to his family.</p> - -<p>Huber’s statement ran as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I belonged to the North Side -armed group. I know Seliger, Hubner, -Lehman the carpenter, the two -Hagemans and Lingg. Some time -in February last, George Engel -made a great speech in Neff’s Hall, -No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. I keep -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. The Sunday -edition of that paper is called <i>Die -Fackel</i>. I saw the letter ‘Y,’ and -the meaning of it is that, whenever -we should see it in the paper, then -there would be a meeting held that -evening, of the armed men, at No. 54 -West Lake Street. May 3d there -was one such meeting called for -that evening. On that evening I -went to the saloon at No. 71 West -Lake Street and drank a glass of beer. From there -I went to No. 54 West Lake Street. While in the -saloon at No. 54 West Lake Street, I heard some one -say that a meeting would be held down stairs in the basement. So we -went down stairs. When I entered I saw about thirty or forty present. I -sat down on a bench, and we sat there for some time before the meeting -opened. I heard some one say that it would be an indignation meeting on -account of our workingmen having been killed at McCormick’s factory by -the police on that day. I saw at that meeting the circular calling for revenge -and the people to arms, because of the killing of our brothers. I saw the -same circular that same evening at the hall No. 71 West Lake Street. Waller -was chairman of the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street. I met there Hubner, -Abraham Hermann, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the captain of the second -company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I heard Engel make a speech, and -during the whole time Breitenfeld was walking up and down the hall. I also -saw Schnaubelt and Thielen there. I was at Neff’s Hall, No. 58 Clybourn -Avenue, early Tuesday evening, May 4th, and saw there Lingg, Seliger and -Hubner. I heard Engel, at No. 54 West Lake Street, explain his plan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span> -and the work that should be done under it. A meeting, he said, would be -held at the Haymarket, and when the police interfered the crowd should -attack them, and the armed men should be ready for action. Some one -suggested that they should hold their meeting at the Market Square on the -South Side, between Randolph and Madison Streets. Some one else -remarked: ‘No, that is not a good place; it is a mouse trap.’ If they held -the meeting there and the police interfered, and the crowd resisted them, -the police would drive them all into the river. Some said, ‘That’s so,’ and -then the meeting was fixed for the Haymarket, as Engel had suggested. -We expected from 20,000 to 30,000 people present. We all had the idea -that the police would interfere. Engel gave his plan about as follows: He -said, ‘First call the meeting for the Haymarket,’ and then urged that the -armed men be ready. He advised us to throw dynamite bombs into the -stations, kill the police, throw dynamite bombs into the patrol wagons and -shoot down the horses at the wagons. He repeated his plan for those who -came in later to the meeting. The revenge circular was distributed both -up stairs and down stairs at No. 54 West Lake Street. In the evening of -May 3d, I saw Spies and Rau together in Zepf’s saloon. As to the word -‘Ruhe,’ I heard Engel say that when we saw that word appear in the -paper, then we might know everything was right and ready. And we -should watch for that signal. I heard Engel say that a man who could do -no harm or create no disturbance should stay at home, as he was not wanted. -When he had finished giving his plan, it was adopted. Schnaubelt said -that outside cities, where they had comrades, should be notified at once as -soon as the revolution was a success here. I saw Fischer at this meeting. -He went to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> to see if he could print the circular that -night, calling the Haymarket meeting for the next evening. He came back -and reported that the office was closed. He said he would attend to it in -the morning. I saw Lingg, Seliger, Muntzenberg and Hubner in Neff’s -saloon, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, about eight o’clock on the evening of -May 4th.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Bernhard Schrade</span>, a German, was a peculiar combination of eccentricities. -He was arrested by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein on the -evening of May 26, at nine o’clock, on Milwaukee Avenue, near Division -Street. He was twenty-eight years of age, six feet tall, of straight and muscular -build, nervous and quick-tempered, a carpenter by occupation, and he -lived at No. 581 Milwaukee Avenue. When he was seated in the station it -did not take us long to ascertain all he knew about Anarchy. In speaking -of the Haymarket, he said that the right men had not been in their places, -or things would have turned out quite differently. They had plenty of arms -and bombs, he explained, but the leaders did not know their business. -Early in the evening there was a large crowd, he said, but the great majority -of them left in disgust because there was not a larger gathering and the -speeches were not radical enough to suit their ideas. They expected something -fiery and impetuous. (This was about the time Mayor Harrison was -at the meeting, and the speeches were accordingly very mild.) Those -that left the meeting and did not go home, Schrade said, hung around the -saloons in the neighborhood. If six hundred police, he further said, had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span> -attacked the crowd an hour earlier, few of them would have been left with -their lives. He knew the arrangements, and, had the plan been carried out, -the loss of life would have been appalling.</p> - -<p>Schrade was subsequently released by order of Assistant State’s Attorney -Furthmann, and promised that he would testify in court. He was several -times sent after to give further information, and he always responded.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-329.jpg" width="400" height="406" id="i329" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">AN OBSTREPEROUS PRISONER.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>About one month after Schrade’s release, he and two others visited a -saloon on North Avenue one night, and, after drinking a -great deal of beer, they became exceedingly noisy and -boisterous. The saloon-keeper attempted to quiet them, -but was finally obliged to call an officer. Now, none of -the bibulous individuals had any liking for a policeman. -The moment they saw him enter they ordered him -out and threatened that if he did not get out they would -throw him out through the window. The officer was not -at all alarmed, and, seeing that he was bent on keeping them quiet, the three -disturbers pounced down upon him. The officer promptly brought his club -into play, and soon his opponents measured their length upon the floor. -The saw-dust was sprinkled with blood, but, before the reds could make a -second assault, a citizen had brought the patrol wagon to the rescue. They -were taken in charge and thrown into the wagon in their drunken stupor, -and carted to the Larrabee Street Station.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span></p> - -<p>On the way Schrade revived somewhat, and, not quite satisfied with the -results of his former encounter, attempted to throw one of the officers over -the side of the wagon. He was clinched by the throat, however, and kept -quiet for the rest of the journey. The next morning the trio were fined in -the Police Court and released on payment of the fines. Schrade became -penitent and remained sober thereafter for some time. As he was out of -work, I paid his board bill for two weeks, and kept him under surveillance -to appear at the trial as a witness. When the trial began he was in good -humor and told the State’s Attorney that he would give the same testimony -that he had given at the station May 26. He was accordingly produced as -a witness. On the stand he failed to unfold all the information he had previously -given, but State’s Attorney Grinnell knew all the points in his former -testimony, and before he got through with Schrade he made him a good -witness for the State.</p> - -<p>After the trial the police lost sight of Schrade for a long time, and wondered -whether he had been quietly murdered by his former comrades or had -left the city for his own good. But one day an officer reported to me that -Schrade was still in the city. It was supposed, of course, that he would -never again be found in the haunts of Socialists. It was discovered, however, -that he was a member in good standing of Carpenters’ Union No. 241, -formerly No. 1. This is the most rabid Anarchist organization in the city, -and, were it not for some comparatively conservative members, would have -long since sought revenge for the conviction and execution of the doomed -conspirators.</p> - -<p>Schrade and Hageman, since their restoration to full membership, were -found to be as incendiary as ever in their utterances, and seemed to vie -with each other in their efforts to show that they were better Anarchists -even than before the time they informed on their companions and helped to -bring them to the gallows. In fact, they became so demonstrative that some -of the members threatened them with expulsion. For this they sought -revenge by working upon weak-minded persons to influence them against -the leaders in the organization. As long as the conservatives remain at -the head of the carpenters’ union there is no special danger, but should -such fanatics as Schrade and Hageman ever secure control, look out for -blood.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">August Ahlers</span> was known to have been a close friend of Lingg, and -accordingly I eagerly sought his acquaintance. But Ahlers after the Haymarket -conceived an aversion to fresh air and kept himself in gloomy, -unfrequented quarters. The officers knew that he had often visited Lingg’s -room, sometimes remaining three or four hours, and, as Lingg never tolerated -any one who could not be made useful, it was believed that Ahlers -could furnish valuable information if found. Mrs. Seliger had stated that -a great many visited Lingg, but most of them sought to conceal their faces<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span> -or disguise themselves in some way, generally sneaking into the house as if -they were going to steal something or kill somebody. This man Ahlers had -been one of this kind. Lingg had every man who assisted him do certain -special lines of work. Some would bring him lead, others gas-pipe, and -others again charcoal, etc. Ahlers had helped in some way, and, with a -pretty good description of him, the detectives were continually on the -watch. Finally Officers Whalen and Loewenstein found him on the 26th -of May, at No. 148 Chicago Avenue, and took him to the station. He had -a sneaking demeanor, and when brought before me I asked him to give an -account of himself between May 3d and May 6th. This he was unable to -do, but after having been locked up for a while he gave some information -about outside groups. As to Lingg he pretended to know very little, and -as the officers could not identify him with any particular person, he was -released on a promise of better behavior. He acknowledged having been -a great admirer of the Anarchist leaders and a strong supporter of Anarchy, -but now, he said, he would no longer affiliate with them. So far as the -officers have observed, he has kept his promise and is attending strictly to -his trade, that of a carpenter.</p> - -<p>We had these kind of fellows by the hundred in this city on May 4, -1886, but fortunately God made most of them with big stomachs and no -heart or courage.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Victor Clermont</span>, a German, was almost dumbfounded when he was -informed that I wanted to see him. Clermont is a French-sounding name, -and, when Officers Whalen and Loewenstein took him in charge on suspicion, -they mistook him for a Frenchman, especially as he looked very much -like one, having a dark mustache and goatee. Clermont was taken to the -station, and there gave his age as twenty-seven, occupation a cabinet-maker -and pool-billiard maker, and his residence No. 116 Cornelia Street. When -questioned with reference to Anarchy he expressed surprise that he should -be taken for an Anarchist, but when he was informed as to his having mysteriously -sneaked into dark basements which were lighted up with candles -and whose doors were barricaded, he looked aghast.</p> - -<p>“There is something wrong,” he said. “Somebody wants to involve -me in the Haymarket trouble. I am sure I don’t know the least thing -about Anarchists.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” said I, “we will see if you can remember anything. Either you -or your wife has some relatives living near the city. After the 4th of May -you sent a lot of guns, rifles, ammunition and some bombs to them for safe-keeping. -You took them away at night, and you have been so careful as to -try and disguise yourself. Yet I cannot prosecute you on that. You have -also been an active member on the Northwest Side in all Anarchist movements. -You know all the things you have been engaged in, and so do we. -I have your record right here.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Oh, yes,” said Victor, “I hear that you fellows have things down very -fine, because you have everything your own way. Well, if I do acknowledge -all I have done, what are you going to do with me?”</p> - -<p>“I will do with you the same as I have done with others. I will hear -your statement and see if you can tell the truth. If you lie to me or about -any one else, I will stop you, and that is all. You are indicted, and I will -send you to jail. If you tell the truth I will send for the State’s Attorney -and ask him to let you go, but you must appear as a witness whenever we -want you.”</p> - -<p>“I suppose,” remarked Clermont, “that my case is like this—if I don’t, -some one else will squeal.”</p> - -<p>He then gave an account of himself and his Anarchist comrades. He -was subsequently released and visited me very often for several weeks. -He was out of employment and hard-up, and I gave him money with which -to support himself. One evening he called and said to the officers that he -had something important to tell me. I was very busy at the time and asked -him if he wanted some money. Victor replied that he did not desire money. -I offered him $5, however, and told him to come back the next day. He -would not take the money at first, but when I told him that I could not -wait any longer, he took it and left. On reaching Milwaukee and Chicago -Avenues, he met some of his old cronies and told them that he was going -away that night. Early next morning I was informed that he had gone. -Victor remained away for a year, but, thinking things had blown over, he -returned and set about to disabuse the Anarchists of the impression that he -had ever “squealed.” While he has taken no active part in meetings since -the trial, he appears to feel that he stands well with the Anarchists, and -always tells them that when he was arrested “he never gave anything -away.”</p> - -<p>His statement was as follows. It was given at nine o’clock on the evening -of May 26:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I belong to the Northwest Side Lehr und Wehr Verein, the second -company, of which Breitenfeld is captain. Some time ago, at a meeting -held at 54 West Lake Street, it was stated that the police would break up -their meetings if they knew when and where they held them, and that therefore -it was necessary to adopt some secret way of calling their meetings. -We adopted, ‘Y, komme,’ and when we saw that letter appear in -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> on any day we might know a meeting would be held at -No. 54 West Lake Street. I was at Thalia Hall, May 3, early in the evening. -We were to have held a meeting to elect new officers of the company, -but no meeting was held. Some one came into the saloon and said that -there were four of our workingmen killed at McCormick’s factory that afternoon. -Then some one said that a call for a meeting that evening at No. -54 West Lake Street had been published in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, and a lot -of us went there to learn further particulars about the shooting of our men. -I there saw those circulars calling for revenge and the people to arms.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span> -That circular made me very excited. I was one of the first to get to that -meeting at 54 West Lake Street. At the commencement of the meeting -we put a man at each door to prevent any one listening or seeing what was -going on in the inside, and to admit only members. That meeting was only -called for the armed men. Waller was chairman. I heard Engel make a -speech, and he presented the plan adopted by the Northwest Side group.” -(Here follows a detailed account of the “plan,” agreeing in every particular -with that given by other witnesses as to blowing up police stations, setting -fire to buildings, killing people, the use of the word “Ruhe,” etc.) -“We expected that there would be present at the Haymarket meeting from -30,000 to 40,000 people and that then there would be a good chance for us -to commence our revolution and attack the police and the government. -There were also to be spies at the meeting to communicate with the groups -in the outlying sections (Wicker Park and Lincoln Park). But the spies -did not do their work, and then after Engel’s speech several got to talking -about guns, fires and bombs. On the motion of Fischer it was decided to -have 10,000 circulars calling the Haymarket meeting printed, and he said -he would attend to it. First Market Square was proposed, but some one -objected by saying it was a mouse trap in case of trouble, and the Haymarket -was agreed upon. Before finishing telling about his plan Engel -said it had been adopted by the Northwest Side group and referred to -Fischer to answer if that was not so. Fischer replied, ‘Yes, that is the -plan.’”</p> - -<p class="p1">I asked Clermont if that was the first time he had ever heard of the -“plan,” and he replied:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Yes, it was the first time I had heard of the revolutionary plan. I -never heard of it before, and only heard of it through Engel that night. -This was the only plan I heard of to be followed for the revolution. I was -at the Haymarket and expected to find a big crowd. To my surprise I -only found about five hundred present.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Clermont is now again in Chicago, and as rabid a red as ever. He -is a leader on the Northwest Side, and detectives have reported to me -that he has declared himself in favor of “bullets instead of ballots.” He -is also a prominent organizer in the Anarchist “Sunday-school” scheme.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XVII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Fluttering the Anarchist Dove-cote—Confessions by Piecemeal—Statements -from the Small Fry—One of Schnaubelt’s Friends—“Some One Wants to -Hang Me”—Neebe’s Bloodthirsty Threats—Burrowing in the Dark—The Starved-out -Cut-throat—Torturing a Woman—Hopes of <i>Habeas Corpus</i>—“Little” Krueger’s -Work—Planning a Rescue—The Signal “???” and its Meaning—A Red-haired -Man’s Story—Firing the Socialist Heart—Meetings with Locked Doors—An Ambush -for the Police—The Red Flag Episode—Beer and Philosophy—Baum’s Wife and -Baby—A Wife-beating Revolutionist—Brother Eppinger’s Duties</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE work of ferreting out and arresting the conspirators might have -stopped with the number already gathered in, so far as the necessity for -procuring evidence to be used in court was concerned, but it was continued -to the end that every conspicuous or minor character in the murderous plot -might be made to feel the power of the law, which each had so persistently -defied. I had the names and descriptions of all identified with Engel’s -plan, their haunts, their traits of character, and their influence in the order, -and detectives, under instructions, were continually on the search. Anarchist -localities were overhauled, unfrequented places visited, and convenient -hiding-places inspected. Every one wanted was finally brought from under -cover. Not a guilty one escaped, except Schnaubelt. Anarchistic sympathizers -did everything in their power to conceal their friends, but the police -proved equal to the emergency.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Rudolph Dannenberg</span>, a German, was one who held himself aloof from -the rest of humanity. He lived at No. 218 Fulton Street, and on the 27th -of May Officers Loewenstein and Whalen found him surrounded by his -family. During the few moments’ conversation I had with him, it became -apparent that he was like all his associates—a firm enemy of the existing -order of society. He stated that, although he was only a tailor, he could -fire a revolver as unerringly as any one and throw a bomb as far as anybody. -He declared that he thought himself adapted to something higher, -something better than being a tailor, and he had joined the Anarchists in -order to bring himself before the public and achieve distinction. He had -carefully read the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, had noticed the names of various people, -and he did not see why he could not become great like them and see his -name and deeds frequently paraded in the papers. He felt that he had the -requisite ability, and communicated his ambition and his desires to his -wife.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Dannenberg was a plain, unassuming woman, and did not dare to -remonstrate with a man who had finally discovered his <i>forte</i>. He strutted -about the house with the conscious pride that greatness was within his -grasp, and his changed demeanor really impressed the woman to the extent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span> -that she believed he was already a great man. Dannenberg lost no time in -joining the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and eagerly made the acquaintance of -all the leading men in the order. He secured recognition, and his heart -swelled with joy when he attended the secret meetings held by the order.</p> - -<p>All these little confessions were adroitly extracted by piecemeal. Noticing -that here was a man who felt himself above the “goose” and the needle, I -concluded to send him below to discover, if he could, the difference between -being a tailor and an Anarchist in search of greatness. I treated him with -perfect indifference, and he seemed to feel the indignity greatly. He was -put in a cell, and for two days no one went near him except the janitor.</p> - -<p>Dannenberg finally got uneasy and sent word that he desired to see me. -He was informed in return that he would be sent to the County Jail the -next day. He then wanted to know if he would not be given an opportunity -to speak, and insisted on having a hearing. He was brought into -the office and told that he would be given just five minutes to tell what he -had to say.</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen,” he said, in great haste, “you think because I am a tailor -I am of no account, and consequently you seem disposed to punish me. -My oath is just as good as the other fellows’.”</p> - -<p>“What do you mean?” I inquired. “We have not asked you for your -oath, and we do not want it.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, I see now,” said Rudolph, beginning to get angry, “you only want -the small fry. Well, look here, Captain, I don’t give a continental. I will -tell on the other big fellows, now, for the fun of the thing. They must be -punished as well as the little fellows. It is evident that the other big fellows -want to talk themselves out.”</p> - -<p>“I think you have got the thing down very fine,” were my consoling -words.</p> - -<p>“Yes, I know the people want to hang somebody,” said Rudolph, “and -if they can only hang a tailor they will be satisfied.”</p> - -<p>Time was called on the speaker, the five minutes having been exhausted, -and Rudolph was about to be escorted down stairs.</p> - -<p>“Stop! stop! officer, I have not commenced yet to talk, and I want to -be heard.”</p> - -<p>“Well,” said I, “you want to commence very soon.”</p> - -<p>Dannenberg again planted himself firmly in his chair, and then proceeded -to relieve himself of the burden on his mind. He gave quite an interesting -statement, and was subsequently released by order of the State’s Attorney. -He was indicted for murder before his release, and he left after promising -to report when wanted. Some time after he was re-arrested and put in a -room with fifteen others.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-336.jpg" width="400" height="248" id="i336" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE CONSPIRACY MEETING AT 54 WEST LAKE STREET.<br /><span class="smcap wn">Waller Reading Engel’s “Plan.”</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span></p> - -<p>Every one of these fifteen was morose, sullen and dejected. There was -not a cheerful word among them. They felt uncertain about their own fate -and took a gloomy view of life. The presence of Dannenberg was like a -cheerful fire in a blizzard. He had forgotten all about the misfortune of -being a tailor and a crushed Anarchist, and he kept the company full of life -with his wit and drollery.</p> - -<p>On his final release, Dannenberg went back to his trade, quit Anarchy, -and now takes the greatest sort of pride in telling his friends that he is simply -a “knight of the needle.”</p> - -<p>After stating his age to be thirty-two years, Dannenberg swore:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I went to the meeting in the basement at No. 54 West Lake Street. I -heard Engel speak. I heard Fischer say that he would attend to the printing -of the circulars for the Haymarket meeting. I used to belong to the -Lehr und Wehr Verein, but I quit two months ago. I was at Thalia Hall, -on Milwaukee Avenue, Sunday, May 2d. I used to go there very often. I -know George Engel. At the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street, he was -called on for a speech, and he responded. I heard him speak of his plan—a -plan for riots, fires, the destruction of buildings and property, and the -killing of people and the police. I heard him speak of the meeting to be -held at the Haymarket, and that, if they started there, then would be the -time for us to commence the rebellion all over the city. A man named -Schrade, sitting by my side, remarked to me that Engel had made a very -destructive speech. This talk made me laugh. Engel continued by saying -that when we saw the heavens red, then was our time to commence. The -Northwest Side group, he said, would meet at Wicker Park, and the North -Side group at Lincoln Park. The moment we saw the fires, as a signal, -then we should throw bombs, shoot down the policemen and everybody -who stood in our way, and begin the general destruction of property and -life. I never heard of this plan before this time. Engel was the only one -who spoke of the plan. At this meeting I knew Breitenfeld and Waller, -who was chairman. I heard some one at that meeting ask for dynamite -bombs and how to get them, and some said: ‘You ought to know it by this -time.’ Engel also spoke of the word ‘Ruhe.’ It was to be a signal word, -and when it should appear in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, then was the time to be -ready for a riot.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Carl Max Emil English</span> registered at the station on the 1st of June. -He might have been gathered in long before, but he was kept under watch -in the hopes of bagging a more important Anarchist. It was known that -English was a particular friend of Schnaubelt’s, and the officers kept their -eye on him continually, thinking the bomb-thrower might be found through -his unconscious intervention. But they waited and watched in vain, and -finally Officers Palmer and Cosgrove arrested English on suspicion. He -was turned over to me, and then it was ascertained that he knew more of -the Anarchists in Pullman, where he worked, than he did of those in Chicago. -When called an Anarchist he objected, and insisted that he was -simply a Socialist—a distinction without a difference in his case. He -stated, however, that all the Anarchists in America “looked upon Chicago -as the main center of Anarchy,” and in Pullman they got all their inspiration -from Chicago. He acknowledged an acquaintance with Muntzenberg,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span> -who, he said, had sold John Most’s books and other Anarchistic literature -at Pullman. Muntzenberg had been in Pullman after the 4th of May, and -had carried dynamite bombs with him. The Socialists, said English, had -become frightened at this exhibition and had refrained from having any -further dealings with Muntzenberg.</p> - -<p>English was allowed to go, with an injunction that he had better stay in -Pullman, where he belonged. He has since remained at home and is now -giving more of his time to the study of sound literature on economic subjects. -He came to America from Germany, in October, 1885, and was led -astray by Most’s writings. Had he lived in Chicago he would have been -a very handy man for Lingg. In the old country he had worked in the -manufacture of torpedoes, etc., for the Government, and he was well posted -on explosives. He was twenty-four years of age, and just such a man as -Lingg could have utilized.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">August Kraemer</span>, a German, thought he was sharper than the police. -He had escaped their attentions, and he was felicitating himself that he -knew how to elude them successfully. One day, however—June 1st—he -was cheerfully greeted by Officers Whalen and Stift, and when they notified -him of the pleasure his company would give us at the station, he became -motionless with surprise. Recovering himself, he declared that it was an -awful outrage to arrest a man for nothing and assured the officers again -and again that he had never heard of Socialists or Anarchists, did not know -a single one of that class and would not be able to recognize one if pointed -out to him. In fact, he had not even heard that a bomb had been thrown -at the Haymarket. He played this role of ignorance when brought before -me, but I soon brought him to his senses.</p> - -<p>“You have played the old lady long enough,” I said. “We are men -here who do not believe a word you say, and don’t want any of your tea-party -stories. Is not George Engel your friend? Did you not drink beer -in Engel’s rear room, May 4th, about eleven o’clock? Were you not there -when a lot of men waited for orders to blow up and burn down houses? -Were you not at the Haymarket with Engel, and did you not walk around -with him on the outskirts of the crowd?”</p> - -<p>“Who told you this?” came promptly from Kraemer.</p> - -<p>“One of those little gods you prayed to at Thalia Hall on Sundays. -Why, you hypocrite, you and twenty more get together, talk and give your -opinions about dynamite and how to construct poisoned daggers, and work -out a plan to fight the police and militia, drink beer and liquor, and call that -a prayer-meeting. What have you to say to all this? If you can not answer -I will give it to you plainer.”</p> - -<p>“Mein Gott, some one wants to hang me,” exclaimed August. “I know -Herr Engel; he is a good man.”</p> - -<p>“Yes, in your estimation.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span></p> - -<p>“If you only knew how awfully sorry he felt for the officers that were -killed.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes. Well, do you now think that we know something about you?”</p> - -<p>“I admit that you know all about me, but Herr Engel said that night -that it was wrong to have such a miscarriage. He did not believe in killing -a few people. All revolutions, Engel believed, ought to come about by -themselves, and then the police and soldiers would be with them. If the -people would fight, then the authorities, police and all, would throw their -guns away and run. Then the victory would be won without spilling any -blood, but such a foolish thing as the Haymarket affair Engel would have -nothing to do with.”</p> - -<p>“Yes; all this Engel said after 10:30 o’clock that night, May 4th.”</p> - -<p>“Yes, he said it in his back room.”</p> - -<p>“That is all I want of you. Officers, lock up this dynamitard.”</p> - -<p>“Captain, will you not let me make a statement?”</p> - -<p>“Of what?”</p> - -<p>“I know something. For God’s sake don’t lock me up.”</p> - -<p>“Well, then, speak, double-quick time, and let there be no lying.”</p> - -<p>Kraemer calmed himself and proceeded to unfold his story. He was -subsequently released on promising to testify in court and that he would -become a better man. He was indicted by the grand jury for conspiracy to -murder. He was not asked to testify, and it was supposed that after all his -troubles he would attend strictly to his own business, that of a carpenter. -Not so. He was to be found in the company of the worst Anarchists -between May 4th and the time of the execution, but, when he finally discovered -that there was a law in the State to hang conspirators and murderers, -he grew frightened. He now remains at home instead of skulking into -dark cellars and devising means of revenge. He lived, at the time of his -arrest, at No. 286 Milwaukee Avenue, in the rear, his friend Engel occupying -the front part of the building. He was thirty-three years of age, married, -well built, five feet eight inches in height, and an active man.</p> - -<p>His statement was as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I attended the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street the night of May -3d. I was there about fifteen minutes when the meeting was called to order. -Some one suggested that every man of a group should see that every one -present was one of their members. I was asked what group I belonged to. -I could not tell. I do not belong to any group. Then I was told to go out -because I could not give the pass-word. I told them that I belonged to the -Socialists, but they told me I could not remain. I then went away. I -have often been at Thalia Hall at the ‘Bible class.’ I met there frequently -Engel and Fischer. That was in the month of April, 1886. At one meeting, -when Engel and Fischer were present, some one called on the people -to be ready with arms; that the time would soon come when they must be -organized and ready to defend themselves. While I was at 54 West Lake -Street that evening, May 3, some one complained that there were so few<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span> -present and said that there had always been a good attendance until that -night, and that it was very strange. As I could not give the sign I was put -out. I heard Engel say that no revolution could be a success with only a -small group; there must be general, united action.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Martin Bechtel</span> was also requested to report at the station for an interview. -He willingly responded, and conversed quite freely. He was a -beer-brewer by profession, and on May 4 was foreman in the brewery of -Bartholomae & Leicht. He was also president of the Brewers’ Union and -presided at a meeting on the afternoon of May 3. His statement of that -meeting was as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I had a meeting called of the brewers for that afternoon, and there I -saw a lot of those ‘Revenge’ circulars. I saw all the men reading them, -and, while some did not appear to care much, others got greatly excited -over the way the police had been clubbing the people at McCormick’s factory. -There was considerable excitement for awhile, and this was kept up -until I called the meeting to order. I found that I had to be very strict -before I could do anything. We transacted our business with great difficulty. -I was interrupted now and then by some one coming in and talking -excitedly about the police killing people at the factory. I restored order -once more, when Oscar Neebe came in with a new supply of circulars and -handed them around to the boys. Then the fire was in the straw again. -After Neebe had distributed his circulars, he was called on for a speech, -and whenever he was asked by any one if it was true that the police had -been killing people in the manner described by the circular, he would -answer: ‘Oh, yes; I know it is true. I saw it all. We must get ready -and take revenge. Get ready; you all know what to do. You have all -been to our meetings; you have all had instructions. Come out like men -and show the capitalists what you are made of. Show these bloodhounds, -these hirelings of the capitalists—I mean the blue-coated police—that we -are not afraid of them. We must meet them and teach them a lesson. -They have no regard for you or your families. You must feel the same to -them.’ Such was the character of his speech and replies, and that is all I -can report of the meeting.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Bechtel was thanked for his information, and left the office.</p> - -<p>It came out that during that day, after leaving that meeting, Neebe -went into a saloon on Clark Street, near Division, and said that “by to-morrow -or before to-morrow midnight the city of Chicago would swim in -blood, or perhaps lie in ashes.” There would be a revolution, everything -was ready, and he said that he would do his share of the work. At one -time he was so wrought up with excitement that he fairly shouted at the -top of his voice and made loud threats. In the trial, it was a fortunate -thing for Neebe that certain documents were not at hand, or he would have -undoubtedly been hung instead of being let off with the fifteen years’ sentence -in the penitentiary which he is now working out. The documents -desired were in some manner lost, and, when some of the material witnesses -were looked for to appear at the trial, they could not be found.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span></p> - -<p>Neebe knew perfectly well the character of the men he addressed at the -brewers’ meeting. They were all fire-eaters on the question of Anarchy, -and the name of the Brewers’ Union was simply adopted as a cloak. The -brewing companies could greatly contribute to the promotion of law, order -and decency by replacing every one of them with men who appreciate good -government and the privileges of citizenship.</p> - -<p>In one brewery on the North Side, these “reds” managed to get the -teamsters and beer-peddlers inoculated with their heresy, and the result was -that the police were often called upon to quell disturbances growing either -out of arguments with customers or saloon patrons. The injury thus done -to the trade of the company must have been large. Is it a fear of these -men or is there a lack of better material that keeps them in their places? -It is certain that such men are doing the brewing companies no good. -They are a bad lot and need watching. They are watched.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Moritz Neff</span> was the owner of what has been called the “Shanty of -the Communists,” at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, known also as “Neff’s Hall.” -He was intimate with the leaders of Anarchy and knew a great deal about -their movements. On the 1st of June, Schuettler and Stift were sent to -tell him that I desired to see him. He came, not under arrest, but voluntarily, -as soon as he had secured some one to run his saloon during his -absence. He was a German, about thirty-six years of age, unmarried, and -had kept the Anarchist headquarters for over seven years. He attended -closely to business, rented his hall in the rear of the saloon to various unions -and clubs, and made plenty of money. His place was a sort of “go-as-you-please” -headquarters for the Anarchists, and if all their plottings there had -been carried into execution the city of Chicago would not now stand as a -monument of thrift, energy, enterprise and wealth. The hall was rented to -any one who desired it. No questions were asked, and no publicity was -ever given to the proceedings through Neff. He could keep secrets, and -the Anarchists knew it. He also knew them thoroughly. He was a good -judge of character, and, as most of his patrons were low-browed, ignorant -and impulsive fellows, he would in the presence of some of the more sensible -ones call them “fools and cattle.” Neff gave up his money freely to -these people for the advancement of their cause, but he was never known -to howl against law and order or make threats against capitalists, like other -Anarchist saloon-keepers. He always kept on friendly terms with the -police, and promised Lieutenant Baus to keep him posted whenever anything -of importance transpired. This promise, however, seems to have -been shrewdly made with a view to “pulling the wool over the eyes” of -the Lieutenant. Neff would say, “Don’t trouble yourself. Whenever there -is anything going on, I will put you on;” but he never found anything worth -while reporting. The officers managed to gather a good deal of information -respecting the character of the meetings held, but, as no important or dangerous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span> -results were ever expected to grow out of them, the Anarchists were -permitted to remain unmolested.</p> - -<p>On the night of May 4, after the Anarchists had been put to rout, those -of the North Side group hastened from their various posts to meet at Neff’s -place. They were still inclined to go on with the revolution, and Neff -reproached them for not continuing it the moment it was started.</p> - -<p>“What the d——l,” said he, “did you carry bombs for all night and not -do anything? Why didn’t you go to the Chicago Avenue Station and blow -the d——d building to h——l with every one in it?”</p> - -<p>This staggered the hot-heads, and not one made a reply.</p> - -<p>“Why,” continued Neff, “you are all cowards; not one of you dare go -with me now.”</p> - -<p>No one advanced to accept the challenge. Presently, the hour getting -near eleven o’clock, Neff said:</p> - -<p>“Get out! I am going to close up, and to-morrow we will have different -music, and we will see who dances.”</p> - -<p>Knowing the great resort his place had been for Anarchists, Neff was in -momentary dread of becoming involved in the Haymarket affair. He was -very uneasy, and, as described by an acquaintance of his, “his clothes and -shirt collar did not fit him very well for a number of days.” When he -entered my office, Neff straightened up and appeared as if his mind was -made up for the worst and as if he had resolved that the police should be -no wiser through any information he possessed. It was not long, however, -before he discovered that we meant business, and that playing the fool in -the matter would not be tolerated. In the room were Assistant State’s -Attorney Furthmann, six detectives and myself, and he was kept busy -framing answers that would not compromise himself. Finally Neff looked -us all over very carefully and said:</p> - -<p>“I know I am called here to answer questions and tell on the Anarchists. -I will now tell all I know.”</p> - -<p>He then gave a straightforward story and appeared as a witness at the -trial, giving all its substantial points. After that trial he sold out his place -and left the city. He remained away for a time, but recently came to -Chicago on a visit. His conduct has been such as to justify the hope that -he will hereafter hold himself aloof from Anarchists.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">John Weiman</span>, a Suabian, was a peculiar genius. He was only twenty-three -years of age, and yet he imagined that he could successfully hoodwink -the police. He had been pointed out as an associate of some of the leaders, -and it was decided to bring him to see what he had to say for himself. He -lived at No. 30 Barker Street, and when notified, about the 6th of June, that -I wished to become acquainted with him, he assumed a highly injured air. -The moment he set foot inside the office, he threw up both hands and, in a -loud voice, insisted that a great mistake had been made in arresting him.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-343.jpg" width="400" height="649" id="i343" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE “CZAR BOMB.”—<span class="smcap wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -<p class="pf400 reduct">This is one of the round bombs made by Lingg, and similar to the infernal machine thrown at the Haymarket. -It is about three inches in diameter, and consists of two hollow hemispheres of lead, filled with -dynamite, and secured by means of an iron bolt and nut. It is fitted with fuse and fulminating cap.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span></p> - -<p>“I am no Socialist, no Anarchist, no Nihilist, no Communist,” he -declared. “I don’t know Spies, Parsons, Schwab, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, -Neebe or Fielden. I never attended any meetings at No. 54, No. 71 or -No. 120 West Lake Street, and I have never been in the Communisten-Bude -[the Shanty of the Communists] at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue; -never was at Mueller’s Hall basement, or at Thalia Hall, or at No. 63 -Emma Street.”</p> - -<p>“That is right, John,” said I. “Keep on and tell me a few more places -where you have never been, and I shall be much obliged to you. Then I will -know all the places and all the leaders of the whole Anarchist outfit.”</p> - -<p>“Yes,” said John, “I have heard of you, and I don’t want to be troubled -too much. I know that you are acquainted with all those places and know -all the people who went there, and I heard of a lot of people getting arrested -every day who knew all the leaders and frequented those meeting-places. -I thought I would tell you all at first, because I am sick and I can’t stand -much talking-to.”</p> - -<p>“How came you to know so much?” I inquired; “that is to say, how -do you know the names of the members?”</p> - -<p>“Well, I have a friend, and he told me all these things, but he ran away -from the city. I don’t know where he is now.”</p> - -<p>“What is his name and where did he live?”</p> - -<p>“He is a carpenter. I used to call him Carl. He lived on Randolph -Street, near Union.”</p> - -<p>Further inquiries failed to elicit anything of importance, and he was -turned loose to wander at his own sweet pleasure.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Emil Mende</span>, a German, was a man thoroughly capable of desperate -deeds. He lived at No. 51 Meagher Street, and so villainous a disposition -did he possess that his own sister and his brother-in-law were obliged to -report him at the station. Even the people in his own neighborhood feared -him, and those that knew him best shunned him. He was a dangerous man. -For two months preceding May 4, he boasted how the Anarchists would -blow up the city and kill every one who was not an Anarchist. He talked -about it so often and in such an earnest way that his neighbors grew apprehensive -lest he might set fire to the neighborhood. The children would run -across the street to avoid meeting him. He was always full of liquor, and -his chief study was how to get a living without work. He thought he had -found it in Anarchy, and he stood ready to commit any crime to accomplish -his purpose. He became a drunken loafer through attending Anarchistic -meetings, and when his sister remonstrated with him he turned against her -and threatened to kill her. His conduct finally became so unbearable that -his brother-in-law, Emil Sauer, gave information against him to the police. -Mende, he said, belonged to the Lehr und Wehr Verein of the Southwest -Side group and would assemble with his comrades in lonely, retired places,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span> -where the police could not see them drill. They would sneak into the buildings -selected for their meeting-places, and after their drills they would -quietly sneak out again, like so many thieves who had committed a successful -burglary. Sauer said he had come to know many of the members, but -he did not know their names or where they lived. They all had numbers, -were well armed with rifles and revolvers, and they drilled frequently.</p> - -<p>“I remember the night of May 4,” said Sauer, “Mende left the house -about eight o’clock. He looked wild and desperate. He carried with him -a huge revolver and a lot of cartridges. About eleven o’clock the same -evening, after the bomb had exploded, he came sneaking home, and had in -his possession two rifles and three dynamite bombs. He brought them all -into the house at first, and, becoming alarmed, he took them all to No. 647 -South Canal Street. There he was seen either going under the house or -under the sidewalk. When he came out he had nothing with him. Mende, -when he first began to attend the meetings, had very little to say about -Anarchy. He kept on, and during the six months preceding the Haymarket -riot he was perfectly crazy on the subject. After he had become a member -of the armed group, he would speak of nothing else but killing people and -destroying the city. On the evening of May 4, before leaving home, he -said:</p> - -<p>“‘This is our night. This night we will show our strength. I would like -to see any one oppose us. Nothing can stand before us. Before daylight -to-morrow blood will flow deep in the streets, and the air will be hot. Then -we will have a new government.’</p> - -<p>“After he had been gone about twenty minutes, some one came in and -asked for him. The man looked like a starved-out cut-throat. He was told -that Mende had gone. The fellow remarked, ‘Then it is all right. I know -where to find him.’ He pulled his hat over his eyes, turned up his coat collar -and disappeared. This man was watched. He went west from our -house, and about a block away he met five other men. They all went west -together.</p> - -<p>“On the afternoon of May 4, Mende said to me:</p> - -<p>“‘I want you to go with us. Everything is very well planned. There -is no fear that we will not get all the help we want after we have started. -We are going to move like an army. If we should get whipped at first, or -if we should have to run, then we all have places to go to. The Southwest -Side group is going to a church on Eighteenth Street, and we will fortify -ourselves there until we get help. We will have a lot of dynamite bombs -to keep everybody away. We have rifles and revolvers, and no one will -dare come near us. We can hold the fort there for a few days, and no one -will trouble us. Only throw out a bomb once a day, and that will be sufficient -to prevent the enemy from coming near. The North Side group is going -to follow our plan. They are going to take charge of St. Michael’s Church.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span> -We have things down fine. You had better come along. There is no danger. -We expect a lot of people here from Michigan and all the mining -towns. They will all come here as soon as we begin the attack.’</p> - -<p>“Mende asked me at one time to go with him,—this was during the -McCormick strike,—and told me they were going to take with them tin -cans, which would be filled with kerosene. These cans would have strong -corks in them, and through each a hole had been drilled, for the insertion of -a cap and fuse. They would simply light the fuse, throw the can into a -lumber yard, and walk off. No one would discover who did it, and then -they would see a big fire. ‘In this way we’ll bring these d——d capitalists -to time.’ I told Mende that I would have nothing to do with him or his -plans.</p> - -<p>“Two days after the bomb had been thrown, he said to me:</p> - -<p>“‘I know the man who threw the bomb, and, you bet, he is a good friend -of mine. He will never be arrested.’</p> - -<p>“About eight days after the explosion, he told me that he knew the man -who made bombs, and that the man was going to leave the city. This man, -he also said, had changed his clothes, and he (Mende) had got the clothes -from a man named Sisterer, who lived on Sixteenth Street. I then asked -him the name of the man who made the bombs, and he said it was Louis -Lingg.”</p> - -<p>Mrs. Sauer next related her grievances against her brother.</p> - -<p>“This brute,” she began, “not being satisfied with having all the neighbors -afraid of him, had to torment the life out of me, telling me that he -belonged to those fellows who would kill, give no quarter and take none. -In a fight the result would be victory or death. He would tell me that as -soon as they had established their government the children of the capitalists -would be hunted up and killed, and every trace of a capitalist wiped off the -face of the earth. My brother reads all kinds of Anarchist books and -papers. I saw him have a big revolver and a lot of cartridges, and he said:</p> - -<p>“‘We are going to kill all the police now in a few days. They all must be -killed. They stand in our way. We cannot get our rights so long as we -let those bloodhounds live. So we have decided to kill them all. We are -ready now, and you will not see any more of those fellows hanging around -the corners.’</p> - -<p>“He also said that the Fire Department was a well-organized body, and -they, too, must be destroyed.</p> - -<p>“‘Before the battle commences,’ he said, ‘we are going to fix the -bridges with dynamite, so that, in case the Fire Department should come -to the relief of the police or go to work to extinguish the fires that we start, -we will blow the bridges, firemen, horses and all to h—l.’</p> - -<p>“He further stated that the city would be set on fire in all parts, so that -the police and firemen would be obliged to stay in their own neighborhoods,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span> -and it would be impossible for any large bodies of them to get together in -one place. Then, when everything was in confusion, they had places selected -where they would meet in a body and come into the center of the city, where -they would rob and plunder every jewelry store and bank, and places where -they could get the most valuable things they wanted.</p> - -<p>“‘We have,’ he said, ‘all these places picked out already. We have on -hand all the dynamite we want, and when we make a start we will have our -tools and materials with us.’</p> - -<p>“A few days after the 4th of May, my brother also said that it was too -bad that their committee had become split up during the charge of the -police at the Haymarket. They failed to get together again, and the men -on the outside were expecting every second to receive orders from that -committee to commence setting fires and killing people. He stated that -on that night he was at the Hinman Street Station, and that it was surrounded -by seventy-five men, fifty of them having rifles and the balance -large revolvers and dynamite bombs. They waited in an alley for orders. -Everything, he said, was complete; every man had his place and knew what -work he had to perform. They only needed the signal from the committee. -The plan was that, as soon as they had received their orders, some of them -should get near the windows of the station and throw in bombs among the -policemen. Then others were to be ready with their revolvers and shoot -down any officer who had not been killed by the explosion and who attempted -to save himself by jumping out through the window. The fifty men with -rifles were to have placed themselves in front of the station, and as soon as -the officers made an attempt to march out, they should kill them in the -hallway before they could get outside. ‘But,’ said he, ‘the officers at this -station will be killed yet, because they have interfered with us and injured -the success of the strikers.’</p> - -<p>“He spoke also about their going to barricade themselves in churches -if they got whipped, until they had secured help. He said that they had a lot -of bombs buried near the city, and they were there still for future use. -‘They will not spoil,’ he said. My brother further told me one night that -he had to run home or he would have been arrested. I saw him come -home, and he looked very much excited. He went into the back yard—just -like the coward—and remained there for some time. Later he told -me that a lot of them went together to blow up a freight-house with dynamite -bombs. This freight-house is on the corner of Meagher and Jefferson -Streets. He said that he had the place picked out, and everything was -ready. Then one of their number, who stood guard, gave the signal to run, -and they all ran away. They had a meeting-place appointed in case they -should be disturbed, and there they met afterwards. They decided to -renew the attack, but finally, at the suggestion of a man named Sisterer, -that they postpone it till another night, they all went home. On his way -home my brother thought that some detective was following him. He -became frightened and started on the run, and ran until he arrived home -safely.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-348.jpg" width="400" height="252" id="i348" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">ANARCHIST AMMUNITION—1. <span class="smcap wn">From Photographs.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span></p> - -<p>When a sister would tell such a story, fully corroborated by others, of a -brother, it can easily be seen that he must have been a desperate man. It -must be borne in mind that about the time Mrs. Sauer notified me of her -brother’s acts the city was wrought up to a high pitch of excitement over -the foul murder at the Haymarket, and there was a general sentiment that -all the conspirators identified with that plot ought to hang. It required, -therefore, no little courage on the part of a sister to give up her own -brother to take his chances on the charges made.</p> - -<p>Mende must have reached a very low, or rather a very high standing -among the bloodthirsty bandits, and the revelations concerning him showed -that he was not only capable of tormenting a poor woman by his savage -threats, but willing and anxious to distinguish himself in any wild carnival -of riot, bloodshed and incendiarism. He was a man the police wanted, and -he was accordingly arrested by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein on the -7th of June. At the station he gave his age as twenty-nine years, and his -occupation as that of a carpenter. He was tall, well-built, wore a heavy -beard and weighed about 160 pounds. His appearance did not belie the -statements made about him, and subsequent inquiries showed that he was -all his sister had represented him to be. What he had told his sister about -the arrangements around the Hinman Street Station was found to be -strictly true, and the details about the riot at the Haymarket and the -signal to the armed men in the outlying sections of the city were borne -out by the statements of other Anarchists.</p> - -<p>While on his way to the station, Mende seemed perfectly indifferent to -his fate. It came out, however, that much of his stoical air had been -inspired by statements previously communicated to him by his Anarchist -associates. The attorneys of the Anarchists, Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler, -had advised the order that in case of arrest the distressed brother should -seek to notify some friend they might meet while being taken through the -streets to the station, and then, the information being brought to them, -they would at once secure a release on a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i>. Mende -acted on this advice. He knew probably, like the rest, that, once locked -up, his chances for communicating with his friends for a day or two would -be exceedingly doubtful, and so, while he was being marched through the -streets, he encountered a friend and told him his name; and that friend -immediately rushed to the office of the attorneys and gave the name of the -prisoner and the station to which he was being taken.</p> - -<p>Mende had scarcely been locked up when the counsel came to the Chicago -Avenue Station and demanded to see the prisoner. They were -refused. On the next day they applied for a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span> -wanted the prisoner brought into court. The object of this was to put me -on the stand in the case, and, by various questions, to obtain such information -as the State might possess with reference to the Anarchists. I was -not to be caught in such a trap, and State’s Attorney Grinnell decided to -release the prisoner, have him indicted and subsequently re-arrested.</p> - -<p>During the short time Mende was at the station he was plied with questions, -but he answered them all with denials. He said that he had never -spoken to his sister about Anarchy and had never belonged to any organization. -Under cross-fire, however, he admitted that he had attended the -meetings and owned a big revolver. The revolver, he said, he had sold to -one Peter Mann about the 1st of June. After his experience at the station -he was, as might have been expected, at war with his relatives, but he kept -away from meetings.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Polikarp Sisterer</span>, a German Pole, was an associate of Mende, but, -unlike that rapscallion, he was not violent or demonstrative. Having a -family may have done much toward tempering his disposition, but still he -was an Anarchist in the full sense of the word. He was a quiet, deep-plotting -fellow, and perhaps on that account might be regarded as really a -more dangerous man. He was a sober man, not given to beer-drinking -and wine-guzzling like Mende; and, like Cassius of old, had a “lean and -hungry look,” bringing him within that class concerning whom the injunction -“Beware” might well be heeded in any special crisis. He was -arrested on the 8th of June by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein and taken -to the station. On the way thither he, like Mende, communicated his -troubles to friends on the street, and was subsequently released under the -same conditions. At the station he gave his age as thirty-one years, his -occupation as that of a carpenter, and his residence as No. 85 West Sixteenth -Street. He belonged, like Mende, to the Carpenters’ Union, which -met at Zepf’s Hall, and took an active part in all Anarchistic movements. -He was at first exceedingly non-communicative to the police, and insisted, -whenever he did speak, that he had no secrets to divulge. He was shown -to the “cooler” down stairs, and the next day he was in a talkative mood. -He willingly took all the officers into his confidence and talked unreservedly. -He said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I belong to the Carpenters’ Union, and Louis Lingg belongs to the -same organization. I have known Lingg for about eight months. We -were good friends, and, after the meetings of the union were over, Lingg -and I often went home together. I got acquainted with him at those meetings. -Lingg was a good worker for the carpenters, and they all like him for -the interest he displayed in their behalf. I saw him at our union meeting -on Monday evening about eight o’clock in Zepf’s Hall. He made a speech -there and called all of us to arms and to be ready. He said that the police -were ready to club us and would only protect the capitalists and work only -in the interests of the capitalists. ‘You can see for yourselves,’ Lingg said<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span> -‘how the police acted at the McCormick factory; they clubbed our people, -they killed six of our brothers, and now we will fight them and take -revenge.’ He worked us all up, and every one was highly excited. He -said that everything was ready and if we would only stick together we -would win a certain victory. I saw at this meeting Hageman, Poch, -Mende, Lehman, Louis Rentz and Kaiser. Rau and Niendorf were there -and distributed the revenge circulars. That day—Monday—was a very -exciting one among the Anarchists, and it would not have taken much to -have started very serious trouble. Crowds of excited people were on Lake -Street, from Union Street to the river, on that afternoon, and all were in -bad temper. I attended the meeting on the afternoon of May 3d, at about -three o’clock, at No. 71 West Lake Street, at Florus’ Hall. I never was at -any meeting held at No. 54 West Lake Street, at Greif’s Hall, but I heard -from others as to what had been done there. I saw Lingg again on the 5th -of May, at Florus’ Hall. I spoke to him, but he had very little to say. -He looked downhearted. While I was there he disappeared, and I never -saw him again.”</p> - -<p class="p1">“Did you not give him money and clothes to get out of the city?” I -asked.</p> - -<p>“Well, no one can prove that. If you think I did, you had better find -your witness.”</p> - -<p>“Do you mean to say that you did not help Lingg?”</p> - -<p>Sisterer hung his head and would vouchsafe no answer.</p> - -<p>He was released, as I have already stated, but since this episode in his -career, he has taken the lesson to heart and appears to be determined to -keep away from uncanny places on moonless nights.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">August Krueger</span>, <i>alias</i> “Little Krueger,” was a different sort of a man -from the rest of his chosen brotherhood. He was quite an intelligent -fellow, well educated, with genteel manners, well chosen language and -rather natty dress. He was a draftsman by occupation, and he was highly -skilled. He was, with all his bloodthirsty professions, a very clever fellow, -and became quite popular with his low-browed associates. He belonged to -the Northwest Side company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and took great -interest in the drills. His ideas, however, were somewhat different from -those of the other Anarchists. He did not believe in riots, but thought a -revolution should be brought about by a general uprising of the people. In -the old country, he had been a Socialist, but had been obliged to leave -some seven years before the time of the Haymarket riot. Arriving here, he -identified himself with the Anarchists, and, taking a deep interest in all -movements directed against capitalists, he soon became highly esteemed -by Spies and others. He was at the Haymarket meeting, having come in -the company of Schnaubelt, the bomb-thrower, and claimed that he also -left the meeting in his company. While not in perfect accord with his -associates on isolated riots, and while he did not sanction such methods to -hurt people, Krueger still entered into their plans and worked hard for their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span> -cause, and when Spies and others had been condemned to die he originated -a plot to release them from the jail, which, however, failing to secure -members enough to carry it out, he finally abandoned.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-352.jpg" width="300" height="325" id="i352" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">A GROUP OF THE LEHR UND WEHR VEREIN.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.<br /> -The figure on the extreme right is that of “Little Krueger.”</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>After the Haymarket riot, Krueger was continually watched by the -detectives, and on the 13th of June he was arrested. He was found at the -Terra Cotta Works, on Clybourn and Wrightwood Avenues, and brought -to the Chicago Avenue Station. Here he showed that he had considerable -grit. He was the kind of man who would risk his life for a good chance -in a general revolution, and, although he characterized some of the Anarchists -as fools, he stubbornly refused to testify against them. He was kept -for two hours under a -steady fusillade of questions -by Assistant State’s -Attorney Furthmann, but -he held out doggedly under -the heavy fire. He -could not be made to inform. -He was subsequently -released by order -of the State’s Attorney. -He was, when last heard -of, still working for -Messrs. Parkhurst & Co., -the proprietors of the -works, and appears to be -well liked by them. In -spite of his warning, he -still adheres to his old -ideas.</p> - -<p>His answers to the -questions asked him were -as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am twenty-one years of age. I came from Germany seven years ago. -I reside at No. 72 Kenion Street, near Paulina. I was a member of the Lehr -und Wehr Verein a year and a half. I know Breitenfeld. He is the commander -of the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I am orderly -sergeant and secretary of that company. Schrade was captain. I heard -of the letter ‘Y’ about the first of April. We had a different signal. It -was ‘???.’ This signal invited the armed organizations. I cannot say who -originated the signal. The signal was then changed to ‘Y.’ We always -met up-stairs under this signal ‘Y,’ except the last two meetings. I saw -that letter last on Sunday preceding the riot. I went to that meeting at No. -54 West Lake Street (May 3) alone. I got to the meeting about 8:30 o’clock. -I went into the saloon and then went down stairs. There were then only a -few people present. Seeing that the meeting had not started, I went up<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span> -stairs again. Breitenfeld had charge of the door. I was not asked to show -my card, but I had it with me. It was a red card—No. 8. That is my -number. We all go by numbers. I went down stairs again for a second -time about a quarter to nine o’clock.”</p> - -<p class="p1">A picture being shown him of Schnaubelt, he said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I might have seen him. On Tuesday night, May 4, I was at Engel’s -house from nine o’clock to eleven o’clock. At the meeting I know that -Fischer volunteered to have circulars printed for the Haymarket meeting. -I am in favor of a complete revolution—that is, when a majority of the -people are in favor of it. I am an Anarchist, and will remain one as long as -I live. My father was one, and he was warden of a penitentiary in the old -country. I had to leave there because I was an Anarchist. I am opposed -to all single attacks, like that at the Haymarket. I am in favor, also, of -peaceable agitation. I could say more about others, but they are in trouble -enough now. I don’t want to be put down as a ‘squealer.’ I hope you will -not insist on my becoming one, as I will not.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Emil Niendorf</span>, a German, was arrested on the 14th of June, by Officers -Schuettler and Stift, and brought to the station. He had scarcely entered -the place when he demanded to see me at once. On being brought into the -office, he was asked what he wanted to say.</p> - -<p>“Well,” opened up Niendorf, “I don’t want to be locked up here six -weeks. Neither do I want you folks to believe that I am a stubborn man. -I want to talk. I want to tell you who I am, what I have done, and I don’t -want to be looked upon as a murderer. I am an eight-hour man. I want -to get eight hours in a peaceable way. I do not want to kill people. I have -no use for those rattle-heads.”</p> - -<p>Niendorf was informed that all the officers connected with the station -were too busy to attend to his case then, and that he would have to remain -until the next day, when he would have an opportunity to tell all his troubles. -He was locked up, but during the night, it appears, some prisoner or some -one from the outside “put a flea in his ear,” telling him not to open his -mouth, to be a brave man, and he would come out all right. The next morning -at ten o’clock he was brought into my office, but he was not at all communicative. -He sat down and said nothing.</p> - -<p>“Well, Niendorf, how do you feel?” asked Mr. Furthmann. “How did -you sleep?”</p> - -<p>Not an answer.</p> - -<p>“Are you sick?” interestedly inquired Furthmann.</p> - -<p>No answer.</p> - -<p>“Did any one insult you or hurt you?” continued Furthmann.</p> - -<p>Still no response.</p> - -<p>“Who has changed your mind since you were here?” I inquired.</p> - -<p>Not a syllable of reply.</p> - -<p>“See here,” said I, “you cannot make us feel bad. I will give you just -two minutes by the watch to get over your lockjaw.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span></p> - -<p>This aroused Niendorf, and, looking around at all the officers present, he -said:</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen, I have been warned not to speak. I did not see the party, -but some one called out my name and asked if I had been to the office yet. -I answered no. The voice then said: ‘When you go there, don’t open -your mouth, be motionless, and they will soon fire you out. Don’t forget.’”</p> - -<p>“That is just what I expected,” I remarked. “Now you can do as you -please—talk or not talk. That party is not a friend of yours, and he wants -to see you go to jail. Officer, take him down stairs.”</p> - -<p>“Are you not going to let me speak?” nervously inquired the prisoner.</p> - -<p>“How long will it take you to find your speech?” exclaimed Furthmann.</p> - -<p>“Have I got to swear to what I tell you?”</p> - -<p>“Yes; you will have to do that whenever we send for you, and you must -not leave the city without permission,” said I.</p> - -<p>Niendorf then gave a statement of his knowledge of Anarchy. He -appeared very ignorant, but, when spoken to, he showed that he was quite -intelligent. He was twenty-six years of age, lived at No. 29 Croker Street, -and, with fiery red hair, was a rather homely-looking man.</p> - -<p>He was released, and after his departure the officers determined to -ascertain whether it was an “Anarchist ghost” or a man in flesh and bones -that had hovered about the station warning Niendorf not to squeal. A -close watch was accordingly put in the cell department to fathom the mystery. -About ten o’clock that night a young fellow called at the station for -a night’s lodging. He was told to sit down and wait. He did so, and his -wish was reported to me. Officer Loewenstein was sent back to look him -over, and that officer presently returned and reported that the man did not -look like a tramp. He looked more like an Israelite who had means, and -the fellow was at once called into the office. There the officers unbuttoned -his coat and discovered a clean young fellow, with a nice suit of clothes and -a gold watch and chain.</p> - -<p>“What is your name?” I asked sternly. “And don’t forget to give it -right.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, please,—I—I did not mean anything bad.”</p> - -<p>“Are you not baptized; have you no name? Officer, lock him up until -I find a name for him.”</p> - -<p>“Let me go, and I will never come here again.”</p> - -<p>“Who sent you here?” I demanded.</p> - -<p>“I cannot tell—do let me go. I will never, I promise you, come back -again.”</p> - -<p>“I don’t think you will. When you leave here you will go through the -‘sewer.’”</p> - -<p>With exclamations of great grief and remorse, he looked appealingly to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span> -all the officers in the room, and, recognizing Officer Loewenstein as one of -his race, he fell on his knees and begged the officer not to have him put -through the “sewer.”</p> - -<p>“Were you not here last night?” asked the Captain.</p> - -<p>“No, sir; it was another fellow.”</p> - -<p>The turnkey of the station was sent for and confirmed the stranger’s -denial. The now thoroughly frightened young man was then asked as to -who the lodger of the night before was, but all he knew was that he himself -had been hired by an unknown man that evening for one dollar to come and -seek lodgings at the station to warn Anarchists. When the stranger had -measurably recovered from his trepidation, he gave his name as Moses -Wulf, and, his information being of no value, he was released with a severe -lecture.</p> - -<p>Niendorf’s statement ran as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I was at a meeting held May 3 at 8 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span>, at No. 122 West Lake Street. -I was chairman. I heard some one state that the police had killed a dozen -workingmen at McCormick’s factory. That created a great deal of excitement -for some time at the meeting. Then some one shouted: ‘Better be -quiet and let us attend to our own affairs.’ We were only looking after the -eight-hour movement. I saw the revenge circular at that meeting, which -called the people to arms. Louis Lingg was present to report some meeting -and some business transactions as a committeeman. William Seliger -was there as recording secretary of the meeting. Rau was there, and some -one said to me that he had brought the circular. A man named Soenek -made a speech and advised us to use force. It was decided, on motion, that -we should act in sympathy with the people at McCormick’s factory. I have -been a member of the North Side group for about a year. I was at a -meeting at Zepf’s Hall May 3, which lasted till eleven o’clock <span class="smcap">p.m.</span> About -nine o’clock a man at the back door called out that all the men who -belonged to the armed sections should go to 54 West Lake Street in the -basement, where a meeting was to be held, and I saw a lot of members get -up and leave the hall. I know Lingg belonged to the armed section. At -one time he offered me some of his dynamite bombs. I told him I did not -want any of them. He told me on another occasion that I had better take -some and try some of his stuff. I told him that I was afraid to handle his -stuff and I did not want it. Our meeting May 3 at Zepf’s Hall was known -as that of the Central Labor Union. A little fellow named Lutz was financial -secretary at that meeting. Rau was there only ten minutes. At a -meeting held some time ago in Lake View, I was chairman. Lingg was one -of the speakers, and also a man named Poch. Seliger called the meeting to -order. I know Gruenwald; he is thirty-five years old, a carpenter by trade, -five feet eight or nine inches tall, and has red whiskers. I heard Lingg say -at several meetings that if any members wanted any of his ‘chocolate,’ -meaning dynamite or dynamite bombs, he would supply them.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Johannes Grueneberg</span>, a German, had the distinction conferred on him -of being one of the last of the more conspicuous Anarchists to be arrested. -He had been known to the police for some time, in a general way, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span> -inquiries about him brought out the fact that he was a prominent figure in -Anarchistic circles. He knew where all the leaders lived, frequently visited -them, and tramped around so often that he became quite a well-known -character. Even the dogs that infested the localities through which he -passed wagged their tails in cheerful recognition, and Grueneberg always -had a kind word for both the brutes and his Anarchist friends. He was -forty-five years of age, a married man with a family, and lived at No. 750 -West Superior Street. He was a carpenter by trade. On the 17th of -June he was working on a new building at No. 340 Dearborn Avenue, and, -while right in the midst of an exhortation to the other workingmen on the -beauties of Anarchy, he was interrupted by Officers Hoffman and Schuettler, -who notified him that he was under arrest.</p> - -<p>“That is just what I have been waiting for,” he exclaimed, not in the -least disconcerted. “Is it that d——d Schaack that wants to see me? I -will tell that fellow who I am. I will surprise him.”</p> - -<p>“Johannes,” said Schuettler, “you can save yourself all of that trouble. -Schaack knows all about you. I saw your name in the book.”</p> - -<p>“Come on quick,” said Johannes, “I will show you a gamy man. -Whenever I leave home I always bid my wife good-by, because I have -expected to be arrested at any time, and did not know when I would see -her again, for I will not squeal. I knew of these squealers, and I told my -wife I would kill myself first before I would squeal.”</p> - -<p>Officers and prisoner started for the station. Johannes opened up on a -half run, and the officers could hardly keep up with him, so anxious did he -appear. He entered the office with hair disordered and on end, and his -eyes bulged out with excitement as he hurriedly surveyed some six officers -who were in the office at the time.</p> - -<p>“Which one of you fellows,” he wildly asked, “is Schaack? Show him -to me quick.”</p> - -<p>“Grueneberg,” said I, for I recognized him at once from the descriptions -I had had of the man, “what is the matter?”</p> - -<p>“Are you Schaack?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, I am Schaack.”</p> - -<p>“You sent for me to squeal, did you?”</p> - -<p>He instantly pulled out a big jack-knife, and, handing it out towards -me, he continued:</p> - -<p>“Take this and cut my head off.”</p> - -<p>He twice repeated the request, and, still holding out his extended hand, -said:</p> - -<p>“I will never squeal; you can kill me first.”</p> - -<p>“I heard that you were crazy,” said I, “but I never thought you were -quite so bad as this. You must suffer terribly. The weather is too warm<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span> -for you. I think you had better go down stairs and have a glass of ice -water.”</p> - -<p>“No,” vehemently responded Johannes, “we had better settle this -matter right now. I want to go out a free man, or else you will have to -carry me out of here a dead man. I would thank you, however, for a glass -of water, but don’t put me down stairs. I have heard too much of that -place already.”</p> - -<p>“Oh,” said I, “it is not a bad place. Just go down and see for yourself. -You will like the place; it is nice and cool.”</p> - -<p>“Please, Captain, let me sit in the next room,” said Johannes, cooling -down considerably, and modulating his voice to a gentler key; “I will -behave myself.”</p> - -<p>His austerity of manner had completely vanished, and his ferocious -mien and language had gradually disappeared. He saw in me a different -man from what he had expected, and the courteous treatment accorded him -had melted his heart and vanquished his anger. I granted his request and -told an officer to sit with him in an adjoining room.</p> - -<p>The moment the officer and prisoner were in the room, Johannes -remarked:</p> - -<p>“Schaack is not a bad fellow. Is he not going to stop arresting -people?”</p> - -<p>“Oh, no,” said the officer, “he has a long list yet.”</p> - -<p>“Are you with him all the time?”</p> - -<p>“I am.”</p> - -<p>“Do you hear and see all?”</p> - -<p>“I do.”</p> - -<p>“Do the fellows all squeal?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, every one of them. If they don’t squeal right away, they squeal -the first chance they get.”</p> - -<p>“I am too much of a man, and it would be very small in me to do so.”</p> - -<p>“There have been as brave men as you in this office, and every one has -squealed.”</p> - -<p>“Well, when a man has a family, that cuts a big figure,” said Johannes, -hesitatingly.</p> - -<p>“If you are going to talk to Captain Schaack,” said the officer, reading -the man’s mind, “you must understand that he does not want any fooling. -You either tell him all or nothing, because some one has already told on -you.”</p> - -<p>This settled the matter with Grueneberg. He wanted to see me, and he -was brought back into the office.</p> - -<p>“I was a little excited,” began Johannes, apologetically.</p> - -<p>“All right,” I assuringly replied; “sit down and tell on yourself first. I -am going to give you a trial.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span></p> - -<p>Grueneberg then went on to say:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Well, I am an Anarchist. I always worked hard for the working people. -I am proud of it. I did good as long as I could, but now it is all up. I am -a member of the Northwest Side group and always attended our meetings. -I never missed one.</p> - -<p>“On Monday night, May 3, I attended a meeting at Zepf’s Hall. I -remained there until about 9:15 o’clock. From there I went to Greif’s -Hall. This was a secret meeting of the armed men. While the meeting -continued all the doors were kept locked, and guards stood on the outside -of each door, and also on the inside, and extra guards on the sidewalk. If -any one stopped on the sidewalk, he would be told to move on. I heard -Engel speak of his plan; that it was a good one. If only every one would -do his work, then the matter would be a very easy one of accomplishment. -He stated that the plan had been made up last Sunday at 63 Emma Street, -and had already been adopted by the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the -groups. All who had heard of the plan, he said, were very much in favor -of it, and all understood by this time how to act. ‘We are,’ he continued, -‘going to do this right, because all the boys look to us as the leaders, and we -are going to call a meeting for to-morrow night at the Haymarket. Since -all the people are excited, we will have a large crowd, and we will have things -so shaped that the police will interfere. Then will be the chance to give it -to them! I could notice by the acts of all present at this meeting that -there was a great deal of bad blood among them against the police on -account of the killing of so many people at McCormick’s.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">“Do you now believe that a single person was killed at McCormick’s?”</p> - -<p>“Of course I do. You killed six men.”</p> - -<p>“Not one was killed,” said I, “and you ought to know that by this time.”</p> - -<p>“All I know,” said Johannes, “is what August Spies said. I was a -carrier of the <i>Anarchist</i>, Engel’s paper. My route was on Madison Street, -and on the Southwest Side,” he continued, dropping the 54 West Lake -Street meeting.</p> - -<p>“And what did you think of that paper?” I inquired.</p> - -<p>“That was the best paper we ever had.”</p> - -<p>“It was too bad,” added I, “that the sweet little paper died so young. -Where was it printed?”</p> - -<p>“I don’t know, because the papers were sent to my house by the Southwest -Side group.”</p> - -<p>“Who else carried that paper?”</p> - -<p>“Messerschmidt, Schneider, Schoenfeld, Geimer and Kirbach. We -each carried about fifty papers at a time.”</p> - -<p>“Do you know anything more about the secret meeting at No. 54 West -Lake Street, May 3d?”</p> - -<p>“Well, I don’t know all. I went out twice.”</p> - -<p>“And how did you get in every time?”</p> - -<p>“I had a card, and I had to show that every time. That is all, and, -besides, the boys all knew me.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span></p> - -<p>“What do you know about Louis Lingg?”</p> - -<p>“He is a good man. I like him. He speaks to the point.”</p> - -<p>“On dynamite,” I suggested.</p> - -<p>“Yes, and on other things.”</p> - -<p>“He only likes Anarchists,” I interrupted.</p> - -<p>“Yes, that is so.”</p> - -<p>“What do you know about the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>?”</p> - -<p>“Well, it is a very good paper, but it is too mild.”</p> - -<p>“Do you mean to tell me that a paper which advises people to murder -and kill is too mild?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“They don’t put force enough into it. They don’t keep up things as -they ought to. I know all who visit there. I am a friend of all the Spieses.”</p> - -<p>After being “roasted” for three hours, Johannes was permitted to go -back to his work, and he left under the impression that, after all, he had -not said anything criminally implicating any of his comrades. He was not -asked to report when wanted, as he was too noisy a fellow to have around -the station, and the officers were as well pleased to see him go as they had -been pleased to arrest him. He inaugurated no reform on his release. On the -contrary, he was again as rabid as ever and ran around night and day trying -to gather a mob to go to the jail and liberate the Anarchists. He made no -secret of his work. He loved the red flag, he said, and he would die for it -if necessary. One night he came to me in company with two other fellows -and demanded the return of a large red flag which at one time belonged to -International Carpenters’ Union No. 1. This flag had been taken by the -police with many others some time before. Grueneberg said that he had -marched behind it many times and he was proud of it. He wanted to see -the “dear old flag” once more and secure possession of it. I had the flag -at the station, but, knowing that Anarchists had an “undying love” for -Inspector Bonfield, I remarked:</p> - -<p>“If you want the flag, all you have to do is to see the Inspector, and I -am quite sure he will give it to you.”</p> - -<p>An expression of intense disgust came over the faces of the three Anarchists, -and Grueneberg excitedly exclaimed:</p> - -<p>“Bonfield! Bonfield! Ah, the d——d black Bonfield! I see <i>him</i>? -Oh, no! he is not gentleman enough for me to see.”</p> - -<p>“Bonfield is a very clever fellow,” said I; “he likes such men as you.”</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes; he would like my head in a bag. Good night, Mr. Schaack; -I don’t want the flag.”</p> - -<p>Grueneberg belonged at this time to Carpenters’ Union No. 241, and, on -account of his peculiar and ridiculous actions, the members gradually grew -suspicious of him and finally believed that he was a paid spy in the employ -of some detective agency. They harbored their mistrust for a time, and -then accused him of being a traitor. He demanded that charges be preferred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span> -against him, and it was done. Grueneberg failing to answer these -charges, he was expelled from the union. A few weeks thereafter he -reformed, and one day, meeting me, he said:</p> - -<p>“I am done with these people. They are all cranks. No person can do -enough for them. I worked with them night and day. They put me on -all the committees. I had to do all the running, and for all my trouble and -as a reward they call me a spy. I am working steady now and they can all go -to the d——l. I am only sorry for my poor children—the way they suffered -while I was giving my time to Anarchy. I have now worked four weeks -and made full time. This I have not done before for the last two years.”</p> - -<p>About two months after the above incident, Grueneberg and his family -passed the Desplaines Street Station. Meeting me, Grueneberg spoke up, -saying:</p> - -<p>“Well, Captain, what do you think of my family now?”</p> - -<p>“I must give you a great deal of credit,” said I pleasantly. “You are -all looking remarkably well. A man that has gone as far as you in Anarchy -deserves credit for such a great change, and if all the rest were kicked -out of their unions, I think it would be a blessing to their poor wives and -children.”</p> - -<p>After bidding me good-by, Grueneberg and his family walked away -proud and happy in their new condition, and I went to my office and drew -this moral from the example of reform I had just seen: Here was a man -who had belonged to the Anarchists for three or four years, and had been at -one time one of the “rankest” kind. For two years his family had suffered -want, and now, after having left the desperate band for two months only, -his wife and children were once more made happy. Anarchy keeps men in -poverty and families in trouble, distress and suffering.</p> - -<p>Grueneberg up to the present time has kept away from his former -associates, and his change appears permanent and sincere.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Otto Baum</span> was one of the desperate Anarchists who made the air blue -with imprecations against capital. He would have been gathered in with the -others had it not been for his special care to keep out of the reach of the -police. He lived at No. 137 Cleveland Avenue, was married and had three -children, and, when he worked, which he rarely did, it was at the carpenter’s -trade. He was a strong, robust man, nearly six feet high, and with black -hair, full, black beard, and piercing black eyes, he presented a rather vicious -appearance. When he first came to Chicago, some four years preceding -the Haymarket meeting, he joined the Socialists, and he soon became a full-fledged -Anarchist. He belonged to the notorious International Carpenters’ -Union No. 1. This union had then a thousand members, and Baum’s number -was 100. About two years ago the union changed its number to 241, and a -worse set of Anarchists could not be found in the United States than the -members of this organization just before the 4th of May, 1886. They were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span> -provided with all kinds of arms—revolvers, daggers, rifles, dynamite and -fire-cans. Lingg was one of the leading spirits in this revolutionary gang. -After the Haymarket explosion, when the police took up a hot pursuit of -the conspirators, Baum changed his residence with his family and carefully -kept off the streets during the daytime. On the conclusion of the trial of -the leading conspirators, he became emboldened over the immunity he had -enjoyed from arrest, and crawled out of his hole, like a coon does in the -spring-time.</p> - -<p>So great was Baum’s interest in Anarchy that he wholly neglected his -family. He never troubled himself about wife or children, but hung around -saloons guzzling beer and breathing vengeance against the police and society. -He went lower and lower from day to day, and frequently reeled home in a -drunken stupor, only to abuse his family. About a year and a half ago, -when his last child was born, his neglect had left not a mouthful in the -house, and, had it not been for the kindly assistance of friends and neighbors, -the family would have been in a most deplorable condition. When -the child was a week old, the wife, poor and sickly as she was, had to leave -the house and seek work to supply the family with the necessaries of life. -With food thus obtained, almost at the sacrifice of the poor woman’s life, the -burly brute of a husband was always first at the table, and eagerly devoured -what she had provided. Did he seek to obtain employment? Not at -all. He preferred loafing and talking about Anarchy. The poor wife’s -uncomplaining toil he rewarded with abuse and cruelty, calling her the vilest -of names, and even kicking her about as if she were made of rubber. She -was a delicate, sickly woman, but she bore his fiendish treatment, hoping -that a change would come over him after the law had made an example of -other Anarchists. But the change did not come, and finally she determined -to seek the protection of the courts. Accordingly she went to the Chicago -Avenue Police Court on the 6th of February, 1888, with her infant in her -arms, and swore out a warrant against her husband.</p> - -<p>The lazy giant was at once arrested, and on the next morning the poor -woman appeared to testify against him. Being unable to speak English, an -interpreter was called, and during the recital of her grievances and the many -indignities imposed upon her by her liege lord, the court-room was as quiet -almost as a death-chamber. All eagerly listened to her troubles, and, her -statements being given in such a simple, convincing manner, many eyes were -moist with tears. Justice Kersten, who presides over this court, has no -regard for wife-beaters, and he promptly fined Baum $50.</p> - -<p>“That,” said he, in an emphatic manner, “will keep you locked up for -one hundred and three days.”</p> - -<p>The brute was then locked up where so many of his former associates -had been incarcerated two years previously, and in the afternoon he was -sent to the House of Correction by Bailiff Scanlan.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span></p> - -<p>During this episode it came out that Baum had been quite active in -Anarchist circles, and at the time the Anarchists were confined in the -County Jail he was engaged in an attempt to gather a mob to effect their -liberation. One night he went about saying that he was determined to kill -somebody before the next morning. The more he talked, the more frenzied -he became, and with his frenzy grew his thirst for liquor, the need of -which he felt to get up his courage to the required pitch. A few hours -afterwards he was found in the yard fronting his house, asleep and “dead -drunk.” The only courage he ever displayed was in lording it over his -wife and beating her almost to death. He was a type of a very -large class of Anarchists. He would call the better class of people -tyrants, because they did not fill his pockets with plenty of money so that -he could get drunk as often as he desired, but in his own household he was -the meanest of tyrants.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-362.jpg" width="400" height="326" id="i362" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE WIFE-BEATER’S TRIAL.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Had Mrs. Baum been a little shrewder, she would not have had to -endure his brutalities as long as she did. There are many other wives of -Anarchists who are ill-treated by their husbands, but some of these -managed to bring their lords to their senses by a neat ruse. While the -investigations into the deeds of the Anarchists were going on the bandits<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span> -would almost crawl into a sewer to get out of the way of the police, and, -noticing the timely fright that overcame the “reds” whenever an officer or -detective appeared in their midst, many shrewd wives quieted wrathful -husbands by threatening to go out and see me. This ruse, I learn, was often -resorted to to avert a beating from a drunken Anarchist.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Gustav Poch</span> was a conspicuous figure in Anarchist plots, and never -tired of working for the cause. But Anarchists are an anxious, jealous and -thankless lot of people, and because Gustav was achieving a little more -prominence than some of his immediate associates, they found fault with -him and sought to degrade him. They might have secretly given him -away to the police, and thus got him out of the way of their own advancement, -but a fear for their own safety prevented such a course, and so they -began calling him hard names. But I shall let Gustav state his own grievance. -Here is a letter he wrote to his union:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pr2 p1"><span class="smcap">Chicago</span>, September 10, 1884.</p> - -<p>At a meeting held on the 3rd of September, instant, of Branch No. 2, of Union No. 21, -Carpenters and Joiners, the Secretary read a letter in which I, the undersigned, was insulted -in a shameful manner. In this letter they called me a swindler simply for the purpose of -breaking up the Union, and at the end of the letter they stated that I would be expelled from -the Union on account of it. The letter was signed by Fr. Ebert and Dom. All these insults -and injuries to my reputation I can’t let pass. My honor, my reputation and my future prosperity -are damaged and at stake. I would, therefore, move that an investigation be made -into the matter and that the instigators of the complaint be punished. What was their -motive? For the last few weeks complaints have been made against me by the Secretary to -the effect that I, as Acting Secretary, had made false entries on the books. As he could not -exonerate himself in the eyes of my brothers, he drew up the letter, which was published at -the meeting of September 3rd, and which was signed by Fritz Ebert and Dom, to put me in -a bad light before the Union. The evidence: Fritz Ebert told me in the presence of John -Zwirlein that the main object out of which this accusation originated was the following: I -was selected by President Blair on the 3rd of May to the Main Committee in place of -Brother Eppinger, who could not serve on account of having too much other work while the -strike lasted. After that I held this position nineteen days. I got paid for twelve days, and -they withheld seven days from me and said I was discharged from the Main Committee. Is -there anything to show that I was expelled? Of course I put in my claim for $21 in writing, -and no one ever told me what became of this claim. I was the only German-speaking representative -on the Strike Committee, and I had to do more labor than any one else. Any one -who participated in the strike during the last seven days can confirm this assertion. Now, -how can Mr. Printer put up such a letter and show me up as a swindler?</p> - -<p>In consequence of the insults inflicted on me, I beg for an investigation and for his -punishment according to the rules and regulations of the Brotherhood.</p> - -<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Gustav Poch.</span></p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XVIII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Plot against the Police—Anarchist Banners and Emblems—Stealing -a Captured Flag—A Mystery at a Station-house—Finding the Fire-cans—Their -Construction and Use—Imitating the Parisian Petroleuses—Glass Bombs—Putting -the Women Forward—Cans and Bombs Still Hidden Among the Bohemians—Testing -the Infernal Machines—The Effects of Anarchy—The Moral to be Drawn—Looking -for Labor Sympathy—A Crazy Scheme—Gatling Gun <i>vs.</i> Dynamite—The -Threatened Attack on the Station-houses—Watching the Third Window—Selecting a -Weapon—Planning Murder—The Test of Would-be Assassins—The Meeting at Lincoln -Park—Peril of the Hinman Street Station-house—A Fortunate Escape.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">IN the numerous arrests and raids made, the police became thoroughly -acquainted with the most notorious Anarchists in the city, the ins and -outs of their resorts, and even the interior arrangement of their dwelling-places. -Not only were suspects arrested, but search was made for contraband -articles. A varied collection of arms, bombs, etc., and a large assortment -of red bunting thus found their way to the Chicago Avenue Station. -In all the public demonstrations made by the Anarchists in the city they had -carried many flags, banners and transparencies as emblems of defiance, and -whenever such were found they were carefully taken in charge. When the investigations -were concluded, the inner room of my private office was well filled -with a most curious display of these time-worn and weather-beaten ensigns, -and the collection is very interesting as a reminder of a critical period in the -history of Chicago. There are flags of a very primitive and cheap description, -and flags more or less elaborate and expensive. They varied in size -and differed in the degree of their crimson colors. Those belonging to -groups were large and plain, showing frequent handling by dirt-begrimed -hands, and were mounted on plain pine staffs. Those carried by the Lehr -und Wehr Verein were of finer texture and larger in size, its principal -standard, of silk, being a present from the female revolutionists and gorgeous -in the amplitude of its folds. This silken standard was the pride and -joy of the whole fraternity, and at one time it served to relieve the motley -collection with its bright vermilion, but in some unaccountable manner it -disappeared one day from a West Side police station. The reds had evidently -set their hearts on recapturing it, and by some sort of legerdemain -they succeeded. Who it was that accomplished the deed has never been -disclosed, and in whose custody it is now is a profound secret, carefully -kept by the Anarchists.</p> - -<p>The men who were always relied upon to carry these flags in the processions -of the reds were Ernst Hubner, Appelman, Paul Otto, Stohlbaum, -W. Hageman, Seliger, Lutz, Gustav Lehman, Paul Lehman, and Mrs. -Parsons, Mrs. Holmes and some other women, and possibly some of these -may know something of the mysterious disappearance of the Anarchists’ -chief standard.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-365.jpg" width="400" height="654" id="i365" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">AN INCENDIARY CAN.—<span class="smcap wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -<p class="pf400 reduct">This is a tin can filled with petroleum, and provided with a small powder flask, secured in the center by -means of a screw-top, which also serves to hold the fuse in position. Numbers of these cans were found. -They were intended for setting fire to buildings and other property.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span></p> - -<p>During the searches by the department for other suspicious and inflammatory -articles, several fire-cans were found in the northwest part of the -city, on the 3d of June, by Officer Whalen. In exterior appearance these -looked very harmless, but an examination of their contents showed them -capable of doing a great deal of mischief. They each had a capacity of a -quart, and were made of medium heavy tin, with a round hole in the center -of the top, about an inch in diameter. This opening was provided with a -threaded neck of tin about an inch high, with a cover to fit. Underneath -the cover was a sort of clasp, into which fitted the neck of a small vial, -and through the cover a small hole was bored, for the admission of a fuse -into the vial. When ready for use the can would be filled with an explosive -or with coal-oil, and the flask would contain powder. All that then remained -would be to light the fuse, throw the can either into a lumber-yard or under -the stairway of some residence or business block, and no one would know -the perpetrator of a possibly disastrous fire. The cans found by Officer -Whalen were loaded and had evidently been intended for use on the night -of May 4. Fortunately the owner must have become frightened and hid -them to escape arrest.</p> - -<p>The suggestion for the manufacture of these cans came from across the -water. A short time preceding May 4, at a meeting held in Thalia Hall, a -few Frenchmen and several Germans, who had passed through the reign of -the Commune in Paris in 1871, gave a general idea of the important part -such cans had played in that city and added that women at that time did -as good work with them as the men. Such fire-cans, together with glass -balls filled with nitro-glycerine, were carried in baskets, and if the reds -wanted to destroy a building they would throw a can through the window, or -if they desired to annihilate a guard of soldiers they would hurl into their -midst one of the glass balls, which would explode by concussion and tear -the men to pieces.</p> - -<p>These missiles had created great havoc in Paris, and the members of -the Thalia Hall gathering were urged to adopt them for use in Chicago. -At that time there were enough desperate Anarchists in the city to have -used all that could have been manufactured, but some of the men at the -meeting insisted that the women should be asked to assist in disposing of -them to the destruction of the town. One big, loud-mouthed fellow, evidently -a coward, shouted:</p> - -<p>“My wife will do that. She is an Anarchist as good as any one -of us.”</p> - -<p>No doubt she was an Anarchist, as the city had a great many of these -poor, deluded creatures at the time, who were willing to do almost anything -their husbands might ask, but many of whom have since had occasion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span> -to feel the poverty into which they were finally forced by men who neglected -work, family and all for the sake of talking revolution.</p> - -<p>Many of these men were just cowardly enough to thrust their wives forward -where danger lurked, and while they themselves enjoyed the safety of -a groggery, they would have been pleased, “for principle’s sake,” to see -their poor helpmeets go around and set fire to houses and other property, -so that the dauntless husbands could brag of the brave achievements of -“the family.”</p> - -<p>The meeting in question must have set the Anarchists to thinking; and -it is a matter of record that Parsons had fallen into the same idea when he -addressed a secret meeting on the North Side, to which I shall subsequently -refer. It is certain that many of these fire-cans were manufactured.</p> - -<p>Besides the petroleum-cans discovered by Officer Whalen, a lot of the -same kind were taken out of the city by way of West Lake Street on May -7, when the Anarchists were hurrying their ammunition out of town to prevent -detection. According to the statements of some reformed reds, there -are a great many of these cans and bombs still concealed in the Bohemian -settlement in the southwest part of the city.</p> - -<p>On the 8th of June, 1886, I decided to have the cans tested, and for this -purpose detailed Officers Rehm and Coughlin. The latter had at one time -been a miner, and was therefore experienced in the use of explosives. The -two officers took one of the cans to the lake shore. The can was placed on -a plot of grass and the fuse lighted. In eight seconds an explosion followed. -The grass burned within a circumference of five feet. The flame -extended four feet in height and continued for about three minutes. The -officers gave it as their opinion that any one of the cans was sufficient to -set a building on fire.</p> - -<p>What a blessing it was for our citizens that this devilish invention did -not spread its destructive work before May 4, 1886.</p> - -<p>As stated at the outset, the police were brought, in all these raids, into -close acquaintanceship with the malcontents, and often came in close contact -with their families. Some of the sights they saw were shocking in the -extreme, and they had many opportunities to sound the depths of misery -and want entailed upon families by husbands gone daft on Anarchy. The -tales of woe and domestic infelicity poured into their ears would fill many -pages, but the general tenor of all can be judged by what has been revealed -in the statements given in the preceding chapters.</p> - -<p>Anarchy may look extremely inviting when depicted by a plausible -speaker, but its practical side is strikingly brought out in the home life of -its devotees. Any one visiting the homes of Anarchists, and carefully contrasting -the surroundings with those of true laboring men not affected by -the taint of revolution, would give Anarchy a wide berth. But unfortunately -men get their brains turned over sophistical arguments against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span> -capital and madly rush to ruin without thinking of consequences until it is -too late. Read the reports made to me at the time, and they all tell the -same story of want and degradation.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-368.jpg" width="250" height="361" id="i368" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">HENRY SPIES.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>There always has been and always will be a fascination about any -scheme that promises ease without labor. So long as men can be found -with impressionable minds that can be swayed by demagogues into a belief -that Anarchy has in it the elements of comfort, splendor and luxury with -very little toil, so long, no doubt, will dupes be found ready to sacrifice -energy, thrift and independence for the life-degrading scarlet banner. But -such ease can never be attained through blood in the United States. That -fact has been established in Chicago, and the precedent ought to serve as -a terrible warning to all malcontents. If -the abject want of those who constitute -the bulk of the revolutionists, whose -very squalor has been the result of their -zeal for Anarchy, is not sufficient to deter -men from becoming Anarchists, the fate -of the eight conspirators who were -brought to trial in Chicago ought at least -to prevent men from plotting murder, -incendiarism and pillage.</p> - -<p>With the tremendous odds against -them, it is surprising that men could be -found willing to take up arms for the -destruction of life and property, and -the action of the reds in Chicago can be -explained only on the theory that they -felt they had only to strike one severe -blow to bring thousands of secret sympathizers -into line, and cause capitalists -to humble themselves in the dust before -the Social Revolution. This theory -is borne out by the statements of the many repentant Anarchists who came -under the displeasure of the police. In their excited gatherings they had -each propped up the hopes and spirits of the others, and all reason was sunk -in the one frenzied, consuming desire to wreak vengeance upon those who -had accumulated more wealth than themselves. They were bent on -wresting away the wealth of others, and no mercy was to be shown to -those who stood between them and that end.</p> - -<p>The police, as protectors of wealth in property and property in wealth, -were the immediate objects of their enmity and wrath, and throughout the -Anarchistic conspiracy, as has been shown by the disclosures made, we -were to receive their first and special attention before the grand onslaught<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span> -upon capitalists. Crazed by their speakers and dazed with the glittering -prospect held out to them, the human fiends proposed to exterminate us -with dynamite and then vanquish the rich and abolish all forms of property.</p> - -<p>Could anything be more absurd? And yet that is what they sought to -accomplish on the eventful night of May 4th.</p> - -<p>It would seem that the scheme to blow up the police stations could only -originate in a lunatic asylum, but the confessions of those arrested show -that men with apparently sound minds—minds at least sane enough to -keep them out of such institutions—actually contemplated it and had -made all the necessary arrangements to execute the plot. Strange must -have been their conceptions of public sentiment when they believed that the -execution of their bloody plan would result in the establishment of wider -and freer social conditions, and strange, indeed, must have been their -hallucinations when they thought that the devastation they proposed would -be seconded and aided by the laboring men whom they counted upon as -secret sympathizers ready to reveal their true feelings the moment the revolution -was generally inaugurated.</p> - -<p>The danger of the scheme to themselves did not strike them until the -last moment, when their courage was to be put to a practical test, but, -fortunately for themselves, they went no further than the Haymarket riot.</p> - -<p>That they seriously contemplated more than they perpetrated is beyond -dispute. They saw the intense excitement consequent on the eight-hour -strike and the troubles at McCormick’s factory, and knew that the police -stations would be filled with officers in readiness for emergencies. They -had called the Haymarket meeting for the express purpose of provoking -hostilities, and they regarded it as an opportune time to strike a terrible -blow against the police all over the city. Their calculations in that respect -were eminently correct.</p> - -<p>The moment the reds began to incite a vicious mob to deeds of bloodshed, -hostilities were provoked, and they got a dose of their own medicine. -Had it not been for their precipitate flight they would have fared far worse. -All the police stations were full of men, all the reserves having been called -out for duty on the first sign of violent demonstrations, and these stood -ready to make short work of all who might stand up against them in a conflict. -It was fortunate for the conspirators that they considered “discretion -the better part of valor” at the Haymarket, and doubly fortunate that they -received no signal to commence their bloody operations at the stations.</p> - -<p>The loss of life no doubt would have been appalling on both sides, but -the outcome, as far as the triumph of law and order is concerned, would -have been the same. The bomb would have done deadly work at the start, -but the Gatling gun would have come to the rescue had the police been -seriously crippled.</p> - -<p>Missiles of dynamite hurled into the stations on that eventful night of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span> -May 4 would indeed have created terrible havoc. In fact, the reds could -not have chosen a time more favorable for their bloody plans. The East -Chicago Avenue Station that night contained a very large force. I had in -reserve and waiting orders one hundred and twenty-five officers. They -were all over the building, up and down stairs, in the court-room, in the -reception-room and in every other available place. Many were in the office, -which is used as a roll-call room, and in which all details of officers are -made. This office is in the center of the building and overlooks an alley on -the east. The officers were organized into five companies, and all duly -numbered. Any company could be called at any time, and in less than five -minutes it would be in marching order.</p> - -<p>This precaution was taken in expectation of a call to the Haymarket, -and the Anarchists, in the damnable conspiracies of that evening, had anticipated -such preparations. They were accordingly on the ground. Fifteen -members of the North Side group, as appears plainly from the -confessions of some of the Anarchists, loitered around the station, waiting -for orders or signal, or to abide their own pleasure as soon as they could -see for themselves that the riot had begun on the West Side. When -that time arrived, they were to watch the windows of the roll-call room from -the alley and throw their infernal machines into the midst of the officers the -moment the room was full.</p> - -<p>The cut-throats skulked around the station like so many Indians around -the cabin of a helpless settler, constantly dodging around in the darkness, -fearful that they might be discovered. True to their instincts, however, -these Chicago reds could not do without their beer while awake, and they -made frequent trips to neighboring beer-saloons. About 9:30 o’clock Lieut. -Baus and Lieut. Lloyd, each with a company of officers, returned from the -Central Station, where I had sent them as a reserve during the Haymarket -meeting, and when the Anarchists saw them in the roll-call room of my -station, they sneaked around on the dark side of the alley and selected the -third and fourth windows as those through which their deadly bombs should -crash on their destructive mission. These windows are in the center of the -large room. They had with them a number of bombs, both of the round -lead and the long gas-pipe variety. While they stood underneath those -windows, they got into a whispered quarrel about the kind of bomb that -should be used.</p> - -<p>Bock had a round lead bomb, and he said:</p> - -<p>“I don’t think this will go off. Let one of you throw a larger bomb.”</p> - -<p>Then Abraham Hermann became angry and said:</p> - -<p>“You d——d fool, what the d——l are you here for, if your d——d -bombs are no good? You are too much of a coward to throw them.”</p> - -<p>Just at this point two officers left the station to visit a cigar-store, and -stopped for a moment at the entrance of the alley to finish their conversation.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Anarchists saw them, and, thinking that they had been discovered, -they hurriedly made their exit in an opposite direction, running to the rear -of the building on its dark side and then emerging on Superior Street. -Some of them went over to the West Side, to the Haymarket meeting, and -others sought different saloons on Clark Street.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-371.jpg" width="300" height="337" id="i371" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE LARRABEE STREET STATION.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>After frequent libations, some met again on Superior Street in the -vicinity of a wagon-manufacturing establishment, and, under the cover of -numerous wagons standing on the street between Clark Street and La Salle -Avenue, they decided that the men who then had -bombs should proceed to the call-room windows, -and the others, with revolvers, should take position -in the alley diagonally across from the entrance of -the station. Then, -at the proper -signal, the bombs -were to be hurled -into the room, and -the men across -the way were to -fire a volley into -such officers as -might come out.</p> - -<p>While this plan -was being formed, -I received an -order from Inspector -Bonfield -to send all my -men to the West -Side double-quick, -ready for -action, with a -hurried explanation -of the riot -and the killing of -officers, and in less than four minutes I had seventy-five men on the way to -the Haymarket. The Anarchists were still standing among the wagons, and, -to their great surprise and dismay, they saw three patrol wagons passing with -a tremendous speed. Their hearts at once fell into their boots, and they -knew that the trouble had commenced. They repaired to Moody’s church -and remained there a few moments deliberating what should be done. One -of them tried to brace up the flagging spirits of his comrades by saying -that “now the time had arrived when something must be done, but they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span> -must never tell of their being there.” Not one, however, seemed willing to -execute the plot they had agreed upon. On the contrary, they turned up -La Salle Avenue and ran to Neff’s Hall as fast as their legs could carry -them. What occurred at that hall that night I have already shown in a -preceding chapter.</p> - -<p>The plan to throw bombs into the roll-call room was afterwards unfolded -to me by one of those in the plot, and, had it not been for the two officers -accidentally stopping at the entrance of the alley, many of the boys of the -Fifth Precinct would have been murdered even before the commencement -of the riot at the Haymarket. The ruffians who hung around that station -were Abraham Hermann, Lorenz Hermann, the two Hageman brothers, -Habizreiter, Heineman, Charles Bock, Heumann, and others from the -North Side group and Lake View.</p> - -<p>Another station in great danger that night was that on Larrabee Street, -in charge of Lieut. John Baus, with forty-eight officers. It is located on -the northwest corner of Larrabee Street and North Avenue, and is a two-story -brick building with a basement. This basement contains a cell-room -located in the center of the building, with windows on the North Avenue -side, and that side was chosen for the scene of operations. The men -especially relied upon to blow up this building were Lingg, Seliger, Muntzenberg, -Huber, Thielen and Hirschberger, and they, together with other -members of the North Side group, lingered in the vicinity, loaded with -bombs, and waiting only to see “the heavens illuminated” or to receive a -message from one of the runners. But before they knew what had transpired -at the Haymarket a patrol wagon dashed out of the station and -whizzed by with a load of officers. This dazed them, and they hurried to -Neff’s Hall to learn particulars and receive new instructions. When they -got there Neff told them that they were all a set of cowards and advised -them to go home. They took his advice and were glad to crawl back into -their holes.</p> - -<p>Webster Avenue Station, in charge of Lieut. Elias E. Lloyd, with forty-four -officers, also received attention. The building is a two-story frame -located on the north side of the street, near Lincoln Avenue, and its principal -apartment, the roll-call room, is on the first floor facing the street. -The men especially assigned to the destruction of this station were Ernst -Hubner, Gustav Lehman, Otto Lehman, Jebolinski and Lange, backed by -several other frowsy and low-skulled sneaks, and these hovered around the -station, hiding in dark recesses whenever some one casually passed along -the sidewalk, or dodging into an alley whenever an officer was discovered -approaching them. They all waited for “the signal which never came,” -and, getting tired of stimulating each other with a courage they did not -possess, they finally concluded to adjourn to Neff’s Hall. Whenever, on -the way to that place, one upbraided the other for not throwing a bomb,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[373]</a></span> -each would point to the fact that the area in front of the building was -always occupied by officers sitting in easy chairs and sniffing the evening -breeze, and there was no chance to get near the cell-room; but they all -promised one another that they would go back and blow the building into -smithereens and the officers into shreds of flesh, regardless of personal -consequences, if they should hear “good news” at Neff’s. But they did -not go back. Lieut. Lloyd was not called on for assistance at the Haymarket -until about eleven o’clock, and by that time the cowards had got -their information at Neff’s and were glad for an excuse to make a “bee line” -for home, if the hovels they lived in can be dignified by that designation.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-373.jpg" width="250" height="280" id="i373" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE SCHILLER MONUMENT.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>There is no doubt that these wretches would have blown up the station -if the police had dispersed the -Haymarket meeting earlier in -the evening, but by waiting so -long they lost what little courage -they had. There was no patrol -wagon attached to this station -at that time, but, as one of them -told me afterwards, the Anarchists -stood ready to hurl a bomb -into a street-car had the officers -come out earlier to take the cars -in order to hasten to the assistance -of the force at the Haymarket. -They intended to make -their work complete, and they -were all well provided with -bombs, even though they were -rather short on courage. This -was a part of the gang which -had an appointment at Lincoln -Park, only five blocks from the station, and some of them sought there -early in the evening for a large number of recruits who failed to materialize -when danger was in sight.</p> - -<p>The spot chosen for the meeting-place in Lincoln Park was at “Schiller’s -Denkmal” (monument). Here it was that a few gathered, but, not finding -as many present as they expected, they separated to the several localities -assigned them for the execution of their plot.</p> - -<p>It will be recalled that, at the Monday night meeting preceding the Haymarket -riot, those living on the North Side were ordered to report at Lincoln -Park for definite instructions, and those on the West Side at Wicker -Park, and the order seems to have been obeyed by a few of the more courageous -Anarchists.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[374]</a></span></p> - -<p>The vicinity of the Schiller monument was the place also where those -who had been arrested and had made confessions met, along with other -Anarchists, on the night preceding the taking of testimony in the trial of -the prisoners, and on this occasion, Mr. Furthmann tells me, they agreed, -with one exception, to inform the prosecution that they would not take the -witness-stand to testify to the matters they had revealed to the State. If -they were put on as witnesses, they agreed, they could swear that all they -had told me and Mr. Furthmann with reference to the conspiracy was pure -and unadulterated falsehood. -Mr. Waller refused -to be a party to such an -agreement, and by his -stubborn stand he caused -several of the other witnesses -for the State to -change their minds and -stick to the truth. Others, -however, held out, and, -when asked by the State -to appear, refused. Waller -proved a very strong witness, -and, as Mr. Furthmann -says, not one of the -witnesses for the defense -dared to contradict his -testimony.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-374.jpg" width="300" height="419" id="i374" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE HINMAN STREET STATION.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>But to return to the -contemplated attacks on -the police stations. The -Hinman Street house was -the fourth one in the list -marked for destruction. -This station was in charge -of Lieut. Richard Sheppard, -and contained on -the night in question -thirty-four officers. It is a two-story brick building with basement, and -is situated at the northwest corner of Hinman and Paulina Streets. -The basement is used as a lock-up for the detention of prisoners, and -all the offices are located on the first floor, facing Paulina Street. The -patrol-wagon barn is situated in the rear of the station, contiguous to an -alley, through which the street is reached. Around this locality between -eighty and a hundred Anarchists gathered for work and to await the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[375]</a></span> -signal. Mende and Sisterer were at the head of this murderous gang. -Some were to exploit with rifles from the alley north of the station and -on the east side of the street; others, with dynamite bombs, were to -look after the officers in the rooms where they might happen to be most -numerous, and those with revolvers were to station themselves in the alley -directly behind the station to shoot down any of the officers who might come -out in the patrol wagon, and also to kill the horses. Others, again, with -revolvers, were to post themselves in front of the station to kill those who -might escape the deadly bombs and seek safety by rushing into the street. -The riflemen were to come as a reserve force to shoot down any who might -have escaped both the revolvers and bombs. They were a desperate set -and appeared determined on the execution of the plot. The men who composed -the gang were Germans, Bohemians and Poles, all members of the -West Side group, and some outsiders who worked in freight-houses and -lumber-yards, and not one of them had any love for a policeman. This -district had been for several years the scene of numerous strikes, and, as the -officers had always suppressed the rioters, the latter were viciously disposed -towards the guardians of the peace. Some of these reds were very -anxious to see the work of annihilation commence, and they loitered around -in small squads so as not to arouse suspicion until they could learn whether -the revolution had been inaugurated at the Haymarket meeting. There -was no call on this station for assistance at the time of the explosion, as -Inspector Bonfield thought it possible that trouble might arise at McCormick’s, -and the officers in that locality might thus be required in that direction; -and as the diabolical conspirators saw no officers or patrol wagon -move out, they became anxious to know how the Haymarket affair had terminated, -and one by one they sneaked away from their hiding-places. When -they finally learned particulars about the shooting, they ran home, and, like -the cowards they were, kept under cover for several days. Later in the -evening one company was ordered from this station to guard Desplaines -Street, after the wounded officers had all been brought from the Haymarket. -When the wagon had reached Halsted and Harrison Streets, however, -Capt. O’Donnell halted it and ordered the officers back to the station, as -it had been ascertained that all the Anarchists had sought their homes for -the night.</p> - -<p>It was very fortunate that the officers were not called out earlier in the -evening. If Inspector Bonfield had ordered them to report a few moments -after the riot, very few of the men would have escaped alive. I have since -learned that the brigands who were sneaking around that station that -night numbered nearly one hundred, and as one-half of them were under -the influence of liquor, it is very likely that they would have committed -desperate deeds had the occasion offered.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[376]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XIX.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Legal Battle—The Beginning of Proceedings in Court—Work in -the Grand Jury Room—The Circulation of Anarchistic Literature—A Witness who was -not Positive—Side Lights on the Testimony—The Indictments Returned—Selecting -a Jury—Sketches of the Jurymen—Ready for the Struggle.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE case was now in condition to be turned over to the courts. The -detective work was done, and, as I flatter myself, and as the result -proved, well done. A deliberate and fiendish conspiracy to bring about -riot, destruction and death had been proven. The Haymarket gathering -was projected to invite a police attack, and this attack was to be the pretext -for dynamite, murder and the social revolution. Of course much of -the information given in the preceding pages was not used either in the -grand jury room or at the trial. It was not necessary. State’s Attorney -Grinnell, with his usual wisdom and tact, selected only the best, strongest -and most reliable witnesses, and left out the minor ones. The statements -of all those who “squealed” were conclusive, criminative and corroborative, -but their presentation in court would have simply lumbered up the case.</p> - -<p>As a result of the energetic work of Coroner Hertz the principal conspirators -had been bound over, without bail, at the inquest.</p> - -<p>The grand jury was impaneled on the 17th of May, 1886, and was composed -of the following named persons: John N. Hills (foreman), George -Watts, Peter Clinton, George Adams, Charles Schultz, Thomas Broderick, -William Bartels, Fred. Wilkinson, P. J. Maloney, John Held, A. J. Grover, -Frank N. Seavert, E. A. Jessel, Theodore Schultze, Alfred Thorp, N. J. -Webber, Adolph Wilke, Fred Gall, Edward S. Dreyer, John M. Clark, -John C. Neemes, N. J. Quan and T. W. Hall.</p> - -<p>Judge John G. Rogers delivered a long, able and forcible charge to the -members of this grand jury. He first called attention to the necessity of -their not being influenced in their acts by fear, favor or affection, and then -dwelt upon what constitutes freedom of speech. He said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“We hear a good deal these days about what is called the freedom of -speech. Now, there is a good deal of misconception of the Constitution of -the United States and of the Constitution of the State of Illinois, and I may -say of all States in the Union, upon this question of freedom of speech. I -have copied the provisions upon which persons rely who continually say -that in this free country men have a right to assemble—men have a right -to speak and say what they please. There is no such right. There is no -such constitutional right. The constitutional rights as expressed in the -Constitution are: ‘That Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom -of speech or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble -and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.’ The same -principle is carried along into the State Constitutions; and in the Constitution<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[377]</a></span> -of the State of Illinois, and in its Bill of Rights, there is a provision -that ‘every person may freely speak, write and publish on all subjects, -being responsible for the use of that liberty.’ And in another provision the -people have a right ‘to assemble in peaceable manner, to consult for the -common good, to make known their opinions to their representatives, and -to apply for a redress of grievances.’</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-377.jpg" width="100" height="515" id="i377" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">NEEBE’S SWORD<br />AND BELT.</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="pbq">You will perceive in a moment that -the construction of the United States constitutional right has -been interpreted, if I may so express myself, in the Constitution -of the State of Illinois, and that interpretation is the -one that the courts have always recognized, and that, while a -man may speak freely and write and publish upon all subjects, -he is responsible for the abuse of the liberty of speech. -I refer to these constitutional rights because some men are -so inconsistent as to say there shall be no law for any such -rights, yet claim the protection of these rights in the broadest -sense, and, with an interpretation satisfactory to their own -minds, that a man may get up, and, in a public speech to -a public crowd, advise murder and arson, the destruction of -property and the injury of people. That is a wild license which -the Constitution of this country has never recognized any -more than it has been recognized in the worst despotisms of -old and of monarchical Europe. I hope and you hope it -will never be recognized.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The eminent jurist then illustrated the point of responsibility. -If, said he, he should get up and there advise members -of the jury that the foreman ought to be hanged for some -assumed offense, he would be advising the commission of a -crime; and if his advice was followed he himself who incited -the hanging would be just as guilty of murder as the ones -who did it. He next referred to the Haymarket riot and -counseled the jury to look not only to the man who actually -committed the crime, but to those who stood behind him, -who actually advised it. He held that the men who so advised -were equally guilty and should be held responsible for it. -“What,” he said “is an incendiary speech but inciting men -to commit wild acts?” He spoke of the red flag in Chicago -and said: “What is a red flag in a procession, or a black -flag, but a menace, a threat? It is understood to be emblematic -of blood, and that no quarter will be given. Flags of -that sort ought not to be permitted to be borne in processions -in this city.” He referred to the labor troubles of the Knights of -Labor, which, he acknowledged, happily had no connection with the Haymarket -or with Anarchy, and then, for the guidance of the jury in reaching -conclusions on the Anarchistic conspiracy, he quoted the statutes on what -constituted conspiracy and the penalty for riots. In closing Judge Rogers -counseled the jury to consider all evidence submitted with fairness and -impartiality.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[378]</a></span></p> - -<p>The next day the grand jury entered upon its work. A great many witnesses -appeared before it, but many of them were not required at the trial, as -their testimony would neither add to nor detract from the strength of the -case. Facts were brought out under the latitude allowed in a grand jury room -that could not, under court procedure, be brought into a cause on trial -because of their not bearing directly on the charges, or not tending to supply -some material connecting link in the chain of evidence. Some of this -testimony, while not serving to throw any special light upon the conspiracy, -may yet illustrate some phases of Anarchy growing out of the propagation -of Anarchistic ideas and features incidental to the <i>cause celebre</i>; and for -that purpose I have carefully scanned over the official grand jury reports -and selected such omitted points as will serve to give a better general idea -of the whole subject.</p> - -<p>The sale and circulation of Anarchistic literature in Chicago was one of -the matters into which inquiry was made. Anton Laufermann, a Division -Street bookseller, testified that Most had written “The Solution of the -Socialistic Question,” “The Movement in Old Rome, or Cæsarism,” “The -Bastile at Platzensee,” and other works, including “The Science of War.” -It appeared that these Anarchistic books were not, as a rule, handled by -booksellers.</p> - -<p>Edward Deuss, city editor of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, told the grand jury -that the dynamite book—Most’s “Science of War”—was usually sold by -men at picnics and similar gatherings, and that a book-store would be the -last place to look for it. The men who peddled this literature were volunteers -who made no money out of the sales.</p> - -<p>This evidence was corroborated by other persons. The plan seemed to -be to scatter Most’s works quietly among the people, thus avoiding any of -the difficulties or dangers which might follow from open and undisguised -sale. The main source of supply was manifestly the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -office. The books were easy to get: nearly all the arrested Anarchists had -copies of the dynamite book in their possession. One of the most persistent -<i>colporteurs</i> was Muntzenberg. The hundreds of copies of incendiary books -and pamphlets were passed around from one man to another, and it is out -of the question to attempt to estimate the amount of injury they have done. -The evidence upon this point—so much, at least, as came from the office of -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>—was unsatisfactory. This, however, was to have been -expected when the character and peculiar beliefs of the witnesses is considered. -For instance, Gerhardt Lizius, an editorial writer on this paper, -after being questioned, without satisfactory results, about the interior -arrangements of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and various articles about the -premises, was asked to define Anarchy and Socialism.</p> - -<p>“A Socialist,” he said, “wants the State to regulate everything, while -we don’t want any authority whatever. We want the people to associate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[379]</a></span> -themselves for production and consummation (of the highest good), according -to their own desires.”</p> - -<p>“How does it happen that capital is in your way?” asked Mr. Grinnell.</p> - -<p>“Because the capitalist has taken something from us that is not his, -that we have created.”</p> - -<p>“What is the manner the Anarchists have adopted in reaching that -which they have not got now?”</p> - -<p>“We want to get it any way we can—peaceably if we can, and forcibly -if we must.”</p> - -<p>“Even to the extent of a capitalist’s life?”</p> - -<p>“Yes.”</p> - -<p>“Do you believe in the use of dynamite?”</p> - -<p>“Yes.”</p> - -<p>“You say that you should not divide your property with your neighbor. -Why should the capitalist?”</p> - -<p>“We don’t want him to divide anything. We want him to make it -public property. He has got as much right to it as we have. Everybody, -according to our view, should have the right of life, liberty and the pursuit -of happiness. That means that I should have the right to the means of -life, and that means, of course, that we should have the right to everything -that nature gives us, so that every man, if he wants, can work, and everybody -make a living. If he don’t want to work, then of course he should -not make a living.”</p> - -<p>“The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> was an Anarchistic paper?”</p> - -<p>“Yes.”</p> - -<p>“Did the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> divide its things?”</p> - -<p>“There was nothing to divide there. We didn’t make any money.”</p> - -<p>“Supposing that you and I should want the same thing—how would -you settle that question?”</p> - -<p>“Well, I guess there can be more than one of these things made.”</p> - -<p>“I might want a cow that you would want, or a horse; you might want -the same thing—how would you settle that matter?”</p> - -<p>“I work for it and get it.”</p> - -<p>“I thought you did not believe in that?” continued Mr. Grinnell.</p> - -<p>“You did not hear me say anything of the kind. I said that we should -have the right to work so that we could make a living. We didn’t want -anything without work.”</p> - -<p>“Now, you figure that a man who has got a hundred thousand dollars -by reason of having worked hard, stands in your way; isn’t that your idea?”</p> - -<p>“Yes.”</p> - -<p>“Suppose I have got ten cows and you don’t get any; you have been -lazy and haven’t earned your ten cows. Now, how do you get half of my -cows?”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[380]</a></span></p> - -<p>“You are looking at this thing from the standpoint of the present system -of society. It is impossible for any of you gentleman, if you are not Socialists -and don’t understand what Socialism is, to get at the idea at all as to -how things are run. You have to look at it from the standpoint of -Socialism.”</p> - -<p>“Your idea is to have society without any law?”</p> - -<p>“The Government is only for the oppression of people. We would -have to organize for some purposes.”</p> - -<p>“Supposing this Government should get something in its mails that you -would happen to want, should you have a right to take it?”</p> - -<p>“No, sir.”</p> - -<p>“Suppose you did take it, what would be done with you?”</p> - -<p>“No man is supposed to take anything that does not belong to him.”</p> - -<p>“You would have law to punish people, wouldn’t you?”</p> - -<p>“No, sir.”</p> - -<p>Being asked if he had seen about the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office any implements -of warfare, Lizius answered in the negative—not even pistols or -anything of that kind.</p> - -<p>“Do you believe that the man who threw the bomb over there [meaning -the Haymarket] did right?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir.”</p> - -<p>“And that it was a righteous act in shooting down the policemen?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir.”</p> - -<p>The reason he advanced for his belief was that it was an act of self-defense; -that the police, according to his knowledge, had attacked the -crowd with clubs before the bomb was thrown. This sort of misinformation -seems to have been spread among the ignorant Anarchists, and Lizius, -when he said he believed it, knew better and simply adopted it as an -excuse for their acts.</p> - -<p>“Do you believe in the existence of a God?” asked one of the jurymen.</p> - -<p>“No, sir.”</p> - -<p>“Have you any regard for law at all?”</p> - -<p>“No, sir.”</p> - -<p>“Have you any regard for the obligation of an oath taken before the -grand jury?”</p> - -<p>“No, sir.”</p> - -<p>“You have been sworn here ‘by the ever-living God.’ You have no -regard for that oath, have you?”</p> - -<p>“No, sir.”</p> - -<p>“Have you told the truth?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir.”</p> - -<p>“How did you come to tell the truth?”</p> - -<p>“I am not in the habit of lying. There is no cause for it.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[381]</a></span></p> - - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-381.jpg" width="400" height="623" id="i381" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">ANARCHIST AMMUNITION—II. <span class="smcap wn">From Photographs.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[382]</a></span></p> - -<p>“If you had a good cause, would you lie? Would you lie to save a life?”</p> - -<p>“If it hung upon such a slender thread as that, I would.”</p> - -<p>“Would you, if you thought it would help the cause of Anarchy?”</p> - -<p>“I don’t see how it could.”</p> - -<p>Among the many witnesses examined in the grand jury room was -Ernst Legner. It will be remembered that the defense, at the trial, -claimed that this man had been spirited away by the prosecution. This -was done, of course, with a view to damaging the case of the State before -the jury. Now, the facts are these: Legner’s name was placed on the -back of the indictment somehow—I do not know why. Certainly neither -the State nor the defense could have used him, and he would have been -even less valuable for the prisoners than for the prosecution. Legner was -a man who was sure of nothing. His testimony before the grand jury was -continually and invariably qualified by the statement that he “could not be -positive;” that he “was not sure.” For instance, here is some of his -testimony:</p> - -<p>Did he meet Chris Spies at that meeting? He could not say. “I saw -him that night, but I couldn’t say whether I saw him there. I don’t recollect. -I couldn’t say positive. I couldn’t say anything positive about that.”</p> - -<p>This answer prompted Mr. Grinnell to ask: “Since when have you -grown so unpositive?”</p> - -<p>“Well, in that way, I guess ever since,” was his lucid reply.</p> - -<p>“You remember me, don’t you, down at the Central Station, talking -with you?”</p> - -<p>“No, sir.”</p> - -<p>“Don’t you remember coming in, seeing me and your brother -come in?”</p> - -<p>“Well, that was in the City Hall.”</p> - -<p>“Well, that is what we call Central Station. You saw me there, did -you?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir.”</p> - -<p>“You remember your brother told you he had advised you to keep -away from those people, and advised you to tell the truth about this transaction?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir.”</p> - -<p>“And you then and there told me that you saw Chris Spies right near -that wagon that night?”</p> - -<p>“Well, I might have seen him, but I won’t say anything positive on -that.”</p> - -<p>“Have you seen him since then?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir, I did.”</p> - -<p>“When?”</p> - -<p>“I saw him yesterday.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[383]</a></span></p> - -<p>“And he talked—you spoke to him about this case then, didn’t you?”</p> - -<p>“I only spoke to him—I told him that he looked pale, and that was all -the speaking, and he went off. I was going west, and he was going east.”</p> - -<p>“Now, why should there be any confusion in your mind to-day where -you saw him that night?”</p> - -<p>“Well, I saw him that night, but I could not say positive whether I -saw him there or not, at the meeting.”</p> - -<p>“You said a moment ago that you looked around, and you thought you -saw him right there?”</p> - -<p>“Well, yes. That is where I said; I could not say positive; I saw him, -but I could not say positive.”</p> - -<p>This sort of fire was kept up for some time, but the witness always -dodged behind “I could not say positive.” He was asked how long it was -after August Spies got through speaking when he (Spies) left, but the only -answer was: “Well, that is something I don’t know certain.”</p> - -<p>Now, why should the State want such a witness, or what interest could it -have in spiriting him away? He certainly developed a remarkable want -of memory, and with his testimony before the grand jury the defendants, -if they had put him on the stand, could not have utilized him -on their side. If he knew anything, as would seem to be the case, judging -from his brother’s advice to tell everything and some statements he had -previously made to the State’s Attorney, it all must have been in favor of -the State. It is a justifiable conclusion that Chris Spies, on meeting him -the day preceding his appearance before the grand jury, must have -influenced him to testify the way he did. The truth about the whole -matter is that the defendants would not have touched Legner had he been -procurable, and if he went out of the city it must have been at their -instigation. The above samples of his testimony show that his appearance -on the stand would have made him dead timber to either side.</p> - -<p>A good deal was also said about the absence of Mr. Brazleton, an -<i>Inter-Ocean</i> reporter, from the witness-stand. He was not produced by the -State because many of his statements were not of a positive character.</p> - -<p>As there were so many other witnesses who had paid special attention -to the incendiary character of the speeches, and remembered distinctly the -various details in connection with the Haymarket meeting, there was no -occasion to use Brazleton as a witness. All the others who were put on the -stand gave fuller particulars and corroborated each other in all essential -points. Had the general information of the others been of the same nature -as that of Brazleton, it might have been well to have used him as a witness, -but, with so much direct testimony as the State possessed, his evidence was -not necessary. The defense simply sought to make a point on his absence—that -is all.</p> - -<p>A great deal has been said with reference to Schnaubelt. There is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[384]</a></span> -no doubt that he threw the fatal bomb. The defense at the trial of Spies -and the others sought, however, to discredit such a belief. They asserted -that there was not an iota of evidence to sustain such an opinion, and for -their part they did not believe it. <i>Per contra</i>, it may be said that if he was -innocent he took the wrong course to show it. Schnaubelt was arrested by -Officers Palmer and Boyd, of the Central Station. Before the grand jury -Palmer testified as follows:</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-384.jpg" width="250" height="347" id="i384" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">HON. JOSEPH E. GARY.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>“I was told that he was working at 224 Washington Street, rooms 5 and -6. I went up there and found -him and brought him to the -Central Station. That was -on the 6th of this month.”</p> - -<p>“Did he have whiskers, -or not?”</p> - -<p>“His face was shaved -clean, except a mustache.”</p> - -<p>“You had been looking -for a man with whiskers?”</p> - -<p>“Yes. I was told by his -employer that he shaved his -whiskers off the morning -after the riot.”</p> - -<p>“Did he say anything to -you about having shaved -himself?”</p> - -<p>“I asked him why he -shaved, and he said he always -did it in the summer -time.”</p> - -<p>“Do you know what the -size of his whiskers was?”</p> - -<p>“About six or eight -inches long.”</p> - -<p>“Did you have any talk -with him when you brought him to the Central Station?”</p> - -<p>“Yes. I asked him if he was at the scene of the riot on the Tuesday -night previous, and he said he was. I asked him where he was. He said -he was up on the wagon. I asked him where he was when the bomb was -thrown. He said he was on the wagon half a minute before the bomb was -thrown, but he had got off, and when it exploded he supposed he was about -fifty feet from the wagon.”</p> - -<p>“He was let go that morning?”</p> - -<p>“Yes.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[385]</a></span>” -“Tell us about his place of work and what you found out yesterday?”</p> - -<p>“Captain Schaack sent a couple of men to me yesterday to find out if -we could get this man again. I took them over to where I had found him -previously. His employer told me that after he got away from me on the -6th of this month [May] he came back and finished the day’s work, and he -had not shown up from that time to this. His tools were there, and he did -not call for his money. His sister had called for the money several days -after he quit, but he did not give it to her.”</p> - -<p>“He had a good job, didn’t he?”</p> - -<p>“He was a machinist, working at a turning-lathe.”</p> - -<p>Schnaubelt was described as having sandy whiskers, about six feet -tall, weighing about 190 pounds, large and bony, not very fleshy, and about -twenty-four years of age.</p> - -<p>Lieut. John Shea, then in charge of the Central Station, testified to the -same facts and that the police had been unable to find the man in the city.</p> - -<p>At the time there were no strong circumstances connecting Schnaubelt -with the massacre, but suspicious evidence ought to have held him in custody -for a day or two until all his antecedents could have been inquired -into. His release was a sad mistake, and the fact that he hastened out of -the city shows the fear he had of being directly connected with the throwing -of the bomb. The evidence of various parties points to him as the -guilty party, and it was fortunate for him that he escaped.</p> - -<p>C. M. Hardy, a leading attorney of Chicago, testified to a conversation -which he had had with Spies the day before the Haymarket tragedy.</p> - -<p>During this conversation, which occurred accidentally in a restaurant, -“Spies,” to use the words of the witness, “turned and said to me laughingly, -‘Are you with us?’ ‘Well,’ I said, ‘If you mean that I am in favor -of the laborer getting well paid for his labor, I am with you, but no further -than that.’ ‘Well,’ he said, still laughing, ‘you had better be, for we are -going to raise h——l,’ and then went on.”</p> - -<p>On the 28th of May the grand jury concluded its labors and returned -into court fifteen indictments for murder, conspiracy and riot, against Spies, -Parsons, Fischer, Engel, Lingg, Fielden, Schwab, Neebe, Schnaubelt and -some lesser lights in the Anarchistic circle.</p> - -<p>The trial began on the 19th of June. No case ever brought before the -Chicago courts excited so much interest or brought out a greater crowd. -Not one tithe of the throng of people who were eager to see the notorious -defendants were able to find place in the court-room.</p> - -<p>Judge Joseph E. Gary presided, and with his suave, dignified bearing -and his prompt manner of handling legal details and technicalities, he impressed -all with the conviction that, while the Anarchists would have a full -and fair trial, no trifling with the law would be permitted. The case was -one which not alone interested Chicago, but touched the stability and welfare<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[386]</a></span> -of every city of any considerable size in the United States. The eyes -of the whole country were riveted on Chicago, and the outside world was -eagerly watching the results of a case, the first in America, to determine -whether dynamite was to be considered a legal weapon in the settlement of -socio-political problems in a free republic.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-386.jpg" width="400" height="370" id="i386" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">PORTRAITS OF THE JURY.—I.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Time was when our system of -government was looked upon abroad as an experiment of doubtful nature, -but when it had passed the experimental period it was pointed to by foreign -friends as furnishing no pretext for Socialistic or Anarchistic outbursts of -violence, and as supplying no favorable conditions for the growth even of -Anarchistic doctrines. In a speech before the French Legislative Assembly, -De Tocqueville once said, pointing to America: “There shall you see -a people among whom all conditions of men are more on an equality even -than among us; where the social state, the manners, the laws, everything is -democratic; where all emanates from the people and returns to the people, -and where, at the same time, every individual enjoys a greater amount of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[387]</a></span> -liberty, a more entire independence, than in any other part of the world, at -any period of time; a country, I repeat it, essentially democratic—the only -democracy in the wide world at this day, and the only republic truly -democratic which we know of in history. And in this republic you will -look in vain for Socialism.”</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-387.jpg" width="400" height="373" id="i387" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">PORTRAITS OF THE JURY.—II.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Still, Anarchy found lodgment in America through men exiled under the -rigorous baiting of their own country—men whose early education had -been set against all government and whose prejudices operated against the -study of our institutions. In the violent culmination of their doctrines -at the Haymarket the point was reached where it became necessary to -demonstrate that it is a rank growth and has no excuse in a republic in -which the utmost liberty is allowed consistent with the rights of life and -property.</p> - -<p>When, therefore, this trial opened, both the Judge and the State’s Attorney -felt that a great responsibility had been laid upon their shoulders,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[388]</a></span> -and that the whole civilized world would sit in judgment upon the manner -in which they performed their duty. They entered into the case with no -revengeful feelings, but held firmly to their course, mindful of the rights of -the defendants, but determined to maintain law and justice. The case was -called on the day indicated, in the main court-room of the Criminal Court -building, and the moment the State’s Attorney had announced his readiness -to commence proceedings, the defendants’ counsel entered a motion for a -separate trial of each of the prisoners. This was argued and overruled.</p> - -<p>On the morning of June 21, at ten o’clock, everything was in readiness -for the trial proper, and the work of selecting the jury was entered upon. -Within the bar of the court sat the eminent counsel of both sides. On the -left, in front of the bench, there was State’s Attorney Grinnell, surrounded -by his assistants, Francis W. Walker and Edmund Furthmann, and Special -State’s Counsel George C. Ingham, and on the right of the bench sat the -defendants’ attorneys, Capt. W. P. Black, W. A. Foster, Sigismund Zeisler -and Moses Salomon, flanked by the prisoners and their relatives. The -remaining space within the bar was occupied by attorneys of the city as -spectators, and the rest of the court-room was filled with a motley throng, -including here and there representatives of the fair sex drawn by personal -interest or moved by morbid curiosity. The prisoners were dressed in their -best, each with a button-hole bouquet.</p> - -<p>During the preliminary proceedings, as we have noted elsewhere, Parsons -had joined his associates, and his bronzed appearance, from out-door -exposure, was in marked contrast with that of his pale-looking companions.</p> - -<p>The task of selecting a jury proceeded, but it was not an easy thing to -find men unbiased and unprejudiced. Four weeks were consumed in this -work, but finally twelve “good men and true” were chosen, as follows: -F. S. Osborne, Major James H. Cole, S. G. Randall, A. H. Reed, J. H. -Brayton, A. Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, C. B. Todd, C. H. -Ludwig, T. E. Denker and H. T. Sandford.</p> - -<p>So notable was the trial, and so tremendous the interests involved, that -the reader will naturally want to know something of the <i>personnel</i> of the -jury whose verdict vindicated and guaranteed law and order in America:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Frank S. Osborne</span>, a resident at No. 134 Dearborn Avenue, the foreman of the jury, -was born in Columbus, Ohio, and at the time of the trial was thirty-nine years of age. He -filled the position of chief salesman in the retail department of Marshall Field & Co., and -was a man of liberal ideas and good education. He possessed keen judgment, and proved -a critical examiner of all the evidence submitted. He readily grasped all the strong and -weak points in the defense, and showed himself a thorough master of the evidence.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Maj. James H. Cole</span>, a resident at No. 987 Lawndale Avenue, was born in Utica, New -York, and was fifty-three years of age. During the war he was a Captain, and subsequently -rose to the rank of Major in the Forty-first Ohio Infantry. After the close of the Rebellion, -he engaged in the railroad business as contractor and constructor, residing at different -times in Vermont, Ohio, Tennessee, Illinois and Iowa. He came to Chicago in 1879, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[389]</a></span> -was book-keeper for the Continental Insurance Company until shortly before serving on -the jury.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Charles B. Todd</span>, a resident at No. 1013 West Polk Street, was born in Elmira, New -York, and was forty-seven years of age. He had served in the Sixth New York Heavy -Artillery, and since his arrival in Chicago, four years preceding, had been a salesman in the -Putnam Clothing House.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Alanson H. Reed</span>, a resident at No. 3442 Groveland Park, was born in Boston, Mass., -and was forty-nine years of age. He was a member of the firm of Reed & Sons, at No. 136 -State Street, and during the trial proved a close listener to all the evidence.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">James H. Brayton</span>, a resident of Englewood, and Principal of the Webster School, on -Wentworth Avenue, in Chicago, was born in Lyons, New York, and was forty years of age.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Theodore E. Denker</span>, a resident of Woodlawn Park, in the town of Hyde Park, was -born in Wisconsin and was twenty-seven years of age. He was shipping clerk for H. H. -King & Co.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">George W. Adams</span>, a resident of Evanston, was born in Indiana, and was twenty-seven -years of age. He traveled in Michigan as commercial agent of Geo. W. Pitkin & Co., dealers -in liquid paints, on Clinton Street, Chicago.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Charles H. Ludwig</span>, a resident at 4101 State Street, was born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, -and was twenty-seven years of age. He was a book-keeper in the mantel manufactory of C. -L. Page & Co.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">John B. Greiner</span>, residing at No. 70 North California Avenue, was born in Columbus, -Ohio, and was twenty-five years of age. He was a stenographer in the freight department of -the Chicago and Northwestern Railway. Mr. Greiner’s mother was, after the trial, the recipient -of so many threatening letters from the reds that she almost lost her mind.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Andrew Hamilton</span>, a resident at 1521 Forty-first Street, was a hardware merchant at No. -3913 Cottage Grove Avenue. He had resided in Chicago twenty years.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Harry T. Sandford</span>, a resident of Oak Park, was born in New York City, and was -twenty-five years of age. He was a son of Attorney Sandford, compiler of the Supreme -Court Reports of New York, and since his arrival in Chicago had been voucher clerk in the -auditor’s office of the Chicago and Northwestern Railway.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Scott G. Randall</span>, a resident at No. 42 La Salle Street, was born in Erie County, Pennsylvania -and was twenty-three years of age. He had lived in Chicago for three years, and -was a salesman in the employ of J. C. Vaughn, seedsman, at No. 45 La Salle Street.</p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[390]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XX.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Judge Grinnell’s Opening—Statement of the Case—The Light of the 4th -of May—The Dynamite Argument—Spies’ Fatal Prophecy—The Eight-hour Strike—The -Growth of the Conspiracy—Spies’ Cowardice at McCormick’s—The “Revenge” -Circular—Work of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and the <i>Alarm</i>—The Secret Signal—A Frightful -Plan—“Ruhe”—Lingg, the Bomb-maker—The Haymarket Conspiracy—The -Meeting—“We are Peaceable”—After the Murder—The Complete Case Presented.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">IT was on Thursday, the 15th of July, that the preliminary work was finally -ended and the court was ready for a formal statement of the case. -This statement was made by State’s Attorney Grinnell, and his arraignment -of the defendants was such a clear, convincing and masterful argument—giving, -as it did, the whole history of the Anarchist conspiracy, and -foreshadowing eloquently and in detail all the proof which was to be got -before the jury—that I will print here a verbatim copy of his speech, -believing that the reader will find nowhere else so business-like a statement -of what these prisoners did and how they did it.</p> - -<p>During the delivery of Mr. Grinnell’s remarks the crowded court-room, -prisoners and sympathizing Anarchists, wounded policemen, judge, jurors -and representatives of the press hung upon his words with a keen interest -which has seldom been duplicated in the annals of American jurisprudence.</p> - -<p>Mr. Grinnell said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“<span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>:—For the first time in the history of our country are -people on trial for their lives for endeavoring to make Anarchy the rule, -and in that attempt for ruthlessly and awfully destroying life. I hope that -while the youngest of us lives this in his memory will be the last and -only time in our country when such a trial shall take place. It will or will -not take place as this case is determined.</p> - -<p>“The State now and at no time hereafter will say aught to arouse your -prejudices or your indignation, having confidence in the case that we present; -and I hope I shall not at any time during this trial say anything to -you which will in any way or manner excite your passions. I want your -reason. I want your careful analysis. I want your careful attention. We—my -associates and myself—ask the conviction of no man from malice, -from prejudice, from anything except the facts and the law. I am here, -gentlemen, to maintain the law, not to break it; and, however you may believe -that any of these men have broken the law through their notions of -Anarchy, try them on the facts. We believe, gentlemen, that we have a -case that shall command your respect, and demonstrate to you the truthfulness -of all the declarations in it, and, further, that by careful attention and -close analysis you can determine who are guilty and the nature of the crime.</p> - -<p>“On the 4th of May, 1886, a few short weeks ago, there occurred, at -what is called Haymarket Square, the most fearful massacre ever witnessed -or heard of in this country. The crime culminated there—you are to find -the perpetrators. The charge against the defendants is that they are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[391]</a></span> -responsible for that act. The testimony that shall be presented to you will -be the testimony which will show their innocence or their guilty complicity -in that crime.</p></div> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-391.jpg" width="250" height="353" id="i391" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">HON. JULIUS S. GRINNELL.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“We have been in this city inclined to believe, as we have all through -the country, that, however extravagantly men may talk about our laws and -our country, however severely they may criticise our Constitution and our -institutions; that as we are all in favor of full liberty, of free speech, the -great good sense of our people would never permit acts based upon sentiments -which meant the overthrow of law. We have believed it for years; -we were taught it at our schools in our infancy, we were taught it in our -maturer years in school, and all our walks in life thereafter have taught us -that our institutions, founded on our Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, -and our universal freedom, -were above and beyond all -Anarchy. The 4th of May demonstrated -that we were wrong, that -we had too much confidence, that a -certain class of individuals, some -of them recently come here, as the -testimony will show, believe that -here in this country our Constitution -is a lie. Insults are offered to -the Declaration of Independence, -the name of Washington is reviled -and traduced, and we are taught by -these men, as the testimony will -show, that freedom in this country -means lawlessness and absolute -licence to do as we please, no -matter whether it hurts others or -not. In the light of the 4th of May -we now know that the preachings -of Anarchy, the suggestions of these -defendants hourly and daily for -years, have been sapping our institutions, -and that where they have -cried murder, bloodshed, Anarchy -and dynamite, they have meant -what they said, and proposed to do -what they threatened.</p> - -<p>“We will prove, gentlemen, in this case, that Spies no longer ago than -last February said that they were armed in this city for bloodshed and riot. -We will prove that he said then that they were ready in the city of Chicago -for Anarchy, and when told, by a gentleman to whom he made the declaration, -that they ‘would be hung like snakes,’ said—and there was the insult -to the Father of our Country—then he said George Washington was no -better than a rebel, as if there was any possible comparison between those -declarations, between that sentiment of Washington’s and his noble deeds, -and the Anarchy of this man. He has said in public meetings—and the -details of them I will not now worry you with—he has said in public meetings -for the last year and a half, to go back no further—he and Neebe and -Schwab and Parsons and Fielden have said in public meetings here in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[392]</a></span> -city of Chicago that the only way to adjust the wrongs of any man was by -bloodshed, by dynamite, by the pistol, by the Winchester rifle. They have -advised, as will appear in proof here, that dynamite was cheap, and ‘you -had better forego some luxuries, buy dynamite, kill capitalists, down with -the police, murder them, dispose of the militia, and then demand your -rights.’ That is Anarchy.</p> - -<p>“On the 11th day of October, 1885, in a prominent public hall upon -the West Side, August Spies, the defendant in this case, and his confrères -there, introduced a resolution at a public meeting, in which he said that he -did not believe that the eight-hour movement would do the laboring man -any good. We will prove in this case that he has always been opposed to -the eight-hour law. That is not what he wants. He wants Anarchy. -These defendants that I mentioned passed a resolution, which we shall offer -in evidence here, and it shall be read to you later—to the effect that the -laboring men must arm, must prepare themselves with rifles and dynamite. -When? By the 1st of May, 1886, because then would come the contest.</p> - -<p>“I will prove to you that Parsons—be it said to the shame of our -country, because I understand that he was born on our soil—that Parsons, -in an infamous paper published by him, called the <i>Alarm</i>, has defined the -use of dynamite, told how it should be used, how capitalists could be -destroyed by it, how policemen could be absolutely wiped from the face of -the earth by one bomb; and further has published a plan in his paper of -street-warfare by dynamite against militia and the authorities.</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen, leaders of any great cause are either heroes or cowards. -The testimony in this case will show that August Spies, Parsons, Schwab -and Neebe are the biggest cowards that I have ever seen in the course of -my life. They have advised the use of dynamite and have advised the -destruction of property for months and years in the city of Chicago, and -now pitifully smile at our institutions, as they have through their lives—and, -like cowards contemplating crime, they sought to establish an <i>alibi</i> for the -4th of May, of which I will speak directly.</p> - -<p>“I will prove to you further that in January last August Spies told a -newspaper reporter of integrity, honesty and fidelity that they were going -to precipitate the matter on or about the 1st of May; that he told this man -how they could dispose of the police, and in that connection he told that -reporter that they would arrange it so that their meeting should be at or -near the intersection of two streets. Having this as Randolph Street and -Desplaines (pointing on map), not calling it any particular name, and that -he would have a meeting in which there should be assembled large bodies -of laboring men, of which he falsely claims to be the exponent; that they -would be located just above the intersection of the streets; that he and his -dynamiters would be there; that they would be provided with dynamite -bombs at the place of meeting; that they would hold a meeting there; that -the police or the militia would walk up towards them; that when they got -up there their dynamite-throwers would be situated on different sides of the -street near the walks; that when they proceeded up here they would throw -the dynamite into their ranks, clean them out and take possession of the -town. ‘But,’ said the reporter to him, ‘Mr. Spies, that sounds to me like -braggadocio and vaporing nonsense.’ That is, gentlemen, what it has -sounded to us for years. Let it sound no longer like that to us. Spies said -to him, red in the face and excited: ‘I tell you I am telling the truth, and -mark my words, that it will happen on or about the 1st of May, 1886.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[393]</a></span>’ -And the reason he was so ready to say so was because he believes our Constitution -is a lie, our institutions are not worthy of respect, and he desires -to pose as a leader, although in fact a coward.</p> - -<p>“That is not all, gentlemen. Mr. Spies at that interview at that time -handed that gentlemanly reporter—and I will commend him to you now, -whatever may be your notion of newspaper men. Look at that man when -he goes upon the stand and judge him by his words and by his appearance. -He, Spies, did more than what I have said. At that time he handed to the -newspaper reporter a dynamite bomb, empty—almost the exact duplicate -of the bomb Lingg made which killed the officers; handed it to this witness -and said to him: ‘These are the bombs that our men are making in the -city of Chicago, and they are distributed from the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, -because the men who make them have not the facilities for distributing -them, and we distribute them here.’</p> - -<p>“Those are facts that will be proven here.</p> - -<p>“I want to suggest to you now, gentlemen, this is a vastly more important -case than perhaps any of you have a conception of. Perhaps I have been -with it so long, have investigated it so much, come in contact with such -fearful and terrible things so often, that my notions may be somewhat exaggerated; -but I think not. I think they are worse even than my conception -has pictured. The firing upon Fort Sumter was a terrible thing to our -country, but it was open warfare. I think it was nothing compared with -this insidious, infamous plot to ruin our laws and our country secretly and -in this cowardly way; the strength of our institutions may depend upon this -case, because there is only one step beyond republicanism—that is Anarchy. -See that we never take that step, and let us stand to-day as we have -stood for years, firmly planted on the laws of our country.</p> - -<p>“After teaching Anarchy, bombs, the manufacture of them and everything -of that character for months, and I may say for years, here in town, -having put the ball in motion, having done everything toward the end they -declared should be accomplished—towards the end they sought—then -began the numerous conspiracies. The beginning of the whole matter was -among the nest of snakes in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, and the foundation -of the conspiracy, published, notorious and open, was at West Twelfth -Street Turner Hall, on the 11th of October last. At that time, on the introduction -of that resolution by Spies, it was opposed by one man in the -audience, who is a labor agitator, but not an Anarchist—opposed by one -man in that audience, and he was denounced; he was told to take a back -seat, and in support of the resolution it was there said by Spies—and a man, -as I understand, by the name of Belz was chairman—that the time for -argument has passed; the only argument by which to meet these things -was dynamite and the rifle—by force.</p> - -<p>“As is well known, requiring no proof, for a long time before, it was -arranged by a universal arrangement or consent among all the laboring -classes in town that there should be a universal strike for eight hours, to -take place on or about the 1st day of May. On the 1st day of May began -those strikes. On the 2nd—on the 3d—the 2nd was Sunday—on the -3d day of May, on Monday, you will remember from your reading, as it -will appear in proof here, there was difficulty at McCormick’s factory -down on what they called the Black Road. The fact about that meeting -was this: A large number of lumber-shovers, or men who work in the -lumber-yards, had a meeting appointed to wait on the lumber-dealers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[394]</a></span> -There were a great many of them Bohemians, some Germans, and some of -other nationalities—mostly embraced in those two nationalities that I first -spoke of, but all nationalities represented there. The chief officers and the -chief men in the movement were Bohemians. Some of them will be presented -to you by us. The committee that was to wait upon the lumber-dealers -was to report there in an open place called the Black Road, or in -that locality, to the meeting, what the lumber-dealers proposed. In other -words, a peaceful proposition was made by that committee to the lumbermen -to accede to eight hours, and a meeting was held there; the committee -were to come back from the lumber-dealers and report to that meeting. -Spies and a man by the name of Fehling—who ought also to have been in -this indictment, and I will say just a word later about that—one other man -whose identity we have not fully established—went down there uninvited -by any of that committee, or by the chairman of it—went down there and -made an inflammatory speech for the purpose of precipitating that riot. -That is the truth. It was precipitated. I am rather inclined to think that -some other of these men were there. I am not going to state anything to -you here, at any time, in this case, that I do not believe I can prove. I -know Spies was there, and spoke from the top of a car. He wrote up the -speech later on, which I will speak of directly. The president of that organization -down there, the laborers, opposed his speaking and informed the -people that this man was not one of them, but that he was a Socialist, and -they did not want to hear him. He insisted upon speaking, and the friend -that was with him has fled the city and does not dare return. That will be -in proof. Spies did the unmanly thing that he always does. He exasperated -other people to rush on McCormick’s regardless of the president of that -committee, who desired quiet and peace and desired it honestly, although -he was in favor of eight hours. But Spies is not anxious for eight hours. -We will prove that in this case. He does not want eight hours. If the -laboring men—if the bosses and employers in the city of Chicago on the -1st day of May had universally acceded to the eight-hour project, Spies was -a dead duck; they would have had no further use for him, and he didn’t -want it. Therefore he went down there and exasperated the people, and -he made a speech. The police didn’t come on the ground until after McCormick’s -was attacked, and until after stones and bombs were used, or -pistols and lead against McCormick’s factory. What does Spies do, this -redoubtable knight? He runs away and gets home just as soon as he can. He -takes a car and comes north. I will say nothing more about that meeting -for the present. Let us follow Spies. Now, mind you, he saw trouble. He -had exasperated this crowd to attack McCormick’s; they did attack -McCormick’s, and stones were thrown by the mob at McCormick’s men—some -of them—they are called scabs; they didn’t happen to belong to any -union. Of course my opinion about that may be different from some of -yours; I will not criticise. I believe one man is just as good as another, -whether he belongs to a union or not. If he is an honest man and desires -to work, I think he ought to be permitted to work. But those fellows didn’t -belong to the union. They swam across the river, got away the best they -could, saved their lives. But what does Spies do? He rushes away as -soon as he can, when he sees the starting of the difficulty; when he has -got everybody inflamed into frenzy and madness he quietly gets out to save -his august person; he quietly gets out and goes away. That is not all. He -lands that afternoon at the corner of Desplaines and Lake, where there was a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[395]</a></span> -crowd of other men, laborers meeting there, and pronounces a lie by telling -them that ‘twelve or fourteen of your brothers have been killed at -McCormick’s, and by the bloodhounds, the police.’ Spies knew as well -as anything that he ever knew in his life that he was uttering a falsehood. -He knew, if he knew anything, that, so far as his observation was concerned, -not a man had been killed—not a single man had been killed—and he -inflamed the people there by his suggestion, heated as he was and showing -excitement, coming in there at Desplaines and Lake at that meeting, inflaming -those people so that they were then ready to go with the torch and the -sword and level everything before them.</p> - -<p>“That is not all. He left there about four o’clock in the afternoon, -perhaps between four and five, and went to this nest of treason and Anarchy, -No. 107 Fifth Avenue, and there about five o’clock arrived, heated, -excited, and told his men not to stop work, that he wanted to use them. -What did he do? He then and there wrote what is called the ‘Revenge’ -circular. It is written in English and in German. The English part is -tame, more tame than the German—and he knew what he was doing then; -there was a plan in that. We have the circular as printed, which will be -presented to you. We have in addition to that the type from which it was -printed; we have in addition to that the manuscript from which the type -was set. The manuscript is in Spies’ handwriting! That ‘Revenge’ circular, -gentlemen, perpetrated another lie. It said that ‘six of your brothers -have been killed at McCormick’s.’ He decreased it a little. That ‘Revenge’ -circular was hurriedly passed out to all the German settlements of -the town and everywhere, by every possible means. Neebe distributed -them; others distributed them. They were ‘revenge;’ revenge for what? -Revenge for the declared murder of the brothers of the laboring men at -McCormick’s Monday afternoon—when he had no knowledge that a single -man was killed. I have since learned and shall prove that one man did -die days or weeks afterwards from wounds he did receive there, and only -one.</p> - -<p>“I want to suggest another thing to you here. It will appear in proof—because -we have had the German part of that circular translated—that -the German part of that circular is the most infamous thing that ever was -in print. The translation of the German part of that circular is not like -the English part. A man picking up the circular who was an English -scholar—as I remember, the English part of the circular comes first, and following -that is the German part—and any man, even some of these German -newspaper men, would pick that up, and the first thing they would read -would be the English part, not the German. They would read the English -hastily through and they would say, ‘That’s some of Spies’ vaporing nonsense -again; nothing very serious about it, but bad—bad taste—bad -judgment in inflamed times.’ But the revenge circular as printed in German -is altogether a different thing. It is not only treason and Anarchy, -but a bid to bloodshed, and a bid to war. Anybody reading the English -part of that circular would drop it—even the Germans. And the German -newspapers until afterwards did not perceive the dissimilarity between the -two, the English and the German. Now, where is this matter read? It is -fortunate for the English-speaking people that defendants embrace only -two of that class; one of them was born in this country, the other in England. -That circular was read among the Germans. That circular was -spread throughout the western part and the northern part of the city of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[396]</a></span> -Chicago and in other places, at the instance of Spies, who had it circulated -himself. ‘Revenge on the bloodhounds, the police.’ For his life, in regard -to those who were killed, he could not have known whether anybody -was killed or not, because he took care of his royal person so speedily after -the difficulty at McCormick’s that he had no chance to know whether anybody -was killed, and he took good care to see that he was not hurt. So -much for the ‘Revenge’ circular.</p> - -<p>“Now, gentlemen, we are getting down to the 4th of May. There is more -in it than this. Monday was the 3d day of May; Tuesday was the 4th, the -day the bomb was thrown. Everything was ripe with the Anarchists for -ruining the town. Bombs were to be thrown in all parts of the city of -Chicago. Everything was to be done that could be done to ruin law and -order. I wish to say right here, gentlemen, that the proof in this case will -develop a strange state of facts in regard to the complicity of others in this -matter, and in that particular perhaps there ought to be some apology for -myself. The conspiracy was so large, the number of criminals interested -in that conspiracy so appalling, that I distrusted my own judgment, and, -whereas in my soul I believed that at least thirty men and perhaps more -should have been indicted for murder, the developments in the case were of -that kind, when the grand jury was in session, that the facts could not all -clearly be known. And further, there was that feeling and inspiration in -the matter, if you please, that the leaders, the men who have incited these -things, the men who have caused this anarchy and bloodshed here, and -who seek for more—that they should be picked out and, if possible, punished -and blotted out.</p> - -<p>“The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, the paper itself—we shall attempt to show you in -proof here its circulation, or its sworn issue for a year. We will have them -translated for you. We will also attempt to show to you from the <i>Alarm</i>, the -English organ of the Anarchists—that is what it is called, just think of it—the -English organ of the Anarchists, published by the redoubtable and -courageous Parsons. We will show you in proof its writings and its sentiments, -its invitations to Anarchy, to bloodshed, to the throwing of bombs, -and his advice to people how to make bombs.</p> - -<p>“If I prove only this that I have stated to you, it seems to me that from -every principle of law and evidence, from every principle of justice, the -men whose names I have mentioned should be punished.</p> - -<p>“But one step more. This was Monday night, remember, that Spies -wrote the ‘Revenge’ circular. That was not all he wrote. He himself -wrote the account of his speech, wrote the account of the McCormick riot, -wrote his notions about it, and that is in his handwriting. We have the -manuscript. And in that he said this, gentlemen—that ‘so far as the -McCormick matter was concerned it was a failure, and if there only had -been one bomb the result might have been different.’ The one bomb at -least was supplied by his inflammatory utterances the next night.</p> - -<p>“On Monday evening, after Spies had inflamed these people up there—on -Monday in the daytime, rather, appeared in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, a newspaper -published at 107 Fifth Avenue—it is a four-page paper, it has been -constantly and carefully read in the progress of this trial by the gentlemen -seated over there in a row—in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> appeared on Monday, -in a column devoted to editorial notices, a secret word for the meeting of -the armed men. That was in German—the letter ‘Y,’ called ypsilon in -German—“Ypsilon, come Monday night.” Ypsilon was the secret word<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[397]</a></span> -agreed on by the armed men to meet in secret session, when they saw -printed in this treasonable sheet that secret word. As I am informed and -believe from the proof, Balthasar Rau wrote that secret word. The armed -men of the Anarchists, to be brief, are those of the Anarchists who are willing -to throw bombs and fire pistols behind people’s backs. It is divided -into groups. Why, all their literature from Pittsburg to San Francisco, -including the pen of Neebe, Spies, Schwab and Parsons—all of them have -advised how to make up groups, based upon the Anarchistic notions. On -that page appears this secret word. Balthasar Rau is the confidential -friend of Spies, works in their office; he is not an editorial writer, he is not -a writer at all, unless he occasionally essays to say something in print. I -do not know, but I believe that that is his writing, the letter ‘Y’ in German—‘Come -Monday night.’ That is all there was of it. What does it -mean? Pursuant to that secret word, on Monday night—that is the same -night that Spies got back from McCormick’s—on that night the armed -men did assemble pursuant to ‘Ypsilon, come Monday night,’ and they -knew where to go to. They went to Greif’s Hall. Greif’s Hall is on Lake -Street, just east of Clinton.” Mr. Grinnell indicated the points on a map. -“This is Zepf’s Hall (indicating); the name will be mentioned to you. -Here is Desplaines Street Station, so that you can keep in your mind from -this map the idea. Here is Desplaines Street Station; north up here to -Lake, Zepf’s Hall; east, Greif’s Hall. They met. Greif’s Hall is a four-story -building, as I remember; a family lives in it, there is a saloon, and -down in the basement is a place for truck and one thing and another, and -also a rough-and-ready place for meetings. The armed men were there; -Fischer was there; Lingg was there; Engel was there. The armed men -met there with others—other armed men than those that I have mentioned. -They pass into Greif’s Hall; they say to Mr. Greif: ‘Have you a hall we -can take?’ He said: ‘No, my halls are all occupied;’ one kind of labor -association was meeting in one hall, and another in another; but he said, -‘If you want the basement’—and I have a plan and map of the basement—‘if -you want the basement, go down stairs and hold your meeting.’ So -these men, the numbers of them variously estimated from thirty to sixty, -meet in that place. Among them were Fischer, Lingg, Engel and Schnaubelt. -Schnaubelt is in this indictment, and not here. He has run away. -These men met in this hall underneath the saloon, a dingy and dark basement—the -only proper place for conspirators—by the light of a dingy lamp—and -they held an organized meeting. The plan of warfare was devised—not -for the next night. I will explain that. But for some night. Engel, a -man who is gray, has been in this country some years and talks some English—he -understands me, and laughs and smiles at every word I utter—Engel -was at that meeting that night, and told the plan. I am going to be -brief about the recitation of that plan. That was the most fearfully declared -plan that I ever heard in my life. It meant destruction to this town absolutely -if this programme had been carried out. Engel said: ‘When you -see printed in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, under the Letter-box, the word ‘Ruhe,’ -that night prepare for war.’ ‘Ruhe’ means ‘rest,’ ‘peace.’ The -manuscript for that is in our possession and is in the handwriting of Spies. -That word on Tuesday morning appeared in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and in a -double lead, with an emphasis under it, before it and behind it. It meant -‘war.’ They understood it; and Engel refers to Fischer in the meeting -and he says: ‘Is not this the order of the Northwest group?’ That is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[398]</a></span> -another group for conspiracy and treason. Fischer said ‘Yes.’ As I am -informed, Fischer undertook to carry the word back to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -office and have it inserted. Fischer was the foreman of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -office at that time. He carried the word back, I assume. Spies wrote it -out, double-leaded it, made it emphatic, and they were ready for war.</p> - -<p>“But that was not all. Somebody had to make the bombs. Lingg was -there, and he said that he would make the bombs. He was the bomb-maker -of the Anarchists, and we have found and traced to him at least twenty-two -of these infernal machines, one of which passed from his hands to the man -who threw it at the Haymarket Square. I will prove to your absolute -satisfaction that Lingg made the bomb that killed the officers, and will show -to you that it was his bomb, and his manufacture alone. Lingg lived at -No. 442 Sedgwick Street, occupied a room in Seliger’s house. Seliger is -in this indictment for murder also. He is not on trial. I am not yet prepared -to say whether the State will use him as a witness or not. I will -have a suggestion to make on that subject directly.</p> - -<p>“Lingg was to make the bombs. Engel devised the plan and deliberately -told him over and over so that there would be no mistake. Now, what -was the plan? That these conspirators should proceed to Lingg’s house -that next night, or before night, and obtain from Lingg the bombs. He -had already sixteen halves, or eight whole bombs. But he wanted more, -and they were to be filled with dynamite on Tuesday afternoon.</p> - -<p>“And what next? Then these people were informed where they could -obtain them, and he was to go, as he did, in the evening, or between seven -and eight o’clock, to Neff’s Hall, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. They went -to work. There Seliger helped fill the bombs that afternoon. Lingg was -there. Lingg left in the afternoon. He didn’t stay there through it all, -but came back again. I do not think that Lingg was at the Haymarket -that night; he may have been; I don’t think he was. His part on the programme—part -of it had been performed—was to furnish the bombs and -do the work elsewhere.</p> - -<p>“Now, gentlemen, just look at this plan, and this is the plan that Engel -told them should be performed. They were to get these bombs; certain of -them were to be at the Haymarket Square, where this meeting was; and in -this meeting, mind you, in this conspiracy meeting the programme was that -there should be at least twenty-five thousand laboring men present; that -they would not hold the meeting down on the square, but that they would -get up in the street, because they were out in a great open place there, the -police could come down on them and clean them all out; but they must -get back where the alleys were, instead of holding the meeting down here -where it was advertised. You see there are two blocks here. Instead of -holding the meeting on this broad spot here (indicating on the map), they -were to hold it up here; and that very thing was discussed down there that -night in the conspiracy meeting, as to the feasibility of holding it here -where the police could corner them. Then these individuals with the -bombs were to distribute themselves in different parts of the city. They -were to destroy the station-houses; they were to throw bombs at every -patrol wagon that they saw going toward the Haymarket Square with -police officers. They expected there would be a row down there at the -Haymarket Square, of course. There was going to be one bomb thrown -there at least, and perhaps more, and that would call the police down; but -the police must be taken care of and must not be permitted to go, and they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[399]</a></span> -were to be destroyed, absolutely wiped off from the earth by bombs in -other parts of the city. And Lingg went around with bombs in his pocket -that night and desired to throw them at a patrol wagon and was only -restrained by his friends. And they were to build a fire up toward Wicker -Park—some building was to be set on fire for the purpose of attracting the -police in that direction and scattering them about. Others were to take -other parts of the city and burn them so that they would be destroyed.</p> - -<p>“Now, this sounds as if it was a large story. But that is what Spies -had been talking for years; that is what Parsons had been talking for -years; that is what he came back here so courageously, on the arm of the -learned counsel on the other side, to hear again in court.</p> - -<p>“That meeting that night was fruitful of great results. A bomb was -thrown at the Haymarket, and seven killed and many others injured. It is -not necessary for me to go into any more of the details of that conspiracy. -It was carried out to the letter.</p> - -<p>“Now, there is one other little step in this case, gentlemen, that I wish -to bring to your attention. When that ‘Revenge’ circular was circulated, -Fischer, immediately thereafter, and at the conspiracy meeting—Fischer -is the foreman printer of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, and the immediate friend of -Spies and all these people—Fischer was to advertise, to see that the -proper number of people came to that meeting, and he got up an advertisement, -and it was printed. He ordered twenty thousand. That advertisement -will be presented to you in the proof. That advertisement called for -‘Revenge’ and ‘A big meeting of the workingmen at the Haymarket -Square on Tuesday night.’ Now, you see, the ‘Ruhe’ had appeared. The -conspiracy was all complete; everything was arranged; there was only one -step more to make—to get the laboring men there—because, thank God, -all the laboring men were not in this conspiracy. A very few were in it. -It is to their credit, gentlemen; and in my investigation in this case I have -more respect for the laboring man than I had before. The laboring man -as a class is an honest man, and when he saw the ‘Revenge’ circular and -the call ‘to arms’ he stayed away. Fischer had the advertisement printed, -and the last sentence is this: ‘Workingmen, come armed.’ But that was -a little too much for Spies; that was too close home. After about five -thousand of these circulars were printed, Spies orders that sentence -stricken out; but the whole twenty thousand were distributed, and with -Spies’ knowledge. Spies was preparing the alibi.</p> - -<p>“On the evening of Tuesday, at 107 Fifth Avenue, there was a meeting -of these conspirators, of these Anarchists, of what is called the American -group, that Parsons and Fielden and, I suppose, Spies belong to, and -some others. That was held at 107 Fifth Avenue. That is at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -office. They were there on Tuesday night. Parsons was on Halsted -Street, to be sure, but yet seemed anxious to get away and go down to -this other meeting on the South Side. He went down there. The meeting -was advertised for a large number of laboring men. The laboring men -did not materialize to any large extent. Between Halsted and Desplaines -there were hundreds of people walking backwards and forwards, wondering -why the meeting did not take place. It was advertised for half past seven; -they expected to precipitate the matter at half past seven, because, pursuant -to ‘Ruhe’ and the other declarations, and pursuant to Engel and -Lingg and Fischer’s arrangement at the conspiracy meeting, they were to -begin their work in the other parts of the city about eight o’clock, as they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[400]</a></span> -expected the police would precipitate the difficulty—they would precipitate -the difficulty by the police coming about eight, or between half past -seven and eight. Good speakers were advertised, yet no names given. -Spies went over there that night himself, wandered around, seemed careless, -walked over here with his friend Schnaubelt, up to the other street—with -Schwab, too. Schwab went away finally and went up to Deering. -They marched backwards and forwards there, and finally Spies comes back -to the corner here and opens the meeting, and says, when he opens it: -‘We will not obstruct that road on Randolph Street, but will go up here.’ -So he got where he had always said they would get, just above the intersection -of the streets. They got up there on the wagon, and Spies -opened the meeting.</p> - -<p>“Now, gentlemen, we have got down to the meeting. I have endeavored -to give you, in a kind of historical way, how this thing leads up to, -without saying specifically, the proof. I have told you that we would prove -declarations of these men, time out of number, about dynamite and -bombs, and the destruction of property and the destruction of the -police. That we will attempt to do. There is no need of my specifying or -saying what each individual witness will say.</p> - -<p>“Neebe has upheld bloodshed and riot time and again, although from -all the inquiries put to you it would seem as if he was known as one of -these peaceable, peaceful, quiet labor organizers.</p> - -<p>“The laboring men did not come to any large extent. There probably -were not two thousand men there at any time, even early in the evening. -There were not enough there to get up a riot. They could not get up a -riot with such a small number as that, and they were compelled to have -somebody speak to keep what they had; they were dissolving—going -away. Now, Spies was there. He is the man, I think, that knew of -‘Ruhe;’ I think that he himself will state—I think others will state—that -they knew of all the circumstances about the ‘Ruhe,’ and about what they -were going to do. I think the proof will show that he knew of the whole -conspiracy. He did not stop it. They will undertake to show that he -tried to. Now, I want you to watch that carefully. We will have something -to say on that subject as the basis of all this. There never was a great -criminal in the world, especially if he was a coward, but what, if he undertook -to commit a great crime and wanted to conceal himself, he prepared -an alibi. Parsons, Fielden, Schwab, Neebe and Spies prepared that alibi. -They were going to let these three other men suffer, let the man that threw -the bomb suffer; but they, who had been teaching dynamite for years, -asking people to throw bombs for years—they, after the bomb had been -thrown, were going to say that they were not liable at all.</p> - -<p>“Now, at that meeting, Spies got back up here and opened the meeting. -There was some significance in the very way he opened it. We will have -it all here. Fortunately, one of the newspaper reporters—Mr. English, of -the <i>Tribune</i>—stood there with his overcoat on, with his hands in his pocket, -not daring to take his paper out, and took a minute of everything that was -said—wrote in shorthand, with his hand in his pocket, what they said, as -long as he could. Spies opened the meeting up here near the alley. A -wagon was standing there upon which they stood and from which they -spoke. Spies found that the meeting was going to dissolve; there wasn’t -going to be any interference by the police to any extent unless they could -keep that crowd there. So he sends Balthasar Rau over to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[401]</a></span> -office, where the American group were. Now, how did he know that -they were over there? They went over to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office to get -Parsons, Fielden and the rest of them to come over and address the meeting, -and they came over, and we will have what they said—where speeches -were inflammatory, denunciatory, crying for bloodshed—everything of that -character.</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen, I have called several of these men cowards. The testimony -will show that they are. I am rather inclined to think that Fielden, -although he is an Anarchist, is the only man in the whole crowd that stood -his ground that night.</p> - -<p>“The history of the throwing of that bomb shows that the police did not -interfere any too soon. Gentlemen, it is our humble opinion, from looking -this case all over, that Inspector Bonfield, although it is sad to think that -life is destroyed—I think Inspector Bonfield did the wisest thing that he -possibly could have done, to have called the police there that night as he -did. If he had not, the next night it would have had to be done, or the next, -and whereas seven poor men are dead, there would have been instead hundreds, -perhaps thousands. I say again, to the credit of Bonfield and the -police, I wish it understood that at that meeting it was the wisest thing that -ever happened to this town, although cruel as it may seem in the light of the -fact that seven died. Hundreds and perhaps thousands were saved. -Anarchy had been taught and cried for months; it had almost come with -its demoralization, and the strength and courage of the police saved the -town.</p> - -<p>“About ten o’clock, from the reports coming to Bonfield, as will appear -in proof, the inflammatory utterances of these American citizens, of these -people, had decided Bonfield that the meeting must be broken up. He was -wise. He passed down there with his force of police, and, gentlemen, not a -policeman except the commanding officer in front had a weapon in his hand. -They marched down there shoulder to shoulder, covering the whole street, -and came to the wagon. Fielden was shouting to the police, talking about -the bloodhounds as they advanced, because he was facing them as he spoke. -He probably saw them as they turned the corner. They formed here -(indicating on the map), in this court back here, and marched into the -street at Desplaines, occupying almost the entire width of the street, facing -down—what we may call up Desplaines Street, north towards where this -meeting was. The meeting was held about the vicinity of that alley. This -property here, all through there, is Crane’s factory—R. T. Crane & Co. -Here is an alley that runs in through here. Eagle Street is here, and of -course here is Lake, and here is Randolph. Fielden was speaking; the -police came up to the wagon; Captain Ward stepped up to the crowd and -told them that he commanded them, in the name of the people of the State -of Illinois, to depart, to leave, to disperse. He made the ordinary statutory -declaration. Fielden stepped from the wagon and said: ‘We are peaceable,’ -so that it could be heard a long distance around him. At that moment -a man, who a moment before had been on the wagon, stepped to the corner -of that alley, lighted the bomb and threw it into the police. Fielden stepped -from the wagon and began firing. He is the only one, I told you, of the -crowd, that has got any of the elements of the hero in him; he was willing -to stand his ground. The others fled. Parsons never did a manly thing -in his life, and neither did the others. They are not for law; they are -against the law. Although Fielden is against the law, he did have the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[402]</a></span> -English stubbornness to stand up there and shoot, and he fired from over -the wagon until finally he disappeared.</p> - -<p>“I have given you in detail a good deal of the proof. I have told you -the reason that I did it was, not only for your own edification, but so that -these gentlemen could know what we expect to prove. We have nothing -to conceal, we have nothing to hide. We expect as fair a statement from -them as to their case.</p> - -<p>“I have only a word or two more to you, gentlemen. Remember, -gentlemen, that this meeting was called for half-past seven. The police -did not appear until half-past ten. There are nearly three long hours—about -half-past ten, between ten and half-past ten. The bomb-throwers had -become discouraged. Those individuals that were situated in different -parts of the town had not received the communication, because the conspiracy -embraced the fact that spies were to be located there to scatter the -word, and then was to continue this destruction. The police came so late, -and so many went away, that it was absolutely coming very near to being a -fiasco. They had been arranging for it for months. The conspiracy had -been clearly declared and established. The only thing they needed was -the crowd. The crowd failed to come. The police failed to interfere, and -finally, at the last moment, having interfered, most of those that were there -had gone. And there was another thing. These men that were interested -in the throwing of the bomb were paralyzed, notwithstanding their firing -and the shooting, by the attitude of the police who stood up there; and in -all my examination of these men, asking each and every one of them as far -as I could what they did there that night, I have failed to find a man that -ran. They stood up there and fired at these wretches who were pouring into -them, from both sides of the street, a volley of shots from pistols. One -bomb was fired and thrown, and just the moment that happened, not a -policeman with his club—scarcely one—not a policeman with a pistol in -his hand, but every one standing there waiting for orders. The bomb was -thrown, and the firing began from both sides of the policemen and from the -crowd, and them alone. The police never fired a shot until after many of -their men had already bit the dust.</p> - -<p>“I will attempt to show to you, gentlemen, who threw the bomb, from -this locality (indicating on map). I have said to you that the bomb that -was thrown was made by Lingg. I will prove that.</p> - -<p>“I have one other suggestion to make to you. There never was a conspiracy -in the world, either small or great—not a conspiracy ever established -in the world, but what there was needed some conspirator to give the -first information of its existence and its purposes. I want you to be cautious, -gentlemen, about an unjust criticism of any member of that conspiracy -who first gave us the ideas about it and its ends. Seliger gave us the -information, the first information, which led to the knowledge of this terrible -conspiracy, led to the knowledge of the facts relating to it. I said to you, we -may not use Seliger; but I say to you this, gentlemen, that not a single -conspirator placed upon the witness-stand by the State shall be so placed -there without we can do something to corroborate his statements; and even -if we do not, I have yet to learn of a man that dare say that that conspiracy -did not exist. And so far as that is concerned as a question of law, when a -conspirator or a co-conspirator gives his testimony in court, you have a right -to reject it if you desire. But, gentlemen, before you reject it the court -will simply instruct you in regard to a conspirator’s testimony that his testimony<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[403]</a></span> -is to be considered like any other witness, and that you have a right -to consider his credibility in view of the fact that he is a co-conspirator.</p> - -<p>“This indictment is for murder, a serious charge. Under our statute -the jury fixes the penalty. If murder, the penalty is not less than fourteen -years; it may be for life; it may be the death penalty. For manslaughter, -the lower degree under murder, under our statute, which is somewhat different -from statutes in other States, the penalty is any number of years’ imprisonment -and may be for life. The indictment in this case is for murder. -There are a great many counts here, but the chief thing is the count against -these men for murder. Now, it is not necessary in a case of this kind, nor -in any case of murder, or any other kind, that the individual who commits -the exact and particular offense—for instance, the man who threw the bomb—should -be in court at all. He need not even be indicted. The question for -you to determine is, having ascertained that a murder was committed, not -only who did it, but who is responsible for it, who abetted it, assisted it, or -encouraged it? There is no question of law in the case.</p> - -<p>“We will show to you, I think to your entire satisfaction, that, although -perhaps none of these men personally threw that bomb, they each and all -abetted, encouraged and advised the throwing of it, and therefore are as -guilty as the individual who in fact threw it. They are accessories.</p> - -<p>“I have talked to you, gentlemen, longer than I expected to, and chiefly -so that you would know something about this case, know something about -the facts. I have given you not, perhaps, all the details, but I have given -you, as a whole, the facts. I want you to patiently listen to the evidence in -this case from both sides, and be careful in your analysis. You have, most -of you, been here some time, and you have been admirably patient. Only -continue that way, and be patient in the matter, and make up your minds -when the testimony is all presented, and not before. It may take some -days to get at the proof and to place it all before you, so that you can -clearly understand it. A great deal of the proof has to come from the -mouths of witnesses whose language will have to be interpreted to you. That -will take more time. But the whole case will finally be presented to you -substantially, I think, as I have stated it. I will now leave the matter -with you.”</p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[404]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXI.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Great Trial Opens—Bonfield’s History of the Massacre—How the -Bomb Exploded—Dynamite in the Air—A Thrilling Story—Gottfried Waller’s Testimony—An -Anarchist’s “Squeal”—The Murder Conspiracy Made Manifest by Many -Witnesses.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap08">ON Friday, July 16, the day following the delivery of the State’s Attorney’s -argument, the first witness was called. The defendants appeared -flushed with excitement, and the throng in the court-room was eager in -expectancy of the State’s evidence. Some of the officers disabled at the -Haymarket were among the interested spectators. All were in a flutter of -suppressed excitement.</p> - -<p>“Felix D. Buschick,” called the State’s Attorney.</p> - -<p>The sound re-echoed through the room and floated out through the open -windows. Buschick advanced with trepidation and took the witness-stand. -Every neck was craned to catch a glimpse of him as he arose. He was a -draughtsman, and his testimony had reference simply to maps and plans -showing the location of the Haymarket Square, the surrounding streets and -alleys, the spot where the bomb was thrown, and the location of the Desplaines -Street Station.</p> - -<p>Inspector <span class="smcap">John Bonfield</span> followed next. He stated that he was -Inspector of Police, had been on the force ten years, and had been in command -of the men ordered to rendezvous at Desplaines Station on the night -of May 4. His testimony then proceeded as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I got there about six o’clock. There were present Capt. Ward, Lieuts. -Bowler, Penzen, Stanton, Hubbard, Beard, Steele and Quinn, each in charge -of a company. During that day our attention was called to a circular calling -a meeting at the Haymarket that evening. I saw the Mayor that afternoon, -then went to Desplaines Street Station and took command of the forces -there, all told about one hundred and eighty men. We stayed in the station -until between ten and half-past ten. The men then formed on Waldo Place. -We marched down north on Desplaines Street. Capt. Ward and myself -were at the head, Lieut. Steele with his company on the right, and Lieut. -Quinn on the left; the next two companies that formed in division front, -double line, were Lieut. Bowler on the right, Stanton on the left; next company -in single line was Lieut. Hubbard. Lieuts. Beard and Penzen’s orders -were to stop at Randolph Street and face to the right and left. We marched -until we came about to the mouth of Crane Brothers’ alley. There was a -truck wagon standing a little north of that alley and against the east sidewalk -of Desplaines Street, from which they were speaking. There were -orders issued in regard to the arms of the men and officers.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Being asked what those orders were, defendants’ counsel objected, but -the objection was overruled. Bonfield continued:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[405]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“The orders were, that no man should draw a weapon or fire or strike -anybody until he received positive orders from his commanding officer. -Each officer was dressed in full uniform, with his coat buttoned up to the -throat and his club and belt on, and the club in the holder on the side. -Capt. Ward and myself had our weapons in our hand; pistols in pockets. -As we approached the truck, there was a person speaking from the truck. -Capt. Ward turned slightly to the right and gave the statutory order to disperse: -‘I command you, in the name of the people of the State of Illinois, -to immediately and peaceably disperse.’ As he repeated that, he said, ‘I -command you and you to assist.’ Almost instantly, Mr. Fielden, who was -speaking, turned so as to face the Captain and myself, stepped off from the -end of the truck toward the sidewalk and said in a loud tone of voice, ‘We -are peaceable.’ Almost instantly after that I heard from behind me a -hissing sound, followed, in a second or two, by a terrific explosion. In -coming up the street, part of the crowd ran on Desplaines toward Lake, but -a great portion fell back to the sidewalks on the right and left, partly lapping -back onto our flanks. Almost instantly after the explosion, firing from -the front and both sides poured in on us. There were from seventy-five to -a hundred pistol shots fired before a shot was fired by any officer. There was -an interval of a few seconds between that and the return fire by the police. -On hearing the explosion I turned around quickly, saw almost all the men -of the second two lines shrink to the ground, and gave the order to close -up. The men immediately re-formed. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn with their -companies charged down the street; the others formed and took both sides. -In a few moments the crowd was scattered in every direction. I gave the -order to cease firing and went to pick up our wounded. Mathias J. Degan -was almost instantly killed. The wounded, about sixty in number, were -carried to the Desplaines Street Station. Seven died from the effects of -wounds.”</p> - -<p class="p1">After identifying circulars calling the Haymarket meeting and demanding -revenge, he continued:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“As we approached there were about five or six on the truck. Did not -see the direction of the bomb; it came from my rear. I was about ten feet -from the wagon. The rear rank of the first company and the second company -suffered the most. During the evening or during the continuance of -the meeting I received reports as to what was going on, from officers -detailed for that purpose.”</p> - -<p>On cross-examination, his testimony was as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I was the highest officer on the ground that night. The whole force -was under my special charge and direction. As we marched down, the -divisions of police occupied the full width of the street from curb to curb. -Around the corner of Desplaines and Randolph there were a few persons -scattered, apparently paying no attention to the meeting; the crowd attending -the speaking was apparently north of that alley. The speakers’ wagon -was not more than five or six feet north of that alley. Fielden, when speaking, -was facing to the north and west, was facing us when my attention -was especially called to him; there were about one thousand people there; -don’t remember whether it was moonlight; there were no street lamps lit; -there was a clear sky. As we marched along, the crowd shifted its position; -the speaking went right on. My experience is, if the police were marching<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[406]</a></span> -in parade, the crowd would get to the sidewalk to look on; if to disperse a -crowd or mob, the natural thing would be for them to run away. I saw -Fielden that night for the first time. As Capt. Ward turned to the wagon -to give the order to disperse, I saw the men were still advancing, and I -turned to the left, gave the command to halt, and then came up alongside of -Capt. Ward. Capt. Ward stood within a few feet of the south end of that -truck, which stood lengthwise of the sidewalk, the tongue end north. The -front rank of the first division was near up to the north line of the alley, -probably not more than ten or fifteen feet from the wagon. Before Capt. -Ward had finished his command I was beside him. Capt. Ward spoke as -loud as he could speak. Between my calling the halt and the explosion of -the bomb, I don’t think it was a minute. As the Captain finished, Fielden -stepped from the truck and faced us, and, stepping on the street, he turned -to the sidewalk or curb, which is perhaps ten inches above the street, and -said: ‘We are peaceable.’ Within two or three seconds the explosion followed. -I did not hear anything said by Fielden from the truck. When he -stepped on the street I could have reached out and touched him. He did -not say: ‘This is a peaceable meeting.’ When I heard the hissing sound -Fielden was in the act of getting to the sidewalk.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Gottfried Waller</span>, a former associate of the defendants, testified through -an interpreter. He stated his occupation, residence, etc., and proceeded as -follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“On the evening of the 3d of May I was at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake -Street; got there at eight o’clock; went there pursuant to an advertisement -in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>: ‘Y—Come Monday night.’ Before that notice there -is the word ‘Briefkasten,’ which means letter-box. This notice was a sign -for a meeting of the armed section at Greif’s Hall. I had been there once -before, pursuant to a similar notice. There was no other reason for my -going there. I had seen no printed document before. I spent no time in -the saloon at Greif’s place. I attended a meeting there in the basement -which extends throughout the length of the building. The ceiling of basement -is about seven or eight feet above the floor. I called the meeting to -order at half-past eight. There were about seventy or eighty men. I was -chairman. I don’t know of any precautions taken about who should come -into the meeting. Of the defendants there were present Engel and Fischer—none -of the other defendants.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On a question as to what was said at that meeting after it had been -called to order, objections were raised on behalf of six of the defendants -other than Engel and Fischer, and overruled. Waller then resumed:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“First there was some talk about the six men who had been killed at -McCormick’s. There were circulars there headed ‘Revenge,’ speaking -about that; then Mr. Engel stated a resolution of a prior meeting as to -what should be done, to the effect that if, on account of the eight-hour strike, -there should be an encounter with the police, we should aid the men against -them. He stated that the Northwest Side group had resolved that in such -case we should gather at certain meeting-places, and the word ‘Ruhe’ published -in the Letter-box of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> should be the signal for us -to meet. The Northwest Side group should then assemble in Wicker Park, -armed. A committee should observe the movement in the city, and if a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[407]</a></span> -conflict should occur the committee should report, and we should first storm -the police stations by throwing a bomb and should shoot down everything -that came out, and whatever came in our way we should strike down. The -police station on North Avenue was referred to first. Nothing was said -about the second station—just as it happened. I then proposed a meeting -of workingmen for Tuesday morning on Market Square. Then Fischer -said that was a mouse trap; the meeting should be on the Haymarket and -in the evening, because there would be more workingmen. Then it was -resolved the meeting should be held at 8 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span> at the Haymarket; it was -stated that the purpose of the meeting was to cheer up the workingmen so -they should be prepared, in case a conflict would happen. Fischer was -commissioned to call the meeting through hand-bills; he went away to order -them, but came back after half an hour and said the printing establishment -was closed. It was said that we ourselves should not participate in the -meeting on the Haymarket; only a committee should be present at the -Haymarket and report in case something happened, as stated before. -Nothing was said as to what should be done in case the police interfered -with the Haymarket meeting. We discussed about why the police stations -should be attacked. Several persons said, ‘We have seen how the capitalists -and the police oppressed the workingmen, and we should commence to -take the rights in our own hands; by attacking the stations we would prevent -the police from coming to aid.’ The plan stated by Engel was adopted -by us with the understanding that every group ought to act independently, -according to the general plan. The persons present were from all the -groups, from the West, South and North sides.”</p> - -<p class="p1">A question being raised as to what was said about attacking the police -in case they should attempt to disperse the Haymarket meeting, he replied:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“There was nothing said about the Haymarket. There was no one who -expected that the police would get as far as the Haymarket; only, if strikers -were attacked, we should strike down the police, however we best could, -with bombs or whatever would be at our disposition. The committee -which was to be sent to the Haymarket was to be composed of one or two -from each group. They should observe the movement, not only on the -Haymarket Square, but in the different parts of the city. If a conflict happened -in the daytime they should cause the publication of the word ‘Ruhe.’ -If at night, they should report to the members personally at their homes. -On the 4th of May we did not understand ourselves why the word ‘Ruhe’ -was published. It should be inserted in the paper only if a downright -revolution had occurred. Fischer first mentioned the word ‘Ruhe.’ I only -knew one of the members of the committee, Kraemer. Engel moved that -the plan be adopted. The motion was seconded, and I put it to a vote.</p> - -<p>“During the discussion was anything said about where dynamite or -bombs or arms could be obtained, that you remember of?” “Not on that -evening,” answered the witness. “I left the meeting about half-past ten. -I went home. I was present at the Haymarket meeting on Tuesday evening -for some time. I did not go there on account of the meeting, but -because I had to go to Zepf’s Hall, to a meeting of the Furniture Workers’ -Union. I saw the word ‘Ruhe’ in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> about 6 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span>, on -Tuesday, at Thalia Hall, a saloon on Milwaukee Avenue, where the second -company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the Northwest Side group used -to meet. I went to the Haymarket and stayed there about a quarter of an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[408]</a></span> -hour, while Mr. Spies spoke. Mr. Spies spoke English; I didn’t understand -it, and I went to the meeting of the furniture workers. On my way -to the Haymarket I had stopped at Engel’s. There were some people of -the Northwest Side group there. Engel was not at home. Breitenfeld was -not there. I was at Zepf’s Hall when the bomb exploded. There was -some disturbance, and the door was closed. After the door was opened -again we went home. I went alone. On my way home I stopped at -Engel’s and told him what had happened at the Haymarket. They had -assembled in the back part of their dwelling-place around a jovial glass of -beer, and I told them that a bomb was thrown at the Haymarket, and that -about a hundred people had been killed there, and they had better go home. -Engel said yes, they should go home, and nothing else.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">“Mr. Waller,” asked the State, “did you ever have any bombs?”</p> - -<p>This was objected to by the defense, but after a full argument the objection -was overruled. Waller resumed:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Formerly, about half a year ago, I had one. It was made out of an -eight-inch gas or water pipe. I did not investigate what it was filled with. -Got it from Fischer, the defendant, on Thanksgiving day of last year, at -Thalia Hall.”</p> - -<p class="p1">“What did he say to you, if anything, when he gave it to you?”</p> - -<p>Another objection was raised, but it was overruled. Waller continued:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I should use it. There were present members of the Northwest Side -group and several men of the Lehr und Wehr Verein when he gave me -that bomb.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Asked as to a public meeting on Thanksgiving day, Waller answered in -the affirmative, stating that the meeting was held at Market Square. After -explaining that the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were known not -by names, but by numbers, he said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Everybody had to know his own number; my number was 19. The -numbers of the different men were not exactly secret, but we did not pay -particular attention to it. Of those who were present at the meeting at 54 -West Lake Street, on Monday night, I knew Fischer, Engel, Breitenfeld, -Reinhold Krueger and another Krueger, Gruenwald, Schrade, Weber, -Huber, Lehman, Hermann.”</p> - -<p>“What became of the bomb which you had?”</p> - -<p>“I gave it to a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein; he had it -exploded in a hollow tree. I had a revolver with me when I went to the -Haymarket; had no bomb. Schnaubelt was present at the Lake Street -meeting. (Witness identified photograph of Schnaubelt.) Schnaubelt at -that meeting said we should inform our members in other places of the -revolution so that it should commence in other places also. On Sunday, -before that meeting at Lake Street, I was present at a meeting at Bohemian -Hall, at No. 63 Emma Street. August Krueger invited me; he is also -called the little Krueger, while Reinhold is known as the large Krueger. -I got to the meeting at Emma Street at 10 <span class="smcap">A.M.</span> There were present Engel -and Fischer, the defendants, besides Gruenwald, the two Kruegers, Schrade, -myself.”</p> - -<p>“What was said at the meeting?”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[409]</a></span></p> - -<p>“The same that I stated—Engel’s plan. Engel proposed the plan. -Somebody opposed this plan, as there were too few of us, and it would be -better if we would place ourselves among the people and fight right in the -midst of them. There was some opposition to this suggestion to be in the -midst of the crowd, as we could not know who would be our neighbors; -there might be a detective right near us, or some one else. Engel’s plan -was finally accepted.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">An effort was made to have Waller’s testimony all stricken out, but the -motion was overruled. He was subjected to a rigid cross-examination, but -he did not waver in any of his statements. He proceeded as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Before I ceased to be a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, I -belonged to it for four or five months. I learned that the objects of the -Lehr und Wehr Verein are the physical and intellectual advancement of its -members. None of the defendants were members of that society about the -4th of May. I had seen a call by the letter ‘Y’ in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -once before, one or one and a half months before. On the 3d of May a -member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, by the name of Clermont, called -for me. I spoke with Engel before I went to Greif’s Hall, but had no conversation -with him about the purpose of the meeting. We did not know -for what purpose it was called. When more people arrived, I requested -Engel to lay his plan again before the meeting. Engel stated both at the -meeting on Sunday and at the Monday night meeting that the plan proposed -by him was to be followed only if the police should attack us. Any -time when we should be attacked by the police, we should defend ourselves.</p> - -<p>“Nothing was said with reference to any action to be taken by us at the -Haymarket. We were not to do anything at the Haymarket Square. The -plan was, we should not be present there at all. We did not think that the -police would come to the Haymarket. For this reason no preparations -were made for meeting any police attack there. When I saw the word -‘Ruhe’ in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> on Tuesday, May 4, about 6 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span>, I knew -the meaning, but I didn’t know why it was in the paper. On the Haymarket, -on my way to the meeting of the Furniture Workers’ Union, I met -Fischer. We were walking about some time. I don’t think he said anything -to me about why I was not at Wicker Park. We once walked over -to Desplaines Street Station. The police were mounting five or six patrol -wagons, and I made the remark: ‘I suppose they are getting ready to -drive out to McCormick’s, so that they might be out there early in the -morning.’ Fischer assented to my remark. That was all that was said -about the police between us. At that time there were about three hundred -and fifty or four hundred people assembled at the Haymarket. The principal -purpose of the Haymarket meeting was to protest against the action -of the police at the riot at McCormick’s factory. While I was with Fischer -at the Haymarket, nothing was said between us about preparations to meet -an attack by the police. When I came to Engel’s, at about half-past ten, -there were in his house Breitenfeld, the little Krueger, Kraemer, and a few -others. Kraemer, I think, lived in the rear of the house.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[410]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-410.jpg" width="400" height="243" id="i410" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE GREAT TRIAL. <span class="smcap wn">Scene in the Criminal Court.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[411]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“I know that I am indicted for conspiracy. I was arrested about two -weeks after the 4th of May by two detectives, Stift and Whalen, and taken -to East Chicago Avenue Station. I saw there Capt. Schaack, and, in the -evening, Mr. Furthmann. I was released about half-past eight of the same -day. No warrant was shown to me. I was never arrested since my indictment. -I was ordered to come to the station four or five times. At every -occasion I had conversations with Furthmann about the statements made -here in court. I live now at 130 Sedgwick Street, since one month. Capt. -Schaack gave me $6.50 for the rent. Whenever I used my time sitting in -the station, I was paid for it. Once we had to sit all day, and we were paid -two dollars for that day. I was out on a strike, and Capt. Schaack gave -my wife three times three dollars. He gave me, twice before, five dollars -each time. I have been at work for the last two weeks for Peterson. When -I went there to commence work I was told that I was on the black list, and -could not work, and Capt. Schaack helped me to get the job. By the black -list I mean that the bosses put all those upon a list who were in any way -connected with the strike to obtain eight hours’ work, and they were not to -be employed any further.</p> - -<p>“I know Spies by sight. I never had any conversation with him. I -spoke to Mr. Neebe once a few words, at a meeting of the basket-makers. -I have no acquaintance whatever with Schwab, Parsons, Fielden or Lingg. -I saw Lingg once make a speech.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Bernhard Schrade</span>, another confidant of the Anarchists, stated that he -had resided in this country nearly five years and had been a member of the -Lehr und Wehr Verein. He was present at the meeting in the basement -of Greif’s Hall, on the evening of May 3, and found the meeting in order -when he got there. His testimony was as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Waller was presiding. There were about thirty or thirty-five people—Waller, -Engel, Fischer, Thielen, the Lehmans, Donafeldt. Lingg was -not there. When I entered, the chairman explained what had been spoken -about until then. He stated the objects of the meeting; that so many -men at the McCormick factory had been shot by the police; that a mass-meeting -was to be held at Haymarket Square, and that we should be prepared, -in case the police went beyond their bounds—attacked us. Afterwards -we talked among ourselves, and the meeting adjourned. I heard -nothing about assembling in other parts of the city. That same evening I -had been to the carpenters’ meeting, and it was said there that the members -of the L. u. W. V. should go around to the meeting on Lake Street. I -stayed there from eight until half-past nine. Circulars headed ‘Revenge’ -were distributed there by one Balthasar Rau. That carpenters’ meeting -was held at Zepf’s Hall. At the meeting at 54 West Lake Street I stayed -from half-past nine until about a quarter after ten. On the preceding Sunday -I was at a meeting at the Bohemian Hall, on Emma Street. We got -there about half-past nine in the forenoon. The big Krueger called for me. -There were, besides me, Waller, Krueger, Fischer, Engel and Grueneberg. -I don’t know the others.</p> - -<p>“Those present belonged to the second company of the L. u. W. V., and -the Northwestern group. We talked there about the condition of the -workingmen after the 1st of May, and the remark was made that it might -not go off so easy after the 1st of May, and if it should not, that they would -help themselves and each other. It was said that if we were to get into a -conflict with the police, we should mutually assist one another, and the members -of the Northwestern group should meet at Wicker Park, in case it -should get so far that the police would make an attack, and should defend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[412]</a></span> -themselves as much as possible, as well as any one could. Nothing was said -about dynamite; the word ‘stuff’ was not used. Nothing was said about -telegraph wires. The revolutionary movement was talked about; it was -mentioned that the firemen could easily disperse large masses of the people -standing upon the street, and in such a case it would be the best thing to -cut through their hose, annihilate them. I was at the Haymarket on the -night when the bomb was thrown. Went there with a man named Thielen. -Got there about half-past eight. I walked up and down on Randolph Street, -and at the corner of Desplaines I heard all the speakers. When the bomb -was thrown I was at a saloon at 173 West Randolph Street. I had left the -meeting because a rain and a shower came up. I know all the defendants. -I saw Engel and Fischer, about an hour previous to the meeting, upon the -corner of Desplaines and Randolph. After the bomb was thrown I went -to my home, 581 Milwaukee Avenue. I met the little Krueger in the -saloon. He was there; also the big Krueger. The L. u. W. V. used to -meet at Thalia Hall, Milwaukee Avenue. We had our exercise, marched -in the hall—drilled. We had Springfield rifles, which we kept at home.</p> - -<p>“We had our military drills for pleasure. Most of the members had been -soldiers in the old country, and we were drilling here for fun—pleasure. -We drilled once a week, at times. The members knew each other, but on -the list each one had his number. My number was 32. There were four -companies of the L. u. W. V. in this city. I don’t know the number of -members.</p> - -<p>“I saw ‘Revenge’ circulars at the meeting at 54 West Lake Street. I know -Schnaubelt by sight. Don’t remember whether he was at 54 West Lake. -(Witness was shown the signal “Y,” in <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>.) I saw this in the -paper when I read it at Thalia Hall. It is a sign for the armed section to -meet at 54 West Lake Street. The armed section means certain members -of certain societies—trades-unions who had bought weapons with which -they practiced continually.” (Witness is shown paper containing the word -“Ruhe.”) “I never saw that before. Did not hear anything said about -‘Ruhe’ in the meeting at 54 West Lake Street.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Schrade was shown a book of Most’s and stated that he had seen it -sold at meetings of workingmen. On cross-examination he testified:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I know Spies, Parsons, Fielden, Neebe and Schwab only by sight; -never had any business or conversation with any of them. Lingg and I -belonged to the same Carpenters’ Union, but we were not on terms of -friendship. None of the defendants are members of the L. u. W. V., to my -knowledge. I paid attention to all that was done while I was at the 54 -West Lake Street meeting. I was at the Sunday meeting from half-past -nine until half-past eleven. The discussion was, that if the police made an -attack upon workingmen we would help the workingmen to resist it, and if -the firemen helped, we would cut the hose. Nothing was said about dynamite -or bombs at any of the meetings. Nothing was said about a meeting -at any particular night to throw bombs. It was not agreed to throw bombs -at the Haymarket meeting. While at the Haymarket I had no bomb; I -don’t know dynamite. I knew of no one who was going to take a bomb to that -meeting. When I left the Haymarket meeting everything was quiet; I did -not anticipate any trouble. I had seen the signal ‘Y’ before. It was understood -that the meetings were to be called by that kind of notice. I left the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[413]</a></span> -Haymarket meeting only on account of the approach of the storm. There -were about two hundred people there when I left.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Edward J. Steele</span>, Lieutenant of Police at the West Chicago Avenue -Station on May 4th, gave some details as to marching to the Haymarket, -and stated that he had been in command of a company of twenty-eight -men. He further testified:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Two or three seconds after that—Captain Ward’s command to the -meeting to disperse—the shell was thrown in the rear. It exploded on the -left of my company. There was then also a smaller report in the rear of -me, like a large pistol shot, and at that time the crowd in front of us and -on the sidewalks fired into us immediately; by immediately I mean two -or three seconds after. The crowd fired before the police did. Mine and -Quinn’s were the front companies. My men had their arms in their pockets -and their clubs in their belts; their hands by their side. I was six or -eight feet from the speakers’ wagon when the command to halt was given. -Prior to that I could hear speaking going on in front of us. I heard somebody -say, ‘Here come the bloodhounds. You do your duty and we will do -ours.’ I could not say who made the remark. The sound came from in -front of us as we were marching. Ward spoke in a loud tone of voice to -the speakers on the wagon when he commanded them to disperse. There -were three or four men on the wagon. I saw Mr. Fielden there. I did not -hear him make any response to Ward’s declaration. After the pistol shots -from the crowd we returned the fire. Fielden stepped off the wagon, -turned to the sidewalk, and I lost sight of him. When we got some few -feet north of Randolph Street, the crowd in front of us separated to the -right and left. I heard nothing said by the crowd. The bomb lit in the -rear of the left of my company, and the right of Lieut. Quinn’s, between -that and the next company behind us. When I heard the explosion I was -facing north. The word ‘fire’ was not given by anybody, but we began -firing when they fired on us. The explosion of the bomb affected about -twenty-one of our men in the two companies, and the firing commenced at -once.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination, Lieut. Steele stated:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“My experience is that where the police make a descent upon a riotous -gathering, a mob, the latter scatter to all sides, so as to get out of the way. -But when we pass through a peaceful, quiet body of men, they separate -to the sides instead of rushing down the alleys and out the other way. I -do not mean to say that the remark about the bloodhounds coming was -made by the speaker from the wagon. Mr. Fielden was on the sidewalk -when the bomb exploded. Capt. Ward was just a step or two in front of -me when he gave the order to disperse. Any loud exclamation made by -Mr. Fielden, either in the wagon, or getting out of the wagon, or immediately -after he got out, I would have heard. I did not hear him make any.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Martin Quinn</span>, Lieutenant of Police, had a company of twenty-five men -on the left of Lieut. Steele, and when they marched to the Haymarket they -had their clubs in their belts and their pistols in their pockets. He heard -the remark: “Here they come now, the bloodhounds. Do your duty, men,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[414]</a></span> -and I’ll do mine.” The man who was speaking at the time they came up -was Fielden. Quinn’s testimony then runs as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Just as he was going down, he said: ‘We are peaceable.’ Some person -had hold of his left leg. He reached back, and just as he was going down -he fired right where the Inspector was, Capt. Ward and Lieut. Steele. -After that I dropped my club, took my pistol and commenced firing in -front. The crowd formed a line across the street in our front, and immediately -when that bomb was fired, and almost instantaneously with it that -shot from the wagon, they commenced firing into our front and from the -side, and then from the alley. I fired myself. Fourteen men of my company -were injured. I lost sight of Fielden as he got on the sidewalk. I -could not distinguish which was first, the explosion of the bomb or the shot -fired by Fielden. There was another very loud report immediately after -this first explosion. I did not know what it was. The bomb exploded -about the same instant that the remark, ‘We are peaceable,’ was made. -And at the same time he fired that shot. Ward at that time had not quite -finished his expression. The pistol was aimed in a downward direction, -towards where Ward, Steele and Bonfield stood. After I was looking to -the front, and had discharged my weapon, I looked back and saw the explosion -of the bomb—it was just the same as you would take a bunch of firecrackers -and throw it around, just shooting up in all directions, in the rear. -Some of the men were lying down, some of them lying dead, some crippled -around. All along on Desplaines Street the lamps were dark. Where the -speaker was there was a torch on the wagon, and also the lamp was lit -there. I had emptied my pistol. Then I turned around to look at the -result of the explosion. Then I went over in under the wagon, and where -the speaker was, and I found a pistol there that was loaded. I picked it up -and emptied it myself afterwards. It was a thirty-eight Smith & Wesson. -I saw Fielden fire only that one shot. It was not aimed at the man who -had hold of his leg. There were Ward, Bonfield and Steele there right in -a bunch, close by together, and it should have hit some one of them.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The cross-examination did not change the testimony; he only added to -its force, and with reference to Fielden only modified it so far as to say:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I would not swear that it was or was not Fielden who fired the pistol, -but it was a speaker, that I know, that fired at the instant he finished saying, -‘We are peaceable.’ While standing in the wagon, in the presence of -the police force and all the audience, he fired a revolver right where Lieut. -Steele was and Capt. Ward, and the right of Lieut. Steele’s company; fired -right into them. The torch was still on the wagon at that time, and the -street lamp near by was lighted.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">James P. Stanton</span>, Lieutenant of Police, had charge of eighteen men and -saw the shell coming through the air. He shouted to his men: “Look out, -there is a shell,” and just then it exploded. It fell just four feet from where -he stood, and his men were scattered upon the street. All but one or two -of his command were wounded. He himself was injured, his body being -hit in eleven different places with pieces of the shell, and he was confined -to a bed at the hospital for two weeks and a half, after which he was taken -home.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[415]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“After that I commenced to limp around. I had to suffer from a -nervous shock. The holes in my clothing are larger than the holes in my -limbs. My company was on the west side of the street, Bowler on the -east. When I first saw the shell it was in the air, very near over my head. -It came from the east, I think, a little north of the alley. It was about -three inches in diameter. The fuse was about two inches long when I saw -it. When we advanced I heard speaking from the north. I saw some -parties standing on the wagon. Don’t know anything about what transpired -after the officers came to a halt. No shot was fired to my knowledge -before the explosion of the bomb. Immediately after that shots were -fired. I turned myself and drew my revolver and immediately commenced -to fire. I cannot swear from whom the firing began first. My men were -supposed to be armed; they had their clubs in their belts.”</p> - -<p>The cross-examination brought out no new points.</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">H. F. Krueger</span>, a police officer, heard the cry, “Here they are now, -the bloodhounds!” from the wagon at the Haymarket, and thought it was -Fielden who uttered it. “I saw Fielden,” said he, “pistol in hand, take -cover behind the wagon and fire at the police. I returned his fire and was -myself immediately shot in the knee-cap. I saw Fielden in the crowd and -shot at him again. He staggered, but did not fall, and I lost him. There -were no pistol-shots fired before the bomb exploded.” This testimony was -in every detail corroborated by John Wessler, another police officer, the -next witness, and by Peter Foley, an officer.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Luther Moulton</span>, of Grand Rapids, Michigan, an officer of the Knights -of Labor, testified to a conversation which he had had with August Spies -when the latter went to Grand Rapids to deliver a lecture, on February -22, 1885. Spies told the witness that the only manner in which the laborers -could get a fair division of the product of their labor was by force and -arms. He said they had three thousand men organized in Chicago, with -superior weapons of warfare. There might be bloodshed, Spies said to -him, for that happened frequently in revolutions. If they failed, it would -be a punishable crime. If they succeeded, it would be a revolution. -George Washington would have been punished had he failed. “I am -quite certain,” Moulton said, “that the term ‘explosives’ was used in connection -with arms.” On cross-examination Moulton stated that the Grand -Rapids police had furnished him the means to come to Chicago. All of -Moulton’s material statements were repeated on the stand by Geo. W. -Shook, who had been present at the conversation referred to.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">James Bowler</span>, Lieutenant of Police, in command of twenty-seven men, -testified that he did not recognize any one firing.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“After the explosion I said to my men: ‘Fire and kill all you can.’ I -drew my own revolver; I had it in my breast coat side pocket. In marching, -I heard the words: ‘Here come the bloodhounds,’ said by somebody -close to the wagon. I fired nine shots myself. I reloaded. While marching,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[416]</a></span> -the men had their arms in their pockets. I noticed the lamp at Crane’s -alley was out.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination he stated that he heard the remark about bloodhounds, -but did not know who uttered it. He continued:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“There was a kind of light on the wagon, a kind of a torch. I saw -firing close by the wagon after the explosion, but not from in the wagon. I -saw no one either in the wagon or getting out of the wagon do any firing. -I saw Mr. Fielden coming off of the wagon very plainly.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Several officers testified to the scene about the wagon, and Thomas -Greif, the occupant of the premises 54 West Lake Street, described the -basement where the “Ypsilon” meeting was held. Following him was -proffered more direct evidence that Fielden had fired the shot, and then -<span class="smcap">James Bonfield</span> took the stand, and described the search that was made in -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office. Said he:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“In Mr. Spies’ office I found a small piece of fuse, a fulminating cap, -and a large double-action revolver; about five inches of fuse. I found the -revolver under a wash-stand in the office; that dirk file was along with them -(indicating), with a paper doubled over them loosely. The fuse is an -ordinary fuse; the fulminate is in the end of the cap. The fuse is inserted -that way (indicating), and the cap is pinched, and that is inserted in dynamite -and the hole closed. I never saw the cap used for anything except -dynamite and nitro-glycerine. I have used it in mines for that purpose. -The power of the cap itself don’t amount to anything. I found that -‘Revenge’ circular, as it is called, in Spies’ office, where I arrested him. -This box (indicating) contains a great many empty shells, evidently for the -Winchester improved rifle; there are also some empty and some loaded -sporting cartridges. The pistol is a 44-caliber, I think. On the 5th, after -the arrest of Spies, that night I took down some reporters. I had a conversation -with Spies that night, and I think with Fielden. The reporter -carried on the major part of the conversation. Mr. Spies stated there had -been a meeting of the Central Labor Union that evening previous to the -Haymarket meeting. He mentioned a man by the name of Brown, and a -man by the name of Ducey that attended that meeting, and when they -adjourned there they went down to the Haymarket. He spoke of the -gathering of the crowd, how it threatened to rain, how they went on the side -street, and about Fielden speaking at the time the police came. He said -he was on the wagon at that time, and a young Turner was there who had -told him the police were coming, told him to come down, took him by the -hand and helped him down. He afterwards gave his name as Legner; he -claimed the police had opened fire on them. He said when he got off the -wagon he went in the east alley and came out on Randolph Street. He -approved of the method, but thought it was a little premature; that the -time had hardly arrived to start the revolution or warfare. After that I took -the reporters around to Fielden.</p> - -<p>“Fielden said he was there when the police came up; he got wounded -in this alley. Then he got a car, and, I think, went around to the corner of -Twelfth and Halsted, or Van Buren and Halsted, and then he got -another car and went down to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office to see if any of -his friends had got back there; that from there he went over to the Haymarket<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[417]</a></span> -again to see if any more of his comrades were hurt. I know -Fischer. I was at his house. He was arrested at the same time, or a few -minutes after Spies and Schwab were arrested. His house is 170 or 176 -North Wood Street. I went there with Mr. Furthmann and, I think, -Officer Doane. It was about nine or ten o’clock. I made a search of the -house. In a closet, under the porch at the front door, I found a piece of -gas-pipe about three and a half feet long. There was no gas connection in -the house. The gas-pipe was an inch or an inch and a quarter in diameter. -I laid it down again. I searched around and went back again, and -couldn’t find it in a day after. I remember a conversation with Fischer -afterwards, in the office. He was asked to explain how he came by a -fulminating cap which was found in his pocket at the time of the arrest. -He said he got it from a Socialist who used to visit Spies’ office about -four months previous. He claimed he didn’t know what it was, and -had carried it in his pocket for four months. After some conversation -he acknowledged that he knew what it was, and had read an account of it -and the use of it in Herr Most’s ‘Science of War.’ That conversation was -at a detective’s office. The fulminating cap looked to be perfectly new, -and the fulminate was fresh and bright in the inside. There was no fuse -attached to it. He told of being at the Haymarket meeting until a few -minutes before the explosion of the bomb, and he went from there to Zepf’s -Hall, and was there at the time of the explosion. He acknowledged that -he had gotten up the circular headed ‘Attention, Workingmen,’ and that -it was printed at Wehrer & Klein’s. I think their own office was closed, and -he went over to Wehrer & Klein’s and got it printed over there; I think 2,500 -copies—25,000 or 2,500.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination witness testified as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am in the detective branch of the police force. I arrested Spies and -Schwab in the neighborhood of nine o’clock. I found Spies in the front -office. He was to the left of the door as I entered. My recollection is, he -was talking to somebody. Schwab was over to the right, and was sitting -down. That was on the second floor. I think I went up two flights of -stairs. There were three or four men in the office besides those two. -There was no resistance by either of the gentlemen. Had no warrant for -their arrest. I don’t know of any complaint having been made against them -before any magistrate. While I was talking to Spies and Schwab Spies’ -brother came in. I placed him under arrest too. I took them with me. -I took them to police headquarters. We went on foot. It was in the back -part of the room that I found that revolver. The main part of the room -in which I arrested them was perhaps twelve feet deep, and then there was -a wing that ran back further. The box I mentioned was on the floor, and -against the south wall. One could see it readily on entering the room. I -found that box on my third visit. I don’t remember having seen it on my -first visit. That third visit was some time in the afternoon, perhaps two -or three o’clock. On my second visit I went over to the printer, to pick -out the type similar to the one in the ‘Revenge’ circular. I went to the -composing room. The printer’s name is John Conway. That was near -twelve o’clock. On my fourth visit I took away a lot of red flags and such -stuff as that. When I made the arrest of Spies and Schwab that -morning Mrs. Schwab was present. I should think, by the looks of -things, they were transacting business, or ready for it. When I was in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[418]</a></span> -composing-room there were several men there. I found the red flags -principally in what they termed the library in that building. It was, I -think, in the rear part, on the second floor. Twenty or twenty-one compositors -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> were arrested during that day. I was not -present at the time. I found that copy of the ‘Revenge’ circular on one of -the desks in the front room. I was there when the form and the type of -the circular were found. We had no search warrant at the time any of -them were taken. I do not know to whom that revolver belongs. I took -Spies and Schwab into the front room of the Central Station. Lieutenant -Shea sent out for the key. In the meantime we searched Spies -and took the personal effects away from him. I took Mr. Spies’ -keys out of his pocket—everything I found, little slips of paper -and the like. I literally went through him. I had no warrant for -anything of that kind. I took those reporters to see Spies down to the -cell-house in the basement of the Central Station. The cell-house is very -near the center of the building, and fronts on the inside court between the -county and city building. I went down with the reporters about eight or -nine o’clock. Spies, Schwab and Fielden were in separate cells. Spies -said the action taken at the Haymarket was premature. It was done by a -hot-head that could not wait long enough. I cannot use the words. That -is the sentiment, and perhaps the words. Fielden said the police came up -there to disperse them, and they had no business to. He claimed that they -had a right to talk and say what they pleased, under the Constitution, and -they should not be interfered with. I don’t think it was ever questioned -whether the meeting was a peaceable and quiet meeting. I don’t think that -he ever claimed that it was either quiet or disorderly. The fulminating cap -which I found in that box did not look fresh and bright. It looked as though -it might have lain there a good while. When Chief Ebersold came into the -office at Central Station he was quite excited, and talked to Spies and -Schwab in German and made motions, and I got between them, and I told -him this was not the time or place to act that way. I took the liberty to -quiet him down a little. He used a word which I understood to compare a -man to a dog or something lower.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The incendiary speeches that were made by some of the defendants at -the riot at McCormick’s were testified to by different newspaper men, and -the scenes at the riot described by officers and others, the whole showing -very distinctly the direct connection of Spies with the outrage, and the manner -in which he incited the mob to violence.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[419]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">“We are Peaceable”—Capt. Ward’s Memories of the Massacre—A Nest -of Anarchists—Scenes in the Court—Seliger’s Revelations—Lingg, the Bomb-maker—How -he cast his Shells—A Dynamite Romance—Inside History of the Conspiracy—The -Shadow of the Gallows—Mrs. Seliger and the Anarchists—Tightening the -Coils—An Explosive Arsenal—The Schnaubelt Blunder—Harry Wilkinson and Spies—A -Threat in Toothpicks—The Bomb Factory—The Board of Trade Demonstration.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap08">DURING the progress of the trial the court-room was thronged daily. -The prisoners sat radiantly throughout the whole proceedings as if -supremely certain of acquittal, and they manifested great pride in the -boutonnieres which were handed in every morning by admiring friends. -As the testimony of the State’s witnesses proceeded, the defense raised -innumerable objections to the admission of parts particularly criminative, -and at times hours were consumed in arguments on the points involved. -The objections were almost invariably overruled, and exceptions taken. -Having finished the evidence then at hand with reference to the McCormick -riot, the State resumed the Haymarket massacre.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">William Ward</span>, Captain of Police at the Desplaines Street Station, a -member of the force since 1870, a resident of Chicago for thirty-six years -and a veteran of the Rebellion, was subjected to a long and interesting -examination. He first stated the facts with reference to marching to the -Haymarket and his order to the meeting to disperse, corroborating the testimony -of Inspector Bonfield in every particular, and then concluded as -follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“As the speaker was getting from the wagon he said, ‘We are peaceable.’ -That was this gentleman (indicating Fielden). I heard some utterances of -the speaker before I addressed him, but could not understand them—quite -a noise there. Our men had their clubs in their belts, pistols in their -pockets. A few seconds after Fielden said, ‘We are peaceable,’ I heard the -explosion in my rear. I turned to look and see, and pistol-firing began -from the front and both sides of the street by the crowd. I did not recognize -anybody firing. Then the police began firing, and we charged into the -alley, Crane’s alley, and north on Desplaines Street. Seven policemen died -from the effects of wounds; one was brought dead into the station—Mathias -J. Degan. There were in all killed and wounded sixty-six or sixty-seven—about -twenty-one or twenty-two out of Desplaines Street Station; forty-two -in all out of my precinct. It was only several seconds from the time that -Fielden said, ‘We are peaceable,’ and the time the police charged down the -alley and up Desplaines Street.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The cross-examination resulted as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I had a detail there that night from the Central Police Station under -command of Lieut. Hubbard. At the time I gave the command to disperse<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[420]</a></span> -I was right close to the rear part of the wagon, close to the outside wheel, -southwest of the wheel. I could almost touch it; could have touched it -with my club. Some of the men carried their pistols in the breast pocket of -the coat, some the hip pocket. At the time I gave the command, Inspector -Bonfield stood at my left; Lieut. Steele was in the rear of me, might have -been a little to the right. There were four to six persons on the wagon. -Fielden was standing on the south end of the truck, facing southwest, -facing me, when I commenced to speak, until I was through. Then he got -off the truck, on the southeast end of it, on the corner toward the sidewalk. -All I could understand of what Mr. Fielden said was: ‘We are peaceable.’ -I did not see Fielden after that. There was no pistol-firing of any -kind by anybody before the explosion of the bomb. I was several feet in -advance of the front rank of the police in marching down, sometimes eight -or ten feet in advance; sometimes not so far. The only utterance from any -source that I can recall that was heard by me, before the bomb exploded, -was that of Fielden, ‘We are peaceable,’ that he spoke to me, or looking right -at me when he spoke. It was a little louder than ordinary, than if he was -addressing me. I think the accent was on the last word, ‘We are <i>peaceable</i>.’ -I don’t remember whether I related this utterance of Fielden on the -occasion of the Coroner’s inquest when I testified there. I think Steele’s -line was about on a line with the center of the alley. Quinn’s line had -swung a little further forward. A block and a half south of there, there -were eight or ten electric lights on the front of the Lyceum Theater, and -they lit up the street considerably. I don’t remember whether there was -a torch-light or any other light on the truck.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Michael Hahn</span>, a tailor working on Halsted Street, stated that he was -at the Haymarket and received an injury in his back, one in his thigh, and -one in the leg:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I went to the hospital that same night. Dr. Newman removed something -from my person that night; that is what he said; he showed it to me. -It was some kind of a nut. (Witness is handed an ordinary iron-threaded -nut.) I guess that was about the size. I left the hospital two weeks after. -I think that is the same nut.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Reuben Slayton</span>, a policeman on the force fourteen years, testified that -he arrested Fischer:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I searched him and found that gun (producing and exhibiting a revolver). -It is a 44-caliber; was loaded when I found it; self-acting, -I found this file ground sharp on three edges (producing it), and that belt -and sheath (producing same). The belt and sheath were buckled on him; -the file in the sheath, revolver stuck into the slit in the belt, and he had ten -cartridges in his pocket. He also had this fulminating cap in his pocket. -It was brighter when I found it. He said he carried that revolver because -he carried money, and going home nights to protect himself. I took him -to the Central Station. He said he had worked at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> as -a compositor for two years. When I arrested him he was coming down the -stairs. I was going up into the building. I felt this revolver and took him -back up, and searched him and took these things from him. The belt was -under his coat. You could not see the pistol and this stuff. I also arrested -Fielden at his house the same day, May 5th, in the morning, at No. 110<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[421]</a></span> -West Polk Street. When I locked him up at the Central Station, he took -the bandage off his knee and put it on. I asked him where he got it -dressed. He told me when he got shot he came down the alley and took -a car and went to, I think he said, Twelfth and Canal Streets—had his -knee dressed there that night.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination, Officer Slayton stated that he met with no resistance -from Fischer or Fielden and that he found no munitions of war at -the latter’s house. He had no warrant, he said, for their arrest.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Theodore Fricke</span>, business superintendent of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, once -its book-keeper, testified to Spies’ handwriting on the manuscript containing -the word “Ruhe,” and identified several other documents as in Spies’ -handwriting. He continued:</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-421.jpg" width="300" height="168" id="i421" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">SPIES’ MANUSCRIPT OF<br />THE FAMOUS “RUHE” SIGNAL.<br /> -<span class="wnn">Engraved direct from the Original.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="pbq p1">“The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> is the property of a corporation. Fischer was a -stockholder, so was I, so is Spies and Schwab. I was employed by this -corporation. Parsons is not a stockholder. Neebe belongs to this corporation. -I have -known Neebe -about two -years; I saw -him at picnics -and in our office. -There -was a library -in the building -belonging -to the International -Working People’s -Association—a -Socialistic -association -composed -of -groups, known by names. I belonged to the group ‘Karl Marx,’ which -met at No. 63 Emma Street. Before that I belonged to the Northwest -Side group, which met at Thalia Hall, No. 633 Milwaukee Avenue. Hirschberger -was the librarian. I know Fischer; he belonged to the Northwest -Side group. Engel belonged to the same. Spies formerly belonged to the -Northwest Side group, later to the American group. Parsons belonged -to the American group. Schwab, I guess, to the North Side group, I don’t -know for sure. I don’t know about Lingg. I guess Neebe belonged to the -North Side group. These groups, except the Northwest Side group, had a -central committee, which met at No. 107 Fifth Avenue. The Northwest -Side group was not represented. They had strong Anarchistic principles. -Fielden, I guess, belonged to the American group. This book here -(Johann Most’s book) I saw at the library in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building. -I have seen that book sold at picnics by Hirschberger, at Socialistic picnics -and mass-meetings. At some of those meetings Spies, Parsons and Fielden -were present; sometimes Neebe, sometimes Schwab, maybe Fischer.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[422]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">Counsel for defendants objected to this line of inquiry, because, as they -said, it is not shown that any of the defendants knew or participated in the -selling, or that they had anything to do with, or that they saw the selling. -This led to some words between court and counsel:</p> - - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><i>The Court</i>—“If men are teaching the public how to commit murder, -it is admissible to prove it if it can be proved by items.”</p> - -<p><i>Mr. Black</i>—“Well, does your Honor know what this teaches?”</p> - -<p><i>The Court</i>—“I do not know what the contents of the book are. I -asked what the book was and I was told that it was Herr Most’s ‘Science -of Revolutionary Warfare,’ and taught the preparing of deadly weapons and -missiles, and that was accepted by the other side.”</p> - -<p><i>Mr. Black</i>—“Does that justify your Honor in the construction that it -teaches how to commit murder, or of stating that in the presence of the -jury?”</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-422.jpg" width="300" height="125" id="i422" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">“Y—COME MONDAY EVENING.”<br /> -<span class="wnn">Reduced <i>Fac-simile</i>, engraved direct<br />from the Original Manuscript.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p><i>The Court</i>—“.... I inquired what sort of book it was, and it was -stated by the other side what sort of book it was, and you said nothing -about it, so that in ruling upon the question whether it may be shown -where it was to -be found, where -it had been seen, -I must take the -character of the -book into consideration -in determining -whether it -is admissible; -whether it is of -that character or -not we will see -when it is translated, -I suppose. I suppose the book is not in the English language.”</p> - -<p>“Where were the picnics at which you have seen this book sold?” -asked the State’s Attorney.</p> - -<p>“I saw this book sold at a picnic at Ogden’s Grove, on Willow Street, -on the North Side, in July of last year. There were present Spies, Neebe, -Parsons and Fielden. Also at a picnic at Sheffield, Indiana, last September, -where were present Spies, Neebe, Parsons and, I guess, Fischer.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Fricke then identified copies of the <i>Alarm</i>, Parsons’ paper, the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, -the <i>Fackel</i>, the Sunday edition of that paper, and the <i>Vorbote</i>, its -weekly edition, of various dates from May 1st to May 5th.</p> - -<p>On cross-examination, he testified that he had never seen any of the -defendants sell Most’s books anywhere, not even at the Sheffield, Indiana, -picnic, where there were 2,000 people, and that all communications to the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> went through the hands of the editor, Spies.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Edmund Furthmann</span> testified as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am assistant in the State’s Attorney’s office. I was in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -office between eleven and twelve o’clock on the 5th of May. All -the matter shown to Mr. Fricke was obtained by me in the typesetting-room<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[423]</a></span> -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, and has been in my possession since then. The -typesetting-room was full of desks and cases of type, and there were several -tables covered with stone, and at every case there was a hook containing a -lot of manuscript, which I took away. I found the doors locked. I found -some twenty or twenty-five of the ‘Revenge’ circulars there.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination he said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“A locksmith opened the door. We had no search warrant. We also -carried away two mail-bags from there. We placed all this manuscript -into them. Mr. Grinnell, the State’s Attorney, Officer Haas, Lieut. Kipley -and myself were in the party.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Eugene Seeger</span> translated a paragraph in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> of March -15 and testified that it read as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“‘Revolutionary Warfare has arrived, and is to be had through the -librarian, 107 Fifth Avenue, at the price of 10 cents.’</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-423.jpg" width="400" height="109" id="i423" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF HEADING OF THE FACKEL.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>“This appears among what I would call, as a newspaper man, editorial -notices in the local column. These translations here (holding typewriter -copy, purporting to be the translation of certain articles), are correct translations. -There is an editorial here in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> of May 4 headed -‘Editorial.’ ‘Blood has flowed’ is the first phrase of it. There is another -article on the fourth page of May 3, headed ‘A Hot Conflict.’ In the local -column of May 4 a report headed, ‘Lead and Powder is a Cure for Dissatisfied -Workingmen.’ All these articles were also translated by Professor -Olson, of the Chicago University. We compared notes and found -the translations correct.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann then read the translation of -Most’s volume.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">William Seliger</span> testified:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I am a carpenter. Have lived in Chicago three years and a half. -Before that I lived at Charlottenburg, Germany. I was born at Eilau, -near Reichenbach, in Silesia. On May 4th last I lived at 442 Sedgwick -Street, in the rear of the lot. I occupied the second floor. Louis Lingg, -the defendant, boarded with me. On Monday, May 3, I worked for Mr. -Meyer. Quit work at half-past 4 <span class="smcap">P.M.</span> In the evening of that day I was at -Zepf’s Hall, at a meeting of the Carpenters’ Union. I was recording secretary -of the union. I stayed there until half-past eleven. I was not at the -meeting at 54 West Lake Street that night. I heard somebody call upon -us, that all that knew should come to 54 West Lake Street. This here<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[424]</a></span> -(holding paper), ‘Y—Komme Montag Abend,’ means that all the armed -men should come to the meeting at 54 West Lake Street. The armed men -were divers ones—all the Socialistic organizations. There were several -organizations in existence which were drilled in the use of arms. After I -left Zepf’s Hall I took a glass of beer in the saloon and then went to 71 -West Lake Street and took another glass of beer. Then I went home with -several other parties. I saw a copy of the ‘Revenge’ circular at Zepf’s Hall. -Balthasar Rau brought it to the meeting about nine o’clock.</p> - -<p>“On Tuesday I did not work at my trade. I got up at half-past seven, -and after I got up Lingg came. I had previously told him that I wanted -those things removed from my dwelling. He told me to work diligently at -these bombs, and they would be taken away that day. I took some coffee, -and after a time I worked at some shells, at some loaded shells. I drilled -holes through which the bolt went. A shell like this (indicating shell introduced -in evidence). I worked on the shells half an hour. Lingg went to -the West Side to a meeting. Got back probably after one o’clock. He said: -‘I didn’t do much. I ought to have worked more diligently.’ I said I hadn’t -any pleasure at the work.”</p> - -<p>“What did Lingg reply?”</p> - -<p>“Lingg said, ‘Well, we will have to work very diligently this afternoon.’ -During the afternoon I did different work at the shells. In the morning I -had a conversation about the bolts. He told me he had not enough of -them. He gave me one and told me to go to Clybourn Avenue and get -some that he had already spoken to the man about. I got about fifty. I -worked at the bombs during the whole of the afternoon at different times. -Hubner, Muntzenberg, Heuman, were helping. I worked in the front -room, also in Lingg’s room and the rear room. Lingg first worked at gas -or water pipes, such as these (indicating). There were probably thirty or -forty or fifty bombs made that afternoon. The round bombs had been cast -once before by Lingg, in the rear room, on my stove, probably six weeks -previous to the 4th of May. The first bomb I ever saw was in Lingg’s -room. That was still before that. At that time he told me he was going -to make bombs. I saw dynamite for the first time in Lingg’s room, about -five or six weeks previous to the 4th of May. Lingg said every workingman -should get some dynamite; that there should be considerable agitation; -that every workingman would learn to handle these things. During -that Tuesday afternoon Lingg said those bombs were going to be good -fodder for the capitalists and the police, when they came to protect the -capitalists. Nothing was said about when they wanted the bombs completed -or ready. I only told him that I wanted those things out of my -room. There was only a remark that they were to be used that evening, -but nothing positive as to time. I left the house at half-past eight that -evening. Hubner was at the house probably from four to six o’clock. I -did not see what he did. He worked in the front room with Lingg. I was -in Lingg’s room. Muntzenberg was there as long as Hubner. Thielen -was there half an hour—quite that. I did not see what he was doing.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[425]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-425.jpg" width="400" height="231" id="i425" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">PLAN OF THE SELIGER RESIDENCE, USED IN EVIDENCE.</p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“The Lehmans were at the house for a little while. I did not see what -they were doing. They were in the front room. Heuman also worked at -the bombs. I left the house in the evening with Lingg. We had a little -trunk with bombs in. The trunk was probably two feet long, one foot high -and one foot wide. It was covered with coarse linen. There were round -and pipe bombs in it. They were loaded with dynamite and caps fixed to -them. I don’t know how many there were. The trunk might have weighed -from thirty to fifty pounds. We pulled a stick, which Lingg had broken, -through the handle. That is the way we carried the trunk, which was -taken to Neff’s Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue. On the way to Neff’s Hall, -Muntzenberg met us. He took the package into the building through the -saloon on the side into the hallway that led to the rear. After the bombs -were put down into that passageway, there were different ones there, three -or four, who took bombs out for themselves. I took two pipe bombs myself; -carried them in my pocket. We went away from Neff’s Hall and left -the package in that passage. The back of Neff’s Hall is known under the -name of the Communisten-Bude. Different Socialistic and Anarchistic -organizations met there. The North Side group met there. I heard that -the Saxon Bund met there. I don’t know any others that met there. When -I left Neff’s Hall, Thielen and Gustav Lehman were with me. Later two -large men of the L. u. W. V. came to us. I believe they all had bombs. -We went on Clybourn Avenue north towards Lincoln Avenue, to the Larrabee -Street Station, where we halted. Lingg and myself halted there. I -don’t know what had become of the others. Some went ahead of us. -Lingg and I had a conversation, that there should be made a disturbance -everywhere on the North Side to keep the police from going over to the -West Side. In front of the Larrabee Street Station Lingg said it might be -a beautiful thing if we would walk over and throw one or two bombs into -the station. There were two policemen sitting in front of the station, and -Lingg said if the others came out these two couldn’t do much. We would -shoot these two down. Then we went further north to Lincoln Avenue and -Larrabee Street, where we took a glass of beer. Webster Avenue Station is -near there. After we left the saloon we went a few blocks north, then -turned about and came back to North Avenue and Larrabee Street. While -we stood there a patrol wagon passed. We were standing south of North -Avenue and Larrabee Street. Lingg said that he was going to throw a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[426]</a></span> -bomb—that was the best opportunity to throw the bomb—and I said it -would not have any purpose. Then he became quite wild, excited; said -I should give him a light. I was smoking a cigar, and I jumped into a -front opening before a store and lighted a match, as if I intended to light -a cigar, so I could not give him a light. When I had lighted my cigar the -patrol wagon was just passing. Lingg said he was going to go after the -wagon to see what had happened, saying that something had certainly happened -on the West Side—some trouble. The patrol wagon was completely -manned, going south on Larrabee Street. We were four or five -houses distant from the station. Then I went into a boarding-house between -Mohawk and Larrabee Streets and lighted a cigar; then we went -towards home. First Lingg wanted to wait until the patrol wagon would -come back, but I importuned him to go home with me. We got home -probably shortly before eleven; I cannot tell exactly. On the way home -Lingg asked me whether I had seen a notice that a meeting of the armed -men should be held on the West Side. I said I had seen nothing. Lingg -wanted to go out. I took the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>; tore it into two parts. He -took one, and I one. Thereupon he said, ‘Here it is,’ and called my attention -to the word ‘Ruhe.’ This here is the same that I saw in my house. -I did not know the meaning of the word ‘Ruhe’ until the time I saw it. -Lingg said there was to have been a meeting on the West Side that night, -and he was going to go at once to it. ‘Ruhe’ meant that everything was -to go topsy-turvy; that there was to be trouble. He said that a meeting -had been held at which it was determined that the word ‘Ruhe’ should -go into the paper, when all armed men should appear at 54 West Lake -Street; that there should be trouble. After that talk we went away. -Lingg wanted to go to the West Side, and I talked with him to go with me -to 58 Clybourn Avenue. Lingg and I went there. There were several -persons present at Neff’s Hall. I did not speak with Lingg at Neff’s -Hall. A certain Hermann said to him, in an energetic tone of voice, ‘You -are the fault of it all.’ I did not hear what Lingg said to that. They -spoke in a subdued tone. Somebody said a bomb had fallen, which had -killed many and wounded many. I did not hear what Lingg said to that. -On the way home Lingg said that he was even now scolded, chided for the -work he had done. He got home shortly after twelve. We laid the bombs -off on our way on Sigel Street, between Sedgwick and Hurlbut, under an -elevated sidewalk. I laid two pipe bombs there. I saw Lingg put some -bombs there. I don’t know what kind. The next morning I got up about -six o’clock. I don’t know when Lingg got up. On Wednesday evening, -when Lingg got home, we spoke about the Haymarket meeting. He said -if the workingmen only had had the advantage of it they would have -gained the victory. Then we went together to a meeting on Fifth Avenue, -at Seamen’s Hall.</p> - -<p>‘On Friday, I believe, before that Tuesday, the 4th of May, Lingg -brought some dynamite to the house in a wooden box about three feet in -length, about sixteen to eighteen inches in height, and about the same -width. Inside this box there was another box. The dynamite with which -we filled the bombs on Tuesday was in that large wooden box. We -handled the dynamite with our hands and with a flat piece of wood which -Lingg had made for more convenience. This here (indicating) is the pan -to cast those shells in. (Same offered in evidence.) Lingg used to cast -shells in them. Lingg once told me he had made eighty to one hundred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[427]</a></span> -bombs in all. The bolts which I got on that Tuesday were something like -this (referring to bolt about two and one-half inches long).</p> - -<p>“I am a member of the North Side group of the International Workingmen’s -Association. During the last year I was financial secretary. My -number was, at last, 72. Two years ago the members began to be given -numbers. I heard Engel make a speech to the North Side group last -winter at Neff’s Hall. He said that every one could manufacture those -bombs for themselves; that these pipes could be found everywhere without -cost; that they were to be closed up with wooden plugs fore and aft, -and that in one of the plugs was to be drilled a hole for the fuse and cap. -He said they were the best means against the police and capitalists. I -never heard him make any other speech.</p> - -<p>“I saw two bombs at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> last year at the time of the -car-drivers’ strike. Rau showed them to some one. I don’t know precisely -who were present. Spies was there. It was in the evening. There was -one round bomb and one long one—not very long. I was at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -as a delegate from the North Side group to the meeting of the -general committee of all the groups of Chicago.</p> - -<p>“I know Schwab and Neebe. They were members of the North Side -group of the Internationale. I know Fischer. He is a member of some -group, but I don’t know positively. Lingg belonged to the North Side -group. Engel belonged to a group, I cannot tell to which one. The North -Side group met every Monday evening. There were speeches made, or a -review of what had happened during the week. On Sundays some members -exercised with rifles. I don’t know how many members had rifles. Every -one took his own rifle home with him. I had a rifle. I kept it at my dwelling. -This book here (Herr Most’s book) I saw at public meetings of the -North Side group. Hubner had charge of them latterly. The North Side -group bought them and sold them. Hubner was the librarian. This here -(indicating photograph) is Rudolph Schnaubelt.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination he gave the following testimony:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I was arrested after the 4th of May. I was kept at the Chicago Avenue -Station. The first time fully a week. Then I was on the West Side three -weeks and one day; then I went back to the station of my own accord and -stayed there voluntarily. Was locked up there ever since. When first -arrested I made a statement, but not of all that I have testified to-day. I -made a full statement of all that I testified to here, at the Chicago Avenue -Station. Capt. Schaack, Mr. Furthmann and some detectives were present. -That was after I had been in prison seven days. The day after and the -second day after. I have made statements in writing, signed by me, three -times. In the first statement I had not said much. I have done no work, -earned no money, during the time I have been in jail. I received money -from Capt. Schaack; once a dollar and a half, at another time five dollars. -While I was at liberty I read in the paper that I was indicted for the murder -of Degan. I did not know before this case was begun that I was not to be -tried. I did not know whether I was going to be tried for the murder of -Degan along with Mr. Spies and the other defendants. When the trial was -commenced I did not inquire of any of the officers why I was not brought -out for trial. I did not know I was to be used as a witness instead of being -a defendant at this trial. Capt. Schaack did not tell me anything about my -trial. If I would come in and tell the story which was in the written statement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[428]</a></span> -that I have signed—he only told me that it would be the best if I -would tell the truth, and asked me whether I would tell the truth before the -court, and I said yes.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Seliger was then given a breathing-spell, and Mr. Buschick was recalled. -Buschick testified with regard to a map of the rear building of No. 442 -Sedgwick Street, and was excused.</p> - -<p>Seliger, continuing on cross-examination, said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Lingg, I think, is twenty-one or twenty-two years old. He is not a man -of family. He has boarded with me since Christmas last. My house where -I lived on May 4th is about three-quarters of a mile distant from the Haymarket. -When Lingg and I, on Tuesday night at eleven o’clock, after we -had seen the word ‘Ruhe’ in the paper, spoke about going over to the West -Side, we meant Zepf’s Hall, or Greif’s Hall, or Florus’ Hall. One of those -halls was certainly meant, for there is no other place. It was not understood -or agreed between me and any other men who had the bombs that -night at Clybourn Avenue, that any one of us was to go to the Haymarket -meeting. I know that Capt. Schaack paid my wife money at different -times since my arrest. I don’t know how much. I think $20 or $25. -Lingg had made the same remark about bombs being the best food for -capitalists and police before that Tuesday afternoon. When he brought -the first bomb into the house he said they were to be applied on occasions -of strikes, and where there were meetings of workingmen and were disturbed -by the police. On that Tuesday afternoon we agreed to go to Clybourn -Avenue that night, before the bombs were done. It was said that the -bombs were to be taken to Clybourn Avenue that evening. I don’t believe -it was agreed that the bombs were to be taken anywhere else than -Clybourn Avenue. When they were taken to Clybourn Avenue, I don’t -know whether they were to remain there, or were to be taken to further -places. There was no agreement as to where the bombs should be taken -after they got to Clybourn Avenue. I did not hear anything about an -agreement that any of the bombs manufactured on the afternoon of May 4th -were to be taken by anybody to the Haymarket; we were not making -bombs to take to the Haymarket and destroy the police. They were to be -taken to Clybourn Avenue for use on that evening. I can not say that one -single bomb was made for use at the Haymarket meeting. They were -made everywhere to be used against capitalists and the police. I cannot -say who had the bomb at the Haymarket on the night of May 4th. I don’t -know anybody who was expected to be at the Haymarket. I became acquainted -with Lingg in August of last year. I saw Engel once last year in -the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, and again at the meeting of the North -Side group. I did not see whether the bombs which I saw last summer at -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building were loaded. The room where I saw them -was the library-room that belonged to the International Workingmen’s -Association. The bombs were below the counter. I never saw any bombs -in the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, neither in the editorial room nor the -printing-room, nor in the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. The office is the -front room. This library-room is in the rear. I saw those bombs in the -rear room. I don’t know precisely whether that library-room is a part of -the office, or whether it is rented as a library-room. I believe that it -belonged to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. Those drills on Sunday, of which I spoke,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[429]</a></span> -were in the daytime. We kept our guns at home, in broad daylight, and -in the presence of our neighbors, or any one who might be on the streets, -walked to the hall on Sunday and drilled. We had a shooting society. -We went to the Sharpshooters’ Park or to the prairie to exercise. We -used to meet and march publicly on the streets with our guns exposed. We -didn’t try to keep it away from the police force that we had arms and -drilled and marched. I knew that I was indicted for conspiracy and for -murder. I did not employ the services of any lawyer. The only lawyers -that I talked with were Mr. Grinnell and Mr. Furthmann.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On re-direct examination witness stated:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“During the time I was at liberty I went to the West Side to the house -of Mr. Gloom, on Twenty-second Street. I stayed with him two weeks -and one day. He is not a Socialist. I went there from fear of revenge by -the Socialists.”</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mrs. Bertha Seliger</span> testified as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I have lived in this country two years. Am the wife of William Seliger. -We lived at 442 Sedgwick Street from the 12th of October to the 19th of -May. I have known Louis Lingg since two weeks before Christmas. He -came to us to board with us. He boarded with us until May. He took his -meals with us and slept in the house. We occupied the middle floor of -that house. His room was next to the front room, and there was a door -opening into a clothes closet. Shortly before May 1st I saw some bombs -as Lingg was about to hide them—about half a dozen lying on the bed. -They were round bombs and long ones. After Lingg had left the house I -did not see any more of them; they were all gone. On the Tuesday on -which the bomb was thrown at the Haymarket there were several men at -our house. About six or eight. Perhaps more. Those I knew were -Hubner, Heuman, Thielen, Lingg and my husband. I think they were -there until past seven o’clock. They were going and coming during most -of the afternoon. They were in the front room and in Lingg’s room, -working at bombs. I saw Heuman working and filling at them. What the -others were doing I don’t know. I was in the kitchen, and when supper -was ready I went into the bed-room. I was so mad I could have thrown -them all out. I frequently saw Lingg make bombs. I always saw him -cast. I did not pay any particular attention. I simply saw him melt lead -on the cooking-stove in my house—twice with Heuman, once with my -husband and Thielen, and frequently he worked by himself. He said to -us: ‘Don’t act so foolishly. You might do something too.’ On Monday, -the day before the bomb was thrown, Lingg was away. In the morning -some young fellows had come and had their names entered on the list of -the union, and then he was writing pretty much all day.</p> - -<p>“On Wednesday, the day after the bomb was thrown, Lingg was at -home in the forenoon. That was the day on which he wanted to hide those -bombs in the clothes closet, and Lehman was with him. I heard some -knocking, and I went in, and I said to him: ‘Mr. Lingg, what are you -doing there? I will not suffer that,’—and he was tearing everything -loose below, and he sent that man Lehman after wall-paper, and he -wanted to cover up everything afterwards—nail up everything afterwards. -He had the wall-paper already there, and he said to me: ‘I suppose you -are crazy. You ought to have said before you wouldn’t suffer that, that I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[430]</a></span> -would have looked for a place where I am allowed to do that.’ He was -tearing up things all around about in the closet, and he had loosened the -baseboards and taken out the mortar. He said if he needed something he -couldn’t first go to the West Side to get it. On the Friday following, on -the 7th of May, he left my house. Lingg had a trunk which he kept in his -bed-room. This instrument (referring to ladle identified by William Seliger) -Lingg was always casting with.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mrs. Seliger stated:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I have been locked up on account of this bomb business—on account -of Lingg—by Capt. Schaack. The first time I was there from Saturday to -Tuesday. Of course it was Lingg’s fault that I got locked up. I talked -with Capt. Schaack about this matter several times. I was locked up -twice. Capt. Schaack paid my rent. I made no memoranda of the -money I received from Capt. Schaack. He gave me money at different -times, from the time I made my statement down to the present time. He -paid my rent and gave me so much money with which to live. When I -said to Lingg that I wouldn’t allow that wall-paper to be put into the -closet, and ‘what would the landlord say when he comes,’ Lingg said, -‘Well, then, I will say to him that I will not dirty my clothes.’ Those -boards were about a foot high from the floor. The closet did not reach up -as far as the ceiling. He intended to put those things in the wall. There -was nothing in at that time. I stopped him at that juncture. I don’t like -Mr. Lingg very well, because he always had wrong things in his head. I -blame him for me and my husband having been locked up. My husband -and myself talked this thing over together. I said to my husband, ‘I -will tell the truth, and you tell it also.’ Capt. Schaack told us we had -better tell it. I am forty years old.</p> - -<p>“I was locked up in the Larrabee Street Station, and my husband was -in the Chicago Avenue Station. I never occupied the same cell with my -husband while under arrest. I only heard after I came out again that my -husband was arrested in another station. While I was arrested I didn’t -see my husband. No one came to see me. I told that story, and then they -turned me out. When arrested the second time they kept me from Monday -until Friday. I made the same statement as at first and signed it, and -then they turned me out again. The second time I was arrested they -brought a statement, which they said my husband had made, and asked -me to sign it, and I put my name below that of my husband’s, and then -they turned me out. My husband was a Socialist before he got acquainted -with Lingg.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Marshall H. Williamson</span>, reporter for the <i>Daily News</i>, witnessed the -procession of the Socialists in 1885 at the time of the opening of the Board -of Trade building, and was also present at No. 107 Fifth Avenue, from -which place they started, and where they finally separated. He heard -Parsons and Fielden speak from the windows of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office. -Said the witness:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Parsons spoke of the police interfering with them in marching on the -Board of Trade that night. He called the police bloodhounds and called -on the mob to follow him in an assault on Marshall Field’s dry goods house -and various clothing-houses, and take from there what he called the necessities<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[431]</a></span> -of life. They spoke from the second floor. There were about 1,000 -people in front of the building. Fielden in his speech also called upon the -mob to follow them, and he agreed to lead them to rob these places or go -into them and take from them what they needed in the way of clothing and -dry goods. They both said that the new Board of Trade was built out of -money of which they had been robbed; that all the men who transacted -business there were robbers and thieves, and that they ought to be killed. -Nothing was said in the speeches as to the means or mode of killing. Later -I went up-stairs. I saw Fielden and Parsons and some others whose names -I didn’t know. I didn’t know Spies at that time, but remember of seeing him -there. I asked Parsons why they didn’t march upon the Board of Trade -and blow it up. He said because the police had interfered, and they had -not expected that and were not prepared for them. I told him I had seen -revolvers exhibited by some in the procession. He told me when they met -the police they would be prepared with bombs and dynamite. Mr. Fielden -was standing at his elbow at the time. He said the next time the police -attempted to interfere with them, they would be prepared for them. That -would be in the course of a year or so. Spies was in the room. It was the -front room of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office. Spies was not standing immediately -with the party. I was shown what they told me was a dynamite cartridge. -The package was about six or seven inches long, and an inch and a -half or two inches in diameter. It was wrapped in a piece of paper. The -paper was broken. After I had conversed with Mr. Parsons a while, he -took out of the broken place a small portion of the contents. It was of a -slightly reddish color, and he again said it was dynamite, and that was what -they would use when they went against the police; he also said he had -enough of that where he could put his hands on it to blow up the business -center of the city. I was shown a coil of fuse about fifteen or twenty feet; -also a fulminating cap by which they said dynamite bombs were exploded. -The cap was exploded in the room while I was there. It made quite a -noise and filled the room with smoke. It was copper and about an inch -long and perhaps one-eighth of an inch in diameter—about the size of a No. -22 cartridge cap. Mr. Parsons called for these articles. They were in a -drawer in a desk, and Mr. Spies handed them to him to be shown to me. -Parsons told me they were preparing for a fight for their rights; that they -believed they were being robbed every day by capitalists and the thieving -Board of Trade men. He said it must stop. He told me that they had -bombs, dynamite and plenty of rifles and revolvers, and he said their manner -of warfare would be to throw their bombs from the tops of houses and -stores, and in that way they could annihilate any force of militia or police -brought against them without any harm to themselves. After this conversation -I went down-stairs, where I met Detectives Trehorn and Sullivan. I -was acquainted with them. I took them up-stairs and renewed the conversation -with Mr. Parsons, and left him talking with the police officers. The -conversation I had had with Mr. Parsons was in effect repeated with the -police officers in my presence. The officers were in citizens’ clothes. The -red flags in that procession were carried by some women. I was at 54 West -Lake Street, in some of the halls there, on several occasions, within a year -before the opening of the Board of Trade. That is where I got acquainted -with Parsons and Fielden. I heard them speak there. That was during -the winter months of 1884 and 1885. Mr. Fielden, on one occasion, wanted -them to follow him to those clothing stores and grocery stores and some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[432]</a></span> -other places and get what they needed to support their families. He told -them to purchase dynamite. He said that five cents’ worth of dynamite -carried around in the vest pocket would do more good than all the revolvers -and pistols in the world. Mr. Parsons also told them they were being -robbed, and offered to lead them to the grocery stores and other places to -get what they wanted. That is all I remember of those speeches. I heard -them some eight or ten times. There were never over between ten and -twenty-five people present.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination witness stated:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The first of these meetings I attended was about two years ago. I wrote -reports of those meetings, which I think were published in the <i>Daily News</i> -in each instance the day following, in the morning edition. The circulation -of the <i>Daily News</i>, about a year and a half and two years ago, was, I think, -121,000 per day, as claimed by the paper.</p> - -<p>“When I went to the meetings at 54 West Lake Street I had no trouble -to get in. The meetings were held in the front rooms on the top floor. -There were no guards at the door. I simply went in and sat down and took -my notes publicly. Fielden and Parsons learned very soon that I was a -reporter on the <i>Daily News</i>. Those speeches of Parsons and Fielden which -I related were made at the first meeting I attended. When Fielden suggested -the five cents’ worth of dynamite carried in the vest pocket, he gave -no instructions whatever on the subject of how to carry or use it. The proposal -to go out to Marshall Field’s and some clothing store was a proposal -for immediate action. He did not start, however. After he got through -with his talk and proposal, he sat down until the meeting was over. The -meeting quietly dispersed and went home. I did not see that army of less -than twenty-five men start for Field’s that night, or upon any subsequent -occasion. I heard that same proposal at every single meeting I attended -at 54 West Lake Street and 700 and something West Indiana Street, and -various other places. I do not think there was ever over twenty-five present -at their meetings in halls. I have seen larger numbers of people at open-air -meetings. Sometimes the attendance did not exceed about ten men. -The same proposition was made when there were only ten persons present.</p> - -<p>“In that procession on the night of the opening of the Board of Trade I -marched at the head. After Mr. Parsons had finished his speech from the -window of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office that night, in which he proposed to -lead the multitude against those stores, he quietly went back into the room, -and I entered into a conversation with him. Mr. Fielden, after he had got -through proposing, joined in the conversation with Mr. Parsons and myself. -He didn’t go down to the street and lead anybody anywhere, either. The -proposals that night, both by Fielden and Parsons, were proposals for immediate -action, but they simply proposed to, and then gracefully retired -from the window. There were about twenty people in the room. Among -them, I think, was Mr. Spies. There were two reporters besides myself -there. I think both Fielden and Parsons knew me as a reporter at the time. -I presume they knew I was connected with the <i>Daily News</i>. Parsons never -manifested any reluctance in detailing to me what he did; but in one conversation -he refused to reveal the remainder of their plans. I saw some -three or four revolvers in that procession. I don’t know who had them. -There were not to exceed five hundred people in the procession. I saw two -revolvers in the right-hand side coat pocket, and two more in the hip pocket,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[433]</a></span> -carried by four persons. I have informed various police officers of what I -have seen and heard regarding these people. I had frequent conversations -with police officers of Chicago. I think there were about four women in -that procession carrying banners. There were about half a dozen women -in the room while they spoke from the windows. I think some women -spoke from the same windows to the same mob. I think the meetings -which I attended were regularly advertised in the <i>Daily News</i>.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On re-direct examination, Williamson was asked by the State’s Attorney: -“You were about to say something about some interview that you had with -Parsons in regard to the plans, also in regard to leaders and privates in -their army. Will you please state what that was?”</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Parsons told me there were some 3,000 armed Socialists in the city of -Chicago, well armed with rifles and revolvers, and would have dynamite -and bombs when they got ready to use them; that they were meeting and -drilling at various halls in the city. He refused to give me a list of those -halls. He refused to tell me where they bought rifles. He said the society -was divided into groups, and that they knew each other by twos and threes. -He showed me an article in the <i>Alarm</i>, I think, about street warfare. In -that connection I think he told me it was their intention to occupy the Market -Place and the Washington Street tunnel, and in that position they could -successfully encounter any force that could be brought against them.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On re-cross-examination witness related:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“There was nobody present when I had that conversation with Mr. -Parsons. I think it was after New Year’s day of 1885, in the winter. I did -not ask him how they managed to drill if they only knew each other by -twos and threes. He said that in that organization of 3,000 no man knew -more than two or three others.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">John Shea</span>, Lieutenant of Police, and at the head of the detective force, -testified about the search of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office and proceeded:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I know a man that is called Rudolph Schnaubelt. He was in the station -a couple of days after the arrest of those other gentlemen. This here -(indicating photograph) I recognize as Schnaubelt’s picture. When I saw -him he had a mustache. I had a conversation with Mr. Spies at police -headquarters, in my office, after he was arrested. We had a conversation -about that manuscript referred to by me. I asked Spies if he was at the -meeting at the Haymarket. He said he was; that he opened the meeting; -that Schwab was there, but that he understood he went to Deering. -He said Parsons was there, and Fielden; that both spoke there—Fielden -at the time the police came. He said he spoke at a meeting on May 3, near -McCormick’s factory, and some of the parties there in the rear had commenced -to halloa, and said, ‘Let’s go to McCormick’s,’ and they had -started, and most of the crowd had started with them. Spies said he had -heard later what had happened at McCormick’s; that he had got on a street -car and come down town. I asked him if he knew anything about that circular -that was circulated on the street. I don’t remember that I had present -with me the circular which I referred to during that conversation. He -said he did not know anything about the circular, but heard that it had been -circulated. I asked him if he wrote this manuscript (indicating manuscript<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[434]</a></span> -previously produced). Mr. Grinnell was sitting in the office at the time. -Spies said, ‘I refuse to answer.’ Then Mr. Spies said he was the editor there. -I said, ‘Now, would not anything of that kind be likely to go through your -hands before it would go to print?’ He said, ‘I refuse to answer.’</p> - -<p>“I had a conversation with Fischer the next day. He said that on the night -of May 4 he and several others, Schwab, Fielden, were at a meeting in the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office; that Rau brought word to the meeting that there -was a large crowd at the Haymarket, that Spies was there and very few -speakers; and they immediately started to the Haymarket. He said he -didn’t hear Spies, but heard Fielden and Parsons. That pistol and dagger -he had had to protect himself. He had not had it with him that night. It -was in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office. On Wednesday morning he had put it -on because he didn’t intend to stay. He was going away. That fulminating -cap he had got from a man in front of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office some -three months before that. He had never paid any attention to it. He had -made the sharpened dagger himself for his own protection.</p> - -<p>“In the conversation with Spies, my recollection is that he said he got -on the wagon, and said something to Parsons or Fielden about its going to -rain, and left the wagon. I don’t recollect where he said he went to. -Fischer said he was at Zepf’s Hall at the time of the explosion.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Fred. L. Buck</span> was called to testify with reference to some experiments -he had made with dynamite which he had received from the detectives’ -office. He had gone to the lake front with Officer McKeough and another -officer and a newspaper reporter and there made several tests, all of which -demonstrated the immense force of the dynamite.</p> - -<p>Lieut. <span class="smcap">George W. Hubbard</span>, now Superintendent of the force, had -charge of the company that composed the third division at the Haymarket. -Being a large company, it was divided into two, he himself commanding -one wing and Sergt. (now Capt.) Fitzpatrick, who was drill master, being -in command of the other.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I was about four feet behind Stanton’s and Bowler’s companies. My -company was about six feet behind me. I could hear the sound of the -voices at the wagon, but couldn’t hear exactly what was said. I saw the -bomb when it was about six feet from the ground—a little tail of fire -quivering as it fell not more than six feet in front of me. The bomb immediately -exploded, and as far as I could see the entire division in front of -me disappeared, except the two ends; but a great many of them got up -again in a kind of disorder, and then I flanked the left of the division. -There was no firing before the explosion of that bomb. The firing began -almost immediately on both sides of the street and north of me. I, being -on the left, rushed my division of the company right around toward the -sidewalk, and commenced answering the charge from that quarter, and -Fitzpatrick went the other way, to the east, and he commenced shooting -right into the crowd on the sidewalk, faced them right and left. In our company -we had our regular revolvers in our pockets, and we had a larger -revolver in the sockets attached to our belts, on the outside. The club in -the socket and the revolver in the socket were both hanging to the left side -of each officer. Pistols and clubs were all in the pockets until the explosion -of the bomb.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[435]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">S. J. Werneke</span>, police officer, who was hit with a bullet in the head at -the Haymarket, testified that he heard Engel at 703 Milwaukee Avenue in -February, 1886, “advise every man in the audience to join them, and urged -the people to save up three or four dollars to buy a revolver that was good -enough to shoot these policemen down. I was at the Haymarket in Lieut. -Steele’s company. Got hit with a bullet in the head.”</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">John J. Ryan</span> next took the witness-stand. He testified:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I am a retired officer of the United States navy. Live at 274 North -Clark Street. Lived in Chicago for three years. Have seen the defendants -Spies, Neebe, Parsons, Fielden and Schwab on the occasion of their Sunday -afternoon meetings during the summer of last year and the year -previous. I heard some of them speak there, namely, Spies, Parsons and -Fielden, in the English language. I can only designate particularly two -meetings, one previous to the picnic they had last year, and one on the -Sunday directly after it. That was in July of last year, I think. I cannot -say that I saw Mr. Spies at either of those meetings. Mr. Parsons I remember -at one of them.”</p> - -<p>“State what he said,” put in the State’s Attorney.</p> - -<p>“He was speaking in a general way,” said the witness, “about trouble -with the workingmen and the people, what he called the proletariat class, -and spoke about their enemies, the police and the constituted authorities; -that the authorities would use the police and militia and they would have -to use force against them. He advised them to purchase rifles. If they -had not money enough for that, then to buy pistols, and if they couldn’t -buy pistols they could buy sufficient dynamite for twenty-five cents to blow -up a building the size of the Pullman building?”</p> - -<p>“What, if anything, did you hear Fielden say at that meeting?”</p> - -<p>“The speeches were very nearly alike; they spoke about dynamite and -fire-arms to be used against the police, and any one who opposed them in -their designs; they wanted things their way and to regulate society. The -speeches were alike Sunday after Sunday. I heard Spies speak on the lake -front before and after the meetings I mention; he represented, as he said, -the oppressed class, the workingmen, as opposed to the capitalists and -property-owners; the latter were the enemy of the workingmen; if they -couldn’t get their rights in a peaceable manner they must get them in a -forcible way. I heard that talk about ten or fifteen times; the meetings -were held there every Sunday until late in the fall. After the picnic, Mr. -Parsons, I think—I won’t be sure of that—spoke about the young German -experimenting with dynamite at this picnic; that this young German had a -small quantity of dynamite in a tomato-can; it was thrown into a pond or -lake, and he spoke of the force this amount of dynamite exerted, and what -could be done with it in destroying buildings and property in the city.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Ryan stated:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Those lake front meetings were held publicly in plain view to everybody -in every instance. The largest number of persons I ever saw attend one -of these meetings was not more than 150. The meetings that I attended -usually lasted two or three hours. I heard two or three other persons speak -on the lake front at those meetings—Mr. Henry, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Holmes,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[436]</a></span> -and, one Sunday, a young Englishman whose name I did not hear; also an -Irishman whose name I never heard. The meetings were held about half -past two. The speeches were made in a loud, clear tone, sometimes very -loud when they would get excited. A policeman who evidently had charge of -the park was usually around there. It was a general propagation of ideas -and doctrines, down there on the lake front. Once I heard Mr. Parsons say -that now was the time to do it. I heard the opinion expressed there that -the workingmen would have to secure their rights by force, and therefore -should be prepared for it.”</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-436.jpg" width="150" height="195" id="i436" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">Fig. 1.<span class="vh">————</span>Fig. 2.</p> -<p class="pf150 p1">1. Package left at Judge Tree’s house.</p> -<p class="pf150">2. Package left at C. B. & Q. offices.</p> -</div></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Harry Wilkinson</span>, a reporter for the <i>Daily News</i>, testified as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“On Thanksgiving Day, last year, I heard Mr. Parsons speak on the -Market Square. He advised the workingmen who were present (there were -several hundred there), to stand together, and to use force in procuring -their rights. He told them that they were slaves; that out of a certain sum -of money the per cent. they got was too small; it ought to be more evenly -divided with the man who employed them. I don’t -recollect that he said at that time anything as to the -means or manner of force to be used, or against whom.</p> - -<p>“Last January I had several conversations with -Mr. Spies, probably half a dozen. I first saw Mr. -Spies a few days after the 1st of January of this year -in regard to the matter published in this paper (indicating -copy of Chicago <i>Daily News</i> of January 13, -1886). I wrote up the result of my talk with Mr. Spies -for that paper; it was not all published. I inquired -of Spies about an explosive which had been placed on -Judge Lambert Tree’s steps, and one that was placed -in the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad offices, -and he emphatically denied that those machines were -either made or placed by Socialists or Anarchists, -and proved it by showing me that they were entirely -different in character to those used by the Socialists. -He showed me this bomb (indicating), which he described as the Czar; I -took it with me. He spoke of the wonderful destructive power of the Czar -bomb; said it was the same kind that had been used by Nihilists in destroying -the Czar. I told him that I thought it was a pretty tall story, and he became -somewhat excited and produced this, and said that there were others, larger -than that, run by mechanical power—clock-work bombs—and he gave me -that in a small room adjoining the counting-room office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. -He denied that those things were made at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -office; he said they were made by other persons and that there were several -thousand of them in Chicago distributed, and that at some times they were -distributed through the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office; that those who could make -bombs made more than they could use, and those that could make them -gave them to those that could not; that that one was one of the samples. I -asked Mr. Spies if I could take that (the bomb) and show it to Mr. Stone, -and I took it over there and didn’t bring it back. On another occasion, -Mr. Spies and Mr. Gruenhut and myself went to dinner together, and he -told us there about the organization of their people in a rather boastful -manner; how they had gone out on excursions on nice summer mornings, -some miles out of the city, and practiced throwing these bombs; the manner -of exploding them; that they had demonstrated that bombs made of -compound metal were much better than the other kind, and that a fuse -bomb with a detonating cap inside was by far the best; and how at one -attempt made in his presence one of their machines had been exploded in -the midst of a little grove, and that it had entirely demolished the scenery; -blown down four or five trees.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[437]</a></span></p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-437.jpg" width="300" height="354" id="i437" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">SOCIALISTIC BOMBS,<br /> -<span class="wnn">As illustrated in <i>Daily News</i> of Jan. 14, 1886,<br />from specimens shown and -description given by August Spies.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>He further described to me some very -tall and very strong men, who could throw a large-size bomb weighing five -pounds, fifty paces; and stated how, in case of a conflict with the police or -militia, when the latter would come marching up a street, they would be -received by the throwers formed in the shape of the letter V in the mouth -of the street just crossing the intersection, illustrating this by taking some -little toothpicks out -of a vase on the -table, laying them -down and making a -street intersection. -He stated the militia -would probably not -stay to see a second -or a third bomb go -off. If the conflict -should occur at any -of the principal street -intersections in the -city, some of those -organized men -would be on the -tops of houses ready -to throw bombs -overboard among -the advancing troops -or police. All these -matters had been investigated; -the men -were all thoroughly -trained and organized. -The means of -access to the house-tops -of street intersections -was a matter -of common information -among -their adherents. He -said they had no leaders; one was instructed as well as another, and when -the great day came each one would know his duty and do it. I tried to find -out when this would probably occur, and he did not fix the date precisely -or approximately at that time. At another of those interviews he said it -would probably occur in the first conflict between the police and the strikers; -that if there would be a universal strike for this eight-hour system there -would probably be a conflict of some sort brought about in some way -between the First and Second Regiment of the Illinois National Guards -and the police, and the dynamite upon the other hand. In trying to get at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[438]</a></span> -the probable number of them, I understood him that there were probably -eight or ten thousand.</p> - -<p>“He spoke of other larger bombs, as large as a cigar-box, to be exploded -by electricity, which would be placed under a street in case they decided to -barricade any section of the city, that they had experimented with. That -certain members of the organization had in their possession a complete -detail, maps and plans of the underground system of the city. That these -machines would either destroy everybody that was above them when they -went off, or so tear up the street as to make it impassable. He told me -that the ordinary dynamite of commerce was about a 60 or 66 per cent. -dynamite; that they made a finer quality by importing infusorial earth -and mixing it themselves; that was about a 90 per cent. quality. He -showed me no dynamite. I don’t think he gave me any information about -Herr Most’s ‘Science of Revolutionary Warfare.’ I understood that the -object of all this was the bettering of the workingmen’s condition by the -demolition of their oppressors. He vaguely spoke of a list of prominent -citizens who might suddenly be blown up -one at a time or all at once. I frequently -said that I didn’t believe much in the story -he told me. He simply uttered the renewed -declarations.</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-438.jpg" width="200" height="172" id="i438" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">CHART OF STREET WARFARE.<br /> -<span class="wnn">As published in <i>Daily News</i>, Jan. 14, 1886.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“I had this conversation with Spies in -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> at his own desk, on the -left-hand side as you entered the door in the -editorial room. Mr. Schwab was there once -or twice when I was in. I was not acquainted -with him personally. The conversations -which I have chiefly detailed here -took place in the Chicago Oyster House and -in a little room detached from the counting-room -down-stairs where he kept those specimen bombs. He got this bomb -from one of those little pigeonholes in that room.</p> - -<p>“He particularly mentioned the Market Square, and that it would take a -very few men to fortify that street against all the police and militia in -Chicago, and that they would have the tunnel at their back for a convenient -place of retreat for those who were not engaged in throwing the shells, or -for women and children whom they might care to take there. They were -to receive the police or militia with their line formed in the shape of a letter -V, the open end of the letter V facing toward the street intersection. -Then there were to be others to reinforce them, as it were, on the tops of -houses, at those corners. The plan here in this copy of the <i>Daily News</i> of -January 14th, I drew from one that he made right on the table cloth as we -sat at dinner together, except that he did not put in these little squares, but -explained to me where these would be, and laid toothpicks to make these -lines. Those dotted lines and the other dotted lines are to represent the -dynamiters on tops of houses.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Wilkinson testified:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I got leave of Mr. Spies to carry the bomb off and show it to Mr. -Stone. I am now twenty-six years old. Have been in the newspaper business -about four years. I came to Chicago in September of last year. I -was assigned to this work with Mr. Spies by Mr. Stone personally. I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[439]</a></span> -advised Mr. Spies of that fact. The circulation of the <i>Daily News</i>, according -to its official statistics, was about 165,000. After that conversation in -the presence of Joe Gruenhut, I had also an interview with Gruenhut. Mr. -Gruenhut said that the conflict to which our conversation referred at the -table would occur probably on the 1st of May, or within a few days thereafter, -and that it might extend all over the country. He spoke of the -conflict between the workingmen who were to strike for eight hours and -their natural enemies, the police and militia. I don’t remember that anything -was said about the capitalists. The Haymarket was not mentioned.</p> - -<p>“I did not take any notes while the conversation with Mr. Spies was -going on. I wrote them up the first opportunity I afterwards had. Spies -said, as near as I could calculate, that they had about 9,000 bombs. As -to those tall men who could throw a five-pound bomb fifty paces, my recollection -is that it was a company referred to, without number. There were -four or five only of that company, as I understood, who could throw a five-pound -bomb—that is a large-sized shell—and fifty yards is a long distance -to throw a shell. He described the character of the organizations; that if -there were three the first would know the second and the second the third, -but not the third the first; that it was Nihilistic in its character, and that -they were known by other means than names. I don’t think I asked Spies -about how many men were interested in this project that were drilling and -getting ready. I don’t recollect his saying anything about that, but I concluded -that there were as many men as there were bombs, or more. There -was some delay of about three or four days in the publication of my article -after it was prepared.</p> - -<p>“I did not believe all Spies said. I believed about half of it. The -article written by me is wound up by the suggestion that when dressed to -cold facts it was like a scarecrow flapping in the corn-field. I did not write -that. That was edited by some one who told me he didn’t believe as much -of the matter as I did. I remember a communication from Mr. Spies in the -<i>Daily News</i>, after this article. I think I helped ‘fix it up,’ put a head-line -on it. The original was then used as copy. I never saw it afterwards. Joe -Gruenhut is a Socialist.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Gustav Lehman</span> gave his testimony as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am a carpenter. On May 4th I lived at 41 Freeman Street. I lived -there six months. Have been in this country and in this city four years. I -was born in Prussia. I attended a meeting at 54 West Lake Street on the -evening of May 3d. Got there a quarter of nine. I went there from my -home by myself. I was about to go to a carpenters’ meeting at Zepf’s Hall, -but I met several persons who were going to 54 West Lake Street. I saw -a copy of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> containing the notice ‘Y—Komme Montag -Abend.’ It meant that the armed ones should attend the meeting at 54 -West Lake Street. When I got there the meeting was in session. Somebody -made a motion to post somebody at the door, and then I went out to -the sidewalk, by the door, that no one who was going to the water-closet -could remain there and listen. I was stationed on the sidewalk, where the -steps were leading down, maybe a good half hour. I went into the meeting -twice. I heard that large man, with the blonde mustache, say he was -going to have hand-bills printed and distributed. There were present at the -meeting Seliger, Thielen, myself, my brother, Fischer, Breitenfeld and the -Hermanns. That is about all I remember. I don’t know how Engel looks.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[440]</a></span></p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-440.jpg" width="300" height="419" id="i440" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">INTERIOR PLAN OF GREIF’S HALL.</p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“I cannot tell whether Lingg was in the basement, but he went home -with me. We had a little quarrel. Lingg came up to us from behind, on -the sidewalk, and said to us, ‘You are all oxen, fools.’ I asked him what had -taken place at the meeting, where we were just coming from. Lingg told -me that if I wanted to know something I should come to 58 Clybourn Avenue -the next evening. There were present Seliger, my brother, and one -other man. The next day I worked on Sedgwick Street. After I quit work, at -three o’clock, I -met a gentleman, -Schneideke, and -we went to -Lingg’s. Got -there about five -o’clock. I saw -there Lingg, Seliger, -and a blacksmith, -whose -name I don’t -know, and Hubner. -I stayed -there about ten -minutes. They -did some work in -the bed-room. I -couldn’t understand -what they -were doing. I did -not work at anything. -Lingg and -Huebner had a -cloth tied around -their faces. I had -gone there because -my countryman -wanted to -buy a revolver. -After I left I went -home with my -countryman. At -about seven -o’clock I went -back to Lingg’s, -and stayed there -perhaps ten minutes. -They were -still busy in the bed-room. Hubner was cutting a fuse, or a coil of -fuse, into pieces. I saw something like that fuse (indicating a coil of fuse) -and caps. I didn’t do anything there. They were making these fuse and -caps in the front room. That afternoon Lingg gave me a small hand -satchel, with a tin box in it, and three round bombs, and two coils of fuse -and some caps. This here (indicating) is the box which he gave me. It -was said that dynamite was in it. It was nearly full. This box of caps<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[441]</a></span> -(indicating) I found afterwards in the satchel. Lingg said to me he wanted -me to keep these things so that no one could find them. I took them home -with me, to the wood-shed; got up at three o’clock that night and carried -them away to the prairie, about Clybourn Avenue, behind Ogden’s Grove.</p> - -<p>“After supper on that Tuesday evening I was about to go to Uhlich’s -Hall, but there was no carpenters’ meeting there. Then I was about to go -home, but we went to 58 Clybourn Avenue, Neff’s Hall, because of what -Lingg had told us Monday night. Schneideke was with me. We stayed -at Neff’s Hall about ten minutes. We got there about half past nine. I -did not see anybody there whom I knew but the barkeeper. After leaving -Neff’s Hall we went up Clybourn Avenue to Larrabee Street. We had no -special place in view. I got home about eleven o’clock. We met Seliger and -Lingg standing together on the sidewalk on Larrabee Street, near Clybourn -Avenue. We stood there with them, but one—I don’t know whether it -was Seliger or Lingg—remarked: ‘We four should not keep together.’ -Then we went towards North Avenue, along Larrabee Street. Near North -Avenue we met Thielen. I afterwards went to the prairie with a detective, -about May 19th or 20th, to find the things that Lingg had given me. The -bombs and the dynamite, the fuse and the caps were still there.”</p> - -<p>“Have you ever been a member of any Socialistic organization?”</p> - -<p>“I have been a member of the North Side Group of the International -Workingmen’s Association. I belonged to the group about three months -prior to the 4th of May. The group met at 58 Clybourn Avenue, regularly, -every Monday evening. We talked together there, advised together, and -reviewed what had happened among the workingmen during the week. -We had hunting-guns and shot-guns with which we drilled. I kept my -gun at my house.”</p> - -<p>“Did you ever attend a dance at Florus’ Hall?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, about March of this year. It was a ball of the Carpenters’ -Union. Lingg was present there. There was about ten or ten and a half -dollars’ profit on the beer. The money, according to a resolution passed at -the next meeting of the Carpenters’ Union, at 71 West Lake Street, was -handed over to Lingg, with the instruction to buy dynamite with it, and -experiment with it to find out how it was used. I heard Engel make a -speech at 58 Clybourn Avenue, about January or February of this year, -before the assembled workingmen of the North Side. He said those who -could not buy revolvers should buy dynamite. It was cheap and easily -handled. A gas-pipe was to be taken and a wooden plug put into the ends, -and it was to be filled with dynamite. Then the other end is also closed up -with a wooden plug, and old nails are tied around the pipe by means of -wire. Then a hole is bored into one end of it, and a fuse with a cap is put -into that hole. I was chairman at that meeting. Engel said some gas-pipe -was to be found on the West Side, near the river, near the bridge.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Lehman stated:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“The meeting at which Engel spoke was a public, open-door meeting. -A notice under the signal ‘Y,’ which was understood to be the call for a -meeting at 54 West Lake Street, I have seen once before. I belonged to -the armed section for about three or four months. The meetings of the -armed section at 54 West Lake Street were irregular, governed by such a -notice in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. I did not see Lingg at 54 West Lake Street -that Monday night. I don’t know that he was there. As we went home<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[442]</a></span> -he came up to us from behind on the sidewalk. Whether he was there or -not I cannot say. When I went to Clybourn Avenue Tuesday night, Lingg -was not there. Seliger went down in the basement at the meeting at -54 Lake Street Monday night. He was there for some time, but I cannot -tell how long. I am sure about that. We went there together from where -the carpenters’ meeting was to have taken place. I, my brother, he and -several others went down together. I am as sure of Seliger’s having been -down there in the basement that night as of any fact that I have testified to.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Jeremiah Sullivan</span>, a detective, testified:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I was on the Market Square on the night of the inauguration of the -Board of Trade with Officer Trehorn. When we got down there, there was -quite a large crowd. One or two people were talking in German and trying -to hold the crowd until the speakers came. Mr. Schwab came there -first, and Parsons and Fielden came, and I believe this man (indicating -Lingg). Parsons spoke about the Board of Trade, and showed some -figures how the poor man was robbed. Then he denounced the police as -bloodhounds, the militia as servants of the capitalists, robbing the laboring -classes, and invited them all in a body to go there and partake of some of -those twenty-dollar dishes that they had up at the Board of Trade building. -They were to get there by force. Mr. Fielden spoke after him. He denounced -the police and militia as bloodhounds. At that time there was -a company of militia on Market Square for the purpose of drilling. Mr. -Schwab was there at the time, and called the attention of the crowd to the -militia, and they all started off toward the militia. Schwab spoke in German. -Officer Trehorn and I went over there and asked the militia to disperse, -and they marched up Water Street. Then I came back and listened -to Mr. Fielden, who urged the crowd to force themselves in a body and -partake of those dishes. Then they all marched in a body, some carrying -red flags. I saw in the procession Schwab, Parsons, Fielden, and I am not -positive as to that young fellow (Lingg). There was no United States flag -in the procession. There was a platoon of police at every crossing. The -procession stopped at 107 Fifth Avenue. Parsons went in and spoke from -the window. He denounced the policemen as bloodhounds, and the militia -also, and stated how they stopped them from going in there and partaking -of the food; that a good many of his audience did not have clothes and -could not afford to pay twenty cents for a meal, let alone twenty dollars, -and wanted them to go and follow him, and he would make a raid on those -different places, mentioning Marshall Field’s and one or two other places. -After him Fielden spoke, and wanted them all to go down with him in a -body and he would lead them. I met Williamson, the reporter, just as he -was coming down-stairs, that evening. We went up-stairs with him. I -shook hands with Mr. Fielden and spoke to him. They did not know me -as a policeman. Fielden, Parsons and Schwab were there. Spies was at the -desk. Parsons asked Spies for this dynamite. He brought it over, and Parsons -told how it could be used; that if it was thrown into a line of police -or militia it would take the whole platoon. He also exhibited a coil of fuse. -I said: ‘You can get that in any quarry. They use that in blasting powder.’ -He said: ‘It comes in good to load these with—to touch these off with,’ -referring to dynamite shells. I saw some caps there about the size of a 22-caliber -cartridge. The substance which he showed was dynamite. It -looked like red sand. It was shaped about a foot long, and about an inch<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[443]</a></span> -and a half in diameter. I asked one of them why they didn’t go into the -Board of Trade building. They said that they were not prepared that night; -that there were too many of the bloodhounds before them on the street, -but the next time they would turn out they would meet them with their own -weapons and worse.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Moritz Neff</span> testified:</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-443.jpg" width="200" height="628" id="i443" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">INTERIOR PLAN OF NEFF’S HALL.</p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I live at 58 Clybourn Avenue, known as Thüringer Hall, also as -Neff’s Hall, since seven years. I keep a saloon -there. Back of the saloon is a hall. The -North Side group used to meet there. I know -all the defendants. On the night when the -bomb was thrown I was at my saloon. Louis -Lingg came in, in company with Seliger and -another man whom I had not seen before. -This stranger carried the satchel. It was a -common bag, probably about a foot and a half -long and six inches wide. He put it on the -counter, after that on the floor. Lingg and -Seliger were standing by, and Lingg asked me -if some one had asked for him. That stranger, -whose name I afterwards found out to be -Muntzenberg, carried the satchel on his -shoulder; that was ten or fifteen minutes after -eight. I told Lingg that nobody had inquired -for him. Then Muntzenberg picked up the bag -and went out the side door, in the rear of the -room, followed by Lingg and Seliger. I have -not seen the bag since. There was a large -meeting of painters, probably two hundred, in -the hall that evening. For this reason I opened -this door in the rear of the saloon, so that people -going to that meeting would not be compelled -to go through the saloon. I saw Lingg and -Seliger again that night about eleven o’clock. -Nobody had inquired in the meantime for -Lingg. I saw Hubner there before Lingg -came. I saw Thielen on the sidewalk in front -of the saloon, but not inside. The two Lehmans -were there after Lingg had left. They -were out on the sidewalk, not inside. The -first time Lingg stayed about five or ten -minutes. He went out through the saloon. I -did not see Seliger and Muntzenberg go out -through the saloon. Before Lingg and Seliger -came back, at about eleven o’clock, several individuals -had come into the saloon, among -them the Hermanns, the two Lehmans, the -two Hagemans and Hirschberger. Lingg and Seliger dropped in a little -later. They were all talking together. I didn’t pay much attention to it. -I heard one of them halloa out very loud, ‘That is all your fault.’ I heard -them also say that the bomb had been thrown among the police and some -of them had been killed. They came from the meeting.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[444]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Engel addressed the North Side group in my hall in February last -winter. It was a public agitation meeting of the North Side group, advertised -in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>.”</p> - -<p>“What did Engel say?”</p> - -<p>“He wanted money for a new paper, the <i>Anarchist</i>, started by the -Northwest Side group and two of the South Side groups. He said the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> was not outspoken enough in those Anarchistic principles; -therefore they started this paper. They distributed some of these papers. -Later on he gave a kind of history of revolutions in the old country, stated -that the nobility of France were only forced to give up their privileges by -brute force; that the slaveholders in the South were compelled by force to -liberate their slaves, and the present wage-slavery would be done away -with only by force also. And he advised them to arm themselves, and if -guns were too dear for them they should use cheaper weapons—dynamite -or anything they could get hold of to fight the enemy. To make bombs, -anything that was hollow in the shape of gas-pipes would do. That is all -I heard him say. I wasn’t present all the time. I bought a copy of the -<i>Anarchist</i> that night for five cents. This here (indicating) is one of the -copies, dated January 1, 1886. This is one of the copies distributed that -night. Engel did not distribute it himself. Two other gentlemen who -were there did that.”</p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[445]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXIII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">A Pinkerton Operative’s Adventures—How the Leading Anarchists -Vouched for a Detective—An Interesting Scene—An Enemy in the Camp—Getting -into the Armed Group—No. 16’s Experience—Paul Hull and the Dynamite Bomb—A -Safe Corner Where the Bullets were Thick—A Revolver Tattoo—“Shoot the -Devils”—A Reformed Internationalist.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE examination of witnesses continued from day to day before a -crowded court-room. At times tilts between the attorneys and long -arguments on knotty legal points varied the proceedings. Every coigne of -vantage occupied by the State was stubbornly contested by counsel for the -defendants. But the prosecution maintained its position and brought out -all the material evidence it had accumulated. The theory of the State with -reference to conspiracy, murder and “accessory before the fact” was gradually -being developed with force and effect. Newspaper reporters proved -important witnesses and rendered the State great service.</p> - -<p>The greatest interest at this stage of the trial was taken in the testimony -of <span class="smcap">Andrew C. Johnson</span>, a Pinkerton detective, who became a member -of the International Workingmen’s Association February 22, 1885, or rather -on March 1, 1885, a few days later, for it was on that day that he got his -red card of membership, bearing his number, and began his series of -reports to the agency.</p> - -<p>Among a number of minor particulars, Johnson told how the blowing up -of the Board of Trade was proposed on March 29 by Fielden, and indorsed -by others. The most interesting part of his story, however, is the description -of his admission into the armed group. This took place on August 24, -at Greif’s Hall. Said Johnson:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“There were twenty or twenty-three men and two women present. It -was Monday night. Among them Parsons, Fielden, besides Walters, -Bodendick, Boyd and Larson, Parker, Franklin and Snyder. After having -been there a short time, a man armed with a long cavalry sword, dressed in -a blue blouse, wearing a slouch hat, came into the room. He ordered all -those present to fall in. He then called off certain names, and all those -present answered to their names. He then inquired whether there were -any new members who wished to join the military company. Those who -did should step to the front. Myself and two others did so. We were -asked separately to give our names. My name was put down in a book, -and I was told my number was 16. Previous to my name being put down -the man asked whether any one present could vouch for me as a true man. -Parsons and Bodendick vouched for me. The same process was gone -through in regard to the other two. The man then inquired of two other -men in the room, whether they were members of the American group, and -asked to see their cards, and as they were unable to produce their cards he -told them to leave the room. Two others were expelled. The doors were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[446]</a></span> -closed and the remainder were asked to fall in line. For about half an -hour or three-quarters we were put through the regular manual drill, -marching, counter-marching, turning, forming fours, wheeling, etc. That -man with a sword drilled us. He was evidently a German. After that he -stated he would now introduce some of the members of the first company -of the German organization. He went out and in a few minutes returned -with ten other men dressed like himself, each one armed with a Springfield -rifle. He placed them in line in front of us and introduced them as members -of the first company of the L. u. W. V., and proceeded to drill them -about ten minutes. After that a man whose name I do not know—he was -employed by the proprietor of the saloon at 54 West Lake Street—came -into the room with two tin boxes, which he placed on a table. The drill -instructor asked us to examine them, as they were the latest improved -dynamite bomb. They had the appearance of ordinary preserve fruit cans, -the top part unscrewed. The inside of the cans was filled with a light -brown mixture. There was also a small glass tube inserted in the center -of the can. The tube was in connection with a screw, and it was explained -that when the can was thrown against any hard substance it would explode. -Inside of the glass tube was a liquid. Around the glass tube was a -brownish mixture which looked like fine saw-dust. The drill instructor told -us we ought to be very careful in the selection of new members of the company, -otherwise there was no telling who might get into our midst. After -that a man named Walters was chosen as captain, and defendant Parsons -for lieutenant. We decided to call ourselves the International Rifles. The -drill instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some other hall, as -we were not quite safe there, and added, ‘We have a fine place at 636 -Milwaukee Avenue. We have a short range in the basement, where we -practice shooting regularly.’ Parsons inquired whether we couldn’t rent -the same place, and the drill instructor said he didn’t know. Then the -time for the next meeting of the armed section was fixed for the following -Monday. Parsons and Fielden drilled with us that evening. They were -present also with a number of others at the next meeting, on August 31, at -54 West Lake Street. Capt. Walters drilled us for about an hour and a -half. Then we had a discussion as to the best way of procuring arms. -Some one suggested that each member pay a weekly amount until he had -enough to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Parsons suggested: -‘Look here, boys; why can’t we make a raid some night on the -militia armory? There are only two or three men on guard there, and it is -easily done.’ This suggestion was favored by some members, but after -some more discussion the matter of the raid on the armory was put off until -the nights got a little bit longer.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The witness, whose testimony was very lengthy, refreshed his memory -from copies of reports which he had made at the time. On cross-examination -he was asked why the reports were countersigned by L. J. -Gage. He replied that he did not know why they were so countersigned, -but he found that they were. The history he had to tell bore chiefly upon -the facts leading up to the riot at the Haymarket.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Joseph Gruenhut</span>, a factory and tenement-house inspector of the Health -Department of the city, had known Spies for six years, Parsons about -ten years, Fielden and Schwab about two years, more or less.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[447]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I have known Neebe perhaps fifteen or twenty years. I was in the -habit of meeting some of them daily, at labor meetings or at the office of the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. I am myself interested in labor movements, formerly -the Labor Party of the United States. It changed its name into the -Socialistic Labor Party. I am a Socialist. I don’t consider myself an -Anarchist. I am not a member of any group of the Internationals in the -city, nor of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I was present at interviews -between the reporter Wilkinson and Mr. Spies. I introduced Mr. Wilkinson -to Mr. Spies at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office in the forenoon, and on -the evening of the same day, I believe, I was present at a conversation -between them at a restaurant on Madison Street. We took supper there -together.”</p> - -<p>“State the conversation which took place there between Spies and the -reporter.”</p> - -<p>“Mr. Wilkinson asked him how many members belonged to the military -societies of organized trade and labor unions. Spies said that there -were many thousand; that these organizations were open to everybody, -and at meetings people were asked to become members, but their names -would not be known, because they would be numbered, and they didn’t -keep any record of names. Mr. Spies laid some toothpicks on the table -so as to show the position of armed men on tops of houses, on street -corners, and how they could keep a company of militia or police in check -by the use of dynamite bombs. The conversation was carried on in a -conversational tone, half joking, etc., and it lasted perhaps a quarter of an -hour, while we were taking our supper.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Gruenhut stated that he had heard no -reference to any attack to be made on the first of May, and in the re-direct -examination he said, with reference to Spies’ attitude on the eight-hour -movement:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“At the start he said he did not believe they would get it, and then it -would not amount to anything anyhow; it was only a palliative measure—not -radical enough. As I recollect, I brought him a list of the different organizations -in Chicago, and we were trying to pick out those which needed -organization, and the packers and a great many others were directly organized -by these men for the eight-hour movement. We were in constant consultation -about organizing those trades which had not been organized before. -I don’t suppose he ever said that he was in favor of the eight-hour movement. -I don’t know that he was ever enthusiastically in favor of the eight-hour -movement, but he was enthusiastically in favor of the eight-hour -movement that we had talked about on Monday. There never had been a -general eight-hour mass-meeting. There had been a mass-meeting representing -the great assemblies, at the Armory, but not the Central Labor -Union. It was a Socialistic organization; was not represented there. In -October, 1885, there had been a mass-meeting of the Socialistic organizations -in favor of the eight-hour movement at West Twelfth Street Turner -Hall. I was not there. At the time I had that conversation with Mr. Spies -and the others present about a mass-meeting to be held, we did not know -where the meeting was to be held at all. We only considered the advisability -of holding a mass-meeting on the question of the eight-hour movement -in the open air. There are only three or four places where you can hold<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[448]</a></span> -such a meeting; either the lake front or Market Square or the Haymarket. -At that time I am sure I saw Spies, Rau and Neebe almost every day, but -I could not tell whether the meeting was agreed upon on Saturday or Monday, -night or day; but there was a general agreement upon having one general -mass-meeting in the open air. It was not sure whether the meeting -was to be in the forenoon, afternoon or night, but at last we came to the -conclusion it ought to be at night. My recollection is that Spies said to -Wilkinson, at the time of that conversation, that the military associations -were open and free to everybody; that they meet, advertise their meetings, -have picnics and advertise them, and meet in halls, even in open ground, at -Sheffield, or out on the prairie. That proposed mass-meeting was to be an -eight-hour meeting and an indignation meeting over the killing of men at -McCormick’s at the same time. Parsons and Spies, during conversations -within the twelve months before the bomb was thrown, said that arming -meant the use of dynamite bombs by individuals; all men should individually -self-help, as against a squad of policeman or company of militia, so -that they need not be an army.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">F. H. Newman</span>, a physician, attended some of the officers wounded at -the Haymarket, and identified an iron nut extracted from Hahn. He had -also examined some ten or twelve officers, and had found some bullets and -fragments of a combination of metals much lighter than lead. “The -fragments were also much lighter,” he said, “than the bullets, varying -very much in size, from perhaps what we would call 22-caliber up to -45-caliber. The bullets also varied in size. This piece of metal I -took from the heel of Officer Barber. It made a ragged wound and was -buried in the bone; crushed the bone considerably, fractured it in several -places. I examined the wounds of one officer who had a large ragged -wound in the liver. He died within a few hours. It could have been a -wound produced by a bullet, if the bullet was very ragged, spread out considerably, -as they do sometimes.”</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Maxwell E. Dickson</span>, a newspaper reporter, had had several interviews -with Parsons. He said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The last time I met Mr. Parsons, either the latter part of last year or -the commencement of this year, he gave me two or three papers, and one of -them contained one or two diagrams, a plan of warfare. Parsons stated -that the social revolution would be brought about in the way that paper -would describe. In November of last year, some time after that demonstration -on the Market Square, I remarked to Parsons, in a sort of joking -way, ‘You are not going to blow up anybody, are you?’ He said: ‘I don’t say -that we won’t, I don’t know that we won’t, but you will see the revolution -brought about, and sooner than you think for.’ I attended a number of -meetings at which some of the defendants spoke.</p> - -<p>“The Twelfth Street Turner Hall meeting was a meeting called for the -purpose of discussing the Socialistic platform. A circular had been issued, -in which public men, clergy, employers and others who were interested in -the social question were invited to be present to discuss the question of the -social movement. The hall was crowded. During the meeting Mr. Parsons -made a speech, during which he said that the degradation of labor was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[449]</a></span> -brought about by what was known as the rights of private property; he -quoted a long line of statistics, showing that an average man with a capital -of five thousand dollars was enabled to make four thousand dollars a year, -and thus get rich, while his employé, who made the money for him, obtained -but $340, and there were upwards of two million heads of families who were -in want, or bordering on want, making their living either by theft, robbery -or any such occupation as they could get work in; and he said that, while -they were the champions of free speech and social order, it would be hard -for the man who stood in the way of liberty, fraternity and equality to all. -Later on Fielden spoke and said that the majority of men were starving -because of over-production, and went on to show that overcoats were being -sent to Africa, to the Congo states, which were needed at home, and he -could not understand how that was. As a Socialist, he believed in the -equal rights of every man to live. The present condition of the laboring -man was due to the domination of capital, -and they could expect no remedy from -legislatures, and there were enough present -in the hall to take Chicago from the -grasp of the capitalists; that capital must -divide with labor; that the time was -coming when a contest would arise between -capital and labor. He was no -alarmist, but the Socialist should be prepared -for the victory when it did come. -Several other persons spoke after that. -Then Spies spoke in German, advising -the workingmen to organize in order to -obtain their rights, and that they might -be prepared for the emergency. Then -there were resolutions adopted denouncing -the capitalists, the editors and clergymen, -and those who had refused to come -to hear the truth spoken and discuss the -question, whereupon the meeting adjourned.</p></div> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-449.jpg" width="250" height="289" id="i449" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">ADOLPH LIESKE.</p> -<p class="pi250"><span class="smcap">Beheaded Nov. 17, 1885.</span>—From Photograph -found in the possession of Anarchist Bodendick, -on back of which was written: “Revenge -is Sweet.”</p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“At the meeting at Mueller’s Hall -Fielden presided and Mr. -Griffin spoke first, advocating the use of force to -right social wrongs. A young man named Lichtner said he was in favor -of Socialistic ideas, but opposed to the use of force. Schwab, in German, -said that the gap between the rich and the poor was growing wider; that, -although despotism in Russia had endeavored to suppress Nihilism by -executing some and sending others to Siberia, Nihilism was still growing. -And he praised Reinsdorf, who had then been recently executed in Europe, -but stated that his death had been avenged by the killing of Rumpf, the -Chief of Police of Frankfort, who had been industrious in endeavoring to -crush out Socialism; that murder was forced on many a man through the -misery brought on him by capital; that freedom in the United States was -a farce, and in Illinois was literally unknown; that both of the political -parties were corrupt, and what was needed here was a bloody revolution -which would right their wrongs.</p> - -<p>“A young man named Gorsuch was against all government, which was -made for slaves. The only way the workingmen could get their rights was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[450]</a></span> -by the Gatling gun, by absolute brute force. Then Mr. Fielden called upon -the capitalists to answer these arguments and to save their property, for -when the Socialists decided to appropriate the property of the capitalists it -would be too late for the capitalists to save anything.</p> - -<p>“Then Spies said in German that the workingmen should revolt at -once. He had been accused of giving this advice before, it was true, and -he was proud of it. That wage slavery could only be abolished through -powder and ball. The ballot was a sort of skin game. He compared it to -a deck of cards in which there was a marked deck put in the place of the -genuine, and in which the poor man got all of the skin cards, so that, when -the dealer laid down the cards, his money was taken from him. Then Spies -offered these resolutions, which were adopted:</p> - -<p>“‘Whereas, our comrades in Germany have slain one of the dirtiest dogs -of his Majesty Lehmann, the greatest disgrace of the present time—namely, -the spy Rumpf.</p> - -<p>“‘<i>Resolved</i>, That we rejoice over and applaud the noble and heroic act.’</p> - -<p>“Then Parsons offered some resolutions favoring the abolition of the -present social system, and the formation of a new social coöperative system -that would bring about an equality between capital and labor.</p> - -<p>“The next meeting I attended was on the Market Square, on Thanksgiving -day. Mr. Parsons asked what they had to be thankful for, whether -it was for their poverty, their lack of sufficient food and clothing, etc., and -argued that the capitalists on the avenue spent more money for wine at -one meal than some of them received pay in a month. Fielden said they -would be justified in going over to Marshall Field’s and taking out from -there that which belonged to them. A series of resolutions were adopted, -offered, I believe, by Parsons, denouncing the President for having set apart -Thanksgiving day—that it was a fallacy and a fraud; that the workingmen -had nothing to be thankful for; that only a few obtained the riches -that were produced, while the many had to starve.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Dickson said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Parsons said to me that when the social revolution came, it would be -better for all men; it would place every man on an equality. He pictured -me personally as a wage slave, referring to my position as a newspaper -reporter, and that all reforms had to be brought about through revolution, -and bloodshed could not be avoided. I frequently heard him give expression -to such ideas in friendly conversation, in which the social outlook of -the country was talked over, and Parsons frequently insisted that any -method would be justifiable to accomplish the object which he advocated -as the intended result of a social revolution. Parsons once stated to me -that if it became necessary they would use dynamite, and it might become -necessary. Parsons never expressed any distinct proposal to inaugurate -the revolution at any particular time, or by the use of any particular force. -He simply spoke of the social revolution as the inevitable future. I am not -certain as to whether the paper which Parsons gave me, which contained -those diagrams, was a copy of the <i>Alarm</i> or of some other paper. This -article here in the <i>Alarm</i> of July 25, 1885 (indicating), under the title, -‘Street Fighting—How to Meet the Enemy,’ is, to the best of my recollection, -the article to which my attention was called by Mr. Parsons at the -time. I am positive these diagrams here (indicating) are the same as in -the article given me by Parsons.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[451]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pbq">“The position of these parties in meetings that I have attended, since -January 18, 1885, when they spoke of the industrial condition, was that they -predicted a social revolution, and they also advised the workingmen to -bring about that revolution. It was Mr. Fielden on the lake front—I cannot -fix the date—who used language of that import, advised the men to go -forward and get that which did belong to them by force.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Paul C. Hull</span>, a reporter of the <i>Daily News</i>, attended the Haymarket -meeting and heard Fielden speak. He testified as follows:</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-451.jpg" width="300" height="160" id="i451" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">PARSONS’ HANDWRITING.<br /> -<span class="wnn">The Manuscript of an Advertisement calling<br />a Meeting of the “American Group.”</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“When the bomb exploded I was on the iron stairway, about four steps -from the top landing. After the bomb exploded the firing began from the -crowd before the police fired. I saw the bomb in the air. My head was -probably within twelve or fifteen feet above the crowd. It was quite dark. -Directly opposite me was a pile of boxes on the sidewalk, and an area-way -surrounded by an iron railing. My eyes were directed toward the -speakers’ wagon. As the words were in his mouth, I saw arching through -the air the -sparks of the -burning fuse. -According to -my recollection -it seemed to -come from -about fifteen or -twenty feet -south of -Crane’s alley, -flying over the -third division -of police and -falling between -the second and -third. It -seemed to throw to the ground the second and third divisions of police. -At almost the same instant there was a rattling of shots that came from -both sides of the street and not from the police. The meeting was noisy -and turbulent. When the speaking began there were about eight hundred -to one thousand people in the crowd. At the time the police came it -had dwindled away a third from what it was at its largest number. About -a quarter of the crowd, that part which clustered about the wagon, were -enthusiasts, loudly applauded the speakers and cheered them on by -remarks. The outskirts of the crowd seemed to regard the speakers with -indifference, often laughed at them and hooted them.</p> - -<p>“Spies told his version of the McCormick riot. He had been charged -with being responsible for the riot and the death of those men, by Mr. -McCormick. He said Mr. McCormick was a liar and was himself responsible -for the death of the six men which he claimed were killed at that -time; that he had addressed a meeting on the prairie, and when the -factory bell rang a body of the meeting which he was addressing detached -themselves and went toward the factory, and that there the riot occurred. -He then touched upon the dominating question of labor and capital and -their relations very briefly, and asked what meant this array of Gatling<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[452]</a></span> -guns, infantry ready to arms, patrol wagons and policemen, and deduced -from that that it was the Government or capitalists preparing to crush -them, should they try to right their wrongs. I don’t remember that he -said anything in his speech about the means to be employed against that -capitalistic force.</p> - -<p>“Parsons dealt considerably in labor statistics. He drew the conclusion -that the capitalists got eighty-five cents out of the dollar, and the laboring -man fifteen cents, and that the eight-hour agitation and the agitation of the -social question was a still hunt after the other eighty-five cents. He -advised the using of violent means by the workingmen to right their -wrongs. Said that law and government was the tool of the wealthy to -oppress the poor; that the ballot was no way in which to right their -wrongs. That could only be done by physical force.</p> - -<p>“I only heard a part of Fielden’s speech. He said Martin Foran had -been sent to Congress to represent the Labor Party, and he did not do it -satisfactorily. When McCormick’s name was mentioned during the -speeches there were exclamations like ‘Hang him,’ or ‘Throw him into -the lake.’ Some such a remark would be made when any prominent -Chicago capitalist’s name was used. When some one in the crowd cried -‘Let’s hang him now,’ when some man’s name was mentioned, one of the -speakers, either Spies or Parsons, said, ‘No, we are not ready yet.’”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Hull said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“The firing of the revolvers startled me. I considered my position -dangerous and tried to get around the corner. A few moments before the -explosion of the bomb a threatening cloud came up, and Mr. Spies said the -meeting would adjourn to 54 West Lake Street, I believe. At no time -during the meeting was I as near as eight or ten feet from the speaker. I -don’t believe I heard Fielden say, in a loud voice, ‘There come the bloodhounds! -Now you do your duty and I’ll do mine,’ when the police were -coming up. I remember that Mr. Fielden said ‘in conclusion,’ after I got -my position on the stairs again, and when the police were forming and -marching below. I was confused at the time I wrote my reports. (After -examining his report in a copy of <i>Daily News</i> of May 5th, 1886:) I have -said nowhere in this report that the crowd fired upon the police. I did say -that the police required no orders before firing upon the crowd. I wrote -this up about an hour after the occurrence. After describing the explosion -of the bomb, I used this language in my report: ‘For an instant after the -explosion the crowd seemed paralyzed, but, with the revolver shots cracking -like a tattoo on a mighty drum, and the bullets flying in the air, the -mob plunged away into the darkness with a yell of rage and fear.’ My -recollection is that the bomb struck the ground about on a line with the -south line of the alley. The bomb apparently fell north from the point -where I first saw it in the air. I judge it came from the south, going west-northwest.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[453]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-453.jpg" width="400" height="596" id="i453" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">A PICNIC OF THE “REDS” AT SHEFFIELD.<br /> -<span class="wn">1. Experimenting with Dynamite. 2. Getting Inspiration. 3. Engel on the Stump.<br />4. “Hoch die Anarchie!” -5. Mrs. Parsons addressing the Crowd.<br />6. Children peddling Most’s Literature. 7. A Family Feast.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[454]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Whiting Allen</span>, another reporter, was present at the Haymarket meeting -in company with Mr. Tuttle, another newspaper man, and heard some -of the speeches. Said the witness:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Parsons was speaking when we got there. About the only thing that -I could quote from his speech is this: ‘What good are these strikes going -to do? Do you think that anything will be accomplished by them? Do -you think the workingmen are going to gain their point? No, no; they -will not. The result of them will be that you will have to go back to work -for less money than you are getting.’ That is his language in effect. At -one time he mentioned the name of Jay Gould. There were cries from the -crowd, ‘Hang Jay Gould!’ ‘Throw him into the lake!’ and so on. He -said, ‘No, no; that would not do any good. If you would hang Jay Gould -now, there would be another, and perhaps a hundred, up to-morrow. It -don’t do any good to hang one man; you have to kill them all, or get rid -of them all.’ Then he went on to say that it was not the individual, but -the system; that the government should be destroyed. It was the wrong -government, and these people who supported it had to be destroyed. I -heard him cry, ‘To arms!’ I cannot tell in what connection. The crowd -was extremely turbulent. It seemed to be thoroughly in sympathy with -the speakers; was extremely excited, and applauded almost every utterance. -I staid there some ten or fifteen minutes. I then left and went to -Zepf’s Hall. Later I came back again, when Fielden was speaking. -When the bomb was thrown I was in the saloon of Zepf’s Hall, standing -about the middle of the room at the time. I did not see any of the defendants -there. They were not there to my knowledge. When I was down at -the meeting, I pointed out to Mr. Tuttle Mr. Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and -a man that I presume was Mr. Schwab, but was not certain. The general -outline was that of Mr. Schwab. I could not get a full view of his face. -That must have been half past nine.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Charles R. Tuttle</span> said he did not remember much of what Parsons -spoke:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Parsons made a series of references to existing strikes—one was the -Southwestern strike—and to Jay Gould, the head of that system of railways, -and the winding up of the peroration in connection with that created -a great deal of excitement and many responses from the audience. He -then spoke of the strike at McCormick’s, and detailed the suffering of the -people who had wives and children, and who were being robbed by one -whom I took to be Mr. McCormick, although I cannot say that was the -idea; who were being robbed, anyway, by capitalists. And he said it was -no wonder that these persons were struggling for their rights, and then said -that the police had been called on by the capitalists to suppress the first -indications of any movement on the part of the working people to stand up -for rights, and he asked what they are going to do. One man—I believe -the same one who had spoken when he referred to Gould—stuck up his -hand with a revolver in it, and said, ‘We will shoot the devils,’ or some -such expression, and I saw two others sticking up their hands, near to him, -who made similar expressions, and had what I took to be at the time -revolvers.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Edward Cosgrove</span>, a detective connected with the Central Station, was -on duty at the Haymarket. He gave the substance of some of the speeches, -and, referring to Spies, said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Then he talked about the police, the bloodhounds of the law, shooting -down six of their brothers, and he said: ‘When you are ready to do -something, do it, and don’t tell anybody you are going to.’ A great number -of the crowd cheered him loudly. The enthusiastic part of the crowd<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[455]</a></span> -was close to the wagon. Sometimes there would be some on the outskirts. -I did not hear all of Spies’ speech and only part of Parsons’. Parsons -talked of statistics—about the price laboring men received. He said they -got fifteen cents out of a dollar, and they were still on the hunt for the -other eighty-five. He talked of the police and capitalists and Pinkertons. -He said he was down in the Hocking Valley region, and they were only -getting twenty-four cents a day, and that was less than Chinamen got. -And he said his hearers would be worse than Chinamen if they didn’t arm -themselves, and they would be held responsible for blood that would flow -in the near future. There was a great deal of cheering close to the wagon -during his speech. I was in Capt. Ward’s office when the police were -called out. I came down the street at the time the police did. When the -police came to a halt, I was on the northwest corner of Randolph and Desplaines. -I heard no firing of any kind before the explosion of the bomb, -but immediately after that. I can’t tell from what source the pistol shots -came, whether the police fired first or the other side. I reported at the -station from time to time what was going on at the meeting.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Cosgrove said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I was twice at the station reporting. My second report was that Mr. -Parsons said they would be held responsible for the blood that would flow -in the streets of America in the near future. The police remained at the -station after this report. I didn’t hear any part of Fielden’s speech. When -I came out before the police quite a number of the crowd had gone away. -When I saw Schwab he was about forty feet south of the south sidewalk of -Randolph Street, on Desplaines. I saw Schwab about half past eight, or a -little later, at the wagon. My impression is that I saw Mr. Schwab near -the close of Parsons’ speech, but I am not sure. When I saw him at the -wagon it was about the time Mr. Spies came back the second time to -speak.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Timothy McKeough</span>, a detective, was present when the meeting opened.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Spies got on the wagon and called out twice: ‘Is Mr. Parsons here?’ -He received no answer, and said: ‘Never mind, I will go and find him myself.’ -Somebody said: ‘Let us pull the wagon around on Randolph Street -and hold the meeting there.’ Mr. Spies said: ‘No, that might stop the -street-cars.’ He started away then, and Officer Myers and myself followed -him as far as the corner. There was a man with him who, I think, was -Schwab, but I am not very sure about that, and in about fifteen minutes he -returned, and when I got back he was addressing the meeting, talking -about what happened to their brethren the day before at McCormick’s. -He had been down to McCormick’s and addressed a meeting, and they -wanted to stop him; tried to pull him off the car because he was a Socialist; -that while he was talking a portion of the crowd started toward -McCormick’s and commenced to throw stones, the most harmless amusement -they could have; how wagons loaded with police came down the -Black Road and commenced firing into the crowd. Somebody halloaed out: -‘Let us hang him,’ and he said: ‘My friends, when you get ready to do -anything, go and do it, and say nothing about it.’ About that time Parsons -arrived and Spies introduced him, saying Parsons could talk better English -than he, and would probably entertain them better. The crowd in the -neighborhood of the wagon appeared very much excited when Spies spoke<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[456]</a></span> -about the shooting down of workingmen at McCormick’s. Parsons quoted -from some book on labor statistics, which he thought his hearers probably -had not read, because they didn’t have the money to buy it or leisure to -read it, as they had to work too much. He said out of every dollar the -laboring man makes for capitalists he only gets fifteen cents, and they are -on a still hunt for the other eighty-five. He had been down to the coal -mines, and, according to labor statistics, they received 24½ cents for their -daily labor on the average during a year. That was just half as much as -the Chinaman would get, and he said: ‘If we keep on we will be a great -deal worse than Chinamen. I am a tenant and I pay rent to a landlord.’ -Somebody asked, ‘What does the landlord do with it?’ Parsons said the landlord -pays taxes, the taxes pay the sheriff, the police, the Pinkertonites and -the militia, who are ready to shoot them down when they are looking for -their rights. He said: ‘I am a Socialist from the top of my head to the -soles of my feet, and I will express my sentiments if I die before morning.’ -The crowd near the wagon loudly cheered him. Later I heard Mr. Parsons -say, taking off his hat in one hand: ‘To arms! to arms! to arms!’ Then -I went over to Desplaines Street Station and reported to Inspector Bonfield. -When I came back Fielden was speaking. He criticised Martin -Foran, the Congressman that was elected by the working people. Speaking -about the law, he said the law was for the capitalists. ‘Yesterday, -when their brothers demanded their rights at McCormick’s, the law came -out and shot them down. When Mr. McCormick closed his door against -them for demanding their rights, the law did not protect them.’ If they -loved their wives, their children, they should take the law, kill it, stab it, -throttle it, or it would throttle them. That appeared to make the crowd -near the wagon more excited, and I made another report to Inspector Bonfield. -I saw Spies, Parsons and Fielden on the wagon. I saw Schwab on -the wagon in the early part of the evening, and a man named Schnaubelt.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Henry E. O. Heineman</span>, a reporter of the Chicago <i>Tribune</i>, testified:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I saw the bomb, that is the burning fuse, rise out of the crowd and -fall among the police. It rose from very nearly the southeast corner of the -alley. I didn’t hear any shots before the bomb exploded. Almost instantly -after it shots were heard. I could not say whether the first shots came -from the police or the crowd. It seems to me as if I heard some bullets -close to myself, whizzing from the north as I was going south.</p> - -<p>“Spies started out by saying that the meeting was intended to be a -peaceable one—it was not called to raise a disturbance—and then gave his -version of the affair at McCormick’s, the day before. The crowd near the -speaker’s wagon was in sympathy with the speakers. There was occasionally -applause. I heard a few Germans talk with one another. I heard -Parsons call out toward the close of his speech, ‘To arms! to arms! to -arms!’ Fielden, towards the end of his speech, told the crowd to kill the -law, to stab it, to throttle it, or else it would throttle them. I was formerly -an Internationalist. I ceased my connection with them about two years -ago. At that time the defendant Neebe belonged to the same group I -belonged to. It is not in existence now. I met Spies and Schwab occasionally -in the groups. I ceased my connection with the Internationale -immediately after, and on account of the lectures Herr Most delivered in -this city. I saw on the wagon at the Haymarket meeting Spies, Parsons, -Fielden, and at one time Rudolph Schnaubelt.”</p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[457]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXIV.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Reporting under Difficulties—Shorthand in an Overcoat Pocket—An -Incriminating Conversation—Spies and Schwab in Danger—Gilmer’s Story—The Man -in the Alley—Schnaubelt the Bomb-thrower—Fixing the Guilt—Spies Lit the Fuse—A -Searching Cross-Examination—The Anarchists Alarmed—Engel and the Shell -Machine—The Find at Lingg’s House—The Author on the Witness-stand—Talks -with the Prisoners—Dynamite Experiments—The False Bottom of Lingg’s Trunk—The -Material in the Shells—Expert Testimony—Incendiary Banners—The Prosecution -Rests—A Fruitless Attempt to have Neebe Discharged.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">WHEN the public began to see the character of the evidence against the -Anarchists, sentiment crystalized into a feeling that no fair-minded -juror could be led astray by specious pleas or sophistical arguments into -voting for an acquittal of any one of the defendants. The facts of the conspiracy -had been brought out with startling boldness, and with every witness -the points against the prisoners were fortified with added effect. One -of the strongest witnesses as to the incendiary utterances of the speakers at -the Haymarket meeting was G. P. English, then a reporter for the Chicago -<i>Tribune</i>, but at present private secretary of Mayor Roche. Another was -M. M. Thompson, who testified as to a conversation between Spies and -Schwab.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. English</span> testified as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I am a reporter for the <i>Tribune</i>, and have been for seventeen years. I -am also a shorthand reporter. I got to the Haymarket meeting, on the 4th -of May, about half-past seven. I went all around the Haymarket Square -from Desplaines to Halsted, saw a few people on the street, but no meeting. -Later on I saw some people going north on Desplaines beyond Randolph. -I went over there, and in a little while Mr. Spies got up on the wagon and -said Mr. Fielden and Mr. Parsons were to make a speech, but they hadn’t -come. Spies got down off the wagon and went toward Randolph Street. -He was gone perhaps five or ten minutes. As he passed me in coming back, -I asked him if Parsons was going to speak. I understood him to say yes. -Then he got up on the wagon and said: ‘Gentlemen, please come to order.’ -I took shorthand notes of his speech, as much as I could. I had a notebook -and a short pencil in my overcoat pocket and made notes in the -pocket. My notes are correct. Some of them I can read, some I can’t. I -don’t recollect what he or the others said without my notes.</p> - -<p>“Before Spies commenced to speak somebody in the crowd suggested -that the meeting should go over to the Haymarket, but Spies said no, that -the crowd would interfere with the street-cars. Here is what I have of Spies’ -speech:</p> - -<p>“‘Gentlemen and fellow workmen: Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fielden will -be here in a very short time to address you. I will say, however, first, this -meeting was called for the purpose of discussing the general situation of the -eight-hour strike, and the events which have taken place during the last -forty-eight hours. It seems to have been the opinion of the authorities that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[458]</a></span> -this meeting has been called for the purpose of raising a little row and disturbance. -This, however, was not the intention of the committee that -called the meeting. The committee that called the meeting wanted to tell -you certain facts of which you are probably aware. The capitalistic press -has been misleading—misrepresenting the cause of labor for the last few -weeks, so much so’—there is something here unintelligible that I can’t -read; some of it went off on the side of my pocket. The next is: ‘Whenever -strikes have taken place; whenever people have been driven to violence -by the oppression of their’—something unintelligible here—‘Then the -police’—a few unintelligible words, then there were cheers—‘But I want -to tell you, gentlemen, that these acts of violence are the natural outcome of -the degradation and subjection to which working people are subjected. I -was addressing a meeting of ten thousand wage slaves yesterday afternoon -in the neighborhood of McCormick’s. They did not want me to speak. -The most of them were good church-going people. They didn’t want me -to speak because I was a Socialist. They wanted to tear me down from -the cars, but I spoke to them and told them they must stick together’—some -more that is unintelligible—‘and he would have to submit to them if -they would stick together.’ The next I have is: ‘They were not Anarchists, -but good church-going people—they were good Christians. The patrol -wagons came, and blood was shed.’</p> - -<p>“Some one in the crowd said, ‘Shame on them.’ The next thing I have -is: ‘Throwing stones at the factory; most harmless sport.’ Then Spies -said, ‘What did the police do?’ Some one in the crowd said, ‘Murdered -them.’ Then he went on: ‘They only came to the meeting there as if -attending church.’ ... ‘Such things tell you of the agitation.’ ... -‘Couldn’t help themselves any more.’ ‘It was then when they resorted to -violence.’ ... ‘Before you starve.’ ... ‘This fight that is going on now -is simply a struggle for the existence of the oppressed classes.’</p> - -<p>“My pocket got fuller and fuller of paper; my notes got more unintelligible. -The meeting seemed to be orderly. I took another position in the -face of the speaker, took out my paper and reported openly during all the -rest of the meeting. The balance of my notes I have not got. From what -appears in my report in the <i>Tribune</i>, I can give you part of what Spies, -Fielden and Parsons said. It is, however, only an abstract of what they -said. So far as it goes it is verbatim, except the pronouns and the verbs -are changed.</p> - -<p>“The balance of Spies’ speech is as follows (reading): ‘It was said that -I inspired the attack on McCormick’s. That is a lie. The fight is going -on. Now is the chance to strike for the existence of the oppressed classes. -The oppressors want us to be content. They will kill us. The thought of -liberty which inspired your sires to fight for their freedom ought to animate -you to-day. The day is not far distant when we will resort to hanging these -men. (Applause and cries of ‘Hang them now.’) McCormick is the man -who created the row Monday, and he must be held responsible for the murder -of our brothers. (Cries of ‘Hang him.’) Don’t make any threats, -they are of no avail. Whenever you get ready to do something, do it, and -don’t make any threats beforehand. There are in the city to-day between -forty and fifty thousand men locked out because they refuse to obey the -supreme will or dictation of a small number of men. The families of twenty-five -or thirty thousand men are starving because their husbands and fathers -are not men enough to withstand and resist the dictation of a few thieves on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[459]</a></span> -a grand scale, to put it out of the power of the few men to say whether they -should work or not. You place your lives, your happiness, everything, out -of the arbitrary power of a few rascals who have been raised in idleness and -luxury upon the fruits of your labor. Will you stand that? (Cries of ‘No.’) -The press say we are Bohemians, Poles, Russians, Germans—that there -are no Americans among us. That is a lie. Every honest American is with -us; those who are not are unworthy of their traditions and their forefathers.’</p> - -<p>“Spies spoke fifteen or twenty minutes. What I have given here would -not represent more than five or six minutes of actual talking.</p> - -<p>“Parsons stated first that the remedy for the wrongs of the workingmen -was in Socialism; otherwise they would soon become Chinamen. ‘It is time -to raise a note of warning. There is nothing in the eight-hour movement to -excite the capitalists. Do you know that the military are under arms, and -a Gatling gun is ready to mow you down? Is this Germany, Russia or -Spain? (A voice: ‘It looks like it.’) Whenever you make a demand for -eight hours’ pay, an increase of pay, the militia and the deputy sheriffs and -the Pinkerton men are called out, and you are shot and clubbed and murdered -in the streets. I am not here for the purpose of inciting anybody, -but to speak out, to tell the facts as they exist, even though it shall cost me -my life before morning.’ Then he spoke about the Cincinnati demonstration, -and about the rifle guard being needed. Then the report continues: -‘It behooves you, as you love your wives and children, if you don’t want to -see them perish with hunger, killed, or cut down like dogs on the street, -Americans, in the interest of your liberty and your independence, to arm, -to arm yourselves. (Applause and cries of ‘We will do it, we are ready -now.’) You are not.’ Then the rest of it is the wind-up. Besides what I -have stated above he spoke for a long while about the fact that out of every -dollar the workingman got fifteen cents, and the capitalists—the employers—got -eighty-five cents. When he said, ‘To arms, to arms,’ he said that in -his ordinary way of talking. I did not notice any difference in him when he -said that.</p> - -<p>“The first that I have written out of Fielden’s speech is: ‘There are premonitions -of danger—all know it. The press say the Anarchists will sneak -away; we are not going to. If we continue to be robbed it will not be long -before we will be murdered. There is no security for the working classes -under the present social system. A few individuals control the means of -living and hold the workingmen in a vise. Everybody does not know that. -Those who know it are tired of it, and know the others will get tired of it, -too. They are determined to end it and will end it, and there is no power -in the land that will prevent them. Congressman Foran says the laborer -can get nothing from legislation. He also said that the laborers can get -some relief from their present condition when the rich man knew it was unsafe -for him to live in a community where there are dissatisfied workingmen, -for they would solve the labor problem. I don’t know whether you are -Democrats or Republicans, but whichever you are, you worship at the shrine -of heaven. John Brown, Jefferson, Washington, Patrick Henry and Hopkins -said to the people, “The law is your enemy.” We are rebels against it. -The law is only framed for those that are your enslavers. (A voice: ‘That -is true.’) Men in their blind rage attacked McCormick’s factory and were -shot down by the law in cold blood, in the city of Chicago, in the protection -of property. Those men were going to do some damage to a certain person’s -interest who was a large property-owner; therefore the law came to his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[460]</a></span> -defense; and when McCormick undertook to do some injury to the interest -of those who had no property, the law also came to his defense and not to -the workingman’s defense, when he, McCormick, attacked him and his -living. (Cries of ‘No.’) There is the difference. The law makes no distinctions. -A million men hold all the property in this country. The law -has no use for the other fifty-four millions. (A voice: ‘Right enough.’) -You have nothing more to do with the law except to lay hands on it and -throttle it until it makes its last kick. It turns your brothers out on the -wayside, and has degraded them until they have lost the last vestige of -humanity, and they are mere things and animals. Keep your eye upon it, -throttle it, kill it, stab it, do everything you can to wound it—to impede its -progress. Remember, before trusting them to do anything for yourself, -prepare to do it yourself. Don’t turn over your business to anybody else. -No man deserves anything unless he is man enough to make an effort to lift -himself from oppression.’</p> - -<p>“Then there was an interruption on account of some storm-clouds. -Everybody started to go away. Mr. Parsons suggested that they adjourn -over to Zepf’s Hall. Fielden said no, the people were trying to get information, -and he would go on. And he went on: ‘Is it not a fact that we -have no choice as to our existence, for we can’t dictate what our labor is -worth? He that has to obey the will of another is a slave. Can we do anything -except by the strong arm of resistance? The Socialists are not going -to declare war, but I tell you war has been declared upon us; and I ask you -to get hold of anything that will help to resist the onslaught of the enemy -and the usurper. The skirmish lines have met. People have been shot. -Men, women and children have not been spared by the capitalists and minions -of private capital. It has no mercy—so ought you. You are called -upon to defend yourselves, your lives, your future. What matters it whether -you kill yourselves with work to get a little relief, or die on the battle-field -resisting the enemy? What is the difference? Any animal, however loathsome, -will resist when stepped upon. Are men less than snails or worms? -I have some resistance in me; I know that you have, too. You have been -robbed, and you will be starved into a worse condition.’</p> - -<p>“That is all I have. At that time some one alongside of me asked if -the police were coming. I was facing northeast, looked down the street, -and saw a file of police about the middle of Randolph Street. At once I -put my paper in my pocket and ran right over to the northwest corner of -Randolph and Desplaines. Just when I reached the sidewalk, the front -rank of the police got to the southwest corner of Randolph and Desplaines. -I stood there until some of the police marched by, and the first thing I -knew I heard an explosion; and the next thing there was a volley of fifteen -or twenty or thirty shots, and I thought it was about time to leave, so I -skinned down Randolph Street. While I was running I heard a great lot of -shots, and somebody tumbled right in front of me, but I didn’t stop to see -whether he was hurt. I didn’t see who shot first. As to the temper of the -crowd, it was just an ordinary meeting.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. English said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“It was a peaceable and quiet meeting for an out-door meeting. I -didn’t see any turbulence. I was there all the time. I thought the speeches -they made that night were a little milder than I had heard them make for -years. They were all set speeches, about the same thing. I didn’t hear<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[461]</a></span> -any of them say or advise that they were going to use force that night. -Before I went to the meeting my instructions from the <i>Tribune</i> office were -to take only the most incendiary part of the speeches. I think when Mr. -Parsons spoke about the Cincinnati meeting he said he had been at Cincinnati -and seen the procession. I heard the announcement to the crowd to -disperse, distinctly. I did not hear Mr. Fielden say: ‘There come the -bloodhounds now; you do your duty and I’ll do mine.’ I heard nothing of -that import at all.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">M. M. Thompson</span> testified:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am at present employed in the dry-goods business of Marshall Field -& Co. Prior to the 4th of May last I was running a grocery store at 108 -South Desplaines. I was at the Haymarket Square on the evening of May -4th. I walked west on Randolph Street about half past seven o’clock, and -somebody handed me a circular headed ‘Revenge,’ and signed ‘Your Brothers.’ -About twenty-five minutes to eight I got to the corner of Desplaines -and Randolph. I met Mr. Brazleton of the <i>Inter-Ocean</i>. We talked about -fifteen minutes. I asked the time. It was ten minutes of eight. Brazleton -pointed out to me Mr. Schwab, who came rushing along Desplaines Street -in a great hurry. I then went over to the east side of Desplaines Street. I -walked up Desplaines Street near the corner of Lake, and came back again -to the alley back of Crane Bros’. and stood just back of that alley. Then I -saw Spies get up on the wagon and he asked for Parsons. Parsons didn’t -respond. He then got down, and Schwab and Spies walked into that alley -at Crane Bros’., near which the wagon was situated. The first word I heard -between Schwab and Spies was ‘pistols;’ the next word was ‘police.’ I -think I heard ‘police’ twice, or ‘pistols’ twice. I then walked just a little -nearer the edge of the alley, and just then Spies said: ‘Do you think one is -enough, or hadn’t we better go and get more?’ I could hear no answer to -that. They then walked out of the alley and south on Desplaines Street, -and west on the north side of Randolph to Halsted, and cut across the -street and went over to the southwest corner; they were there about three -minutes, came out of that crowd again and came back. On the way back, -as they neared Union Street, I heard the word ‘police’ again. Just then I -went past them, and Schwab said: ‘Now, if they come, we will give it to -them.’ Spies replied he thought they were afraid to bother with them. -They came on, and before they got up near the wagon they met a third -party, and they bunched right together there, south of the alley, and appeared -to get right in a huddle; and there was something passed between -Spies and the third man—what it was I could not say. This here (indicating -picture of Schnaubelt, heretofore identified) is, I think, the third -man; I think his beard was a little longer than in this picture; this is the -picture of the third man. I saw the third man on the wagon afterwards. -Whatever it was that Spies gave him, he stuck it in his pocket on the right-hand -side. Spies got up on the wagon, and I think that third man got up -right after him. I noticed him afterwards sitting on the wagon, and that he -kept his hands in his pockets. I stayed there until Mr. Fielden commenced -to speak; then I left.</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Thompson said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“My grocery store was closed by the Sheriff under an execution. I -worked for Marshall Field before. I had never seen any of the defendants,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[462]</a></span> -to my knowledge, before that night, in my life. When I saw Spies and -Schwab go into the alley, there was a crowd there. I was standing right -near the alley, or alongside north of it, up against the building. I couldn’t -see down the alley unless I turned my face to it. The first time I had ever -seen Spies was when he got up on the wagon. Spies got out of the wagon -and went into Crane’s alley with Schwab. I was right around the corner -of the alley within three feet probably at the farthest, and I moved down -to within half a foot. I did not look down the alley, only when they came -out of the alley I did look. The conversation between Spies and Schwab -was in English. I don’t understand German. I didn’t hear any words -between ‘police’ and ‘pistols.’ They were in there probably two or three -minutes. When I drew up within a foot of the alley, I heard: ‘Do you -think one enough, or had we better go for more?’ Going up Randolph -Street, I heard some words spoken in German between them, but not in -the conversation at the alley. I cannot say that I knew Mr. Schwab’s voice -at that time. I only knew Mr. Spies’ voice from what I heard him ask on -the wagon. Spies was the one who used the words ‘pistols’ and ‘police.’ -I did not see him when he said it. I could not see him without putting my -head around the corner. They went out of my sight when they went into -the alley. The whole conversation was done in three minutes, I should judge. -The first remark that I heard was about a minute and a half after they -went into the alley and went out of sight. When they came out and walked -south on Desplaines I followed them within a few feet. It was then about -a quarter past eight. They walked west on Randolph Street to Halsted, -and I trailed after them all the time, part of the time beside them, part -of the time ahead, and past them, but all the time close to them. When -they came to Halsted there were a few people there, not much of a crowd. -I was still tagging after them with no other object than looking for the meeting, -to find where the audience was assembled. I don’t know whether they -saw me; there was nothing whatever to prevent their seeing me. When -they were going west I couldn’t hear a word of what they did say. The -street lamps were lighted. When they got down on Halsted there was a -crowd, of about twenty-five people. They were right in the thickest of the -crowd, and I stood on the sidewalk, about ten feet from them. I didn’t -hear either of them say a word. Then they went back east on Randolph -Street. I was about six feet behind them. They said nothing. There was -nobody else following them besides me. I couldn’t hear what they said -until they came to Union Street. Then I got past them. It was light at -the time; they could see me. Near Union Street Schwab said: ‘Now, if -they come, we will give it to them,’ and Spies said he did not think they -would bother them, because they were afraid. This conversation was -carried on in the English language. I was behind them when I heard the -first of it, but they kind of slackened, and I got by them. I was making my -gait quicker to get by them. Schwab finished his remark when I got about -three feet by them. Schwab made his remark in an ordinary tone of street -conversation, loud enough for me to hear. I heard no more conversation -between Schwab and Spies. I testified before the Coroner’s jury. I testified -to this conversation at Union Street. If I didn’t, it was an oversight -on my part, or it was because nobody asked me any question, but I say -that I did say that before the Coroner’s inquest.</p> - -<p>“Coming back, I stopped on the northwest corner of Randolph and -Desplaines. I was then about ten or fifteen feet ahead of Spies and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[463]</a></span> -Schwab. They came up. I can’t say that they were talking. They went -right through the street, moving diagonally to the wagon. I staid at the -corner. I did not go after them until they got onto the wagon. That was -the last time that I saw Schwab. I saw Spies when he got up to make a -speech. Oh, no, that wasn’t the last time that I saw Schwab that night. -That was the last time that I saw him until they were out of sight and the -third man met them. When they started from the corner northeast across -the street, I stood at the corner just to let them cross the street. Then I -started after them. They did not get out of my sight. I didn’t catch up -with them at all. When I got within eight or ten feet of them they were -standing on the sidewalk. They stopped right there, about five feet south -of the south line of Crane’s alley. There wasn’t probably more than half a -dozen people on the east side of the street. There were a good many people -on the West Side. It was then about twenty or twenty-five minutes past -eight. When I got up within eight or ten feet of them and they stopped, I -stopped too, and looked at them. They were in plain view of me. I don’t -think they did see me, though they could see me if they looked up. I think -there are some electric lights near there, on the Lyceum building. I was -between them and the electric light. When they stopped there, the next -thing was that they met that third man. I had never seen that third man -before. I have seen this picture of Schnaubelt before; I think Mr. Furthmann -showed it to me about a week ago. That third party came from the -east. He must have been standing up against the house, and he walked -west to the front of the sidewalk. Schnaubelt was not facing me; he had -his back to me. They did not go into the alley. One had his back south, -one east, and Spies had his back north. I didn’t hear what they were talking -about. I was on the sidewalk near the curb-stone, partly south, not -directly south of them. Spies stood directly to the north, which would -bring his back to me. I don’t know but what he did see me. They stood -there about thirty seconds. I didn’t hear a word. Spies handed that third -man something, who put it into his pocket, and Spies got up on the wagon -and made a speech. I did not see Schwab on the wagon. Spies got right -up on the wagon and commenced to speak, but one or two minutes elapsed -in the time.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">August Huen</span>, a printer in the employ of Wehrer & Klein, set up the -German part of the circular headed “Attention, Workingmen!” and testified -that the last line read, “Workingmen, arm yourselves and appear in -full force.” Mr. Fischer wrote it. On cross-examination, he testified that -an hour after the form had been given to the pressman the last line was -taken out.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Hugh Hume</span>, a reporter for the <i>Inter-Ocean</i>, testified:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I saw Mr. Fielden and other defendants in the sweat-box—that is, the -cells down-stairs—at the Central Station, about midnight, between the 5th -and 6th of May last. I had a conversation with Spies. He said he had -been at the Haymarket meeting. He had gone up there to refute the statements -of the capitalistic press in regard to what he had said at McCormick’s. -Up at McCormick’s he had been talking to a lot of people whom -he could not influence—all good Catholics. During his speech on the -Haymarket, some people had shown a disposition to hang McCormick. -He had told them not to make any threats of that kind. He had said,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[464]</a></span> -‘When you want to do a thing of that kind, don’t talk so much about it, -but go out and do it.’ He then said to me that the people had reached a -condition where they were willing to do any violence, and he had advocated -violence of that kind. It was necessary to bring about the revolution that -the Socialists wanted. He said he had advocated the use of dynamite. I -asked him if he was in favor of killing police officers with dynamite. He -hesitated a little, and then said the police represented the capitalists and -were enemies of theirs, and when you have an enemy he has got to be -removed. That is the gist of what he said. Spies said he didn’t know -anything about the bomb being exploded until afterwards. He had heard -a noise that resembled the sound of a cannon, and thought the police were -firing over the heads of the people to frighten them. He said he considered -all laws as things you could get along without; they were inimical to -the best interests of the people and of the social growth. He did not think -that dynamite was in his office when he left it, and had an idea that the -police put that dynamite there to get a case on him.</p> - -<p>“I had a little talk with Mr. Fielden. He was suffering somewhat from -his wound. When I asked him how the Haymarket affair accorded with -his ideas of Socialism, he said, ‘You are on dangerous ground now. There -is an argument, though, that we have, that is to the effect that if you cannot -do a thing peaceably, it has got to be done by force.’ Something to that -effect; I don’t remember the language. Fielden said, as to the number of -Socialists in Chicago, that there were a number of groups here, containing -250 men. Those were recognized Socialists, but they had people from -all over the city, from nearly every wholesale house; but those people are -afraid to come out yet, only awaiting an opportunity. He spoke about the -decision of the Supreme Court prohibiting military companies from marching -around with arms. He was inclined to think that the decision was not -right.</p> - -<p>“I had a short interview with Schwab. All he had to say was that -Socialism was right, even with the blood shed at the Haymarket.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Hume said that Spies saw him write down -answers to the questions and knew that he wanted the interview for publication.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Harry L. Gilmer</span> proved a strong witness and testified as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I am a painter by trade. Reside at 50 North Ann Street. On the -evening of May 4 last, I was at the Haymarket meeting on Desplaines -Street. I got there about a quarter to ten o’clock. In going home, when -I got to the corner of Randolph and Desplaines Streets, I saw a crowd over -there, and went up to where the speaking was going on, on the east side of -Desplaines Street. I saw the wagon; did not pay particular attention to -the speaking. I stood near the lamp-post on the corner of Crane Bros’. -alley, between the lamp-post and the wagon, and up near the east end of -the wagon for a few minutes. The gentleman here (pointing to Fielden) -was speaking when I came there. I staid around there a few minutes, -was looking for a party whom I expected to find there, and stepped back -into the alley between Crane Bros’. building and the building immediately -south of it. The alley was south of the wagon. I was standing in the -alley looking around for a few minutes; noticed parties in conversation, -right across the alley, on the south side of the alley. Somebody in front of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[465]</a></span> -me on the edge of the sidewalk said, ‘Here comes the police.’ There was -a sort of rush to see the police come up. There was a man came from the -wagon down to the parties that were standing on the south side of the -alley. He lit a match and touched it off, something or another—the fuse -commenced to fizzle, and he give a couple of steps forward, and tossed it -over into the street. He was standing in this direction (illustrating). The -man that lit the match on this side of him, and two or three of them stood -together, and he turned around with it in his hand, took two or three steps -that way, and tossed it that way, over into the street. I knew the man by -sight who threw that fizzing thing into the street. I have seen him several -times at meetings at one place and another in the city. I do not know -his name. He was a man about five feet ten inches high, somewhat full-chested, -and had a light sandy beard, not very long. He was full-faced, -his eyes set somewhat back in his head. Judging from his appearance, he -would probably weigh 180 pounds. My impression is his hat was dark -brown or black; I don’t know whether it was a soft hat, a felt hat or a stiff -hat. This here (indicating photograph of Schnaubelt heretofore identified) -is the man that threw the bomb out of the alley. There were four or five -standing together in the group. This here (pointing to Spies) is the man -who came from the wagon toward the group.</p> - -<p>“I did not see the police myself, there were so many people between -me and them. I don’t recollect any declaration from any of the police officers -about this person—nothing distinctly, anyway. That man over there -(pointing at defendant Fischer) was one of the parties. After the bomb -was thrown these parties immediately left through the alley. I stood -there. The firing commenced immediately afterwards, and my attention -was attracted by the firing, and I paid more attention to that than anything -else.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Gilmer testified to having resided formerly in Des -Moines, Iowa, Fort Dodge, Iowa, Kansas City, Mo., and in various localities -in Chicago. He then proceeded as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I know the Coroner’s jury was investigating the matter. I saw an -account of the investigation of the grand jury in the paper. I first told a -man by the name of Allen and another party whom I don’t know, and a -reporter of the <i>Times</i>, that I saw the match lighted, and saw the man who -threw the bomb. I think that it was two or three days after the 4th of May. -A number of people were talking the matter over on the west side of the -City Hall, on La Salle Street, and I made the remark that I believed if I -ever saw the party who threw the bomb I could identify him. They didn’t -ask me why I made that remark. I don’t think they asked me any questions, -what I knew about the matter. The reporter afterwards told me he -had heard the remark. I think that was on the 6th of May. On May 5th, -I was working on the corner of Twentieth Street and Wabash Avenue. On -the 6th of May I went down to 88 La Salle Street to collect a bill. I went -across the street, and there had the conversation with the reporter and -the others. That night I had a note left at my room for me to come down -to the Central Station. The name of James Bonfield was signed to the -note. I went to the Central Station and had a conversation with Mr. Bonfield -the next day; I couldn’t tell exactly whether on the 6th or the 7th. I -made my statement to Mr. Bonfield. I never appeared before a Coroner’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[466]</a></span> -jury; was never subpoenaed to appear before any Coroner’s jury that examined -any of the dead policemen. I was at the Haymarket meeting about -fifteen minutes from the time I got there to the explosion of the bomb. I -was looking for a person who had told me he was going to the meeting. -I kept looking through the crowd to see if I could find him. Fielden was -speaking then. I don’t remember anything of his speech, except that he -made use of the word McCormick. Before I went down-town I had read -in the paper that there had been a riot at McCormick’s the day before, and -that the police had shot some men. I was in the neighborhood of where -Fielden talked for about fifteen minutes. I don’t remember anything about -the connection in which Fielden spoke of McCormick. I was looking for a -gentleman by the name of Richard Roe, and didn’t pay any attention to -what Fielden said. When I stepped into the alley I think I was on the -north side of the alley, about eight feet from the corner of Crane’s building. -That group of men was right across the alley on the south side. The lamp -was burning on the corner of the alley at that time, and it shone right -down. I could see the persons in that party distinctly; could see their -countenances; they could see myself. They were also about eight or nine -feet from the mouth of the alley. I could hear them talk. They spoke -German. I didn’t understand them. Before the man came from the wagon -I stepped across the alley and was standing on the north side of the alley, -perhaps three or four feet to the east of that group, so that I was standing -about twelve or fourteen feet from the mouth of Crane’s alley. I did not -say that I saw the wagon from that point. I could just see the hind end of -the wagon from where I stood when I went through the alley. I think there -was a tail-board. The edges of the box of the wagon were perhaps ten -inches high. I don’t know whether there were side-boards on that wagon -or not; I could not say positively as to the width of the side-boards on the -wagon. They might have been higher than ten inches. I am sure there -was a box of some kind on the wagon. My impression is it was a wagon -about twelve or thirteen feet long, with low side-boards on. I didn’t see -anybody get off of the wagon after I went in the alley. I did not say -Mr. Spies got down off the wagon. I said he came from towards the wagon. -I saw him standing on the sidewalk before I went in the alley. I did not -say I saw Spies in the wagon at all. Mr. Spies is the man that came down -in the alley and lighted the bomb, to the best of my recollection. When I -saw him standing on the sidewalk he was talking with somebody. I would -be inclined to think it was this gentleman here (indicating Schwab). I -could not say for sure. I think it was a dark-complexioned man. My -impression is it might be him. I have very little doubt but Fischer is the -man I saw in the group. I am very nearly as positive that Fischer is the -man as I am that the picture is the picture of the man who threw the bomb. -I am sure Fischer is the man. I think I saw Mr. Parsons there that night -talking to some ladies. I had been down to the Palmer House that evening -to see some gentlemen from Des Moines that I understood were in the city. -One of them was Judge Cole, another was ex-Gov. Samuel Merrill. I -didn’t find either of them there. I went to the meeting, as I thought I -would meet Mr. Roe, and we would go home together. That was the only -business I had with Mr. Roe. It would have been eight or nine blocks -from the Haymarket to where I lived.</p> - -<p>“I did not run at the time of the shooting. I did not move at all. I -stood right at the mouth of the alley. After it was all over I backed out<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[467]</a></span> -the alley, took a car and went home. There were no bullets coming in -around my locality in the alley. On the street-car on my way home I didn’t -talk with anybody about the occurrence. There were quite a number of -people in the car talking about the Haymarket occurrence, and there was -considerable excitement in the car on account of it. The next morning I -went down on the Wabash Avenue car to the corner of Twentieth Street -and Wabash Avenue.</p> - -<p>“I heard people speak about the Haymarket affair in the restaurant, on -Madison Street, where I took my breakfast. I did not say to them anything -about my seeing the match lighted and the bomb thrown. I bought -the <i>News</i> on the car. I think I was working for Frank Crandle that day; -to the best of my recollection, there was only one man working with me on -the job. We worked alongside of each other some time. Talked about -different things, about our business. I did not say to him that I saw the -bomb thrown, nor that I saw the man light the match that lit the bomb. -I told him I had been at the Haymarket and spoke of the Haymarket riot, -and I think I said there were a number killed or wounded. In the evening -I went home on the Wabash Avenue car. People were speaking about the -Haymarket meeting in the car. I didn’t tell them I knew anything about -it. I think I got home about half past six. I had no conversation with the -landlady. After my supper, my impression is I went to Mr. Roe’s house. -He was not at home. I stayed there about fifteen minutes talking with Mrs. -Roe. Her daughter, about twelve or thirteen years old, was present during -the conversation. We talked about the Haymarket meeting. I told her I -was there. She said she would not let Mr. Roe go to the meeting. I did -not tell her nor anybody on that occasion that I saw the bomb lighted and -thrown. Since noon adjournment I had no talk with James Bonfield.”</p> - -<p>“Were not you just now walking back and forth in the corridor with -him?”</p> - -<p>“I did not have no—“</p> - -<p>“Didn’t you walk back and forth?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir.”</p> - -<p>“You were talking to him?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir.”</p> - -<p>“When I was at Central Station, I think, both Inspector Bonfield and -Lieut. Kipley were present when I made the statement that I could -recognize the man, if I ever saw him again, who threw the bomb. -Afterwards I told all the details to Mr. Grinnell. I explained matters -more to him than to anybody else. I would not be positive that I told Mr. -Bonfield I saw the man light the match. I gave a description of the man -that I saw throw the bomb. I think the man had a black or blue sack -coat on. I think he had black eyes, and somewhat light whiskers. The -bomb went in a westerly direction. I have seen Mr. Spies the last year -and a half, and knew him by sight, not by name. I heard him speak at -public meetings, seen him very frequently, but never knew his name. I -heard him once on Market Street, a year ago last spring. I did not inquire -who it was that spoke. I knew from hearing him and reading the papers -that Spies was one of the speakers. I frequently heard the name of -August Spies. At the time I had the conversation with Bonfield I -described to him as well as I could the man that struck the match and -lighted the fuse. It was either Bonfield or one of the officers in the -Central Station. They were all together. I was twice over at police<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[468]</a></span> -headquarters. This picture here (photograph of Schnaubelt) was shown to -me first some time last week, at the State’s Attorney’s office. I was in the -city during the time the Coroner’s jury was examining into the cause of -the death of different policemen, and at the time the grand jury was examining -into this case. The officers knew my name and address. They -never called on me to go before the grand jury or the Coroner’s jury.</p> - -<p>“The man who threw the bomb was about five feet and eight, ten or -nine inches high. I don’t think he was a man over six feet tall. The first -time I told Mr. Grinnell of my experience at the Haymarket was when I -made my second visit to the Central Station, on Sunday after the Haymarket -meeting. I think at that time I only told Mr. Grinnell that I could -identify the person that threw the bomb, if I saw him. I think I told him -at that time that I saw one man strike a match and light the fuse, and -another man throw the bomb. Mr. Fischer was brought in while we had -the conversation at the Central Station. I looked at him. I said nothing -about his being the man that struck the match. I knew him by sight. I -identified him as being one of the men who composed the group in -the alley.</p> - -<p>“I received some money two or three times when I have been over -here from Mr. James Bonfield—ten or fifteen cents, sometimes a quarter. -At the conversation at Central Station I was not told that I was wanted as -a witness before the grand jury. I saw the picture of Rudolph Schnaubelt -about six weeks ago, when Mr. Grinnell sent for me. I did not tell any -person at any time, except the officers that I mentioned, that I saw the act -of lighting the bomb accomplished. Neither Mr. Grinnell nor Bonfield, nor -any other officer, told me to keep silent in regard to the matter.</p> - -<p>“I am six feet three in height. I could pretty near see right over the -head of the fellow who threw the bomb. When I gave a description of the -man who came from the wagon and lighted the match that lit the fuse they -did not bring out Mr. Spies for me to look at. Spies had kind of dark -clothes on that night. His hat was black or brown. My impression is -it was a limber-rimmed hat. I first told Mr. Grinnell one day last week -that this is the man that struck the match, when I saw him sitting here in -court. I think Mr. Fischer had on a blue sack-coat that night. I think -he had a black necktie. If Schnaubelt had any necktie that night it -was a very light one. Spies had a turn-down collar that night and not any -necktie. I think the upper buttons of Mr. Schnaubelt’s coat were -buttoned. I think Spies had one or two buttons of his coat buttoned up -when he came from the wagon into the alley.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Martin Quinn</span> was recalled and testified to finding, at Engel’s house, -a machine for making bombs.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Engel said it had been left there by some man about four or five -months previous to that time. Mrs. Engel gave a description of the man -who left the machine down at the basement door, as a man with long black -whiskers and pretty tall. Mr. Engel said he thought he knew the man, -and he thought the machine was made for the purpose of making bombs. -There had been a meeting at Turner Hall, where this man had made a -speech about the manufacture of bombs, and the next thing was, this -machine was brought over, and Engel had said to him he wouldn’t allow -him to make any bombs in his basement; so the man went away. Engel -didn’t know where he was.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[469]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">John Bonfield</span> was recalled and testified to being at the Central -Station when Officer Quinn brought Engel and the machine there. Bonfield, -being asked by State’s Attorney Grinnell to explain the purpose of -the apparatus, said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“This is a blast furnace in miniature—a home-made one. This upright -part could be lined with fire-clay. This shoulder, some two and a half -inches from the bottom, could be filled in around with clay, leaving the -holes open. This, in a blasting furnace, would be known as a tweer. It is -filled up to a considerable height with clay to protect it from the hot fire -inside, and the pressure of air is applied through those pipes, one or both -of them, as may be necessary. When the fire is extinguished or removed, -the debris or slag that comes from the metal, and the ashes and cinders -from the material used for fuel, can be taken out -through the trap at the bottom. The spout is -for the purpose of passing out the melted metal. -It is stopped with a plug of clay, and when the -plug is removed the metal is poured through that -tube.”</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-469.jpg" width="200" height="419" id="i469" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">ENGEL’S BLAST FURNACE.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Louis Mahlendorf</span> testified as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am a tinner by trade, at 292 Milwaukee -Avenue, since two years. I know the defendant -Engel since about eight years. I made this machine -(referring to blasting-machine) for Engel -over a year ago. I cut off the iron and formed -it up. Another gentleman, a kind of heavy-set -man with long beard, was with him when he -ordered it. Mr. Engel waited for it. He took -it away with him.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Hermann Schuettler</span>, a detective connected -with the East Chicago Avenue Station, gave the -facts with reference to his arrest of Lingg, and -his search of the room on Sedgwick Street, with -Officers Stift, Loewenstein and Whalen:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“We searched a trunk and found a round -lead bomb in a stocking. The trunk was in the -southeast room. In another stocking I found -a large navy revolver. Both revolver and bomb -were loaded. I turned them over to Capt. Schaack. We found a ladle -and some tools, a cold chisel and other articles. This here (indicating) is -the trunk I found in the room. The letters ‘L. L.’ were on it at the time. -I recollect a round porcelain-lined blue cup made out of china that I found, -and I believe a file. In the closet underneath the baseboard we found a -lot of torn-off plaster. The lathing was sawed so you could get your hand -between the floor and the bottom of the laths underneath. I saw those -lead pipes (indicating) lying between the house Lingg lived in and the next -house to it, in a small gangway. On the way to the Chicago Avenue Station -I asked Lingg why he wanted to kill me. He said: ‘Personally, I have -nothing against you, but if I had killed you and your partner I would have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[470]</a></span> -been satisfied. I would have killed myself if I had got away with you and -your partner.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination witness stated that he had had no search warrant -for going through Lingg’s trunk.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Jacob Loewenstein</span>, another detective connected with the same station, -testified to assisting Schuettler in arresting Lingg and that after they had -vanquished him Lingg said several times: “Shoot me right here, before I -will go with you. Kill me!” Witness further stated:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I was with Officers Whalen, Stift, Schuettler, Cushman and McCormick, -at Lingg’s room, on May 7, between ten and eleven o’clock. Nobody -was in the house. The door was locked. Finally we pushed in the door -and went in. In a little bed-room in the southeast corner of the house there -was a bed and a wash-stand and a trunk, and a little shelf up in the corner -with some bottles on it. In the closet there were some shells, and some -loaded cartridges, and on the floor some metal and some lead. Those here -(indicating box containing shells) are the shells I found in the closet of -Lingg’s room. I found those bolts (indicating) in the wash-stand. This -metal here (indicating) I found in a dinner-box with some loaded dynamite -bombs in the trunk. There were four bombs in this box (indicating), gas-pipe -bombs. The two in the bottom were loaded. When I first opened -the trunk this cover (indicating) dropped down, and with this Remington -rifle (indicating), which was loaded, fell down. I found a lot of papers and -books in the top of the trunk. In a gray stocking I found this round dynamite -bomb, loaded (indicating). I found two pieces of solder in that -dinner-box. I found a blast hammer and one smaller hammer, a couple of -iron bits and drills, a two-quart pail, with a little substance looking like -saw-dust in the bottom of it, which I found out to be dynamite. I found a -little tin quart basin under the bed with a little piece of fuse in it. In the -bottom of the trunk I found two or three pieces of fuse. In the closet we -tore off the baseboard, which had been freshly nailed down—the nails -were projecting out a little bit—and found the plaster was torn out all the -way around on the baseboard, and there were holes there.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Joseph B. Casagrande</span>, telephone operator at the East Chicago Avenue -Station, but on duty at the Larrabee Street Station on the night of May 4, -and John K. Soller, a police officer at the last-named station, testified to a -call for a patrol wagon and its leaving at 10:40 o’clock for Desplaines and -Randolph Streets with a full load of officers.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">John B. Murphy</span>, a physician and surgeon, was called to the Desplaines -Street Station after the Haymarket explosion and remained until three -o’clock in the morning. He was a surgeon at the Cook County Hospital, -and when he left the station he proceeded direct to that institution. At the -station Dr. Murphy said that he first dressed Barrett, who was complaining -and crying with severe pain.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“He had a very large wound in his side, large enough to admit two fingers -right into his liver, and severely bleeding. I could not reach with my -finger the piece of shell that caused the injury. It was a lacerated wound, -much larger than could be made by an ordinary pistol bullet. I tampened<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[471]</a></span> -the liver with gauze to prevent his bleeding to death at the station, and I -went on to other officers in that way until I dressed in all between twenty-six -and thirty at the station. When we got through with that, at three -o’clock, Dr. Lee remained at the station while I went to the hospital to take -care of those injured most severely, who were to be sent to the hospital. -Officers Muller, Whitney, Keller, Barrett, Flavin and Redden are the principal -men that I ordered him to send first to the hospital.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Dr. Murphy then gave a list of the men and specified the particular -character of their wounds.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">E. G. Epler</span>, a physician and surgeon practicing at No. 505 South -Canal Street, testified to having dressed a wound of Fielden between eleven -and twelve at night on May 4.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“The wound was on the left side of the left knee joint, the bullet having -passed in underneath the skin and passed out again five inches from the -point of entry. He said he was crawling on the pavement trying to get -away from the crowd when he received the injury, and the bullet glanced -off from the pavement and struck him in that position.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Michael Hoffman</span>, a detective connected with the Larrabee Street Station, -gave evidence as to finding nine round bombs and four long ones.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“These two bombs (indicating) I found at the corner of Clyde and Clybourn -Avenue, near Ogden’s Grove, under the sidewalk. They were empty. -I found another one there which was loaded, and which I gave to Capt. -Schaack. Gustav Lehman, who was a witness in this case, was with me -when I found them. I got two coils of fuse, a can of dynamite and a box of -caps at the same time. I found these two pieces of gas-pipe (indicating) -at 509 North Halsted Street, under the house of John Thielen, who was -arrested, with two cigar-boxes full of dynamite and two boxes of cartridges, -one rifle, one revolver. The revolver and one box of cartridges were buried -under the floor of the coal-shed, and two bombs which were loaded, the -dynamite and rifle and other box of cartridges were buried under the house -in the ground. The can of dynamite which Lehman pointed out to me, and -which I found near Ogden’s Grove, held about a gallon. This can and the -box of caps were on the stone of the pavement; the bombs were buried in -the ground.”</p> - -<p class="p1">At this stage of the proceedings I was myself put on the stand. My -testimony, as taken by the stenographers, was as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I am police captain of the Fifth Precinct. My headquarters are at East -Chicago Avenue Station. I have charge of two other stations besides. -Have been connected with the force for eighteen years. Have been captain -one year. I have seen Spies, Schwab, Neebe and Fischer. Had no -personal acquaintance with them. The defendants Engel and Lingg were -arrested and confined in my station. Lingg was arrested on May 14th; -Engel about the 18th. I had my first conversation with Lingg about this -case about three o’clock on the afternoon of May 14th. Lingg told me his -name, and that he had lived at 442 Sedgwick Street. He had been out of -work for about four weeks. I asked him whether he was at the meeting -held in the basement of 54 West Lake Street on Monday night, and he -said, ‘Yes.’ On Tuesday night, May 4th, he said, he was at home—not all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[472]</a></span> -the evening. He and Seliger had been on Larrabee Street, quite a ways -north; had had several glasses of beer, and from there he went home. He -said he had made some bombs to use them himself. He said he had reason -for being down on the police; they had clubbed him out at McCormick’s. -He said he was down on capitalists, and found fault with the -police for taking the part of the capitalists. If the capitalists turned out -the militia and the police force with their Gatling guns, they couldn’t do -anything with revolvers, and therefore they had adopted these bombs and -dynamite. He said he had learned to make bombs in scientific books of -warfare published by Most, of New York. He had got his dynamite on -Lake Street, somewhere near Dearborn, and had bought some fuse and -caps, and told me what he paid for it. He had not used up all his dynamite. -He said he had made bombs of gas-pipe, and also of metal and lead -mixed. He found the gas-pipe on the street sometimes. The lead he got -about the same way. He said the bombs they found in his place were all -he made. We put Mrs. Seliger face to face with him, and she accused him -that he had commenced making bombs a few weeks after he came to their -house. He looked at the woman, but didn’t say anything. John Thielen, -who was arrested at the time, faced him too. Lingg admitted he had -given to Thielen the two cigar-boxes full of dynamite and the two bombs -which Officer Hoffman brought to me; at the same time Lingg looked -right square at Thielen and shook his head for him to keep still. Thielen -said to him, ‘Never mind, you might as well tell it. They know it all, -anyhow.’</p> - -<p>“In Lingg’s trunk I discovered a false bottom, and in there I found two -long cartridges of dynamite, and some fuse four inches long, with caps on, -and a big coil of fuse. I asked Lingg if that was the dynamite he used in -his bombs, and he said yes. The dynamite in the package is lighter in -quality than what was found in his bombs, except one that was black. I got -three kinds of dynamite. That in the gallon-box that Lehman testified -was given to him by Lingg looked like charcoal; the dynamite in the trunk -was white, and the dynamite in most of those bombs is dark-colored. -Lingg said he had tried a round bomb and a long one in the open air -somewhere, and they worked well. He put one right in the crotch of a -tree and split it all up. He said he had known Spies for some time. He -had been at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office about five times, bringing reports of -Socialistic and Anarchistic meetings to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. He stated -he had been financial secretary of a branch of the Carpenters’ Union. He -had been a Socialist ever since he could think. He told me he had been in -this country since last July or August; he had been a Socialist in Europe.”</p> - -<p>“Now give the conversation which you had with Engel.”</p> - -<p>“Engel said, in the first conversation that I had with him, that on Monday, -3d of May, he was doing some fresco work for a friend by the name of -Koch, somewhere out west. He had been for a little while at the 54 West -Lake Street meeting that night, but made no speech there.</p> - -<p>“Several days afterwards I had another conversation, when his wife and -daughter came. Engel complained that his cell was dark and no water -running in it, and I told him we would give him another cell if we had it. -The cells were crowded right along that night. And his wife said, ‘Do -you see now what trouble you got yourself into?’ and Engel answered, -‘Mamma, I can’t help it.’ I asked him why he didn’t stop that nonsense, -and he said: ‘I promised my wife so many times that I would stop this business,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[473]</a></span> -but I can’t stop it. What is in me has got to come out. I can’t help -it that I am so gifted with eloquence. It is a curse. It has been a curse -to a good many other men. A good many men have suffered already for -the same cause, and I am willing to suffer and will stand it like a man.’ -And I think he mentioned Louise Michel as having taken a leading part in -the Anarchist business. Engel said on the evening of May 4th he was at -home tying on the lounge.</p> - -<p>“I have experimented with all dynamite that was brought me; also the -bombs. I gave a portion of the lead bomb which Officer Schuettler testified -he found in Lingg’s room to Professor Haines. I took the dynamite -from that bomb and put the dynamite in a piece of gas-pipe, about five -inches long, with ends screwed on. I had a box made two feet square, -of inch boards, pretty well nailed together, and we dug a hole three feet -deep out at Lake View, in the bushes, put the box into the hole, cut a hole -in the top of the box, let the bomb into it, put a fuse and cap to it, and -touched it off. This was found as the result of the explosion (indicating -fragments). The box was blown all to pieces, and some of the pieces flew up -in the trees. Everything in that box was smashed to pieces. This bomb -here (indicating) I have made in the same way, and filled it with some -black dynamite from that gallon can which was given by Lingg to Lehman, -as stated here. This here (indicating fragments of the exploded -bomb) was the result of the examination. I put some dynamite also in a -beer keg. It smashed the keg all to pieces.</p> - -<p>“Now here are the fragments from a lead bomb which Lehman gave to -Hoffman and Hoffman to me. We got a piece of boiler-iron a quarter of -an inch thick, nineteen inches high, and thirty-four inches wide. Then we -had a steel top weighing 140 pounds. On the ground I put two-inch plank. -On top of the plank I put four large metal sheets. I put the bomb right in -the center, and a big stone weighing about 125 pounds on top, and the -inside of the boiler-iron, the tub, I had painted so we could see where the -lead would strike. I touched it off myself. It knocked the tub away up in -the air, and the stone on top was crushed all to pieces. This is the result -of the lead after we picked it up on top of the boards (indicating fragments -of the tub). Here is the bolt (indicating) that was on the bomb. The nut -we did not find. I counted 195 places where the lead struck the painted -boiler-iron. There is a crack clear through the boiler-iron. In six places -it is bulged out. Professor Haines has got a piece of this bomb (indicating), -and Professor Patton another piece. I gave to the professors pieces -of metal from other bombs.</p> - -<p>“Lingg in his conversations with me said there would likely be a revolution -through this workingmen’s trouble. There was a satchel brought -from Neff’s place. The satchel was filled with bombs. Thielen was present. -I asked him if he brought the satchel there. He said he saw the -satchel there, saw it stand there when he left, and that was the last he saw -of it. Lingg said he made the molds to make these bombs himself. He -made them of clay, and that they could be used to cast in only about twice. -He said he saw the ‘Revenge’ circular on the West Side, I believe at 71 -West Lake Street. I asked him when he had had his hair trimmed and his -chin beard shaved. He said on or about the 7th of May. He said there -had been several persons in his room on the afternoon of May 4th, among -them the two Lehmans.</p> - -<p>“I experimented with fuse. I cut a fuse four inches long and set it on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[474]</a></span> -fire, and you could count just six until it struck the cap within. I experimented -with dynamite cartridges. I drilled a hole in one end about an inch -and a half deep, shoved a percussion cap in, put a fuse on, and exploded -it. I had it stand free up in the air in a stone weighing about twenty or -thirty pounds. When it went off it broke the stone all up. I put one right -in the center of a lot of shrubs and bushes, and it broke everything up—took -around about four feet each way.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination I stated that I had never taken Lingg before any -magistrate for examination. There was no complaint entered against him.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Frederick Drews</span> saw some cans underneath the sidewalk at his home, -No. 351 North Paulina Street, about three miles from the Haymarket, and -testified to having turned them over to me. His residence was about a mile -and a half from Wicker Park.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Michael Whalen</span>, a detective connected with the Chicago Avenue Station, -testified to having seen the cans referred to by the preceding witness -in the yard at No. 351 North Paulina Street, and that there were four of -those cans, one of which they emptied.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Daniel Coughlin</span>, a police officer, testified as to the explosive character -of one of the cans found at North Paulina Street, with a fulminating cap -and fuse about eight inches long. After igniting the fuse an explosion was -caused which shattered the can, throwing the contents, some kind of vitriol, -four or five feet around.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Charles E. Prouty</span>, manager of a gun-store at No. 53 State Street, recalled -a visit of Mr. and Mrs. Engel at the store the previous fall.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“They made some inquiries in regard to some large revolvers. They -found one there that seemed to be satisfactory, and wanted to know at what -price they could get a quantity of them, perhaps one or two hundred, and -wanted to buy that one and pay for it and present it at some meeting of -some society. They took the pistol and paid for it. A week or two after -they returned, said the pistol was satisfactory, and wanted to know if I could -get them a lot. I said I knew of one lot in the East, and would inquire. I -wrote East, and found the lot had been disposed of. They were somewhat -disappointed, but said they had found something else for a little less money -that would answer the purpose, and with that they left our store. Mrs. -Engel comes frequently to our store. She has a little store on the West -Side, and buys fishing-tackle and other things in our line. I sold cartridges -to them in a small way, as she might want them in her store. When I spoke -of guns I meant large revolvers, something about seven-inch barrel—I think -44 or 45-caliber, at $5.50 apiece. When I stated the price was very cheap -they replied they didn’t care to make profit on them, it was for a society. -I remember seeing Mr. Parsons’ face in the store. Never had any dealings -with him.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">William J. Reynolds</span>, in the employ of D. H. Lamberson & Co., gun -business at No. 76 State Street, testified:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I think about February or March of this year Mr. Parsons came to our -store. He said he wanted to buy a quantity of revolvers—I think forty or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[475]</a></span> -fifty. He wanted what is called an old remodeled Remington revolver, 44 -or 45-caliber. I agreed to write and get a quotation of the revolver. He -came in again, and I quoted him a price upon it. He did not purchase any -revolvers, and was in once or twice after that. He seemed undecided -about it.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Thomas McNamara</span>, a police officer, testified:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I found thirty loaded and one empty gas-pipe bombs under the sidewalk -on Bloomingdale Road and Robey Street. The loaded bombs were -fixed with caps and fuse. They were in an oil-cloth. The corner where I -found them is about four blocks from Wicker Park. Found them on the -afternoon of May 23 last. Three coils of fuse in a tin can and two boxes -of dynamite caps—probably about two hundred caps—were also in the -package.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Prof. <span class="smcap">Walter S. Haines</span> examined a number of bomb fragments and -testified as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I am professor of chemistry in Rush Medical College in this city. I -devote most of my time to practical chemistry. I have examined several -pieces of metal at the request of the State’s Attorney. I received from -Capt. Schaack, on June 24 this year, a piece of bomb said to have been -connected with Lingg. I call it ‘Lingg bomb No. 1.’ I received from Dr. -J. B. Murphy, on the same day, a piece of metal said to have been taken -from Officer Murphy. I designate it ‘Murphy bomb.’ On July 22 I -received a piece of metal said to have been taken from Officer Degan. I -designate it ‘Degan bomb.’ The last piece I received from Mr. Furthmann. -I subsequently received from Officer Whalen a piece of bomb said -to have been connected with Lingg. I designate it ‘Lingg bomb No. 2,’ -The next day I received from Capt. Schaack pieces of two other bombs -also said to have been connected with Lingg. I designate as ‘Lingg -bombs Nos. 3 and 4.’ I received from Mr. Furthmann a portion of a bomb -said to have been connected with Mr. Spies, which I designate as ‘Spies -bomb.’ These were all subjected to chemical examination. Lingg bombs -Nos. 1, 3 and 4 were found to consist chiefly of lead, with a small percentage -of tin and traces of antimony, iron and zinc. The amount of tin in these -three bombs differs slightly. One of them contained about 1.9 per cent., -another about 2.4 per cent., the third about 2½ per cent. of tin. Lingg -bomb No. 2 contained more tin, consequently less lead; also a little more -antimony and a little more zinc. The amount of tin in this bomb was very -nearly seven per cent. The Murphy bomb was composed of a small proportion -of tin, chiefly lead and traces of antimony, iron and zinc. The -amount of tin was in round numbers 1.6 per cent. The Degan bomb contained -in round numbers 1.6 or 1.7 per cent. The remainder was lead, -with traces of antimony, iron and zinc. The Spies bomb consisted chiefly -of lead with a small quantity of tin, about 1.1 per cent., in round numbers, -with traces of antimony, iron and zinc. The different pieces of the same -bomb differed slightly in the proportions of the metals present. The -Degan bomb contained slightly more tin than what I call the Murphy bomb. -There is no commercial substance with which I am acquainted that has such -a composition as these bombs. Commercial lead frequently contains traces -of other substances, but, as far as I know, never tin. Solder is composed -of from a third to a half tin and the remainder lead. Lead must have been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[476]</a></span> -the basis for the preparation of the various articles which I examined, and -this must have been mixed either with tin or some substance containing tin, -as for instance solder.</p> - -<p>“Lingg bomb No. 2 had a minute trace of copper. This piece of candlestick -(indicating) is composed of tin and lead, with a certain amount of -antimony and zinc and a little copper. Professor Patton has been sick for -about two weeks. I worked in connection with Professor Delafontaine -instead of working with Patton.” (The Spies bomb is the one which the -witness Wilkinson identified.)</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Prof. <span class="smcap">Mark Delafontaine</span> testified as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am a chemist, teacher of chemistry in the High School in this city. -Have been a chemist for over thirty years. I made an examination of the -substances described by Prof. Haines, compared results with him, and they -agreed as closely as they can. I found the piece of candlestick to be a mixture -of antimony, tin, lead, zinc and a trace of copper. I made experiments -with old lead pipes upon which there was solder. I took a piece of old -lead pipe that had been very much mended, had much solder put on; I -melted it, analyzed it, and the amount of tin contained in the mixture was -about seven-tenths of one per cent. I don’t know of any one commercial -product of which the pieces of bomb that I examined could be composed. -I never found a sample of lead containing the least traces of tin.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Michael Whalen</span>, recalled, testified that he gave to Prof. Haines two -pieces of lead which I had given to him.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Edmund Furthmann</span>, Assistant State’s Attorney, stated that the piece -of lead he gave to Prof. Haines he had received from Dr. Bluthardt, and -designated the various halls and places spoken of by various witnesses as -being all located in Cook County and the State of Illinois.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Theodore J. Bluthardt</span> was then called and gave the following evidence:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I am County Physician. I made a <i>post-mortem</i> examination upon the -body of Mathias J. Degan, on the 5th day of May last, before the Coroner’s -inquest, at the Cook County Hospital. I found a deep cut upon his forehead, -another cut over the right eye and another deep cut, about two inches -in length, on the left side. I found a large wound, apparently a gun-shot -wound—a hole in the middle of the left thigh. I found seven explosive -marks on his right leg and two on the left leg. The large hole in the -middle of the left thigh was the mortal wound caused by an explosive, a -piece of lead that had penetrated the skin, destroyed the inside muscles -and lacerated the femoral artery, which caused bleeding to death. Besides -that he had a wound on the dorsum of the left foot, also caused by a piece -of lead, which forced its way through the bones of the ankle joint. I found -a piece behind the inside ankle of the left foot. Both pieces I gave to Mr. -Furthmann. The external appearance of that wound on that left thigh was -that of a rifle ball. It was round and not very ragged; it was clean cut -through the skin, but the muscles of the thigh were all contused and torn—formed -a kind of pulpy cavity as large as a goose egg on the inside. The -missile was lodged in the upper part of the thigh, about four inches above -the place where it entered. Mathias J. Degan died of hemorrhage of the -femoral artery, caused by this wound that I described.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[477]</a></span></p> - -<p>“I made a <i>post-mortem</i> examination on the body of John Barrett on the -7th of May, at 171 East Chicago Avenue. A missile had passed through -the eleventh rib into the upper part of the liver, about three inches deep. -There I found a piece of lead and a piece of blue cloth with lining in. The -right lung was collapsed. From the opening into the diaphragm the air -rushed into the cavity of the chest and compressed the lung. In consequence -of the wound in the liver there was a good deal of hemorrhage into -the chest as well as into the abdomen. This wound, by this explosive piece -of material, was the cause of his death. He had several other wounds.</p> - -<p>“On the same day I made a <i>post-mortem</i> examination on the body of -George F. Muller, at the Cook County Hospital. This man died, in my -opinion, from the effects of a pistol ball which wounded the small intestines -and caused inflammation of the bowels.</p> - -<p>“On May 8th I made a <i>post-mortem</i> examination on the body of Tim -Flavin. He had a small wound in the back four inches to the left of the -spine. The missile, which was not a pistol ball, passed into the abdomen -below the twelfth rib. I found much blood in both cavities, and the cause -of his death was internal hemorrhage.</p> - -<p>“On May 10th I made a <i>post-mortem</i> examination on the body of Michael -Sheehan. He died from exhaustion caused by a pistol shot wound upon the -right side of the abdomen, three inches to the right and four inches above -the umbilicus. The ball passed through the mesentary and lower part of -the liver into the muscles of the abdomen. There was considerable blood -in the abdomen and the liver. The surroundings were very much inflamed.</p> - -<p>“On May 17th I made a <i>post-mortem</i> examination on the body of Thomas -Redden, at the Cook County Hospital. I found an abrasion over the right -eye, a slight lacerated wound upon the lower part of the left hip, a large -lacerated wound perforating the right forearm, a compound fracture of the -left tibia, a large lacerated wound upon the posterior part of the left leg, a -circular wound upon the right leg two inches below the knee joint, extending -to the bone, another wound upon the right leg about seven inches above -the ankle, a large lacerated wound upon the left side of the back. I found -the lungs badly inflamed and the blood valves enlarged above the kidneys, -and the liver somewhat inflamed with so-called cloudy swelling. In my -opinion he died from the effects of these wounds bringing about blood-poisoning.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">James Bonfield</span>, being recalled, stated:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I found a number of banners at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. I found, altogether, -about forty banners. I can identify only a few of them as found at -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>.”</p> - -<p class="p1">State’s Attorney Grinnell here announced that the prosecution rested its -case. Thereupon counsel for the defendants moved that the jury be sent -from the court-room while they would present and argue, on behalf of -Neebe, a motion that the jury be instructed to find a verdict of not guilty -as to Neebe. Judge Gary refused the motion.</p> - -<p>A like motion on behalf of the other defendants, except August Spies -and Adolph Fischer, was also overruled by the court.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[478]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2>CHAPTER XXV.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Programme of the Defense—Mayor Harrison’s Memories—Simonson’s -Story—A Graphic Account—A Bird’s-eye View of Dynamite—Ferguson and the -Bomb—“As Big as a Base Ball”—The Defense Theory of the Riot—Claiming the -Police were the Aggressors—Dr. Taylor and the Bullet-marks—The Attack on Gilmer’s -Veracity—Varying Testimony—The Witnesses who Appeared.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">MR. MOSES SALOMON opened the case for the Anarchists on Saturday, -July 31. He proceeded to state that the defendants had -steadily refused to believe that any man on the jury would be willing to -convict any of the defendants because of being an Anarchist or a Socialist.</p> - -<p>“Mr. Grinnell,” said Mr. Salomon, “failed to state to you that he had a -person by whom he could prove who threw the bomb, and he never expected -to make this proof until he found that without this proof he was unable to -maintain this prosecution against these defendants; and it was as this case -neared the prosecution end of it that the State suddenly changed front and -produced a professional tramp and a professional liar, as we will show you, -to prove that one of these defendants was connected with the throwing of -it. They then recognized, as we claimed and now claim, that that is the -only way they can maintain their case here.”</p> - -<p>Mr. Salomon next directed the attention of the jury to the charge against -the defendants and said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“As I told you a moment ago, they are not charged with Anarchy; they -are not charged with Socialism; they are not charged with the fact that -Anarchy and Socialism is dangerous or beneficial to the community; but, -according to the law under which we are now acting, a charge specific in -its nature must be made against them, and that alone must be sustained, -and it is the duty of the jury to weigh the evidence as it bears upon that -charge; and upon no other point can they pay attention to it. Now, gentlemen, -the charge here is shown by this indictment. This is the accusation. -This is what the case involves, and upon this the defendants and the -prosecution must either stand or fall. This indictment is for the murder of -Mathias J. Degan. It is charged that each one of these defendants committed -the crime, each defendant individually; and it is charged in a number -of different ways. Now, I desire to call your attention to the law governing -this indictment and to read it to you; and I am presenting the law -to you now, gentlemen, so that you can understand how we view this case -and how the evidence is affected by what the law is.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Salomon then read the law touching murder and the statute on -accessories and explained:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The law says, no matter whether these defendants advised generally the -use of dynamite in the purpose which they claimed to carry out, and sought -to carry out, yet if none of these defendants advised the throwing of that -bomb at the Haymarket, they cannot be held responsible for the action of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[479]</a></span> -others at other times and other places. What does the evidence introduced -here tend to show? It may occur to some of you, gentlemen, to ask: -‘What, then, can these defendants preach the use of dynamite? May they -be allowed to go on and urge people to overturn the present government -and the present condition of society without being held responsible for it -and without punishment? Is there no law to which these people can be -subjected and punished if they do this thing?’ There is, gentlemen, but it -is not and never has been murder, and if they are amenable, as the evidence -introduced by the prosecution tends to show, it is under another and a -different law, and no attempt on the part of the prosecution to jump the -wide chasm which separates these two offenses can be successful unless it -is done out of pure hatred, malice, ill-will, or because of prejudice. The -law protects every citizen. It punishes every guilty man, and according to -the measure of his crime; no more and no less. If a man be guilty of conspiracy, -or if he be guilty of treason, he is -liable to punishment for that offense, and -not for a higher one. This is what the -people of the State of Illinois have said, -and that is their law. That is what they -want enforced, and that is what I stand -here for as the advocate of these defendants. -I claim for them, and for the entire people -of this State, that the law shall be applied -as it is found, and as they have directed -it to be enforced. Now, what is the statute -on conspiracy, of which these defendants -may be guilty, if they are guilty of anything?”</p></div> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-479.jpg" width="250" height="310" id="i479" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">MOSES SALOMON.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="p1">He next read the law with reference to -conspiracy and proceeded:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“The proof in this case, with the exception -of Gilmer’s testimony, showed and -shows only that the State has a case within -those sections which I have last read to you, and no other, if they have -a case against them at all. Now, gentlemen, I have read to you the -section of the statute relating to accessories. As I have told you before, it -is only the perpetrator and abettor in the perpetration of a crime who, -under the decision of almost every supreme court in the United States and -England, can be held.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Salomon touched on one or two minor points and concluded as -follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“That view of the law, that they must be proven to be accessories to the -crime, is the one point only upon which the prosecution can sustain their -case, and is the only one upon which this case must proceed, according to -our view. Now, these defendants are not criminals; they are not robbers; -they are not burglars; they are not common thieves; they descend to no -small criminal act. On the contrary, this evidence shows conclusively that -they are men of broad feelings of humanity, that their only desire has been, -and their lives have been consecrated to, the betterment of their fellow-men.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[480]</a></span> -They have not sought to take the life of any man, of any individual, to maliciously -kill or destroy any person, nor have they sought to deprive any -man of his property for their own benefit. They have not sought to get -McCormick’s property for themselves; they have not sought to get Marshall -Field’s property for themselves, and to deprive Marshall Field of it feloniously, -but they have endeavored and labored to establish a different social -system. It is true they have adopted means, or <i>wanted</i> to adopt means that -were not approved of by all mankind. It is true that their methods were -dangerous, perhaps; but then they should have been stopped at their inception. -We shall expect to prove to you, gentlemen, that these men have -stood by the man who has the least friends; that they have endeavored to -better the condition of the laboring man. The laboring men have few -friends enough. They have no means, without the combination and assistance -of their fellow-men, to better their condition, and it was to further that -purpose and to raise them above constant labor and constant toil and constant -worry and constant fret, and to have their fellow-men act and be as -human beings and not as animals, that these defendants have consecrated -their lives and energies. If it was in pursuance of that, wrought up, perhaps, -through frequent failures and through the constant force exercised -against them, that they came to the conclusion that it was necessary to use -force against force, we know not, and we do not expect to prove nor to deny -that these defendants advocated the use of force, nor do we now intend to -apologize for anything they have said, nor to excuse their acts. It is neither -the place nor the time for counsel in this case, nor of the gentlemen of the -jury, to either excuse the acts of these defendants nor to encourage them. -With that we have here nothing to do. Our object is simply to show that -these defendants are not guilty of the murder with which they are charged -in this indictment. But the issue is forced upon us to say whether it was -right or wrong, and whether they had the right to advocate the bettering of -their fellow-men. As Mr. Grinnell said, he wanted to hang Socialism and -Anarchy; but twelve men nor twelve hundred nor twelve thousand can -stamp out Anarchy nor root out Socialism, no more than they can Democracy -or Republicanism, that lie within the heart and within the head. Under -our forms of government every man has the right to believe and the -right to express his thoughts, whether they be inimical to the present institutions -or whether they favor them; but if that man, no matter what he -advocates or who he be, whether Democrat, Republican, Socialist or Anarchist, -kill and destroy human life deliberately and feloniously, that man, -whether high or low, is amenable to criminal justice, and must be punished -for his crime, and for no other.</p> - -<p>“Now, what was the object of these defendants, as they are charged, in -being so bloodthirsty? Their purpose was to change society, to bring into -force and effect their Socialistic and Anarchistic ideas. Were they right or -were they wrong, or have we nothing to do with it? As I told you, they -had the right to express their ideas. They had the right. They had the -right to gain converts, to make Anarchists and Socialists, but whether -Socialism or Anarchy shall ever be established never rested with these -defendants, never rested in a can of dynamite or in a dynamite bomb. It -rests with the great mass of people, with the people of Chicago, of Illinois, -of the United States, of the world. If they, the people, want Anarchy, want -Socialism, if they want Democracy or Republicanism, they can and they will -inaugurate it. But the people, also, will allow a little toleration of views.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[481]</a></span> -Now, these defendants claim that Socialism is a progressive social science, -and it will be a part of the proof which you will have to determine. Must -the world stand as we found it when we were born, or have we a right to -show our fellow-men a better way, a nobler life, a better condition? That -is what these defendants claim, if they are forced beyond the issue in this -case.... In furtherance of that plan, what have these defendants -done? Have they murdered many people? What was their plan when -they counseled dynamite? They intended to use dynamite in furtherance -of the general revolution; never, never against any individual. We will -show you that it was their purpose, as the proof, I think, partly shows -already, that when a general revolution or a general strike was inaugurated, -when they were attacked, that then, in fact, while carrying out the purposes -of that strike or that revolution, that then they should use dynamite, and -not until then. If it is unlawful to conspire to carry out that thing, these -men must be held for that thing. We shall show you that these men, in -carrying out their plan for the bettering of the condition of the workingmen, -inaugurated the eight-hour movement. They inaugurated the early-closing -movement. They inaugurated every movement that tended to alleviate the -condition of the workingman and allow him a greater time to his family, for -mutual benefit. That is what these defendants set up for a defense. That -is what they claim was their right to do, and that is what they claim they -did do, and they did nothing more.</p> - -<p>“Now, gentlemen, we don’t say that we desire to go into this proof, because -we think it has nothing to do with this case, if our theory is correct; -but if we are forced to show why they did these things it is simply to convince -you that their objects were not for robbery, not for stealing, not to -gain property for themselves, and not to maliciously or willfully destroy any -man’s good name or his property interests.</p> - -<p>“We expect to show you, further, that these defendants never conspired, -nor any one of them, to take the life of any single individual at any time or -place; that they never conspired or plotted to take, at this time or at any -other time, the life of Mathias Degan or any number of policemen, except -in self-defense while carrying out their original purpose. We expect, further, -to show you that on the night of the 4th of May these defendants had -assembled peaceably, that the purpose of the meeting was peaceable, that -its objects were peaceable, that they delivered the same harangue as before, -that the crowd listened, and that not a single act transpired there, previous -to the coming of the policemen, by which any man in the audience could be -held amenable to law. They assembled there, gentlemen, under the provision -of our Constitution, to exercise the right of free speech, to discuss -the situation of the workingmen, to discuss the eight-hour question. They -assembled there to incidentally discuss what they deemed outrages at -McCormick’s. No man expected that a bomb would be thrown; no man -expected that any one would be injured at that meeting; but while some of -these defendants were there and while this meeting was peaceably in progress, -the police, with a devilish design, as we expect to prove, came down -upon that body with their revolvers in their hands and pockets, ready for -immediate use, intending to destroy the life of every man that stood upon -that market square. That seems terrible, gentlemen, but that is the information -which we have and which we expect to show you. We expect to -show you further, gentlemen, that the crowd did not fire, that not a single -person fired a single shot at the police officers. We expect to show you<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[482]</a></span> -that Mr. Fielden did not have on that night, and never had in his life, a -revolver; that he did not fire, and that that portion of the testimony here is -wrong. We expect to show you further, gentlemen, that the witness Gilmer, -who testified to having seen Spies light the match which caused the destruction -coming from the bomb, is a professional and constitutional liar; that -no man in the city of Chicago who knows him will believe him under oath, -and, indeed, I might almost say that it would scarcely need even a witness -to show the falsity of his testimony, because it seems to me that it must fall -of its own weight. We expect to show you, gentlemen, that Thompson was -greatly mistaken; that on that night Schwab never saw or talked with Mr. -Spies; that he was at the Haymarket early in the evening, but that he left -before the meeting began and before he saw Mr. Spies on that evening at -all. We expect to show that Mr. Parsons, so far from thinking anything -wrong, and Fischer, were quietly seated at Zepf’s Hall, drinking, perhaps, a -glass of beer at the time the bomb exploded, and that it was as great a surprise -to them as it was to any of you. We expect to show you that Engel -was at home at the time the bomb exploded, and that he knew nothing -about it. With the whereabouts of Lingg you are already familiar. It may -seem strange why he was manufacturing bombs. The answer to that is, -he had a right to have his house full of dynamite. He had a right to have -weapons of all descriptions upon his premises, and until he used them, or -advised their use, and they were used in pursuance of his advice, he is not -liable any more than the man who commits numerous burglaries, the man -who commits numerous thefts, who walks the streets, is liable to arrest and -punishment only when he commits an act which makes him amenable to -law.</p> - -<p>“I did not expect to address you concerning Mr. Neebe, and it is unnecessary -for me to make much comment on that, but we will show you that Mr. -Neebe did not know of this meeting, that he was not present, that he was in -no manner connected with it, and there is no proof to show that he was. -We will also prove to you, gentlemen, that Mr. Fielden did not go down the -alley, as some of the witnesses for the State have testified, but that he went -down Desplaines Street to Randolph, and up Randolph, as, indeed, if my -memory serves me right, the statements made by Mr. Fielden immediately -after the occurrence already sufficiently show.</p> - -<p>“Now, gentlemen, in conclusion, as I stated to you a moment ago, we -do not intend to defend against Socialism, we do not intend to defend -against Anarchism; we expect to be held responsible for that only which we -have done, and to be held in the manner pointed out by law. Under the -charge upon which these defendants are held under this indictment, we -shall prove to you, and I hope to your entire satisfaction, that a case has -not been made out against them. Whether they be Socialists or whether -they be Anarchists we hope will not influence any one of you, gentlemen. -Whatever they may have preached, or whatever they may have said, or -whatever may have been their object, if it was not connected with the -throwing of the bomb it is your sworn testimony to acquit them. We expect -to make all this proof, and we expect such a result.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On the Monday following, being the 2d of August, the defense began -its testimony. The first witness introduced was <span class="smcap">Carter H. Harrison</span>, then -Mayor of Chicago. His evidence was as follows:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[483]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I am Mayor of the city of Chicago since over seven years. On the -4th of May last I was present during a part of the Haymarket meeting so-called. -On the day before there was a riot at McCormick’s factory, which -was represented to me to have grown out of a speech made by Mr. Spies. -During the morning of the 4th I received information of the issuance of a -circular of a peculiar character and calling for a meeting at the Haymarket -that night. I directed the Chief of Police that if anything should be said -at that meeting that might call out a recurrence of such proceedings as at -McCormick’s factory, the meeting should be dispersed. I believed that it -was better for myself to be there and disperse the meeting myself instead -of leaving it to any policeman. I went to the meeting for the purpose of -dispersing it in case I should feel it necessary for the safety of the city. I -arrived there about five minutes before eight. There was a large concourse -of people about the Haymarket, but it was so long before any speaking -commenced that probably two-thirds of the people there assembled left, as -it seemed to me. It was about half-past eight when the speaking commenced -and the meeting congregated around Crane’s building, or the alley -near it.</p> - -<p>“Mr. Spies may have been speaking one or two minutes before I got -near enough to hear distinctly what he said. I judge I left the meeting between -10 and 10:05 o’clock that night. I staid to hear Mr. Spies’ speech, -and I heard all of Mr. Parsons’ up to the time I left, with the exception of -five or ten minutes, during which I went over to the station. When I judged -that Mr. Parsons was looking towards the close of his speech I went over -to the station, spoke to Capt. Bonfield, and determined to go home, but instead -of going immediately I went back to hear a little more; staid there -about five minutes longer and then left. Within about twenty minutes from -the time that I left the meeting I heard the sound of the explosion of the -bomb at my house. While at the meeting I noticed that I was observed -when I struck a match to light my cigar and the full blaze showed my face. -I thought Mr. Spies had observed me, as the tone of his speech suddenly -changed, but that is mere conjecture. Prior to that change in the tone of -Mr. Spies’ speech I feared his remarks would force me to disperse the -meeting. I was there for that purpose; that is to say, it was my own determination -to do it against the will of the police. After that occurrence -the general tenor of Spies’ speech was such that I remarked to Capt. Bonfield -that it was tame.”</p> - -<p>“Did anything transpire in the address of either Spies or Parsons, after -the incident of the lighting of your cigar to which you have referred, that -led you to conclude to take any action in reference to the dispersing of the -meeting?”</p> - -<p>The State objected to an answer, and the objection was sustained.</p> - -<p>“I did in fact take no action at the meeting about dispersing it. There -were occasional replies from the audience, as ‘Shoot him,’ ‘Hang him’ or -the like, but I do not think, from the directions in which they came, here -and there and around, that there were more than two or three hundred -actual sympathizers with the speakers. Several times cries of ‘Hang him’ -would come from a boy in the outskirts, and the crowd would laugh. I felt -that a majority of the crowd were idle spectators, and the replies nearly as -much what might be called ‘guying’ as absolute applause. Some of the -replies were evidently bitter; they came from immediately around the -stand. The audience numbered from eight hundred to one thousand. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[484]</a></span> -people in attendance, so far as I could see during the half hour before the -speaking commenced, were apparently laborers or mechanics, and the majority -of them not English-speaking people—mostly Germans. There was -no suggestion made by either of the speakers looking toward calling for the -immediate use of force or violence toward any person that night; if there -had been I should have dispersed them at once. After I came back from -the station Parsons was still speaking, but evidently approaching a close. -It was becoming cloudy and looked like threatening rain, and I thought the -thing was about over. There was not one-fourth of the crowd that had -been there during the evening listening to the speakers at that time. In -the crowd I heard a great many Germans use expressions of their being -dissatisfied with bringing them there and having this speaking. When I -went to the station during Parsons’ speech, I stated to Capt. Bonfield that -I thought the speeches were about over; that nothing had occurred yet or -looked likely to occur to require interference, and that he had better issue -orders to his reserves at the other stations to go home. Bonfield replied -that he had reached the same conclusion from reports brought to him, but -he thought it would be best to retain the men in the station until the meeting -broke up, and then referred to a rumor that he had heard that night -which he thought would make it necessary for him to keep his men there, -which I concurred in. During my attendance of the meeting I saw no -weapons at all upon any person.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Harrison stated:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The rumor that I referred to was related to me by Capt. Bonfield -immediately after my reaching the station. Bonfield told me he had just -received information that the Haymarket meeting, or a part of it, would go -over to the Milwaukee and St. Paul freight-houses, then filled with ‘scabs,’ -and blow it up. There was also an intimation that this meeting might be -held merely to attract the attention of the police to the Haymarket, while the -real attack, if any, should be made that night on McCormick’s. Those -were the contingencies in regard to which I was listening to those speeches. -In listening to the speeches, I concluded it was not an organization to -destroy property that night, and went home. My order to Bonfield was -that the reserves held at the other stations might be sent home, because I -learned that all was quiet in the district where McCormick’s factory is situated. -Bonfield replied he had already ordered the reserves in the other -stations to go in their regular order.</p> - -<p>“Bonfield was there, detailed by the Chief of Police, in control of that -meeting, together with Capt. Ward. I don’t remember of hearing Parsons -call ‘To arms! To arms! To arms!’ When I speak of a rumor in regard -to a possible attack upon McCormick’s, the fact is it was not a rumor -that came from others, but rather a fear or apprehension on my own part, -and it was suggested first by myself that this might be the aim of this -meeting. There was a direct statement by Mr. Bonfield to me that he had -heard the rumor about the freight-houses.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Barton Simonson</span>, a traveling salesman for E. Rothschild & Bros., -wholesale clothing, concluded, after taking supper at his mother’s house, -No. 50 West Ohio Street, to take in the Haymarket meeting, and he went -there and remained throughout the proceedings, until the explosion of the -bomb. He testified:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[485]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The speakers were northeast from me, in front of Crane Bros’. building, -a few feet north of the alley. I remember the alley particularly. As -far as I remember Spies’ speech, he said: ‘Please come to order. This -meeting is not called to incite any riot.’ He then said that McCormick -had charged him with the murder of the people at the meeting the night -before; that Mr. McCormick was a liar. McCormick was himself responsible. -Somebody had opposed his speaking at the meeting near McCormick’s -because he was a Socialist. The people he spoke to were good -Christian, church-going people. While he was speaking, McCormick’s -people had come out. Some of the men and boys had started for them, -and had had some harmless sport throwing stones into the windows, etc. -Then he said that some workingmen were shot at and killed by the police. -That is as far as my memory goes.</p> - -<p>“Parsons illustrated that the capitalists got the great bulk of the profit -out of everything done. I remember in his speech he said: ‘To arms! -To arms! To arms!’ but in what connection I cannot remember. Somebody -in the crowd said, ‘Shoot’ or ‘Hang Gould,’ and he says, ‘No, a -great many will jump up and take his place. What Socialism aims at is -not the death of individuals, but of the system.’</p> - -<p>“Fielden spoke very loud, and as I had never attended a Socialistic meeting -before in my life, I thought they were a little wild. Fielden spoke about a -Congressman from Ohio who had been elected by the workingmen and confessed -that no legislation could be enacted in favor of the workingmen; consequently -he said there was no use trying to do anything by legislation. -After he had talked awhile a dark cloud with cold wind came from the -north. Many people had left before, but when the cloud came a great -many people left. Somebody said, ‘Let’s adjourn,’—to some place, I can’t -remember the name of the place. Fielden said he was about through, there -was no need of adjourning. He said two or three times, ‘Now, in conclusion,’ -or something like that, and I became impatient. Then I heard a -commotion and a good deal of noise in the audience, and somebody said, -‘Police.’ I looked south and saw a line of police when it was at about the -Randolph Street car-tracks. The police moved along until the front of the -column got about up to the speakers’ wagon. I heard somebody near the -wagon say something about dispersing. I saw some persons upon the -wagon. I could not tell who they were. About the time that somebody -was giving that command to disperse, I distinctly heard two words coming -from the vicinity of the wagon or from the wagon. I don’t know who -uttered them. The words were ‘peaceable meeting.’ That was a few seconds -before the explosion of the bomb. As the police marched through the -crowd the latter went to the sidewalks on either side, some went north, -some few went on Randolph Street east, and some west. I did not hear -any such exclamation as ‘Here come the bloodhounds of the police; you -do your duty and I’ll do mine,’ from the locality of the wagon or from Mr. -Fielden. I heard nothing of that sort that night. At the time the bomb -exploded I was still in my position upon the stairs. A reporter talked to -me while I was on those stairs. I remember he went down, and just before -the police came he ran up past me again. There was no pistol fired by any -person upon the wagon before the bomb exploded. No pistol shots anywhere -before the explosion of the bomb. Just after the command to disperse -had been given, I saw a lighted fuse or something—I didn’t know -what it was at the time—come up from a point nearly twenty feet south of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[486]</a></span> -the south line of Crane’s alley, from about the center of the sidewalk on the -east side of the street, from behind some boxes. I am positive it was not -thrown from the alley. I first noticed it about six or seven feet in the air, -a little above a man’s head. It went in a northwest course and up about -fifteen feet from the ground, and fell about the middle of the street. The -explosion followed almost immediately, possibly within two or three seconds. -Something of a cloud of smoke followed the explosion. After the bomb exploded -there was pistol-shooting. From my position I could distinctly see -the flashes of the pistols. My head was about fifteen feet from the ground. -There might have been fifty to one hundred and fifty pistol shots. They -proceeded from about the center of where the police were. I did not observe -either the flashes of pistol shots or hear the report of any shots from -the crowd upon the police prior to the firing by the police. I staid in my -position from five to twenty seconds. There was shooting going on in -every direction, as well up as down. I could see from the flashes of the -pistols that the police were shooting up. The police were not only shooting -at the crowd, but I noticed several of them shoot just as they happened -to throw their arms. I concluded that my position was possibly more -dangerous than down in the crowd, and then I ran down to the foot of the -stairs, ran west on the sidewalk on Randolph Street a short distance, and -then on the road. A crowd was running in the same direction. I had to -jump over a man lying down, and I saw another man fall in front of me -about one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet west of Desplaines Street. -I took hold of his arm and wanted to help him, but the firing was so lively -behind me that I just let go and ran. I was to the rear of the crowd running -west, the police still behind us. There were no shots from the direction -to which I was running.</p> - -<p>“I am not and have never been a member of any Socialistic party or -association. Walking through the crowd before the meeting, I noticed -from their appearance that the meeting was composed principally of ordinary -workingmen, mechanics, etc. The audience listened, and once in -awhile there would be yells of ‘Shoot him!’ ‘Hang him!’ from the audience. -I didn’t find any difference in the bearing of the crowd during -Fielden’s speech from what it was during Parsons’ or Spies’. In the -course of the conversation which I had with Capt. Bonfield at the station -before the meeting that night, I asked him about the trouble in the southwestern -part of the city. He says, ‘The trouble there is that these’—whether -he used the word Socialists or strikers, I don’t know—‘get their -women and children mixed up with them and around them and in front of -them, and we can’t get at them. I would like to get three thousand of -them in a crowd, without their women and children’—and to the best of -my recollection he added, ‘and I will make short work of them.’ I noticed -a few women and children at the bottom of the steps where I was. I don’t -think there were any in the body of the crowd around the wagon. At the -time the police came up there, I did not observe any women or children.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Simonson said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I have several times visited police stations in the city. I attended a -Salvation Army meeting on East Chicago Avenue, and I thought the -roughs there interrupted the meeting. I went across to see Capt. Schaack -two or three times about it. I was once at the Desplaines Street Station -and made complaint against a policeman for abusing an old man, and one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[487]</a></span> -evening I brought there a fellow who asked me for something to get him a -lodging on the West Side, and I asked the police to take care of him. -And another time, when I heard about the way people who had received -lodging at the station were treated there, I went to the station to satisfy -myself what was the fact about the matter, and Capt. Ward told me a different -story.</p> - -<p>“I went to the Haymarket meeting out of curiosity to know what kind -of meetings they held, believing that the newspapers ordinarily misrepresented -such things. I had my impression that the papers had misrepresented -the meetings of workingmen, not from anything definite I had, but -from having seen reports in papers of occurrences I had seen, and, as a -rule, they were one-sided. I went to the meeting to satisfy myself—to -prove or disprove my impression. That was one of my reasons for going -there. At that conversation with Mr. Bonfield that I testified to, nobody -else was present. It was in the main office of Desplaines Street Station. -Capt. Ward, I believe, was walking around at the time. There was a good -deal of noise in the police station, and we talked quietly. I believe no one -else could hear it. I believe it was last fall that I visited the North Side -police station in regard to the Salvation Army again. I visited about a -half dozen of their meetings. I saw Capt. Schaack at the station. I did -not ask him to arrest any people who had disturbed the meeting, nor to -arrest the Salvation Army people. I told him that in going to the meeting -I heard somebody swear a very vicious oath and curse the Salvation -Army people. The police were standing within hearing, and the crowd -joined in the laugh. I told him it seemed to me that the police ought not -to allow anything of that kind. The windows of the Salvation Army were -filled with boards. I told Capt. Schaack that it seemed not right that in -front of the police station they should do any such thing. He said he -would order the boards taken down, and if they wanted protection they -could get it. I went another time to Capt. Schaack when some of the Salvation -Army people were confined in the Bridewell. Mayor Harrison had -given me a note to Mr. Felton, telling him to let them go, and I went to -Capt. Schaack to tell him that.</p> - -<p>“My recollection is that Fielden said: ‘The law is your enemy. Kill -it, stab it, throttle it, or it will throttle you.’ When the police came, I -looked at them and at the crowd. I watched both to some extent. I don’t -know how many lines of police there were. When I saw them at the Randolph -Street tracks, I saw a straight line of police filling the whole street. -There was more than one column, but I don’t know how many. I was at -that time contemplating the question of my own safety. I was looking in -the direction of the wagon at the time the bomb was thrown. I didn’t see -the officer command the meeting to disperse, but heard somebody, in some -form, tell the meeting to disperse. The only words I remember to have -heard were: ‘Command—meeting—to disperse.’ During the delivery -of that, or right after it, I heard somebody say something, of which I caught -the two words, ‘Peaceable meeting.’ The first column of police were -standing on about a line with the north line of the alley. I don’t know -where the other columns were with reference to where the bomb exploded. -I only saw the police in a large body march out. It looked to me at the -time as if the bomb struck the ground and exploded just a little behind the -front line of police. I saw policemen behind the first line of police, but I -did not distinguish the columns. I don’t know whether the bomb exploded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[488]</a></span> -directly behind the front line, or between the second and the third or third -and fourth lines.</p> - -<p>“The firing began from the police, right in the center of the street. I -did not see a single shot fired from the crowd on either side of the street. -I didn’t know what became of the men in the wagon. I don’t think there -were any shots fired in the neighborhood of the wagon. I was not looking -at the wagon all the time, but was looking over the scene in general. If -you got up on a place as high as I was, and it was dark, you could see -every flash; the flashes show themselves immediately when they are out of -the revolver, on a dark night. The scene impressed itself so upon me that -now, looking back, I see it as I did then. Looking at where the bomb exploded, -I could not help looking toward the wagon, too. My impression is, -the boxes on the opposite side of the street were from two to four feet high. -I have been at the Haymarket to look over the ground, several times since -the 4th of May, so as to get an idea of the dimensions of the thing. I went -there of my own volition; nobody asked me to go there. It was on my way -to mother’s house. I am employed by Rothschild Brothers, on commission.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">When this witness returned to the store, the firm by whom he was employed -at once discharged him, saying that he was one of the worst Anarchists -in the city and they had no use for him.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">John Ferguson</span>, a resident of Chicago for seventeen years, and in the -cloak business, passed the Haymarket, and, noticing a crowd there, stopped -to listen to the speeches. He was accompanied by an acquaintance. They -stood at the Randolph Street crossing and listened about fifteen minutes to -Parsons’ speech. Said the witness:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“We could hear all of the speaking plainly, from where we stood, as the -speakers were facing Randolph Street. During his speech, when he mentioned -Jay Gould’s name, somebody said: ‘Throw him in the lake;’ and a -man standing almost in front of me took his pipe from his mouth and halloaed -out: ‘Hang him.’ Parsons replied that would do no good; a dozen -more Jay Goulds would spring up in his place. ‘Socialism aims not at the -life of individuals, but at the system.’ I didn’t hear any other responses -from the crowd than those I mentioned. After Parsons concluded, another -gentleman got up and began speaking about Congressman Foran. After a -few minutes I saw quite a storm cloud come up. Some one interrupted the -speaker with the remark: ‘There is a prospect of immediate storm, and -those of you who wish to continue the meeting can adjourn to’—some hall, -I don’t remember the name of it; but the speaker, resuming, said: ‘I -haven’t but two or three words more to say, and then you can go home.’ I -walked away from the meeting, across Randolph Street to the southwest -corner. There I saw the police rush out from the station in a body. They -whirled into the street and came down very rapidly toward us. The gentleman -in command of the police was swinging his arm and told them to -hurry up. After they had passed us we turned to walk south toward the -station, and we heard a slight report, something like breaking boards, or like -slapping a brick down on the pavement. We turned, and we had just about -faced around, looking at the crowd, when we saw a fire flying out about six -or eight feet above the heads of the crowd and falling down pretty near the -center of the street. It was all dark for almost a second, perhaps, then -there was a deafening roar. Then almost instantly we saw flashes from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[489]</a></span> -toward the middle of the street, south of Randolph on Desplaines, and -heard reports. That side of the street where the crowd was was dark. -At that time there did not appear to be any light there. Then we hurried -away. I did not see any flashes from either side of the street. The majority -of the crowd had gone away on the appearance of the approaching storm. -The crowd was very orderly, as orderly a meeting as I ever saw anywhere -in the street.</p> - -<p>“It could not have been longer than five minutes from the time that -Fielden said, ‘We will be through in a short time,’ that the police marched -down the street. I am not a Socialist, nor an Anarchist, nor a Communist; -I don’t know anything about what those terms mean.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Ludwig Zeller</span> went to the meeting about a quarter past ten, and took -a position at a lamp-post near Crane’s alley. A few minutes thereafter the -police came, and when they passed him he heard the command of the Captain, -but heard no reply from anybody on the wagon or near the wagon.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I turned and went south to Randolph Street, and in turning I saw a -light go through the air about six, or eight, or ten feet south of the lamp. -It went in a northwesterly direction, right into the middle of the street and -in the middle of the police; then I heard an explosion and shooting, and I -tried to get out, because there were a great many men falling around me, -and a few were crying. I turned the corner on Randolph Street east -toward Clinton. A great many people were running in the same direction; -men were falling before me and on the side of me. I heard shooting immediately -upon the explosion of the bomb. The shots came from behind me -while I ran. The shots came from the center of the street, from north and -northwest of me.</p> - -<p>“On Sunday, May 2d, I was present at a meeting of the Central Labor -Union as a delegate from the Cigar-makers’ Union, No. 15. The delegates -of the Lumber-shovers’ Union at that meeting requested me, as a member -of the agitation committee, to send a speaker to a meeting of the Lumber-shovers’ -Union to be held on Monday, May 3d, at the Black Road. They -wanted a good speaker, who could keep the meeting quiet and orderly. In -the afternoon of the same day we had another meeting of the Central Labor -Union, at which Mr. Spies was present as a reporter of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, -and I told him personally to go out to the meeting of the Lumber-shovers’ -Union and speak in the name of the Central Labor Union. The Central -Labor Union is a body composed of delegates from about twenty-five or -thirty different labor unions of the city. The Lumber-shovers’ Union is -represented in the Central Labor Union by delegates. There are from -fifteen to sixteen thousand laborers represented by those unions. The -agitation committee to which I belonged was for the purpose of organizing -different branches of trade who had no eight-hour organization at that time. -I did not notice any firing back from the crowd at the police, either on Desplaines -Street or Randolph Street.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Zeller stated:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Since last December, I don’t belong to any group. Prior to that I was -a member of the group ‘Freiheit,’ which used to meet on Sherman Street. -I only attended three meetings of that group. We had no numbers. I am -not an Anarchist. I am a Socialist.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[490]</a></span></p> - -<p>“I was standing about five or six feet south of that alley. I saw the -fuse about eight or ten feet south of me. I didn’t know what it was. I saw -behind that fuse something dark, but I couldn’t distinguish what it was. -I was only looking where it was going. I cannot say what kind of looking -thing it was; it seems to me it was more round, and about as big as a baseball. -I cannot say who fired first after the bomb went off. I can’t say -exactly whether the police fired—I didn’t see. On the wagon I only recognized -Fielden. I was too far away from the wagon, and it was dark. The -gas-light was lighted. I didn’t see anybody put it out.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Carl Richter and F. Liebel gave practically similar stories of the riot. -The point which the defense seemed to wish to bring out in their testimony -was that the <i>gravamen</i> lay rather with the police than with the Anarchists. -They swore that, although standing close to the famous wagon, they had -heard nothing about “bloodhounds.”</p> - -<p>Along this line, also, was the evidence of Dr. James D. Taylor, who gave -a practically identical account of the explosion. This gentleman, however, -seemed to be certain that the police had attacked the crowd. He had examined -the scene of the riot on the next day and found that the bullet -marks on the buildings came chiefly from the direction from which the -police had charged. Quite a point was made by the Anarchists upon the -fact that a telegraph pole, which was said to have thoroughly borne out Dr. -Taylor’s testimony, had disappeared from the Haymarket. It was insinuated -that the prosecution had made away with this pole. The fact was that the -pole had been very prosaically, and in the common course of business, removed -by the telegraph company.</p> - -<p>Frank Stenner, Joseph Gutscher and Frank Raab gave their memories -of the riot, all agreeing closely with the theory of the defense. Wm. Urban, -a compositor on the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, after telling the same story, swore that -he saw something shining—which he believed were revolvers—in the -hands of the police as they came up toward the meeting. The story of the -explosion and the murder of the police, from the Anarchists’ point of view, -was also detailed by Wm. Gleason, Wm. Sahl, Eberhard Hierzemenzel, -Conrad Messer and August Krumm. This last witness, Krumm, also testified -that he was lighting his pipe, in company with another man, in Crane’s -alley, at the time that the bomb was thrown, which, it will be remembered, -Gilmer swore had been fired in this alley by Spies and Schnaubelt—and -Krumm declared that there was nobody in that little thoroughfare then save -his friend and himself.</p> - -<p>This was not the only attack on Gilmer’s veracity. Lucius M. Moses -had known Harry Gilmer six or seven years and would not believe him on -oath. John O. Brixey stated on the stand that Gilmer’s reputation was bad -and that he was not worthy of belief. John Garrick, an ex-deputy sheriff, -knew Gilmer and would not believe him on oath. Mrs. B. P. Lee was another -who had no confidence in Gilmer’s truth and veracity.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[491]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXVI.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Malkoff’s Testimony—A Nihilist’s Correspondence—More about the -Wagon—Spies’ Brother—A Witness who Contradicts Himself—Printing the Revenge -Circular—Lizzie Holmes’ Inflammatory Essay—“Have You a Match About You?”—The -Prisoner Fielden Takes the Stand—An Anarchist’s Autobiography—The Red Flag -the Symbol of Freedom—The “Peaceable” Meeting—Fielden’s Opinion of the Alarm—“Throttling -the Law”—Expecting Arrest—More about Gilmer.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE evidence so far produced for the defendants showed that their -counsel had done everything possible in their efforts to offset the -damaging testimony of the State. They proved themselves not only fertile -in resources, but ingenious in the selection of witnesses and in the manner -of presenting their points before the jury. It was no fault of theirs that -they failed to make “the worse appear the better reason.” They labored -incessantly for the cause of their clients, and they certainly called the best -witnesses that could be found among the Anarchists and their sympathizers.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Robert Lindinger</span> lived with Carl Richter and accompanied him to the -Haymarket meeting. He stood at the mouth of the alley and saw at the -meeting Spies, Parsons and Fielden. He did not see the gentleman on -trial (indicating Schwab); had never seen him before in his life, and he -(Schwab) was not on the wagon when Spies was there. He did not hear anybody -say, “Here come the bloodhounds,” etc., saw no one in the crowd fire -any shots, and saw no pistol in Fielden’s hand. Witness was a cornice-maker, -and had been in the country about three years. He was not a -Socialist, but read the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">William Albright</span>, who stood in the alley with Krumm, stated substantially -the same facts as given by his companion.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">M. D. Malkoff</span>, a reporter for the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, up to the 5th of -May, saw Parsons at Zepf’s Hall from five to ten minutes before the explosion -of the bomb. Said he:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“He was sitting at the window, north of the entrance door, in company -with Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. The saloon was pretty crowded at -that time. I spoke with Mr. Allen about these parties. I think Mrs. -Holmes was standing and Mrs. Parsons was sitting on the window-sill right -on the side of Mr. Parsons. I saw them there when I heard the explosion -of the bomb.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Mr. Malkoff said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I have been five years in the country; in Chicago about two years and -a half. When I first came to the country, I was private teacher of the -Russian language in Brooklyn. I taught Paesig, the editor of the Brooklyn -<i>Freie Presse</i>. He is not a revolutionist; his paper is not a revolutionary one. -Then I went to Little Rock for about half a year, working as a printer for -the <i>Arkansas Staats-Zeitung</i>. Then I went to St. Louis for about three<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[492]</a></span> -months, found no work there, and came to Chicago. I had no letter of -introduction to Spies when I came here. I had obtained my position at -Little Rock through a letter of introduction from Mr. Spies, whom I knew -by some correspondence in regard to a novel which Mr. Paesig and I translated -and sold to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. It was not a revolutionary novel. I -did not get that letter of introduction from Mr. Spies through Herr Most. -I have seen Most, but don’t know him personally. I know Justus Schwab. -I did not live with him, but had letters directed to his care. When I came -to Chicago I went directly to Spies. For about half a year I was without -employment; then, for a year and a half, up to May 4th, I was reporter on -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. I roomed with Balthasar Rau for about four months; -part of that time was after the Haymarket meeting. I had been at Zepf’s -Hall for more than an hour before I heard the bomb explode, part of the -time in the saloon, part of the time attending the meeting up-stairs. When -I came down again in the saloon it was a good half hour before the bomb -exploded. I was there alone, standing near the counter, where I had one -glass of beer. When I was talking with Mr. Allen, we stood on the floor -between the stove and the bar.</p> - -<p>“When the bomb exploded we made a few steps toward the rear. Mr. -Allen thought it was a Gatling gun; it sounded like a Gatling gun. A few -seconds after that the shooting began, and a good many people came to -the hall. A good many had been there before that. When the crowd came, -we rushed out the back door.</p> - -<p>“I did not belong to any Nihilistic organization in Russia. I was not a -Nihilist in Russia. I am not in this country as the agent of the Nihilists, -or any other society in Russia. The reporters used to call me a Nihilist -because I was a Russian, that is all. This letter here (indicating) is in my -handwriting, and has my signature at the bottom. I don’t remember to -whom I wrote it. I am now working for the <i>Moscow Gazette</i>, an illustrated -paper.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">A translation of the letter heretofore referred to was introduced in evidence, -as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Dear Mr. Editor</span>:—The articles I send you herewith you may read, put them into -proper form, and, if you consider them competent, reprint them in one of your papers. I -have also nearly completed a very interesting article treating of the secret revolutionary -societies of Russia, in the so-called Dekabrists—that is, of 1820 to 1830. I have also -another one in my thoughts, but, being out of work, and having no dwelling-place, it is -entirely impossible to give even a few hours daily to writing. You see, I am writing in -German, which I can do—<i>i. e.</i>, I translate every sentence, word for word, from the Russian. -You have in this connection the not easy task to set the corrupted German right. I hope -you will pardon me for this. At the time I came over here I did not understand one -German word. Thanks to Wassilisson, which I translated with the help of a dictionary, I -have learned this little. For your letter I am very thankful to you. I would, of course, follow -your accommodating invitation, and would have left New York long ago, but unfortunately -it does not depend upon me. I am a proletarian in the fullest sense of the word, and -a proletarian is not favored to put his ideas into execution.</p> - -<p class="pr2">Respectfully,<span class="vh">————</span><span class="smcap">Michael Malkoff</span>.</p> - -<p class="pn">Care of J. H. Schwab, 50 First Street, New York. Written on the 22d of October, 1883.</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">William A. Patterson</span>, a printer, attended the meeting at No. 107 -Fifth Avenue, on the evening of May 4, in response to an advertisement in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[493]</a></span> -the <i>Daily News</i>, and said it was for the purpose of organizing the working -women of Chicago. While there, a telephone message came for a speaker -at Deering, and a clerk in the office answered it. That was a little after -eight o’clock. They wanted a German speaker, and Schwab’s name was -mentioned. After that, witness said, he did not see Schwab. There was -also a call for speakers at the Haymarket. Those present at the Fifth -Avenue meeting were Parsons, Fielden, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Holmes, -Schwab, Waldo, Brown, Snyder and some others.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Henry Lindemeyer</span>, a mason, testified through an interpreter. He -occasionally did calcimining, and, while working at that in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, -had occasion to place some things on a shelf in the closet off the -editorial room. He missed a brush, and looked for it on a shelf in that -closet. He found some papers, which he took down, but he did not find -his brush. “I found,” said he, “no bundle, no large package, no dynamite -on the shelf. Saw no indication of greasiness there.”</p> - -<p>On cross-examination he testified:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I have known Spies for seven or eight years. I am on the bond of his -brother, who is charged with conspiracy growing out of the Haymarket -trouble. I have known Schwab three or four years. Saw him at public -meetings, at Turner Hall and other halls. I saw Spies nearly every day. -He lives in my neighborhood since quite a time. I have been a subscriber -to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> since it is in existence. The closet was in the southeast -part of the room, about four or five feet square, and about eleven or -twelve feet high, as high as the room. There was only one shelf in the -closet. There was a wash-stand in there, under which I kept some things. -I had calcimined that room a few weeks before. On the 2d of May I calcimined -the upper floor. On the 5th of May I calcimined the library. I -left my things in the closet from the 2d to the forenoon of the 5th of May. -When the police came I took them to some other place. The things I left -in that closet were my working-clothes and my tools. My hat and my vest -I had on the upper part of the shelf, and the rest on the floor. When I -examined the shelf, I found nothing but a small package of papers, covering -as much space as the size of an open paper, occupying about one-quarter -of the shelf. I didn’t feel on the bottom of the shelf to see if there was -any grease on it. There was no grease on there; else I wouldn’t have put -my clothes there. The shelf was about six feet from the ground.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Edward Lehnert</span>, testifying through an interpreter, said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I know Schnaubelt, and saw him at the Haymarket that night about -ten o’clock. I was standing on the west side of Desplaines Street, about -thirty paces from Randolph, about twenty paces south of the wagon. I saw -Schnaubelt about the time when it grew dark and cloudy. I had a conversation -with him at that time, at the place where I stood. The speaking -was still going on. It was before the bomb exploded. August Krueger -was present. I mean Rudolph Schnaubelt, this man (indicating photograph -of Schnaubelt).”</p> - -<p class="p1">“What was the conversation?”</p> - -<p>The State objected.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[494]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pbq p1"><i>Mr. Zeisler</i>—“We offer to show by this witness that Schnaubelt stated -to Lehnert that he did not understand English; that he had expected a -German speaker would be present; that no one was present who spoke -German except Spies; that Spies had already made an English speech, and -that he did not want to stay any longer, and asked Lehnert if he would go -along; that Lehnert thereupon said he did not go in the same direction; -and that then Schnaubelt went away with another party. We have been -able to trace Schnaubelt only for a short distance on his way home. We -offer this conversation with Lehnert for the purpose of explaining Mr. -Schnaubelt’s movements after meeting Lehnert.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The objection was sustained.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">William Snyder</span>, indicted for conspiracy in connection with the Haymarket -riot, and in jail since the 8th of May, said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am a Socialist, a member of the American group of the Internationale -since it was organized. I am acquainted with all the defendants -except Lingg. I saw Parsons and Fielden on Tuesday night, May 4 last, -at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building on Fifth Avenue. I had gone there pursuant -to a notice of a meeting of the American group in the paper. I knew -nothing of this meeting of the group before I read the notice in the paper. -The meeting was called to order about half-past eight. Before that we had -waited for some time for Mr. and Mrs. Parsons. They finally came about -half-past eight. I was elected chairman. I asked the purpose for which -the meeting was called. The general topic of consideration was to get -money from the treasury for the purpose of furthering the organization of -the sewing girls of this city through Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. The -meeting lasted about half an hour; then nearly all of us went over to the -Haymarket meeting. I don’t remember seeing Schwab at that meeting. -We walked over.” Witness got on the wagon and when the police came, he -said, he got down first in front of Fielden. “Fielden did not shoot; he -would have killed me if he had shot; I was south of him.” They both -started for the alley, and there witness lost sight of Fielden. He heard no -reference to bloodhounds and saw no one shooting except the police.</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Snyder said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I used to make addresses to the working people. Never missed an -opportunity to show the injustice which they are laboring under. I have -been chairman of the American group; addressed meetings of the group -from time to time. I never talked to people on the lake front. I read the -<i>Alarm</i> every time it came out.”</p> - -<p>“How long have you been a Socialist?”</p> - -<p>“Well, I was born one.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Thomas Brown</span>, arrested for conspiracy, belonged to the Internationale -for about a year and a half, and after Parsons had spoken at the Haymarket -he and Parsons went to Zepf’s saloon. When the bomb exploded, they -were sitting there at a table. Fischer was there at the time. On cross-examination -Brown said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I was born in Ireland; came to this country some thirty-four years ago. -The first organization of Socialists I joined was in the city of Chicago, about -1881. I did not know Parsons at that time. I became acquainted with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[495]</a></span> -Parsons about two or two and a half years ago. When the bomb exploded, -Parsons and I jumped up. I did not go out with Parsons from the rear -door. I did not go out until some time after the explosion. I next saw -Parsons on the corner of Kinzie and Desplaines Streets, when he was with -Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. Parsons asked me what I would do in his -case. We separated on the corner. I went north, and I think Parsons went -east.”</p> - -<p>“What was the conversation you had with Parsons?”</p> - -<p>“I told him I would leave for a while, under the circumstances. He -said: ‘What do you think I had better do?’ I told him: ‘Suit yourself, -you are your own boss. You must use your own judgment.’ I then loaned -him five dollars. Parsons did not say to me that he could not get away -because he had no money. He simply asked me for five dollars, and I lent -it to him. I did not state to the State’s Attorney, at the Central Station, in -the presence of Mr. Furthmann, James Bonfield, Lieut. Shea and others, -that Parsons had said he had no money to get away with; that I advised -him to go, and that I would lend him five dollars. I used to buy the <i>Alarm</i> -every time it came out, and used to read it. I had stock in the paper.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Henry W. Spies</span>, a cigar manufacturer, brother of the defendant, went -to the Haymarket with his brother. When his brother got off the wagon to -hunt for Parsons, they went in a northwesterly direction from the wagon, -but Schwab was not there.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Schnaubelt and my brother went together, and I and Legner followed -right behind them. After asking, ‘Is Parsons here?’ and descending from -the wagon, August did not go in the direction of Crane’s Alley, nor into -Crane’s Alley. He went as far as Union Street, and in fact got down on the -side of the wagon, pretty near the middle of it. Just at that time the explosion -took place. I asked him what it was. He said, ‘They have got a -Gatling gun down there,’ and at the same time, as he jumped, somebody -jumped behind him with a weapon, right by his back, and I grabbed it, and -in warding off the pistol from my brother I was shot. I don’t know who did -the shooting. I didn’t see August any more until I went home. I went to -Zepf’s Hall, though, and inquired for him. August did not leave the wagon -about the time the police came, or at any time, and go into the alley. Legner -and myself helped him off the wagon just as the explosion came. The -firing came from the street.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination the witness testified:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“On the 6th of May I was arrested at my house by Officers Whalen and -Loewenstein. I told them when the bomb exploded I was at Zepf’s Hall, -walked out and was shot in the door. I told them I was not at the Haymarket -at all, from beginning to end. That was not true when I told it to -them. I lied to them. I have told the truth now, when I was under oath. -I was afterwards brought down to the Central Station, about the 9th or 10th -of May. I was there interrogated by either Mr. Grinnell or Mr. Furthmann, -in the presence of Lieuts. Shea and Kipley. I was asked whether I was a -Socialist. I don’t believe I said I was not. I asked whether you could tell -me what a Socialist was. I said I had been on business at Zepf’s saloon, -which is a fact. I told you that I was down there for the purpose of collecting -a bill. That was true when I said it. I also told you I was down there -and did a large dealing in cigars. I also stated at that time and place that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[496]</a></span> -I was not at the Haymarket from the beginning, but was in Zepf’s saloon, -and was shot when I came out of the door at Zepf’s. I also said that I did -not see my brother that evening until he called at the house and asked me -if I had a good physician. I now state that what I then said about that was -not the truth. I was not under oath then, and I knew the treatment which -my brothers had found.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">August Krueger</span> said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I saw there the man represented on this picture (Schnaubelt). When -I saw him I was standing with Mr. Lehnert on the west side of Desplaines -Street, about thirty to forty feet north of Randolph. I saw that man about -ten o’clock; he came from the northeast. I didn’t know at the time what -his name was, although I knew him well. Mr. Furthmann since told me his -name is Schnaubelt. Schnaubelt stayed there about five minutes. He -wanted to go home, and wanted me to go along, and I went with him down -on Randolph Street to Clinton. There I left him; he went further east on -Randolph Street, and I turned north on Clinton Street. This is the last I -saw of Schnaubelt. I walked down Milwaukee Avenue and went to Engel’s -house. I reached it about fifteen minutes past ten—I don’t remember -exactly. Mr. and Mrs. Engel were there. I stayed there and drank a pint -of beer. Later Gottfried Waller came in and said he came from the Haymarket, -and that 300 men were shot by the police, and we ought to go down -there and do something. Engel said whoever threw that bomb did a foolish -thing; it was nonsense, and he didn’t sympathize with such a butchery, -and he told Waller he had better go home as quick as possible.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Krueger said he was known as “Little Krueger.”</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am an Anarchist. I was arrested for a day at the North Side station. -I had a conversation there with Capt. Schaack and Mr. Furthmann. -I was shown a picture of Schnaubelt at that time. I was asked whether I -had ever seen that man. I don’t know whether I answered, ‘I might have -seen him,’ or what I answered. I know I had seen him. There were several -other officers present at the conversation; I don’t know their names. -I told Mr. Furthmann there that I was not at the Haymarket; I told him -I was at Engel’s house. I don’t remember what I stated in regard to the -time when I got to Engel’s house. It may be that I told him that I got to -Engel’s house at nine o’clock and staid there until eleven, but I don’t -remember.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Albert Pruesser</span> stated that he telephoned three times to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -for a speaker for the meeting at Lake View. The committee from -the Deering factory wanted Spies. Witness was told that Spies could not -come, and he said it would make no difference if they sent some one else. -A quarter of an hour later he telephoned again and received a reply that -Schwab was on the way. He went to meet Schwab at the Clybourn Avenue -car. He met him on the rear platform of the car. That was half past -nine o’clock, or twenty minutes to ten. They went to Radtke’s saloon, 888 -Clybourn Avenue, remained there ten minutes, and then Schwab went to -the prairie and spoke. He spoke about twenty minutes. When he got -through they went and had lunch and beer at Schilling’s saloon. Schwab<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">[497]</a></span> -then took a car for the city. It takes forty-five minutes to reach the corner -of Clark and Washington Streets, and ten minutes to the Haymarket if there -is no interruption. On cross-examination Pruesser stated that he had been -a carrier for the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> for a time.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Johann Grueneberg</span> testified that he was an intimate friend of Fischer’s. -He went to the printing establishment of Wehrer & Klein at Fischer’s request -and got some circulars with the line: “Workingmen, arm yourselves -and come in full force.” He took them to the compositors’ room in the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and then took some down to Spies. Fischer, Spies and -witness had some conversation, and then he took an order from Fischer to -Wehrer & Klein to leave out that line. On cross-examination Grueneberg -stated:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I came to this country from Germany four years ago. I have lived in -Chicago two years. I am a carpenter.”</p> - -<p>“Where did the armed section of the Northwest group drill?”</p> - -<p>“I don’t know an armed section of the Northwest group. I don’t know -of a single time that the Northwest group drilled. I know of a paper called -the <i>Anarchist</i>. I distributed it three or four times. I saw Fischer on Monday, -May 3, between five and half-past five, at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, in the -compositors’ room. I did not see Fischer at any other place on Monday. -I saw him on Sunday afternoon at my house, 570 West Superior Street. I -did not see him Sunday morning at any place.”</p> - -<p>“Were you at home all the morning yourself?”</p> - -<p>The defense objected to this question.</p> - -<p><i>The Court</i>—“You have put this witness on the stand for the purpose of -showing a thing was taken out, a particular circular. Whether he has told -that thing as it occurred depends in some degree upon what his associations, -feelings, inclinations, biases are in reference to the whole business.”</p> - -<p><i>Mr. Black</i>—“Whether he has told the truth in regard to that depends -upon his bias and inclinations?”</p> - -<p><i>The Court</i>—“Whether it is to be believed—I don’t mean whether he -has told the truth.”</p> - -<p>“I don’t remember whether I was home on that Sunday morning,” continued -the witness. “I was not on Emma Street that Sunday morning. I -have known Spies a year and a half; saw him at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and -at several Socialistic meetings; once at our group, the other times I don’t -remember where. I have known Neebe for a short time by sight. I have -known Schwab as long as Spies; saw him at our group. He did not belong -to the group. He made a speech once every few months. I know Lingg -since the 1st of May. I met him at the Carpenters’ Union, not any other -place.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Mrs. Lizzie May Holmes</span>, assistant editor of the <i>Alarm</i> for about a -year, detailed what transpired at the meeting of the American group on -Tuesday evening, May 4th, and stated that she, in company with Mr. and -Mrs. Parsons and Mr. Brown, went to the Haymarket. Subsequently they -went to Zepf’s Hall. She could not say just where Parsons was in the -saloon when the explosion occurred. She had not heard of the word -“Ruhe” at the meeting Tuesday evening.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[498]</a></span></p> - -<p>On cross-examination she said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“My name has been Holmes since November 26th last. Before that -my name was Swank. All articles in the <i>Alarm</i> under which the initials -L. M. S. appear are my articles. I wrote an article under date of April -23d, 1886, headed, ‘It is Coming.’ I meant it in the same way that any -prophet means anything, judging from events of past history. I was a -member of the American group of the Internationale. That night I -went home with Mrs. Parsons and staid there over night. Mr. Parsons -did not go home that night. I left him on the corner of Kinzie. I am an -Anarchist as I understand Anarchy. I have known Spies about three -years, Fielden about four years. The latter was a stockholder in the paper, -and I believe complaints were directed to him. I was sometimes absent -for a whole week from the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building. I wrote my articles -at home and at various places. I don’t think I have ever been at the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building more than six or eight times. I can’t remember -where the Bureau of Information for the Internationale was. I suppose -it was in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>.</p> - -<p>“I never advocated arson, or advised persons to commit arson in my -life. I wrote the article entitled ‘Notice to Tramps,’ in the April 24th -number of the <i>Alarm</i>, which reads:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“In a beautiful town, not far from Chicago, lives a large class of cultivated, well-informed -people. They have Shakespeare, Lowell, Longfellow and Whittier at their tongues’ ends, -and are posted in history and grow enthusiastic over the wickedness of the safely abolished -institutions of the past. They say eloquent things about old fugitive slave laws, etc., which -made it criminal to feed and shelter a starving human being if he were black. Posted at the -roadside, in the hotels and stores, is a ‘Notice to Tramps,’ an abominable document which -compares well with the old notices to runaway negroes which used to deface similar buildings. -It is against the law to feed a tramp. You are liable to a fine if you give a cup of coffee and -a piece of bread to a fellow-man who needs it and asks you for it. This is a Christian community, -under the flag of the free. Look out, you wretched slaves. If, after toiling through -your best years, you are suddenly thrown out of a job along with thousands of others, do not -start out to hunt for work, for you will strike plenty of such towns as this. You must not -walk from town to town. You must not stay where you are in idleness—you must move on. -You must not ride—you have no money, and those tracks and cars you helped to build are -not for such as you. You must not ask for anything to eat, or a place to sleep. You must -not lie down and die, for then you would shock people’s morals. What are you to do? -Great heavens! Jump into the lake? Fly up into the air? Or stay—have you a match -about you?”</p> - -<p class="p1">“I wrote that article deliberately; it speaks for itself. I don’t think it -needs any explanation from me.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Samuel Fielden</span> was then put on the witness-stand and testified in his -own behalf as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“On May 4th last I took a load of stone to Waldheim Cemetery. I -had engaged to speak that night at 268 Twelfth Street, and intended to go -there. When I got home in the evening I bought a copy of the <i>Daily News</i> -and there saw the announcement of a meeting of the American group to -be held at 107 Fifth Avenue, that night. I believe it said important business. -I was the treasurer of the American group, and as such had all the -money it was worth. We should have had our semi-annual election the -Sunday previous; besides, I thought that some money would be wanted, -as important business was announced, so I determined to go to that meeting -instead of to the meeting at which I had engaged to speak. I arrived -at 107 Fifth Avenue about ten minutes before eight. I was there when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[499]</a></span> -some telephoning was done with reference to the Deering meeting. The -witnesses who have detailed that occurrence are substantially correct. After -I had entered the room I asked what the meeting was called for, and a -gentleman named Patterson, who was not a member of our organization, -showed me a hand-bill, which did not call that meeting, but had reference -to the organization of the sewing women. I paid, as treasurer, five dollars -to those who had laid out the costs of printing those hand-bills, and who -might need a little money for car-fare in going around to hire halls, and -other incidental expenses. Schwab must have left there about ten or -fifteen minutes past eight. During the progress of the meeting a request -was received from the Haymarket meeting for speakers, in response to which -Parsons and I went over. Mr. Parsons, I believe, brought his two children -down-stairs and gave them a drink of water in the saloon; then we walked -together through the tunnel, and from about the west end of the tunnel I -walked with Mr. Snyder, with whom I had a conversation. Spies spoke -about five minutes longer after we had arrived there; then he introduced -Mr. Parsons. During Parsons’ speech I was on the wagon. After he concluded -I was introduced by Mr. Spies to make a short speech. I did not -wish to speak, but Mr. Spies urged me, and I did speak about twenty -minutes. I referred to some adverse criticism of the Socialists by an evening -paper, which had called the Socialists cowards and other uncomplimentary -names, and I told the audience that that was not true; that the -Socialists were true to the interests of the laboring classes and would continue -to advocate the rights of labor. I then spoke briefly of the condition -of labor. I referred to the classes of people who were continually posing -as labor reformers for their own benefit, and who had never done anything -to benefit the laboring classes, but had at all times approved the cause of -labor, in order to get themselves into office. To substantiate this, I cited -the case of Martin Foran, who, in a speech in Congress on the arbitration -bill that was brought in by the labor committee, had stated that the working -classes of this country could get nothing through legislation in Congress, -and that only when the rich men of this country understood that it was -dangerous to live in a community where there were dissatisfied people -would the labor problem be solved. Somebody in the audience cried out, -‘That is not true,’ or ‘That is a lie.’ Then I went over it again, adding -words like these: That here was a man who had been on the spot for -years, had experience, and knew what could be done there, and this was -his testimony. It was not the testimony of a Socialist. Then I went on to -state that under such circumstances the only way in which the working -people could get any satisfaction from the gradually decreasing opportunities -for their living—the only thing they could do with the law would be -to throttle it. I used that word in a figurative sense. I said they should -throttle it, because it was an expensive article to them and could do them -no good. I then stated that men were working all their lifetime, their -love for their families influencing them to put forth all their efforts, that -their children might have a better opportunity of starting in the world than -they had had. And the facts, the statistics of Great Britain and the United -States, would prove that every year it was becoming utterly impossible for -the younger generation, under the present system, to have as good an opportunity -as the former ones had had.</p> - -<p>“Mr. Spies asked me, before I commenced, to mention that the -Chicago <i>Herald</i> had advised the labor organizations of this city to boycott<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[500]</a></span> -the red flag. I briefly touched on that, and told them not to boycott the -red flag, because it was the symbol of universal freedom and universal -liberty.</p> - -<p>“I was just closing my remarks about that point, when some one said -it was going to rain. There was a dark, heavy cloud which seemed to be -rolling over a little to the northwest of me. I looked at it, and some one -proposed to adjourn the meeting to Zepf’s Hall. Somebody else said: -‘No, there is a meeting there,’ and I said: ‘Never mind; I will not talk -very long; I will close in a few minutes, and then we will all go home.’ -Then I advised them to organize as laboring men for their own protection—not -to trust to any one else, but to organize among themselves and -depend only upon themselves to advance their condition. I do not think -I spoke one minute longer when I saw the police. I stopped speaking, -and Capt. Ward came up to me and raised his hand—I do not remember -whether he had anything in his hand or not—and said: ‘I command this -meeting, in the name of the people of the State of Illinois, to peaceably -disperse.’ I was standing up, and I said: ‘Why, Captain, this is a -peaceable meeting,’ in a very conciliatory tone of voice, and he very -angrily and defiantly retorted that he commanded it to disperse, and called, -as I understood, upon the police to disperse it. Just as he turned around -in that angry mood, I said: ‘All right, we will go,’ and jumped from -the wagon, and jumped to the sidewalk. This is my impression, after -being in jail now for over three months, and I am telling, as near as I can -remember, every incident of it. Then the explosion came. I think I went -in a somewhat southeasterly direction from the time that I struck -the street. It was only a couple of steps to the sidewalk. I -had just, I think, got onto the sidewalk when the explosion came, -and, being in a diagonal position on the street, I saw the flash. -The people began to rush past me. I was not decided in my own mind -what it was, but I heard some one say ‘dynamite,’ and then in my own -mind I assented that that was the cause of the explosion, and I rushed and -was crowded with the crowd. There were some of them falling down, others -calling out in agony, and the police were pouring shots into them. We -tried to get behind some protection, but there were so many trying to get -there that little protection was afforded. I then made a dash for the northeast -corner of Randolph and Desplaines Streets, turned the corner and -ran until I got to about Jefferson Street. Seeing there was no pursuit, I -dropped into a fast walk. I turned on Clinton, intending at that time to go -home.</p> - -<p>“Immediately after the explosion of the bomb—I had possibly gone -three or four steps—I was struck with a ball. I didn’t feel much pain at -the time, in the excitement, but as I dropped into a walk down on Randolph -Street I felt the pain, put my finger in the hole of my pants and felt my -knee was wet. Then I concluded I had been shot. Walking down Clinton -Street and intending to go home, I began to think about those that had -been with me. Remembering about Mr. Spies being on the wagon at the -time the police came up, I thought surely that some one of these men must -have been killed from all of that shooting. I concluded to take a Van -Buren Street car and ride down past the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building and see -if any one was there. I caught the car on the corner of Canal, but found -that it was a car that runs directly east to State Street. I left the car on -Fifth Avenue and walked down Fifth Avenue to Monroe Street. Of course,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[501]</a></span> -I was near the place and could have walked there, but I thought I was so -well known in Newspaper Row by the reporters that if I should walk I -should be known. So I jumped on the car and stood in front of it. I -intended to go up to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building if I saw a light there; -but there wasn’t any. I alighted near the corner of Randolph Street. Intending -to go up to Parsons’ house, I took an Indiana Street car. When -we got to Clinton Street the driver said: ‘Why, there is firing going on up -there yet,’ and I saw a couple of flashes up near where I thought the Haymarket -was, and I said, ‘If there is, I am not going up there.’ I then -walked over on Jefferson Street north to Lake Street, and I saw a terrible -crowd of people around there, and thought there might be a good many -detectives there. So I turned back again, caught a Canalport Avenue car -and rode down to the corner of Canal and Twelfth Streets. There I got -my knee dressed by a young doctor who was on the stand here, as it -was becoming very painful at that time.</p> - -<p>“I feel sure that Mr. Spies was at my side when Capt. Ward was talking. -I did not see him after I had spoken to Capt. Ward; I did not see -him leave the wagon. I jumped off at the south end of the wagon into the -street. While I was speaking I did not pay any attention to the people in -the wagon, but I think I noticed four or five there a little previous to the -police coming up. Mr. Snyder assisted me in getting on the wagon. He -got on before I did. When I got down from the wagon Snyder was on the -ground. I think I saw him on the sidewalk there. Of course I don’t -remember everything as distinctly now as I did the next day. I had no -revolver with me on the night of May 4th. I never had a revolver in my -life. I did not fire at any person at the Haymarket meeting. I never fired -at any person in my life. I did not, after leaving the wagon, step back -between the wheels of the wagon and fire behind the cover of the wagon; -I did not stay there. My whole course was from the wagon south, without -stopping, except, perhaps, for the smallest perceptible space of time, when -I was startled by the explosion.</p> - -<p>“I first heard of the word ‘Ruhe’ having been published in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, -and about any significance of that word, when I had been in the -County Jail for some days. I never had seen or heard of the word before, -and did not hear of it on May 4th at any time, and, as I understand it is a -German word, I would not have known what it meant if I had seen it. I do -not read German. There was no understanding or agreement to which I -was a party, or of which I had knowledge, that violence should be used at -the Haymarket meeting, or that arms or dynamite should be used there. -I anticipated no trouble of that character. I did not use, upon the approach -of the police, and did not hear from any person that night any such expression -as: ‘There come the bloodhounds; you do your duty and I’ll do -mine.’</p> - -<p>“The first I heard of the Haymarket meeting was after I got to the -American group meeting on the night of May 4th. I heard, for the first -time, about a meeting held by certain persons on Monday night at 54 -Lake Street, after I had been from ten to fourteen days in the County Jail, -when I read a paper that the police had got track of some such a meeting. -I wish to say, however, that I spoke to the wagon-makers on the upper floor -of 54 Lake Street on that Monday night. I was never in the basement of -that building, except to the water-closet under the sidewalk. I did not go -down-stairs there at all on that Monday night, and did not hear of any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[502]</a></span> -meeting being held there until much later, when I read about it, as stated -before.</p> - -<p>“We drilled not over six times at 54 Lake Street, but nobody ever had -arms there. I think it was proposed to call the organization the International -Rifles, but I don’t think it was ever decided to call it so, as the -organization was never perfected, never became an armed organization. -We began to meet in August, and the last meetings must have been very -near the end of September, 1885. There was no drilling during the winter -and spring of 1885-’86. Once a few men belonging to the L. u. W. V. came -in with their guns and shouldered arms, but they did not belong to the -American group, and that is the only time that I ever saw any arms at any -meeting of our organization.</p> - -<p>“The shots that were pouring in thick and fast after the explosion of -the bomb came from the street—I should judge from the police. I did -not hear the explosion of anything before the explosion of the bomb. As I -was rushing down the sidewalk, I heard no explosion of any arms among -any of the citizens who had attended the meeting.</p> - -<p>“I remember the testimony of the detective Johnson. I did not have -the conversation which he testified to as having had with me in the presence -of the older Mr. Boyd at Twelfth Street Turner Hall, nor at any other -place, nor at any other time. I knew that he was a detective long before -that, and I would not be fool enough to advocate anything of that kind, if -I was a dynamiter, to him. The American group was open to everybody. -It was not even necessary to have ten cents admission fee, but the fee was -set at ten cents per month to cover the expense of paying for hall rent and -advertising. On May 4th I returned home from my work about half past -five. I bought the <i>Evening News</i> on the sidewalk just before I went into -the house.</p> - -<p>“On May 3d I took several loads of stone from Bodenschatz & Earnshaw’s -stone dock, Harrison Street and the river, to different places in the -city. I have worked for that firm three or four years. I owned my team -and wagon, and they hired those and my services, and paid me by the day. -I only worked three-quarters of a day on May 3d. Business was not brisk -at that time. I have been a teamster for at least six years. I was arrested -at my home at ten o’clock on the morning of May 5th. I was never before -arrested in my life. I was taken to the Central Station by four or five -detectives in citizens’ clothes, and have been confined ever since.</p> - -<p>“I had no examination except that I was brought before the Coroner’s -jury on the evening of May 5th. I did not state to Officer James Bonfield -or anybody else, after my arrest at the station, or at any other time or -place, that I escaped through Crane’s alley on the night of May 4th.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Fielden said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I worked in a cotton-mill in England at eight years of age, and continued -to work in the same mill until I came to the United States. I -worked my way up until I became a weaver, and when I left the mill I was -what is called a binder; that is, binding the warps on the beams. I joined -the International Working People’s Association in July, 1884, by joining -the American group. I suppose I was an Anarchist soon after, as soon as -I began to study it. I suppose that I have been a revolutionist, in the -sense of evolutionary revolution, for some years. I don’t know that I -have ever been positively of the belief that the existing order of things<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[503]</a></span> -should be overthrown by force. I have always been of the belief, and am -yet, that the existing order of things will have to be overthrown, either -peaceably or by force. When I had the books of the American group it -had about 175 members—that was last November. I don’t know how -many have been added since. There were probably fifteen or twenty -ladies among the members. It was called the American group because -the English language was used in it. It was not confined to born -Americans.</p> - -<p>“We tried to found an English-speaking group a year ago last winter, -on West Indiana Street. I think we had only two meetings and then -abandoned it. I have been making speeches for the last two or three years. -They were labor speeches—not always Socialistic and not always Anarchistic; -that is, sometimes I have touched on Socialism and Anarchy; -sometimes they were delivered from an ordinary trades-union standpoint. -I have made a great many speeches on the lake front, some on Market -Square, some at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, some at 106 Randolph -Street, some at 54 West Lake. The meetings on the lake front were on -Sunday afternoons.”</p> - -<p>“Did you make a speech on the night of the opening of the new Board -of Trade?”</p> - -<p>“I did. I have two dollars’ worth of stock in the <i>Alarm</i>. I was part of -the committee to see what should be done about the <i>Alarm</i> when it began -to get in deep water, and my name was proposed to be put on the paper as -the recipient of communications as to its management.</p> - -<p>“There were possibly twelve or fifteen members of the American group -present at the meeting at 107 Fifth Avenue on May 4th. There were Mr. -and Mrs. Parsons, Mr. and Mrs. Timmons, Mrs. Holmes, Snyder, Brown -and some others. I am not positive whether Walters and Ducy were there. -I think we staid there until nearly nine o’clock. Balthasar Rau came over -from the Haymarket and said Spies was there and a large meeting, and no -one else to speak. Some four or five of us went over together. I know that -Rau, Parsons, myself and Snyder went about together. Schwab left the -<i>Zeitung</i> office before us. I had promised, on Sunday night at Greif’s Hall, -a man who had been to my house before, to speak at a labor meeting at -either 368 or 378 West Twelfth Street that Tuesday night. Of those that -were on the speakers’ wagon, I only remember Parsons, Spies and Snyder. -There were some others there who were strangers to me. A boy about sixteen -years of age came up on the wagon and rather crowded me to one side, -and I told him he might as well stand down. I spoke because Mr. Spies -requested me to make a short speech. Mr. Parsons had spoken longer than -I thought he would, and I thought it was late enough to close. I don’t now -remember whether or not I used this language: ‘There are premonitions of -danger. All know it. The press say the Anarchists will sneak away. We -are not going to.’ I have no desire to deny that I did use that language. -If I used it—and I don’t know whether I did—if I had any idea in my -mind at any time which would be expressed in that language, I know for -what reasons I would have that idea. I used substantially all that language -which Mr. English, the reporter, who was on the stand here, testified as -having been used by me in my speech at the Haymarket meeting. I did -not say that John Brown, Jefferson, Washington, Patrick Henry and Hopkins -said to the people: ‘The law is your enemy.’ If I used the language, -‘We are rebels against it,’—and I possibly did,—I referred to the present<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[504]</a></span> -social system. I don’t remember that I said: ‘It had no mercy; so ought -you.’ There is not much sense in it, and I will not father it. The report -of my speech, as given by Mr. English, has been garbled, and it does not -give the connection. I don’t accept that as my speech at all. I think I -used the language, but you haven’t got the sense of it at all, in quoting it in -that way.</p> - -<p>“After I left the Haymarket meeting, my first intention was to go home. -I cannot tell now why I changed my mind about that. Impressions sometimes -come on a person’s mind which he cannot explain why they come -there. I rode on the car in passing the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, instead of -walking, and I avoided the crowd on Lake Street, in which I thought there -would be lots of detectives, because I certainly didn’t wish to be arrested -that night. Of course, I thought I would be arrested after the trouble; -it was only natural to suppose I would. I did not think there was anything -inflammatory or incendiary in my speech. I did not incite anybody to do -any overt act to anybody or anything. I spoke generally, from a general -standpoint. I meant to say they should resist the present social system, -which degraded them and turned them out of employment, and gave them -no opportunity to get a living. Somebody threw a bomb. I did not know -and do not know now who it was, or anything about it. Still I know, from -reading of criminal proceedings, that in cases of that kind they arrest everybody -in order to find out who is responsible. I supposed that I, being one -of the participants of the meeting, would be arrested—for some time, at least. -Knowing my innocence, I made a statement before the Coroner’s jury, expecting -that when they examined into the truth of my statement I should -be released.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On re-direct examination Fielden said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“If I did make the remark about premonitions of danger in my Haymarket -speech, I must have meant that there were so many men striking -just then for the eight-hour movement that some trouble might possibly -originate between the strikers and their employers, as had been the case in -former strikes, and, knowing that all men are not very cool, and some men -become aggravated—their condition may have a good deal to do with it—they -sometimes commit acts which the officers of the law, in their capacity -as such, are compelled to interfere with. I was speaking of the general -labor question and the issue that was up for settlement during the eight-hour -movement. I had no reference to the presence of dynamite at the -meeting. I did not say that John Brown, Jefferson, etc., said that the law -was their enemy. What I said in regard to them was, that we occupied, in -relation to the present social system, which no longer provided security for -the masses, just about the position that John Brown, Jefferson, Hopkins, -Patrick Henry occupied in relation to the government and dictation of -Great Britain over the Colonies; that they repeatedly appealed to Great -Britain to peaceably settle the differences in regard to the port duties, the -stamp act, etc., but when it could not be peaceably settled, they could not -submit to it any longer, and were compelled to do something else; and it -was always the element of tyranny which incited strife, and as it was in that -case, so it would be in this. As to the use of the expressions about killing, -stabbing, throttling the law, I used them just as a Republican orator, in -denouncing the Democratic party, might say, ‘We will kill it,’ or ‘We will -throttle it,’ or ‘defeat it,’ or as one might speak of a candidate for office—‘We<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[505]</a></span> -will knife him.’ I used those adjectives, as any speaker would, in -rushing along, throw in adjectives without thinking much of what their full -import might be. My remarks that night were intended to call upon the -people to resist the present social system—not by force, I had no such idea -in my mind that night—so that they would be enabled to live; to call their -attention to the fact that by the introduction of labor-saving machinery and -the subdivision of labor less men were continually needed, more productions -produced, and their chance to work decreased, and that by their -organizing together they might become partakers in the benefits of civilization, -more advantageous and quicker productions.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Together with the testimony given above, of which, of course, the most -important was that of the prisoner Samuel Fielden, were the stories of a -number of other witnesses whose names have been here omitted. The reason -for this is, that while the statements of these persons were of much -importance in the trial of the case, to print them all would stretch this -book of mine out to unconscionable length. It will suffice to say that several -witnesses testified strongly in support of the Anarchist theory of the -episodes which occurred about the famous wagon at the Haymarket. Half -a dozen others declared that they would not believe Harry W. Gilmer on -oath. This statement of the evidence offered is made necessary by the -space at my disposal. I have tried throughout this work to be wholly fair -to the defense, and the reader will of course understand that these witnesses -corroborated the testimony of others which has been previously given in -full in these pages.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[506]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXVII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Close of the Defense—Working on the Jury—The Man who Threw -the Bomb—Conflicting Testimony—Michael Schwab on the Stand—An Agitator’s -Adventures—Spies in his Own Defense—The Fight at McCormick’s—The Desplaines -Street Wagon—Bombs and Beer—The Wilkinson Interview—The Weapon of the -Future—Spies the Reporter’s Friend—Bad Treatment by Ebersold—The Hocking -Valley Letter—Albert R. Parsons in his Own Behalf—His Memories of the Haymarket—The -Evidence in Rebuttal.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THROUGHOUT the trial the defendants maintained an air of careless -indifference. Occasionally during the presentation of particularly striking -and damaging evidence—notably that of Thompson and Gilmer—they -were noticed to wince, but the flush was only momentary. It was -apparent that the prisoners expected in some manner to extricate themselves -from their perilous position, and the casual observer would have -supposed them involved simply in an ordinary trial. Whatever may have -been their real feelings, they did not betray them. After they had begun to -place evidence on their own behalf before the jury, they even wore a -certain air of cheerfulness; and whereas previously a sort of stolidity had -marked their demeanor, their general bearing now was that of supreme confidence. -They evidently felt confident of having made a favorable impression -upon the jury. They possibly calculated upon their having -successfully impeached the evidence of Gilmer and having proven to some -extent their own disconnection with the Haymarket explosion. Fielden’s -plausible explanations also, no doubt, added to their confidence.</p> - -<p>Taking the evidence of the State as a complete exposition of the conspiracy, -there seemed to be no consolation in that direction; but their hope -rested in winning over the jury by raising a reasonable doubt through the -preponderance of offsetting testimony on their own side, and by making the -jury believe, by the manner of their conduct under the severe fire of the -prosecution, that they sincerely felt themselves innocent of all “guilty -knowledge.”</p> - -<p>They played their part well, and their attitude is not at all surprising -when their former bloodthirsty propensities are taken into consideration. -In an ordinary murder or conspiracy trial Fielden’s statements might have -had some influence in mitigation of extreme punishment, but, overshadowed -as it was by overwhelming counter-evidence of complicity in a -stupendous crime, the jury subsequently determined that it saw no way of -disconnecting him from the other conspirators.</p> - -<p>The defendants pretended they had a host of witnesses beyond those that -they really required to prove that they had never dreamed there would be -a bomb thrown at the Haymarket, but that they only needed to use a few<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[507]</a></span> -of these witnesses to establish their innocence. Still, they put a very large -number on the stand. The testimony of all these pretended to show what -a harmless set of men the State had arrested and put on trial for their -lives.</p> - -<p>The trend of much of the evidence for the defense seemed directed -toward proving the police responsible for the massacre, by having opened -fire on a “peaceable gathering;” and, through a brother of the defendant -Spies, it was attempted to prove that the enmity of the police toward -Anarchists was so great that one of them tried to shoot the defendant in -the back while at the Haymarket. This brother of Spies—Henry—had -been wounded in the abdomen, and he endeavored, on the witness-stand, -to show that he had received the injury while suddenly pressing down the -revolver that was aimed at his brother. The explanation was too lame to -be serviceable.</p> - -<p>At this point several witnesses testified to Lingg’s presence at Zepf’s -Hall early on the night of May 3d. Others strengthened the Anarchistic -theory of an alleged police attack at the Haymarket. Still others impeached -the witness Gilmer’s veracity. Inasmuch as I have previously -given in full all the evidence which these people merely corroborated, I -have not thought it necessary to give here their statements at length.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">John Bernett</span>, a candy-maker, said he saw the man who threw the -bomb. The thrower was right in front of him. The bomb “went west and -a little bit north.”</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The man who threw it was about my size, maybe a little bit bigger, -and I think he had a mustache. I think he had no chin beard, and his -clothes were dark.”</p> - -<p>“Did you ever see that picture before?” (handing witness photograph -of Schnaubelt).</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir; Mr. Furthmann showed it to me about two weeks ago.”</p> - -<p>“Do you recognize that as being the man who threw the bomb?”</p> - -<p>“I guess not.”</p> - -<p>“Did you tell Mr. Furthmann so at the time?”</p> - -<p>“Yes, sir.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Bernett said;</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I never could recognize anybody. I told Capt. Schaack and Mr. -Grinnell that the man who threw the bomb was in front of me, and I could -not tell how he did look. When the police came up first I stood right in -the middle of the alley. When the captain of the police ordered them to -leave that place, I heard somebody say: ‘Stand; don’t run,’ and there were -about three or four men, about the middle of the street, west of the wagon, -who halloaed out: ‘No; we won’t do it.’ That was said in English. I -heard Fielden say something to the officer who spoke to him, but I could -not hear it. The crowd began to rush, and rushed me, and I hurried out -as fast as I could. I got shot and fell on the sidewalk. I told Mr. Furthmann -that I thought the bomb was fired from about fifteen steps south of -the alley—I count my steps about two feet and a half. I don’t think it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[508]</a></span> -came right from behind the boxes. From the place the bomb was thrown -up to the other corner—the house goes up a little further on the other side—the -distance is forty-five feet. The bomb was thrown forty-five feet south -of the corner of the alley. I cannot remember how far the boxes were south -of the alley that night—there was a lamp-post, and then the boxes came. -I remember coming to the Central Station on the 7th of May and talking -to Officer Bonfield in the presence of Mr. Grinnell. I don’t know that I -said at that time that the bomb was thrown from behind the boxes, but I -think I am right now. I don’t think I stated afterwards, some weeks ago, -that it was thrown some twenty or twenty-five feet south of the alley. I -can’t remember now how many feet I stated the distance was, but I think I -have got it right now. On the 7th of May I was brought over here by -Officer Bonfield and Officer Haas, so that I could see the defendants. I was -asked if I had ever seen them before, and I said I had seen them all before -on the lake front and the Haymarket. I told Capt. Schaack that I could -not describe the man and would not know him if I saw him, and that the -man’s back was toward me.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Michael Schwab</span> was then called in his own behalf, and he made the -following statement:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Up to the 4th of May I lived at 51 Florimond Street. I was co-editor -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. On the evening of May 4th I left home twenty -minutes to eight, went to the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and reached there about eight -o’clock. I left about ten minutes later. While I was there a telephone -message was received asking Mr. Spies to speak at Deering. After that I -went over to the Haymarket to see whether I could find Mr. Spies. I didn’t -stop long over there. I just went through the crowd, as the men out at Deering -had been waiting for an hour already. I went over on Washington Street, -turned north down Desplaines Street and went across Randolph Street, and -north of Randolph on Desplaines I met my brother-in-law, Rudolph Schnaubelt, -and talked to him about the matter; then took a car going in an easterly -direction and rode up to the Court-house. At the Court-house I took -a Clybourn Avenue car and went to Deering’s factory. Near the car stables -I was met by a man and asked whether I was Mr. Schwab. The man testified -here on the witness-stand. I think his name is Preusser, as he told me -that night. I should judge it takes about ten minutes from the Haymarket -to the Court-house and about forty or forty-five minutes from there to -Fullerton Avenue. I stepped from the car with that man; went up to the -saloon, 888 Clybourn Avenue, to see the committee, but the committee was -not there; so we went directly to the prairie, corner of Fullerton and Clybourn -Avenues, and there I met some men who told me that they were the -committee. I talked with them some minutes, then mounted the stand and -made a speech, twenty or twenty-five minutes long, about the eight-hour -movement, to the men who had struck that same day and demanded eight -hours’ work and ten hours’ pay. I returned home about eleven o’clock at -night. I didn’t pay any attention to the time. After the meeting was over -I went with Preusser to a saloon, took a glass of beer and had some lunch, -and then I took the next car going south. I left the car on Willow Street, -which is not far north from North Avenue, and walked home, which is a -distance of about twenty minutes’ walk.</p> - -<p>“I did not at any time while I was at the Haymarket enter Crane’s alley -or any alley with Mr. Spies. I had no conversation with him near the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">[509]</a></span> -mouth of the alley. I did not walk at any time that night in company with -Mr. Spies on the north side of Randolph Street from the corner of Desplaines -down past Union Street and return to where the wagon stood. I did not, -in company with Mr. Spies, meet Schnaubelt when Spies handed to -Schnaubelt any package or anything. I did not see Spies and did not speak -to him at all that night at the Haymarket. I did not say anything to Spies -or anybody else in the mouth of Crane’s alley about pistols or police, or -whether one would be enough. I had no such conversation with anybody -at the Haymarket or anywhere. I did not say to Mr. Spies or anybody else -at any time before the meeting began or at any other time that if the police -came we were ready for them or we would give it to them, or any words to -that effect.</p> - -<p>“When I left the Haymarket the meeting had not begun; men were -standing around on all four corners. I had seen Mr. Spies last that day in -the afternoon. I did not see him again until the next day in the morning, -when I came to the office.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Schwab said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I was a member of the North Side group of the International Workingmen’s -Association from the time it started, some years ago, until up to the -4th of May last. I walked over to the Haymarket from the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -that night through the Washington Street tunnel with Balthasar Rau. He -left me on Desplaines and Randolph; there I lost him. Then I crossed -Randolph Street, and about the middle of Randolph Street met Mr. Heineman. -I inquired of some persons whom I knew by sight whether they had -seen Spies. I staid there not more than five minutes, then took a car and -went east. I went alone. I should judge it was about half-past eight when -I took the car on Randolph Street and about twenty minutes of nine when I -took the Clybourn Avenue car and went north. I was alone on that way. I -don’t know what time it was when I got to the saloon at 888 Clybourn -Avenue. From there it is about a block or a little more to the prairie where -the meeting was held. When I got there I spoke first to some of the members -of the committee to find out what they wanted me to speak about. That -took about five minutes. After I had spoken to the meeting I went with -Preusser to a saloon, corner of Clybourn and Ashland Avenues, not the -same saloon I went into the first time. I did not see Balthasar Rau again -that night.”</p> - -<p>“Are you an Anarchist?”</p> - -<p>“That depends upon what you mean by that. There are several divisions -of the Anarchists.”</p> - -<p>“Are you an Anarchist?”</p> - -<p>“Well, I can’t answer that.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">August Vincent Theodore Spies</span> was next put on the stand to testify -in his own behalf. He said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pbq p1">“May 4th last I was one of the editors of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. I occupied -that position since 1880. Prior to that I was engaged in this country -principally in the furniture business. I am a member of the Socialistic -Publishing Society, which is organized under the laws of the State of Illinois, -and by which the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> was published. I was an employé of that -society in my position as editor, and as such was subject to their control as -to the general policy of the paper.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[510]</a></span></p> - -<p>“At a meeting of the Central Labor Union in the evening of Sunday, -May 2, at 54 West Lake Street, which I attended in the capacity of a reporter, -I was invited by one or two delegates to address a meeting of the -Lumber-shovers’ Union on the afternoon of May 3, on the corner of Twenty-second -or Twentieth and Blue Island Avenue. As there were no other -speakers, I went out. When I came there was a crowd of 6,000 to 7,000 -people assembled on the prairie. When I was invited, which was the first -information I received of the meeting, nothing was said to me about any -relationship of Mr. McCormick’s employés to that meeting. I did not know -that the locality of the meeting was in the immediate neighborhood of McCormick’s. -I arrived there, as near as I can judge, a little after three -o’clock. Several men were speaking from a car in the Bohemian or Polish -language; they were very poor speakers, and small crowds of those -assembled detached themselves to the side and talked together. Balthasar -Rau introduced me to the chairman of the meeting. I don’t remember his -name; he testified here. I asked him if I was to speak there, and he said yes. -I waited for about ten minutes while reports came in from the different -owners of the lumber-yards as to the demand made by the union, which -was eight hours’ work at twenty-two cents per hour. They then elected a -committee to wait upon the bosses to find out what concessions they would -make, if any. Thereupon I was introduced to address the meeting, and -spoke from fifteen to twenty minutes. Having spoken two or three times -almost every day for the preceding two or three weeks, I was almost prostrated, -and spoke very calmly, and told the people, who in my judgment were -not of a very high intellectual grade, to stand together and to enforce their -demands at all hazards; otherwise the single bosses would one by one defeat -them. While I was speaking I heard somebody in the rear, probably a hundred -feet away from me, cry out something in a language which I didn’t understand—perhaps -Bohemian or Polish. After the meeting I was told that -this man had called upon them to follow him up to McCormick’s. I should -judge about two hundred persons, standing a little ways apart from the main -body, detached themselves and went away. I didn’t know where they were -going until probably five minutes later I heard firing, and about that time I -stopped speaking and inquired where the pistol shots came from, and was -told that some men had gone up there to stone McCormick’s ‘scabs’ and that -the police had fired upon them. I stopped there probably another five or -six minutes, during which time I was elected a member of the committee -to visit the bosses, when two patrol wagons came up in great haste on the -Black Road, so-called, driving towards McCormick’s, followed immediately -by about seventy-five policemen on foot, and then other patrol wagons -came. I jumped from the car and went up to McCormick’s. They were -shooting all the while. I thought it must be quite a battle. In front of -McCormick’s factory there are some railroad tracks, on which a number of -freight-cars were standing. The people were running away and hiding -behind these freight-cars as much as they could, to keep out of the way of -the pistol-firing. The fight was going on behind the cars. When I came -up there on this prairie, right in front of McCormick’s, I saw a policeman -run after and fire at people who were fleeing, running away.</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[511]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-511.jpg" width="400" height="656" id="i511" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">SPIES ADDRESSING THE STRIKERS AT MCCORMICK’S.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[512]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">My blood was boiling, and, seeing unarmed men, women and children, who were running -away, fired upon, I think in that moment I could have done almost -anything. At that moment a young Irishman, who probably knew me or -had seen me at the meeting, came running from behind the cars and said: -‘What kind of a—— —— business is this? What h——l of a union is that? -What people are these who will let those men be shot down here like dogs? -I just come from there; we have carried away two men dead, and there are -a number of others lying on the ground who will most likely die. At least -twenty or twenty-five must have been shot who ran away or were carried -away by friends.’ Of course I could not do anything there. I went back -to where the meeting had been, which was about three blocks away. I -told some of them what was going on at McCormick’s, but they were unconcerned -and went home. I took a car and went down town. The same -evening I wrote the report of the meeting which appeared in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -of the next day. Immediately after I came to the office I wrote the -so-called Revenge circular, except the heading, ‘Revenge.’ At the time I -wrote it I believed the statement that six workingmen had been killed that -afternoon at McCormick’s. I wrote at first that two had been killed, and -after seeing the report in the five o’clock <i>News</i> I changed the two to six, -based upon the information contained in the <i>News</i>. I believe 2,500 copies -of that circular were printed, but not more than half of them distributed, -for I saw quite a lot of them in the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> on the -morning I was arrested. At the time I wrote it I was still laboring under -the excitement of the scene and the hour. I was very indignant.</p> - -<p>“On May 4th I was performing my regular duties at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. -A little before nine in the forenoon I was invited to address a meeting on -the Haymarket that evening. That was the first I heard of it. I had no -part in calling the meeting. I put the announcement of the meeting into -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> at the request of a man who invited me to speak. The -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> is an afternoon daily paper, and appears at 2 <span class="smcap">P. M.</span> -About eleven o’clock a circular calling the Haymarket meeting was handed -to me to be inserted in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, containing the line, ‘Workingmen, -arm yourselves and appear in full force.’ I said to the man who -brought the circular that, if that was the meeting which I had been invited -to address, I should certainly not speak there, on account of that line. He -stated that the circulars had not been distributed, and I told him if that -was the case, and if he would take out that line, it would be all right. Mr. -Fischer was called down at that time, and he sent the man back to the -printing-office to have the line taken out. I struck out the line myself -before I handed it to the compositor to put it in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. The -man who brought the circular to me and took it back with the line stricken -out was on the stand here—Grueneberg I believe is his name.</p> - -<p>“I left home that evening about half-past seven o’clock and walked down -with my brother Henry, arriving at the Haymarket about twenty or twenty-five -minutes after eight. I had understood from the invitation that I should -address the meeting in German; and, knowing that the English speeches -would come first, I did not go there in time to reach the opening of the -meeting. When I got there, there was no meeting in progress, however; -simply crowds were standing around the corners here and there, talking -together. I called them together. After having looked around for a speakers’ -stand—we generally had very primitive platforms—I saw this wagon -on Desplaines Street; and being right near the corner, I thought it was a -good place to choose and told the people that the meeting would take place -there. There was no light upon the wagon. Early in the meeting I think -the sky was bright. I cannot tell whether the lamp at the alley was burning -or not; my impression is that it was. I could not say about any other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[513]</a></span> -light. I found the wagon just where we used it. It was not an ordinary -truck wagon; it was a half truck and half express wagon, the truck with the -box on. I don’t know that there were any stakes on it; it was a large, long -express wagon. I believe I spoke with my brother Henry as to the advisability -of choosing that place. Henry was with me during the entire evening. -After the audience got together, somebody suggested to draw the wagon -into the Haymarket. I replied that that might interfere with the street -traffic, and that the cars would make a good deal of noise. Then I asked if -Mr. Parsons was present. I thought he had been invited to address the -meeting. I was not on the arrangement committee; but seeing the crowd -and seeing that the meeting had been very poorly arranged, I took the -initiative. When I asked for Parsons, one of the editors of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, -one Schroeder, stepped up and said: ‘Parsons is speaking up on -the corner of Halsted and Randolph Streets; I just saw him there.’ I told -him to go and call him. He left, but staid quite a while, and I left the -wagon myself, and, in the company of my brother Henry, one Legner and -Schnaubelt, whom I had just met, went up the street to find Parsons. -Schwab was not with me at that time or at any time that evening. Schnaubelt -told me I had been wanted at Deering, but as I had not been at hand -Schwab had gone out there. After I left the wagon I did not go to the -mouth of Crane’s alley. I did not even know at the time that there was an -alley there at all. I did not enter the alley with Schwab, had no conversation -with him there in which I referred to pistols and police, and in which -Schwab asked whether one would be enough, etc., nor anything of that kind. -Neither did I have that conversation with anybody else. I left the wagon -and moved in a southwesterly direction obliquely across the street to the -corner of the Haymarket. From there I went, in company with those I -mentioned, up on Randolph Street, beyond Union and pretty near Halsted -Street, but, seeing only a few people, probably twenty or twenty-five, standing -there scattered, and not seeing Parsons, we returned, walking on the -north side of Randolph Street, as we had in going down. I went on the -wagon and addressed the meeting. I had no conversation with Schwab, at -or about the crossing of Union Street, in which we spoke about being ready -for them and that they were afraid to come. I had no such conversation -with any one. I don’t remember exactly of what we were speaking, but -Schnaubelt and I, as we walked along, were conversing in German. I have -known Schnaubelt for about two years. I think he has not been in the -country more than two years. He cannot speak English at all. He wore a -light gray suit that night. In returning to the wagon I went from the corner -of the Haymarket right straight to the wagon, in a northeasterly direction. -I did not, on my return, or at any time that evening, walk with Schwab -across Desplaines Street to the center of the sidewalk, some fifteen feet -south of Crane’s alley, and at that point meet Schnaubelt, and there take -anything out of my pocket, or otherwise, and give it to Schnaubelt, or anybody -else, at that location.</p> - -<p>“I spoke about fifteen or twenty minutes. I began by stating that I -heard a large number of patrol wagons had gone to Desplaines Street Station; -that great preparations had been made for a possible outbreak; that -the militia had been called under arms, and that I would state at the beginning -that this meeting had not been called for the purpose of inciting a riot, -but simply to discuss the situation of the eight-hour movement and the -atrocities of the police on the preceding day. Then I referred to one of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[514]</a></span> -the morning papers of the city, in which Mr. McCormick said that I was -responsible for the affair near his factory; that I had incited the people to -commit violence, etc., and I stated that such misrepresentations were made -in order to discredit the men who took an active part in the movement. I -stated that such outbreaks as had occurred at McCormick’s, in East St. -Louis, in Philadelphia, Cleveland and other places, were not the work of a -band of conspirators, of a few Anarchists or Socialists, but the unconscious -struggle of a class for emancipation; that such outbreaks might be expected -at any minute and were not the arbitrary work of individuals. I then -pointed to the fact that the people who committed violence had never been -Socialists or Anarchists, but in most instances had been up to that time the -most lawful citizens, good Christians, the exemplary so-called honest workmen, -who were contrasted by the capitalists with the Anarchists. I stated -that the meeting at McCormick’s was composed mostly of humble, church-going -good Christians, and not by any means atheists, or materialists, or -Anarchists. I then stated that for the past twenty years the wage-workers -had asked their employers for a reduction of the hours of labor; that, according -to the statement of the secretary of the National Bureau of Labor Statistics, -about two millions of physically strong men were out of employment; -that the productive capacity had, by the development of machines, so immensely -increased that all that any rationally organized society required -could be produced in a few hours, and that the mechanical working of men -for ten hours a day was simply another method of murdering them. Though -every student of social phenomena admitted the fact that society was, under -the present condition of overwork, almost retrograding and the masses -sinking into degradation, still their demands have been refused. I proceeded -to state that the legislators had different interests at stake than those involved -in this question, and did not care so much about the welfare of any -class of society as for their own interests, and that at last the workingmen -had conceived, consciously or unconsciously, the idea to take the matter -in their own hands; that it was not a political question, but an economic -question; that neither legislatures nor Congress could do anything in the -premises, but the workingmen could only achieve a normal day’s work of -eight hours or less by their own efforts.</p> - -<p>“I believe when I had gone so far somebody told me that Mr. Parsons -had arrived. Turning around, I saw Parsons; and as I was fatigued, worn -out, I broke off and introduced Parsons. I spoke in English. After introducing -Parsons I staid on the wagon. When I stopped and Parsons began, -I believe there were pretty nearly 2,000 people there; it was an -ordinarily packed crowd. The people who wanted to listen would crowd to -the wagon, others would stand on the opposite sidewalk, but I did not see -any very packed crowd, exactly. While I spoke, I was facing, I believe, in a -southwesterly direction; the bulk of the audience stood around the wagon -south and southwesterly toward the Haymarket. Parsons spoke forty-five -minutes to an hour. He stopped about ten o’clock. I had been requested -by several persons to make a German speech, but Parsons had spoken -longer than I expected, it was too late, and I didn’t feel much like speaking; -so I asked Mr. Fielden to say a few words in conclusion and then adjourn. -I introduced Fielden to the audience and remained on the wagon until the -command was given by Capt. Ward to disperse. I did not see the police -until they formed in columns on the corner of Desplaines and Randolph -Streets. Somebody behind me, I think, said: ‘The police are coming.’ I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[515]</a></span> -could not understand that. I did not think even when I saw them that -they were marching toward the meeting. The meeting was almost as well -as adjourned. There were not over two hundred on the spot. About five -minutes previous to that a dark cloud came moving from the north, and it -looked so threateningly that most of the people ran away, and some people -suggested an adjournment to Zepf’s Hall; more than two-thirds of the -attendants left at that time. The police halted three or four feet south of -the wagon. Capt. Ward walked up to the wagon. Fielden was standing -in front of me, in the rear of the wagon. I was standing in the middle of -the wagon. Ward held something in his hand, a cane or a club, and said: -‘In the name of the people of the State of Illinois, I command you to disperse,’ -and Fielden said: ‘Why, Captain, this is a peaceable meeting.’ -And Ward repeated, I think, that command, and then turned around to his -men, and while I didn’t understand what he said to them, I thought he said, -‘Charge upon the crowd,’ or something to that effect. I did not hear him -say: ‘I call upon you and you to assist;’ he may have said that and I may -have misunderstood him. My brother and one Legner and several others -that I did not know stood at the side of the wagon; they reached out their -hands and helped me off the wagon. I felt very indignant over the coming -of the police, and intended to ask them what right they had to break up the -meeting, but I jumped down from the wagon. When I reached the sidewalk -I heard a terrible detonation; I thought the city authority had brought -a cannon there to scare the people from the street. I did not think they -would shoot upon the people, nor did I think in the least, at that time, of a -bomb. Then I was pushed along; there was a throng of people rushing up, -and I was just carried away with them. I went into Zepf’s Hall. The firing -began immediately, simultaneously with the explosion. I did not see any -firing from the crowd upon the police. I did not hear, as I stood upon the -wagon, either by Fielden or anybody else, any such exclamation as ‘Here -come the bloodhounds; men, do your duty and I will do mine.’ Fielden -did not draw a revolver and fire from the wagon upon the police or in their -direction. I did not, before the explosion of the bomb, leave my position -upon the wagon, go into the alley, strike a match and light a bomb in the -hands of Rudolph Schnaubelt. I did not see Rudolph Schnaubelt in the -mouth of the alley then or at any time that evening with a bomb. I did not -at that time or any other time that evening go into the mouth of the alley -and join there Fischer and Schnaubelt and strike a match for any purpose. -Schnaubelt is about six feet three inches tall, I should judge, of large frame -and large body.</p> - -<p>“I remember the witness Wilkinson, a reporter of the <i>News</i>. He was -up at the office several times, but I only had one conversation with him as -far as I remember. He made an interview out of it. He was introduced -to me by Joe Gruenhut, who told me that the <i>News</i> wanted to have an -article. Wilkinson inquired as to the report of some paper that the -Anarchists had placed an infernal machine at the door of the house of -Lambert Tree, and I told him that, in my opinion, the Pinkertons were -doing such things to force people to engage them and to advertise themselves. -He then asked whether I had ever seen or possessed any bombs? -I said yes. I had had at the office for probably three years four bombshells. -Two of them had been left at the office in my absence, by a man -who wanted to find out if it was a good construction. The other two were -left with me one day by some man who came, I think, from Cleveland or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[516]</a></span> -New York, and was going to New Zealand from here. I used to show -those shells to newspaper reporters, and I showed one to Mr. Wilkinson -and allowed him to take it along and show it to Mr. Stone. I never asked -him for it since. That part of the conversation was at noon, while I was in -a hurry. Wilkinson came in the evening again with Joe Gruenhut, and -invited me to dine with him. I had just about half an hour to spend. At -the table we talked about an infernal machine which had been placed a few -days previous into an office of the Burlington and Quincy Railroad, and -about another placed in front of Lambert Tree’s house, and I gave the -explanation which I have already stated. Talking about the riot drill that -had shortly before been held on the lake front, and about the sensational -reports published by the papers in regard to the armed organizations of -Socialists, I told him that it was an open secret that some three thousand -Socialists in the city of Chicago were armed. I told him that the arming -of these people, meaning not only Socialists but workingmen in general, -began right after the strike of 1877, when the police attacked workingmen -at their meetings, killed some and wounded others; that they were of -the opinion that if they would enjoy the rights of the Constitution, they -should prepare to defend them too, if necessary; that it was a known fact -that these men had paraded the streets, as many as 1,500 strong at a time, -with their rifles; that there was nothing new in that, and I could not see -why they talked so much about it. And I said I thought that they were -still arming and I wished that every workingman was well armed.</p> - -<p>“Then we spoke generally on modern warfare. Wilkinson was of the -opinion that the militia and the police could easily defeat any effort on the -part of the populace by force, could easily quell a riot. I differed from him. -I told him that the views which the bourgeoise took of their military and -police was exactly the same as the nobility took, some centuries ago, as to -their own armament, and that gunpowder had come to the relief of the -oppressed masses and had done away with the aristocracy very quickly; -that the iron armor of the nobility was penetrated by a leaden bullet just as -easily as the blouse of the peasant; that dynamite, like gunpowder, had -an equalizing, leveling tendency; that the two were children of the same -parent; that dynamite would eventually break down the aristocracy of -this age and make the principles of democracy a reality. I stated that it -had been attempted by such men as General Sheridan and others to play -havoc with an organized body of military or police by the use of dynamite, -and it would be an easy thing to do it. He asked me if I anticipated any -trouble, and I said I did. He asked me if the Anarchists and Socialists -were going to make a revolution. Of course I made fun of that; told him -that revolutions were not made by individuals or conspirators, but were -simply the logic of events resting in the conditions of things. On the subject -of street warfare I illustrated with toothpicks the diagram which had -appeared in one of the numbers of the <i>Alarm</i>, introduced in evidence here. -I said to him that I wasn’t much of a warrior, but had read a good deal on -the subject, and I particularly referred to that article in the <i>Alarm</i>. I said -that if, for instance, a military body would march up a street, they would -have men on the house-tops on both sides of the street protecting and guarding -the main body from possible onslaught, possibly by shooting, firing or -throwing of bombs. Now, if the revolutionists or civilians, men not belonging -to the privileged military bodies, would form an oblique line on each -side of the street at a crossing, they could then very successfully combat the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[517]</a></span> -on-marching militia and police, by attacking them with fire-arms or dynamite. -And I used Market Square for illustration. I said there was a system -of canalization in large cities. Now, supposing they expected an attack, -they could, by the use of a battery and dynamite, blow up whole regiments -very easily. I don’t think that I said what Wilkinson testified to here in -regard to the tunnel, but I may have given the talk a little color. I knew -he wanted a sensational article for publication in the <i>News</i>, but there was -no particular reference to Chicago, or any fighting on our part. The topic -of the conversation was that a fight was inevitable, and that it might take -place in the near future, and what might and could be done in such an event. -It was a general discussion of the possibilities of street warfare under -modern science.</p> - -<p>“I wrote the word ‘Ruhe’ for insertion in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> on May -4th. It happened just the same as with any other announcement that -would come in. I received a batch of announcements from a number of -labor organizations and societies a little after eleven o’clock, in my editorial -room, and went over them. Among them was one which read: ‘Mr. -Editor, please insert in the letter-box the word ‘Ruhe,’ in prominent letters.’ -This was in German. There is an announcement column of meetings -in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, but a single word or something like that would -be lost sight of under the announcements. In such cases people generally -ask to have that inserted under the head of ‘Letter-box.’ Upon reading -that request, I just took a piece of paper and marked on it ‘Briefkasten’ -(Letter-box), and the word ‘Ruhe.’ The manuscript which is in evidence -is in my handwriting. At the time I wrote that word and sent it up to be -put in the paper, I did not know of any import whatever attached to it. -My attention was next called to it a little after three o’clock in the afternoon. -Balthasar Rau, an advertising agent of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, came -and asked me if the word ‘Ruhe’ was in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. I had myself -forgotten about it, and took a copy of the paper and found it there. -He asked me if I knew what it meant, and I said I did not. He said there -was a rumor that the armed sections had held a meeting the night before, -and had resolved to put in that word as a signal for the armed sections to -keep themselves in readiness in case the police should precipitate a riot, to -come to the assistance of the attacked. I sent for Fischer, who had invited -me to speak at the meeting that evening, and asked him if that word -had any reference to that meeting. He said, ‘None whatever;’ that it was -merely a signal for the boys—for those who were armed to keep their -powder dry, in case they might be called upon to fight within the next -days. I told Rau it was a very silly thing, or at least that there was not -much rational sense in that, and asked him if he knew how it could be -managed that this nonsense would be stopped; how it could be undone. -Rau said he knew some persons who had something to say in the armed -organizations, and I told him to go and tell them that the word was put in -by mistake. Rau went pursuant to that suggestion, and returned to me at -five o’clock.</p> - -<p>“I was not a member of any armed section. I have not been for six -years. I have had in my desk for two years two giant-powder cartridges, -a roll of fuse and some detonating caps. Originally I bought them to -experiment with them, as I had read a good deal about dynamite and -wanted to get acquainted with it, but I never had occasion to go out for -that purpose, as I was too much occupied. The reporters used to bother<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[518]</a></span> -me a good deal, and when they would come to the office for something sensational -I would show them these giant cartridges. They are the same -that were referred to here by certain witnesses as having been shown on -the evening of the Board of Trade demonstration. One of them will yet -show a little hole in which I put that evening one of those caps, to explain -to the reporter how terrible a thing it was. In fact, if that cartridge, as it -is, were exploded in a free place, it would just give a detonation, and the -concussion of the air might throw one on the floor, but it could do no harm -to anybody. I know absolutely nothing about the package of dynamite -which was exhibited here in court, and was claimed to have been found on -a shelf in a closet in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> building. I never saw it before -it was produced here in court. I don’t know anything about a revolver -claimed to have been found in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. That was not my -revolver, but I always carried a revolver. I had a very good revolver. I -was out late at night, and I always considered it a very good thing to be -in a position to defend myself. Strangely, I did not have that pistol with -me on the night of the Haymarket. It was too heavy for me, and, while -I took it along first, I left it with ex-Alderman Stauber on my way. I -guess it is there now.</p> - -<p>“I was arrested on Wednesday morning after the Haymarket meeting, -about half-past eight o’clock, at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> editorial room. I had -begun writing. I had come to the office a little after seven o’clock, as -usual. A man who afterwards told me he was an officer, James Bonfield, -asked Mr. Schwab and myself to come over to police headquarters; that -Superintendent Ebersold wanted to have a talk with us on the affair of the -previous night. I was very busy and asked him if it could not be delayed -until after the issue of the paper. He said he would rather have me come -along then, and I, unsuspectingly, went along to the station. The Superintendent -received us by saying: ‘You dirty Dutch —— ——, you dirty -hounds, you rascals, we will choke you; we will kill you.’ And then they -jumped upon us, tore us from one end to the other, went through our -pockets, took my money and everything I had. I never said anything. -They finally concluded to put us in a cell, and then Mr. Ebersold said: -‘Well, boys, let’s be cool.’ I think Mr. James Bonfield interfered during -the assault made upon us by Mr. Ebersold, and suggested to him that that -was not the proper way nor the proper place. I have been continuously -confined from then until now.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Spies stated:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“There was in fact no editor-in-chief of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>; there was -a kind of autonomous editorial arrangement, but I was looked to as the -editor-in-chief. I mean in the editorial department every one wrote what -he pleased, and it was published without my looking at it. I never assumed -any responsibility for the editorials. I never was made responsible by the -company for the management of the paper. Schwab’s salary was the same -as mine; our positions were coördinate. The management of the paper -was left with the board of trustees; the editors had very little to say about -it. Nobody looked over the editorials before they were inserted. Contributed -articles were looked over sometimes by one of the reporters, sometimes -by Schwab or Schroeder, or myself. Schroeder was editor for four -months. I usually glanced at the paper to keep track of what it contained. -Fischer was merely a compositor of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>; he had nothing to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[519]</a></span> -do with the editorials or management of the paper. I had nothing to do with -the <i>Alarm</i>, except for four or five weeks, when I edited it in the absence of -Mr. Parsons.”</p> - -<p>“Was money ever sent you for the <i>Alarm</i>?”</p> - -<p>“There was. I also paid the bills for the printing of the <i>Alarm</i>.”</p> - -<p>“Did you ever write contributions for the <i>Alarm</i>?”</p> - -<p>“I have occasionally, whenever they were in need of manuscript. Of -the bombs I had I received the two iron cast ones first. That was about -three years ago. A man who gave his name as Schwape or Schwoep -brought them to me. I only saw him once. I think he was a shoemaker, -came from Cleveland, and left for New Zealand. He asked me -if my name was Spies. I told him yes; and he asked me if I had seen -any of the bombs that they were making, or something like that. I don’t -know to whom he referred by ‘they.’ He spoke of people in Cleveland -with whom he had associated; I didn’t ask him and didn’t know what -class of people. I said I hadn’t seen any of them. I don’t remember anything -more about the conversation I had with him. I would have twelve or -fifteen conversations every day; this one was out of the order of my regular -conversations; my recollection is, I got rid of him as soon as he would -leave. He left those there; he said he would not take them along. I didn’t -ask him if he had any more with him. They were bombs exploding by percussion, -heavier on one side than on the other, so that when they were -thrown the cap would always come down. I think they were at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -on May 4. I never saw the man before or after that. The other -two bombs which Wilkinson called ‘Czar bombs,’ a term which I never -used to him, were left one day, in my absence, in the office. When I came -from dinner I saw them on my desk and was told that a man had brought -them there to inquire whether they were bombs of a good construction, and -the man never called for them. That was about a year and a half or two -years ago. One I gave to Wilkinson; the other one, I suppose, was at the -office ever since. I don’t know what became of it and of the two iron -bombs. I had not seen them for some time, but I thought they were at the -office. I got the dynamite about two years ago from the Ætna Powder -Company. I got two of those bars. My intention at first was to experiment -with them.”</p> - -<p>“What object did you have in experimenting with the dynamite?”</p> - -<p>“I had read a great deal about dynamite and thought it would be a good -thing to get acquainted with its use, just the same as I would take a revolver -and go out and practice with it. I don’t want to say, however, that -it was merely for curiosity. I can give no further explanation. I got the -caps and the fuse, because I would need them to experiment with. I was -never present, to the best of my recollection, when experiments were made -with dynamite. Neither bombs nor dynamite were ever distributed through -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office. I did not tell Mr. Wilkinson that they were. -I never handled any dynamite outside of the two cartridges; never had -anything to do with the distribution of dynamite. I know Herr Most; I -guess I have known him for three years. This letter here is from Most. -I do not know whether I answered that letter. I cannot remember.”</p> - -<p>“In whose handwriting is this postal card?”</p> - -<p>“It is Most’s handwriting. I suppose I received it—I see my address -on it. I do not remember having read that postal or this letter at this date. -I don’t remember the contents of that letter. I have undoubtedly received<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[520]</a></span> -and read it, but don’t recollect anything about it now. I never carried on -any correspondence with Most. I don’t remember whether I answered the -postal card, and whether I said or wrote to Most anything in regard to the -inquiries made of me in this letter. I know positively I did not give him -the directions where to ship the material mentioned in the letter. There -may have been a letter addressed in my care which I may have sent to -Most, but I know absolutely nothing outside of that.</p> - -<p>“As to the phrase, ‘The social revolution,’ which occurs in my writings, I -mean by it the evolutionary process, or changes from one system to another, -which take place in society; I meant a change from a wage system, from -the present relations between labor and capital, to some other system. By -the abolition of the wage system I mean the doing away with the spoliation -of labor, making the worker the owner of his own product.</p> - -<p>“I was invited to go to the Haymarket meeting at nine o’clock on Tuesday, -by Mr. Fischer. It was about eleven o’clock when I objected to that last line -in the circular. I objected to that principally because I thought it was ridiculous -to put a phrase in which would prevent people from attending the meeting. -Another reason was that there was some excitement at that time, and -a call for arms like that might have caused trouble between the police and the -attendants of that meeting. I did not anticipate anything of the kind, but I -thought it was not a proper thing to put that line in. I wrote the ‘Revenge’ -circular, everything except the word ‘Revenge.’ I wrote the words, ‘Workingmen, -to arms!’ When I wrote it I thought it was proper; I don’t think -so now. I wrote it to arouse the working people, who are stupid and ignorant, -to a consciousness of the condition that they were in, not to submit to -such brutal treatment as that by which they had been shot down at McCormick’s -on the previous day. I wanted them not to attend meetings under -such circumstances, unless they could resist. I did not want them to do -anything in particular—I did not want to do anything. That I called them -to arms is a phrase, probably an extravagance. I did intend that they -should arm themselves. I have called upon the workingmen for years and -years, and others have done the same thing before me, to arm themselves. -They have a right, under the Constitution, to arm themselves, and it would -be well for them if they were all armed. I called on them to arm themselves, -not for the purpose of resisting the lawfully constituted authorities -of the city and county, in case they should meet with opposition from them, -but for the purpose of resisting the unlawful attacks of the police or the -unconstitutional and unlawful demands of any organization, whether police, -militia or any other. I have not urged them in my speeches and editorials -to arm themselves in order to bring about a social revolution or in order to -overthrow the lawful authority of the country.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The letter referred to as that of Most, which was in German, and which -was dated 1884, was then put in evidence and read, as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“<i>Dear Spies</i>:—Are you sure that the letter from the Hocking Valley was not written by a -detective? In a week I will go to Pittsburg, and I have an inclination to go also to the -Hocking Valley. For the present I send you some printed matter. There Sch. ‘H.’ also -existed but on paper. I told you this some months ago. On the other hand I am in a condition -to furnish ‘medicine,’ and the ‘genuine’ article at that. Directions for use are perhaps -not needed with these people. Moreover they were recently published in the ‘Fr.’ -The appliances I can also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell thoroughly -reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five pounds. But how? Is there an express line to -the place, or is there another way possible? Paulus, the Great, seems to delight in hopping -around in the swamps of the N. Y. V. Z. like a blown-up (bloated) frog. His tirades excite<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[521]</a></span> -general detestation. He has made himself immensely ridiculous. The main thing is only -that the fellow cannot smuggle any more rotten elements into the newspaper company than -are already in it. In this regard, the caution is important to be on the minute. The organization -here is no better nor worse than formerly. Our group has about the strength of the -North Side group in Chicago; and then, besides this, we have also the Soc. Rev. § 1, the -Austrian League and the Bohemian League, so to say three more groups. Finally, it is easily -seen that our influence with the trade organizations is steadily growing. We insert our -meetings in the Fr., and cannot notice that they are worse attended than at the time when -we got through weekly $1.50 to $2.00 into the mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don’t forget to put -yourself into communication with Drury in reference to the English organ. He will surely -work with you much and well. Such a paper is more necessary as to the truth. This, -indeed, is getting more miserable and confused from issue to issue, and in general is whistling -from the last hole. Enclosed is a fly-leaf which recently appeared at Emden, and is -perhaps adapted for reprint. Greeting to Schwab, Rau and to you. Yours,</p> - -<p class="pr2">“<span class="smcap">Johann Most</span>.</p> - -<p>“P. S.—To Buchtell I will, of course, write for the present only in general terms.</p> - -<p class="pn">“<span class="smcap">A. Spies</span>, No. 107 Fifth Avenue, Chicago, Illinois.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The postal card referred to was also put in evidence and read, as -follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“L. S. (<i>Dear Spies</i>:) I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday when the telegraph -brought news from H. M. One does not know whether to rejoice over that or not. The -advance is in itself elevating. Sad is the circumstance that it will remain local, and, therefore, -might not have a result. At any rate, these people make a better impression than the -foolish voters on this and the other side of the ocean. Greetings and a shake.</p> - -<p class="pr2">“Yours,<span class="vh">——————</span>J. M.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Albert R. Parsons</span> made the following statement in his own behalf:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I have resided in Chicago for thirteen years. I was born June 20, 1848. -On Sunday, May 2, I was in the city of Cincinnati, Ohio. Came back from -there to Chicago on Tuesday morning, May 4th, between seven and eight -o’clock. I caused a notice calling for a meeting of the American group at -107 Fifth Avenue, on the evening of May 4th, to be inserted in the <i>Daily -News</i> of that evening. In the evening I left my house in company with -Mrs. Holmes, my wife and two children, about eight o’clock. We walked -from home until we got to Randolph and Halsted Streets. There I met two -reporters that I have seen frequently at workingmen’s meetings. One of -them was a reporter whose name I don’t know; the other was Mr. -Heineman of the <i>Tribune</i>. There Mrs. Holmes, my wife and children and -myself took a car and rode directly to the meeting at 107 Fifth Avenue. -We arrived there about half-past eight and remained about half an hour. -After the business for which the meeting had been called was about through, -some one, I understood it was a committee, came over from the Haymarket -and said that there was a large body of people and no speakers there except -Mr. Spies, and myself and Mr. Fielden were urged to come over to address -the mass-meeting. After finishing up the work, we adjourned and walked -over. Fielden and myself crossed the river through the tunnel. There -were three or four others present, but I don’t remember their names. I -think it was after nine o’clock when I reached the meeting on Desplaines -Street near the Haymarket. Mr. Spies was speaking. I managed to -squeeze through the crowd, was assisted upon the wagon at once by some -gentlemen standing about, and within a minute or two Mr. Spies concluded, -stated that I had arrived and would address the meeting, and asked their -attention while I was talking. I suppose I spoke about three-quarters of -an hour. At the close of my speech I got down from the wagon. I think I -was assisted by Henry Spies, who was standing by the wagon. Then I -went to the wagon which stood about fifteen or twenty feet north of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[522]</a></span> -speakers’ wagon, on which my wife and Mrs. Holmes were seated, listening -to us. I got into that wagon, asked them how they were enjoying themselves, -etc., and while talking with them, about ten minutes later, a coolness -in the atmosphere attracted my attention. I looked up and observed white -clouds rolling over from the north, and as I didn’t want the ladies to get -wet, I went on to the speakers’ wagon and said: ‘Mr. Fielden, permit me -to interrupt you a moment.’ ‘Certainly,’ he said. And I said: ‘Gentlemen, -it appears as though it would rain. It is getting late. We might as -well adjourn anyway, but if you desire to continue the meeting longer, we -can adjourn to Zepf’s Hall, on the corner near by.’ Some one in the crowd -said: ‘No, we can’t; it is occupied by a meeting of the furniture workers.’ -With that I looked and saw the lights through the windows of the hall, and -said nothing further. Mr. Fielden remarked that it did not matter; he had -only a few words more to say. I went over again to where the ladies were, -helped them off the wagon and told them to go down to this corner place, -and we would all get together and go home. They walked off, and some -one detained me for a moment; then I followed them and met near the edge -of the crowd a man whom I knew very familiarly—Mr. Brown. I asked -him to have a drink with me, as the speaking had made me hoarse, and we -moved off a little in the rear of the ladies, to the saloon. There had been -no appearance of the police, no explosion or any disturbance up to that -time. As I entered the saloon I noticed some four or five gentlemen standing -at the bar. There were possibly as many as ten people sitting at tables -on the other side next the wall, and about five or six men standing in the -center of the floor talking to each other, among whom I noticed Mr. Malkoff, -talking to a gentleman whom I did not know, but I supposed he was a -reporter. He was upon the witness-stand in this trial. I believe it was Mr. -Allen. The ladies took seats about ten feet from the door, in the saloon, at -the end of the first table, with their backs to it, looking into the street. I -said something to them, and I believe just then I introduced some one to -Mrs. Parsons. Afterwards I went to the bar with Brown, and we had a -glass of beer and a cigar. Then I turned around and noticed Mr. Fischer -sitting at one of the tables and said a few words to him and sat down at the -table for a few moments. Then I think I went around to where the ladies -were, and I was standing near them looking out and wondering if the meeting -would not close, anxious to go home. All at once I saw an illumination. -It lit up the whole street, followed instantly by a deafening roar, and almost -simultaneously volleys of shots followed, every flash of which, it seemed to -me, I could see. The best comparison I can make in my mind is that it -was as though a hundred men held in their hands repeating revolvers and -fired them as rapidly as possible until they were all gone. That was the -first volley. Then there were occasional shots, and one or two bullets -whistled near the door and struck the sign. I was transfixed. Mrs. Parsons -did not move. In a moment two or three men rushed breathlessly in -at the door. That broke the apparent charm that was on us by the occurrence -in the street, and with that I called upon my wife and Mrs. Holmes -to come with me to the rear of the saloon. We remained there, possibly, -twenty minutes or so.”</p> - -<p class="p1">On cross-examination Parsons said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I was born in Montgomery, Alabama. Since I came to Chicago I -worked as a type-setter for the first eight or nine years; then for a year and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[523]</a></span> -a half myself and wife had a suit business on Larrabee street; then for about -a year and a half myself and wife made ladies’ wrappers and suits, and I -went out soliciting orders. For the last two years, since October, 1884, -I was editor of the <i>Alarm</i>. It was a weekly paper for about a year, and -then a semi-monthly. I wrote down the memorandum of my utterances on -the night of May 4th, which I used in giving my testimony as to my speech, -from time to time, as they occurred to me, and in looking over Mr. English’s -report. When I referred to the methods which the Chicago <i>Times</i> and the -Chicago <i>Tribune</i> and Tom Scott advised against striking workingmen, I told -them they should defend themselves against such things in any way they -could, by arming, if necessary. I did not mention dynamite at that meeting. -I possibly mentioned it at other meetings. I said nothing about bombs that -night, neither as a defensive means, or something to use against them. I -did not, when I said that the present social system must be changed in -the interest of humanity, explain to them how the social change should be -brought about, because I did not know myself. I think I told the audience -that the existing order of things was founded upon and maintained by force, -and that the actions of the monopolists and corporations would drive the -people into the use of force before they could obtain redress. I might have -stated that—I am not sure. I did not tell them that the ballot was useless -for them because the majority was against them. That is not correct; the -workingmen are vastly in the majority. I did not tell them that night that -the only way they could obtain their rights was by overturning the existing -order of things by force. I could not tell whether there were any strikers -present that night. There were very few Socialists present. I am a -Socialist. I am an Anarchist, as I understand it.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">W. A. S. Graham</span>, a reporter with no Anarchistic tendencies, had interviewed -Harry Gilmer at the City Hall as to what he had seen at the Haymarket -and who threw the bomb.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Harry Gilmer</span> was then recalled by the defendants and stated that he -had seen the gentleman (pointing to Graham) at the Central Station, and -that he (Graham) asked him if he could identify the man who threw the -bomb. Gilmer had answered that he could if he saw him. Witness did not -say during the conversation that he saw the man throw the bomb, but that -the man had his back to him and had whiskers. Witness did not say that -the man was of medium size with dark clothes, and that he saw him light -the fuse and throw the bomb.</p> - -<p>Mr. Graham was recalled and stated that the man (Gilmer) just on the -stand had told him that he saw the man light the fuse and throw the bomb, -and that he could identify him if he saw him. Gilmer told him that the -man was of medium height, and thought he had whiskers and wore a soft -black hat, but had his back turned toward him. On cross-examination witness -said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I had this conversation about four o’clock in the afternoon of May 5th. -I talked with him about three or four minutes. He said nothing about there -being more than one man at that location, a knot of men, or anything of that -kind. He said that one man lighted the fuse and threw the bomb; he did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[524]</a></span> -not say anything about how it was lighted, whether with a match or a cigar, -I did not ask him that. He said he was standing in Crane’s alley when it -was done.</p> - -<p>This closed the evidence for the defense, and by agreement several -newspaper articles and an address of Victor Hugo to the “Rich and Poor” -were introduced. The State then proceeded to put in rebutting testimony.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Daniel Scully</span>, a justice of the peace, was first examined. He stated -that at the preliminary examination, held on the 25th of May, Officer Wessler -had not stated in his testimony that Stenner was the man who fired -the shot from the wagon; neither had Officer Foley so stated.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Did he, at that time, give a description of the man who fired the shot -over the wagon that night as a stout man with heavy whiskers, saying at -the same time that if he ever saw him again he thought he could identify -him?” “Yes, sir. Stenner was discharged upon that examination.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Inspector John Bonfield</span> met Mr. Simonson, a witness in this case, at -the police station on the night of the Haymarket riot. The man was introduced -to him by Capt. Ward as a member of the firm of J. V. Farwell & Co.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“We three stood together outside of the railing. Mr. Simonson -opened the conversation by remarking to me that he understood that the -horses belonging to the Police Department were getting used up with the -constant work they had, and that either Mr. Farwell or the firm—I understood -him to say Mr. Farwell—that their horses were at our service in case -we needed any horses. I told him that our teams had stood the work so -far very well, but that if the troubles continued for any length of time we -would likely need assistance and would call upon him if occasion demanded -it, thanking him for his offer. He then spoke about the trouble at McCormick’s -and on Centre Avenue and Eighteenth Street that afternoon, and -said the police ought to have dispersed those crowds; not to have allowed -them to collect. I did not, in the course of that conversation, tell him that -I would like to get a crowd of 3,000 without any women and children, and -in that case would make short work of them, or anything to that effect.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The most important part of the work done by the State at this phase of -the proceedings was the strong indorsement of Harry W. Gilmer’s veracity -which was produced before the jury. To the credibility of this witness, and -to their acquaintance with, and respect for him, the following persons testified: -Judge Tuthill of the Superior Court, Chas. A. Dibble, John Steele, -Michael Smith, Benjamin F. Knowles, Chester C. Cole, ex-Judge of the -Supreme Court of Iowa, Edward R. Mason, Clerk of the U. S. Circuit Court at -Des Moines, Samuel Merrill, President of the Citizens’ National Bank of -Des Moines, Canute R. Matson, Sheriff of Cook County, Sylvanus Edinburn, -W. P. Hardy, John L. Manning, an attorney, and many others. -Many of these witnesses had known Gilmer in Iowa for many years; others -were old acquaintances of his in Chicago; all of them swore that he was -worthy of belief.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[525]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXVIII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Opening of the Argument—Mr. Walker’s Speech—The Law of the Case—Was -there a Conspiracy?—The Caliber of the Bullets—Tightening the Chain—A -Propaganda on the Witness-stand—The Eight-hour Movement—“One Single Bomb”—The -Cry of the Revolutionist—Avoiding the Mouse-trap—Parsons and the Murder—Studying -“Revolutionary War”—Lingg and his Bomb Factory—The Alibi Idea.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE evidence being now all in, Francis W. Walker, Assistant State’s -Attorney, on the morning of August 11th, began his address to the -jury. Although his argument was an exceedingly lengthy one, he held his -audience and the jury to the closest attention from the first word to the -last. Mr. Walker began by an examination of the law, defining what is -meant by the term “reasonable doubt,” which he believed would be one of -the arguments used by the defense. Following this he read the statutes -showing what murder is, and what an accessory, under the laws of Illinois. -Under the statute, as he proved, an accessory is to be held as a principal. -Following this he reviewed at some length Mr. Salomon’s statement, in -that gentleman’s opening speech, that the prisoners had been guilty, if -they were guilty at all, of no crime more serious than conspiracy. Mr. -Walker held that the fact that murder had followed the conspiracy proved -the conspirators murderers. His logic was clear, cogent and unanswerable. -Its effect could be seen in the gloomy attention which the doomed Anarchists -paid to his fatal chain of reasoning.</p> - -<p>Leaving the authorities to one side, Mr. Walker addressed himself to -the facts made manifest by the evidence. He said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“We start out first upon the analysis of the facts of this case in this -way: Was there an unlawful combination, a conspiracy, to overthrow the -systems of this Government upon the 1st day of May, 1886? Was the -bomb thrown on the 4th of May in pursuance of the common design? -Are these defendants members of that conspiracy? When those questions -are answered in the affirmative the guilt of each and every one of these -defendants of murder is proven beyond a reasonable doubt. But, if we go -further than that, the argument would embrace the topic: Was there a murder -committed at the Haymarket? Did the defendants aid, abet and assist -the commission of that act? Or, if they were not present aiding, abetting -and assisting, had they advised, encouraged, aided and abetted the perpetration -of the crime? Under either aspect of this case, the defendants are -guilty of murder with malice aforethought.</p> - -<p>“Was there a conspiracy? Was there a conspiracy to culminate on or -about the 1st day of May? Were the defendants members of that conspiracy? -Was the conspiracy unlawful? Was the bomb thrown in pursuance -of the common design? Let us investigate the facts and answer each -proposition.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Walker went into the peculiar fact that the bullets found in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[526]</a></span> -bodies of the officers were 22 and 44-caliber; the officers carried 38-caliber. -The witnesses who had appeared for the defense in this case were armed -with pistols of the first-named sizes.</p> - -<p>He read to the jury many remarkable extracts from Most’s writings, -pointing out the peculiar and criminal teachings of that Anarchist leader, -and showing how Spies and the others had in every detail of their connection -with the police, after the Haymarket murders, followed the printed -advice given.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-526.jpg" width="250" height="323" id="i526" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">FRANCIS W. WALKER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Following is one of the extracts from Most’s book:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Shield your person as long as there is a possibility to preserve it for future deeds, but -when you see that you are irredeemably lost, then use the short respite to make the most of -it for the propaganda of your principles. We have regarded it our duty to give you these -instructions, the more so as we see from day to day -even people who are expert in revolutionary matters -violating even the plainest rules. May their -lives be the last which are necessary in this regard.</p> - -<p class="p1">“I read you, gentlemen, this, so that -we may start out from the proper standpoint -and position, before we argue as to -the merits of the testimony of the defendants’ -witnesses in this case. Who are -they? Who is their advisor? Why, they -have started out in social life agreeing to -swear to perjury. They belong to the -Social Revolution. There is not one of -them, gentlemen, that bears upon his face -the stamp of sensibility or of heart, and -there can be no argument made when -they talk about the motive to justify murder -and the advice of murder, only from -the malignant heart. Here they picture -murder and gloat over it. They feast -over the description of how to poison -easiest, as the hyena does over the corpse of the dead.</p> - -<p>“Most laughs in his own book. He tells to the ‘mere compositor’: -‘Use a dagger with grooves in it; the poison will stay on it the more -readily.’ And a file is adopted for the purpose.</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen, we have found without any further analysis the reason why -the defendant Parsons converted the witness-stand into a propaganda. It -took him an hour by the clock here to repeat the substance of the speech -that he delivered in less than three-quarters of an hour upon the Market -Square. He endeavored to deny the conspiracy by an alibi; and I mean -by that the conspiracy upon the night of May 4th. He only said he was in -Cincinnati on Sunday, and did not get back until Tuesday morning. They -never asked him if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant. They did not ask Schwab -if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant. The only defendant that they have asked -as to his personal knowledge of ‘Ruhe’ is the defendant Fielden—the only -one, the only one from the beginning to the close of this case.</p> - -<p>“Was there a conspiracy? There has been a conspiracy existing in this -community to overthrow the law of the State of Illinois by force, for years<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[527]</a></span> -and years. In 1885, upon the anniversary of the birth of George Washington, -in the city of Grand Rapids, the arch-conspirator in this case—because -he is the one that is the most contemptible—said in the city of Grand Rapids—I -refer you now to the testimony of Mr. Moulton and George Schook: -‘There are three thousand men, armed, in the city of Chicago, secretly -drilled. They are known by numbers and not by names. Whoever wishes -to join may join, but before you have joined you cannot know their secrets, -Mr. Moulton. There will be a revolution when the eight-hour movement -takes place. We will favor the eight-hour not because we believe in it, but -because it will assist us in the social revolution, and the eight-hour movement -will occur on or about the 1st of May, 1886. If I fail, I shall be -hanged.’ And then the man that puts the word ‘Ruhe’ for the purpose -of this case on the shoulder of Fischer, compares himself to George Washington, -and in his grotesque and horrible vanity says: ‘I am a rebel, and if -I don’t succeed I shall be hanged.’</p> - -<p>“On October, 17, 1885, in the city of Chicago, at the West Twelfth Street -Turner Hall, August Spies again, in a public meeting, admitted the great -conspiracy and again foreshadowed the coming revolution on the first of -May; and this was published by his coördinate editor in the <i>Alarm</i>, at the -same office, 107 Fifth Avenue, Mr. Parsons.</p> - -<p>“The defendant Spies has been upon the stand. He only denied as to -a conspiracy, and never whispered a word of denial except when he got to -the word ‘Ruhe.’ Without explanation he could never escape the effect -of that word, and his explanation is the evidence of his guilt; he tried to -put that on Fischer.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“August Spies was introduced at this point and offered the following resolutions: Whereas, -a general move has been started among the organized wage-workers of this country for the -establishment of an eight-hour work-day, to begin on May 1, 1886; whereas, it is to be -expected that the class of professional idlers, the governing class who prey upon the bone and -marrow of the useful members of society, will resist this attempt by calling to their assistance -the Pinkertons, the police and State militia: Therefore, be it</p> - -<p class="pbq">“<i>Resolved</i>, That we urge upon all wage-workers the necessity of procuring arms before the -inauguration of the proposed eight-hour strike, in order to be in a position of meeting our foe -with their own argument, force.</p> - -<p class="p1">“Here is shown the sincerity of these men in their endeavor to ameliorate -the laborer—as they call it, the wage-worker.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Resolved, That while we are skeptical in regard to the benefits that will accrue to the wage-worker -from the introduction of the eight-hour work-day, we nevertheless pledge ourselves to -aid and assist our brethren of this class with all that lies in our power as long as they show -an open and defiant front to our common enemy, the labor-devouring class of aristocratic -vagabonds, the brutal murderers of our comrades in St. Louis, Chicago and Philadelphia -and other places. Our war-cry is, ‘Death to the enemy of the human race, our despoilers.’</p> - -<p class="p1">“What does that mean? It was published in the <i>Alarm</i>. Was there a -conspiracy, gentlemen, against the police on the first day of May, 1886? -After the reading, these resolutions were received with round after round -of applause, and the chair was about to put a vote, when Mr. J. K. Magie -arose and said that he understood a discussion of them to be in order. He -denounced the revolutionary character of the resolutions. He believed -that six hours of labor was enough! This man was a labor agitator and believes -in the amelioration of labor. ‘This is the best form of government -that ever existed,’ he said of this Republic. He is an American citizen and -believes in the institutions of his country. ‘If there are abuses, there is a -proper way to correct them. Eighty per cent. of the voting population are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[528]</a></span> -working people; they should strike with the ballot and not with the bullet.’ -Then this ameliorator of labor, August Spies, supposed that Mr. Magie did -not like the terms in which the members of the Government were referred -to. The reason of this was that Mr. Magie was one of those political vagabonds -himself. There were nine millions of the best people engaged in the -industrial trades of this country. There were but one million of them as -yet organized—one million, and by the way, that is significant in the fact -that these men fought to achieve this result all over the country. Schnaubelt -had said at 54 West Lake Street the night before, the 3d of May, ‘We -must telegraph our success to all the other cities throughout the country.’</p> - -<p>“To make the movement in which they were engaged—the eight-hour -movement for the 1st of May—a successful one, it must be a revolutionary -one. ‘Don’t let us,’ he exclaimed, ‘forget the most forcible argument, the -gun and dynamite.’</p> - -<p>“Was there a conspiracy? Turn to the cross-examination of Wilkinson -by Capt. Black, and find that part where Wilkinson said he had heard Joe -Gruenhut say that the revolution that Spies spoke of was to occur, the conflict -was actually to occur on the 1st or after the 1st of May, 1886. This -was brought out by Capt. Black himself on cross-examination of this witness. -In the first place you must remember that Lingg was in this country -before the Christmas of 1885, between the 1st day of January and the -14th day of January. The Czar bomb, but six or eight weeks after Lingg -came here, was handed to Wilkinson by Spies—the twin, the same bomb -in general construction and general make-up as that used at the Haymarket -on that night, made by Lingg on the afternoon of that day, or filled with -dynamite on the afternoon of that day.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Following this Mr. Walker reviewed Parsons’ utterances in the <i>Alarm</i>, -quoting many of them. He argued that it was this sort of language and -the dynamite bomb at the Haymarket which accounted for the failure of the -eight-hour movement in the United States.</p> - -<p>Coming to August Spies, he read from the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> the following -characteristic <i>morceau</i>:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“‘Six months ago, May 4th, when the eight-hour movement began’—this -is in Spies’ own handwriting—‘there were speakers and journals of -the I. A. A.’—that is the International Arbeiter Association—‘who proclaimed -and wrote: “Workingmen, if you want to see the eight-hour system -introduced, arm yourselves. If you don’t do this you will be sent home -with bloody heads, and the birds will sing May songs upon your graves.” -“That is nonsense,” was the reply. “If the workingmen are organized -they will gain the eight-hour in their Sunday clothes.” Well, what do you -say now? Were we right or wrong? Would the occurrence of yesterday -have been possible if our advice had been followed? Wage-workers, yesterday -the police of this city murdered at McCormick’s factory four of your brothers, -and wounded more or less,’ etc. ‘If the brothers who defended themselves -with stones (a few of them had little snappers in the shape of revolvers) -had been provided with good weapons and one single dynamite bomb, -not one of the murderers would have escaped their well-merited fate.’</p> - -<p>“The police went up there; they were nearly being murdered with -stones; the mob were throwing at them before they ever fired a shot; and -this man the next day writes: ‘Had they’—the mob—‘been provided<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[529]</a></span> -with good weapons and one single dynamite bomb, not one of the murderers -would have escaped his well-deserved fate.’ Then see: ‘As it was, -only four of them were disfigured. That is too bad.”</p> - -<p>“Here, here is a man that has no design upon the police, don’t believe -in force. ‘That is too bad. The massacre of yesterday took place in order -to fill the forty thousand workingmen of this city with fear and terror; -took place in order to force back,’ etc. ‘ Will they succeed in this? Will -they not find at last that they have miscalculated? The near future will -answer this question. We will not anticipate the course of events with -surmises.’</p> - -<p>“That is what he himself said. If one single bomb had been used it -would have been different. He sees these eight thousand men at his back, -returns immediately to the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and writes out this, -(indicating the Revenge circular). What did he mean? What did he -mean? ‘Revenge.’ He says he did not write the word ‘Revenge’ in -English. <i>Rache, Rache</i>, Revenge, Revenge—he never denied that he wrote -it in the German language, nor any witness for him; but it makes no -difference whether he wrote it, or whether he did not write it. He wrote -‘To arms;’ he says, ‘To arms, workingmen, to arms.’ What does that -mean? Did anybody say at the Haymarket, ‘Here come the bloodhounds; -you do your duty and I will do mine’? Let us see. ‘The bloodhounds’ -was the common expression from the lips of these defendants as the designation -for the police. Spies says in English—did he mean this or -didn’t he?”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Walker here read the text of the “Revenge” circular, both the -English and German versions, as given in a previous chapter, and continued:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Is that meaningless? ‘To arms, we call you to arms.’ Why, it is the -cry of the revolutionist; it is the cry of the Communist; it is the cry of the -Anarchist; it is the cry of Spies and Parsons—‘To arms, to arms!’ And -yet the English was tame in comparison to the German version.</p> - -<p>“Did they have no design upon individuals in this conspiracy? Why, -they had the most awful, damning malice against the police. It was the -motive-hunting of a motiveless malignity. Without reason and without cause -they had individualized the police; but Bonfield for the second time stood -in the way of the Social Revolution. Just see how it forces up the blood -of this social revolutionist: ‘The bloodhounds, the police are at you, in -order to cure you, with bullets, of your dissatisfaction. Slaves, we ask, we -conjure you by all that is sacred and dear to you, avenge’—what does -that mean? What difference does it make whether he wrote revenge at -the head of this circular or not? He wrote it in it. What did it mean? -What did those conspirators mean?</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Avenge the atrocious murder which has been committed upon your brothers to-day, -and which will be likely to be committed upon you to-morrow. Avenge, laboring men. -Hercules, you have arrived at the cross-way. Which way will you decide, for slavery and -hunger, or for freedom and bread? If you decide for the latter, then don’t delay a moment. -Then, people, to arms! Annihilation, annihilation to the beasts in human form who call -themselves your rulers. Uncompromising annihilation to them. This must be your motto. -Think of the heroes whose blood has fertilized the road to progress, liberty and humanity, -and strive to become worthy of them. Your brothers.</p> - -<p class="p1">“Thousands of these were circulated throughout the city. Does that -mean that there was a conspiracy and no malice against individuals?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[530]</a></span></p> - -<p>“And then on Monday night a meeting at 54 West Lake Street took -place, which has not been denied, and there were Lingg and Engel and -Fischer. Engel’s plan was again reiterated; Lingg was to make the bombs, -and Lingg was there to say he could make the bombs. He may have been -to the Carpenters’ meeting before that. When he left the 54 West Lake -Street meeting, he met Lehman upon the way home—Gustav Lehman, who -testified he got the bombs from Lingg—and he said to Lehman, ‘If you -want to know anything, you come to 58 Clybourn Avenue to-morrow night.’ -In response to the question, ‘What has been going on in the meeting at 54 -West Lake Street, in the basement?’</p> - -<p>“At that meeting at 54 West Lake Street were represented all the -different Socialistic and Anarchistic organizations. ‘Y, Come Monday -night,’ had brought delegates, according to Waller’s testimony, from every -group in the city. The West Side, the South Side, Southwest Side, the -North Side, every group was represented, and the Lehr und Wehr Verein -also had its delegates. The plan was arranged that on to-morrow, if the -revolution took place in the daytime, and the conflict had occurred, the -word ‘Ruhe’ should be published, all the men should be at their outlying -groups ready to annihilate the police, the fire department, to cut the telegraph -wires, and to prevent communication with the central meeting at the -Haymarket. Waller had suggested that this meeting be at Market Square; -Fischer says: ‘No; that is a mouse trap; we will make it the Haymarket.’ -And then Spies takes it up north of the alley, north of the intersection -of the street—and, by the way, that block has more alleys than perhaps -any other block in the city of Chicago, and more means of escape—and -locates that meeting just where he had located the street battle in his -description to Mr. Wilkinson, and as Parsons had explained street warfare -in the <i>Alarm</i>.</p> - -<p>“Who called the meeting at the Haymarket to order on Desplaines -Street beyond the alley? Spies. He had written with his own hand the -word ‘Ruhe.’ He was after the social revolution. Why did he move the -meeting to that place if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant? Why was he there -at all if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant? He has told. Why was he on the -wagon if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant? Why didn’t he notify the police, -if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant, not to come to that meeting? Why had he -said upon the wagon, ‘If you want to do anything, why don’t you do it and -say nothing?’ if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant? Why did he leave his -revolver before he ever got to that meeting unless he knew what ‘Ruhe’ -meant? He follows out his own instructions in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, on that -subject, when some one wrote:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“In the action itself one must be personally at the place to select personally that point -on the place of the action and that part of the action which are the most important and are -coupled with the greatest danger, upon which depend chiefly the success or failure of the -whole affair.</p> - -<p class="p1">“And he selected the place himself. Fischer says: ‘No, the Market -Square is a mouse trap,’ and they named they Haymarket, and Spies -designates the place of meeting and publishes the word ‘Ruhe;’ and then -it is expected from twenty-five to forty thousand people will be at the meeting -on Haymarket Square. Eight thousand had rebelled at McCormick’s; -the skirmish lines had met, and it was expected that there would be twenty-five -thousand at the Haymarket on that night; but there were not, and for -that reason this mob was not dispersed. The police could not see at any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[531]</a></span> -time a meeting so large as to be beyond their control, but when this meeting -became boisterous it was after ten o’clock, two hours later than the -meeting was called for. If the police had been but two hours earlier in -dispelling the meeting the flames would have been lighted out at Wicker -Park; the instrument of fire described in Herr Most’s book, and found at -Wicker Park, was for that purpose. The Northwestern group was to meet -at Wicker Park, and come down past North Avenue Station. The North Side -group was to annihilate the North Side Station, and Lingg was at his post -of duty for that purpose.</p> - -<p>“Was there a conspiracy? They take the word and Spies publishes it. -He says in explanation: ‘Among the announcements it came to me by no -person of whom I am aware, no one about whom I know anything.’ No -questions were asked. In this way the mere editor, Spies, publishes in -the Briefkasten the word ‘Ruhe’ prominently. The Briefkasten is -used to answer private correspondence, personal letters and editorials, -or it is used to place the advertisements of secret meetings in, -and for no other purpose. ‘Y—Come Monday night,’ is found in the Letter-box -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. That is a secret thing, and means that the -armed groups shall meet at 54 West Lake Street. ‘Ruhe’ was an answer -to no correspondent; the word ‘Ruhe’ could enlighten no ignorant man on -the subject alone; and the editor-in-chief of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> picked up -a piece of paper and wrote ‘Ruhe’ on it without ever knowing what it -meant or where it came from, and says it was handed him among the labor -announcements: ‘Mr. Editor, please publish the word “Ruhe” in the Letter -box prominently.’ What tells you that it was a labor announcement? -Who ever said it was a labor announcement? ‘Ruhe,’ peace, rest, quiet—‘Ruhe’ -a labor announcement! Why, who said so? It would be lost if -put in the announcements of labor organizations. ‘Mr. Editor, publish -the word “Ruhe” in the column where you put “Y—Come Monday -night,” the secret sign of the armed sections, and publish it prominently.’ -Without a word he did so, and he asks you to believe it. Did he know -what ‘Ruhe’ meant? Why, he sent for Fischer, and Fischer told him it was -harmless. ‘Why,’ he said, ‘that is foolish, Fischer; don’t do that, don’t -do that.’ Rau had only told him that it meant: ‘Workmen, be at your -groups, keep yourselves armed and in preparation, so that if you are -attacked you can defend yourselves; workingmen, arm yourselves and be at -your groups.’ That is what Rau said ‘Ruhe’ meant, and, when asked, -Fischer says: ‘Why, that means, “Keep your powder dry,” that is all.’ -‘Well,’ he says, ‘Fischer, that is foolish; that is crazy; why, I cannot have -that.’ What did he think was foolish and crazy? To keep their powder -dry, when this man had said the day before, ‘Workingmen, arm yourselves, -arm yourselves!’ This is the explanation of the word ‘Ruhe.’</p> - -<p>“Did Parsons know of the conspiracy ‘Ruhe’? He was a party to the -great conspiracy, for he had cried about April 24th for the revolution upon -the 1st of May. That he has not denied; and to my mind he cuts one of -the worst figures in this case. He was born at least upon American soil, and -he stands here alone, alone amongst these vast hordes of witnesses who are -not citizens of our republic, and whose purpose is her destruction. Albert -R. Parsons is the only American, and he has no right, no right to belong to -that nationality. He never said he did not know of the conspiracy, and he -spoke of the 4th of May; it was said that night he staid away—by the way, -he left this out—‘I should be accused of cowardice;’ but he did say, ‘I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[532]</a></span> -would come if I were to die before morning.’ Did he know of the conspiracy? -Why, he had been in it for years. He published the order of -street fighting in his <i>Alarm</i>, foreshadowing the battle in his description; -and not only did he do that, but he made the alibi by calling at the American -group on that night, a group organized and holding a meeting for the -sewing girls when not a sewing girl was present, with no one there but a -Nihilist, a Communist, a Socialist and an Anarchist. Mrs. Parsons was -there and Mrs. Holmes. Where was any sewing girl?</p> - -<p>“And here I want to ask you if, after hearing all the proof in this case; -if, after reading Most’s ‘Revolutionary War,’ the instructions to the Nihilists -and Anarchists; if after reading the <i>Alarm</i> here; if, after hearing the -testimony of the witnesses, you will here and to-day say that the men lied -who on that night stood when Captain Bonfield said ‘Fall in’—stood there -when the concussion had riven to the earth sixty of Chicago’s noblest men -because they had courage. When, out of the hundred and eighty, sixty lay -wounded on the ground, the other one hundred and twenty killed the revolution -with one blow. The men whose lives were spared fell in, and not a -man has lived to say there was a coward in the whole one hundred and -eighty.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">In the same manner he went through the evidence proving the guilt of -Schwab, Fielden and Neebe.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Was Engel in the conspiracy? He proposed the plan at both -meetings. He said to Captain Schaack, at the Chicago Avenue Station, -that ‘what was in him had to come out,’ and he called it the dangerous -power of internal eloquence. He planned the conspiracy of the Emma Street -meeting, and has been an Anarchist for years, and instructor in the use of -weapons, and adviser in the making of bombs. He not only was that, but -he absolutely and unqualifiedly advised the Socialists to buy weapons for -the express purpose of killing the police, maiming them, and then with all -the cunning of a conspirator who has placed his neck within the noose, on -the morning of the 4th of May he finds this infernal machine and takes it -to the Chief of Police, and then comes the exhibition between Captain Bonfield -and the leading counsel for the defense on that proposition. The -counsel says: ‘He brought it to you freely,’ and he emphasized it, and -then the tinner came, and the counsel says: ‘What is there about this -piece of iron that makes you identify it? You only made that sheet; is -that all? You just cut a piece of iron off for Mr. Engel.’ The witness says: -‘Please look at the mark on the inside; that is my mark.’ Was Engel in -the conspiracy?</p> - -<p>“Was Fischer, the lieutenant of Spies, in the conspiracy? Was Fischer, -the messenger of Spies to the meeting at 54 West Lake Street, in the conspiracy? -He was at the office on Monday afternoon between five and six -o’clock, when the ‘Revenge’ circular was printed, and from there he went -to 54 West Lake Street. Was he in the conspiracy—the man with the -revolver nearly two feet long, and with the file dagger with grooves? What -does that mean? Why, prussic acid evaporates; it dries off the instrument. -‘Use something with grooves.’ And the revolutionists must use files that -are ground down, in order to have an instrument that is capable of holding -poison. If you remember, there was another file dagger found in the office -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> besides this one. Verdigris, which anyone can -easily produce by dipping copper or brass into vinegar, and exposing it to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[533]</a></span> -the atmosphere, may also be mixed with gum arabic and applied to weapons, -but the weapons ought to be grooved, so that the poison will remain on -easier and in larger quantities. That is the explanation of the file dagger -and the revolver. Was Fischer in the conspiracy, with the Lehr und Wehr -Verein belt strapped upon his person, and traveling in the streets of the city -of Chicago with an armament worse than any Western outlaw—because no -outlaw ever carried on his person a dagger grooved, the slightest scratch of -which meant death. It was conceived by nobody except the mind of the -revolutionist and lieutenant of Spies.</p> - -<p>“Was Lingg in the conspiracy? He made the very bomb that was used -on that night, and it was used on that night in furtherance of the common -design. Do you remember the analysis of that bomb? Do you remember -the nuts used to fasten the half-globes together, identical with the one found -in the wounded man upon the night of May 4? Do you remember Neff’s -testimony and Seliger’s testimony—that after the bomb had been thrown, and -Lingg was at 58 Clybourn Avenue, some one accused him and said: ‘You -are responsible for all this—see what you have done’? Hubner said: -‘You are responsible for all this.’ This does not come from the lips of any -indicted man, but from the lips of Mr. Neff, the proprietor at the place 58 -Clybourn Avenue. Then Louis Lingg goes home and complains because he -has been upbraided for his good work in this case, and then he flees, -changes his appearance—and he is the only living man that changes his -appearance in this case except the bomb-thrower. They are the two who -shaved and cut their hair—Louis Lingg and Rudolph Schnaubelt. Was -Lingg in the conspiracy? He was not only in the conspiracy, but he did -everything in the world to carry out his part of it that night. ‘Lehman, -you come to 58 Clybourn Avenue to-night, and you will find out what the -meeting in the basement at 54 meant.’ And Lehman came, and on the next -day he was at Lingg’s house, and bomb after bomb was distributed from -that place before night. Where was Lingg in the morning, between eight -and one? Looking after the revolution in the central part of the city. Men -coming and going all day after bombs and with bombs—as Mrs. Seliger -says—all day long, taking them away from that place.</p> - -<p>“‘Seliger, make haste!’ ‘Hubner, make haste!’ ‘Muntzenberg, -make haste!’ ‘Put the cloth over your heads so that you can’t get headache. -Make haste. These bombs must be done so as to be used to-night!’ -What a nice thing it would be, as he and Seliger stood at the corner of -North Avenue and Larrabee Street, to throw a bomb in that station, Lingg -says. Then it is 10:30, and the telephone has called for assistance from -the North Avenue Station, and the patrol wagon goes out, and there stand -Lingg and Seliger with bombs, and Lingg says, ‘Seliger, give me a light; -they are going to the assistance of the others. It has happened; the -revolution has come. Give me a light’—and here I am reminded that -when a man throws a bomb in furtherance of the social revolution they do -it by twos; one furnishes the light and the other throws the bomb. And this -shows that it was not a solitary and single instance that occurred in the -alley south of Crane’s when a match was lighted and Schnaubelt threw the -bomb. The same thing was duplicated by Lingg and Seliger when Seliger -was to furnish the light and Lingg throw the bomb. It was only because -Seliger hesitated that those men were not killed by Lingg at North Avenue. -Was Lingg in this conspiracy then? Why, he fled the next day, and he is -the man who had the courage to give up all hope. You see, Lingg is a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[534]</a></span> -practical annihilator. He don’t believe in preaching; he believes in acting, -and not only believes in it, but he will do it at any time. He saw Schuettler -come into the room and jumped upon him the moment he passed the door, -with one of those large revolvers. And then you will remember the fight -and struggle there. Most’s book says when there is a possibility to annihilate -an opposing party, or where it becomes a question of life and death, -that death or resistance, or both, are advisable.</p> - -<p>“That is the advice that Lingg acted on and that Spies acted on, but: -‘If you are sure that the arrest is made only on vague suspicion, then submit -to the inevitable. It is easier in such case to extract yourself again. Prove -an alibi.’ Was Lingg in this conspiracy? Was it a Lingg bomb? Hubner, -Neff and Seliger swear that Hubner said to Lingg, ‘You are responsible -for this, Louis Lingg,’ and they had a dispute and a violent discussion -when it was discovered there. After he tries to throw the bomb at the -station he goes home and he sees ‘Ruhe,’ and he is almost crazy, and he -wants to go to the Haymarket, and he goes back to 58 Clybourn Avenue -and finds that it is over and that the revolution is not accomplished; and -then he gets angry because he is upraided as the one to blame for the whole -thing. ‘You have done this,’ Hubner tells him. Hubner was there all -day and helped to make bombs, and Muntzenberg and the Lehmans were -in and out all day. Was it Louis Lingg’s bomb?”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Walker then made a close examination of the evidence in rebuttal, -and closed his magnificent address with a high tribute to the valor of the -police and their services to law and order.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[535]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXIX.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Argument for the Defendants—“Newspaper Evidence”—Bringing -about the Social Revolution—Arson and Murder—The Right to Property—Evolution -or Revolution—Dynamite as an Argument—The Arsenal at 107 Fifth Avenue—Was it all -Braggadocio?—An Open Conspiracy—Secrets that were not Secrets—The Case -Against the State’s Attorney—A Good Word for Lingg—More About “Ruhe”—The -“Alleged” Conspiracy—Ingham’s Answer—The <i>Freiheit</i> Articles—Lord Coleridge on -Anarchy—Did Fielden Shoot at the Police?—The Bombs in the Seliger Family—Circumstantial -Evidence in Metal—Chemical Analysis of the Czar Bomb—The Crane’s -Alley Enigma.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap08">ON the morning of August 12, Mr. Sigismund Zeisler opened his argument -on behalf of the defendants. In view of the desperate condition -of his case Mr. Zeisler made an able and ingenious plea. His argument -occupied a whole day.</p> - -<p>During the morning hour, he elaborated at some length upon his theory -of the law, and claimed that it was not only necessary to establish that the -defendants were parties to a conspiracy, but it was also necessary to show -that somebody who was a party to that conspiracy had committed an act in -pursuance of that conspiracy. Besides that it was essential that the State -should identify the principal. This, he held, was the law of the State and of -the land and of the Constitution of the United States. If the principal is -not identified, then no one could be held as accessory. Upon this theory -the case should stand or fall, and it was for this reason that the defense -endeavored to impeach the testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, as that testimony, -he maintained, was vital for the case. Mr. Walker, he said, had -stated that there was a conspiracy to inaugurate the social revolution on -the 1st of May, citing in support of the claim the conversation between -Spies and Moulton at Grand Rapids, a resolution adopted at the West -Twelfth Street Turner Hall in October, 1885, and a conversation between -Spies and Reporter Wilkinson; but after showing the general drift of those -conversations and the tenor of the resolutions, Mr. Zeisler contended that -the reports of these matters in the newspapers at the time could not be -accepted as evidence, as newspapers are frequently given to misstatements. -Then, referring to the testimony given by the parties named, he said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Now, what does that testimony amount to?—the testimony of Mr. -Moulton, the testimony of Mr. Wilkinson and the testimony in regard to -the resolutions adopted at the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall? Nothing -but the fact which is known to all Chicago, that the laboring classes had -combined to fight for an eight-hours’ work-day on and after the 1st of May. -That is one thing. And another thing, as far as these resolutions are concerned, -that it was resolved that, inasmuch as the workingmen had to anticipate -that the employers would call out the police and militia against them,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[536]</a></span> -that they should arm themselves to meet the employers by the same means -that they, the employers, used.</p> - -<p>“Now, further than that, Mr. Spies has spoken with Mr. Moulton and -with Mr. Wilkinson about the coming social revolution; and when asked -by Mr. Moulton, ‘How can you ever accomplish such a result? How can -you ever bring about the social revolution? Under what circumstances -can it be done?’ he says it can be done at a time when the workingmen -will be unemployed. Substantially the same thing was said to Mr. Wilkinson -at the time of that interview last January. Now, the State’s Attorney -and his associates argue to you that Spies said himself the social revolution -is coming. When is it coming? On the 1st of May. Can that be -taken literally?”</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-536.jpg" width="250" height="321" id="i536" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">SIGISMUND ZEISLER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Zeisler held that in the progress of the civilized world a social revolution -was inevitable, not by the use of dynamite -or force, but by the peaceable forces -at work among the people.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Now, the attorneys for the State talk -to you about the social revolution, and try -to make you believe that the social revolution -means bombs and dynamite, and killing -and arson and murder and all crimes that -we know of. Mr. Fielden on the stand gave -the proper expression. Asked whether he -believed in the revolution, he said: ‘Yes, -in the evolutionary revolution.’ And I tell -you, gentlemen of the jury, this social revolution -is coming—this social revolution in -the sense in which Webster defines the word -Socialism.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Zeisler next said that they had not -denied that the defendants had declared -that they would head a procession to go and -sack Marshall Field’s or Kellogg’s store, because it was a fact, but asked if -after such advice any one of them had taken the lead in any such procession. -“No, sir,” he said. “They went and armed themselves with beer. -That is what they did.” On the night of the Board of Trade opening, -Parsons and Fielden proposed to lead the crowd to attack the groceries and -clothing houses, but what did they do? They gracefully retired into the -room of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office and were interviewed by a reporter about -the terrible effects of a fulminating cap. Did any one come up and inquire -why they had not led the procession to those places? They did not, as -everybody understood what was meant. Mr. Zeisler continued:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The listeners of these people are not very highly educated men. They -are laboring men who, raised in poor families, did not have the benefits of -a collegiate education; men who since that time worked at manual labor -from the early morning until the late evening. They could not in the nature -of things be very intelligent and highly cultivated and educated. Now,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[537]</a></span> -Fielden and Parsons and Spies could not talk to those men by stating to -them abstract principles of social science; but they told them: ‘Here, -look at this state of things. There is a man who owns three hundred million -dollars; there is another man who owns one hundred million. You -starve, you get starvation wages. Is that a just condition of things? -Now, I tell you, Mr. Marshall Field, who owns twenty-five millions of dollars, -has no right to own them. I tell you, you have a right to take from the -property which he has accumulated; part of it belongs to you. By natural, -by equitable laws this man is not entitled to live in a palace while you -starve. I am going to lead you down, if you want me, at once, and we -will supply our wants from there.’ What is that? Is that an offer to go -there? Is that an advice to go there? It is an illustration, as you give it -in school to a child which cannot understand abstract principles of science. -When they say to them: ‘You have a right to take from Marshall Field -and Kellogg,’ that means simply in the present state of society that is -allowed, but this is not a just and equitable condition of affairs, and if it -were as it ought to be you would have a right to share with Marshall Field -what he owns. Take it in this common-sense view and don’t allow yourselves -to be deceived by declamations on the part of the attorneys for the -State.</p> - -<p>“Can a revolution be made? A revolution is a thing which develops -itself, but no single man nor a dozen of men can control the inauguration of -a revolution. The social revolution was fixed for the 1st of May! Just -think of it! The social revolution, the revolution by which the present state -of proprietary conditions should be changed all over the world, was to be -inaugurated by Mr. Spies and by Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fielden on the -first day of May! Has ever a ridiculous statement like that been made to -an intelligent jury? But all that is told you not because they believe it, but -because they want to make you blind to the real issues in this case, by telling -you that the social revolution was coming on the 1st of May, and that -Inspector Bonfield by his cry, ‘Fall in, fall in,’ on the night of May 4th, -saved the country from the social revolution; by that they want to deceive -you, they want to scare you, they want to show you the monstrosity of these -defendants. The social revolution to be brought about or inaugurated by -the throwing of a bomb on the night of May 4th! What do you take these -men for? Are they fools? Are they children? Don’t you see what their -ideal is, and the last aim and end of theirs? It is the social revolution, yes, -but not the social revolution brought about by the throwing of dynamite. -It is the social revolution which will give the poor man more rights and -which will do away with pauperism. And the means are left to the future; -but for the present, in order that you may be strong and respected and be -a power in the land, arm yourselves, organize. That is the meaning of it.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Zeisler then touched on the preparation of bombs and dynamite -for that social revolution, referring to the evidence showing the finding of -dynamite and bombs in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office. He held that Linnemeyer, -who calcimined the closet in which the bag of dynamite was found, -had proven that there was nothing of the kind there when he went in to -search for a brush just immediately preceding the arrival of the police. He -also pointed to a contradiction in the testimony of one of the officers that -the dynamite was found on a floor below that of the closet, in a room not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[538]</a></span> -used by Spies and not occupied by him at the time of the police search, -but in the counting-room, and then the subsequent correction by the officer, -on being recalled by the State, that the package was found in Spies’ editorial -room. In reference to the bombs there was no secrecy, and Spies -admitted that he had one more bomb than the police had discovered. That -information was volunteered on the witness-stand, and the possession of -those bombs explained.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“That is the testimony in regard to the arsenal of dynamite and bombs -and weapons of destruction at 107 Fifth Avenue, and Mr. Spies bragged -about three thousand revolutionists ready to throw bombs and to annihilate -the police. What was it? Braggadocio; the same object which all these -people had in advocating the use of force, in calling upon workingmen to -arm themselves, to organize, to buy weapons and all that sort of thing; and -the purpose for which they did it openly and publicly was the same purpose -Mr. Spies had in bragging that there were three thousand revolutionists—to -scare the capitalists, to scare them into yielding to the demands of the -workingmen, to try to induce them to make concessions to the laboring -classes, as Mr. Fielden said in his speech on the night of May the 4th. And -remember, gentlemen of the jury, that it has been testified to by all the -witnesses who spoke in regard to the speeches and articles of these men, -that they always made the same argument. Now, Mr. Fielden made the -same argument a hundred times before. ‘The employers will not like to -see dissatisfied workingmen in the community, and the laborer can get some -relief if the employers find that there are dissatisfied workingmen in the -city.’ That was the reason why they told them, ‘Arm yourselves and -organize.’ That was the reason why Mr. Spies bragged about the three -thousand revolutionists and about the bombs ready to be thrown; that was -the reason why he told Mr. Wilkinson all about their plans.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Zeisler ridiculed the idea that a social revolution was to have been -inaugurated with the dozens of bombs made by Lingg, and held there had -been no preparation for it. Coming to the question of conspiracy, he said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“What is a conspiracy? What were you used to understand by the -word conspiracy all your lifetime? Isn’t in the first place secrecy the test -of a conspiracy? Was there anything secret about the doings of these -men, or about their teachings and writings? When they vented their feelings -at 54 West Lake Street at the meeting of the American group and told -the people to go to Marshall Field’s and Kellogg’s, and offered to head the -procession, told them about their rights, told them to use force, told them -to arm themselves and to organize, the next morning the daily press of the -city of Chicago, which reaches five hundred thousand people, and the State’s -Attorney’s office, and the Mayor’s office, and the office of every authority in -the city of Chicago, were informed of it.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The speaker then proceeded to define conspiracy, and said that to constitute -a conspiracy “they must agree with one another to do an unlawful -act; one must have communicated the purpose to another, and the others -must have consented to it.” Nothing of this kind had been done. They -had simply propounded principles and expressed truths from their standpoint.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[539]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“You remember the testimony of Officer Trehorn, who saw the dynamite -and the caps and the fuse on the night of the inauguration of the Board of -Trade building, and who the next morning says he went to Lieutenant -Bedell of the Cottage Grove Avenue Station and told him all about it. If -that was a conspiracy, and that conspiracy has existed for three years, why -has the State’s Attorney, or his predecessor in office, yet not prosecuted -those who are parties to that conspiracy? The law of the State of Illinois -makes it his duty to prosecute every crime which comes to his knowledge. -He may plead that he has not known of it. If he did not, then it was culpable -negligence that he did not know it. If he will answer to you that as -long as those people did not do any overt act there was no reason for him -to interfere, then I say as long as these people have not done any overt act -there was no conspiracy. There is no way of escaping this consequence, -gentlemen of the jury; to every logical mind it is clear. Either the State’s -Attorney himself must plead guilty to the charge of the murder of Mathias J. -Degan, or every one of these defendants who cannot be shown to have -actually thrown or lighted the bomb must be acquitted. If it was not conspiracy -then, if they had committed a crime up to the 4th of May for which -it was the duty of the State’s Attorney to prosecute them, then what have -they added to make their doings murder—to make them amenable to the -law on a charge for the highest and gravest offense, the most heinous crime -known to law?”</p> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Zeisler next turned his attention to the special conspiracy entered -into by a number of persons at No. 54 West Lake Street and held that of -all the defendants it had only been shown that Engel and Fischer were -present. He denied that Lingg was there or that any evidence had been -introduced to prove it. He scored Waller and reviewed some of his testimony, -taking occasion to call the attention of the jury to the fact that the -man testified that the signal word “Ruhe” was not mentioned in connection -with the Haymarket meeting. Next he alluded to the places where some -of the witnesses for the State and some of those present at 54 West Lake -Street had been on the night of May 4, and spoke of Engel being at home -enjoying a social glass of beer, and the others widely scattered. “The only -evidence of a conspiracy was that of Seliger, who testified that Lingg had -asked him if he should throw a bomb. Fischer and others who saw the -word ‘Ruhe’ in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> did not go to Wicker Park, but went -elsewhere. What does Waller’s testimony say? It says that on the appearance -of the word ‘Ruhe’ all should go to their meeting-places in the -outskirts of the city, and that none of them were to be at the Haymarket -except the observation committee.”</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Has ‘Ruhe’ any reference to the Haymarket meeting? Does it not -rather show that the parties who conspired there were not to take part in -the Haymarket meeting at all? What, then, has the evidence in regard to -that meeting got to do with the case? That much (illustrating by snapping -the fingers).</p> - -<p>“Now, to return for a moment to Lingg’s alleged attempt to throw a -bomb. Has there ever been heard such a ridiculous story as that? It is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[540]</a></span> -an absolute falsehood upon its face. A revolutionist, a true disciple of -Herr Most, goes out with bombs in his pocket, next to his friends, and takes -a walk, and when he goes to the station and wants to throw a bomb into -the station he isn’t even provided with a light to ignite the fuse; he has to -ask his friend, ‘Have you got a light?’ And the other one says he hasn’t -got it or makes some kind of excuse. Don’t you see that all that testimony -is given in order to show you, or in order that Mr. Seliger may show -himself to you as a highly moral person who has been the dupe of Lingg? -He, the man who has been an Anarchist for years and years—and his wife -herself says so—he has been persuaded by Lingg to make bombs, he has -been misled by Lingg, has been the dupe of Lingg. Seliger, the man with -a full beard (Seliger had a full beard at the time of the trial), -a man of over thirty years, has been the dupe of this innocent-looking -fellow, Lingg! If one was the dupe of the other, then Lingg surely -was the dupe of Seliger. Seliger is the one who was arrested first. In -order to save his own worthless neck, he betrays his friend and companion -and swears against him, and upon the testimony of these treacherous lips -you are asked to convict Lingg.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Zeisler maintained that he had shown that there was no conspiracy, -no general conspiracy, and insisted that the alleged conspiracy of May 3 -had no reference whatever to the Haymarket meeting; that the throwing of -the bomb at the Haymarket meeting was in direct contradiction of the -agreement by the conspirators of May 3, and if one of them had done it, -he would have done contrary to the conspiracy. He then spoke of the object -of the Haymarket gathering and said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“It was called for the purpose of denouncing the atrocious act of the -police in shooting down their brethren at the McCormick factory. That -was the only purpose of the meeting, as Mr. Waller testified. Of course -his testimony is the one that the State relies upon mostly. Now, what was -the occasion of calling such a meeting to denounce the act of the police? -It was the meeting at McCormick’s factory.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The counsel then reviewed the testimony with reference to the meeting -near McCormick’s factory, pointing to the fact that no one had testified to -what Spies had actually said on that occasion, and maintained that not a -single witness had been produced to prove that Spies had then and there -incited men to riot. Witnesses for the State, he said, had shown that Spies -continued talking after many of the men had started toward McCormick’s -factory. Did any one suppose he would thus quietly continue speaking -there if he had precipitated that riot? Mr. Zeisler did not excuse the men -for stoning the factory—it was wrong—but he did not believe that gave -the right to the police to shoot at those excited people. Coming back to -the Haymarket, he read some of the testimony on the side of the State to -show that it was an ordinary, peaceable meeting, and then said that on the -day Spies wrote the “Revenge” circular Parsons was on his way back from -Cincinnati and Fielden in a suburban town in a quarry. He next proceeded -to show that there was no connection with the printing of the “Revenge<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[541]</a></span>” -circular and the Monday night meeting, and said Spies knew nothing -about the call for that meeting. He closed by saying that the circular -meant simply the same thing that Fielden and Parsons meant in their -speeches on the evening of May 4, and that meaning, he said, he had made -plain in the earlier part of his address.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. George C. Ingham</span>, special counsel for the State, followed next. -His argument was clear, concise and to the point. He opened by citing the -law in the case, reading numerous authorities with reference to conspiracies -and commenting thereon at some length. One authority he read was “Russell -on Crimes,” to show that it was simply putting in the shape of a -statute that which the common law already declares to be an offense, and -then cited a case which arose not many years ago upon that very statute:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Johann Most, in the city of London, was indicted, because while there -he published a paper advocating the assassination of the crowned heads of -other countries. He was indicted under that statute, and he was convicted -by a jury. The case went to their highest court, and I wish now to read -you what the Justice of that court says as to what is meant by a solicitation -to murder.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The opinion of Lord Coleridge was read, and Mr. Ingham continued:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“You, gentlemen, will remember that that paper (<i>Die Freiheit</i>) is now -published in the city of New York. The sentence is not given in the report -I read. The custom is in England that before a sentence is pronounced, -in case an appeal is taken, that is first passed upon, and after that the -sentence is pronounced. That case was decided in 1881. Shortly after -that John Most came to America. They probably thought the best thing -they could do with him was to pass upon him a light sentence and ship -him. At any rate they landed him here, and he started his <i>Freiheit</i> paper -in New York.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Ingham next read the case of <i>Cox</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, from the Illinois -Reports, and continued:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Now, apply the law which I have read to the facts of this case. It -appears in evidence in this case from the documents which I have read to -you that these men—Schwab, Fischer and Parsons—were from time to -time in this city publishing articles printed in papers which they owned, for -the publishing of which Spies paid, and which they declared to be their own, -in which they advised the destruction of the police of this city by force, in -which they advised workingmen from time to time to arm themselves with -dynamite and be ready whenever a conflict came to destroy the police of -this city by force. For the publication of any one of those articles, if the -law had been correctly understood, those men could have been convicted -and punished for a misdemeanor; and when on that night Fielden, in the -presence of the crowd, told the people before him assembled that the war -had come, that war had been declared, that they must arm themselves to -resist what he knew never had taken place, he was making a seditious address, -and for that reason, if for no other, the police force of this city had a -right to appear and disperse the meeting.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[542]</a></span></p> - -<p>“Fielden took the stand at the Haymarket, and until he concluded every -sentence he uttered was a sentence seditious in its character, and which, -under the decisions of the Supreme Court, would alone subject him to punishment -for misdemeanor. A trap had been laid—Spies laid it; Schwab -laid it; Fischer laid it; Engel laid it. A trap had been laid to bring out -the police force of this city, and that trap was baited by the speeches of -Parsons and Fielden. When the bait grew strong enough, the police did -come. The moment they got there—the moment they stood opposite that -alley, the moment their marching motion was stopped and they stood in -that position where the bomb could be thrown with unerring certainty, the -bomb came.</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-542.jpg" width="250" height="322" id="i542" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">GEORGE C. INGHAM.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“Now, who made that bomb? You, gentlemen, have heard the evidence -in this case, which is not disputed. I ask you, gentlemen, to remember that -so far I have not alluded to a single fact about which there is or can be any -dispute. It is uncontradicted in this case that Louis Lingg for months had -been making bombs of a certain construction. -It is uncontradicted that on the -morning of Tuesday Louis Lingg said to -Seliger that he must work hard all day; -that the bombs would be needed and could -be disposed of before night. It is in evidence -in this case that on that morning -Louis Lingg left that house and was gone -all the morning, and nothing has been -shown as to where he was. It is in evidence -that he came back at noon, and -because Seliger had filled only one bomb -and had then laid down on the bed and -gone to sleep, that Lingg upbraided him -and told him that this matter must be -hurried; and it is in evidence in this case -that all that afternoon after that time men -were coming and going to and from that -house and working at that house on those -bombs. Men came there whom Seliger -knew; men came there whom Seliger did -not know; men came there whom Mrs. Seliger knew; men came there -whom Mrs. Seliger did not know. She tells you that during the whole -of that day—Tuesday—men were coming and going to and from that -house. What for? We put one man on the stand who went to that house -in the afternoon—the witness Lehman. Lehman tells you that on Tuesday -he was working at his trade; that he quit his work at three o’clock in the -afternoon, instead of working until the afternoon was over; that he took -a fellow-countryman of his, whose name I have forgotten, and with him -went to Lingg’s house to buy a revolver; that they went to the house and -dickered first about the revolver, and then went back again, and when he -went back the second time Louis Lingg gave him dynamite—loaded -bombs, fuse and detonating caps; that during the day Louis Lingg was distributing -these bombs to different persons in the city.</p> - -<p>“I want to call your attention to those bombs of Lingg’s—admitted to -be his—bombs which he admitted to the officers that he himself made, and -which were found where he had sent them. Every one of those bombs is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[543]</a></span> -about three inches in diameter, as nearly as they could be made with the -rough material which he had. I want to call your attention to this bomb, -called the ‘Czar’ bomb, obtained from Spies. That bomb in its appearance -is composed of the same sort of material that Lingg’s bombs were. You -can see that the only difference is in the bolts; that the bolt in the ‘Czar’ -bomb was smaller than the bolt in the Lingg bomb. This bolt (exhibiting -same) would not be large enough to fasten together the three-inch bombs; -it would not quite reach through. Now, suppose that Louis Lingg had this -bolt in his possession and wanted to make a bomb for it, what would he do? -He would file off the edges here so as to make its diameter smaller. If you -will look at this bomb called the ‘Czar’ bomb, you will see that that is just -what has been done—the edges of it filed off, and it is just in the condition -it was, with the exception of this scraping here, when the reporter Wilkinson -got it. The result of that is that its diameter through here would be -shorter (indicating) than the diameter across there (indicating). What -else does that show? Of course, as this was filed off, it would lessen the -diameter of the bomb, and when you measure this you will find that that -only lacks the eighth of an inch of being the same size as the bombs found -in Lingg’s possession. In other words, if that had not been filed off as it -has been in order that this shorter bolt could be used, these bombs would -be identical in size.</p> - -<p>“What else is there in evidence in this case in regard to bolts? Seliger -tells you that he was sent after bolts that day, that he bought a lot of bolts. -They have been introduced in evidence. You, gentlemen, noticed it as -soon as they were introduced in evidence, that the nut found in the body -of the Socialist, and which came out of the bomb exploded at the Haymarket -Square, is identically the same sort of a nut as those found on the -bombs in Lingg’s possession on that day.</p> - -<p>“We have placed on the stand the two most eminent chemists in the -city of Chicago. Those gentlemen told you that they made examinations -of pieces of this ‘Czar’ bomb which they took from it themselves; that they -made examinations of pieces of the four bombs which came from Lingg, -and that they examined certain articles found in Lingg’s possession. And -what is the result? They told you that these bombs were not made of lead -alone; that they were not lead and solder alone; that there is not in the -city of Chicago or known to commerce any one article of which those -bombs could be made, but that they are made of a mixture—not only the -Lingg bombs, but the ‘Czar’ bomb. They tell you that three of the Lingg -bombs and the ‘Czar’ bomb contained identically the same constituents, -without any difference whatever so far as the constituents themselves are -concerned, and the only difference is that between those bombs there was a -slight difference in the amount of the tin and the amount of the lead. They -told you that in the ‘Czar’ bomb one per cent. or one and one-tenth per -cent. is tin; that in one of the Lingg bombs one and five-tenths per cent. -was tin; that in another of them two per cent. was tin. The point of it is -this: that every bomb was composed of a mixture and not of any one -metal; that the mixture in the bombs was as nearly identical as it could -be made by any man using the materials which Louis Lingg used, in the -way in which he used them. You will remember that he told Capt. Schaack -that he made these bombs with a mold made of clay; that he could only -mold one or two bombs, when he had to make a new mold. If you will -look on the inside of these bombs you will find that they were all made by a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[544]</a></span> -rough mold, just as you would expect from one made with a mold of clay; -the only difference being that in the case of the ‘Czar’ bomb it had been -filed off, as you can see, with a file, in order to smooth it.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Ingham then read the testimony of Walter S. Haines, one of the -chemists, and proceeded:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“One of these bombs which Louis Lingg admitted that he made differed -from the others in that it contained a trace of copper. In the trunk -of Louis Lingg was found this piece of metal, which he had undoubtedly -used in making that particular bomb, and which accounts for the trace of -copper in it, the point being that everything found in any one of those -bombs was found in some shape in Louis Lingg’s trunk and possession.</p> - -<p>“The answer to all this is that the bomb, instead of being thrown -from the alley, was thrown thirty-five feet south of the alley. What of it? -What if they have proven that? What if they have satisfied your minds -clearly that the bomb came from thirty-five feet south of the alley? Can -there be any question in the minds of any reasonable man that he who threw -that bomb, whether he stood in the alley or thirty-five feet south of the -alley, was one of the Anarchists associated with these men?</p> - -<p>“When that question is settled in your minds, that ends this case. We -have proven the conspiracy. It has not been denied. We have proven -that Degan died from the effects of that bomb; it has not been denied. -We have proven it by circumstances making it as clear as the daylight that -that bomb was thrown by one of the Anarchists, and when we have done -that we have proven this case—when we have done that we have sealed -the fate of these men, if jurors do their duty under the law as it is written -and declared.</p> - -<p>“There was a conspiracy. These men know it and have not denied it. -That bomb came from that conspiracy, and the moment it resulted in the -death of Degan the crime of conspiracy was merged in the crime of murder, -and every one of these men made amenable under the law.</p> - -<p>“The meeting came; the crowd did not. The Haymarket was covered -with little groups of people scattered around. Spies goes around and picks -out the place for the meeting, and, although he knew that the -word ‘Ruhe’ had been published, although he knew that these armed -groups were scattered all over this city, although he knew that Balthasar -Rau in an hour could not notify every man who knew of that plan, he himself -called it to order in the very place where the police force could be -massed together and the most enormous destruction done. He told Wilkinson -that it was discovered that bombs of composite metals were best, and -when on that fatal night the bomb was thrown seven men were killed and -sixty wounded, and to-day in a public hospital of this county, while these -men sit here decked with flowers, there is one man with eighteen drainage -tubes in his body. Was Spies right when he said that bombs of composite -metal were best?”</p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[545]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXX.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Foster and Black before the Jury—Making Anarchist History—The Eight -Leaders—A Skillful Defense—Alibis All Around—The Whereabouts of the Conspirators—The -“Peaceable Dispersion”—A Miscarriage of Revolutionary War—Average -Anarchist Credibility—“A Man will Lie to Save his Life”—The Attack on Seliger—The -Candy-man and the Bomb-thrower—Conflicting Testimony—A Philippic against -Gilmer—The Liars of History—The Search for a Witness—The Man with the Missing -Link—The Last Word for the Prisoners—Captain Black’s Theory—High Explosives -and Civilization—The West Lake Street Meeting—Defensive Armament—Engel -and his Beer—Hiding the Bombs—The Right of Revolution—Bonfield and Harrison—The -Socialist of Judea.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">MR. W. A. FOSTER was the next speaker, and he made a very strong -case for his clients—the strongest that could be made in face of -the many disadvantages under which he labored in view of the evidence -against the Anarchists. He is a fluent, easy and graceful talker and held -his facts well in hand. He began in a deliberate manner, and grew at -times, as he proceeded, quite eloquent in his exposition of the virtues of the -defendants. He was pointed and caustic sometimes, but he never seemed -to lose the purpose of making a strong impression on the jury. The opening -of his argument was largely devoted to showing that the Haymarket -meeting was not riotous or boisterous, but that it had been called for a -peaceable purpose. Then he said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Take the theory just suggested by the prosecution in this case, that -the time had come now that was conceived of years and years ago; the -time had come now which was suggested by August Spies at Grand Rapids, -Michigan, the time had come now which was foreseen in conversation had -with the various defendants to various newspaper reporters at various times -and various places; the time had come now when the attack could be made -that was to be incited by the McCormick meeting and the McCormick riot; -the time had come now when by reason of the gathering of the laboring -people at the Haymarket Square the attempt was to be made and the -response was to be made effectual; now history was to be written, now the -point had come when bowie knives, when sharpened files poisoned with -acids, when all of these implements of modern warfare, as we are told, were -to be turned loose upon the world; when property rights were to be -destroyed, when the police were to be killed, when any one aiding, assisting, -abetting, standing up for or protecting the law was to be ruthlessly slain. -The time had come. The men were there, the arrangements had been perfected, -the police were in line, halt was made, and they were commanded to -disperse. The time, the grand culmination of all the arrangements and -conspiracies and confederations for years back had arrived—the time when -the blow was to be struck which was to overturn civilization, which was to -overturn the country.</p> - -<p>“These eight men are the leaders, they tell us. They tell us that there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[546]</a></span> -are hundreds more that ought to have been indicted, and should be indicted—should -be prosecuted, and should be convicted, and should be destroyed. -But the time had come, and the leaders and their friends, having been preparing -for years, were ready. They courted the attack—they hailed the -day. They had pleaded for the opportunity, and the opportunity had now -arrived. Where are these men? Where are the men that were to take -charge and carry on the warfare that had been agreed upon for the last five -or six years, or longer, in the city of Chicago? Where were they? In the -first place, Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fischer are at Zepf’s Hall. Think of it! -For six long years they had been making their preparations for the attack; -for days and weeks and months they had sown and preached revolution; -the skirmish lines had met, and they were prepared; and still Parsons and -Fischer were quietly discussing matters between themselves over a glass of -beer at Zepf’s Hall. They were principals in this matter, leaders in the -overthrowing of the Government and the establishment of this idea. They -were at Zepf’s Hall, away from any scene -of action. Where is Engel? Engel, the -great conspirator—Engel, who made the -inflammatory speeches at Clybourn Avenue? -Quietly at home, engaged in a game -of cards with his friend—not there at all. -There is no man that pretends or claims -that Mr. Engel, at the time the bomb was -thrown, was at the Haymarket meeting or -near it.</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-546.jpg" width="250" height="321" id="i546" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">WILLIAM A. FOSTER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“Where was Schwab, one of the brainy -men of this conspiracy, a man whose pen -had added to its formation, whose genius -and whose brain had been instrumental in -bringing it about? An hour’s ride away, -at Deering, addressing a quiet meeting of -laboring men.</p> - -<p>“Where was Neebe? Neebe, one of -the leading conspirators, they tell us. He -is one of the eight heads, one of the chiefs -in the overthrow of the Government and -of property rights, and he was quietly at home. Lingg, the man who has -prepared the implements of warfare, the man who has taken the dynamite, -who has prepared the shells and loaded them, has inserted the caps and -the fuse and made all the preparations for the destruction of the police, for -the destruction of the militia and for the destruction of property everywhere—where -is Lingg? Wandering about upon Larrabee Street, in the -neighborhood of Clybourn Avenue.</p> - -<p>“Where is Spies and where is Fielden? Spies and Fielden, the only -remaining ones of the eight, are upon the wagon, in the presence of line -after line of the police, armed to the teeth, having not only the regulation -revolvers in their coat-pockets, but those of larger caliber, in some instances, -so far as some of the companies were concerned, in their belts. Those men -were quietly standing upon the wagon, right in sight and within the aim of -all of these murderous weapons, with the idea that an attack was to be made, -with the idea and knowledge that an assault was to take place, with the -idea and the knowledge that now the final blow was to strike which should<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[547]</a></span> -carry terror to the hearts of the capitalists and overturn society and government. -They were there, quietly arguing, arguing with the police in command -there, that the meeting was peaceable.</p> - -<p>“But they say, gentlemen, ‘Ruhe’ is a German word and means peace, -quiet, rest; that because it means quiet, therefore—this is what they intend -to have you believe—that because Fielden said, ‘This is a quiet meeting,’ -or that it was peaceable, or, ‘We are peaceable,’ that that was the watchword -which was to be an order in cipher to commence immediately an attack. -Now, gentlemen, I say that this is, in my opinion, an unfair deduction; it is -an unfair conclusion. The testimony all agrees that Captain Ward appeared -there and said: ‘In the name of the people of the State of Illinois, I command -you to quietly and peaceably disperse.’ That was the expression—‘I -command you to peaceably disperse’—to which Mr. Fielden replied: ‘We -are peaceable,’ or ‘This is a peaceable meeting, Captain.’ Could anything -be more natural than that that reply should be made? Suppose, gentlemen, -now, that the theory of the prosecution is right; suppose that it was -the grand beginning of an uncertain end; suppose that it was the culmination -of the idea that had existed for years. Do you believe that bombs -would not have hailed from the top of every building? Do you believe they -would not have been thrown from every sidewalk? Do you suppose they -would not have been thrown from the rear and from the front? In the -nature of things, can you, in the light of this testimony, say that because -some man somewhere, on account of some reason, which is not explained -here, which never can be explained, acting upon his own individual responsibility, -lighted a bomb and threw it, that therefore you must say that the -grand conspiracy, the arrangement for years and years had this result, or -rather that the throwing of that bomb was the result of that conspiracy?</p> - -<p>“But there is one thing the gentlemen have lost sight of in this case, it -seems to me. Of course they haven’t, but in their argument they have carefully -avoided it. A Socialist is not to be believed, a Communist is a liar, and -an Anarchist is capable of committing any crime. That is what they tell -us in plain language—that we have produced some witnesses here who are -Socialists, Communists and Anarchists, and because we have done so, their -testimony, for that reason alone, is to be discarded. Mr. Walker and Mr. -Ingham both made reference to the character of some of our witnesses upon -the theory and upon the ground that the evidence showed that they were -Anarchists or Communists. Well, they were Anarchists, Socialists and -Communists, some of them.</p> - -<p>“Although the gentlemen claim that a conviction might exist, leaving -out the testimony of Gilmer and of Thompson, they would never concede -that under any circumstances a conviction could be had were it not for the -testimony of Seliger and the testimony of Waller; they never would concede -that, and did the gentlemen ever think, while they were presenting to -you the case upon which they demanded a conviction, that the very witnesses -that they proved the facts by upon which they ask you to hang -these men are Socialists and Communists and Anarchists?</p> - -<p>“Not only, then, are Waller and Seliger Communists, Socialists and -Anarchists, but they are State’s witnesses, co-confederates and conspirators, -men whose testimony is regarded with disfavor and with suspicion by -the law.</p> - -<p>“They tell us that a man will lie to save his life. Said Mr. Walker, -‘Do you believe Mr. Spies? Will he not lie to save his life?’ Then I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[548]</a></span> -retort the argument of the gentleman upon his own head and say, ‘Would -not Seliger lie to save his own neck?’</p> - -<p>“They take Mr. Seliger down and they examine him and they get his -statement and they reduce it to writing. The detective force is turned -loose upon him. His statement is not strong enough; that won’t do; it is -not enough; still there are missing links. ‘Mr. Seliger, this statement -won’t do; we want something stronger than that.’ I can imagine—I am -not giving the testimony now, but I can imagine how those detectives -would go to Seliger, carried away from his family as he was, shut up in a -dark dungeon, kept there day after day—‘Now, Seliger, here are two propositions: -here is a rope and here is a statement; choose between them.’ -He chose the lesser of the two evils—the statement, as any man would, -Mr. Walker says, to save his own life. He makes the statement. He -goes away. I can imagine, I say, the conduct and the actions of the detective -force as they ply him with questions from day to day. ‘It won’t do, -Mr. Seliger, it won’t do. There are too many missing links. We want -something more. Isn’t this so, isn’t that so? Didn’t this happen, didn’t -that happen?’ And poor Seliger, frightened, weak-minded and timid, -ignorant of the laws of this country, ignorant of the rights which American -citizens have under the laws, sits down and makes the second statement. -And still the thing goes on, still he is kept in confinement, still he is plied -with questions, still he is examined and cross-examined: ‘Mr. Seliger, the -first statement won’t do, and the second statement won’t do. Mr. Seliger, -we want more from you than this.’ And, says Mr. Walker, ‘Won’t a man -lie to save his life?’ And Mr. Seliger makes the third statement, and -again he goes back to his dungeon, and after a while again they go to Seliger -and they say to Seliger, ‘This won’t do. You have made a statement, -you have made a second statement, you have made a third statement, but -still there are missing links. Isn’t this so, isn’t that so?’ And, as Mr. -Walker says, ‘Won’t any man lie to save his life?’ And the fourth statement -is made by Seliger. And these statements are unrolled as he sits -here quivering and trembling, knowing perhaps that he is destroying the -lives of these eight men, his former friends and associates, and questions -are pronounced after questions, and the testimony is introduced before you, -gentlemen, from a Socialist, from a Communist, from an Anarchist, from a -conspirator, and from a man that will lie to save his own life; and upon -that testimony you are to act, and you are not to act upon any testimony -introduced by the defendants in this case.</p> - -<p>“You remember the candy-maker that was brought upon the stand by -the merest accident. You remember the circumstance that when his -name was called he responded from that corner of the room (indicating)—none -of us had ever seen him; we didn’t know it, and I don’t to-day -hardly know how we got any information in regard to the man at all. And -when he came forward here you will remember that this case was delayed -until Mr. Zeisler and myself took him into the other room to ascertain if -possible why he was here and to what facts he was going to testify. He -came upon the stand, and what does he tell you? He tells you that on the -night of the 4th of May he was at the Haymarket. He tells you that he was -south of the alley, and when it was rumored there that the police were coming -he started with others down. He tells you that at the time he did not -know how far it was south of the alley, but he knows from the location and -from the surroundings, and that since then he has gone there with his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[549]</a></span> -tape-line and he has measured it, and that it is thirty-eight feet south of the -south line of Crane’s alley. He tells you that as they were going down, -when the police had come up he saw a man with this motion, indicating a -backward and upward motion with the right hand—not with this motion that -Frank Walker tells about—cast a burning fuse, as it went hissing through -the air; that he followed it until it struck, that he looked at it until the -whole country around about was illuminated by the explosion and policemen -bit the dust.</p> - -<p>“Is he a reliable man, gentlemen? Is there anything wrong in his -character? If there was, why, as late as two weeks before the time that he -testified, was Mr. Furthmann placing before him the picture of Rudolph -Schnaubelt? If he was an unreliable man and they knew it, if they did not -believe his statement because of his unreliability, why, I say, was Mr. Furthmann -two weeks before—according to the testimony of the witness -which Mr. Furthmann has not undertaken to gainsay or deny—presenting -the photograph of Rudolph Schnaubelt to see whether he could identify -that man as being the man who threw the bomb? If he was an unreliable -man, he tells us where he has worked; he tells us where he has lived; he -tells us who his associates are; he tells us all about it. If there is anything -wrong, then Captain Schaack would turn loose his detectives and his police -and in less than an hour’s time the character, the true character, the villainous -character of the man would have been exhibited before you. But -nothing of that kind is done. They ascertain the fact that he saw the -bomb-thrower—they know that he saw the bomb-thrower—at least, they -believe that he saw the bomb-thrower, and the question is, Who shall be -used? Shall the candy-maker be used, or shall Gilmer be used? Which -shall it be—the candy-man or Gilmer?</p> - -<p>“Now, you will remember that the State was two weeks putting in their -testimony, and you will remember that the defense was one week—a week -and one day more. You will remember the testimony of this witness was that -two weeks before that time, which was one week after the State began to introduce -their testimony, Mr. Furthmann presented before his face the -picture of Rudolph Schnaubelt and demanded to know whether he could -recognize the picture as being the man who threw the bomb. I say then it -seems, Mr. Gilmer to the contrary notwithstanding, that a week after they -had commenced the introduction of their testimony it was still a doubtful, -uncertain and mooted question as to where took place the throwing of that -bomb, and into whose hands to place it.</p> - -<p>“What does the candy-maker say? He says honestly to Mr. Furthmann: ‘I -cannot recognize that man as being the man; I don’t believe that -that man had whiskers; all I know is that I think he had a light mustache -and I think he was an ordinary-sized man; that is all I know about him.’</p> - -<p>“And, gentlemen, that is a reasonable story. Hurrying away as he was -in that crowd, supposing that the police had come there for a purpose, seeing -this thing take place and the disaster that resulted from it and the -excitement incident to it, would we expect that he would know or would be -able to see any more than that? He did not recognize Schnaubelt as being -the man; he did not recognize Fischer as being present at the time the -bomb was thrown; he did not recognize Spies as being the man who lighted -the fuse, and the prosecution did not want him, and so they sent him back -to the candy-shop in obscurity, and there intended that he should remain. -They did not want him. Why didn’t they? They had found a conspiracy,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[550]</a></span> -they say, to use violence for certain illegal purposes. They had established -the fact of murder; there was a missing link; that was what was troubling -them, and that is what has troubled them from the beginning of this trial -down to the present time—the missing link. Where is the man in all the -face of God’s green earth, where is the man that can identify one of these -men that we will show was in any conspiracy to do anything which we -might criticise or object to, that is in any way responsible for what was done -at the Haymarket that night? They must have the missing link, or else -they must fail in this prosecution. The candy-man won’t furnish it. He -tells his story, a consistent and reasonable story. They believe his story -because they take him up and they exhibit to him the picture—‘Is that -the man?’ Oh, if he had only said, ‘Yes, that is the man, that is the man -that was in company with him,’ how quickly the candy-maker would have -come before us as a witness. But no; the man said honestly, ‘I cannot do -that; I was in a crowd in the darkness; I was in the bustle and the excitement; -I cannot do that.’ They didn’t want him; they sent him home. -And still there is a missing link. Who is going to furnish it?</p> - -<p>“Gilmer comes proudly to the front. He says, ‘Rather than have the -play stopped I will furnish the missing link.’ Gilmer—Harry L. Gilmer—the -old soldier that they tell us about. I don’t believe it. I don’t believe -he was ever in the army a day of his life, because I believe if he had -been that my brother Grinnell, of all witnesses that had been called, would -have asked him that very first question. Some of you gentlemen bear upon -your breasts the emblem of the Grand Army of the Republic; some of you -were in the war and marched at the peril of your lives under the stars and -stripes, and you would delight in meeting a man, and delight in believing -in his honor and integrity, if you believed that he was engaged in the common -cause with you in those trying days; and still the shrewd counsel never -asked the question. A veteran! Yes, a veteran of Battery D, a veteran -of Chicago, of the Home Rangers, a man that never smelt burnt powder in -his life perhaps—he is the veteran soldier that is lauded before you gentlemen -in the argument of counsel who have addressed you on the part of the -prosecution in this case.</p> - -<p>“I undertake to say, gentlemen, that all history, ancient and modern, -has given to the world three of the grandest, the most consummate and -infernal liars that ever existed since Adam first was set in the Garden of -Eden—three names prominently that we find in the history that we are -making now, in modern history and in ancient, and in importance they -stand in the order in which I name them. First of all, greater than all, -above them all in infamy and falsehood, is Harry L. Gilmer; next to him -comes M. M. Thompson, and third is Ananias of old, whose Christian name -I never heard, if, in fact, he ever had one. All history, ransacked, will furnish -no three such men as the three names that I have suggested.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Foster then adverted to some points in the management of the case, -and touched at some length on the fact that Gilmer had not testified before -the grand jury. He proceeded as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Of all the testimony that has been introduced here, the testimony of -Harry Gilmer is paramount. Bind the rest of it together in a sheaf, set it -alongside of the testimony of Harry Gilmer, and it is as a molehill compared -to a mountain, if the testimony of Harry Gilmer is true. If the testimony<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[551]</a></span> -of Harry Gilmer is true, August Spies and Mr. Fischer must die. If you -believe him, they must be swept from the face of the earth; and yet Mr. -Grinnell, saying, ‘We have nothing to conceal and nothing to hide,’ forgets -to tell you that he has the man who saw Mr. Spies, in the presence of Mr. -Fischer, light the fuse which was thrown by Mr. Schnaubelt, and which -destroyed Officer Degan. He never expected to prove it. If he did—if it -is true that he expected to, and if it is true that he had nothing to conceal -and nothing to hide, why, then, didn’t he say it? Why had it not been -published broadcast to the land by these newspaper gentlemen? Why was -it that Harry Gilmer’s face was not published and sent forth in every paper -that is published in the land? Why was it that it was not said: ‘This is -the man—this is the man who has the testimony within his knowledge -which will show the connection and establish the link which fastens some of -the defendants, at least, to the murder of Mathias J. Degan?’ Not a word—not -a word upon the subject of Harry L. Gilmer, the veteran of the war, -the old soldier, so eloquently discoursed upon by my brother Walker. -Where was Gilmer then?</p> - -<p>“I can imagine brother Grinnell, in his anxiety and his quandary in -determining what course to pursue here, discussing with himself and his -associates as to whether or not this case should be determined upon the -testimony of Thompson alone, or Thompson and Gilmer mixed. It has -been a serious consideration on the part of the gentlemen. There can’t be -any doubt about that. But the honest man who says, ‘No, I can’t identify -them,’ is sent home, and Harry Gilmer is brought to the front. He will -identify Schnaubelt—oh, yes; no question about that. He will do more -than that; he will identify Fischer—oh, yes; he will do more than that. -Fischer may prove an alibi; they do not know whether Fischer was there, -but there is one man that they do know was there, and that he was there -all that time upon that wagon, and that was August Spies, and, if necessary, -Harry Gilmer will identify Spies. Now, do you believe that, gentlemen? -Do you believe that? And I do not charge my brother Grinnell with putting -Harry Gilmer upon the stand knowing that he was swearing to a pack -of lies. Not at all; I do not charge him with that. I charge him with -placing no reliance upon the man at all. I say that, if Mr. Grinnell knew -at the time he made his opening statement that Harry Gilmer was to come -upon the stand and swear to that fact, he did not do his duty as a lawyer -and he did not keep his pledge to the jury, and if he did not know it, it -shows the absolute unreliability of the testimony of Mr. Gilmer.</p> - -<p>“Now, I say to you, gentlemen, from all the surrounding circumstances -in this case—I say that Harry L. Gilmer—and I stated to you the other -day that I was not in the habit of calling witnesses liars; I preferred to present -their testimony under the suspicion of mistake rather than the suspicion -of falsehood—but I say as to Harry L. Gilmer that he is a stupendous, -colossal, a monumental liar, and there is no escape from it. Now, -just think of it for a moment. The world was excited; every daily paper in -the universe published accounts—in Paris and in London, in Petersburg -and Vienna, on the morning following the 4th of May, citizens read of -the disaster of the Haymarket; the civilized world was shocked with the -outrage that was perpetrated there. Where was Harry Gilmer, the man -who could identify the man who threw the bomb, the man who could -identify his companion, and the man who could identify the person who lit -the fuse? Where was Harry Gilmer on the 5th day of May? He tells us<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[552]</a></span> -he was in Crane’s alley the night of the 4th; he was there in the alley; he -saw Spies; he says, ‘That is the man right over there; that is the man -that threw it;’ he saw that man right over there—Spies—strike a match and -light the fuse, and saw Fischer in his company. Schnaubelt threw it in the -ranks of the policemen.</p> - -<p>“There is the missing link, and if you believe that testimony as to two -of these defendants, the chain is complete. Darwin is dead, but the missing -link has been found. The man who furnished the missing link went home. -The man that has seen this meandered through Crane’s alley and went -quietly home to his roost, and he went to bed undisturbed. It is true he -had seen the man who threw the bomb; he would know him anywhere. -He would know him by his picture; he knows how many buttons of his coat -were buttoned. He saw the man that stood by. He would know him anywhere. -He knows what kind of clothing he had on and how many buttons -he had buttoned of his clothes. He knew the kind of hat, the kind of -clothes. He knew the man who lit the match, who touched the fuse that -exploded the bomb that Schnaubelt threw. He knew him. He knew -whether his coat was buttoned and how many buttons. He knew all about -it—everything that every man in the universe demanded should be known -by the officers of the law. And he went home and went to bed and never -said a word to any living soul about it. And he got up in the morning, -fresh upon his mind the fact of this great outrage that was perpetrated and -that everybody was talking about everywhere—in restaurants, on the street -and in street-cars—knowing that he was the man that could recognize -them all—he goes and buys a paper on the street and sits down to read -how terrible it was, goes into a restaurant and there sits, where men were -conversing of the horror and of the outrage, and never opens his head in -regard to knowing anything about it—not a word. Then he goes, after he -has had his ‘meal,’ and gets upon the car—goes to the corner of Twenty-second -Street and Wabash Avenue, and there he meets a friend, a brother -painter, and they work all day, and from a third to half the time, as he states, -they were painting together and lapping each other’s brushes as they -painted upon the side of the building, and when noon came they sat down -to discuss matters and talk, over their lunch. They speak, at times, about -the Haymarket meeting and the great disaster, and he never tells his friend -that he had seen the bomb thrown, or knew anything about it—not a word. -The world was in flames, but Harry Gilmer was cool.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Foster continued his attention to Gilmer at considerable length, -making, however, no new points against him, and then proceeded:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Now, Mr. Graham is not a Socialist. He is not a Communist nor an -Anarchist. He is a reporter, and I say that he is an honorable man. His -bearing showed it; his countenance indicated it; and the fact that he is -not attacked nor impeached, nor one word said against him, either in argument -or in testimony, in my mind establishes it.</p> - -<p>“Well, that didn’t amount to very much. There are always knowing -ones around, and Gilmer was one of them. He liked to loaf about police -stations. He remembered the time when he was collecting the dog tax in -Des Moines. He associated with men that wore uniforms, and he liked it. -He wanted to ingratiate himself into their good opinions, and he says: ‘I -believe I would know the fellow. I was there. I was right in plain sight, -and I saw him light the fuse and I saw him toss the bomb. His back was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">[553]</a></span> -to me, it is true, but I do believe I would know him.’ Ah! where was -Fischer then? Where was ‘that man sitting over there,’ as Gilmer expresses -it? Where was Spies and where was Fischer then? Well, they hadn’t -developed at that stage of the proceeding, that is all. They were the afterbirth -in his testimony.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Foster went into a long and searching examination of the evidence, -arguing out the more important facts developed, and closing with an eloquent -appeal to the sympathies of the jury. His speech was effective and -impressive.</p> - -<p>On the next morning—Tuesday—Capt. Black began his argument for -the defense, and was listened to by the jury with marked attention. He is -a forcible speaker and dwelt upon the testimony favorable to his side with -earnestness and emphasis. He traversed necessarily a good deal of the -ground covered by his colleagues, but he clothed his argument in captivating -language, and made a striking and effective appeal for his clients. -The following will show the points he made:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“On the morning of the 5th of May, 1886, the good people of the city -of Chicago were startled and shocked at the event of the previous night, -frightened, many of them, not knowing whereunto this thing might lead. -Fear is the father of cruelty. It was no ordinary case. Immediately after -that first emotion came a feeling which has found expression from many -lips in the hearing of many, if not all of you: ‘A great wrong has been -done; somebody must be punished, somebody ought to suffer for the suffering -which has been wrought.’ Perhaps it was that feeling—I know not—which -led to the unusual and extraordinary proceedings which were taken in -connection with this matter immediately following the 4th of May. Perhaps -it was that feeling, in a large measure, which led to the arrest and -presentment of these eight defendants. Perhaps it was something of that -feeling which will explain the conduct of the prosecution in this case. I -am not disposed to say that there has been any willful or deliberate intent -on the part of the representatives of the State to act unfairly. I am not -disposed to charge that there has been upon their part any disposition to -do an injustice to any man. But in their case, as in the case of all, passion -perverts the heart, prejudice corrupts the judgment.</p> - -<p>“On the night of the 4th of May a dynamite bomb was thrown in the -city of Chicago and exploded. It was the first time that in our immediate -civilization, and immediately about us, this great destructive agency was -used in modern contests. I beg you to remember, in the consideration of -this case, that dynamite is not the invention of Socialists; it is not their -discovery. Science has turned it loose upon the world—an agency of -destruction, whether for defense or offense, whether for attack or to build -the bulwarks round the beleaguered city. It has entered into modern warfare. -We know from what has already transpired in this case that dynamite -is being experimented with as a weapon of warfare by the great nations -of the world. What has been read in your hearing has given you the -results of experiments made under the direction of the Government of Austria, -and while you have sat in this jury-box considering the things which -have been deposed before you, with reference to reaching a final and correct -result, the Government of the United States has voted $350,000 for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">[554]</a></span> -building of a dynamite cruiser. It is in the world by no procurement of -Socialism, with no necessary relationship thereto. It is in the world to -stay. It is manufactured freely; it is sold without let, hindrance or restriction. -You may go from this jury-box to the leading powder companies of -the country, or their depots, and buy all the dynamite that you wish without -question as to your purpose, without interrogation as to your motive. -It is here. Is it necessarily a thing of evil? It has entered into the great -industries, and we know its results. It has cleared the path of commerce -where the great North River rolls on its way to the sea. It is here and -there blasting out rocks, digging out mines, and used for helpfulness in the -great industries of life. But there never came an explosive into the world, -cheap, simple of construction, easy of manufacture, that it did not enter -also into the world’s combats.</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-554.jpg" width="250" height="349" id="i554" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">CAPT. WILLIAM P. BLACK<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p class="pbq">I beg -you to remember also that hand-bombs -are not things of Socialistic devising. -It may be that one or another, here and -there, professing Socialistic tenets, has -devised some improvements in their -construction, or has made some advances -with reference to their composition; -they have not invented them. The -hand-grenade has been known in warfare -long ere you and I saw the light. -The two things have come together—the -hand-grenade, charged no longer -with the powder of old days, but charged -with the dynamite of modern science. -It is a union which Socialists are not -responsible for. It is a union led up -to by the logic of events and the necessities -of situations, and it is a union that -will never be divorced. We stand amazed -at the dread results that are possible -to this union; but as we look back over -history we know this fact, contradictory -as it may seem, strange as it may first -strike us, that in the exact proportion -in which the implements of warfare have been made effective or destructive, -in that precise proportion have wars lost the utmost measure of -their horror, and in that precise proportion has death by war diminished. -When gunpowder came into European warfare there was an outcry against -it. All the chivalry which had arrogated to itself the power and glory of -battle in martial times sprang up against the introduction of gunpowder, an -agency that made the iron casque and shield and cuirass of the plumed -knight no better a defense than the hemp doublet of the peasant. But now, -instead of wars that last through thirty years, that are determined by the -personal collision of individuals, that desolate nations, the great civilized -nations of the world hesitate at war because of its possibilities of evil, and -diplomacy sits where once force alone was intrenched. The moral responsibility -for dynamite is not upon Socialism.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Captain Black insisted that the sole question before the jury was who -threw the bomb, for the doctrine of accessory before the fact, under which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">[555]</a></span> -it was sought to hold the defendants, was nothing but the application to the -criminal law of the civil or common law doctrine that what a man does by -another he does himself. When the prosecution charged that the defendants -threw it, their charge involved that the bomb was thrown by the procurement -of these men, by their advice, direction, aid, counsel or encouragement, -and that the man who threw it acted not alone for himself, or upon -his own responsibility, but as a result of the encouragement or procurement -of these men. He held that the State must show that the agent of the -defendants did the deed, and that it is not sufficient to show that the -defendants favored such deeds. Upon this point counsel spoke at some -length. Next he took up the case of one of the talesmen examined with -reference to his taking a place on the jury, who swore that, having been for -three years connected with the office of the Prosecuting Attorney in the -State of New York, he found in himself that the habit of thought and life -to which he had there devoted himself had created in him a predisposition -to believe every accused man guilty, which, in his own deliberate judgment -before God, disqualified him from sitting as an impartial juror in a criminal -case. The application of this case to the attachés of the State’s Attorney’s -office who had appeared before the jury was made the most of.</p> - -<p>After going over the evidence as to the other conspirators Capt. Black -came to the case against Fischer and Engel. He said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“It is perhaps proper that, in view of the circumstance that Fischer and -Engel were the only two defendants at the West Lake Street meeting on -Monday night, I should present briefly my opinions touching that meeting -as relating to this case. Two witnesses, Waller and Schrade, testified as -to what occurred at that meeting. Waller said there were seventy or -eighty people present; the other placed the attendance at thirty-five to -forty. Let us suppose thirty-five or forty met together in that basement. -In the progress of the meeting it transpired that there had been a meeting -of the North Side group, of which Mr. Engel was a member, on the previous -morning (Sunday). At that meeting a resolution was adopted, which -was brought before the Monday night meeting for consideration, and it was -adopted in the manner indicated by Waller. I think I state it fairly to the -State and fairly to the defendants themselves, when I say that the action -then and there resolved upon was this, no more, no less: That if in the -event of a struggle the police should attempt by brute force to overpower -the strikers unlawfully and unjustly, those men would lend their help to -their fellow-wageworkers as against the police. A plan of action was suggested -by one of the group which contemplated the blowing up of police -stations, cutting telegraph wires and disabling the Fire Department. Every -particle of that resolution, gentlemen, was expressly dependent upon the -unlawful invasion of the rights of the working people by the police. Nothing -was to be inaugurated by the so-called conspirators, there was to be no -resort to force by them in the first instance. It was solely defensive, and -had reference alone to meeting force by force; it had reference alone to a -possible attack in the future, dependent upon the action that the police -themselves might take. I am not here to defend the action of that meeting.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">[556]</a></span> -The question here is: Had that action anything whatever to do with -the result of the Haymarket meeting? The action of the North Side group -had nothing to do with that, since the Haymarket meeting had never been -dreamed of or suggested at that time. By whom was the Tuesday meeting -suggested? What was its scope, purpose and object? As then and there -declared, it was simply to be a mass-meeting of workingmen with reference -to police outrages that had already taken place. Were the armed men, -those conspirators who met at West Lake Street, present? ‘No; they -were not there.’ That is the testimony of Waller and Schrade. I am not -here even to say that the proposition to call that meeting was a wise one. -The event has proven how sadly unwise it was. But I am here to say that -the men who in that Monday night meeting proposed the calling of the -Tuesday night meeting, if we take the testimony of the State itself, had no -dream or expectation of violence, difficulty or contest on that eventful night. -But before the Tuesday night meeting was proposed, a suggestion was made -that they ought to have some sort of signal for action, and the word ‘Ruhe’ -was suggested by somebody. Waller could not tell who suggested it; -Schrade did not know it had been agreed upon. Evidently there was no -very clear idea that night what ‘Ruhe’ did mean, because Lingg saw it in -the paper at eleven o’clock, and said: ‘That is a signal that we ought to -be over at 54 West Lake Street.’ Waller finally, under close examination -by the State, said the word ‘Ruhe’ was to be inserted in the ‘Letter-box’ -of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> in the event of the time arriving for a downright -revolution. Had that revolution come; had it commenced when the word -was put in the ‘Letter-box’? No. When the members saw this in the -‘Letter-box’ what were they to do? Go to the Haymarket and attack anybody? -No. They were to go to their respective places of meeting, and -then, according to advices brought to them, were to determine upon a -course of action. It had no reference to the throwing of the bomb at the -Haymarket. Did that Monday night meeting pick out the man who was to -throw the bomb? Did it provide that a collision between the police and -the people was to be brought about at the Haymarket? Did it contemplate -murder? Not at all. When Fischer told Spies that the word ‘Ruhe’ -had no connection with the Haymarket meeting, he spoke the truth. It -was a signal that the armed men should meet at the places designated by -themselves to determine what action should be taken with reference to -whatever might have transpired.</p> - -<p>“But it is to be borne in mind that the meeting of the armed section -never took place. There was no meeting of the Northwest Side groups; -there was no meeting of any group pursuant to the word ‘Ruhe.’ Were -any bombs to be thrown, any violence to be resorted to? No. If the police -made an attack, a committee was to take word to the groups, and the -groups were then, and not till then, to determine what action they should -take in the line of offense. Does that make every man who was present at -the Monday night meeting responsible for the throwing of the bomb? Not -at all. Unless they are all responsible, it does not make Fischer and Engel -responsible. Engel was not at the Tuesday night meeting. Fischer was -there and went quietly away before the bomb was thrown. There was -absolutely nothing in connection with the Monday night meeting which -contemplated violence at the Haymarket or provided for the throwing of -the bomb.</p> - -<p>“Let me call your attention, in passing, to another thing. When Waller,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">[557]</a></span> -having from some source heard of the lamentable occurrence at the Haymarket, -went to Engel’s house, he found him drinking beer with two or three -friends. After listening to the details of the affair Engel said, while Waller -was saying, ‘Let’s do something,’ ‘You had better go home. I have no -sympathy with a movement of this kind. The police are of the common -people, and when the general revolution does occur, they should be with us. -I am utterly opposed to this slaughtering of them.’ That is the full extent -of the case against these two defendants, except the further fact that Fischer -had a pistol and a dagger. It is not right to hang any man for the Haymarket -murder simply because he had a dagger or a pistol in his possession.</p> - -<p>“As to Lingg, he came from that republic sitting in the center of Europe -preaching the everlasting lesson of liberty. He came here in the fall of -1885, and became a member of the Seliger household. Whatever he knows -of social and labor conditions in this country he learned from those about -him. He joined a carpenters’ union, being himself a carpenter by trade. -He attended the meetings of that union. Young, active, bright, capable, -he enters the band of which they speak, and manufactures bombs. There -is no law against that, gentlemen; but they claim that is a circumstance -from which you must draw the conclusion of his guilt, when taken with -other circumstances, for the Haymarket tragedy. The State put on the -stand one man, Lehman, to whom he gave bombs. Did he tell Lehman to -go to the Haymarket and use the bombs there? No. Lehman swears that -he said: ‘You take these and put them in a safe place.’ And Lehman hid -them where the officer, piloted by him, found them. Does that prove that -Lingg sent a bomb to the Haymarket for the purpose of having somebody -killed? How did he come to make bombs? Was it a matter to engage in -on his own volition or responsibility? No. The Carpenters’ Union at one -of its meetings resolved to devote a certain amount of money for the purpose -of experimenting with dynamite. You may say that was not right, -but he was not responsible for it. There is no more reason in holding him -responsible for the Haymarket affair on account of his experiments than -there is to hold every other member of the Carpenters’ Union for the same -thing. That is how Lingg came to make bombs. Without dynamite a -bomb-shell is a toy. The Lingg bombs would kill nobody unless some human -independent agency took hold of them. Did Lingg know on Monday -night that one of his bombs was to be used? He could not have known it, -because the testimony is incontrovertible that it was understood by the men -who met at 54 West Lake Street there should be no violence at the Haymarket -meeting. And yet the State asks you to say that Lingg shall be -hanged because he manufactured bombs. The man who threw the bomb -did the independent act necessary for its explosion. Who was that man? -Was he connected with the defendants? The evidence does not show it.</p> - -<p>“And a word more about that. This boy Lingg was dependent upon -others as to his impressions of our institutions. He went to Seliger’s house. -Seliger is a Socialist; he has been in this country for years. He is thirty-one -years of age; Lingg is twenty-one. And yet the great State of Illinois, -through its legal representatives, bargains with William Seliger, the man of -mature years, and with his wife, older even than himself, that if they will -do what they can to put the noose around the neck of this boy they shall go -scatheless! Ah! gentlemen, what a mockery of justice is this.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Proceeding to discuss the Haymarket meeting, he held that there was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">[558]</a></span> -no law that could take away the right of the people to meet and consider -grievances. When it was proposed to adopt the Constitution, in 1787, the -States were so careful to preserve the rights of the people that several -amendments were put in. Capt. Black spoke of our forefathers, who -had made the name of the revolutionist immortal, and referred to the -meetings that had to be held as a preliminary to the great struggle. -It had been charged against these men that they were guilty of misdemeanors -for holding meetings, and they had been prosecuted for crimes. -Before the Constitution could receive the approbation of the States, it had -been necessary that the amendment providing that no laws should be -passed by Congress abridging free speech should be inserted. Such a provision -had been incorporated in the first Constitution of Illinois in -1818, and renewed in the subsequent Constitutions of 1848 and 1870. The -Haymarket meeting had been called for the common good. Those men believed -that a great wrong had been done, a great outrage committed, and the -rights of the citizens in that assemblage had been invaded by an unlawful, -unwarrantable and outrageous act.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Bonfield, in his police office, surrounded by his minions, one hundred -and eighty strong, armed to the teeth, knew that the meeting was quietly -and peacefully coming to its close. Nay, he had said so to Carter Harrison. -When Parsons had concluded, Mayor Harrison went to the station and told -Bonfield that it was a quiet meeting, and Bonfield replied, ‘My detectives -make me the same report.’ Yet Carter Harrison did not get out of hearing -before Inspector Bonfield ordered his men to fall in for that death march. -Who is responsible for it? Who precipitated that conflict? Who made -that battle in that street that night? The law looks at the approximate -cause, not the remote. The law looks at the man immediately in fault; not -at some man who may have manufactured the pistol that does the shooting, -the dynamite that kills, the bomb that explodes. I ask you, upon your -oath before God, in a full and honest consideration of this entire testimony, -who made the Haymarket massacre? Who is responsible for that collision? -If Bonfield had not marched there, would there have been any death? -Would not that meeting have dissolved precisely as it proposed to do? -Did the bomb-thrower go down to the station where the police were and -attack them? A bomb could have been thrown into that station with even -more deadly effect than at the Haymarket itself. There they were, massed -together in close quarters, in hiding, like a wild beast in its lair ready to -spring. Did the bomb-thrower move upon them? Was there here a design -to destroy? God sent that warning cloud into the heavens; these men -were still there, speaking their last words; but a deadlier cloud was coming -up behind this armed force. In disregard of our constitutional rights as -citizens, it was proposed to order the dispersal of a peaceable meeting. -Has it come to pass that under the Constitution of the United States and -of this State, our meetings for the discussion of grievances are subject to -be scattered to the winds at the breath of a petty police officer? Can they -take into their hands the law? If so, that is Anarchy; nay, the chaos of -constitutional right and legally guaranteed liberty. I ask you again, -charging no legal responsibility here, but looking at the man who is morally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">[559]</a></span> -at fault for the death harvest of that night, who brought it on? Would it -have been but for the act of Bonfield?”</p> - -<p class="p1">Captain Black went on to say that as long as the Mayor was there Bonfield -could not act, but as soon as Harrison had gone the officer could not -get to the Haymarket quick enough. The police, the speaker urged, had -been searching the files of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and the <i>Alarm</i> for years to -put before the jury the most inflammatory articles. After alluding to Christ -as the great Socialist of Judea, who first preached the Socialism taught -by Spies and his other modern apostles, he compared John Brown and his -attack on Harper’s Ferry to the Socialists’ attack on modern evils, concluding:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Gentlemen, the last words for these eight lives. They are in your -hands, with no power to whom you ace answerable but God and history, -and I say to you in closing only the words of that Divine Socialist: ‘As ye -would that others should do to you, do you even so to them.’”</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">[560]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXXI.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Grinnell’s Closing Argument—One Step from Republicanism to Anarchy—A -Fair Trial—The Law in the Case—The Detective Work—Gilmer and his Evidence—“We -Knew all the Facts”—Treason and Murder—Arming the Anarchists—The -Toy-shop Purchases—The Pinkerton Reports—“A Lot of Snakes”—The Meaning -of the Black Flag—Symbols of the Social Revolution—The <i>Daily News</i> Interviews—Spies -the “Second Washington”—The Rights of “Scabs”—The Chase into -the River—Inflaming the Workingmen—The “Revenge” Lie—The Meeting at the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> Office—A Curious Fact about the Speakers at the Haymarket—The -Invitation to Spies—Balthasar Rau and the Prisoners—Harrison at the Haymarket—The -Significance of Fielden’s Wound—Witnesses’ Inconsistencies—The Omnipresent -Parsons—The Meaning of the Manuscript Find—Standing between the Living and -the Dead.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap08">STATE’S ATTORNEY GRINNELL took Wednesday and a part of -Thursday in which to deliver his argument. He indulged in no flights -of oratory, but presented a review of the case at once able, convincing and -unassailable. He began as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I said to you in the opening, gentlemen, that in this country, above all -countries in the world, is Anarchy possible. In my investigations of this -case, in my conduct with it, with my knowledge of my own country and the -freedom we enjoy and possess, I have been led to conclude that that is -true. In those strong European governments, where there is monarchical -or strongly centralized government, they strangle Anarchy or ship it here. -Everybody comes to our climate; everybody reaches our shores; our freedom -is great—and it should never be abridged—and here with that freedom, -with that great enjoyment of liberty to all men, they seek to obtain -their end by Anarchy, which in other countries is impossible. As I said, -there is one step from republicanism to Anarchy. Let us never take that -step, and, gentlemen, the responsibility which has devolved upon you in -this case is greater than any jury in the history of the world ever undertook. -This is no slight or mean duty that you are called upon to perform. You -are to say whether that step shall be taken.</p> - -<p>“When the Haymarket tragedy occurred, the spontaneous declaration -by every honest, every law-abiding man and woman in this city was: ‘An -outrage has been perpetrated; a great crime has been committed; but let -there be a cool, unimpassioned trial and let the guilty suffer. Then and -not till then.’ That has been the sentiment of every newspaper in this city -from which counsel sought to make you believe by quotations there had -been something said to the contrary. The little extracts and abstracts that -have been clipped from the newspapers that they have talked to you about -are such extracts as met the disapproval of the newspapers. And even as -to what Capt. Black referred to the other day in your hearing and which -Foster elaborated to you, something that some crank has written to the -<i>Inter-Ocean</i> as to what should be done with these defendants, horrifying -you by the recital as he did—what does the newspaper say? That the -man who wrote it was as bad as an Anarchist; that we are here to maintain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">[561]</a></span> -the law, not break it. And that can be said of every newspaper in this -city. There never has been in the history of America, in the world, such -unanimity of sentiment as has prevailed through the length and breadth of -this country, not only as to the crime itself and the perpetrators, but as to -the perpetrators having a fair trial. And why, especially, has there been -so much talk about a fair trial in this case? Because every honest, country-loving -American citizen knew that his country’s life was at stake, and the -only thing to do was to demonstrate the strength of the law by a fair trial, -which the defendants have had.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Mr. Grinnell at this point went into a very lengthy discussion of the law -in the case. He showed conclusively that in a conspiracy the men who had -advised and abetted the commission of the crime were fully as guilty as the -man who had actually made himself the instrument of their deed. Inasmuch -as the instructions given by the court to the jury are really a concise -and complete statement of the points of law which Mr. Grinnell and the -other attorneys for the State urged, I have taken the liberty to omit that -part of the address.</p> - -<p>Coming to the facts in the case, Mr. Grinnell, in his examination of the -attempt made by the defense to impeach Gilmer’s testimony, said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“A few days, gentlemen, after the Haymarket riot, for a whole week, as -is plain from the testimony in this case, and from Captain Schaack, there -was not the least particle of knowledge or a suspicion, great as had been -the crime that was committed there—there was not a suspicion that it was -any farther-reaching than the result of these repeated inflammatory speeches -which our city had listened to for years. But the magnificent efforts of -Schaack, without my knowledge at that time, got the leading-string which -led to the conspiracy. Then it was, for the first time, that we knew of -Schnaubelt, or that we knew or suspected that a conspiracy existed at all. -I confess here, gentlemen, a weakness; because, whatever may be the -instincts of the prosecutor, as they say, I have not been so long in this office -as to be callous to human sentiments and to humanity, and I have not yet -become so hardened that I believe everybody accused of a crime is guilty. -I hope in the prosecution of my duty, and in this office, that that time will -never come. When we had Spies under arrest, I confess to you that then, -and after it was developed that a conspiracy existed—I confess the weakness—that -I did not suppose that a man living in our community would enter -into a conspiracy so hellish and damnable as the proof showed, and our -investigations subsequently showed, he had entered into; and therefore, -notwithstanding Gilmer’s statement to us so frequently, Spies was not shown -to him and not identified.</p> - -<p>“Honesty of purpose is the only thing that will determine, in every way, -the right from the wrong.</p> - -<p>“It may sound to you a little out of place for me to say here that the -only mistake I have made—the only mistake that has been pointed out to -you that I have made—and I frankly confess it was a mistake—was the -suggestion in my opening about the bomb-thrower. We knew the facts. -There was no law compelling me to make any statement. I might have -proceeded with the proof, if I desired, without any opening statement. I -did make an opening. I undertook to make it fairly and frankly and broad.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">[562]</a></span> -I was afraid of wearying you, as I was weary myself, from the days and days -that we had been working here in getting a jury, and the anxiety under -which I labored. I said in that opening that we would show to you who -threw that bomb. I said in that opening that we would show that the man -left the wagon, lighted the match and threw the bomb. That was not absolutely -correct. I should have said that the man who came from the -wagon, assisted the bomb-thrower, as the proof shows, and who we knew -came from the wagon, was in that group, and that the bomb was thrown by -a man whom we would show to you.</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen, let me proceed, as fast as I can, in the discussion of another -branch of this case. The gentlemen upon the other side have said to you -deliberately, for the purpose of gaining some favor in your eyes for their -clients, that this is a plain, simple case of murder, and that we have no -right to discuss anything or talk about anything except that which occurred -at the Haymarket meeting. They read some law to you, yesterday, upon -that proposition. It was inapplicable, and was manifestly so. There never -was a murder committed in the world, be it treasonable murder or the murder -for mere gain, but what the trial of the perpetrator meant an investigation -of the life of the man who committed the murder. What had been his -utterances? What has he said? Has he threatened life? Has he talked -against a system represented by police? Has he advised the use of dynamite? -Has he advised the use of poison? Has he advised the use of the -pistol, the rifle, the musket, to accomplish his end? Those are legitimate -sources of investigation. And further than that, as the gentlemen well know, -you can go back in those declarations for years and years, and there is no -statute of limitation against threats, when a repeated threat results in the -deed threatened.</p> - -<p>“On the lake front, at the different halls in the city of Chicago, at -these Communistic or Socialistic halls, as the gentlemen called them—they -are Anarchistic halls; don’t let us have any mistake about names and titles—in -all these months and years there has been openly preached to the citizens -of this city treason and murder by these defendants. Why? To -bring about a social revolution. And these humanitarians, these God-like -men, these defendants who have the similitude of Christ—peace—have -openly talked murder in our streets. I think it ought to have been stopped -before. I think when they made the utterance from the lake front, or -any other spot in the city of Chicago, that they should have been snatched -by policemen and taken to the station and fined for disorderly conduct, as -that would be as far as they could go, except under the common-law rule -which provides that if they had advised murder then they could have been -punished for such advice. We know more law to-day than we did—I do, -I am very glad to say.”</p></div> - -<p class=" p1">Following this, Mr. Grinnell took up the case against each of the conspirators -as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Why was Engel preparing for the purchase of a large amount of -arms? That has not been disputed. There is testimony in this case that -Engel not later than last winter, and perhaps in the spring, negotiated for -a large amount of arms, with his daughter present. His daughter has not -been placed upon the stand to deny that fact. Why? He was not a -dealer in arms. It could have been denied if not true. He is a keeper -of a toy-store, it appears, over on Milwaukee Avenue. These belligerent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">[563]</a></span> -humanitarians, these men whom Black would have you surround and cover -with garlands—these are the men that we have demonstrated before you -have been buying arms and preparing for years for something. Why was -it that Parsons at another place, no later than last winter, or late in the fall, -also negotiated for a large amount of arms? Has he denied it? He has been -on the witness-stand. Why did he negotiate for arms? For humanitarian -purposes? Why, gentlemen, to dispose of the bloodhounds, the police, the -capitalists. That has been their cry. Their cry on the lake front and -everywhere has been that same treasonable, infamous cry. Is that the only -place they have spoken? Their halls are all over the city. Look at the -testimony of Johnson, the detective, on that subject. The only testimony -against Johnson, the only syllable in this proof against Pinkerton’s detective -who is called Johnson, or Jansen, is Foster’s—that is all, except that -Fielden said, as I remember, that the man O’Brien, in whose presence -Johnson said Fielden made the remark about a little dynamite in his pocket, -was not here, and that therefore he did not say it. Why, Fielden had been -saying it for years—he had been talking it day after day and Sunday after -Sunday on the lake shore.</p> - -<p>“He had been talking it year in and year out. He had been speaking -for dynamite and demanding its use by the workingmen, and advising them -to arm themselves with it for months and years. Foster said that Johnson -is not to be believed because he is a detective, and he delivered a very -pleasant lecture on that subject. I presume he has delivered it in every -important trial that he has ever been in. It is the ordinary language, the -usual philippic against detectives, I suppose. I never saw a detective on -the witness-stand that commended himself so favorably to the honest consideration -of any listener as did Johnson. And after he had withstood that -severe, critical and exasperating cross-examination of Foster, he still stood -there a monument of strength to the truth which he had uttered. He had -said nothing, gentlemen, but what had been in the public press for years -about these utterances; and they have not denied a single syllable of his -testimony. I suppose then, gentlemen, from that follows another proposition—that -we, in the city of Chicago and elsewhere, must suffer murder, -must be robbed, our friends killed, our houses invaded, law set at defiance, -because it would be unfortunate to have anybody convicted who was guilty -on the testimony of the detective. Foster said there never was any great -murder trial in the world but what there is a detective in it. That may be -so. The peculiarity of this murder trial and the detective is this—that -this report was made from day to day by the detective to his principals, -and by them to citizens, long before this murder. The detective that Foster -pictures is the one who after the act goes back to make up a case. -This was making the case without thinking that it would ever take place, -and the actual written statements made by him from night to night and -from day to day were here in court; and if they were not, the fact has not -been denied, and these men have been on the stand. Why didn’t they -deny it? Did any of them deny the existence of the armed group and the -marching backward and forward and the explanation of the dynamite cans -at Greif’s Hall? No; none of them denied it. They would have denied -it if it had not been so absolutely strong in its proof. The written evidence, -the handwriting on the wall, was against these men.</p> - -<p>“But, not content, these revolutionists, these traitors, these men who -have committed treason—I thank again the gentleman for the word—these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">[564]</a></span> -men who have committed treason are not content with confining their -power and influence to the small limits of Cook County, but Spies goes to -Grand Rapids and there gives utterance to these same treasonable sentences; -and there is no doubt that other proselytes of the humanitarian -crowd were at other places in the country doing the same thing. It seems -that Parsons was at Cincinnati Sunday or Saturday before the Haymarket -difficulty. Was he down there for the same purpose that Spies was at -Grand Rapids? And at Grand Rapids, what did Spies say? He said that -the social revolution must come, would come when there were great numbers -of laboring men out of employment, and foreshadowed the difficulties -in the ensuing year, in 1886. The great things that he was to accomplish -then were foreshadowed. ‘But,’ said Moulton to him,—the other witness -heard the conversation,—‘they will strangle you like a lot of snakes. It will -be murder.’ ‘Oh no; oh no. No murder about this. We are humanitarians. -No murder. We will succeed. It will be revolution, and I, great -Spies, will be the second Washington of America.’ The second Washington -of America! ‘But if you fail?’ says Moulton. ‘Of course, if we fail, -that is another thing; but we ain’t going to fail.’ ‘Why?’ ‘Because -hundreds of thousands of laboring men will be out of employment all over -the United States, and they have the power.’ That is the friend of the -laboring man, the Anarchist and friend of the laboring man, advocating -the destruction of property to advance the interests of the laboring man. -It would be a great benefit to me, with the very little property that I have, -to have it destroyed; it would enrich me so at once!</p> - -<p>“But that is not all—and there has been no dispute about that interview -with Moulton, not a syllable of dispute about that interview from any -source. Counsel did not even undertake to cross-examine Moulton. His -intelligence was such, he was so clear-headed and concise in what he -uttered, that they dropped him. What was all this for? That meant preparation -and threats toward what? Toward murder, the social revolution—and -it was murder. That is why this is competent evidence. That is why -the utterances of these men are material and necessary. That is why the -proof is overpowering.</p> - -<p>“There is no use in my giving you the details of these speeches from -day to day. They have made indignant every man who has listened to -them or read them. They have caused other things—they have caused -bloodshed and riot.</p> - -<p>“Foster says to you that there is no difficulty about the black flag; that -that is a flag they use over in Europe to march around with, showing their -humanitarian desires, or that they are hungry—that that is what it means. -It does not mean that here. They were going to march down Michigan -Avenue under the black flag and strike terror to the hearts of the capitalists. -Didn’t Fielden and Spies and Parsons and all that gang understand that -when the valiant crowd would march up Michigan Avenue under the black -flag, it meant death, no quarter, piracy?</p> - -<p>“But that is not all. The Board of Trade meeting occurs, and there -the black flag and the red flag were carried. The article has been read to -you, and it is unnecessary to go into that again. And there they say that -that meeting was copiously supplied with nitro-glycerine pills, or something -of that kind. They did not get at the Board of Trade, but had to -march clear around it, within a block of it, and then vented their spite—aroused -by their difficulties, vented their spite in speeches from the<i> Arbeiter-Zeitung</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">[565]</a></span> -office that night, commending their valorous deeds and acts, only -saying that they were preparing for them, declaring: ‘We will wait for -some other time, when we are ready for the police.’ They did not expect -any police that night. They thought they would march right down. The -police began to wake up.</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen, the red flag has passed in our streets enough. At that -meeting which they comment so much upon in the <i>Alarm</i> and the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, -representing its peculiarities, its honor, and its humanitarian influences, -they suggest that the red flag that was carried there, and carried -by women, that it is the flag of universal liberty, and it is so described here -on the witness-stand. Ah, gentlemen, there is but one flag of liberty in this -land, and that is the stars and stripes. That flag is planted on our soil, and -planted to stay, if you have the courage to carry out the law. It is a plant -of liberty.</p></div> - -<p class="pp6 p1"> -The blades of heroes fence it round;<br /> -Where’er it springs is holy ground.<br /> -From tower and dome its glories spread;<br /> -It waves where lonely sentries tread.</p> - -<p class="pp6 p1">It makes the land as ocean free,<br /> -And plants an empire on the sea—<br /> -Always the banner of the free,<br /> -The starry flower of liberty.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“That is the flag that these men want to wipe out and supplant with the -black and the red. No wonder those flags over there (indicating flags -offered in evidence) disturbed Foster. He is an American citizen, not -tinctured or tainted with any of the Anarchy of his clients.</p> - -<p>“There is one other suggestion I want to make to you in this connection. -I wish to hurry along and be as brief as possible. As has been said -to you by counsel, the case in its magnitude and scope is so great that no -one man can cover it. Some branches of this case, and nearly all, have -been well covered by Mr. Walker and Mr. Ingham, who preceded me. But -there is one forcible suggestion brought to my attention by Mr. Ingham, -and I wish to again ask: Why all these threats? Why all this talk? Why -so many threats of murder, outside of the question of the desire to accomplish -that end? Ah! gentlemen, it is so that the revolution could more -easily take place by causing terror in your hearts and my heart. That is -what it meant: causing terror in the heart of every American citizen, and -thereby making more easy the accomplishment of that which they desire -and preach. Why all these armed groups, scattered throughout and -operating in the city of Chicago, as they all say, as Most explains in his -book, as Spies explains and as Parsons and all in their speeches explain? -Why this network of groups? It was the nucleus, the foundation from -which that social revolution was to spring, and these armed men were to do -their part of the duty. There was a desire to strike terror—that is the -watchword—to strike terror to the hearts of the capitalists and their minions, -the bloodhounds of the police. That is what it meant. Threaten life—specific -in one direction—and threaten the peaceful citizens and the -law-abiding citizens on the other hand, so that they would throw up both -hands at once, and let it go on. That was their scheme. Why? Because -these men, in their craven spirit, supposed that one hundred thousand honest -laboring men in this town would at once wheel in behind the ranks of -the three thousand and mow down everybody else. Lingg, who told Capt.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">[566]</a></span> -Schaack of all the bombs, not admitting that he had made the bomb that -killed Degan, admitted and told Schaack that they were pills and medicine -for the police and capitalists.</p> - -<p>“They were not the friends of the laboring man, although they were -always talking about that in public—such wonderful friends of the laboring -man! Gentlemen, they wanted to kill the system. They said they wanted -to kill the system, and on the witness-stand here they said that on that -night of the Haymarket massacre they meant the system. What system? -The system of law. They have no malice in their hearts against the seven -officers—Oh! no. They did not know them. It was not the seven officers, -as persons, they desired to kill; but they desired to kill the officers, and all -of them, in order to kill the system—the system of law.</p> - -<p>“Besides the frequent declarations that have been proven here as to the -designs of these men foolishly and dishonestly to represent themselves as -the friends of the laboring man, they have said in their writings, and they -have preached on the stump, that the eight-hour movement, as a movement, -would not help the laboring man. And why? Because the laboring man -must have Anarchy—must have what other people have got in the way of -property, as they have defined in their ideas of property. Black calls that a -theory.</p> - -<p>“Declarations threatening dynamite were made in our midst for the purpose -of terrorizing the people, and causing them to believe that these men -were more powerful than they were, and thereby causing the laboring man -to come to their ranks. It was a bid for the laboring man—that is what it -was, and that is why Wilkinson’s interview was so easily obtained. -Wilkinson interviewed these men, and published in the <i>Daily News</i>] of the -14th day of January, 1886, his interview with Spies as to the purposes and -objects of the revolutionists and Anarchists in the city of Chicago. What -did he say? He told about the bombs, the dynamite, their preparation, -their network of groups, their thousands of armed men in the city of Chicago, -their drilling from day to day or week to week. He gave him a -sample of a bomb, and told him further that the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office was -a place for the distribution of bombs in the city of Chicago, and upon his -own testimony it appears that he received bombs, as Mr. Ingham has explained -to you, from one part of the country; and then samples were -brought in—two more, of which the one here presented and called the Czar -bomb was one.</p> - -<p>“And now, why did he do all that? Why did this foolish man do that? -They want you to acquit him because he is foolish. Why did this foolish -man do all that? Gentlemen, the answer is plain and simple. First, -vanity—the second Washington of this country! God save the memory -of the father of our country.</p> - -<p>“Another thing, he wanted to demonstrate through the public press to -the one hundred thousand honest laborers in Chicago that Anarchy had -come. That is what he wanted. That is why it was advertised. That is -why he so flippantly discussed open secrets in that way. He wanted the -laboring man to follow in the wake of the despoilers of our country, the -Anarchists. Yes, and fearing that such talk in the newspapers would scare -some of his conspirators and co-workers in evil, he goes to Fielden when -they were having a meeting at Greif’s Hall a day or two after, and says to -him, ‘Go light on that interview among our companions; they may be scared -off.’ He was obliged to hedge among his companions to keep them in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">[567]</a></span> -control, and by his vaporings, as they call it, seek to pull to them the one -hundred thousand laborers in this town. If there had been a possibility of -the accomplishment of his designs, what would we have done in this city -with one hundred thousand men let loose? Parsons says he was a Knight -of Labor. His very paper abuses Powderly, the genius and inspiration of -the Knights of Labor in this country. Their honest leaders in this country -are men who are opposed to Anarchy, and in the organization of the Knights -of Labor, gentlemen, the one element in it to-day which is dangerous to it -and the rights of the laboring man is the very element of Anarchy—dangerous -wherever it is.</p> - -<p>“Parsons was buying arms, negotiating for them; Engel was negotiating -for them; Lingg was making bombs; Fischer was doing the work of -Spies in the promulgation of their ideas; Fielden was making speeches -preparing the public; Parsons, in his humanitarian designs against his own -country, where his fathers were born and lived—he was writing and speaking -for the social revolution and against all law, as was Schwab and Spies, -and it was to take place the 1st of May, 1886. Gentlemen, as I said in the -opening, I say again, Spies appeared at the McCormick meeting for the -purpose of inflaming that crowd to the highest intensity, as expressed in -their editorials—to the highest pitch of excitement—appeared at that crowd -and spoke. It appears from his own lips, and appears in proof here, that -before he spoke there had been no riot; that while he was speaking the -rioting occurred and the difficulty was precipitated. I take, gentlemen, his -explanation, given by himself, written that night, as the full explanation. -He in that article says: ‘If there had been one dynamite bomb.’ Think -of the horror! It makes one’s blood run cold—these men deliberating -with such infamy the destruction of life and property in a country which -has freedom for its basis and freedom for its glory, and talking riot and -bloodshed.</p> - -<p>“I am not going to discuss further that McCormick meeting, except to -make this suggestion that seems to have been omitted. It is in regard to -the ‘Revenge’ circular. I say, gentlemen, that the basis of the ‘Revenge’ -circular is a lie, premeditated, deliberate, infamous, and is the key-note to -the situation.</p> - -<p>“McCormick had some laboring men—it is the high privilege, the great -and high privilege of the defendants in this case to call them ‘scabs.’ We -will call them ‘scabs.’ They were working at McCormick’s for their honest -daily bread. They had no fight with the world. They were seeking their -subsistence by daily toil. They had rights which every man should respect; -they had the right to peaceful employment, of coming and going to their -labor as they saw fit. They came out of that great factory, only a moment -before teeming with the busy throb of life, to be set upon, attacked and -murdered by the strikers whom defendant Spies was speaking to. Who -there was entitled to protection, gentlemen? Was it the duty of the police -to protect the ‘scabs,’ or the six thousand, part of whom began the riot? The -time that the attack occurred, gentlemen, there were only two policemen on -the ground. Those two policemen that came out of McCormick’s factory -nearly lost their lives; one of them was stoned nearly to death; secured -himself in a patrol box, which was afterwards pulled down, and all for what? -Because a few ‘scabs’ coming out of McCormick’s on their way to their -homes and their families had been attacked by the mob which Spies was -addressing and instigating. The two policemen called a patrol wagon in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">[568]</a></span> -order, as was their right and duty, to protect the property of McCormick, the -lives of the ‘scabs’ who swam the river, and the lives of the two officers who -were there then. He calls such protection of a few ‘scabs’ against this army -of strikers which he sought to inflame—and did not entirely succeed—calls -that transaction the bloodhounds of the police wickedly shooting down your -friends. It was a lie. The police were there in honored duty, protecting -life and property, and the mob began the fight, and not the police. Not -only has Spies declared in that circular that men were killed who were not, -but that men were injured who were not hurt; not only that, but, pervading -it, the whole of it, is a lie, and the purpose of that lie was to inflame the -laboring men. He rushed down to his office and wrote that circular, as he -says, ‘with his blood boiling against the outrages of the police.’ Poor -bloodhounds of the police, who had undertaken to protect the lives of a few -people, and McCormick, who is unfortunate enough to own more property -than perhaps any of us—to protect his property from being stoned, and his -premises pillaged, and his men murdered. He writes the ‘Revenge’ -circular and prepares for war.</p> - -<p>“They had prepared, before the McCormick meeting, for this difficulty. -At Emma Street, on Sunday, was a conspiracy meeting of these infamous -scoundrels, and among them was Fischer, seeking our lives—seeking the -destruction of the law. They agreed upon the plan—they agreed upon -‘Ruhe’—they agreed that the meeting of the armed men should be called -for Tuesday night. It is in the history of this conspiracy that the first -meeting on that Sunday contemplated the difficulties at McCormick’s. -Where is this Thielen? Where is this German friend—this comrade? -He was down there with Comrade Spies, on the top of that car, and their -intention was to do that which was done—to excite that mob. That was -the preliminary step in this conspiracy to the open infraction of law. The -general conspiracy had been going along for weeks, perhaps for months; it -may be for years. But the details of the conspiracy were arranged at the -Emma Street meeting. Then comes the McCormick meeting, the inflaming -of the workingmen, and then what? The production of the ‘Revenge’ -circular, to still more incite them. The armed men meet at that Emma -Street place, where the Northwest Side group meet—the group that the -worst Anarchists in the city belong to—at that Emma Street meeting it -was discussed, talked about and suggested, and at that meeting it was -arranged and talked about as to where and how the fighting should be done -when the contest came. How was it to be done? One man suggested that -they should go into the crowd themselves, and begin killing then and there. -Another says: ‘That won’t do; we may come in contact with the policemen -or a detective and our lives’—yes, their precious lives—‘might be at -stake.’ That plan was rejected—that part of it. And another thing you -will remember: that it was settled that the meeting should not be on the -Market Square, down here on the South Side, because ‘it was a mouse trap,’ -because the power of the police, the militia and everything of that character -was such that it was impossible to get out of the way, at Market Square, if -the contest came. Courageous men!</p> - -<p>“After Spies had written that circular, after he had had it printed, where -does it appear? He has it sent over to the printer by a boy; and that circular, -printed by him, ordered by him, is distributed broadcast through the -city, by whose order? By Spies’. It is another significant fact, gentlemen, -that it appears at every meeting almost simultaneously with the conspiracy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">[569]</a></span> -meeting; as I remember, brought there either by Fischer or Balthasar -Rau—that I would not be sure of; but it appears almost like the -wind in all parts of the city, distributed from horseback, and it never could -have been distributed if it had not been done at the order of the arch-conspirator -of all, August Spies. That circular was intended to inflame; it -did inflame. It inflamed people throughout the city who read it; it was a -lie. They could not know that. The police had not committed the outrages, -but the mob had. There had not been that number killed nor -wounded. They could not know that. Their apostle, the individual who -has been their leader, had said, ‘To arms!’ Some answer, ‘We will.’ -That is Anarchy. Gentlemen, it is unnecessary for me to go over step by -step that conspiracy. It is established here so that it never can be moved. -Mr. Ingham and Mr. Walker went over the ground thoroughly and completely. -The defense has seen fit to let it alone. The conspiracy was -established, and all the defendants show themselves as coming into it. -Isn’t it significant that on Tuesday, on Tuesday morning, between nine and -ten, as I understand, Parsons appeared from Cincinnati? What does he -do? He rushes straight to the <i>Daily News</i> office before eleven o’clock, and -inserts a notice for the American group to meet at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -office, where it never had met before. For what purpose? For the purpose -of ‘important business.’ If that had been an honest desire to have the -important business for the purpose of arranging the sewing girls and their -employment, or making a union among the sewing girls, as they now claim, -why didn’t he say so? Before eleven o’clock Parsons appears and has this -article inserted. Why? So that the main head centers of the conspiracy -could be readily reached when the contest came ‘to its highest intensity’ -at the Haymarket. Not another day in the whole history of this organization -has the American group ever met at Fifth Avenue. Why didn’t it -meet over at the other place, at Greif’s Hall, where it always met? That -would not do, because there were meetings there, conspiracy meetings and -everything else. Whom else do we find here at this <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office? -Schwab. What for? He was not a member of the American group? -What was he there for? He was there, too, for that purpose. He had -been talking and writing, as has been read to you, about Anarchy and -bloodshed and dynamite and rifles, and he appears at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -office for the first time, when the American group meets; never was there -with them before, so far as this proof shows.</p> - -<p>“Fischer seeks to obtain this circular printed; that is his part of the programme; -he goes out—there is no dispute about these facts—he goes out -of the meeting and finds the printing-office closed. He waits until the next -morning. Now, this man is a printer; he is the friend of Spies; he went -from Spies when the circular was printed; he was in the meeting at which -the circular was distributed; he knows, as a matter of fact, that Spies wrote -that circular, ‘Workingmen, to arms.’ Spies is his general, his boss and -chief, and the arch-conspirator. He says, ‘Workingmen, to arms!’ What -does Fischer say? Why, he says: ‘Workingmen, to arms,’ in his circular, -and adds: ‘Come in full force,’ and it appears the next morning.</p> - -<p>“Now the circular was circulated. Who was invited to speak, gentlemen? -No one. Why? Because they knew that if twenty-five thousand -laboring men appeared at that meeting that night in the inflamed condition -of this town with the results following the McCormick meeting—they knew -that it was the bounden duty of the police to tell those men to go home.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">[570]</a></span> -It is in proof in this case that they expected twenty-five thousand laboring -men there. They would not need a speaker. If there was no -speaker, then there would be tumult and crowding and jostling. -Fights might occur, difficulties be precipitated, and the police inevitably -would have to come. How do I know that no speakers were invited? -Spies said that Fischer invited him. From brother Foster’s remarks I conclude -that he has been on the stump a good many years out in Iowa. I -venture to say he never went to a public meeting in his life, where he addressed -it, where great crowds were assembled, where talking was to be -indulged in, without asking his invitor who else was going to speak. It -don’t appear in proof here that Fischer was ever asked that question. -Spies was to speak in German, and that is the reason he didn’t hurry to -the meeting. Fischer, Spies says, invited him to speak. Well, he was invited -to speak, and nobody else—and he has never said anything about -anybody else having been invited—not a syllable, not a name given. In fact, -every other individual that could be invited had gone elsewhere, had prepared -his alibi, had arranged for the meeting at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, -at the American group; every other speaker was there, but Spies alone was -invited to speak, he says, and yet he waits, he waits after getting to that -meeting. He does that which the design showed clearly was the intention -to do, to precipitate a difficulty at the Haymarket meeting, and to gain -results by armed men and dynamite early in the evening, and then would -destruction and chaos come.</p> - -<p>“The first words of Spies’ opening speech demonstrate a significant -thing. Why should Spies open the meeting? Why didn’t Fischer open it? -Why didn’t the executive committee open it? Spies opened it. After idling -around there some time in regard to the matter, Spies opened the meeting. -Had anybody asked him to open the meeting? Why, no. He was only an -ordinary invited speaker at a meeting at which no other speaker had been -invited, and he appears there, and the first words he says, as I will show you -by English’s testimony, are: ‘Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fielden will be here in -a very short time to address you.’ How did he know where they were? -He had not seen them. There is no indication that he had seen Parsons -that day. How did he know that Parsons was not in Cincinnati? ‘Parsons -and Fielden will be here in a few moments.’ How do you know, Mr. Spies? -Why, they are over at the <i>Alarm</i> office, or at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, and -Balthasar Rau is sent over there to get them.</p> - -<p>“And now, Belthasar Rau went from this meeting over to the <i>Alarm</i> -office, the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, and invited those two people to come over -there, that Spies wanted some help. Why did he want help? Well, the -meeting was not big enough. It was going to dissolve; it looked as though -it was going to pieces; the thing was a fiasco; he had got to keep it—try -and see if he could not do something. And he continued, holding the -audience till help came, and said: ‘I will say, however, first, that this -meeting was called for the purpose of discussing the general situation of the -eight-hour strike, and the events which have taken place during the last -forty-eight hours. It seems to have been the opinion of the authorities that -this meeting had been called for the purpose of raising a little row and -disturbance.’</p> - -<p>“Now, how did Spies know that the authorities knew anything about it? -Had Spies told them that there was going to be a row? Oh, no; he said -nothing of that kind; but he said deliberately in that meeting that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">[571]</a></span> -authorities are supposed to believe or know that a riot is going to take place -right there. Had the ‘Revenge’ circular been circulated? Yes. Had -the other circular been circulated? Yes. What was their purpose? To -make a row. Spies knew it, and he hedges in his inflammatory utterances -which you read between the lines. It is a Mark Antony style of oratory—inflames -most when there is least said. He was lying about the Gatling -guns and the police, all for inflaming purposes, discussing that McCormick -matter, about which he had in the inception begun to lie, for the same purpose. -That was a very significant opening. It shows that he knew the -purposes and object of that meeting. Gentlemen, it was the duty of the -police to have disturbed and broken up that meeting in its inception. -Why? The whole town was aflame. You remember it. Riot had occurred -the day before, and the calling of a meeting upon so public a place as that -was ill-advised and ought not to have been done. And the police, if they -had walked down there thus early in the evening and dispersed it, would -have done what was right. But the police did not walk down there and -disturb the meeting; they walked down there and asked the meeting to disperse. -There is no use of talking about proof, gentlemen. Their belts -were on, their clubs in their sockets, their pistols in their pockets. That is -the fact. They marched down that street, not with the precipitation which -they would have you believe. They marched down that street perhaps fast, -but not with precipitation, not with haste. They marched down that street -to disperse a meeting that had talked ‘To arms;’ that had said: ‘Throttle -the law,’ and that had said enough to have caused bloodshed then and -there, and the only reason that more lives were not lost is because they -failed to come earlier. The arrangement of that meeting was that it should -be called, and that they should come early, and that it should be precipitated, -and blood would flow. Engel was there in the evening; he knew -about it. Fischer walked up with Waller, and Waller was armed. ‘Workingmen, -come armed.’ A word, gentlemen, only a word, about the breaking-up -of that meeting. They have played Harrison in and out of this case, -for the purpose of saving the defendants. Harrison, you remember, went -there for the purpose of ascertaining if that meeting was organized to attack -the freight-house of the Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad, about which you -remember there was some difficulty, or McCormick’s, or if it was called to -attack any particular place. He found, from the speeches, that, although -inflammatory—and he said so—from the speeches themselves he found that -no particular place was pointed out for an attack.</p> - -<p>“It was the same old speeches—riot, bloodshed, the black flag, the red -flag, dynamite, war, to arms. And counsel upon the other side say that that -‘To arms! To arms!’ didn’t mean anything. It was Pickwickian, and -used to round a sentence. They went down to that meeting, and Harrison -was there and saw that meeting and heard those speeches, and reported -back to Bonfield what had been the result, namely, that they had ceased to -become inflammatory since they had seen his face.</p> - -<p>“Thinking that the meeting was organized for plunder at the freight-house, -hearing the speeches, seeing them become more moderate, Harrison -left, and after he is gone, then come the reports, the incendiary character -still increased, and when they come, they come in such shape that if Bonfield -had not gone down there, then and there, he would have failed to perform -his duty.</p> - -<p>“We have had enough of this. It is time it stopped. They were asked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">[572]</a></span> -peaceably to disperse—peaceably to disperse—peaceably to disperse. -The police had their clubs in their belts, their pistols in their belts, and the -bomb was thrown. So say Bonfield, Wessler, Foley, Bowler, Hanley, Ward, -Hubbard, Haas, Hull, Heinemann—and I want to suggest a word about -Heinemann’s testimony. Heinemann said that when that bomb exploded -he was getting away on the east side of the street, going south. What did -he get? He got the whistling of bullets past his ear. Where did they come -from? Where could they come from? Hull was on that platform up there, -and Owen was there, and that is where Simonson was. Hull says firing -began by the crowd. Well, Owen got hit up there. It had to come from -over there. Dr. Newman says that all sizes of bullets were found, from -twenty-two to forty-four, and the police did not have anything but thirty-eight -caliber. That was a cruel thrust for counsel to make at men standing -up as these men did that night—death in their midst—standing there so -nobly—a thrust to save the lives or the liberty of the defendants—by saying -that they shot each other in their fright and terror. As Wirt Dexter said in -a speech about that matter—I wish I could deliver his words to you—in -praising the act of the police in that transaction: How noble was their conduct! -Instead of fleeing and running, they said: ‘Fall in, boys,’ and the -city was saved. Supposing the police had fired first, after the bomb. The -man who threw that bomb obtained it from Lingg or Spies, and threw it in -accordance with the general plan of conspiracy, and death was the result. -I cannot talk to you about families, about wives and children, but if I had -the power I would like to take you all over there to the Haymarket that -night, and with you, with tears in your eyes, see the dead and mingle with -the wounded, the dying—see law violated, and then I could, if I had the -power, paint you a picture that would steel your hearts against the defendants. -Captain Black said, in argument to you, that the State had no right -to do that. The State has all the rights that it could possibly possess -through so weak an instrument as myself. He has no more right. Did -Fielden shoot? I think so. If he did not, he is made of poorer clay than -I take him to be. He has been saying for years: ‘The bloodhounds of the -police should be massacred and killed.’ He it was who said that he would -march with the black flag down Michigan Avenue and strike terror to the -heart of the capitalist. He it is who has said, day in and day out, since -living in this inhospitable country: ‘Death to the police and the capitalists—the -despoilers—our despoilers—death to them!’</p> - -<p>“Why, do you mean to say that he would not do what he says he would -do? Dr. Epler swears that he told him when he dressed the wound that -he was shot when he was down on the pavement, and he has not denied -it. That was a significant fact, gentlemen; a very significant fact. The -officer who was shot thinks it was by Fielden. It may have been by somebody -else; nobody can tell.</p> - -<p>“Another thing. One of the officers swears that he was wounded in -the knee. I was not looking at Capt. Black when he motioned to you the -place where the wound occurred. For the purpose of correcting myself -and making no mistake about it, because the testimony of an officer or any -witness who put his finger on the spot cannot get into the record; and I -found by looking at the record that he pointed his finger ‘here and here.’ -Of course there was no significance to that. So I saw the wound again. I -had seen it once before. The bullet went in there (indicating), and came out -above, going around up opposite the knee-cap, and was not from behind.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">[573]</a></span></p> - -<p>“That bomb was thrown in furtherance of a common design. No matter -who threw it. But the gentlemen say there can be no conviction in -this case because we have failed to prove, or cannot prove, who threw that -identical bomb. That is not the law, as I explained to you yesterday. The -other question is, Is there anything in this case showing who did? Gilmer -says that he was in the alley, and a match was lighted, and that bomb was -thrown by one man; Fischer stood by, and that Spies lighted it. Is that -remarkable? Spies had been advising the doing of that thing for years; -and in one of the articles that has been read to you, over his own signature, -he says: ‘Take as few people into your confidence as possible; do it alone; -in your revolutionary deeds, do it alone; but if you have to consult anybody, -take your nearest friend, a man you can rely upon.’ Who is Schnaubelt? -Schwab’s brother-in-law. Who is Fischer? A man who got the -meeting up at Spies’ instance, and works for Spies. Now, gentlemen, I -presume, and I have no doubt but what if they had raked a little more carefully, -we would have found the man that said that that bomb was thrown -from the top of Crane’s building; you could have found the man that said -it came from away in the alley; any number of men probably would have -put it north of the alley, and some south. The question here is, about -where did it come from? The explanation of street warfare is, that it is to -be done near alleys. Is Spies so craven now, after the deed is done, that -he shall say, ‘I had no hand in it,’ when he had advised it for years? -Gentlemen, men’s lives speak for themselves. He has advised it, said it, -talked it, acted it. Why, the witnesses say, counsel upon the other side say -to you, ‘Gentlemen, it is impossible that this man would do it, because no -man saw the light which would have flashed up in their faces.’ Why, gentlemen, -they put two witnesses on the stand to swear distinctly and clearly -and positively that they had lighted a match and lighted a pipe, which -would take a good deal longer than lighting a fuse. Spies says in one -article: ‘It never goes out in a dry night; the Anarchist fuse never fails.’ -It could have happened; it has been advised to happen] precisely as Gilmer -states it. Ignore Gilmer, and the case is made. But they want you to -ignore Thompson too. Why? What for? Because they heard Schwab -and Spies talk together. Was there anything marvelous in that? Had -they said anything there together that they had not been saying in public -for years? But supposing you ignore Thompson’s testimony and say that -Thompson is mistaken; then it was Schnaubelt, wasn’t it? Why was -Spies so confidential with Schnaubelt that night? Where is Schnaubelt? -He was the man that was arrested before the conspiracy was known, and -let go; shaved his whiskers off, changed his appearance, and he has not -been seen since. Why was Spies so confidential with Schnaubelt? He -says he did walk with him; says that Henry Spies walked behind him.</p> - -<p>“Gentlemen, let me show you the testimony of these people in pairs. It -is the most marvelous thing I ever saw in a lawsuit. Ferguson and Gleason -were together. They went in pairs. You remember it. Ferguson -says that he was on the corner of Randolph Street when the bomb was -thrown. Gleason says that was not so; they were away down next to the -station, more than half a block away. Ferguson says that they heard a -crash like the breaking of a plank or a pistol, and then the bomb exploded. -That is when he was on the corner of the street. Gleason says that was -not so; he didn’t remember of hearing anything of that kind, but they both -distinctly remembered of seeing, after the bomb was exploded, the police<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">[574]</a></span> -fire from that way. The Anarchists fired south, the police north. Ferguson -and Gleason were south of and behind the police, yet they say the -police fired south, while facing north. Ridiculous. And one or the other -of them, I don’t know—or it was Taylor—says that they, the police, fired -clear down to Madison Street, and along Madison Street. Queer that -nobody else heard of that. What were they shooting down there for? -Richter and Liniger—you remember them—these are the two loving -friends that went to that meeting pursuant to the notice that they saw in -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>—not only the notice of the meeting, but the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -contained the ‘Revenge’ circular. They went to that meeting and -lovingly stood in the alley, midway between the edge of the walk and the -building, arm in arm, for over an hour. Foster knew that that was ridiculous, -and he tried to get them apart; he asked them questions to get them -apart, but they clung together for over an hour, and finally moved up to -the lamp-post, where Taylor had been standing before the meeting began, -and they didn’t know where the meeting was to be.</p> - -<p>“Again Krumm stood in the alley with his back to the wall all the time -except when he lighted his pipe and walked backward and forward in it, -Albright standing with him. Krumm had his back up against that wall, -glued like a post for almost an hour, saving only at intervals did he leave -it; and Krumm and Albright lighted their pipes, and they moved to the -lamp-post. The lamp-post was peopled thick. Gentlemen, it is an insult -to your intelligence to suggest a word about the truth of that Krumm and -Albright’s testimony. Why, Krumm is the man that left his boarding-house, -boarding with Albright at that time—left his house in search of a -friend whose name he could not give; if he could it was indefinite—and -that he was to meet him on the corner of Canal and Randolph Streets that -night somewhere. He went down to Canal and Randolph Streets, wandered -around there looking for his friend, or for somebody who said he would -meet him there, and then walked back to the meeting and began to look -for Albright, or at least he found Albright. Now, isn’t that a queer -circumstance—that they neither of them knew that that meeting was -going to happen, or knew that the other was to be there; left the house -about the same time, and yet did not leave together, and happened to meet -right in that alley, with their backs up against the wall? The next pair is -Fischer and Wandry. That is for the alibi. Now, why doesn’t Spies, who -was on the stand, who says he was in Zepf’s, say something about Fischer -being there. Why wasn’t Waller, who was on the stand, asked by these -men whether Fischer was there? The witnesses all congregate at this -place, at Zepf’s Hall, after the meeting, and Fischer has not been seen by -anybody, except Wandry. Even this respectable Nihilist from Russia don’t -remember of seeing Fischer, and got Fischer in a great many different -places, as they do Parsons. Finding Parsons had got to be in several places, -and further, finding that they have got him down in the window, they get -another man there that looks like Parsons—as they did Krumm, who lighted -his pipe in the alley and looked so much like Spies. To digress a moment, -Mr. Walker never said to you, gentlemen, that the defendants’ lawyers put -up Mr. Krumm because of his resemblance to Spies and to account for a -light in the alley. That was not fair. He made the declaration that the -other side, or somebody, had put up the job.</p> - -<p>“We have endeavored to try this lawsuit like gentlemen. I think we -have succeeded on both sides. There was not that implication to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">[575]</a></span> -drawn from what Walker said, but it was rather ingenious and sagacious -to allow you, gentlemen, to believe that we had been saying something that -was unfair.</p> - -<p>“The two men that saw Schnaubelt—Lehnert and Krueger. That was -the queerest circumstance that I have yet come across. By the way, Krueger -was in the conspiracy, was in both the meetings, with Schnaubelt, with -Waller, with Engel, with Lingg; he was there, knew them all, and, although -he was on the stand, the gentlemen upon the other side never asked him -nor Grueneberg a question about the conspiracy. Neither did they ask -Spies, or Parsons, or Schwab. They did ask Fielden.</p> - -<p>“August Krueger and Lehnert got this man some twenty or thirty feet -away from the alley and the wagon, talking in a quiet tone of voice about -going home. They walk a little ways together. Krueger goes one direction -and Schnaubelt another. Black tells you that the reason of that was -because they could not go together any further, as their places diverged. -It would not have done for them to have gone together any further, because -Krueger went to Engel’s. There were too many at Engel’s—it would not -have done.</p> - -<p>“I believe that Schnaubelt threw the bomb. You may believe that it -is an unknown person threw it; it is immaterial.</p> - -<p>“Back and Mitlacher. Back, if I remember, is the man that appeared -at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office that Tuesday night, at the time of the meeting -of the American group. Now, what was he there for? He was a member -of some other group. At all events he was there, and a German; he was -not an American; he had not been here long enough, to start with, and he -didn’t look as if he ever wanted to be one of our kind.</p> - -<p>“Now, where did these two men stand? They stood on the platform, -next to the plumber’s shop, on the south side of the alley, and at least -thirty-five or forty feet from where that wagon was; yet those men, one of -them, the tall man, says that he distinctly remembers seeing Henry Spies. -Why, it was a dark night, and the man couldn’t see from there. And the -other fellow saw Henry Spies’ hat. They stood there all the evening, -nearly; walked up and down once in a while; stood there all the evening. -That is another ridiculous suggestion.</p> - -<p>“This alibi business and this suggestion of these pairs, couples, constitute -what Black calls proof. That is right. It is negative, and a very poor -negative at that. He says that that is all you could prove. Didn’t see anything, -of course.</p> - -<p>“My attention is brought to another fact. Captain Black made a mistake. -I put it that way. He read Thompson’s testimony to you. Your -(<i>i. e.</i>, Captain Black’s) shorthand writer has either made a mistake, or your -typewriter has. Thompson did not change, in his answers, from Spies to -Schwab.</p> - -<p>“In regard to the testimony of Thompson, gentlemen, it was a remarkable -feature of the case that he stood that searching cross-examination with -such splendid equanimity, and no disturbance of what he said. And, gentlemen, -that same can be said of Gilmer. Let any of you go onto that -witness-stand, and let the sagacious, clear-headed Foster hammer away at -you two hours and a half, over some little fact, and you would see where -you would be. I could not stand it. There is not one man in a thousand -that could. And it is nothing against a man’s character in the city of Chicago -that those that know well of him do not know where he lives. I do<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">[576]</a></span> -not believe that one of you gentlemen knows where I live, or where Foster -lives, or where Black lives. It is nothing against a man that his employer -sometimes speaks well of him.</p> - -<p>“I have my attention brought—I had almost forgotten it—to a peculiar -circumstance about this case, and the most significant of anything that -I have seen in it. When Spies was arrested he left the traces of his crime -in his office. Free speech had become so common to him—free speech, as -they call it in this case, had become so remarkably liberal that he feared -nothing. Bonfield came in and arrested him. He goes over to Ebersold. -Ebersold, in his indignation, characterizes the crowd as you heard it here, -and Spies says, upon the witness-stand, that he <i>unsuspectingly</i> went over -there. If he had had his senses about him, he would have destroyed -‘Ruhe,’ the manuscript, and everything of that character, and no traces—autonomous -traces—would be left.</p> - -<p>“In speaking of ‘Ruhe,’ I want to speak of another thing. Spies said -that he received a communication that he was to put in prominent letters -in the Letter-box. Now, the bare fact of putting it in the Letter-box is as -prominent as it could be. It is separate and distinct. Let us see how he -puts it. He puts it in the Letter-box, marks a double line under it, which -means big letters, puts in an exclamation point at the other end, and inserts -it. That makes it prominent, sure. Now, what does he say about it? He -unsuspectingly leaves the traces of his crime; and there never was a criminal, -great or small, in the world, but that somewhere, at some time, committed -a mistake. It is the little mistakes, the plain, noticeable mistakes -that they make, which serve for detection. ‘Ruhe’ appears, and he says he -supposed that it was some labor organization. The idea! Why, his labor -organizations are all distinct and plain. It says: ‘This organization meets -so-and-so. That organization meets so and so.’ The paper speaks for -itself. Talk about a labor organization putting in such a word as that -‘Ruhe,’ whose significance is peace, quiet and rest, but which meant war -and bloodshed!</p> - -<p>“The police did not wait any too long. It has been done enough in -this town. It is time that we American citizens awoke to a full realization -of the importance of liberty and freedom of speech, and that freedom of -speech does not mean license to preach murder, to preach assassination, to -preach crime and the perpetration of it. That is not free speech. A man -who does that is answerable for it, and for the result of his preaching, the -result of his words. If it results in crime, he is responsible himself. Gentlemen, -that is the law. I have gone over this case perhaps more <i>in extenso</i> -than I intended; more perhaps than you desire to listen to; I am through. -Your duty is about to begin. I felt relieved when you were selected. Some -of the great responsibility that has rested upon my shoulders I felt I could -place upon yours. It has been placed there. Gentlemen, the responsibility -is great. You have to answer yourselves, under your oaths, to the people of -the State, not to me. My duty is performed, and yours begins, and in this -connection, gentlemen, let me suggest to you another reason why it is important -that you should be careful. You can acquit them all, one, or none; -you can distribute the penalties as you please. To some you can administer -the extreme penalty of the law; to others less than that, if you desire. To -some you can give life, administer punishment if you desire; to some, years -of punishment.</p> - -<p>“I have a word to say in this connection about Neebe. The testimony<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">[577]</a></span> -has been analyzed, the testimony in regard to his connection with the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office; his connection with these people from time to time, -the evidence that when he saw the dynamite in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office on -that morning when it was discovered there, which these men so infamously -suggest was put there by the police—but I have not argued that question; -it looks so insulting to a man’s intelligence. If that had been so, if it was -not there and did not belong there, they could have brought Lizius here. -His name is on the back of the indictment. They could have brought all -the employés of the office here. What did Neebe say about the dynamite? -Why, he said it was stuff to clean type with, he guessed; and he circulated, -not two circulars, but a lot of them. Gentlemen, I am not here to ask you to -take the life of Oscar Neebe on this proof. I shall ask you to do nothing in -this case that I feel I would not do myself were I seated in your chairs.</p> - -<p>“This case is greater than us all, more important to the country than -you conceive; the case itself and what it involves is more important than -all their lives, than all the lives of the unfortunate officers who bit the dust -that night in defense of our laws.</p> - -<p>“Some of these people, we sincerely and honestly believe, should receive -at your hands the extreme penalty of the law. Spies, Fischer, Lingg, -Engel, Fielden, Parsons, Schwab, Neebe, in my opinion, based upon the -proof, is the order of the punishment. It is for you to say what it shall be. -You have been importuned, gentlemen, to disagree. Don’t do that; don’t -do that. If, in your judgments, in the judgment of some of you, some of -these men should suffer death, and others think a less punishment would -subserve the law, don’t stand on that, but agree on something. It is no -pleasant task for me to ask the life of any man. Personally I have not a -word to say against these men. As a representative of the law I say to -you, the law demands now, here, its power. Regardless of me, of Foster, -of Black, or of us all, that law which the exponents of Anarchy violated to -kill Lincoln and Garfield, that law that has made us strong to-day, and -which you have sworn to obey, demands of you a punishment of these men. -Don’t do it because I ask you. Do it, if it should be done, because the -law demands it. You stand between the living and the dead. You stand -between law and violated law. Do your duty courageously, even if that -duty is an unpleasant and a severe one.”</p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">[578]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXXII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Instructions to the Jury—What Murder Is—Free Speech and its -Abuse—The Theory of Conspiracy—Value of Circumstantial Evidence—Meaning of -a “Reasonable Doubt”—What a Jury May Decide—Waiting for the Verdict—“Guilty -of Murder”—The Death Penalty Adjudged—Neebe’s Good Luck—Motion for a New -Trial—Affidavits about the Jury—The Motion Overruled.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap08">ON the conclusion of State’s Attorney Grinnell’s review of the arguments -made by the defense, Judge Gary proceeded to charge the -jury. The hour was after the noon recess of Thursday, August 19, and the -presentation and reading of the instructions consumed a goodly portion of -the afternoon. When the court had finished the jury retired, and the fate of -eight men was in their hands.</p> - -<p>The instructions given were as follows on behalf of the people:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The court instructs the jury, in the language of the statute, that murder -is the unlawful killing of a human being in the peace of the people, with -malice aforethought, either expressed or implied. An unlawful killing may -be perpetrated by poisoning, striking, starving, drowning, stabbing, shooting, -or by any other of the various forms or means by which human nature -may be overcome, and death thereby occasioned.</p> - -<p>“Express malice is that deliberate intention unlawfully to take away the -life of a fellow-creature which is manifested by external circumstances capable -of proof. Malice shall be implied when no considerable provocation -appears, or when all the circumstances of the killing show an abandoned -and malignant heart.</p> - -<p>“The court instructs the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall -suffer the penalty of death or imprisonment in the penitentiary for his -natural life, or for a term not less than fourteen years. If the accused or -any of them are found guilty by the jury, the jury shall fix the punishment -by their verdict.</p> - -<p>“The court instructs the jury that, while it is provided by the Constitution -of the State of Illinois that every person may freely speak, write and -publish on all subjects, he is, by the Constitution, held responsible under -the laws for the abuse of liberty so given. Freedom of speech is limited by -the laws of the land, to the extent, among other limitations, that no man is -allowed to advise the committing of any crime against the person or property -of another; and the statute provides: An accessory is he who stands -by and aids, abets and assists, or who, not being present, aiding, abetting or -assisting, hath advised, encouraged, aided or abetted the perpetration of -the crime. He who thus aids, abets, assists, advises or encourages, shall -be considered as principal, and punished accordingly.</p> - -<p>“Every such accessory, when the crime is committed within or without -this State by his aid or procurement in this State, may be indicted and convicted -at the same time as the principal, or before or after his conviction, -whether the principal is convicted or amenable to justice or not, and punished -as principal.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">[579]</a></span></p> - -<p>“The court further instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that if they believe -from the evidence in this case, beyond a reasonable doubt, that the -defendants, or any of them, conspired and agreed together, or with others, -to overthrow the law by force, or to unlawfully resist the officers of the law, -and if they further believe from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, -that, in pursuance of such conspiracy and in furtherance of the common object, -a bomb was thrown by a member of such conspiracy at the time, and -that Mathias J. Degan was killed, then such of the defendants that the jury -believe from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, to have been parties -to such conspiracy, are guilty of murder, whether present at the killing or -not, and whether the identity of the person throwing the bomb be established -or not.</p> - -<p>“If the jury believe from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, that -there was in existence in this county and State a conspiracy to overthrow the -existing order of society, and to bring about social revolution by force, or -to destroy the legal authorities of this city, county or State by force, and -that the defendants, or any of them, were parties to such conspiracy, and -that Degan was killed in the manner described in the indictment, that he -was killed by a bomb, and that the bomb was thrown by a party to the conspiracy, -and in furtherance of the objects of the conspiracy, then any of the -defendants who were members of such conspiracy at that time are in this -case guilty of murder, and that, too, although the jury may further believe -from the evidence that the time and place for the bringing about of such -revolution, or the destruction of such authorities, had not been definitely, -agreed upon by the conspirators, but was left to them and the exigencies of -time, or to the judgment of any of the co-conspirators.”</p> - -<p>“If these defendants, or any two or more of them, conspired together -with or not with any other person or persons to excite the people or classes -of the people of this city to sedition, tumult and riot, to use deadly weapons -against and take the lives of other persons, as a means to carry their -designs and purposes into effect, and in pursuance of such conspiracy, and -in furtherance of its objects, any of the persons so conspiring publicly, by -print or speech, advised or encouraged the commission of murder without -designating time, place or occasion at which it should be done, and in pursuance -of, and induced by such advice or encouragement, murder was committed, -then all of such conspirators are guilty of such murder, whether -the person who perpetrated such murder can be identified or not. If such -murder was committed in pursuance of such advice or encouragement, and -was induced thereby, it does not matter what change, if any, in the order -or condition of society, or what, if any, advantage to themselves or -others the conspirators proposed as the result of their conspiracy, -nor does it matter whether such advice and encouragement had -been frequent and long continued or not, except in determining whether -the perpetrator was or was not acting in pursuance of such advice -or encouragement, and was or was not induced thereby to commit the murder. -If there was such conspiracy as in this instruction is recited, such -advice or encouragement was given, and murder committed in pursuance of -and induced thereby, then all such conspirators are guilty of murder. Nor -does it matter, if there was such a conspiracy, how impracticable or impossible -of success its end and aims were, nor how foolish or ill-arranged -were the plans for its execution, except as bearing upon the question -whether there was or was not such conspiracy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">[580]</a></span></p> - -<p>“The court instructs the jury that a conspiracy may be established by -circumstantial evidence the same as any other fact, and that such evidence -is legal and competent for that purpose. So also whether an act which -was committed was done by a member of the conspiracy, may be established -by circumstantial evidence, whether the identity of the individual who committed -the act be established or not; and also whether an act done was in -pursuance of the common design may be ascertained by the same -class of evidence, and if the jury believe from the evidence in -this case beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendants or any of them -conspired and agreed together or with others to overthrow the law by force, -or destroy the legal authorities of this city, county or State by force, and that -in furtherance of the common design, and by a member of such conspiracy, -Mathias J. Degan was killed, then these defendants, if any, whom the jury -believe from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, were parties to such -conspiracy, are guilty of the murder of Mathias J. Degan, whether the -identity of the individual doing the killing be established or not, or whether -such defendants were present at the time of the killing or not.</p> - -<p>“The jury are instructed, as a matter of law, that all who take part in -the conspiracy after it is formed, and while it is in execution, and all who -with knowledge of the facts concur in the plan originally formed, and aid in -executing them, are fellow-conspirators. Their concurrence without proof -of an agreement to concur is conclusive against them. They commit the -offense when they become parties to the transaction or further the original -plan with knowledge of the conspiracy.</p> - -<p>“The court instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that circumstantial evidence -is just as legal and just as effective as any other evidence, provided -the circumstances are of such a character and force as to satisfy the minds -of the jury of the defendants’ guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.</p> - -<p>“The court instructs the jury that what is meant by circumstantial evidence -in criminal cases is the proof of such facts and circumstances connected -with or surrounding the commission of the crime charged as tend -to show the guilt or innocence of the party charged. And if those facts -and circumstances are sufficient to satisfy the jury of the guilt of the defendants -beyond a reasonable doubt, then such evidence is sufficient to authorize -the jury in finding the defendants guilty.</p> - -<p>“The law exacts the conviction wherever there is sufficient legal evidence -to show the defendants’ guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, and circumstantial -evidence is legal evidence.</p> - -<p>“The court instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that when the defendants -August Spies, Michael Schwab, Albert R. Parsons and Samuel Fielden -testified as witnesses in this case, each became the same as any other witness, -and the credibility of each is to be attested by and subjected to the -same tests as are legally applied to any other witness; and in determining -the degree of credibility that shall be accorded to the testimony of any one -of said above-named defendants, the jury have a right to take into consideration -the fact that he is interested in the result of this prosecution, as -well as his demeanor and conduct upon the witness-stand during the trial, -and the jury are also to take into consideration the fact, if such is the fact, -that he has been contradicted by other witnesses. And the court further -instructs the jury that if, after considering all the evidence in this case, -they find that any one of said defendants August Spies, Michael Schwab, -Albert R. Parsons and Samuel Fielden has willfully and corruptly testified<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">[581]</a></span> -falsely to any fact material to the issue in this case, they have the right to -entirely disregard his testimony, except in so far as his testimony is corroborated -by other credible evidence.</p> - -<p>“The rule of law which clothes every person accused of crime with the -presumption of innocence, and imposes upon the State the burden of establishing -his guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, is not intended to aid any one -who is in fact guilty of crime to escape, but is a humane provision of law, -intended, so far as human agencies can, to guard against the danger of any -innocent person being unjustly punished.</p> - -<p>“The court instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that in considering -the case the jury are not to go beyond the evidence to hunt up doubts, nor -must they entertain such doubts as are merely chimerical or conjectural. A -doubt, to justify an acquittal, must be reasonable, and it must arise from a -candid and impartial investigation of all the evidence in the case, and unless -it is such that, were the same kind of doubt interposed in the graver transactions -of life, it would cause a reasonable and prudent man to hesitate and -pause, it is insufficient to authorize a verdict of not guilty. If, after considering -all the evidence, you can say you have an abiding conviction of the -truth of the charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt.</p> - -<p>“The court further instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that the doubt -which the juror is allowed to retain on his own mind, and under the influence -of which he should frame a verdict of not guilty, must always be a -reasonable one. A doubt produced by undue sensibility in the mind of any -juror, in view of the consequences of his verdict, is not a reasonable doubt, -and a juror is not allowed to create sources or materials of doubt by resorting -to trivial and fanciful suppositions and remote conjectures as to possible -states of fact differing from that established by the evidence. You are not -at liberty to disbelieve as jurors if from the evidence you believe as men; -your oath imposes on you no obligation to doubt where no doubt would -exist if no oath had been administered.</p> - -<p>“The court instructs the jury that they are the judges of the law as well -as the facts in this case, and if they can say, upon their oaths, that they -know the law better than the court itself, they have the right to do so; but -before assuming so solemn a responsibility, they should be assured that they -are not acting from caprice or prejudice, that they are not controlled by -their will or their wishes, but from a deep and confident conviction that the -court is wrong and that they are right. Before saying this, upon their -oaths, it is their duty to reflect whether, from their study and experience, -they are better qualified to judge of the law than the court. If, under all -the circumstances, they are prepared to say that the court is wrong in its -exposition of the law, the statute has given them that right.</p> - -<p>“In this case the jury may, as in their judgment the evidence warrants, -find any or all of the defendants guilty or not, or all of them not guilty; and -if, in their judgment, the evidence warrants, they may, in case they find the -defendants, or any of them, guilty, fix the same penalty for all the defendants -found guilty, or different penalties for the different defendants found -guilty.</p> - -<p>“In case they find the defendants, or any of them, guilty of murder, they -should fix the penalty either at death or at imprisonment in the penitentiary -for life, or at imprisonment in the penitentiary for a term of any number of -years, not less than fourteen.”</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">[582]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">The instructions given on behalf of defendants were as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The jury in a criminal case are the judges of the law and the evidence, -and have to act according to their best judgment of such law and the -facts.</p> - -<p>“The jury have a right to disregard the instructions of the court, provided -they can say upon their oaths that they believe they know the law -better than the court.</p> - -<p>“The law presumes the defendants innocent of the charge in the indictment -until the jury are satisfied by the evidence, beyond all reasonable -doubt, of the guilt of the defendants.</p> - -<p>“If a reasonable doubt of any facts, necessary to convict the accused, is -raised in the minds of the jury by the evidence itself, or by the ingenuity -of counsel upon any hypothesis reasonably consistent with the evidence, -that doubt is decisive in favor of the prisoners’ acquittal. A verdict of -not guilty simply means that the guilt of the accused has not been -demonstrated in the precise, specific and narrow forms prescribed by -the law.</p> - -<p>“No jury should convict anybody of crime upon mere suspicion, however -strong, or because there is a preponderance of all the evidence against -him, but the jury must be convinced of the defendant’s guilt, beyond all -reasonable doubt, before they can lawfully convict.</p> - -<p>“The law does not require the defendants to prove themselves innocent, -but the burden of proof that they are guilty beyond all reasonable doubt -is upon the prosecution.</p> - -<p>“The indictment is of itself a mere accusation and no proof of the guilt -of the defendants.</p> - -<p>“The presumption of the innocence of the defendants is not a mere -form, but an essential, substantial part of the law of the land, and it is the -duty of the jury to give the defendants the full benefit of this presumption -in this case.</p> - -<p>“It is incumbent upon the prosecution to prove beyond all reasonable -doubt every material allegation in the indictment, and unless that has been -done, the jury should find the defendants not guilty.</p> - -<p>“The burden is upon the prosecution to prove by credible evidence, -beyond all reasonable doubt, that the defendants are guilty as charged in -the indictment of the murder of Mathias J. Degan; it is the duty of the -jury to acquit any of the defendants as to whom there is a failure of such -proof. The jury are not at liberty to adopt any unreasonable theories -or suppositions in considering the evidence in order to justify a verdict of -conviction.</p> - -<p>“A reasonable doubt is that state of mind in which the jury, after considering -all the evidence, cannot say they feel an abiding faith, amounting -to a moral certainty, from the evidence in the case, that the defendants -are guilty as charged in the indictment.</p> - -<p>“The rules of evidence as to the amount of evidence in this case are -different from those in a civil case; a mere preponderance of evidence -would not warrant a verdict of guilty.</p> - -<p>“Mere probability of the defendants’ guilt is not sufficient to warrant a -conviction.</p> - -<p>“Your personal opinions as to facts not proved cannot be the basis of -your verdict, but you must form your verdict from the evidence, and that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">[583]</a></span> -alone, unaided and uninfluenced by any opinions or presumptions not -founded upon the evidence.</p> - -<p>“The jury are the sole judges of the credibility of witnesses, and in passing -thereon may consider their prejudices, motives or feelings of revenge, -if any such have appeared, and if the jury believe from the evidence that -any witness has knowingly or willfully testified falsely as to any material -fact, they may disregard his entire testimony, unless it is corroborated by -other credible evidence.</p> - -<p>“If one single fact is proved by a preponderance of the evidence which -is inconsistent with the guilt of a defendant, this is sufficient to raise a -reasonable doubt as to his guilt and entitles him to an acquittal. In order -to justify the inference of legal guilt from circumstantial evidence, the existence -of the inculpatory facts must be absolutely incompatible with the -innocence of the accused upon any rational theory.</p> - -<p>“The witnesses Gottfried Waller and Wilhelm Seliger are accomplices, -and while a person accused of crime may be convicted upon the -uncorroborated testimony of an accomplice, still the jury should weigh it -with great care and caution, and convict upon it only if they are satisfied -beyond any reasonable doubt of its truth.</p> - -<p>“If you believe from the evidence that the witnesses Gottfried Waller -and Wilhelm Seliger were induced to become witnesses by any promise of -immunity from punishment, or by any hope held out to them, that it would -go easier with them in case they disclosed who their confederates were, or -in case they implicated some one else in the crime, then you should take -such facts into consideration in determining the weight to be given to their -testimony.</p> - -<p>“Same instruction in regard to the testimony of any other witnesses for -the prosecution.</p> - -<p>“The testimony of an accomplice should be subjected to critical examination -in the light of all the other evidence.</p> - -<p>“A person charged with crime may testify in his own behalf, but his -neglect to do so shall not create any presumption against him.</p> - -<p>“The jury should endeavor to reconcile the testimony of the defendants’ -witnesses with the belief that all of them endeavored to tell the truth, -and you should attribute any contradictions or differences in their testimony -to mistake or misrecollection rather than to a willful intention to swear -falsely, if you can reasonably do so under the evidence.</p> - -<p>“The jury should fairly and impartially consider the testimony of the -defendants, together with all the other evidence.</p> - -<p>“If the verbal admission of a defendant is offered in evidence, the whole -of the admission must be taken together, and those parts which are in favor -of the defendant are entitled to as much consideration as any other parts, -unless disproved, or apparently improbable or untrue, when considered with -all the other evidence.</p> - -<p>“It would be improper for the jury to regard any statements of the -prosecuting attorneys, not based upon the evidence, as entitled to any weight.</p> - -<p>“If all the facts and circumstances relied on by the People to secure a -conviction can be reasonably accounted for upon any theory consistent -with the innocence of the defendants, or any of them, then you should -acquit such of them as to whom the facts proven can thus be accounted for.</p> - -<p>“It is not enough to warrant the conviction of a person charged with -crime that he contemplated the commission of such crime. If any reasonable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">[584]</a></span> -hypothesis exists that such crime may have been committed by -another in no way connected with the defendants, the accused should be -acquitted.</p> - -<p>“If the evidence leaves a reasonable doubt of the guilt of the defendants, -as charged in the indictment, the jury should acquit, although the evidence -may show conduct of no less turpitude than the crime charged.</p> - -<p>“The allusions and references of the prosecuting attorneys to the supposed -dangerous character of any views entertained or principles contended -for by the accused should in no way influence you in determining this -case.</p> - -<p>“Individuals and communities have the legal right to arm themselves for -the defense and protection of their persons and property, and a proposition -by any person, publicly proclaimed, to arm for such protection and defense, -is not an offense against the laws of this State.</p> - -<p>“If the defendants, or some of them, agreed together, or with others, in -the event of the workingmen or strikers being attacked, that they (defendants) -would assist the strikers to resist such an attack, this would not constitute -conspiracy if the anticipated attack was unjustified and illegal, and -such contemplated resistance simply the opposing of force wrongfully and -illegally exercised, by force sufficient to repel said assault.</p> - -<p>“The burden is not cast upon the defendants of proving that the person -who threw the bomb was not acting under their advice, teaching or procurement. -Unless the evidence proves beyond all reasonable doubt that -either some of the defendants threw said bomb, or that the person who -threw it acted under the advice and procurement of defendants or some of -them, the defendants should be acquitted. Such advice may not necessarily -be special as to the bomb, but general, so as to include it.</p> - -<p>“It is not proper for the jury to guess that the person who threw the -bomb was instigated to do the act by the procurement of defendants or any -of them. There must be a direct connection established, by credible evidence, -between the advice and consummation of the crime, beyond all reasonable -doubt.</p> - -<p>“The bomb might have been thrown by some one unfamiliar with, and -unprompted by, the teachings of the defendants or any of them. Before -defendants can be held liable therefor, the evidence must satisfy you -beyond all reasonable doubt that the person throwing said bomb was acting -as the result of the teaching or encouragement of defendants or some of -them.</p> - -<p>“Before a person charged as accessory to a crime can be convicted, the -evidence must prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the crime was committed -by some person acting under the advice, aid, encouragement, abetting -or procurement of the defendant whose conviction as accessory is -sought. Though you may believe from the evidence that a party in fact -advised the commission in certain contingencies of acts amounting to crime, -yet, if the act complained of was in fact committed by some third party of -his own mere volition, hatred, malice or ill-will, and not materially influenced, -either directly or indirectly, by such advice of the party charged, or any -party for whose advice the defendants are responsible, the party charged -would not in such case be responsible.</p> - -<p>“If you find that at a meeting held on the evening of May 3d at 54 West -Lake Street, at which some of the defendants were present, it was agreed -that in the event of a collision between the police, militia or firemen, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">[585]</a></span> -striking laborers, certain armed organizations, of which some of the defendants -were members, should meet at certain places in Chicago, that a committee -should attend public places and meetings where an attack by the -police and others might be expected, and in the event of such attack report -the same to said organizations to the end that such attack might be resisted -and the police stations of the city destroyed, still, if the evidence does not -prove, beyond all reasonable doubt, that the throwing of the bomb which -killed Mathias J. Degan was the result of any act in furtherance of the common -design herein stated, and if it may have been the unauthorized and -individual act of some person acting upon his own responsibility and volition, -then none of the defendants can be held responsible therefor on account of -said West Lake Street meeting.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Upon the conclusion of the reading of the instructions in behalf of the -defendants, which were read after the instructions on behalf of the people, -the court of its own motion gave to the jury the following instruction:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“The statute requires that instructions by the court to the jury shall be -in writing, and only relate to the law of the case.</p> - -<p>“The practice under the statute is that the counsel prepare on each -side a set of instructions and present them to the court, and, if approved, to -be read by the court as the law of the case. It may happen, by reason of -the great number presented and the hurry and confusion of passing on them -in the midst of the trial, with a large audience to keep in order, that there -may be some apparent inconsistency in them, but if they are carefully -scrutinized such inconsistencies will probably disappear. In any event, -however, the gist and pith of all is that if advice and encouragement to -murder was given, if murder was done in pursuance of and materially induced -by such advice and encouragement, then those who gave such advice and -encouragement are guilty of the murder. Unless the evidence, either direct -or circumstantial, or both, proves the guilt of one or more of the defendants -upon this principle so fully that there is no reasonable doubt of it, your duty -to them requires you to acquit them. If it does so prove, then your duty -to the State requires you to convict whoever is so proved guilty. The case -of each defendant should be considered with the same care and scrutiny as -if he alone were on trial. If a conspiracy, having violence and murder as -its object, is fully proved, then the acts and declarations of each conspirator -in furtherance of the conspiracy are the acts and declarations of each one -of the conspirators. But the declarations of any conspirator before or after -the 4th of May which are merely narrative as to what had been or would be -done, and not made to aid in carrying into effect the object of the conspiracy, -are only evidence against the one who made them.</p> - -<p>“What are the facts and what is the truth the jury must determine from -the evidence, and from that alone. If there are any unguarded expressions -in any of the instructions which seem to assume the existence of any facts, -or to be any intimation as to what is proved, all such expressions must be -disregarded, and the evidence only looked to to determine the facts.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The jury the next day reported to the court that they had agreed upon -a verdict. The members were accordingly brought in, and the clerk of the -court read the verdict as follows:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">[586]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“We, the jury, find the defendants August Spies, Michael Schwab, -Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and -Louis Lingg guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the indictment -and fix the penalty at death. We find the defendant Oscar W. Neebe -guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the indictment, and fix -the penalty at imprisonment in the penitentiary for fifteen years.”</p> - -<p class="p1">This was a great surprise to the defendants, and their counsel at once -entered a motion for a new trial. The hearing of the motion was postponed -until the next term, and on the 1st of October arguments were submitted. -The grounds upon which the motion was based were numerous. They -first related to a refusal of some, and a modification of several other instructions -at the hands of the court asked for by the defendants; a claim -that jurors had been summoned by the officers with the avowed view to -conviction; improper language by the State’s Attorney in his closing argument; -erroneous rulings of the court in regard to the competency of jurors, -and the refusal of separate trials for the defendants. Other grounds touched -on a statement made by one of the members of the jury, Mr. Adams, prior -to the trial, with reference to the Haymarket massacre, showing prejudice -against the defendants, backed by an affidavit as to what he said; an -affidavit of one Mr. Love, that he met Gilmer on the night of May 4, shortly -after eight o’clock, and went to a saloon with him, where they and another -person drank beer and talked until 9:20 o’clock, and also a further reason -that the defendants had discovered some new evidence, to back which an -affidavit was submitted from John Philip Deluse, dated August 24, 1886, -concerning a mysterious individual who had called at his saloon, in Indianapolis, -Ind., in May, 1886.</p> - -<p>The argument of counsel on each side, on the points raised, consumed -several days, and finally, on the 7th of October, 1886, Judge Gary, in an -elaborate and exhaustive opinion, overruled the motion.</p> - -<p>The defendants then entered a motion in arrest of judgment, and this -was also overruled.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">[587]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXXIII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Last Scene in Court—Reasons Against the Death Sentence—Spies’ -Speech—A Heinous Conspiracy to Commit Murder—Death for the Truth—The Anarchists’ -Final Defense—Dying for Labor—The Conflict of the Classes—Not Guilty, but -Scapegoats—Michael Schwab’s Appeal—The Curse of Labor-saving Machinery—Neebe -Finds Out what Law Is—“I am Sorry I am not to be Hung”—Adolph Fischer’s -Last Words—Louis Lingg in his own Behalf—“Convicted, not of Murder, but of Anarchy”—An -Attack on the Police—“I Despise your Order, your Laws, your Force-propped -Authority. Hang me for it!”—George Engel’s Unconcern—The Development -of Anarchy—“I Hate and Combat, not the Individual Capitalist, but the System”—Samuel -Fielden and the Haymarket—An Illegal Arrest—The Defense of Albert R. -Parsons—The History of his Life—A Long and Thrilling Speech—The Sentence of -Death—“Remove the Prisoners.”</p> - -<p class="drop-cap16">AFTER motion in arrest of judgment had been overruled by Judge -Gary, Spies was asked if he had anything to say why sentence of -death should not be passed upon him. The prisoner rose, with pallid -cheeks and distended eyes, and advanced toward the bench with a hesitating -tread. The moment he faced the court he recovered his equanimity -and proceeded with much deliberation to give his reasons why he should not -be sent to death on the gallows. He spoke in a firm, almost a menacing -tone of voice, and seemed bent on posing as a martyr to the cause of the -laboring classes. In his very opening sentence he desired to have that understood. -“In addressing this court,” he said, “I speak as the representative -of one class to the representative of another. I will begin with the -words uttered five hundred years ago, on a similar occasion, by the Venetian -Doge Falieri, who, addressing the court, said, ‘My defense is your accusation. -The cause of my alleged crime is your history.’” He then referred -to his conviction, holding that there was no evidence to show that he had -any knowledge of the man who threw the bomb, or that he had had anything -to do with its throwing. There being no evidence to establish his -legal responsibility, he maintained, his “conviction and the execution of the -sentence would be nothing less than willful, malicious and deliberate murder, -as foul a murder as may be found in the annals of religious, political or any -sort of persecution.” He charged that the representative of the State had -“fabricated most of the testimony which was used as a pretense to convict,” -and that the defendants had been convicted “by a jury picked out -to convict.”</p> - -<p>“I charge,” he continued, “the State’s Attorney and Bonfield with the -heinous conspiracy to commit murder.” Having thus proved the truth of -the old adage that “no rogue e’er felt the halter draw with good opinion of -the law,” Spies next paid his compliments to the Citizens’ Association, the -Bankers’ Association and the Board of Trade, attributing to them the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">[588]</a></span> -inspiration for the attack on the Haymarket meeting, and he proceeded to -give an account of his movements on the night of that meeting in the company -of Legner. He again repeated that, “notwithstanding the purchased -and perjured testimony of some,” the prosecution had not established the -defendants’ legal responsibility, and insisted that those who had brought -about their conviction were the “real and only law-breakers.” When he approached -this part of the subject Spies’ anger scarcely knew any bounds. -He rose in a towering passion and characterized the proceedings of the trial -as “rascalities perpetrated in the name of the people.” He continued:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“The contemplated murder of eight men, whose only crime is that they -have dared to speak the truth, may open the eyes of these suffering millions; -may wake them up. Indeed, I have noticed that our conviction has worked -miracles in this direction already. The class that clamors for our lives, the -good, devout Christians, have attempted in every way, through their newspapers -and otherwise, to conceal the true and only issue in this case. By -simply designating the defendants as ‘Anarchists,’ and picturing them as a -newly-discovered species of cannibals, and by inventing shocking and horrifying -stories of dark conspiracies said to be planned by them, these good -Christians zealously sought to keep the naked fact from the working people -and other righteous parties, namely: That on the evening of May 4 two -hundred armed men, under the command of a notorious ruffian, attacked a -meeting of peaceable citizens! With what intention? With the intention -of murdering them, or as many of them as they could. I refer to the testimony -given by two of our witnesses. The wage-workers of this city began -to object to being fleeced too much—they began to say some very true -things, but they were highly disagreeable to our patrician class; they put -forth—well, some very modest demands. They thought eight hours’ hard -toil a day, for scarcely two hours’ pay, was enough. This lawless rabble -had to be silenced! The only way to silence them was to frighten them, -and murder those whom they looked up to as their ‘leaders.’ Yes, these -foreign dogs had to be taught a lesson, so that they might never again interfere -with the high-handed exploitation of their benevolent and Christian -masters. Bonfield, the man who would bring a blush of shame to the managers -of the Bartholomew night—Bonfield, the illustrious gentleman with -a visage that would have done excellent service to Doré in portraying -Dante’s fiends of hell—Bonfield was the man best fitted to consummate the -conspiracy of the Citizens’ Association of our patricians. If I had thrown -that bomb, or had caused it to be thrown, or had known of it, I would not -hesitate a moment to state so. It is true a number of lives were lost—many -were wounded. But hundreds of lives were thereby saved! But for -that bomb there would have been a hundred widows and hundreds of -orphans where now there are few. These facts have been carefully suppressed, -and we were accused and convicted of conspiracy by the real -conspirators and their agents. This, your honor, is one reason why sentence -should not be passed by a court of justice—if that name has any significance -at all.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Spies then adverted to the fact of his having published articles on the -manufacture of dynamite and bombs, and wanted to know what other newspapers -in the city had not done the same thing. He forgot to show, however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">[589]</a></span> -that other papers had never urged the people to use dynamite to the -destruction of the lives and property of the people.</p> - -<p>Spies claimed that his only offense was in espousing the cause of “the -disinherited and disfranchised millions,” and asked what they had said in -their speeches and publications.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“We have interpreted to the people their condition and relations in -society. We have explained to them the different social phenomena and -the social laws and circumstances under which they occur. We have, by -way of scientific investigation, incontrovertibly proved and brought to their -knowledge that the system of wages is the root of the present social iniquities—iniquities -so monstrous that they cry to heaven. We have further -said that the wage system, as a specific form of social development, would, -by the necessity of logic, have to make room for higher forms of civilization; -that the wage system must prepare the way and furnish the foundation for -a social system of coöperation—that is, <i>Socialism</i>. That whether this or -that theory, this or that scheme regarding future arrangements were -accepted, was not a matter of choice, but one of historical necessity, and -that to us the tendency of progress seemed to be <i>Anarchism</i>—that is, a free -society without kings or classes—a society of sovereigns in which the -liberty and economic equality of all would furnish an unshakable equilibrium -as a foundation and condition of natural order.”</p> - -<p class="p1">After some further explanation of Socialism, he said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I may have told that individual who appeared here as a witness that -the workingmen should procure arms, as force would in all probability be -the <i>ultima ratio</i>, and that in Chicago there were so and so many armed -men, but I certainly did not say that we proposed to inaugurate the social -revolution. And let me say here: Revolutions are no more made than -earthquakes and cyclones. Revolutions are the effect of certain causes and -conditions. I have made social philosophy a specific study for more than -ten years, and I could not have given vent to such nonsense! I do believe, -however, that the revolution is near at hand—in fact, that it is upon us. -But is the physician responsible for the death of the patient because he -foretold that death?”</p> - -<p class="p1">If the opinions of the court were good, Spies held there was “no person -in this country who could not be lawfully hanged,” and maintained that -they ought to be exempted from responsibility because they had sought to -bring about reforms. Then he turned to the labor movement and pronounced -his anathema against the wealthy classes.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“If you think that by hanging us you can stamp out the labor movement—the -movement from which the downtrodden millions, the millions who -toil and live in want and misery—the wage slaves—expect salvation—if -this is your opinion, then hang us! Here you will tread upon a spark, but -there, and there, and behind you and in front of you, and everywhere, flames -will blaze up. It is a subterranean fire. You cannot put it out. The -ground is on fire upon which you stand. You can’t understand it. You -don’t believe in magical arts, as your grandfathers did, who burned witches -at the stake, but you do believe in conspiracies; you believe that all these -occurrences of late are the work of conspirators! You resemble the child<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">[590]</a></span> -that is looking for his picture behind the mirror. What you see and what -you try to grasp is nothing but the deceptive reflex of the stings of your -bad conscience. You want to ‘stamp out the conspirators’—the agitators? -Ah! stamp out every factory lord who has grown wealthy upon the -unpaid labor of his employés. Stamp out every landlord who has amassed -fortunes from the rent of overburdened workingmen and farmers. Stamp -out every machine that is revolutionizing industry and agriculture, that -intensifies the production, ruins the producer, that increases the national -wealth, while the creator of all these things stands amidst them, tantalized -with hunger! Stamp out the railroads, the telegraph, the telephone, steam -and yourselves—for everything breathes the revolutionary spirit. You, -gentlemen, are the revolutionists. You rebel against the effects of social -conditions which have tossed you, by the fair hand of fortune, into a magnificent -paradise. Without inquiring, you imagine that no one else has a -right in that place. You insist that you are the chosen ones, the sole proprietors. -The forces that tossed you into the paradise, the industrial forces, -are still at work. They are growing more active and intense from day to -day. Their tendency is to elevate all mankind to the same level, to have -all humanity share in the paradise you now monopolize. You, in your -blindness, think you can stop the tidal wave of civilization and human -emancipation by placing a few policemen, a few Gatling guns and some -regiments of militia on the shore—you think you can frighten the rising -waves back into the unfathomable depths whence they have arisen, by -erecting a few gallows in the perspective. You, who oppose the natural -course of things, <i>you</i> are the real revolutionists. <i>You</i> and <i>you</i> alone are the -conspirators and destructionists!</p> - -<p>“Said the court yesterday, in referring to the Board of Trade demonstration: -‘These men started out with the express purpose of sacking the -Board of Trade building.’ While I can’t see what sense there would have -been in such an undertaking, and while I know that the said demonstration -was arranged simply as a means of propaganda against the system that -legalizes the respectable business carried on there, I will assume that the -three thousand workingmen who marched in that procession really intended -to sack the building. In this case they would have differed from the -respectable Board of Trade men only in this—that they sought to recover -property in an unlawful way, while the others sack the entire country lawfully -and unlawfully—this being their highly respectable profession. This -court of ‘justice and equity’ proclaims the principle that when two persons -do the same thing, it is not the same thing. I thank the court for this confession. -It contains all that we have taught, and for which we are to be -hanged, in a nutshell. Theft is a respectable profession when practiced -by the privileged class. It is a felony when resorted to in self-preservation -by the other class.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">He then scored the capitalistic class, and referred to the strikes in the -Hocking Valley, East St. Louis, Milwaukee and Chicago. Reverting again -to the prosecution, he continued:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“‘These men,’ Grinnell said repeatedly, ‘have no principle; they are -common murderers, assassins, robbers,’ etc. I admit that our aspirations -and objects are incomprehensible to some, but surely for this we are not to -be blamed. The assertion, if I mistake not, was based on the ground that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">[591]</a></span> -we sought to destroy property. Whether this perversion of facts was -intentional, I know not. But in justification of our doctrines I will say that -the assertion is an infamous falsehood. Articles have been read here from -the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and <i>Alarm</i> to show the dangerous character of the -defendants. The files of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> and <i>Alarm</i> have been searched -for the past years. Those articles which generally commented upon some -atrocity committed by the authorities upon striking workingmen were picked -out and read to you. Other articles were not read to the court. Other -articles were not what was wanted. The State’s Attorney, upon those articles -(who well knows that he tells a falsehood when he says it), asserts -that ‘these men have no principle.’”</p> - -<p class="p1">What a perversion of facts! Some of the articles did comment on some -alleged atrocity, but those taken at various dates and published in a preceding -chapter show that force by the use of dynamite was continually -being agitated. However, in his criticism of the prosecution Spies seemed -to overlook a great many points. He repeated what he had said to the Congregational -ministers at the Grand Pacific Hotel, on the 9th of January, 1886, -with reference to Socialism, and then stated that he had seen Lingg only -twice before he was arrested, but had never spoken to him. With -Engel he had not been on speaking terms for at least a year, and Fischer -had gone about making speeches against him. The article in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -with reference to the Board of Trade demonstration, he claimed, he -had not seen until he had read it in the paper. In conclusion he said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Now, if we cannot be directly implicated with this affair, connected -with the throwing of the bomb, where is the law that says that ‘these men -shall be picked out to suffer’? Show me that law if you have it! If the -position of the court is correct, then half of this city—half of the population -of this city—ought to be hanged, because they are responsible the -same as we are for that act on May 4th. And if not half of the population -of Chicago is hanged, then show me the law that says, ‘Eight men shall -be picked out and hanged, as scapegoats’? You have no good law. Your -decision, your verdict, our conviction is nothing but an arbitrary will of this -lawless court. It is true there is no precedent in jurisprudence in this case! -It is true that we have called upon the people to arm themselves. It is -true that we have told them time and again that the great day of change -was coming. It was not our desire to have bloodshed. We are not beasts. -We would not be Socialists if we were beasts. It is because of our sensitiveness -that we have gone into this movement for the emancipation of the -oppressed and suffering. It is true that we have called upon the people to -arm and prepare for the stormy times before us. This seems to be the -ground upon which the verdict is to be sustained. ‘But when a long train -of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a -design to reduce the people under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is -their duty, to throw off such government and provide new guards for their -future safety.’ This is a quotation from the ‘Declaration of Independence.’ -Have we broken any laws by showing to the people how the abuses that -have occurred for the last twenty years are invariably pursuing one object, -viz.: to establish an <i>oligarchy</i> in this country as strong and powerful and -monstrous as never before has existed in any country? I can well understand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">[592]</a></span> -why that man Grinnell did not urge upon the grand jury to charge -us with treason. I can well understand it. You cannot try and convict -a man for treason who has upheld the Constitution against those who try to -trample it under their feet. It would not have been as easy a job to do -that, Mr. Grinnell, as to charge ‘these men’ with murder.</p> - -<p>“Now these are my ideas. They constitute a part of myself. I cannot -divest myself of them, nor would I if I could. And if you think that you -can crush out these ideas that are gaining ground more and more every day, -if you think you can crush them out by sending us to the gallows—if you -would once more have people suffer the penalty of death because they -have dared to tell the truth—and I defy you to show us where we have -told a lie—I say, if death is the penalty for proclaiming the truth, then I -will proudly and defiantly pay the costly price! Call your hangman! -Truth crucified in Socrates, in Christ, in Giordano Bruno, in Huss, Galileo, -still lives—they and others whose number is legion have preceded us on -this path. We are ready to follow.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Michael Schwab</span> had very little to say, but what he did say was that it -was “idle and hypocritical to think about justice” having been done to them. -He criticised the acts of the prosecution in securing his conviction “for -writing newspaper articles and making speeches,” and contended that they -had engaged in no conspiracy, as “all they did was done in open daylight.” -He seemed rather vindictive toward Mr. Furthmann for having had the -articles in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> translated, and excused his own inflammatory -utterances by holding that after the mayoralty election, in the spring of -1885, Edwin Lee Brown, president of the Citizens’ Association, had urged -the people, in a public speech, “to take possession of the Court-house by -force, even if they had to wade in blood.” Schwab touched on the labor -problem, drawing largely from his own experience while living among the -poor in Europe, and then spoke of the condition of laborers in Chicago, -holding that they lived in miserable, dilapidated hovels, owned by greedy -landlords. He continued:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“What these common laborers are to-day, the skilled laborer will be -to-morrow. Improved machinery, that ought to be a blessing for the workingman, -under the existing conditions turns for him to a curse. Machinery -multiplies the army of unskilled laborers, makes the laborer more dependent -upon the men who own the land and the machines. And that is the reason -that Socialism and Communism got a foothold in this country. The outcry -that Socialism, Communism and Anarchism are the creed of foreigners, is a -big mistake. There are more Socialists of American birth in this country -than foreigners, and that is much, if we consider that nearly half of all -industrial workingmen are not native Americans. There are Socialistic -papers in a great many States, edited by Americans for Americans. The -capitalistic newspapers conceal that fact very carefully.”</p> - -<p class="p1">In conclusion Schwab said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“If Anarchy were the thing the State’s Attorney makes it out to be, -how could it be that such eminent scholars as Prince Krapotkin and the -greatest living geographer, Elisée Reclus, were avowed Anarchists, even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">[593]</a></span> -editors of Anarchistic newspapers? Anarchy is a dream, but only in the -present. It will be realized. Reason will grow in spite of all obstacles. -Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that human development has -already reached its culminating point? I know that our ideal will not be -accomplished this or next year, but I know that it will be accomplished as -near as possible, some day, in the future. It is entirely wrong to use the -word Anarchy as synonymous with violence. Violence is one thing and -Anarchy another. In the present state of society violence is used on all -sides, and therefore we advocated the use of violence against violence, -but against violence only, as a necessary means of defense. I never read -Mr. Most’s book, simply because I did not find time to read it. And if I -had read it, what of it? I am an agnostic, but I like to read the Bible -nevertheless. I have not the slightest idea who threw the bomb on the -Haymarket, and had no knowledge of any conspiracy to use violence on -that or any other night.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Oscar Neebe</span> followed. In his opening sentence he very correctly -diagnosed the situation when he said: “I have found out during the last -few days what law is. Before I didn’t know.” He, more than all the -other defendants, except Parsons, ought to have known the law. He was -a citizen, and as such he should have known the law of the land long before -he engaged in the inculcation of force. He spoke of his having presided -at Socialistic meetings, having headed the Board of Trade procession, and -how he happened to drive to the office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> after learning -on May 5 that Spies and Schwab had been arrested.</p> - -<p>The rest of his statement consists simply of abuse of the prosecution, -laudation of his own acts in endeavoring to ameliorate the condition of the -workingmen and in continuing the publication of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> after -May 4, and a disavowal of his having distributed the “Revenge” circular. -In speaking of his having organized the Beer-brewers’ Union and attended -a meeting at the North Side Turner Hall to announce the result of his -conference with the bosses, he said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I entered the hall. I went on the platform and I presented the union -with a document signed by every beer-brewer of Chicago, guaranteeing ten -hours’ labor and $65 wages—$15 more wages per month—and no Sunday -work, to give the men a chance to go to church, as many of them are good -Christians. There are a good many Christians among them. So, in that -way, I was aiding Christianity—helping the men to go to church. After -the meeting I left the hall, and stepped into the front saloon, and there were -circulars lying there called the ‘Revenge’ circular. I picked up a couple -of them from a table and folded them together and put them in my pocket, -not having a chance to read them, because everybody wanted to treat me. -They all thought it was by my efforts that they got $15 a month more wages -and ten hours a day. Why, I didn’t have a chance to read the circulars. -From there I went to another saloon across the street, and the president -of the Beer-brewers’ Union was there; he asked me to walk with him, and -on the way home we went into Heine’s saloon. He was talking to Heine -about the McCormick affair, and I picked up a circular and read it, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">[594]</a></span> -Heine asked me: ‘Can you give me one?’ I gave him one, and he laid -it back on his counter. That is my statement.”</p> - -<p>In conclusion Neebe said:</p> - -<p>“They found a revolver in my house, and a red flag there. I organized -trades-unions. I was for reduction of the hours of labor, and the education -of laboring men, and the reëstablishment of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>—the -workingmen’s newspaper. There is no evidence to show that I was connected -with the bomb-throwing, or that I was near it, or anything of that -kind. So I am only sorry, your honor—that is, if you can stop it or help -it, I will ask you to do it—that is to hang me, too; for I think it is more -honorable to die suddenly than to be killed by inches. I have a family and -children; and if they know their father is dead, they will bury him. They -can go to the grave, and kneel down by the side of it; but they can’t go to -the penitentiary and see their father, who was convicted for a crime that he -hasn’t had anything to do with. That is all I have got to say. Your honor, -I am sorry I am not to be hung with the rest of the men.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Adolph Fischer</span> rose with some signs of nervousness and proceeded -slowly and deliberately with his protest. “I was tried here in this room,” -he said, “for murder, and I was convicted of Anarchy.” He objected most -vigorously to the charge that he was a murderer, and insisted that he had -had nothing to do with the throwing of the bomb. He confessed to having -made arrangements for the Haymarket meeting, to having been present, -but urged that it had not been called for the purpose of committing violence -or crime. He said he had been present at the Monday evening meeting,] -of which Waller was chairman, but aside from volunteering to have hand-bills -printed for the Haymarket meeting he had not done anything. He -had invited Spies to speak at the Haymarket, and in the original copy he -had had the line put in, “Workingmen, appear armed!” His reason for -this was, he said, that he “did not want the workingmen to be shot down in -that meeting as on other occasions.” He then entered into some details as -to his movements on the night of the Haymarket gathering and again -launched into a protest against the jury’s verdict. He said that the verdict -against him was because he was an Anarchist, and “an Anarchist,” he explained -with a defiant toss of his head, “is always ready to die for his -principles.” He concluded as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“The more the believers in just causes are persecuted, the more quickly -will their ideas be realized. For instance, in rendering such an unjust and -barbarous verdict, the twelve ‘honorable men’ in the jury-box have done -more for the furtherance of Anarchism than the convicted have accomplished -in a generation. This verdict is a death-blow to free speech, free press and -free thought in this country, and the people will be conscious of it, too. -This is all I care to say.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">[595]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-595.jpg" width="400" height="663" id="i595" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">LINGG’S SUICIDE BOMBS.—<span class="smcap wn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -<p class="pf400 wn">Made of gas-pipe, six inches in length, and with a notched bolt, as shown, inserted in the bottom of -each. These were found in Lingg’s cell, and are similar to the bomb with which he took his life. The fuse -is so short that explosion ensues in one second after lighting, making them fitted for self-destruction only.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">[596]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Louis Lingg</span> was in no gentle frame of mind when he advanced to enter -his objection at the bar of the court. After a thrust at the court, he said -that he had been accused of murder and been convicted; and “what -proof,” he defiantly asked, “have you brought that I am guilty?” He -acknowledged that he had helped Seliger to make bombs; “but,” he stoutly -maintained, “what you have not proven—even with the assistance of your -bought ‘squealer,’ Seliger, who would appear to have acted such a prominent -part in the affair—is that any of those bombs were taken to the Haymarket.” -He referred to the testimony of the experts as simply showing -that the Haymarket bomb bore “a certain resemblance to those bombs -of his,” and that was the kind of evidence, he held, upon which he had -been convicted. He had been convicted of murder, but it was Anarchy -on which the verdict was based. “You have charged me with despising -‘law and order,’” he said. “What does your ‘law and order’ amount to? -Its representatives are the police, and they have thieves in their ranks.” -He then opened fire on me because the detectives I had sent out had broken -into his room, as he claimed, to effect his arrest, and insisted that he had -not been at the Monday night meeting, but at Zepf’s Hall, at that time, -which I had stated to be false.</p> - -<p>Lingg next turned his attention to Mr. Grinnell, and accused him of -having “leagued himself with a parcel of base, hireling knaves, to bring -me to the gallows.” Then the Judge came in for a scoring. “The Judge -himself,” he held, “was forced to admit that the State’s Attorney had not -been able to connect me with the bomb-throwing. The latter knows how -to get around it, however. He charges me with being a ‘conspirator.’ -How does he prove it? Simply by declaring the International Workingmen’s -Association to be a ‘conspiracy.’ I was a member of that body, so -he has the charge securely fastened on me. Excellent!” He concluded as -follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I tell you frankly and openly, I am for force. I have already told -Captain Schaack, ‘If they use cannon against us, we shall use dynamite -against them.’ I repeat that I am the enemy of the ‘order’ of to-day, and -I repeat that, with all my powers, so long as breath remains in me, I shall -combat it. I declare again, frankly and openly, that I am in favor of using -force. I have told Captain Schaack, and I stand by it, ‘If you cannonade -us, we shall dynamite you.’ You laugh! Perhaps you think, ‘You’ll throw -no more bombs,’ but let me assure you that I die happy on the gallows, so -confident am I that the hundreds and thousands to whom I have spoken -will remember my words; and when you shall have hanged us, then, mark -my words, they will do the bomb-throwing! In this hope do I say to you: -‘I despise you. I despise your order, your laws, your force-propped -authority.’ Hang me for it!”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">George Engel</span> appeared the least concerned of all when it came his -turn to respond to the court’s question as to any reasons he might have -against the infliction of the death penalty. He opened by setting forth his -arrival in America in 1872 and gave some reasons which had prompted him -to espouse Anarchy. It was “the poverty, the misery of the working -classes.” People here in a free land, he said, were “doomed to die of starvation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">[597]</a></span>” -He had read the works of Lassalle, Marx and George, and after -studying the labor question carefully he had come, he said, to the conclusion -that “a workingman could not decently exist in this rich country.” -He had sought to remedy the inequalities through the ballot-box, but after -a time, he said, it had become clear to him “that the working classes could -never bring about a form of society guaranteeing work, bread and a happy -life by means of the ballot.” He had labored for a time in the interest of -the Social-Democratic party, but, finding political corruption in its ranks, -he had left it.</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I left this party and joined the International Working People’s Association, -that was just being organized. The members of that body have -the firm conviction that the workingman can free himself from the tyranny -of capitalism only through force—just as all advances of which history -speaks have been brought about through force alone. We see from the -history of this country that the first colonists won their liberty only through -force; that through force slavery was abolished, and just as the man who -agitated against slavery in this country had to ascend the gallows, so also -must we. He who speaks for the workingmen to-day must hang. And -why? Because this republic is not governed by people who have obtained -their office honestly. Who are the leaders at Washington that are to guard -the interests of this nation? Have they been elected by the people, or by -the aid of their money? They have no right to make laws for us, because -they were not elected by the people. These are the reasons why I have -lost all respect for American laws.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Engel then alluded to the displacement of labor by machinery and held -that the amelioration of the workingmen’s condition could only be effected -through Socialism. As to his conviction, he declared that he was not at all -surprised. He had learned long ago that the workingman had no more -rights here than anywhere else in the world. His crime, he insisted, consisted -simply in having labored to “bring about a system of society by -which it is impossible for one to hoard millions, through the improvements -in machinery, while the great masses sink to degradation and misery.” He -believed that inventions should be free to all and touched on the aims of -Anarchy. In his opinion “Anarchy and Socialism were as much alike as -one egg is to another.” Whatever difference existed was in tactics.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“It is true, I am acquainted with several of my fellow-defendants; with -most of them, however, but slightly, through seeing them at meetings, and -hearing them speak. Nor do I deny that I, too, have spoken at meetings, -saying that, if every workingman had a bomb in his pocket, capitalistic rule -would soon come to an end.</p> - -<p>“That is my opinion, and my wish; it became my conviction when I -mentioned the wickedness of the capitalistic conditions of the day.</p> - -<p>“Can any one feel any respect for a government that accords rights only -to the privileged classes, and none for the workers? We have seen but -recently how the coal barons combined to form a conspiracy to raise the -price of coal, while at the same time reducing the already low wages of their -men. Are they accused of conspiracy on that account? But when workingmen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">[598]</a></span> -dare ask an increase in their wages, the militia and the police are sent -out to shoot them down.</p> - -<p>“For such a government as this I can feel no respect, and will combat -them, despite their power, despite their police, despite their spies.</p> - -<p>“I hate and combat, not the individual capitalist, but the system that -gives him those privileges. My greatest wish is that workingmen may -recognize who are their friends and who are their enemies.</p> - -<p>“As to my conviction, brought about, as it was, through capitalistic influence, -I have not one word to say.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Samuel Fielden</span> entered into a long disquisition on the troubles of the -working classes all over the world, and covered much of the ground traversed -by him when on the witness-stand. He spoke of his having been in England -a Sunday School superintendent, a local preacher of the Methodist -Church, and an exhorter, and then chronicled his change of convictions after -his arrival in the United States in 1868. He branched out into an exposition -of Socialism and cited instances of the oppression practiced on working -people by capitalists. He then reviewed some of the points in the testimony -against him and sought to show wherein his speeches at various -meetings had been incorrectly reported in the newspapers. He had neither -said at the Haymarket meeting, “Here come the bloodhounds,” nor had he -fired a revolver. He claimed that the meeting had been a peaceable one, -and held that there had been no indication of trouble, and that his language -had not been incendiary. He said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I am charged with having said, ‘Stab the law.’ No one claims but that -it was in connection with my conception of the meaning of Foran’s speech, -and the word ‘stab’ is not necessarily a threat of violence upon any person. -Here at your primary elections you frequently hear the adherents of different -candidates state before the primaries are called that they will ‘knife’ so and -so. Do they mean that they are going to kill him, stab him, take his life -away from him? They are forcible expressions—very emphatic expressions. -They are adjectives which are used in different ways to carry conviction, -and perhaps make the language more startling to the audience, in -order that they may pay attention.”</p> - -<p class="p1">In speaking of his arrest he said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I didn’t attempt to run away. I had been out walking around the -street that morning, and there was plenty of opportunity for me to have -been hundreds of miles away. When the officer came there I opened the -door to him. He said he wanted me. I knew him by sight and I knew -what was his occupation. I said: ‘All right; I will go with you.’ I have -said here that I thought, when the representatives of the State had inquired -by means of their policemen as to my connection with it, that I should have -been released. And I say now, in view of all the authorities that have been -read on the law and regarding accessories, that there is nothing in the evidence -that has been introduced to connect me with that affair. One of the -Chicago papers, at the conclusion of the State’s Attorney’s case, said that -they might have proved more about these men, about where they were and -what they were doing on the 2d and 3d of May. When I was told that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">[599]</a></span> -Captain Schaack had got confessions out of certain persons connected -with this affair, I said: ‘Let them confess all they like. As long as they -will tell only the truth, I care nothing for their confessions.’”</p> - -<p class="p1">Fielden next dwelt upon his treatment at the Central Station, and criticised -the searching of houses without warrant. With reference to the trial -he said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“We claim that the foulest criminal that could have been picked up in -the slums of any city of Christendom, or outside of it, would never have -been convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here, if he had not -been a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged classes. We claim -that we are convicted, not because we have committed murder. We are -convicted because we were very energetic in advocacy of the rights of labor. -I call your attention to a very significant fact—that on this day, at this time -when the sentence of death is going to be passed on us, the Stock-yards -employers have notified their employés that they will be required to work ten -hours next Monday or they will shut down. I think it is a logical conclusion -to draw that these men think they have got a dangerous element out of the -way now, and they can return again to the ten-hour system. I know that I -had considerable to do with the eight-hour question, although I only spoke -once in that neighborhood, every man there being a stranger to me—but I -went down there in March previous and made an eight hour speech and -formed the nucleus of an eight-hour organization there, and the Stock-yards -succeeded in starting the eight-hour system, though they have not been able -to keep it up in its entirety. We claim that we have done much.”</p> - -<p class="p1">He predicted that it would be a grand day when everybody adopted -Socialism, and then touched on his own case, denying that he had entered -into a conspiracy. Fischer, Lingg and Engel, he said, were men with -whom he had not associated for a year, and therefore, he maintained, he -could not have been conspiring with them. He had never, he said, seen a -dynamite bomb till he saw one in the court-room, and had never known that -dynamite was kept at the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office. In concluding his speech -Fielden said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">Your honor, I have worked at hard labor since I was eight years of -age. I went into a cotton factory when I was eight years old, and I have -worked continually since, and there has never been a time in my history -that I could have been bought or paid into a single thing by any man or for -any purpose which I did not believe to be true. To contradict the lie that -was published in connection with the bill by the grand jury charging us -with murder, I wish to say that I have never received one cent for agitating. -When I have gone out of the city I have had my expenses paid. -But often when I have gone into communities, when I would have to -depend upon those communities for paying my way, I have often come -back to this city with money out of pocket, which I had earned by hard -labor, and I had to pay for the privilege of my agitation out of the little -money I might have in my possession. To-day as the beautiful autumn -sun kisses with balmy breeze the cheek of every free man, I stand here -never to bathe my head in its rays again. I have loved my fellow-men as -I have loved myself. I have hated trickery, dishonesty and injustice.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">[600]</a></span> -The nineteenth century commits the crime of killing its best friend. It will -live to repent of it. But, as I have said before, if it will do any good, I -freely give myself up. I trust the time will come when there will be a -better understanding, more intelligence, and above the mountains of -iniquity, wrong and corruption, I hope the sun of righteousness and truth -and justice will come to bathe in its balmy light an emancipated world.”</p> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Albert R. Parsons</span> consumed a great deal of time in the delivery of his -speech. He began by declaring that the trial had been conducted with -“passion, heat and anger,” and pronounced the verdict as one of “passion, -born in passion, nurtured in passion, and the sum totality of the organized -passion of the city of Chicago.” For that reason he asked for a suspension -of sentence and a new trial. He said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Now, I stand here as one of the people, a common man, a workingman, -one of the masses, and I ask you to give ear to what I have to say. -You stand as a bulwark; you are as a brake between them and us. You -are here as the representative of justice, holding the poised scales in your -hands. You are expected to look neither to the right nor to the left, but to -that by which justice, and justice alone, shall be subserved. The conviction -of a man, your honor, does not necessarily prove that he is guilty. -Your law-books are filled with instances where men have been carried to -the scaffold and after their death it has been proven that their execution -was a judicial murder. Now, what end can be subserved in hurrying this -matter through in the manner in which it has been done? Where are the -ends of justice subserved, and where is truth found in hurrying seven -human beings at the rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffold -and an ignominious death? Why, if your honor please, the very method of -our extermination, the deep damnation of its taking-off, appeals to your -honor’s sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor. A judge may also be -an unjust man. Such things have been known.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Parsons acknowledged being an Anarchist and proceeded to show the -ends Anarchy sought. Then he asked:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Now, what is this labor question which these gentlemen treat with -such profound contempt, which these distinguished ‘honorable’ gentlemen -would throttle and put to ignominious death, and hurry us like rats to -our holes? What is it? You will pardon me if I exhibit some feeling? I -have sat here for two months, and these men have poured their vituperations -out upon my head, and I have not been permitted to utter a single -word in my own defense. For two months they have poured their poison -upon me and my colleagues. For two months they have sat here and spat -like adders the vile poison of their tongues, and if men could have been -placed in a mental inquisition and tortured to death, these men would have -succeeded here now—vilified, misrepresented, held in loathsome contempt, -without a chance to speak or contradict a word. Therefore, if I show -emotion, it is because of this, and if my comrades and colleagues with me -here have spoken in such strains as these, it is because of this. Pardon us. -Look at it from the right standpoint. What is this labor question? It is -not a question of emotion; the labor question is not a question of sentiment; -it is not a religious matter; it is not a political problem; no, sir, it -is a stern economic fact, a stubborn and immovable fact.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">[601]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">He entered into a long explanation of the capitalistic system and pointed -to the troubles experienced by the laboring classes under the present conditions. -He spoke of capitalistic combinations and “corners,” touched on -landlordism, discoursed on the eight-hour movement, and then reviewed -some of the evidence against him. Referring to the <i>Alarm</i>, of which he -had been editor, he said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Why, the very article that you quote in the <i>Alarm</i>, a copy of which I -have not, but which I would like to see, calling the American group to -assemble for the purpose of considering military matters and military organization, -states specifically that the purpose and object is to take into consideration -measures of defense against unlawful and unconstitutional attacks -of the police. The identical article shows it. You forgot surely that fact -when you made this observation; and I defy any one to show, in a speech -that is susceptible of proof, by proof, that I have ever said aught by word -of mouth or by written article except self-defense. Does not the Constitution -of the country, under whose flag myself and my forefathers were -born for the last two hundred and sixty years, provide that protection, and -give me, their descendant, that right? Does not the Constitution say that -I, as an American, have a right to keep and to bear arms? I stand upon -that right. Let me see if this court will deprive me of it. Let me call -your attention to another point here. These articles that appear in the -<i>Alarm</i>, for some of them I am not responsible any more than is the editor -of any other paper. And I did not write everything in the <i>Alarm</i>, and it -might be possible that there were some things in that paper which I am not -ready to indorse. I am frank to admit that such is the case. I suppose -that you can scarcely find an editor of a paper in the world but that could -conscientiously say the same thing. Now, am I to be dragged up here and -executed for the utterances and writings of other men, even though they -were published in the columns of a paper of which I was the editor? Your -honor, you must remember that the <i>Alarm</i> was a labor paper, published by -the International Working People’s Association, belonging to that body. -I was elected its editor by the organization, and, as labor editors generally -are, I was handsomely paid. I had saw-dust pudding as a general thing -for dinner. My salary was eight dollars a week, and I have received that -salary as editor of the <i>Alarm</i> for over two years and a half—eight dollars a -week! I was paid by the association. It stands upon the books. Go down -to the office and consult the business manager. Look over the record in -the book, and it will show you that A. R. Parsons received eight dollars a -week as editor of the <i>Alarm</i> for over two years and a half. This paper -belonged to the organization. It was theirs. They sent in their articles—Tom, -Dick and Harry; everybody wanted to have something to say, and I -had no right to shut off anybody’s complaint.”</p> - -<p class="p1">He then offered some reasons to justify his utterances on labor questions. -He quoted from newspapers to show their hostility to the interests of labor, -and he dwelt on various strikes in the United States and endeavored to -show how the men had been treated by corporations. The tramp question -was next handled, and Parsons maintained that the present social system -was responsible for the fact that millions did not know where to get a bed -or supper. He continued:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">[602]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Who are the mob? Why, dissatisfied people, dissatisfied workingmen -and women; people who are working for starvation wages, people who are -on a strike for better pay—these are the mob. They are always the mob. -That is what the riot drill is for. Suppose a case that occurs. The First -Regiment is out with a thousand men armed with the latest improved Winchester -rifles. Here are the mobs; here are the Knights of Labor and the -trades-unions, and all of the organizations without arms. They have no -treasury, and a Winchester rifle costs eighteen dollars. They cannot purchase -those things. We cannot organize an army. It takes capital to organize -an army. It takes as much money to organize an army as to organize -industry, or as to build railroads; therefore, it is impossible for the working -classes to organize and buy Winchester rifles. What can they do? What -must they do? Your honor, the dynamite bomb, I am told, costs six cents. -It can be made by anybody. The Winchester rifle costs eighteen dollars. -That is the difference. Am I to be blamed for that? Am I to be hanged -for saying this? Am I to be destroyed for this? What have I done? -Go dig up the ashes of the man who invented this thing. Find his ashes -and scatter them to the winds, because he gave this power to the world. It -was not I.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Coming to the Haymarket meeting and referring to the presence of the -police as an affront, he said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Was not that a most grievous outrage? Was not that a violation of -all of those principles for which our forefathers struggled in this country? -At this juncture some unknown and unproven person throws a bomb among -the police, killing several men. You say that I did it, or you say that I -knew of it. Where is your proof, gentlemen of the prosecution? You have -none. You didn’t have any. Oh, but you have a theory, and that theory -is that no one else could have had any motive to hurl that missile of death -except myself, and, as is the common remark of the great papers of the city, -the police are never short of a theory. There is always a theory on hand -for everything. A theory they have got, and especially the detectives; they -hatch up a theory at once and begin to follow that out. There was a theory -carried out during this trial. Let us examine that theory. I say that a -Pinkerton man, or a member of the Chicago police force itself, had as much -inducement to throw that bomb as I had, and why? Because it would -demonstrate the necessity for their existence and result in an increase of -their pay and their wages. Are these people any too good to do such a -thing? Are they any better than I am? Are their motives any better than -my own? Let us look at this thing now from every standpoint. Perhaps, -on the other hand, the dread missile was hurled in revenge by some poor -man or woman, or child even, whose parent or protector or friend was killed -by the police in some of their numerous massacres of the people before. -Who knows? And if it was, are we seven to suffer death for that? Are -we responsible for that act? Or, might it not be that some person with the -fear of death in his eyes threw that bomb in self-defense? And if they did, -am I responsible for it? Am I to be executed for that? Is it law to put -me to death for that? And who knows? My own deliberate opinion concerning -this Haymarket affair is that the death-dealing missile was the work, -the deliberate work, of monopoly, the act of those who themselves charge us -with the deed. I am not alone in this view of the matter.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_603" id="Page_603">[603]</a></span></p> - -<p>Monopoly, Parsons held, was responsible for the labor troubles;</p> - -<p>“What are the real facts of that Haymarket tragedy? Mayor Harrison, -of Chicago, has caused to be published his opinion—because, mark you, -your honor, this is all a matter of conjecture. It is only presumed that I -threw the bomb. They have only assumed that some one of these men -threw that bomb. It is only an inference that any of us had anything to do -with it. It is not a fact, and it is not proven. It is merely an opinion. -Your honor admits that we did not perpetrate the deed, or know who did -it, but that we, by our speeches, instigated some one else to do so. Now, -let us see the other side of this case. Mayor Harrison, of Chicago, has -caused to be published in the New York <i>World</i>—and the interview was -copied in the <i>Tribune</i> of this city, in which he says: ‘I do not believe there -was any intention on the part of Spies and those men to have bombs thrown -at the Haymarket. If so, why was there but one thrown? It was just as -easy for them to throw a dozen or fifty, and to throw them in all parts of -the city, as it was to have thrown one. And again, if it was intended to -throw bombs that night, the leaders would not have been there at all, in my -opinion. Like commanders-in-chief, they would have been in a safe place. -No, it cannot be shown that there was any intention on the part of these -individuals to kill that particular man who was killed at that Haymarket -meeting.’ Now, your honor, this is the Mayor of Chicago. He is a sensible -man. He is in a position to know what he is talking about. He has -first-rate opportunities to form an intelligent opinion, and his opinion is -worthy of respect. He knows more about this thing than the jury that sat -in this room, for he knows—I suspect that the Mayor knows—of some of -the methods by which most of this so-called evidence and testimony was -manufactured. I don’t charge it, but possibly he has had some intimation -of it, and if he has, he knows more about this case and the merits of this case -than did the jury who sat here. There is too much at stake to take anything -for granted. Your honor can’t afford to do that.</p> - -<p>“Is it nothing to destroy the lives of seven men? Are the rights of the -poor of no consequence? Is it nothing that we should regard it so lightly, -as a mere pastime? That is why I stand here at such length to present this -case to you, that you may understand it; that you may have our side of -this question as well as that of the prosecution.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Parsons then referred to attacks of the police on workingmen’s meetings, -and reviewed some of the evidence against himself, insisting that he -had never seen Lingg until he saw him in the court-room.</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“Waller testified in chief, and reiterated it in cross-examination, that -Engel and Fischer, these noble and brave Germans, offered a resolution at -Greif’s Hall, on the announcement that six men had been wantonly and -brutally murdered by the police at McCormick’s, that if other men should -come into encounter with the police we should aid them; and further swore -that this plan was to be followed only when the police, by brutal force, -should interfere with the workmen’s right of free assemblage and free -speech. Now, then, where is the foul and dastardly criminal conspiracy -here? Where is it? So preposterous was it on its face to call such a -noble compact to do a lawful thing a conspiracy, that it became necessary, -in face of a dozen witnesses, both for the prosecution and the defense, who -swear that the bomb came from the pavement on Desplaines Street, south<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_604" id="Page_604">[604]</a></span> -of the alley, between the alley and Randolph Street—a statement made by -Bonfield himself to reporters about half an hour after the tragedy occurred, -and published in the <i>Times</i>, on May 5, the following morning—Louis Haas, -Bonfield’s special detective on the ground, at the Coroner’s inquest, swore -the bomb was thrown from the east side of Desplaines Street, and about -fifteen feet, he believed, south of the alley, a statement confirmed by the -witness Burnett, for the defense, who located it fifteen feet further south -than Haas or Bonfield did—still, on the impeached testimony of Gilmer, -who swore the bomb was thrown from within the alley, we are convicted, -because he was also willing to perjure himself by swearing that Spies lit -the fuse of the fatal missile. The idea of a man striking a match in an -alley to light a bomb in the midst of a crowd, the people and police standing -all around him! It seems to me that such a statement as that ought, -among sensible men, on the face of it, to carry its own refutation. Perfectly -absurd! If this statement bore the semblance of truth with regard to Gilmer, -or was the truth, not one of these defendants would shrink from the -responsibility of the right of self-defense, your honor, and of free speech, -and the right of the people peaceably to assemble. It is because this is -not the work of the Anarchists or of the workingmen that we repel the -charge, which proves there was no concerted action, and that it was none -of the plans of these groups. It is not unlawful to repel an invasion of our -meetings.</p> - -<p>“About this time some one, as testified to by three reputable witnesses, -stopped at Indianapolis. That was in May. The Haymarket tragedy was -the 4th. This man testifies to that fact. A stranger stops there. He says: -‘I am going to Chicago. I have something that will work. You will hear -from it.’ The man was in his cups, no doubt; probably he drank too much. -The Pinkertons are not all temperance men; they sometimes take a little, -and sometimes possibly take a little too much. Possibly he talked a little -more than he ought to have talked. Possibly he didn’t care, but at any rate -it is sworn to that he said it. He came to Chicago, and the bomb was heard -from and heard around the world. Your honor, is this an unreasonable -assumption? It is far more likely, much more reasonable than your honor’s -surmise that I instigated some one to do it.</p> - -<p>“The absolute proof that the missile thrown was not dynamite, but what -was known in the late civil war as an infernal bomb, is in the evidence of -every surgeon who testified—that all incisions were clean, and that the flesh -was torn as from an explosive in the interior. It was testified by these scientific -men, your honor, that dynamite is percussive, and had a shell the -size of Lingg’s manufacture, on exhibition in evidence, been thrown in the -closed ranks of the police, as was this infernal machine, instead of killing -but one on the spot, and wounding a few others, it would have blown to -unrecognizable fragments the platoons in the vicinity, and the wounds, where -there were wounds, would have been as clean as with solid projectiles.</p> - -<p>“This was an infernal bomb from New York, brought there by the -Indianapolis traveler, and not a dynamite bomb, the description in its effects -upon its victims exactly corresponding with the description of those explosives -when once used in battle on the Potomac. The hollow bullets within -the shell, after entering the victim, exploded, lacerating the flesh and inflicting -ugly internal and really infernal wounds.</p> - -<p>“Six of these condemned men were not even present at the Haymarket -meeting when the tragedy occurred. One of them was five miles away, at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_605" id="Page_605">[605]</a></span> -the Deering Harvester Works, in Lake View, addressing a mass-meeting of -two thousand workingmen. Another was at home, in bed, and knew not -of the meeting being held at all until the next day. These facts, your honor, -stand uncontradicted before this court. Only one witness—Gilmer—and -his testimony is overwhelmingly impeached, as I remarked before—connected -the other two—two only—of these men with the tragedy at the Haymarket -at all.</p> - -<p>“Now, with these facts, the attempt to make out a case of conspiracy -against us is a contemptible farce. What are the facts testified to by the -two so-called informers? They said that two of these defendants were -present at the so-called conspiracy meeting of Monday night. What, then, -have you done with the other six men who were not members—who were -not present, and did not know of the meeting being held Monday night? -These two so-called informers testified that at the so-called conspiracy meeting -of May 3 it was resolved that in the future, when police and militia -should attack and club and kill workingmen at their meetings, then, and -then only, they were in duty bound to help defend these working people -against such unlawful, unrighteous and outrageous assaults. That was all -that was said or done. Was that a conspiracy? If it was, your honor, it -was a conspiracy to do right and oppose what is wrong.</p> - -<p>“But your sentence says that it is criminal for the workingmen to resolve -to defend their lives and their liberties and their happiness against -brutal, bloody and unlawful assaults of the police and militia.”</p></div> - -<p class="pbq p1">Parsons again returned to Anarchy and defined its doctrines at some -length. In concluding his remarks, which consumed two hours on Friday -and six hours on Saturday, he said:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“The next day I saw that they were dragging these men to prison, -treating them in a shameful manner. I left the city. I went to Geneva, -Ill., for a couple of days; staid there with friend Holmes. Then I went -to Elgin, Ill.; staid there a couple of days. Then I left there and went to -Waukesha, Wis., where I obtained employment as a carpenter and afterwards -as a painter, and remained for over seven weeks in Waukesha. My -health was debilitated, and I went to the springs when I was thirsty. The -house I was working on was only half a block from the springs, and I needed -the recreation and the rest, and the pure air, and the water besides. When -I saw the day fixed for the opening of this trial, knowing I was an innocent -man, and also feeling that it was my duty to come forward and share whatever -fate had in store for my comrades, and also to stand, if need be, on the -scaffold, and vindicate the rights of labor, the cause of liberty, and the -relief of the oppressed, I returned. How did I return? It is interesting, -but it will take time to relate it, and I will not state it. I ran the gauntlet. -I went from Waukesha to Milwaukee. I took the St. Paul train at the -Milwaukee depot and came to Chicago; arrived here at 8:30, I suppose, in -the morning; went to the house of my friend Mrs. Ames, on Morgan -Street, sent for my wife and had a talk with her. I sent word to Captain -Black that I was here and prepared to surrender. He sent word back to -me that he was ready to receive me. I met him at the threshold of this -building, and we came up here together. I stood in the presence of this -court. I have nothing, not even now, to regret.”</p> - -<p class="p1">The speeches of the defendants occupied three days—the 7th to the 9th<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_606" id="Page_606">[606]</a></span> -of October, inclusive—and when Parsons had finished the court proceeded -to pronounce sentence. Judge Gary said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I am quite well aware that what you have said, although addressed to -me, has been said to the world; yet nothing has been said which weakens -the force of the proof, or the conclusions therefrom upon which the verdict -is based. You are all men of intelligence, and know that, if the verdict -stands, it must be executed. The reasons why it shall stand I have already -sufficiently stated in deciding the motion for a new trial.</p> - -<p>“I am sorry beyond any power of expression for your unhappy condition, -and for the terrible events that have brought it about. I shall address -to you neither reproaches nor exhortation. What I shall say shall be said -in the faint hope that a few words from a place where the people of the -State of Illinois have delegated the authority to declare the penalty of a -violation of their laws, and spoken upon an occasion so solemn and awful as -this, may come to the knowledge of and be heeded by the ignorant, deluded -and misguided men who have listened to your counsels and followed your -advice. I say in the faint hope; for if men are persuaded that because of -business differences, whether about labor or anything else, they may destroy -property and assault and beat other men and kill the police if they, in the -discharge of their duty, interfere to preserve the peace, there is little -ground to hope that they will listen to any warning.</p> - -<p>“It is not the least among the hardships of peaceable, frugal and -laborious people to endure the tyranny of mobs who, with lawless force, -dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and life, where, when and -upon what terms they may earn a livelihood for themselves and their families. -Any government that is worthy of the name will strenuously endeavor -to secure to all within its jurisdiction freedom to follow their lawful avocations -in safety for their property and their persons, while obeying the law; -and the law is common sense. It holds each man responsible for the -natural and probable consequences of his own acts. It holds that whoever -advises murder is himself guilty of the murder that is committed pursuant -to his advice, and if men band together for forcible resistance to the execution -of the law, and advise murder as a means of making such resistance -effectual,—whether such advice be to one man to murder another or to a -numerous class to murder men of another class,—all who are so banded -together are guilty of any murder that is committed in pursuance of such -advice.</p> - -<p>“The people of this country love their institutions. They love their -homes. They love their property. They will never consent that by violence -and murder their institutions shall be broken down, their homes despoiled -and their property destroyed. And the people are strong enough to protect -and sustain their institutions and to punish all offenders against their laws. -And those who threaten danger to civil society if the law is enforced are -leading to destruction whoever may attempt to execute such threats.</p> - -<p>“The existing order of society can be changed only by the will of the -majority. Each man has the full right to entertain and advance, by speech -and print, such opinions as suit himself; and the great body of the people -will usually care little what he says. But if he proposes murder as a means -of enforcing them he puts his own life at stake. And no clamor about free -speech or the evils to be cured or the wrongs to be redressed will shield him -from the consequences of his crime. His liberty is not a license to destroy.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_607" id="Page_607">[607]</a></span> -The toleration that he enjoys he must extend to others, and he must not -arrogantly assume that the great majority are wrong and that they may -rightfully be coerced by terror or removed by dynamite.</p></div> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-607a.jpg" width="200" height="215" id="i607a" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">E. F. L. GAUSS.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“It only remains that for the crime you have committed—and of which -you have been convicted after a trial unexampled in the patience with -which an outraged people have extended -you every protection and privilege of the -law which you derided and defied—the sentence -of that law be now given.</p> - -<p>“In form and detail that sentence will -appear upon the records of the court. In -substance and effect it is that the defendant -Neebe be imprisoned in the State Penitentiary -at Joliet at hard labor for the term of -fifteen years.</p> - -<p>“And that each of the other defendants, -between the hours of ten o’clock in the forenoon -and two o’clock in the afternoon of the -third day of December next, in the manner -provided by the statute of this State, be -hung by the neck until he is dead. Remove -the prisoners.”</p> - -<p><i>Capt. Black</i>—“Your honor knows that we intend to take an appeal to -the Supreme Court in behalf of all the defendants. I ask that there be a -stay of execution in the case of Mr. Neebe until the 3d day of December.”</p></div> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-607b.jpg" width="200" height="266" id="i607b" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">HENRY SEVERIN.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p><i>Mr. Grinnell</i>—“If the court please, that is a matter that usually -stands between counsel for the defendants and the State. Every possible -facility will be allowed and everything will be -granted you in that particular that good sense and -propriety dictate.”</p> - -<p><i>Captain Black</i>—“That is sufficient.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Thus closed the most remarkable trial which -ever engaged the attention of a judge and jury in -America. It was begun, as stated, on the 21st -day of June, 1886, and ended on the 20th day of -August, thus occupying exactly two months. I -cannot close this chapter without paying a deserved -tribute to Mr. E. F. L. Gauss, who acted as interpreter -throughout the trial. A very large proportion -of the witnesses testified in foreign tongues, -but in all the mass of testimony rendered into -English by Mr. Gauss, not a syllable of the translation -was ever challenged.</p> - -<p>Chief Bailiff Henry Severin, with his staff of twenty-six men, had charge of -the eight defendants. It was his duty to bring the prisoners from and to the -court, to preserve order in the crowded court-room, and to guard the jury, -escorting them to and from their hotel and in their walks, and watching out -to prevent any attack by the malcontents upon the officers of the court.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_608" id="Page_608">[608]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXXIV.</h2> - -<p class="pch">In the Supreme Court—A <i>Supersedeas</i> Secured—Justice Magruder Delivers -the Opinion—A Comprehensive Statement of the Case—How Degan was Murdered—Who -Killed Him?—The Law of Accessory—The Meaning of the Statute—Were -the Defendants Accessories?—The Questions at Issue—The Characteristics of -the Bomb—Fastening the Guilt on Lingg—The Purposes of the Conspiracy—How -they were Proved—A Damning Array of Evidence—Examining the Instructions—No -Error Found in the Trial Court’s Work—The Objection to the Jury—The Juror -Sandford—Judge Gary Sustained—Mr. Justice Mulkey’s Remarks—The Law Vindicated.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap16">ALTHOUGH doomed to die, the prisoners did not despair. Their -counsel led them to believe that the State Supreme Court would certainly -grant them a rehearing, and the first step to get their case before that -court was to secure a stay of the execution of the sentence. For this purpose -Hon. Leonard Swett was called into the case to assist Capt. Black, -and the two gentlemen accordingly went before Chief Justice Scott, and on -the 25th of November, 1886, secured the desired <i>supersedeas</i>. In March, -1887, the appeal came before the Supreme Court of Illinois, and arguments -were heard in the case until the 18th of the same month, when the matter -was taken under advisement. Several months elapsed before a decision -was handed down, but meanwhile all the prisoners expressed the utmost -confidence in a reversal of the judgment of the Criminal Court. Their -counsel were alike confident of a rehearing, and sympathizers joined in the -hopes indulged in by the men behind the bars and their representatives -before the bar.</p> - -<p>On Wednesday, September 14, 1887, however, the Supreme Court -rendered its decision, sustaining the findings of the lower court in every -particular. It was given by the full bench, and there was not a dissenting -opinion. Justice Benjamin D. Magruder delivered the opinion. -After stating various rulings bearing on murder, conspiracy, accessory before -the fact and other legal points involved in the case, and citing numerous -extracts from the organs of the Anarchists and Herr Most’s book, he -reviewed the authorities given by the counsel to sustain their respective -sides, and then delivered the opinion of the court, as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“This case comes before us by writ of error to the Criminal Court of -Cook County. The writ has been made a <i>supersedeas</i>.</p> - -<p>“Plaintiffs in error were tried in the summer of 1886 for the murder of -Mathias J. Degan, on May 4, 1886, in the city of Chicago, Cook County, -Illinois. On August 20, 1886, the jury returned a verdict finding the defendants -August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, -Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg guilty of murder, -and fixing death as the penalty. By the same verdict they also found<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_609" id="Page_609">[609]</a></span> -Oscar W. Neebe guilty of murder and fixed the penalty at imprisonment in -the penitentiary for fifteen years.</p></div> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-609.jpg" width="250" height="351" id="i609" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">JUDGE BENJAMIN D. MAGRUDER.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p>“About the 1st day of May, 1886, the workingmen of Chicago and of -other industrial centers in the United States were greatly excited upon the -subject of inducing their employers to reduce the time during which they -should be required to labor on each day to eight hours. In the midst of -the excitement growing out of this eight-hour movement, as it was called, -a meeting was held on the evening of May 4, 1886, at the Haymarket, on -Randolph Street, in the West Division of the city of Chicago. This meeting -was addressed by the defendants Spies, Parsons and Fielden. While the -latter was making the closing speech, and at some point of time between -ten and half-past ten o’clock in the evening, several companies of policemen, -numbering one hundred and eighty men, marched into the crowd -from their station on Desplaines Street, and ordered the meeting to disperse. -As soon as the order was -given, some one threw among the -policemen a dynamite bomb, -which struck Degan, one of the -police officers, and killed him. -As a result of the throwing of the -bomb and of the firing of pistol -shots, which immediately succeeded -the throwing of the bomb, six -policemen besides Degan were -killed, and sixty more were seriously -wounded.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The court then went into the -law of accessory, confirming the -interpretation and ruling of the -trial court, that all distinction between -principals and accessories -is by the Illinois statute abolished. -The issue thus became: -Were the defendants accessories -to the murder of Degan?</p> - -<p>To find the answers to these -questions the court went into an -exhaustive review of all the evidence -in the case, covering the -same ground which has been gone over in the previous chapters of this -book.</p> - -<p>First the bomb with which the murder had been done was considered. -It had been proven to be round; to have a projecting fuse; to be of composite -manufacture; to contain tin and lead, with traces of antimony, iron -and zinc; to have upon it a small iron nut. All these characteristics were -found in the bombs which Louis Lingg manufactured, and for these and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_610" id="Page_610">[610]</a></span> -other reasons the court held that the jury was warranted in believing that -the bomb which killed Degan had been made by Lingg.</p> - -<p>The purposes of the conspiracy were next inquired into, and the articles -in the <i>Alarm</i>, the platform of the Internationale and similar incendiary -and dangerous language from many sources are quoted in full in the opinion. -The organization of the Anarchists was also inquired into, and the divisions -into groups, the make-up of the Lehr and Wehr Verein and like matters -stated. The court declared this to be an “illegal conspiracy.”</p> - -<p>The damning array of evidence against the assassins was brought together -relentlessly and completely. The speeches of the defendants were -sifted, their teachings examined, and there could be left in no mind a doubt -that these men had advised murder and arson, and that they were guilty -technically as well as morally. The opinion of the court was a masterly -presentation of the facts, and the conclusions drawn from them settled once -for all both the law and the equity of this celebrated case. It was evident -that there was law enough in America to protect society.</p> - -<p>That the Haymarket murders were the legitimate and expected result -of the teachings of the ring-leaders of the conspiracy was conclusively -shown with a ruthless logic that left no hope for pardon, nor for interference -with the law’s stern course.</p> - -<p>Lingg’s case, and the case of Spies, of Engel, of Fischer, of Parsons, of -Neebe, of Fielden were taken up separately, examined with a care that -might be described as almost microscopic, and in each case there was no -flaw in the record—no reason why these men should not pay the penalty -for their crime.</p> - -<p>The concluding part of the opinion is so important from a legal standpoint, -and at the same time of such general interest, that I will quote it -entire:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“If the defendants, as a means of bringing about the social revolution -and as a part of the larger conspiracy to effect such revolution, also conspired -to excite classes of workingmen in Chicago into sedition, tumult -and riot and to the use of deadly weapons and the taking of human -life, and, for the purpose of producing such tumult, riot, use of weapons -and taking of life, advised and encouraged such classes by newspaper -articles and speeches to murder the authorities of the city, and a murder -of a policeman resulted from such advice and encouragement, then defendants -are responsible therefor.</p> - -<p>“It is a familiar doctrine of the law, in criminal cases, that, if a reasonable -doubt of the guilt of the prisoner is entertained, the jury have no discretion, -but must acquit. The twelfth and thirteenth instructions for the -prosecution are objected to as not correctly stating to the jury the meaning -of ‘reasonable doubt.’ The twelfth instruction is an exact copy, <i>verbatim -et literatim</i>, of the sixth instruction in <i>Miller et. al.</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 39 Ill. -457, which we approved in that case, and which since that case we have -indorsed as correct in at least three cases, to-wit: <i>May</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 60<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_611" id="Page_611">[611]</a></span> -Ill. 119, <i>Connaghan</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 88 id. 460, and <i>Dunn</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 109 -id. 635.</p> - -<p>“The portion of the thirteenth instruction which plaintiffs in error complain -of is that which is contained in the following words: ‘You are not at -liberty to disbelieve as jurors if from the evidence you believe as men.’ -This expression has been sanctioned by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania -as having been properly used in an instruction given to the jury by a trial -judge, and we are inclined to follow the ruling there laid down. That -court said in <i>Nevling</i> vs. <i>Commonwealth</i>, 98 Pa. St. 322: ‘The learned judge -then proceeded to say that the doubt must be a reasonable one, and that -jurymen could not doubt as jurymen what they believed as men. In -all this there was no error. It is the familiar language found in the textbooks -and decisions which treat of the subject.’</p> - -<p>“By the twelfth and thirteenth instructions, considered in connection -with the eleventh instruction for the State, and also in connection with the -definitions of reasonable doubt as embodied in the instructions given for -the defense, we think the law upon this subject was correctly presented to -the jury.</p> - -<p>“The statute of this State provides that ‘juries in all criminal cases -shall be judges of the law and fact.’ Instruction number thirteen and a -half, given for the prosecution, is objected to as improperly limiting and -qualifying this provision of the statute. It tells the jury, that ‘if they can -say upon their oaths that they know the law better than the court itself, -they have the right to do so,’ ... but that ‘before saying this, upon -their oaths, it is their duty to reflect whether from their study and experience -they are better qualified to judge of the law than the court,’ etc.</p> - -<p>“The language of instruction number thirteen and a half is an exact -copy, <i>verbatim et literatim</i>, of the language used by this court in <i>Schnier</i> vs. -<i>The People</i>, 23 Ill. 17. The views expressed in <i>Schnier</i> vs. <i>The People</i> have -been approved of and indorsed in <i>Fisher</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 23 Ill. 283, <i>Mullinix</i> -vs. <i>The People</i>, 76 id. 211, and <i>Davison</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 90 id. 221. The question -is settled, and we see no reason to retreat from our position upon this -subject.</p> - -<p>“It is also claimed that the court erred in refusing to give certain instructions -asked by the defendants. The refusal of refused instructions -numbered 3, 8, 9, 11 and 18 is especially insisted upon as error.</p> - -<p>“Instruction No. 3 was properly refused because it told the jury that -those of the defendants who were not present at the Haymarket, counseling, -aiding or abetting the throwing of the bomb, should be acquitted. Under -our statute and the decision of this court in <i>Brennan</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 15 Ill. -517, the defendants were guilty if they advised and encouraged the murder -to be committed, although they may not have been present.</p> - -<p>“Instruction No. 8 was wrong for a number of reasons, but it is sufficient -to refer to one: it assumes that ‘a conspiracy to bring about a change of -government ... by peaceful means if possible, but, if necessary, to -resort to force for that purpose,’ is not unlawful. The fact that the conspirators -may not have intended to resort to force, unless, in their judgment, -they should deem it necessary to do so, would not make their conspiracy -any the less unlawful.</p> - -<p>“All that was material in instructions 9, 11 and 18 was embodied in the -instructions which were given for the defendants.</p> - -<p>“The defendants also complain that the court refused to give an instruction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_612" id="Page_612">[612]</a></span> -for them which contained the following statement: ‘It can not be -material in this case that defendants, or some of them, are or may be Socialists, -Communists or Anarchists,’ etc.</p> - -<p>“If there was a conspiracy, it was material to show its purposes and -objects, with a view to determining whether and in what respects it was -unlawful. Anarchy is the absence of government; it is a state of society -where there is no law or supreme power. If the conspiracy had for its -object the destruction of the law and the government, and of the police and -militia as representatives of law and government, it had for its object the -bringing about of practical Anarchy. Whether or not the defendants were -Anarchists, may have been a proper circumstance to be considered in connection -with all the other circumstances in the case, with a view to showing -what connection, if any, they had with the conspiracy and what were their -purposes in joining it. Therefore, we can not say that it was error to refuse -an instruction containing such a broad declaration as that announced in the -above quotation.</p> - -<p>“Defendants further complain because the instruction numbered 13, -which was asked by them, was refused by the trial court. The refusal of -this instruction was not error. It was proper enough, so far as it stated -that if a person at the Haymarket ‘without the knowledge, aid, counsel, -procurement, encouragement or abetting of the defendants or any of them, -then or theretofore given, ... threw a bomb among the police, wherefrom -resulted the murder or homicide charged in the indictment, then the -defendants would not be liable for the results of such bomb,’ etc. But the -instruction is so ingeniously worded as to lead the jury to believe that the -person who threw the bomb at the Haymarket was justified in doing so if -the meeting there was lawfully convened and peaceably conducted and if -the order to disperse was unauthorized and illegal. Counsel inject into the -instruction the hypothesis that the bomb may have been thrown by an outside -party ‘in pursuance of his view of the right of self-defense.’ A mere -order to disperse can not be an excuse for throwing a dynamite bomb into -a body of policemen. If the bomb-thrower had been illegally and improperly -attacked by the police, while quietly attending a peaceable meeting, -and had thrown the bomb to defend himself against such attack, another -question would be presented. The vice of the instruction lies in the insidious -intimation embodied in it, that when a body of policemen, even if in -excess of their authority, give a verbal order to an assemblage to disperse, -a member of that assemblage will be excusable for throwing a bomb, on the -ground of self-defense and because of the supposed invasion of his rights.</p> - -<p>“The instruction given by the court of its own motion, and which has -already been referred to, is also claimed to be erroneous. So far as it -speaks of murder and advice to commit murder in general terms, it is sufficiently -limited and qualified when read in connection with all the other -instructions, to which it specifically calls attention. It does not supersede -and stand as a substitute for the other instructions, given for both sides. -It does not so purport upon its face. On the contrary, the jury are directed -to ‘carefully scrutinize’ such other instructions, and are told that their -apparent inconsistencies will disappear under such scrutiny. In the last -sentence they are requested to disregard any unguarded expressions that -may have crept into the instructions, ‘which seem to assume the existence -of any facts,’ and look only to the evidence, etc. Why caution the jury to -disregard certain expressions of a particular kind in the other instructions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_613" id="Page_613">[613]</a></span> -if the latter were to be entirely superseded? We do not think that the -instruction given by the trial judge <i>sua motu</i> is obnoxious to the objections -urged against it.</p> - -<p>“Defendants also object to the instruction as to the form of the verdict -as being erroneous. It is claimed that the jury were obliged, under this -instruction, to find the defendants either guilty or not guilty of murder, -whereas the jury were entitled to find that the offense was a lower grade of -homicide than murder, if the evidence so warranted. This position is fully -answered by our decisions in the cases of <i>Dunn</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 109 Ill. 646, -and <i>Dacey</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 116 id. 555. If counsel desired to have the jury -differently instructed as to the form of the verdict, they should have prepared -an instruction, indicating such form as they deemed to be correct, -and should have asked the trial court to give it. They did not do so, and -are in no position to complain here.</p> - -<p>“The court, at the request of the defendants, did give the jury an instruction -defining manslaughter in the words of the statute and specifying the -punishment therefor as fixed by the statute. The court also gave the jury -the following instruction: ‘The jury are instructed that under an indictment -for murder a party accused may be found guilty of manslaughter; and -in this case, if from a full and careful consideration of all the evidence -before you, you believe beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendants or -any of them are guilty of manslaughter, you may so find by your verdict.’</p> - -<p>“The next error assigned has reference to the impaneling of the jury. -The counsel for plaintiffs in error have made an able and elaborate argument -for the purpose of showing that the jury which tried this case was -not an <i>impartial</i> jury in the sense in which the word ‘impartial’ is used -in our Constitution. We do not deem a consideration of all the points presented -as necessary to a determination of the case, and shall only notice -those that seem to us to be material.</p> - -<p>“Nine hundred and eighty-one men were called into the jury-box and -sworn to answer questions. Each one of the eight defendants was entitled -to a peremptory challenge of twenty jurors, making the whole number of -peremptory challenges allowed to the defense one hundred and sixty. -The State was entitled to the same number. Seven hundred and fifty-seven -were excused upon challenge for cause. One hundred and sixty were challenged -peremptorily by the defense and fifty-two by the State.</p> - -<p>“Of the twelve jurors who tried the case, eleven were accepted by the -defendants. They challenged one of these, whose name was Denker, for -cause, but, after the court overruled the challenge, they proceeded to further -question him and finally accepted him, although one hundred and forty-two -of their peremptory challenges were at that time unused. They accepted -the ten others, including the juror Adams, without objection. When -Adams, the eleventh juror, was taken, they had forty-three peremptory challenges -which they had not yet used.</p> - -<p>“Therefore, as to eleven of the jurymen, the defendants are estopped -from complaining. They virtually agreed to be tried by them, because they -accepted them, when, by the exercise of their unused peremptory challenges, -they could have compelled every one of them to stand aside.</p> - -<p>“Counsel for the defense complain that the trial court overruled their -challenges for cause of twenty-six talesmen, to whose examinations they -specifically call our attention. As they afterwards peremptorily challenged -the talesmen so referred to, no one of them sat upon the jury. Every one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_614" id="Page_614">[614]</a></span> -of these twenty-six men had been peremptorily challenged before the eleventh -juror was taken.</p> - -<p>“After the eleventh juror was accepted, the forty-three peremptory challenges -which then remained to the defendants were all used by them before -the twelfth juror was taken.</p> - -<p>“After the defendants had examined the twelfth juror, whose name was -Sandford, they challenged him for cause. Their challenge was overruled -and they excepted.</p> - -<p>“The one hundred and sixty talesmen who were peremptorily challenged -by defendants were first challenged for cause, and the challenges for cause -were overruled by the trial court. It is claimed that, inasmuch as the defendants -exhausted all their peremptory challenges before the panel was -finally completed, the action of the court in regard to these particular jurors -will be considered, and, if erroneous, such action is good ground of reversal. -We think it must be made to appear that an objectionable juror was put -upon the defendants after they had exhausted their peremptory challenges. -‘Unless objection is shown to one or more of the jury who tried the case, -the antecedent rulings of the court upon the competency or incompetency -of jurors who have been challenged and stood aside will not be inquired -into in this court.’ <i>Holt</i> vs. <i>State</i>, 9 Texas Ct. App. 571.</p> - -<p>“We cannot reverse this judgment for errors committed in the lower -court in overruling challenges for cause to jurors, even though defendants -exhausted their peremptory challenges, unless it is further shown that an -objectionable juror was forced upon them and sat upon the case after they -had exhausted their peremptory challenges. This doctrine is ably discussed -in <i>Loggins</i> vs. <i>State</i>, 12 Texas Ct. App. 65. We think the reasoning in that -case is sound and answers the objection here made.</p> - -<p>“In addition to this reason, we have carefully considered the examinations -of the several jurors challenged by the defendants peremptorily, and -while we cannot approve all that was said by the trial judge in respect to -some of them, we find no such error in the rulings of the court in overruling -the challenges for cause as to any of them as would justify a reversal of the -cause. The examinations, as they appear in the record, of the forty-three -talesmen who were challenged peremptorily after the eleventh juror was -accepted, show that many of the forty-three challenges were exercised arbitrarily -and without any apparent cause. Such challenges were not compelled -by any demonstrated unfitness of the jurors, but seem to have been -used up for no other purpose than to force the selection of one juror after -the forty-three challenges were exhausted.</p> - -<p>“The only question, then, which we deem it material to consider, is: -Did the trial court err in overruling the challenge for cause of Sandford, the -twelfth juror? or, in other words, Was he a competent juror?</p> - -<p>“The following is the material portion of his examination:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Have you an opinion as to whether or not there was an offense committed at the Haymarket -meeting by the throwing of a bomb? A. Yes. Q. Now, from all that you have -read and all that you have heard, have you an opinion as to the guilt or innocence of any of -the eight defendants of the throwing of that bomb? A. Yes. Q. You have an opinion -upon that question also? A. I have.... Q. Now, if you should be selected as a juror in -this case to try and determine it, do you believe that you could exercise legally the duties of -a juror, that you could listen to the testimony and all of the testimony and the charge of the -court, and after deliberation return a verdict which would be right and fair as between the -defendants and the People of the State of Illinois? A. Yes, sir. Q. You believe that -you could do that? A. Yes, sir. Q. You could fairly and impartially listen to the testimony<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_615" id="Page_615">[615]</a></span> -that is introduced here? A. Yes. Q. And the charge of the court, and render an -impartial verdict, you believe? A. Yes. Q. Have you any knowledge of the principles -contended for by Socialists, Communists and Anarchists? A. Nothing except what I read -in the papers. Q. Just general reading? A. Yes. Q. You are not a Socialist, I presume, -or a Communist? A. No, sir. Q. Have you a prejudice against them from -what you have read in the papers? A. Decided. Q. Do you believe that that would influence -your verdict in this case or would you try the real issue which is here as to whether -the defendants were guilty of the murder of Mr. Degan or not, or would you try the question -of Socialism and Anarchism, which really has nothing to do with the case? A. Well, -as I know so little about it in reality at present, it is a pretty hard question to answer. Q. You -would undertake, you would attempt of course to try the case upon the evidence introduced -here, upon the issue which is presented here? A. Yes, sir.... Q. Well, then, so -far as that is concerned, I do not care very much what your opinion may be now, for your -opinion now is made up of random conversations and from newspaper reading, as I understand? -A. Yes. Q. That is nothing reliable. You do not regard that as being in the nature of -sworn testimony at all, do you? A. No. Q. Now, when the testimony is introduced here and -the witnesses are examined, you see them and look into their countenances, judge who are -worthy of belief and who are not worthy of belief, don’t you think then you would be able to -determine the question? A. Yes. Q. Regardless of any impression that you might -have or any opinion? A. Yes. Q. Have you any opposition to the organization by -laboring men of associations or societies or unions so far as they have reference to their own -advancement and protection and are not in violation of law? A. No, sir. Q. Do you -know any of the members of the police force of the city of Chicago? A. Not one by name. -Q. You are not acquainted with any one that was either injured or killed, I suppose, at the -Haymarket meeting? A. No.... Q. If you should be selected as a juror in this case, -do you believe that, regardless of all prejudice or opinion which you now have, you could -listen to the legitimate testimony introduced in court, and upon that, and that alone, render -and return a fair and impartial, unprejudiced and unbiased verdict? A. Yes.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The foregoing examination was by the defense. The following was by -the State:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Q. Upon what is your opinion founded—upon newspaper reports? A. Well, it is -founded on the general theory and what I read in the newspapers. Q. And what you read -in the papers? A. Yes, sir. Q. Have you ever talked with any one that was present at -the Haymarket at the time the bomb was thrown? A. No, sir. Q. Have you ever talked with -any one who professed of his own knowledge to know anything about the connection of the -defendants with the throwing of that bomb? A. No. Q. Have you ever said to any one -whether or not you believed the statement of facts in the newspapers to be true? A. I -have never expressed it exactly in that way, but still I have no reason to think they were -false. Q. Well, the question is not what your opinion of that was. The question simply -is—it is a question made necessary by our statute, perhaps. A. Well, I don’t recall -whether I have or not. Q. So far as you know then, you never have? A. No, sir. Q. Do -you believe that, if taken as a juror, you can try this case fairly and impartially and render -an impartial verdict upon the law and the evidence? A. Yes.</p> - -<p class="p1">“It is objected that Sandford had formed such an opinion as disqualified -him from sitting upon the jury.</p> - -<p>“It is apparent from the foregoing examination that the opinion of the -juror was based upon rumor or newspaper statements, and that he had expressed -no opinion as to the truth of such rumors or statements. He -stated upon oath that he believed he could fairly and impartially render a -verdict in the case in accordance with the law and the evidence. That -the trial court was satisfied of the truth of his statement would appear from -the fact that the challenge for cause was overruled.</p> - -<p>“Therefore, the examination of the juror shows a state of facts which -brings his case exactly within the scope and meaning of the third proviso -of the 14th section of chapter 78, entitled ‘Jurors,’ of our Revised Statutes. -That proviso is as follows: ‘<i>And provided further</i>, that, in the trial -of any criminal cause, the fact that a person called as a juror has formed an -opinion or impression, based upon rumor or upon newspaper statements<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_616" id="Page_616">[616]</a></span> -(about the truth of which he has expressed no opinion), shall not disqualify -him to serve as a juror in such case, if he shall, upon oath, state that he -believes he can fairly and impartially render a verdict therein in accordance -with the law and the evidence, and the court shall be satisfied of the truth -of such statement.’</p> - -<p>“In <i>Wilson</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 94 Ill. 299, one William Gray was examined -touching his qualifications as a juror and said: ‘I have read newspaper -accounts of the commission of the crime with which the defendant is -charged and have also conversed with several persons in regard to it since -coming to Carthage and during my attendance upon this term of court; do -not know whether they are witnesses in the case or not; do not know who -the witnesses in the case are. From accounts I have read and from conversations -I have had, I have formed an opinion in the case; would have an -opinion now if the facts should turn out as I heard them, and I think it -would take some evidence to remove that opinion; would be governed by -the evidence in the case and can give the defendant a fair and impartial -trial according to the law and the evidence.’ Gray was challenged for -cause and the challenge overruled by the trial court. We held that all objection -to Gray’s competency was clearly removed by the proviso above -quoted. We also there said: ‘The opinion formed seems not to have -been decided, but one of a light and transient character which at no time -would have disqualified the juror from serving.’</p> - -<p>“The expressions of Sandford in the case at bar as to the opinion -formed by him are not so strong as those used by Gray in the Wilson case in -regard to his opinion. Sandford’s impressions were not such as would -refuse to yield to the testimony that might be offered, nor were they such -as to close his mind to a fair consideration of the testimony. They were -not ‘strong and deep impressions,’ such as are referred to by Chief Justice -Marshall when he said upon the trial of Aaron Burr for treason: ‘Those -strong and deep impressions which will close the mind against the testimony -which may be offered in opposition to them, which will combat that -testimony and resist its force, do constitute a sufficient objection’ to a juror. -(1 Burr’s Trial, 416.)</p> - -<p>“Counsel for the defense seem to claim in their argument that the proviso -above quoted is unconstitutional in that it violates section 9 of article -2 of the present Constitution of this State, which guarantees to the accused -party in every criminal prosecution ‘a speedy public trial by <i>an impartial -jury</i> of the county or district in which the offense is alleged to have been -committed.’ We do not think that the proviso is unconstitutional for the -reason stated. The rule which it lays down, when wisely applied, does not -lead to the selection of partial jurors. On the contrary, it tends to secure -intelligence in the jury-box and to exclude from it that dense ignorance -which has often subjected the jury system to just criticism. A statute upon -this subject, similar to ours and attacked as unconstitutional for the same -reason here indicated, was held to be constitutional by the Court of Appeals -in the State of New York in <i>Stokes</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 53 N. Y. 171.</p> - -<p>“The juror Sandford further stated that he had a prejudice against -Socialists, Communists and Anarchists. This did not disqualify him from -sitting as a juror. If the theories of the Anarchists should be carried into -practical effect, they would involve the destruction of all law and government. -Law and government cannot be abolished without revolution, bloodshed -and murder. The Socialist or Communist, if he attempted to put into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_617" id="Page_617">[617]</a></span> -practical operation his doctrine of a community of property, would destroy -individual rights in property. Practically considered, the idea of taking a -man’s property from him without his consent, for the purpose of putting it -into a common fund for the benefit of the community at large, involves the -commission of theft and robbery. Therefore, the prejudice which the ordinary -citizen, who looks at things from a practical standpoint, would have -against Anarchism and Communism, would be nothing more than a prejudice -against crime.</p> - -<p>“In <i>Winnesheik Insurance Co.</i> vs. <i>Schueller</i>, 60 Ill. 465, we said: ‘A man -may have a prejudice against crime, against a mean action, against dishonesty, -and still be a competent juror. This is proper, and such prejudice -will never force a jury to prejudge an innocent and honest man.’ In <i>Robinson -et al.</i> vs. <i>Randall</i>, <i>supra</i>, we again said: ‘The mere fact, therefore -that a juror may have a prejudice against crime does not disqualify him as -a juror. A juror may be prejudiced against larceny, or burglary, or murder, -and yet such fact would not in the least disqualify him from sitting -upon a jury to try some person who might be charged with one of these -crimes.’</p> - -<p>“Sandford stated that he would ‘attempt to try the case upon the evidence -introduced here upon the issue which is presented here.’ The issue -presented was whether the defendants were guilty or not guilty of the murder -of Mathias J. Degan. Any prejudice against Communism or Anarchism -would not render a juror incapable of trying that issue fairly and -impartially.</p> - -<p>“We cannot see that the trial court erred in overruling the challenge -for cause of the twelfth juror. This being so, it does not appear that the -defendants were injured, or that their rights were in any way prejudiced by -his selection as a juryman.</p> - -<p>“On the motion for a new trial the defendants read three affidavits for -the purpose of showing that, shortly after May 4, 1886, two of the jurors -had given utterance to expressions showing prejudice against the defendants. -The two jurors made counter-affidavits denying that they had used -the expressions attributed to them.</p> - -<p>“We do not think that the affidavits satisfactorily proved previously -expressed opinions on the part of the two jurors referred to. It was a dangerous -practice to allow verdicts to be set aside upon <i>ex parte</i> affidavits as -to what jurors are claimed to have said before they were summoned to act -as jurymen. The parties making such affidavits submit to no cross-examination, -and the correctness of their statements is subjected to no test whatever. -We adhere to the views which we have recently expressed upon this -subject in the case of <i>Hughes</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, 116 Ill. 330.</p> - -<p>“The defendants claim that, although they were entitled to one hundred -and sixty peremptory challenges, yet the State was entitled to only twenty, -and they charge it as error that the State was allowed to peremptorily challenge -more than twenty talesmen. The statute says: ‘The attorney -prosecuting on behalf of the people shall be admitted to a peremptory -challenge of the same number of jurors that the accused is entitled to.’ -(Rev. Stat. chap. 38, sec. 432.) We cannot conceive how language can be -plainer than that here used. It explains itself and requires no further -remark. The defendants also claim that the trial court erred in refusing -a separate trial, from the other defendants, to the defendants Spies, Schwab, -Fielden, Neebe and Parsons. Error cannot be assigned upon the refusal to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_618" id="Page_618">[618]</a></span> -grant separate trials where several are jointly indicted. It was a matter of -discretion with the court below. We so decided in <i>Maton et al.</i> vs. <i>The -People</i>, 15 Ill. 536. We are unable to see any abuse of the discretion in -this case.</p> - -<p>“Defendants also take exceptions to the conduct of the special bailiff.[ -The regular panel having been exhausted and the defendants having objected -‘to the Sheriff summoning a sufficient number of persons to fill the -panel’ of jurors, the court appointed a special bailiff named Ryce to summon -such persons under section 13, chapter 78, of the Revised Statutes. -On the motion for new trial, defendants read the affidavit of one Stevens, in -which Stevens swore that he had heard one Favor say that he, Favor, had -heard Ryce say that he, Ryce, was summoning as jurors such men as the -defense would be compelled to challenge peremptorily, etc. The defendants -then made a motion, based upon this affidavit, that Favor be compelled -to come into court and testify to what Ryce had said to him. The -refusal of the court to grant the application is complained of as error.</p> - -<p>“The statements in the affidavit were mere hearsay and were too indefinite -and remote to base any motion upon. Moreover, if Ryce did make -the remark in question to Favor, it does not appear that defendants were -harmed by it. There is nothing to show that Ryce made any remarks of -any kind, proper or improper, to the jurors whom he summoned. In addition -to this, it is not shown that the defendants served Favor with a subpœna -so as to lay a foundation for compelling his attendance.</p> - -<p>“We think that the course pursued on the trial in regard to the manner -of impaneling the jury was correct and in accordance with the plain -meaning of section 21, chapter 78, of the Revised Statutes. That section -says ‘that the jury shall be passed upon and accepted in panels of four by -the parties, commencing with the plaintiff.’ The State is not called upon -to tender the defendants a second panel before the defendants tender it -back four.</p> - -<p>“We can not see that the remarks of the State’s Attorney in his argument -to the jury were marked by any such improprieties as require a -reversal of the judgment. <i>Wilson</i> vs. <i>The People</i>, <i>supra</i>, and <i>Garrity</i> vs. -<i>The People</i>, 107 Ill. 162.</p> - -<p>“In their lengthy argument counsel for the defense make some other -points of minor importance, which are not here noticed. As to these, it is -sufficient to say that we have considered them and do not regard them as -well taken.</p> - -<p>“The judgment of the Criminal Court of Cook County is affirmed.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">After the reading of the decision, Justice Mulkey stated that it had -been his intention, if health had permitted, to file a separate opinion. He -said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“While I concur in the conclusion reached, and also in the general view -presented in the opinion filed, I do not wish to be understood as holding -that the record is free from error, for I do not think it is. I am nevertheless -of opinion that none of the errors complained of are of so serious a character -as to require a reversal of the judgment.</p> - -<p>“In view of the number of defendants on trial, the great length of time -it was in progress, the vast amount of testimony offered and passed upon -by the court, and the almost numberless rulings the court was required to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_619" id="Page_619">[619]</a></span> -make, the wonder with me is, that the errors were not more numerous and -more serious than they are.</p> - -<p>“In short, after having carefully examined the record, and given all the -questions arising upon it my very best thought, with an earnest and conscientious -desire to faithfully discharge my whole duty, I am satisfied fully -that the conclusion reached vindicates the law, does complete justice between -the prisoners and the State, and that it is fully warranted by the law -and the evidence.”</p></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_620" id="Page_620">[620]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXXV.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Last Legal Struggle—The Need of Money—Expensive Counsel -Secured—Work of the “Defense Committee”—Pardon, the Only Hope—Pleas for -Mercy to Gov. Oglesby—Curious Changes of Sentiment—Spies’ Remarkable Offer—Lingg’s -Horrible Death—Bombs in the Starch-box—An Accidental Discovery—My -own Theory—Description of the “Suicide Bombs”—Meaning of the Short Fuse—“Count -Four and Throw”—Details of Lingg’s Self-murder—A Human Wreck—The -Bloody Record in the Cell—The Governor’s Decision—Fielden and Schwab Taken to -the Penitentiary.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">IN spite of this overwhelming defeat at the hands of the Supreme Court of -Illinois, counsel for the Anarchists did not lose hope. They at once set -about formulating plans to carry their case before the highest tribunal under -the law, the Supreme Court of the United States, and for some time they -labored unremittingly in preparing the necessary grounds on which to bring -the matter within the jurisdiction of that court. The point on which they -mainly relied was a constitutional question involving the validity of the jury -law of the State of Illinois, but time was necessary to put in proper shape -other questions incidental to the main issue, growing out of rulings in the -trial court. Meanwhile money was needed, just as it had been during -the trial and the appeal to the State Supreme Court. It had been resolved -to call into the service of the convicted men eminent constitutional lawyers, -of national reputation as well as of high standing before the highest tribunal -in the land, and contributions were accordingly sought throughout the -country by the Anarchist “Defense Committee” of Chicago, a body which -had been organized preceding the trial. In compliance with the call, a -great deal of money was subscribed, and the local counsel began to cast -about for legal assistance among the most noted constitutional expounders -in the Union, to properly prepare the case for presentation at Washington. -Capt. Black, to whom this duty seems to have been mainly intrusted, finally -decided upon Gen. Pryor, of New York, and J. Randolph Tucker, and with -these eminent jurists he held long consultations on the best points to make -before the court of last resort. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler was also called -into the case as special counsel for Spies and Fielden.</p> - -<p>Finally, on Thursday, October 27, 1887, the case was brought before the -United States Supreme Court, and arguments were heard before a full -bench. Mr. Tucker was the first to speak, and held the court’s attention -for some time, contending that the Illinois jury law was in contravention -of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. -That amendment, he said, had been adopted, and had been construed by -the court as for the special protection of the negro, and he insisted that it -should be opened up for the protection of the whites as well. Upon this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_621" id="Page_621">[621]</a></span> -point he elaborated at some length, consuming nearly the whole time allotted -to him, and then he proceeded to show that an impartial jury had not -been chosen in the trial court, some men upon it—reference being made to -Denker and Sandford—having formed a newspaper opinion, but, in spite of -that fact, having still been admitted under the rulings of the court. The -first ten amendments to the Constitution, he held, limited the States in the -adoption of laws abridging the rights of citizens. His whole argument -received marked attention and was ably presented.</p> - -<p>Benjamin F. Butler made a few points in addition to those presented in -his brief, but the main burden of his plea was that his clients, Spies and -Fielden, were aliens and had come to this country under treaties made with -Germany and England, long before the jury law of Illinois was passed.</p> - -<p>Attorney-General Hunt, of Illinois, replied to the various points made -by the petitioners, showing that the Federal Constitution, in its first ten -amendments, did not restrict the rights of a State in the regulation of jury -selections, and that there was no refuge for any of the defendants under the -treaties. It was an eloquent and masterly argument, and its effect on the -court was subsequently shown in the decision, which closely followed in the -line of Mr. Hunt’s position on the matters in question.</p> - -<p>State’s Attorney Grinnell was present simply to assist the Attorney-General -in pointing out the salient features in the record of the trial court, -with which he was so thoroughly familiar, but, on solicitation, he also addressed -the court at some length. He spoke with reference to some details -in the trial, and made a clear and concise exposition of the case. He was -followed by General Butler, who spoke at considerable length, but advanced -no new points, except that he maintained that Spies had been compelled to -testify against himself.</p> - -<p>The arguments occupied two days, and the court reserved its decision -until Wednesday, November 2. On that day the court decided, on the -claim that the first ten amendments to the Constitution limited the rights -of a State in the passage of laws affecting personal rights, that they “were -not intended to limit the powers of the State Government in respect to -their own citizens, but to operate on the National Government alone.” -This had been decided more than fifty years before, and that decision had -been steadily adhered to ever since. “It was contended in argument,” -said the court, “that, although originally the first two amendments were -adopted as limitations on Federal power, yet, in so far as they secure and -recognize fundamental rights, common-law rights of the man, they make -them privileges and immunities of the man as a citizen of the United States -and cannot now be abridged by a State under the Fourteenth Amendment.” -The objections raised, in brief, were that a statute of the State, as construed -by the court, deprived the petitioners of a trial by an impartial jury and -that Spies was compelled to give evidence against himself. The statute to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_622" id="Page_622">[622]</a></span> -which special objection was made, continued the court, was approved -March 12, 1874, and went into force on July 1 of that year. The claim set -up by petitioners was that the trial court, acting under this law, compelled -them against their will to submit to a trial by a jury that was not impartial, -and thus deprived them of one of the fundamental rights they had as -citizens of the United States under the Federal Constitution, and that if -the sentence was carried out they would be deprived of their lives “without -due process of law.” The court then referred to the peremptory challenges -allowed petitioners and held that with these the constitutional right of the -accused had been maintained.</p> - -<p>“Although a juror called as a juryman,” said the court, “may have -formed an opinion based upon rumor or newspaper statement, he is still -qualified as a juror if he states that he can fairly and impartially render a -verdict thereon in accordance with the law and the evidence. Indeed, the -rule of the statute of Illinois as construed by the trial court is not materially -different from that which has been adopted by the courts in many other -States without any legislation. We agree entirely with the Illinois Supreme -Court in the opinion that the statute on its face, as construed by the trial -court, is not repugnant to section 9 of article 2 of the Constitution of that -State, which guarantees to the accused party in every criminal prosecution -a speedy trial by an impartial jury of the county or district in which the -offense is alleged to have been committed.”</p> - -<p>Speaking of the alleged bias of one of the jurors—Denker—the court -says that neither party at the close of the examination challenged the juror -peremptorily. “When this occurred it was not denied,” says the court, -“that the defendants were still entitled to 143 peremptory challenges, or -about that number.” As to Juror Sandford, the court said that “at the -close of his examination on the part of the defendants the juror was challenged -on their behalf for cause, and the attorney for the State, after having -ascertained that all the peremptory challenges of the defendants had been -exhausted, took up the examination of the juror.” It then appearing that -he could render an impartial verdict, he was sworn in under the proper rulings -of the court.</p> - -<p>As to Spies being compelled to be a witness against himself, the court -ruled that, inasmuch as he had voluntarily offered himself as a witness in his -own behalf, by so doing he had become bound to submit himself to a proper -cross-examination. But it was said that the reading of Most’s letter was -not proper evidence. “That is,” continued the court, “a question of State -law in the courts of the States, and not of Federal law.” Something was -said about the alleged unreasonable search and seizure of the papers and -property of some of the defendants, and their use in evidence in the trial of -the case. Special reference was made to letters from Most to Spies, about -which he was cross-examined; but “we have,” said the court, “not been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_623" id="Page_623">[623]</a></span> -referred to any part of the record in which it appears that objection was -made to the use of the evidence on that account,” and therefore, “as the -Supreme Court of Illinois says so, we cannot consider the constitutional -question involved.”</p> - -<p>The writ of error prayed for in the petitions and briefs filed and the -arguments made on their merits was therefore denied.</p> - -<p>The late Chief Justice Waite read the decision, and there was not a dissenting -opinion, thus overwhelmingly sustaining the most important rulings -made by Judge Gary and attesting the impregnable position taken by the -State.</p> - -<p>The prisoners in the Cook County Jail were now confronted with the -awful fate in store for them nine days hence from the rendering of the -Supreme Court’s decision. But, like drowning men grasping at straws, -they turned in the direction of executive clemency. Their counsel, Capt. -Black especially, entertained strong hopes of securing from Gov. Oglesby -a commutation of sentence to imprisonment in the penitentiary. Steps -were accordingly taken looking to that end. Petitions to the chief executive -of Illinois were at once put in circulation for signatures, and friends -and sympathizers of the condemned busied themselves in writing personal -letters pleading for mercy.</p> - -<p>As the day of execution approached, it was surprising to note how many, -who had hitherto clamored for blood in atonement for the Haymarket -massacre, now exerted themselves in the effort to secure executive clemency. -With my own eyes I saw people who had made the most fuss shouting, -“Hang the Anarchists! Don’t give them a chance for their lives. Destroy -them at once. They must be roasted out; the balance of them must -leave the country,” the first to weaken. They began calling the doomed -Anarchists “poor innocent men; it is too bad to hang them. If they would -only promise to do better hereafter, the authorities ought to let them go.” -There were others, again, who wished to see the laws enforced, but who -failed to make their true feelings known during the interval immediately -preceding the day set for the execution. These, when it became almost -certain that the Anarchists must hang, showed themselves very firm and -openly declared that the men fully deserved hanging, and should be hanged -as determined by the verdict of the jury.</p> - -<p>Some of those who had given their moral support to the prosecution -even went to the extent of giving up rooms in their residences for meetings -of parties interested in imploring executive clemency, and avowed Anarchists -and Socialists spread their feet under mahogany tables and shuffled -dirt-laden shoes over velvety rugs in houses that had hitherto sheltered -owners who, on the streets and in the marts of trade, had denounced the -Anarchists in unmeasured terms. But there were those who believed, from -the conclusion of the trial up to the last moment, that the law should take<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_624" id="Page_624">[624]</a></span> -its course, and these were largely in the majority. Governor Oglesby is -made of stern material, but the most stern and rugged natures, with the -clearest perceptions of duty and the most absolute belief in guilt, would -have yielded to public sentiment as being the best guide in a case involving -the lives of human, fallible beings. Really public sentiment upheld the verdict, -and only yielded in the abatement of the sentence of Fielden and -Schwab as justified by the mitigating circumstances in their cases.</p> - -<p>The day drew near for decisive action, and, on the 9th of November, -Capt. Black, accompanied by his wife, George Schilling, Mrs. Schwab, Mrs. -and Miss Spies, Miss Engel, Miss Mueller, Lingg’s sweetheart, and Mrs. -Fischer, repaired to the Capitol at Springfield, to personally intercede for -mercy. The “Amnesty Committee,” organized shortly before to arouse -interest in preventing the execution, was represented by Cora L. V. Richmond, -a noted trance-spiritualistic exhorter, and a few others of less renown. -Mr. W. M. Salter, of the Ethical Society of Chicago, Gen. M. M. Trumbull, -Henry D. Lloyd and S. P. McConnell also proceeded to the State -capital on special missions in behalf of one or the other of the Anarchists, -and besides there was a large sprinkling of labor representatives. Governor -Oglesby, who had meanwhile accumulated a voluminous mass of -letters and had received lengthy petitions from Chicago and all other parts -of the country, even from the Commune of Paris, met the various delegations -in his office in the Executive Department.</p> - -<p>The first speaker was Capt. Black, who presented a long petition, which -he read, signed by Schwab, Fielden and Spies. It set forth the grounds -upon which an exercise of the pardoning power was invoked, claiming that -the signers were wholly innocent of any knowledge of the throwing of the -bomb, and giving a brief epitome of the history of the case. It gave ten -reasons for asking a pardon. These reasons may be summarized as follows: -1. They were innocent of the bomb-throwing, alike in act and intent. -2. They had no knowledge of any purpose or arrangement for the throwing -of the bomb. 3. They (those present) counseled peace at the Haymarket -meeting and there disclaimed any purpose of violence. 4. A great -deal of evidence was permitted to be presented in court which had no specific -reference to the crime charged, and an effort was made to prove that -their utterances and advice had reference alone to “defensive action by the -wage class as against any unlawful attacks upon them,” and in thus publicly -expressing their sentiments by pen and speech they were not conscious -that they were violating the law. 5. Under a rule of responsibility allowed, -which was contrary to Anglo-Saxon legislation but expressed in the statute -law of the State, they were held to be accessories “for the act of a supposed -but absolutely unknown and unidentified principal, when the actor in the -commission of the crime charged may have acted, not as the agent, but the -enemy, of the accused;” and they had been tried as “the supposed leaders<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_625" id="Page_625">[625]</a></span> -of a general movement or conspiracy embracing a much larger number of -men.” 6. Their trial was at a time of great public excitement, when press -and public demanded their conviction as enemies of public order. 7. That -men were allowed to sit upon the jury with strong prejudices against them. -8. They were not tried by men according to constitutional rights, but had -jurors “with a prejudgment of their guilt induced and inflamed by the daily -reading of the papers,” whose columns had never ceased to denounce them. -9. Some of them were subjected to illegal cross-examinations, and “the provisions -of the Constitution and the law were set aside, and property unlawfully -seized in unauthorized searches was introduced to bring about a conviction.” -10. They believed and charged that the special bailiff who was -intrusted with securing talesmen for the jury had deliberately selected men -whose views he was assured were hostile to them.</p> - -<p>Capt. Black commented upon each point made in the petition, and explained -that up to the time of the Haymarket meeting his clients had had -the absolute, uniform acquiescence of the municipal authorities in all their -public and secret gatherings. He also read an affidavit of Otis S. Favor, to -show that the bailiff had said to affiant that he was “managing this case” -(meaning selection of the jury to try the Anarchists) and “he knew what he -was about.”</p> - -<p>The plea was an eloquent and forcible one, but the Governor never gave -the slightest sign as to how far it had affected his judgment of the case.</p> - -<p>Mrs. Richmond spoke with reference to the petitions which her committee -had presented, containing many signatures, and explained that “the majority -of those who had signed them had done so because they considered it a -matter of public policy that these men should not be hanged.” Another -reason she advanced was that “these men did not intend a murder, and the -fact cannot be shown that they had any direct connection in the throwing of -the bomb which caused the death of Officer Degan.” She held that public -opinion was unanimous that these men could not afford to be sacrificed. -“The shock upon the rising generation will be such that it will take fifty or -one hundred years to wipe it out, and we believe it never could be wiped -out from the records of this State.” She asked that the sentence be commuted -“on the higher ground that it should be done for the welfare of the -people,” and then, after deploring the existence of capital punishment in -Illinois, she said that if mercy was shown by the Governor, his name would -forever be written on the scroll of humanity along with that of the martyred -Abraham Lincoln. “I again implore you, sir, to extend clemency to these -condemned men, and enroll your name among those who have dared to do -for humanity what all the courts of the land have denied.”</p> - -<p>Gen. M. M. Trumbull had had a pamphlet prepared respecting the trial, -and after presenting a copy of it to the Governor, and calling attention to -the fact that he had therein reviewed the unfairness of the trial, he made a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_626" id="Page_626">[626]</a></span> -few remarks, closing as follows: “In behalf of the families of these men; in -behalf of the men themselves; in behalf of thousands and hundreds of -thousands of people who sympathize with them in their misfortunes, I -implore your Excellency to show mercy in their case.”</p> - -<p>Elijah M. Haines, ex-Speaker of the Illinois House of Representatives, -said: “I do not come here, your Excellency, like others, to appeal to the -executive of this State to exercise an act of clemency; neither do I come -here representing petitioners. But I come here representing a sentiment -appealing to the executive branch of the government for an act of justice.” -His plea was based simply on the ground of justice, not policy, and he held -that what had been a crime years ago was not a crime now, and that “this -sentence, at this time, would not have been the sentence of the barbarous race -that preceded us.” He held that no conspiracy had been proven, and that -the men had been condemned to die through prejudice. He did not believe -in capital punishment, and concluded that “the peculiar complication of this -case would make the execution of these men hazardous to the best interests -of society.”</p> - -<p>State Senator Streeter made a short address. He began by saying: -“We are not here to favor any crime, but we do believe that this case -marks an epoch in our history; that you and I, Governor, and the people -who are living, probably never met or never will again meet an emergency -in history like this. It is almost without parallel.” He then pleaded for -clemency on the ground of “the common good of society,” and asked the -Governor to give the petition a careful consideration.</p> - -<p>Messrs. Bailey and Campbell, representing the Trades and Labor -Assembly of Quincy, Ill., each spoke a few words for the doomed men, -and they were followed by William Urban, who spoke “for the German -workingmen of North Chicago,” and presented a set of resolutions passed -by the Central Labor Union.</p> - -<p>L. S. Oliver, on behalf of the “Amnesty Committee,” made a few statements -and presented a petition containing 41,000 names.</p> - -<p>Mr. Shullenberg, of Detroit, Mich., said he represented forty-five organizations, -and he asked, on their behalf, that executive clemency be -extended.</p> - -<p>C. G. Dixon, of Chicago, also submitted a long petition, and addressed -the Governor at some length. He was followed by Samuel Gompers, of -New York, President of the American Federation of Labor, who went into -an account of the eight-hour movement, and held that the police were -responsible for the Haymarket riot. He said that thousands would consider -that the men had been executed because they had stood up for free speech -and free assemblage, and maintained that throughout the civilized world -there had arisen a protest against the execution of the men. He concluded -by saying that the throwing of that bomb had killed the eight-hour movement,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_627" id="Page_627">[627]</a></span> -and that, had it not been for that, it would have been successful to a -great extent.</p> - -<p>Other addresses were made by Edward King, of District Assembly 49, -of New York; President Quinn, of the same organization, and George -Schilling. The various delegations then withdrew to permit the relatives -of the doomed men to confer personally with the Governor, and then each -in turn gave a few reasons why the Governor should be lenient.</p> - -<p>After this conference Mr. J. R. Buchanan and Mrs. George Schilling, -accompanied by two friends, sought an audience with the Governor and -presented a personal letter from August Spies. In that letter, dated -November 6, among other things he wrote:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“I care not to protest my innocence of any crime, and of the one I am -accused of in particular. I have done that, and leave the rest to the judgment -of history.... If a sacrifice of life there must be, will not my life -suffice? The State’s Attorney of Cook County asked for no more. Take -this, then! Take my life! I offer it to you so that you may satisfy the -fury of a semi-barbaric mob, and save that of my comrades.”</p> - -<p class="p1">This extract fully indicates the whole tenor of the letter.</p> - -<p>Messrs. Salter, Lloyd and McConnell next visited the Governor and -spoke on behalf of the men.</p> - -<p>Mr. Edward Johnson, a slate and stone dealer of Chicago, presented a -petition on behalf of Fielden’s former employers, numbering thirty-one -firms, and in that document they set forth that they had known Fielden for -fifteen years as an honest, hard-working, sober, reliable employé, with no -brutal or bloody instincts, and that the only trouble with him was that “he -was cursed with a gift of rude eloquence, a fatal facility of speech, and had -a consuming desire for the praise and applause of his fellow-men, and in -this lay the cause of his downfall.”</p> - -<p>This petition was accompanied by a personal letter from Fielden, dated -November 5, 1887. After speaking of his earlier years, and his interest in -the cause of workingmen, the letter concludes:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I was intoxicated with the applause of my hearers, and, the more violent -my language, the more applause I received. My audience and myself -mutually excited each other. I think, however, it is true that, for sensational -or other purposes, words were put in my mouth and charged to me -which I never uttered; but, whether this be true or not, I say now that I no -longer believe it proper that any class of society should attempt to right its -own wrongs by violence. I can now see that much that I said under -excitement was unwise, and all this I regret. It is not true, however, that -I ever consciously attempted to incite any man to the commission of crime. -Although I do admit that I belonged to an organization which was engaged -at one time in preparing for a social revolution, I was not engaged in any -conspiracy to manufacture or throw bombs. I never owned or carried a -revolver in my life and did not fire one at the Haymarket. I had not the -slightest idea that the meeting at the Haymarket would be other than a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_628" id="Page_628">[628]</a></span> -peaceable and orderly one, such as I had often addressed in this city, and -was utterly astounded at its bloody outcome, and have always felt keenly -the loss of life and suffering there occasioned.</p> - -<p>“In view of these facts I respectfully submit that, while I confess with -regret the use of extravagant and unjustifiable words, I am not a murderer. -I never had any murderous intent, and I humbly pray relief from the murderer’s -doom. That these statements are true I do again solemnly affirm -by every tie that I hold sacred, and I hope that your Excellency will give a -considerate hearing to the merits of my case, and also to those of my imprisoned -companions who have been sentenced with me.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Judge Gary and Mr. Grinnell also wrote a letter setting forth this -natural desire of Fielden’s for applause and saying that there was no evidence -showing that he knew of any preparations to throw the bomb. They -believed him to have been an honest and industrious man and thought executive -clemency in his case would be justifiable.</p> - -<p>A letter from Schwab was also presented to the Governor. It was short -and read as follows:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“As supplemental to the petition heretofore signed by me, I desire to -say that I realize that many utterances of mine in connection with the labor -agitation of the past, expressions made under intense excitement, and often -without any deliberation, were injudicious. These I regret, believing that -they must have had a tendency to incite to unnecessary violence oftentimes. -I protest again that I had no thought or purpose of violence in connection -with the Haymarket meeting, which I did not even attend, and that I have -always deplored the results of that meeting.”</p> - -<p class="p1">This was accompanied by a letter from Judge Gary, concurring with -State’s Attorney Grinnell’s opinion that Schwab’s case deserved consideration, -as the man was friendless and had evidently been the pliant tool of -stronger-willed men. George C. Ingham also wrote, saying that if executive -clemency was shown to Fielden and Schwab it would not be misplaced.</p> - -<p>While the case was thus being discussed at Springfield, Parsons, Lingg, -Engel and Fischer were strongly urged by their friends to send personal -letters appealing for clemency, but each absolutely refused. They wrote -letters to the Governor, but declared that they would not accept a pardon -unless it restored them to full liberty. They held that they had committed -no wrong, and hence could seek no clemency except that which would release -them from imprisonment.</p> - -<p>On the same day that the delegations appeared before the Governor, Mr. -Vere V. Hunt went before Judge Richard J. Prendergast, of the County -Court in Chicago, and filed a petition to try the sanity of Lingg. He gave -as witnesses Dr. James G. Kiernan, George E. Detwiler, Ferdinand -Spies, Ida Spies, Henry Spies, Chris Spies, Mr. Kuttleman, Gustav Poch, -Louis Zetter, Mr. Linnemeyer and W. Bentthin. After arguments, Judge -Prendergast held that, in view of the judgment of the Supreme Court, affirming -the sentence of the Criminal Court, he had no jurisdiction. The next<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_629" id="Page_629">[629]</a></span> -day Mr. Hunt presented the same petition to Judge Frank Baker, but, after -hearing arguments, the court declined to examine into the question of the -bomb-maker’s sanity.</p> - -<p>Another curious move was also made on behalf of Parsons on the day -preceding the execution. It was an application for a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> -by Attorney Salomon, and was presented before Judge M. F. Tuley. The -grounds on which it was based were that the judgment affirmed by the -Supreme Court was directed against seven men and not against one, and -that the prisoner, not being in court when the sentence was passed, could -not be executed under it. He also claimed that the death warrant was not -legal because it did not run in the name of the people of the State of Illinois. -Judge Tuley said the court had no power to correct any errors of -the Supreme Court, and that the prisoner was -legally in the custody of the Sheriff, and the application -would accordingly be denied.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-629.jpg" width="150" height="262" id="i629" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">JAILOR FOLZ.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>While favorable results were being anticipated -by some as to the Governor’s decision, an incident -occurred which dampened their expectations and -somewhat affected public sentiment in the belief of -the guilt of the conspirators. Although it probably -had no effect on the Governor’s decision, Anarchists -at large thought it would highly prejudice -the case of their friends at his hands. This incident -was the horrible suicide of Louis Lingg.</p> - -<p>While the Anarchists were confined in the -Cook County Jail they were quartered in that portion -of the premises known as “murderers’ row.” -This row faces south on the first gallery, in view -of the entrance to the jail corridor, and had been -so designated because in times past men accused -of murder and awaiting trial, or men convicted of murder and awaiting execution -of sentence, were kept in the cells on that tier. Lingg, the most -defiant Anarchist of them all, occupied cell No. 22; Engel, No. 23; Spies, -No. 24; Schwab, No. 26; Fielden, No. 27, and Fischer, No. 28. During -Neebe’s detention, before being taken to the penitentiary, he occupied cell -No. 21. All the prisoners were subjected to strict prison discipline. The -rules of the jail knew no relaxation in the case of any one brought into -that part of the establishment, and each regulation was carried out to the -very letter.</p> - -<p>Jailor Folz is a veteran in the service, having filled the jailorship off and -on for twenty-two years, and he thoroughly understands all the requirements -in the way of jail discipline, to prevent escapes and guard against suicides -and assaults. I know him well, and he always has one ear and one eye open<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_630" id="Page_630">[630]</a></span> -to the conduct of the prisoners and the other eye and ear for his own security, -like a sailor who gives one-half of his body to the ship and reserves the other -half for his own safety. Where so many desperate characters are confined -it requires the utmost vigilance to keep them under control and restrain them -from violent outbreaks. Men whose lives have been almost a continual -record of misdeeds, crimes and murders are not, as a rule, easily handled, -and the wonder is that there have been so few to create trouble in Folz’s -bailiwick.</p> - -<p>One of the rules is a regular inspection of all the cells for contraband -articles and the exclusion of all implements calculated to aid a prisoner in -effecting his escape. Sometimes a revolver may be found during these inspections; -at other times a tiny saw for cutting the bars, and then again -some tool for cutting through the flagstones with a view to reaching the air-shaft -or getting into the sewer underneath; and, though rarely, even smuggled -poison has been discovered.</p> - -<p>All prisoners are carefully searched before being locked up, but it frequently -happens that prisoners are permitted to talk with their friends -through the lawyers’ cage. This cage is an inclosure ten by sixteen feet in -dimensions, with iron bars and strong wires, and while it would seem impossible -to pass anything through the narrow interstices, now and then an -aperture is pried open wide enough to pass in contraband articles. In -this way many things have been found smuggled into the jail. Food and -delicacies handed into the jail office for prisoners are always carefully -examined, and this precaution was particularly exercised in the case of -the Anarchists as the time approached for their execution.</p> - -<p>On Sunday morning, November 6, 1887, Mr. Folz gave orders about -eight o’clock to have the cells of the Anarchists searched, and Deputies -John Eagan and O. E. Hogan were detailed for that purpose. Lingg’s cell -was first examined, and while the search proceeded he was locked up in -the “lawyers’ cage.” A lot of revolutionary books, copies of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -and other papers were taken out and thrown temporarily in the -corridor. In one corner of the room stood a ten-pound starch-box, in one -nook of which there was a kerosene lamp, about which again some onions -were piled. Box and onions were placed on the gallery platform for the -time being.</p> - -<p>The officers were next about to proceed to a search of Engel’s cell, but -just before doing so Hogan happened to kick box, onions and all over the -platform, down onto the main floor. At the time some of the prisoners, -who were exercising themselves in the corridor, got curious as to the -contents of the rubbish, and, in the hope of finding something they might -desire, began a search of the pile. Some of them seemed particularly -interested in something they had discovered, and Hogan, noticing their -intent gaze, stopped to look at them. He noticed that one of the prisoners<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_631" id="Page_631">[631]</a></span> -had something strange in his hands. Eagan also noticed the same thing -and started on a run down-stairs. Arriving at the place where the knot of -prisoners had gathered, he found that the curious object which they were -scrutinizing was nothing else than a dynamite bomb. The bomb, it -appears, had been dashed out of the box as it fell on the floor from the -gallery platform above, and interest at once centered in the innocent-looking -box. Mr. Eagan found therein three other bombs, and they were -immediately taken to Jailor Folz’s office. The box was next carefully -examined, and it was found to have a false bottom, in which the bombs had -been concealed. Some six days before this box had been brought into -the jail, and, being apparently empty, it had been passed in to Lingg. It -was evident that it had been made according to Lingg’s instructions by -some handy carpenter who was a close friend, and, judging from its -construction, it seems to have been patterned after Lingg’s trunk, which, -it will be remembered, also had a false bottom, and in whose secret apartment -I found a lot of dynamite, together with a coil of fuse and a supply -of caps. Either the bombs were in the box at the time it was brought to -the jail, or they must have been smuggled in through a temporarily-forced -opening in the wire cage. The officials incline to the former theory.</p> - -<p>Lingg was a most interested spectator. It was evident from his actions -that the discovery greatly troubled him. His face became almost livid -with rage, his eyes fairly snapped fire, and he fumed in his cage like an imprisoned -beast of prey. He was speechless with anger, and every motion -betrayed an energy of passion that was fearful to behold.</p> - -<p>After a little while Lingg was taken out of the “lawyers’ cage,” and -thereafter he was confined in a cell fixed up for him on the lower floor, where -he could be directly under the eyes of the officials, who by this time had -come to regard him as a very dangerous man. At ten o’clock on the same -morning, I received a dispatch from the Sheriff asking me to call at the -jail immediately. Arriving there, I met Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz, and -after they had explained the circumstances of the morning’s find, the four -bombs were handed to me for examination. I found that they were all -loaded with dynamite of the regular kind, and I gave it as my opinion that -they were manifestly intended for suicidal purposes, to escape the gallows. -I could not believe that they were made for any other purpose. Both the -Sheriff and the Jailor concurred in this view, and they so expressed themselves -to outsiders, although sensational reports were circulated in the -newspapers that the bombs were smuggled in to be used especially on the -day of the execution, to blow the jail, prisoners and visitors to the four -winds.</p> - -<p>I took charge of the bombs, and subsequently, at the station, gave them -a more thorough examination. They were all of the same size, being six -inches long, three-eighth gas-pipe, and one end of each had been plugged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_632" id="Page_632">[632]</a></span> -with a boiler rivet one inch long. On each rivet there had been cut -about a dozen notches with a sharp chisel, and after the rivets had been -inserted hot lead had been poured into the pipe from the top, thus fastening -them in place. A wooden plug, through which a hole had been bored in -the center for the cap and fuse, had been put at the other end of each pipe; -and thus plugged, with a charge of dynamite inside, it was a most destructive -implement. The dynamite used was of the regular factory make, the -percussion cap of English manufacture, and the fuse of the tar-cloth, water-proof -kind. The fuse was cut scarcely an inch long, and a fuse of that -length would explode the cap as soon almost as it was ignited. I explained -these features in a general way to Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz, and told -them that with such a short fuse no one using one of these deadly contrivances -could light it and then throw the bomb away before it would explode. -It might, as I explained to them, be kept about the body or inserted in a -man’s mouth, and in an instant after being lighted an explosion would follow. -Hence my theory was that they were designed exclusively -for suicidal purposes. A photographic illustration -of the suicide bombs appears on page 595.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-632.jpg" width="200" height="277" id="i632" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">BENJ. P. PRICE.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>The bomb used at the Haymarket was of the -kind called the “five and six seconds fuse.” The -fuse on a bomb of that kind was cut at a length of -four inches, and the instruction to Anarchists in -handling one of them was to count four just as soon -as the fuse caught fire, and then throw it. If the -bombs found in Lingg’s cell had had that length -of fuse, then it might have been possible that they -were intended for general destruction. These -bombs had evidently been made under instructions -from Lingg. He was the only one who -made bombs by plugging up one end with lead, -and, whoever the party was that turned them out for him, he must have had -some prior experience with Lingg in bomb-making. That could be plainly -seen, too, in the way the fuse had been fastened in the caps. It was also manifest -that the man must have been a machinist. But no clue as to his identity -could be secured, and, of course, Lingg never gave the slightest hint to -any of the officers, or even to his associates.</p> - -<p>Thereafter, as might have been expected, Lingg was more carefully -watched than ever. No strange visitors were permitted to see him. The -discovery of the explosives had created an intense and wide-spread excitement, -and Sheriff Matson issued most stringent orders with reference, not -only to Lingg, but to all the other confined Anarchists. By these orders -the public was measurably reassured.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_633" id="Page_633">[633]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-633.jpg" width="400" height="635" id="i633" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">LOUIS LINGG’S TERRIBLE DEATH.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_634" id="Page_634">[634]</a></span></p> - -<p>The bomb-maker had been committed to cell No. 11, and every article -constituting its outfit had been subjected to the closest inspection. It -seemed certain that there could be no dynamite in that cell. Besides this, -Mr. Benjamin P. Price, the Jail Clerk, made it his special business to look -after the desperate man, and there seemed no possibility of danger from -that quarter.</p> - -<p>But on the morning of the 10th of November, at 8:45 o’clock, the officials -as well as occupants of the jail were startled by the sound of a terrific explosion. -Consternation seized everybody for the moment. Each surmised -that some sad havoc had been created in some portion of the jail, and that -his special section had miraculously escaped. All within the jail precincts -jumped to their feet, and the most eager inquiries were made as to the cause -of the noise. Even the inmates of the cells in the immediate vicinity of -the spot where the explosion had occurred thought that some other portion of -the building had been blown up, and they were uncertain whether the attack -had come from without or within.</p> - -<p>The first idea credited the explosion to confederates of the Anarchists -on the outside. This was a perfectly natural conclusion. All sorts of -rumors about violent demonstrations and forcible attempts at rescue of the -doomed Anarchists were in circulation about the city, and the instant this -detonation was heard it was supposed that the threats had been finally carried -into effect. So loud was the report that people passing on the streets -surrounding the jail imagined that fearful destruction must have been -created inside. But after the first flush of excitement had subsided, the -source of the commotion was easily and speedily ascertained.</p> - -<p>The explosion had occurred in Lingg’s cell. The night before Lingg -had appeared in one of his complacent moods, and when the death-watch -eyed him closely the next morning nothing unusual was discovered in his -demeanor. Lingg seemed to be resting easily on his couch, and there was -not the slightest indication that anything tragic was contemplated. While -the death-watch, Deputy Sheriff Osborne, was giving his attention to something -else for a moment, however, Lingg saw his opportunity, rose stealthily -from his bed, seized a candle that flickered dimly in a corner of the -cell, and, jumping back to his couch, put the bomb in his mouth and -applied the flame. In an instant a loud explosion followed.</p> - -<p>Officials were soon in the cell and found Lingg lying on his side on the -couch, with one arm thrown over his head and the other resting on a little -table. A stream of blood was coursing down the pillow, and pools of it -had gathered upon the bedding. The deputies raised him up gently. A -ghastly sight met their gaze. The lower jaw had been almost entirely -blown away, the upper lip was completely torn to shreds, the greater part -of his nose was in tatters, only a fragment of his tongue remained, and -every vestige of front teeth had disappeared. What remained of his -cheeks looked like flesh torn by vultures, and every jagged part bled profusely.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_635" id="Page_635">[635]</a></span> -The inside of his upper jaw was horribly lacerated. It looked as -though no man could survive such a wound for a moment after its infliction. -And yet the bomb-maker was alive and breathing regularly.</p> - -<p>Lingg was at once removed from the cell to a large bath-room near -the Jailor’s office, and made as comfortable as circumstances would permit. -Drs. Fenger, Moyer and Bluthardt were at once sent for, and they responded -immediately. They applied such restoratives as medical science -suggested, but they found no little difficulty in stopping the bleeding and -preventing the blood from running down the man’s throat and interfering -with his breathing. Now and then he coughed, and with each spell -emitted large quantities of blood. The pallet upon which he rested, and -the floor underneath, -were saturated -with blood, -and its strong -flow attested a -superb physical -condition—a -wonderful vitality.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-635.jpg" width="300" height="262" id="i635" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">LINGG’S LAST WORDS.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>During all the -operations of the -surgeons Lingg -remained perfectly -conscious and -eyed them as -complacently as -though they had -been at work on -some other patient. -He showed -no concern and -never quivered. While calmly stretched on the cot, he closely observed all -who entered the room and seemed surprised at their consternation. It was -only when some police officers entered to look at him that he showed signs -of nervousness, and then, with pantomimic flourishes of his hand, he indicated -that he desired them to leave. The signs were correctly interpreted; -for the moment the officers left he quieted down easily, and a grateful look -from his eyes expressed his satisfaction. John C. Klein, who afterwards -became famous for the active part he took in the troubles in the island of -Samoa—readers will remember that there was a great deal of diplomatic -correspondence on account of them, that there was even talk of war between -the United States and Germany—was at that time a reporter for one of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_636" id="Page_636">[636]</a></span> -Chicago dailies, and in that capacity was present in the room. While still -being operated upon, Lingg beckoned to Klein for pencil and paper, and, -these being handed to him, he wrote, in German: “Please support my back. -When I lie down I cannot breathe.” That piece of paper, stained with -Lingg’s blood, is still in existence, and is shown in the engraving.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-636.jpg" width="250" height="313" id="i636" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">JOHN C. KLEIN.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>Everything was done to alleviate Lingg’s sufferings, but he died at 2:45 -that afternoon.</p> - -<p>The bomb-maker’s remains were placed in a neat coffin, and Bailiff -Eagan was detailed to critically examine Lingg’s cell. It was discovered -that when Lingg had lighted the bomb, which had been placed firmly -between the teeth, he was reclining on his cot, with his head near the wall. -This was indicated by the fact that Eagan found portions of the man’s -mustache, pieces of the tongue and shreds of flesh clinging firmly to the wall -nearest where the head had rested. A piece of the tallow candle which -had stood before its tragic use in a corner of the cell was found in the bed, -and the wall where the head had lain was not only marred by the almost -direct force of the explosion, but thickly bespattered with blood. All this -indicated unmistakably the means Lingg had used to light the bomb and -the position he had assumed when applying the fatal spark.</p> - -<p>The bomb used was undoubtedly similar -to the lot discovered a few days previously. -But how it became separated and -in what manner it was concealed and -smuggled into Lingg’s hands after he had -been placed in a new cell and put under -strict surveillance, are matters of conjecture. -My own theory is that Lingg had -a confidential friend among the smaller -class of criminals. To such a friend this -bomb was intrusted for safe-keeping in the -event of the discovery of the bombs in his -own cell, and when they were found he -relied on that trusted friend to help him -to escape the gallows. In no other way -could this bomb have come into the possession -of Lingg, since the prisoner had -been searched several times and nothing found upon him. A confederate -must have carefully kept the bomb and smuggled it to him at the last -moment. Everything indicated that the bomb had been part of the discovered -explosives, and its use fully corroborated the opinion I had given to -Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz at the time of the find, that the bombs were -only intended for suicidal purposes and had been brought into the jail for -no other object. At the time this opinion was given I was severely criticised<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_637" id="Page_637">[637]</a></span> -by Chief Ebersold and others—the newspapers especially—for advancing -such a theory. They maintained that the bombs had been brought -in to be thrown at the time of the execution, so as not only to kill all who -might become spectators, but to enable the Anarchists to escape hanging -by death in the general destruction around them. A few of the papers even -went so far as to attribute the opinion to “Schaack’s stupidity.”</p> - -<p>The doomed Anarchists were closely watched when it became quite apparent -that there was no chance of their escaping the gallows either through -an intervention of the courts or through executive clemency. Before this, -however, some latitude had been allowed them. They had been watched, -of course, but the rigorous scrutiny subsequently adopted had not then -prevailed. Visitors had been admitted, and, although separate conversations -had not been permitted, prisoners and friends had been close together. -No contraband articles had ever been noticed, however, the general opinion -among the jail officials being that, considering the prisoners were so hopeful -of good results from the labors of their counsel, such a thing as suicide -was not contemplated by any one of them.</p> - -<p>The first thing to arouse Jailor Folz’s suspicion was Engel’s action one -day about the 1st of November. It appears that at that time Engel was -very nervous and restless, and secured some morphine to quiet his nerves. -He took an over-dose, and when charged with having deliberately done so -with suicidal intent, he stoutly maintained that he had taken too much by -mistake. Folz thought no man could take such a dose except with a view -to suicide, and he resolved to keep a close watch on Engel thereafter and -allow him no medicine save what was administered by a physician. The -others were also more closely watched after that episode. All were searched -at stated intervals, as I have already mentioned.</p> - -<p>One day, while Parsons was being searched, he was handed a common -white shirt by Otto Folz, a son of the Jailor. Parsons looked at it for a -moment and then exclaimed:</p> - -<p>“My God! you are not going to put a shroud on a live man?”</p> - -<p>After the bomb discovery the doomed Anarchists were removed from -their old cells and placed on the lower floor, along the tier containing -Lingg’s cell. Parsons was put in cell No. 7, Fischer, No. 8, and Engel, -No. 9. When Lingg had been removed to the bath-room, his comrades -were again subjected to an examination, and their clothes were all changed -in the Jailor’s office. While this change was being effected, Parsons became -greatly agitated, and he remarked:</p> - -<p>“If I only had one of the bombs Lingg had in his cell, I would make -very short work of all this.”</p> - -<p>Fischer also made a similar remark. He said that he was ready to die -at any time, and he did not care how he died. He was very defiant, and -showed that he was in earnest in his expressions.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_638" id="Page_638">[638]</a></span></p> - -<p>Late in the afternoon of November 10, Gov. Oglesby gave his decision -on the various applications for mercy. It reads:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pr2 p1"> -<span class="smcap">State of Illinois, Executive Office, Springfield, Nov. 10.</span></p> - -<p>On the 20th day of August, 1886, in the Cook County Criminal Court, August Spies, -Albert R. Parsons, Samuel Fielden, Michael Schwab, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and -Louis Lingg were found guilty by the verdict of the jury and afterward sentenced to be hanged -for the murder of Mathias J. Degan.</p> - -<p>An appeal was taken from such finding and sentence, to the Supreme Court of the State. -That court, upon a final hearing and after mature deliberation, unanimously affirmed the -judgment of the court below.</p> - -<p>The case now comes before me by petition of the defendants, for consideration as Governor -of the State, if the letters of Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis -Lingg demanding “unconditional release,” or, as they express it, “liberty or death,” and protesting -in the strongest language against mercy or commutation of the sentence pronounced -against them, can be considered petitions.</p> - -<p>Pardon, could it be granted, which might imply any guilt whatever upon the part of either -of them, would not be such a vindication as they demand. Executive intervention upon the -grounds insisted upon by the four above-named persons could in no proper sense be deemed -an exercise of the constitutional power to grant reprieves, commutations and pardons, unless -based upon the belief on my part of their entire innocence of the crime of which they stand -convicted.</p> - -<p>A careful consideration of the evidence in the record of the trial of the parties, as well as -of all alleged and claimed for them outside of the record, has failed to produce upon my mind -any impression tending to impeach the verdict of the jury or the judgment of the trial court -or of the Supreme Court, affirming the guilt of all these parties.</p> - -<p>Satisfied, therefore, as I am, of their guilt, I am precluded from considering the question -of commutation of the sentences of Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and -Louis Lingg to imprisonment in the penitentiary, as they emphatically declare they will not -accept such commutation. Samuel Fielden, Michael Schwab and August Spies unite in a -petition for “executive clemency.” Fielden and Schwab, in addition, present separate and -supplementary petitions for the commutation of their sentences. While, as said above, I am -satisfied of the guilt of all the parties, as found by the verdict of the jury, which was sustained -by the judgments of the courts, a most careful consideration of the whole subject leads me to -the conclusion that the sentence of the law as to Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab may be -modified as to each of them, in the interest of humanity, and without doing violence to public -justice.</p> - -<p>As to the said Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab, the sentence is commuted to imprisonment -in the penitentiary for life.</p> - -<p>As to all the other above-named defendants, I do not feel justified in interfering with the -sentence of the court. While I would gladly have come to a different conclusion in regard to -the sentence of defendants August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Albert R. Parsons -and Louis Lingg, I regret to say that under the solemn sense of the obligations of my -office I have been unable to do so.</p> - -<p class="pr2"> -<span class="smcap">Richard J. Oglesby, Governor.</span></p></div> - -<p class="p1">This removed the last hope of the Anarchists. Spies said he had been -prepared for the worst, and that he had only signed the petition of Fielden -and Schwab for clemency at the solicitation of Miss Van Zandt.</p> - -<p>On the next morning after the Governor’s decision Fielden and Schwab -were removed to the penitentiary at Joliet.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_639" id="Page_639">[639]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXXVI.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Last Hours of the Doomed Men—Planning a Rescue—The Feeling -in Chicago—Police Precautions—Looking for a Leak—Vitriol for a Detective—Guarding -the Jail—The Dread of Dynamite—How the Anarchists Passed their Last -Night—The Final Partings—Parsons Sings “Annie Laurie”—Putting up the Gallows—Scenes -Outside the Prison—A Cordon of Officers—Mrs. Parsons Makes a Scene—The -Death Warrants—Courage of the Condemned—Shackled and Shrouded for the -Grave—The March to the Scaffold—Under the Dangling Ropes—The Last Words—“Hoch -die Anarchie!”—“My Silence will be More Terrible than Speech”—“Let the -Voice of the People be Heard”—The Chute to Death—Preparations for the Funeral—Scenes -at the Homes of the Dead Anarchists—The Passage to Waldheim—Howell -Trogden Carries the American Flag—Captain Black’s Eulogy—The Burial—Speeches -by Grottkau and Currlin—Was Engel Sincere?—His Advice to his Daughter—A Curious -Episode—Adolph Fischer and his Death-watch.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE Anarchists of Chicago now became desperate. Many of them had -calculated on the worst for some time, and they had formed into small -groups to be better able to plot for their imprisoned friends with the least -possible danger of police detection. While assembling in large bodies, -they had discovered that many of their secrets were in my possession, and -after the decision of the Illinois Supreme Court they realized that it was -essential to the success of any movement they might decide upon to keep -all knowledge of it within the circle of true and trusted men. The leading -lights in the order accordingly resorted to private residences, as I have -already stated.</p> - -<p>Sometimes they were joined in meetings of a general nature by some -who had previously been anti-Anarchists, but who since the decision of the -Illinois court had secretly expressed sympathy with the condemned men. -Becoming emboldened by what they thought to be a growing sentiment in -favor of the prisoners, these secret abettors finally threw off their masks, -and, openly expressing their views, many of them speedily lost the esteem -and friendship of neighbors by whom they had previously been highly regarded. -With a view to aiding to effect a general change in public sentiment, -some of these sympathizers even threw open their doors to Anarchists, -as I have indicated in a prior chapter. But whenever some risky project -was contemplated the small bands of conspirators saw to it that none but -avowed and tried adherents of the red flag were present.</p> - -<p>It was at this time that the police discovered the plot to release the -doomed men, and one day Detective Schuettler learned of a place where -numerous secret conferences were being held from time to time. He was -under orders of Mr. Ebersold, who had taken him away from the Chicago -Avenue Station with a view to crippling my force, but nevertheless the -detective found a way, even while engaged in other directions, to keep a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_640" id="Page_640">[640]</a></span> -keen eye on secret revolutionary movements. He had been too long in the -service to lose his interest in things Anarchistic, and he resolved to get at -the bottom of the rumored clandestine gatherings.</p> - -<p>Learning that star-chamber sessions were being held in the room of an old-time -Communist named Theodore Appell, at No. 234 West Division Street, -Schuettler at once rented an adjoining room. In this apartment there was -a closet, and after reconnoitering about the premises at a favorable opportunity, -he discovered that by cutting a hole in the closet wall he could -obtain a good view of those who might be present at future meetings. A -hole was accordingly cut. This gave him a fine chance both to see and -hear. Everything worked nicely for a time, but finally the conspirators -became suspicious, as they found their secrets getting beyond their own -circle, and, satisfied that the leakage was not due to members in their own -set, they instituted a search. The result was that the officer’s peep-hole was -discovered. That closed their deliberations in that place, but they resolved -to take revenge on the man who had thus obtruded his attentions upon -them. For this purpose they decided to hold a mock meeting in the -old quarters, and then and there, when they were satisfied that the concealed -individual had his eye at the hole, to discharge a syringe filled with -vitriol. This would destroy the eye-sight as well as disfigure for life the -face of the man who had dared to intrude on their secrecy. I learned of this -plan, however, and warned the officer. Schuettler never again went near -that closet. But he had already gathered all the information that was -needed.</p> - -<p>The conspirators left the place like young birds leave the old nest, with -a flop and a flourish, never to return; but we had learned that they had in -view the liberation of their friends in jail.</p> - -<p>This information put the authorities on their guard, and it is possible -that this timely discovery averted a jail delivery.</p> - -<p>But the Anarchists did not lose hope. When they learned that the -United States Supreme Court had refused to interfere with the execution -they became more desperate than ever. Where before they had been -revengeful, they now were frantic, and their schemes now embraced more -drastic and destructive measures. They considered propositions looking to -a blowing-up of the jail building with dynamite, and in the turmoil and -confusion incident to the wreckage of a part of the building and the -destruction of life within they contemplated a rush to the untouched -portion containing their comrades, whom they would thus rescue from the -hands of the law. This diabolical plot was earnestly debated, and about -the time the reds became satisfied that the Governor would not step in -between their convicted leaders and the gallows they even went so far as -to advocate an explosion that would not only rob the gallows of its victims, -but kill those whom curiosity might assemble about the jail a short time<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_641" id="Page_641">[641]</a></span> -before the expected event. If their comrades must die, they should not -die alone. The disgrace of an execution must be averted, and a terrible -lesson imparted to the enemies of Anarchy.</p> - -<p>But the jail officials joined me in most rigid measures to prevent the -execution of each and all of the plots, and officers and detectives were -stationed in goodly numbers about the building, night and day, to watch -the movements of suspicious characters. When the decision of the -Governor was finally announced -this vigilance was redoubled, and -we made sure that no secret -mines had been constructed under -any of the sidewalks surrounding -the building or across under the -alley on the west side of the jail -structure.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-641.jpg" width="250" height="346" id="i641" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">THE CHICAGO WATER-WORKS.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>It was not only the liberation -of the imprisoned Anarchists that -was aimed at in the numerous -conspiracies which came to our -knowledge about this time. One -plot which was reported to me -embraced a wanton scheme of incendiarism -and pillage, and in -order to facilitate this, it was proposed -to cut off the water -supply of the city by demolishing -the stand-pipe in the -Water-works tower. In -some manner the conspirators -had learned the exact -spot in the tower where a -charge of dynamite would -accomplish the most effective -execution, and the reports -brought to me showed that this project was debated most minutely. -For the space of two months we were required therefore to keep extra guard -over the source of Chicago’s water supply, and the contemplated attack of -the reds was not attempted.</p> - -<p>While the plots on the outside of the jail were thus met with vigilance, -the doomed conspirators within appeared quiet and resigned. They received -the Governor’s decision with extraordinary composure, and, having -felt throughout that day that they must face the inevitable on the morrow, -they busied themselves in arranging their earthly affairs, writing letters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_642" id="Page_642">[642]</a></span> -to friends and relatives and giving directions as to the disposition of personal -matters and the publication of their autobiographies and other manuscripts. -Early in the evening they received their immediate friends and -relatives to bid them farewell, and through all that trying ordeal they -remained unmoved. Tears coursed down the blanched faces of wives, sisters -and daughters as the last loving words were spoken, but no emotion -of despair or grief seemed to agitate the men. They were solemn and stoical -in their demeanor, and their efforts were mainly directed to administering -words of cheer and consolation. When the final parting had taken place, -they returned to their cells, and their last night on earth was varied with -letter-writing and chats with the death-watch. None of them retired early. -Parsons did not seek his couch till after midnight, and then it was some -time before the rapid thoughts coursing through his brain would permit -him to sleep. Before morning he broke the stillness of his surroundings by -singing a favorite song of his earlier days—“Annie Laurie.” The clear -tones echoing down the corridor startled all then awake, and prisoners and -death-watch eagerly inclined their heads to catch every word and note. -When Parsons drew near the closing stanza, his voice tripped and hesitated, -unmistakably showing that his feelings were giving way to the recollections -of former times.</p> - -<p>Spies lay down to rest at a late hour, but his thoughts, as he chatted with -his death-watch, seemed busy with the events that had brought him to a -murderer’s doom. He denounced the verdict as iniquitous, and declared -that the people would shortly see the error of hanging men for seeking the -welfare of the laboring classes.</p> - -<p>Fischer was the quietest and most self-composed of all, and he had very -little to say even to his death-watch. He soon apparently fell into a slumber -and seemed to rest easily.</p> - -<p>Engel was also remarkably self-possessed, and he was the last to retire -to his couch—not because of thoughts of the morrow occupying his mind, -but for another reason, as will appear further along.</p> - -<p>During the latter part of the night, if any one of them had happened to -be awake, the horrible preparations for the execution could have been -distinctly heard. Around the corner, in the corridor north of the one in -which their cells were located, the gallows were being placed in position, -and, even though the sounds of the hammer were subdued, the echo plainly -told the character of the work the carpenters were engaged upon. It was -the same scaffold on which the three Italians had two years before atoned -for the death of a murdered countryman, and on which the murderer -Mulkowsky had also paid the penalty for his foul crime. It was a large -structure—large enough to have dropped seven men had the original -sentence of the trial court been carried into full execution. At the end of -each rope one hundred and eighty pound weights were attached, so as to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_643" id="Page_643">[643]</a></span> -give a heavier fall, and, thus arranged, by daylight the trap of death was -ready for its victims.</p> - -<p>When morning dawned, the four Anarchists arose early, but each seemed -to have had a restful night. Their demeanor had not changed perceptibly -from that of other mornings. After their ablutions they perused the morning -papers and subsequently partook of breakfast, brought in from a neighboring -restaurant. They ate quite heartily, and then each turned his attention -again to letter-writing. Their communications were mainly directed to -their families and to friends in the city, and some to Anarchists in other -parts of the country, and very nearly the last they penned were directed to -the Sheriff and to the Coroner and had reference to the disposition of their -bodies and personal effects after death.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-643.jpg" width="200" height="248" id="i643" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">CANUTE R. MATSON.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>During the fleeting morning hours, the Anarchists were visited by the -Rev. Mr. Bolton, of the First Methodist Episcopal Church of Chicago, -who came to assist in their spiritual preparation for death, but while each -received him courteously, they all declined -his kindly proffered ministrations. They -had no faith in the gospel and frankly told -the clergyman that they did not desire his -services. They wanted to die as they had -lived, with no faith in God or man as exalted -above general humanity. Some of them -even went into discussion with the clergyman, -stoutly combatting every point he made -to reach their hearts; but the talk always -ended as it had begun—in a positive refusal -to accept any spiritual guidance or advice. -The Rev. Mr. Bolton was forced to retire -without having made any impression, and -the men treated the whole matter afterwards -in a most indifferent and flippant manner.</p> - -<p>While the unfortunates on the inside were apparently unmoved by their -impending fate, commotion and excitement prevailed on the outside of the -jail. At a very early hour in the morning a contingent of the police force, -numbering three hundred men, was detailed to preserve order and keep away -from the immediate vicinity of the building all persons not having proper -credentials or not properly vouched for. Across Michigan and Illinois -Streets, on the east side of Clark Street, and on Dearborn Avenue at its -intersections with the two first-named streets, stout ropes were stretched, -and within the inclosure thus formed and at the barriers squads of policemen -were marching up and down with glistening bayonets and Winchester -rifles. There were also policemen in and about the Criminal Court and -jail building and on the roof, commanding the streets below in all directions.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_644" id="Page_644">[644]</a></span> -There was thus a most complete arrangement to meet any unexpected -attack or any violent hostile demonstration.</p> - -<p>As the hour approached for the execution the streets beyond the ropes -became crowded with people of all grades and descriptions, impelled by -curiosity; but they were all kept moving by policemen scattered along the -thoroughfares amongst them, so that no groups might gather and under the -excitement of the moment precipitate a row or a riot. Along toward ten -o’clock Mrs. Parsons, dressed in mourning and accompanied by her two -children, presented herself at the ropes and demanded admittance to see -her husband “murdered by law.” She was, of course, delicately refused, -and then she endeavored to create a scene, but the police promptly called -a patrol wagon and sent her to the Chicago Avenue Station, where she was -detained until after the execution. During the forenoon thousands of people -passed in the vicinity of the building, but the only satisfaction they -received for their pains was a sight of the somber walls of the jail at a distance. -Taking the crowd as a whole, it was remarkably orderly, although -there was more or less subdued muttering among the Anarchists who had -sought the vicinity only to find themselves ordered to “move on.” These -generally sought solace for their wounded feelings in neighboring saloons, -where they cast dire imprecations upon the police, promising to be avenged -in time.</p> - -<p>Within the jail everything was quiet, and, except for the presence of -those who had come to witness the execution, there seemed to be no special -indication of the tragedy to be enacted. The officials moved about quietly -while making the preliminary arrangements, and the unfortunate Anarchists -smoked, wrote hasty notes and chatted at intervals with their attendants.</p> - -<p>At 11:30 o’clock Sheriff Matson, accompanied by Deputies Hartke, -Cleveland, Spears and Peters, County Physician Moyer and Jailor Folz, -started from the jail office, and repaired to the cell occupied by Spies. The -iron-barred door was opened, and Spies advanced to meet the Sheriff. -Mr. Matson at once proceeded to read the death warrant. Spies listened -with folded arms, and there was no indication of nervousness nor trace of -emotion. His feelings could not be divined from his demeanor. The facial -muscles remained unmoved, and no color rose to flush the usual paleness -of the cheeks, nor was the pallor of his face heightened when the last fearful -words of the warrant had been read. The Sheriff was visibly agitated, -and his voice was at times tremulous. On the conclusion of the reading -Spies merely bowed his head slightly, and then stepped out into the corridor -in obedience to the deputies’ request. Around his chest was placed a leather -belt about an inch and a half wide, with which to pinion his arms just above -the elbows, and his hands were handcuffed behind his back. Then a white muslin -shroud was thrown over him and fastened slightly at the neck and waist.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_645" id="Page_645">[645]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-645.jpg" width="400" height="641" id="i645" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE EXECUTION.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_646" id="Page_646">[646]</a></span></p> - -<p>While these details were being carried out, the Sheriff was at Fischer’s -cell, and the same programme of preparation was gone through with. The -Anarchist was manacled, pinioned and shrouded, and he gazed upon each -operation with curious interest, but with no sign of perturbation or weakness. -Now and then he faintly smiled, and he seemed more concerned -about the trepidation of the deputies than about his own situation.</p> - -<p>Meantime the death warrant had been read to Engel, who was soon -arrayed in the habiliments of death. He stood it all unflinchingly, and -seemed even less concerned than his comrades. There was also an entire -absence of affected indifference.</p> - -<p>Parsons was the last to step out of his cell, and, as he stood receiving -the ghastly paraphernalia, he endeavored to display no sign of fear. He -bore up well, although he evidently wrestled with his inner feelings.</p> - -<p>The solemn march to the scaffold began with the Sheriff in the lead. -In the east corner of the north corridor stood the scaffold. Below and -before it were benches for the two hundred spectators. The death procession -moved slowly and with measured tread. As it neared the corner the -footfalls became distinctly audible to those assembled. When the shuffling -of feet on the iron stairway leading to the first gallery, which was on a -level with the gallows, was heard, the buzz of conversation ceased, and -every eye was centered on the spot whence the Anarchists would be first -seen. It was only a moment, and then Spies, Fischer, Engel and Parsons, -one after the other, came into view, each with a deputy by his side. Having -reached their respective places on the trap, they faced the spectators. -Spies, the moment he caught sight of the audience, gave it a contemptuous -look, and thereafter his eyes seemed centered on some invisible object down -the corridor above the heads of the spectators. Fischer merely looked -down for a moment on the uncovered heads below, and then his eyes wandered -in various directions. Engel seemed the most unconcerned of all, -and swept the audience with a cool glance as though it might have been -composed of friends. Parsons was superbly stiff, and his gaze, after a snap -at those below, firmly set itself in the direction of the cell tiers.</p> - -<p>As soon as those on the platform had taken the positions assigned, the -lower limbs of the four Anarchists were pinioned. This was done very -quickly. The nooses dangling overhead were then lifted from their hooks, -and Spies was the first to have the rope placed around his neck. The -noose had been slipped a little too tight, and, noticing the uneasiness it gave -him, the deputy instantly loosened it a trifle. Spies gave a faint smile in -acknowledgment of the kindness and again seemed at ease. Not a tremor -was visible during the adjustment of the rope. Another deputy next placed -the rope around the neck of Fischer, who, to facilitate its proper adjustment, -bent his tall form slightly and received it with head inclined until the knot -rested in its proper place under the left ear. Engel received the noose as -if it had been a decoration about to be placed upon his shoulders by friendly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_647" id="Page_647">[647]</a></span> -hands, and several times he turned his head around to exchange a word or -two with the deputy, accompanying his whispered utterances with a smile. -Parsons stood unmoved when his turn came, and appeared entirely indifferent -to the operation. Loose-fitting white caps were now produced, -and, as these came in sight, Fischer and Engel turned their heads slightly -to the left and spoke a second to their respective deputies. Spies first, -Fischer next, then Engel, and Parsons last, was the order in which the caps -were adjusted, and the heads had no sooner been enveloped, shutting out -forever the light of day, than all knew that the fatal moment had arrived. -During all the preliminary preparations not a relaxation of nerve or an -expression of anguish or despair had been observed. Now the tension of -silence was painful. But suddenly there broke from the lips of Spies an -exclamation that startled the auditors as if by a shock.</p> - -<p>“You may strangle this voice,” said he, in clear but subdued tones, “but -my silence will be more terrible than speech.”</p> - -<p>Spies had scarcely uttered his last words, when Fischer shouted:</p> - -<p>“This is the happiest moment of my life. <i>Hoch die Anarchie!</i>”</p> - -<p>Engel immediately caught up the sentiment, and in a strong voice, and -with a pronounced German accent, cried:</p> - -<p>“Hurrah for Anarchy!”</p> - -<p>Parsons then lifted his voice, and in firm, deliberate tones, exclaimed: -“O men of America!”</p> - -<p>Then, lowering his voice to an appealing accent:</p> - -<p>“Mr. Sheriff, may I be permitted to say a few words?”</p> - -<p>Raising his voice again, without waiting for an answer, and continuing in -the same breath, he said:</p> - -<p>“O men of America, let the voice of the people be heard.”</p> - -<p>The last word had barely escaped his lips, when the signal was given to -the unknown and hidden man in the sentry-box back of the platform, the -rope controlling the trap was cut, and four bodies shot downward into space. -The intervals between the adjustment of the caps, the utterances and the -drop were only a few moments, but they were moments that seemed like -hours. The first instant after the drop, the bodies all seemed motionless, -but immediately one after the other began violent contortions, the limbs contracted, -the breasts swelled with spasms, and the arms shook convulsively. -It was fully eight minutes before the last was limp and lifeless. The bodies, -however, were left hanging for twenty-six minutes, and then they were -deposited in plain coffins, ready to be turned over to their relatives. The -jury selected by the Sheriff to pass upon the death, as required by law, next -viewed the remains and then signed the usual legal certificates. Those -composing the jury were Dr. Ferdinand Henrotin, Dr. Denslow Lewis, -Dr. G. A. Hall, Dr. Harry Brown, Dr. J. B. Andrews, Dr. M. W. Thompson, -John N. Hills, William B. Keep, ex-Sheriff John Hoffman, Edwin<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_648" id="Page_648">[648]</a></span> -Wynn, George Lanz, George M. Moulton, John L. Woodward and H. L. -Anderson.</p> - -<p>It was subsequently ascertained that the necks of none of the Anarchists -had been broken, and that death had come in each case through strangulation.</p> - -<p>Within an hour and a half the coffins were removed, the bodies of Spies, -Parsons and Fischer being receipted for by a committee of the Central -Labor Union, and those of Engel and Lingg by a friend of Mrs. Engel. The -body of Lingg had reposed in the women’s department of the jail. Shortly -before his death, the bomb-maker had expressed the wish that his body be -allowed to repose by the side of Engel’s, and that it be given in charge of -Engel’s family, as he himself had no relatives in America.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-648.jpg" width="200" height="271" id="i648" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">JOHN A. ROCHE.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>The remains of Spies, Fischer and Parsons -were taken to an undertaking establishment -at No. 596 Milwaukee Avenue, -and those of Engel and Lingg to a similar -place at No. 186 Milwaukee Avenue, and -there costly and ornamental coffins were -provided after the bodies had been first -embalmed. Subsequently they were removed -to the houses of their respective -relatives, and arrangements were at once -set on foot for a tremendous demonstration -at the funeral, the following Sunday.</p> - -<p>No sooner had each coffin been taken -to the relatives than hundreds of Anarchists -flocked in to view the remains. Others, -too—men, women and children, moved -by morbid curiosity—crowded in to view -the dead. The families were in almost -constant tears, and deep were the lamentations over the fate of their loved -ones. Mrs. Parsons was in paroxysms of grief and had to be almost forcibly -removed from beside the bier of her husband. Her curses were loud -against the police, and she strenuously refused all comfort. At the Spies -residence there were copious tears, and no one was more deeply moved -than Miss Van Zandt. The sorrow of Mrs. Engel and her daughter was -more subdued, but nevertheless keen and poignant. It was the same at -Fischer’s home.</p> - -<p>Meantime the preparations for the funeral went on, and the committee -having it in charge determined that it should be conducted with the utmost -pomp, ceremony and display. They desired that on this occasion the red -flag should again be unfurled and wave over the bodies of those whom they -regarded as martyrs. The police learned of it, and when a committee<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_649" id="Page_649">[649]</a></span> -waited upon Mayor Roche to secure the necessary permission for the procession, -he set his face firmly against the red flag.</p> - -<p>“The American flag,” said he, “is good enough for us, and it is good -enough for you. If that flag don’t suit you, I am sorry. No red flag shall -ever take its place while I am Mayor of Chicago.”</p> - -<p>Sunday, November 13, came, and every Anarchistic organization in -the city turned out to attend the funeral. The procession, which started at -an early hour, first called at the Spies residence, No. 154 Bryson Street, -for the coffin of the editor, and then moved on to Mrs. Parsons’ residence -at No. 785 Milwaukee Avenue. After the coffin of Parsons had been -placed in the hearse, Fischer’s house was reached, and next that of Engel, -and when all the hearses were in line, the entire funeral procession proceeded -down Milwaukee Avenue, thence to Lake Street, and thence along -Fifth Avenue to the depot of the Wisconsin Central Railway. At each of -the houses of the executed Anarchists the cortege had been joined by -friends and by various societies of which the dead had been members, and -with these accessions the procession, as it finally moved on to its destination, -numbered not less than six thousand. The hearses were loaded down -with flowers, wreaths and other floral tributes, and each was followed by -carriages containing the mourners. Close behind the Spies hearse was a -carriage containing Mrs. and Miss Van Zandt, mother and daughter, and -Mrs. Spies, the mother, and Miss Gretchen, the sister of the deceased. All -along the line of march, the sidewalks were thronged, and there must have -been over fifty thousand persons who viewed the procession as it passed. -Hundreds had gathered at the residences before the procession started, and -when they joined the throngs already on Milwaukee Avenue the streets -became almost impassable. Policemen were stationed at the various street -corners, and these gave the processionists ample room to move unimpeded. -The procession did not lack music, several bands having been engaged, -and the “Marseillaise” and “Annie Laurie” were the airs most frequently -heard.</p> - -<p>The absence of the red banner on the street was commented on, but -with a seeming defiance of the Mayor’s orders two red flags decked the -coffins of Engel and Lingg. What was still more significant was the fact -that not a single flag of the Union was borne by the procession. It was -only when the Anarchists reached Lake Street that the red, white and blue -was unfurled to the breeze, and then it was done, not by an Anarchist, but -by Howell Trogden, a veteran of the civil war. It was a small emblem in -size, and of cheap material, but he held it high above his head and proudly -carried it before the cortege, clear down to the depot, greatly to the discomfiture -and chagrin of the reds. When remonstrated with by some one -who was in the crowd that had gathered about him and cheered him on the -way, he defiantly exclaimed in plain, though perhaps not elegant, language:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_650" id="Page_650">[650]</a></span></p> - -<p>“What, furl the ensign of the nation I fought for? Not much! You -bet your life, I’ll carry this flag and I’ll kill the first man who tries to wrest -it from me. I’ll shed my blood to keep it there.”</p> - -<p>And the flag was kept there.</p> - -<p>Arriving at the depot, the various organizations boarded the trains in -waiting, and shortly after one o’clock all were under way to Waldheim Cemetery, -situated some nine miles west of Chicago. It was a gloomy, cold day, -but nevertheless an immense concourse of people followed the remains to -the vault in which they were temporarily deposited. Those who had immediate -charge of the funeral arrangements were Frank A. Stauber, H. -Linnemeyer, George Schilling, R. M. Burke, Julius Leon, Edwin Goettge, -Charles F. Seib, Ernst Litzman, H. Ulharn, F. G. Bielefeld, William -Urban, Dr. Ernst Schmidt and T. J. Morgan, all members of the Defense -Committee and the Amnesty Association.</p> - -<p>After the coffins had been placed in the vault, Capt. W. P. Black took a -position near the entrance and delivered the funeral oration. In concluding -his address, he said, speaking of a day “when righteousness should reign”:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“We look forward to that day. We hope for it. We wait for it, and -with such a hope in our hearts can we not bring the judgment of charity to -bear upon any mistakes of policy or action that may have been made by any -of those who, acknowledging the sublime and glorious hope in their hearts, -rushed forward to meet it? We are not here this afternoon to weep. We -are not here to mourn over our dead. We are here to pay by our presence -and our words the tribute of our appreciation and the witness of our love. -I loved these men. I knew them not until I came to know them in the time -of their sore travail and anguish. As months went by and I found in the -lives of those with whom I talked the witness of their love for the people, -of their patience, gentleness and courage, my heart was taken captive in -their cause. For this I have no apology. If any of you feel that the tears -are coming listen to the last words spoken by one of these, our dead.</p> - -<p>“‘Go not to my grave with your mourning, with your lamentations and -tears, with your forebodings and fears. When my lips are dumb, do not -thus come. Bring no long train of carriages; no hearse with waving -plumes, with the gaunt glory of death illumed; but with hands on my heart -let me rest. Ye who are left on this desolate shore, there still to suffer -alone, deeply do I pity you. For me no more are the hardships, the bitterness, -heartache and strife, the sadness and sorrow of life, but the glory -of the divine, that is mine. Poor creatures, afraid of the darkness, who -groan at the sight of the anguish in our silent night, go to my tomb. Peal -no solemn bell—I am well.’</p> - -<p>“It has been said that these men knew no religion. I repel the charge. -I know but one religion—the religion which seeks to manifest itself by its -service of God—or of the supreme good—by its service of humanity in its -anguish and its hours of despair. And one of these, our dead, while within -the very gloom of approaching death, gave in these words: ‘My religion -is this: To live right. To do right is to live right, and the service of -humanity is my worship of God.’</p> - -<p>“I remember that back in the centuries it was written in words that shall<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_651" id="Page_651">[651]</a></span> -never perish: ‘He that doeth righteousness is righteous, even as He is -righteous.’ There is no conception possible to humanity of that which we -call God other than the conception which sets our life aflame in the service -of our fellow-men. But I must not keep you. There is no necessity for multiplying -words in such a presence as this. There are times when silence is -more terrible than speech; when men moving to the supreme issue of life -can say, standing with their feet on earth and their hands reaching out into -the unknown, in a sublime burst of enthusiasm: ‘This is the happiest -moment of my life’ (the last words of Fischer), and then in that hour can -cheer for the cause to which they have given their lives (as Engel did), and -men in that hour, forgetting themselves, can speak of the voice of the people -(Parsons’ last words) until utterance is silenced forever, what need is there -to stand by such men and multiply words?</p> - -<p>“I say that a mistake may well be forgotten in the glory of the purpose -which we condemn—it may be through undue haste. I say that whatever -of fault may have been in them, these, the people whom they loved and in -whose cause they died, may well close the volume and seal up the record -and give our lips to the praise of their heroic deeds and their sublime self-sacrifice.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Some weeks afterwards arrangements were made for the final interment -of the bodies. A suitable lot had been purchased with money collected by -the “Defense Committee,” and accordingly on Sunday, the 18th of December, -1887, the Anarchists were invited out to Waldheim to witness the last -rites over the dead conspirators. It was a cold, chilling day, and only -about a thousand people were in attendance. The remains of the five -Anarchists were removed from the vault, the coffins opened and the bodies -viewed by all who desired. They were then placed in one grave, and a -heavy flagstone was lowered and firmly cemented to protect them. The -orators on this occasion were Mr. Buchanan, of Chicago, Paul Grottkau, -of Milwaukee, and Albert Currlin, of St. Louis. The tenor of Grottkau’s -speech may be judged from the following extract:</p> - -<p class="pbq p1">“Those cold clods of clay were the first offerings required at our hands, -but they will not be the last. Our lords believed that with them they could -slaughter the idea and ideals they represent. They imagined that the fivefold -gallows would forever choke liberty. How they have succeeded the -future will show. Let them erect their gallows, put them up by the million, -and they will never destroy the glorious principles. Not all their revolvers, -their armories of bayonets and Gatling guns, not all their bristling rows of -cannon, can conquer us. (‘Bravo!’ ‘Bravo!’) From this land the fame -of our martyrs and our principles will go out to the whole world. Our strangled -ones are put at the head of the column. Their names will ever be the -brightest on history’s page. Party hate or sectional strife cannot dim their -laurels. They were the champions of degraded and plundered humanity. -They fought long and manfully for us; they died to serve us; and more -than that man cannot do. It but remains for us to do our duty as they did -theirs. We must be moved by their spirit. All mean personal desires must -depart from us. We must continue our organization. We must be unswervingly -loyal to the principles they taught us—the great principles that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_652" id="Page_652">[652]</a></span> -will free the wretched and enslaved proletarians and drive all injustice from -the face of the earth. Brothers, they (pointing to the five coffins) have done -their duty; let us do ours.”</p> - -<p class="p1">Currlin closed his address as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“We have been constantly bought, sold and delivered at the ballot-box -(Applause.) These heroes and true men had well considered the folly of -relying on the ballot, and with firm hearts and resounding voices had pointed -out the road to the thinking and the brave.</p> - -<p>“They are gone. Shall the sacrifice of these noble lives be fruitful or not? -It will, it must be. Let the dreadful act cement us together. Let us be -loftier, firmer than ever. You have your Golgotha. See to it that you have -your Easter, and have it soon. You owe it to yourselves and your families -that you ever revere these dead. If at any time you become soul-weary or -discouraged, make a pilgrimage to this hallowed spot and be reinvigorated -for the strife. Let the prison, even the gallows, be powerless to overturn -your purpose. Let us struggle for the right, for justice, freedom, and true -fraternity until the nations of the earth are of us and with us, until the peoples -are regenerated, and clean hands and clean hearts have authority to -rule.” (Applause.)</p></div> - -<p class="p1">With the final burial of the dead, it may perhaps be well to inquire -whether one of them continued to believe in Anarchy when he saw that there -was no escaping from his fate. That one about whose faith there is most -doubt is Engel.</p> - -<p>It is frequently the case that men condemned to death, either on the gallows -or otherwise, make a powerful effort to die bravely, and that, whatever -may have been their true feelings, the truth dies with them. It is seldom -that any one reveals from the bottom of his heart his true sentiments. In -this case, Engel was a man known to have been sober and sincere, who -believed that everything he said was true and right, and who expressed his -opinions freely before all his people. He professed the same sentiments to -the public up to the moment of his death, his last words being, “Hurrah for -Anarchy!” Yet he felt differently. It is a well-known fact that people sentenced -to death adhere until the last second to the position that they are -right in their opinions or doctrines, or they simulate innocence. Now, as to -Engel, it had been shown by the evidence that he had frequented many -places at night, to attend Anarchist meetings, and at many of them he delivered -addresses. On some of these occasions he was accompanied by his -only daughter, a bright young girl about fifteen or sixteen years of age, and -she often heard him utter sentiments which she ought not to have heard. -But the girl could not help it. She was there, and she had to listen. After -these meetings they would walk home together, and the daughter’s company -was always a source of great pleasure to Engel. She was also greatly attached -to her father, and, naturally, whatever she heard him say she regarded as -true, having the most implicit faith in him. Engel knew all this, and many -stormy nights she would brave the weather to be at his side at meetings he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_653" id="Page_653">[653]</a></span> -felt himself obliged to attend. She would cling to his arm, and through -snow and storm they would face the elements. When Engel’s last night on -earth came, he asked the Sheriff and Jailor to permit his beloved daughter -to remain with him during the night, and, the officials having satisfied themselves -that no sinister purpose was in view, the wish was granted. This was -the night of November 10, and young Mary kept her father cheerful company -during the long hours. Engel seemed to have had something on his -mind, but he refrained from saying anything until shortly before the time -for her departure. It was evident that Engel had a deep solicitude for her -welfare, in spite of his pretended stolidity. In theory he had always expressed -the greatest admiration for Louise Michel, and on every occasion -he had lauded that Frenchwoman for her bravery in suffering imprisonment -and readiness to sacrifice her life for Anarchy. But he regarded theory and -practice as separate and distinct, and in the face of death his thoughts -concerned themselves -with the -future of his dear -child. Should she -espouse Anarchy -and follow in his -footsteps, taking -up his work where -he had left off? -This is what agitated -Engel, and -he soon decided -the issue. With -a serious and earnest -manner, and in -a very strong voice, he said in German:</p> - -<p>“Mein liebes Kind, kümmere dich nicht um Anarchie. Du siehest wie -es mir geht. Und vergesse diese Worte nicht so lange du lebst.” (Translated: -“My dear child, do not trouble yourself about Anarchy. You see -my situation. Do not forget these words as long as you live.”)</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-654.jpg" width="300" height="190" id="i653" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">KIERLAN’S SOUVENIR.</p> -</div></div> - -<p>I am happy to record this to Engel’s credit. He was conscious that he -had been in the wrong for some time, and he had the manhood to warn his -daughter not to embrace Anarchy. He wished her to maintain a good -character and grow up to be a good woman.</p> - -<p>The words I have given are true to the letter, just as they were spoken -by Engel to his daughter, at the time I have stated, and, no matter how -strenuously Anarchists may deny this, it will still remain the truth. I will -even add that I have no doubt that Engel’s comrades entertained similar -sentiments.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_654" id="Page_654">[654]</a></span></p> - -<p>The other doomed Anarchists, however, kept their own counsel, and no -one seems to have been able to probe their real feelings. Spies and Parsons -were decidedly reserved, and Fischer had a severe demeanor, which -only relaxed to intimate and trusted friends. A slight exception to his rule -was made in his conduct toward his death-watch, John B. Kierlan. In -speaking of Fischer, Kierlan, who was a deputy in the jail building, says:</p> - -<p>“At the beginning of February, 1887, I was detailed as death-watch to -Fischer. When I first went on watch Fischer did not care much for my -company, but after a week or so we got to be friends. He asked me to -play cards with him, and I often joined him in a game. We played -for imaginary and invisible beers. Sometimes I would lose, and then -again he would be the loser. The one who lost generally wanted satisfaction, -and the next night we would ‘saw off’ the games, and in -this way we were accustomed to spend our evenings together until -the last few nights preceding November 11th. Fischer was at this time in -cell No. 28, second row. He became greatly attached to me, and was -always pleased to see me. He had more confidence in me than in any other -officer in the building, and I was with him nearly all the morning of November -11th. When it was nearly eleven o’clock that morning he said:</p> - -<p>“‘Well, John, what about the beer you owe me?’</p> - -<p>“I was so greatly astonished that I could not answer him. Then -Fischer threw his arm around my neck and said:</p> - -<p>“‘Dear John, we must part.’</p> - -<p>“At the same time he kissed my cheek. This was a trying moment for -me, as I had become greatly attached to him. While I knew him, he -never used bad language or said anything unbecoming a gentleman. He -asked me:</p> - -<p>“‘John, will you remember me?’</p> - -<p>“‘I said: ‘Yes, but I would like to have something to remember you by.’</p> - -<p>“He then pulled out a card from his pocket and wrote these words:</p> - -<p>“‘Liberty or death. Adolph Fischer, Cook County Jail, November 11, -1887.’</p> - -<p>“This card was given to me forty-five minutes before he died, and I am -positive that these were the last words he wrote in his life.”</p> - -<p>A <i>fac-simile</i> of the card appears on another page.</p> - -<p>The <i>Freiheit</i> of March 16th prints what it calls Lingg’s literary testament. -It is stated in the introduction to the article that while in prison the -bomb-maker carved a handsome little casket, which shortly before his death -he presented to Johann Most as a souvenir. In a secret compartment of -this casket was contained a small book, on the leaves of which Lingg had -inscribed his sentiments, and from which the following is extracted:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“What is Anarchy?</p> - -<p>“A man-worthy existence for the entire term of life, guaranteed to every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_655" id="Page_655">[655]</a></span> -one through complete individual liberty, all human needs being supplied by -means of equal participation in the enjoyment of all the products of the -community.</p> - -<p>“Free society (Anarchy) finds its limits only in those of the earth.</p> - -<p>“The object of Anarchy is to secure the greatest possible happiness to all.</p> - -<p>“This object is attained through the total extermination of all domination.</p> - -<p>“Domination is personified in exploiters (<i>Ausbeuter</i>) and tyrants.</p> - -<p>“The extermination of these, in view of their sources of power, can best -be accomplished by means of dynamite.</p> - -<p>“After such extermination the workingmen will organize according to -their inclinations, for protection and consumption.</p> - -<p>“Centralization—<i>i. e.</i>, subordination of the different groups of production -and consumption under a clique composed of individuals, or even -under a majority of society—is not advisable, because in that way another -domination would be established, and such would make illusory the stated -purpose of free society—Anarchy.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">In writing this book I have endeavored at all times to be fair and honest. -While I have done everything in my power and made use of every faculty -which God has given me to ferret out and to combat Anarchy, and while I -believe now, as I always have believed, that the men who suffered death at -the hand of justice in the Cook County Jail deserved their fate, I also believe -that there are those unhanged, and who probably never will be hanged, -who are morally as guilty, and who deserve even a harsher fate than -befell the men whose lives the law demanded. For these cowards—selfish, -sneaking conspirators as they are, who fight from ambush and take no -risks—would not deserve even the sympathy of the poor fools whom they -lead to ruin. I firmly believe that Engel, Lingg and Fischer were at least -sincere in their convictions and honest in their belief and in their expressions. -Spies, I think, was led to his fate by vanity and a consuming desire -for notoriety.</p> - -<p>In my investigations I of course looked carefully into the antecedents of -all the Anarchists who were arrested by my command, and I will say right -here that not a dishonest act, as regards the rights of property, was laid to -the door of any one of them. Lingg, particularly, was scrupulously honest -and conscientious in his dealings with his fellow-man. The day after the -Haymarket massacre he found himself penniless, and for that reason refused -at first to partake of the food offered him at Seliger’s table.</p> - -<p>“I cannot partake of what belongs to you and your wife,” he said, “nor -of what I cannot pay for. You are as poor as I am.”</p> - -<p>“You must share with us as long as we have food,” replied Seliger; but -it was only after considerable urging that Lingg consented to appease his -hunger.</p> - -<p>While apparent bravery in facing death on the gallows counts for nothing—I -have seen craven cowards meet their doom like stage heroes—I -believe that Lingg, Engel and Fischer would have died calmly and bravely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_656" id="Page_656">[656]</a></span> -even without the stimulants which are always administered to the condemned -before the fatal moment, and which were, of course, administered to the -four men before they were led to the fatal trap which hurled them into eternity. -Lingg, particularly, during the entire term of his confinement, through -the long months of the trial, and up to the very day when he so tragically -took his own life, showed a consistency and a determination which would -have been heroic had he not been the dupe of designing men who saw in -the ardor of his temperament and in the resistless force of his enthusiastic -energy the means to further and carry out iniquitous plots with which they -had not the courage to openly identify themselves. I repeat again, there -are those still unhanged, who are even now parading before a credible public -as apostles of the cause of labor, and whose cowardice keeps them out of -the reach of law, who deserve the greater share of public odium. Some of -these, and others like them, are still at work in our midst, and in the midst -of all communities in which the revolutionists see a chance of making propaganda -out of differences between employers and employed. I hope that -one result of my book may be to open the eyes of honest workingmen to the -fact that those who preach violence and those who stir up trouble and -intensify discontent are the enemies of honest labor.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_657" id="Page_657">[657]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXXVII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">Anarchy Now—The Fund for the Condemned Men’s Families—$10,000 -Subscribed—The Disposition of the Money—The Festival of Sorrow—Parsons’ Posthumous -Letter—The Haymarket Monument—Present Strength of the Discontented—7,300 -Revolutionists in Chicago—A Nucleus of Desperate Men—The New Organization—Building -Societies and Sunday-schools—What the Children are Taught—Education -and Blasphemy—The Secret Propaganda—Bodendick and his Adventures—“The -Rebel Vagabond”—The Plot to Murder Grinnell, Gary and Bonfield—Arrest of the -Conspirators Hronek, Capek, Sevic and Chleboun—Chleboun’s Story—Hronek Sent -to the Penitentiary.</p> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE question which will naturally present itself to the reader at this -time is: What is the present condition of Anarchy in Chicago? Has -the frightful fate of the convicted conspirators proven a salutary lesson to -the others, or is the propaganda still maintained?</p> - -<p>Unfortunately these questions must be answered in a manner not calculated -to allay public apprehension.</p> - -<p>After the death and the burial of the executed leaders there was a period -of quietness among the Anarchists. They seemed stunned by the blow -which had been leveled at them, but the impression soon wore away, and in -a short time they were as rampant as ever.</p> - -<p>Their first work was to provide for the families of the dead, and for this -purpose a fund of $10,000 was speedily raised. Of this amount, strange to -say, $4,000 has been invested in four per cent. Cook County bonds. This -amount was intended as a reserve fund for the support of the families, and -the rest of the money they are paying out in weekly installments to the -families. On New Year’s Day of 1888 each of the families was presented -with $202 in cash, and loans have been made to Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Fielden -and Mrs. Engel to the amount of $400 in each case. These loans are deducted -in small amounts from the weekly allowances to these women. -Later in the year funds were found to send Mrs. Parsons on a lecturing -tour to England, an adventure which did not prove a conspicuous success -if the reports are to be believed, for the English discontents showed marked -disapproval of Mrs. Parsons’ dynamite appeals.</p> - -<p>Money is still being collected for a monument at Waldheim Cemetery -which shall be the shrine of Anarchist pilgrimages from every part of the -country. In this connection the revolutionists have established a “Festival -of Sorrow,” as they curiously call it, upon the anniversary of the execution.</p> - -<p>In the proceedings of commemoration held at the cemetery on November -11, 1888, the most interesting episode was the reading of the following -letter from Albert R. Parsons to his children, which had, by his instructions, -remained sealed for a year. It ran as follows:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_658" id="Page_658">[658]</a></span></p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Dungeon No. 7, Cook County Jail, Chicago, ILL.</span>, November 9, 1887.—<i>To My -Darling, Precious Little Children, Albert R. Parsons, Jr., and his Sister, Lulu Eda Parsons</i>: -As I write this word I blot your names with a tear. We never meet again. Oh, my children, -how deeply, dearly your papa loves you. We show our love by living <i>for</i> our loved -ones; we also <i>prove</i> our love by dying, when necessary, for them. Of my life and the cause -of my unnatural and cruel death you will learn from others. <i>Your father is a self-offered -sacrifice upon the altar of liberty and happiness.</i> To you I leave the legacy of an honest name -and duty done. Preserve it, emulate it. Be true to yourselves, you cannot then be false to -others. Be industrious, sober and cheerful. Your mother! Ah, she is the grandest, noblest -of women. Love, honor and obey her. My children, my precious ones, I request you to -read this parting message on each recurring anniversary of my death in remembrance of him -who dies not alone for you, but for the children yet unborn. Bless you, my darlings. Farewell.</p> - -<p class="pr2">Your father,<span class="vh">——————</span><span class="smcap">Albert R. Parsons</span>.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">It was a somewhat disappointing epistle, for all the Anarchists had expected -a sensational document, as the result of such a theatrical instruction.</p> - -<p>On the other hand the people of Chicago have not been idle. A monument -to the memory of the murdered policemen will soon grace Haymarket -Square as a lasting memorial to the brave men who fell in the line of duty, -and as showing the gratitude of the city to its defenders.</p> - -<p>The pedestal for the police monument was completed long before the -figure was ready to be placed. The foundation was begun and finished in -December, 1888. The cost of the pedestal, with railings, light supports, -and everything complete, in readiness for the figure, aggregated $5,000. -The contract price for the pedestal was $3,500. This was increased to -$4,000 by minor changes and extra work. The railings, electric lights and -supports, and placing the figure in position, will add another $1,000. The -figure itself will make the value of the monument $10,000.</p> - -<p>The pedestal sits on a circular sub-base of dressed granite, sixteen feet -nine inches in diameter, elevated two steps above the foundation. A base -of dressed granite with Ionic cornices rests on the center of this circular -sub-base. The central cube, decorated with a shield on which is the coat of -arms of the city, supports a block bearing an inscription giving the date of -the riot and appropriate sentiments. Worked around these inscriptions -are branches and leaves of oak, indicative of strength. By a graceful series -of Ionic cornices the pedestal ascends to the base of the figure, the height -from the foundation being seven feet six inches. The pedestal is oblong, -extending north and south across the circular base. Two arms of granite -extending from the base unite on either side the granite base of the posts -which support the lights.</p> - -<p>The designer of the figure which surmounts the pedestal, and which -represents a police officer in full uniform with his arm extended, is Charles -F. Batchelder.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_659" id="Page_659">[659]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-659.jpg" width="400" height="610" id="i659" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE HAYMARKET MONUMENT.</p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_660" id="Page_660">[660]</a></span></p> - -<p>All of these are facts directly connected with and growing out of the trial -of the case. I come now to the present status of Anarchy. The authorities -have recognized the constant menace which the existence of this conspiracy -conveyed to the cause of law and order, and consequently the malcontents -have been watched with unceasing vigilance. Their meetings, their -plottings, their purposes, their plan of organization and their system of -propaganda we know nearly as well as they know it themselves.</p> - -<p>The Socialists themselves estimate their numbers in Chicago at 75,000 -men, women and children. As Socialism is the parent of Anarchy—the -two are identical in their ultimate aims, differing only in tactics—these -figures are significant.</p> - -<p>The number of Anarchists in Chicago to-day is not far from 7,300 -men and women. Of these there are thirty-five known to us to be desperate -men, ready to commit murder, arson or any other crime to revenge -themselves upon the officers and the magistrates who were concerned in -bringing about the hanging of their leaders. These are the most dangerous -conspirators in the body, and it may easily be believed that rather close -attention is paid to their movements. Next to these comes a collection of -some 275 men who are at heart dynamiters, and who would be ready to -plunge into a revolt at any moment if they were not held back by the more -prudent counsels of the others. These men are dangerous. Next to these -there is a body of about 5,000 Anarchists, who would join in a revolt if they -could persuade themselves or be persuaded that there was any real chance -for success; but they are as a rule careful of themselves, and they are not -going to rush to the gallows if they can help it. Only in a time of great -public tumult are they to be really feared. I place in still another category -a body of 2,000 “sympathizers”—men upon whom neither the Anarchists -nor society could rely. They are a doubtful class, and might easily be led -one way or the other by a decided victory on either side in a time of real -struggle.</p> - -<p>Many women are to be found in each of these classifications, from the -most desperate up. There are about forty “women-workers” so called -who are engaged in the Anarchic propaganda in the city, six of them -being lecturers. They are doing a great deal of harm.</p> - -<p>The present plans of the reds, as broadly stated by one of the open -leaders, contemplate the use of every force in society—“the force of education, -the force of agitation and the force of arms; the first now and always; -the second, with great care and judgment; the last, when the time shall -arrive for a strike at liberty.” The reds throughout the world have learned -a lesson from the failure of Spies and his companions, and while their aims -and sentiments are unchanged, their plans have undergone considerable -modification.</p> - -<p>A new system of organization has also been developed. They met at -first in little groups of five or ten, fearing to gather in larger numbers in the -excited times following the hanging. It was proposed to organize ward -clubs, but this was negatived because the politicians would mix up with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_661" id="Page_661">[661]</a></span> -them to get their votes, and thus destroy the secrecy that they wanted. -Their demand was for some sort of an organization enabling many people -to meet together without attracting suspicion or inviting investigation -by the police, and this they succeeded in doing by getting up a Building -Society. This was followed by another and another in different parts of the -town. They charge an initiation of ten cents, none but approved and -guaranteed Anarchists are admitted, and the societies are working in full -force, although I doubt whether they will greatly contribute to the material -improvement of Chicago. The Anarchists are a very quarrelsome lot, and -they often get into serious disputes with each other, and thus one party, to -get revenge, would often come to me with information on his enemy. This -has been stopped by the “Building Association,” which maintains committees -to settle all quarrels between members.</p> - -<p>Aside from a majority of the thirty-two organizations affiliated with the -Central Labor Union, the reds of late have been propagating the revolutionary -cause through the following societies:</p> - -<p>1. The Workingmen’s Defense Association, composed chiefly of men, -of which Fred Bentthin is secretary. This same organization raised the -money to defend the reds who were tried for the conspiracy to assassinate -Judges Gary and Grinnell, Bonfield and others.</p> - -<p>2. The Pioneer Aid and Relief Society, composed chiefly of women. -This institution came into existence immediately after the arrest of the -Anarchists in May, 1886.</p> - -<p>3. A. R. Parsons Assembly No. 1. This is a reorganization of the -suspended or expelled Assembly 1307, once known as the Sons of Liberty. -It has always been a hotbed of Anarchy, and is now composed of Anarchists -almost exclusively. Its membership is composed of such revolutionary -lights as Oliver, Holmes, Snyder, Brown, Glasgow, and other -fire-brands. Snyder and Brown were arrested at the time of the Haymarket -massacre and held in custody for months.</p> - -<p>4. The English branch of the Socialistic Labor party, Waverly Hall, -122 Randolph Street.</p> - -<p>5. The German branch of the Socialistic Labor party, 54 West Lake -Street.</p> - -<p>6. The Socialistic Publishing Society, which controls the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -on the communistic plan and devotes all surplus to the cause of the -social revolution.</p> - -<p>7. The “Arbeiter-Bund,” or Working People’s Confederation, recently -organized at 636 Milwaukee Avenue. This is the most violent public organization -of Anarchists in Chicago.</p> - -<p>It was the Arbeiter-Bund which, through its attorneys, applied to Judge -Tuley only a short time ago for an injunction to restrain the police from -interfering with meetings of Socialists and Anarchists. While the injunction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_662" id="Page_662">[662]</a></span> -was not technically granted, still the decision was such as to render -the police powerless to interfere with their gatherings. The Chancellor’s -opinion is too lengthy to print here, but it was made on a broad construction -of the constitutional provision guaranteeing free speech. I am not a -lawyer, and I will not attempt to say that the learned Chancellor misunderstands -the law or the Constitution, but it does seem that there ought to be -some provision which should make it unsafe or impossible for bloody-minded -revolutionists to preach their foreign doctrine in open defiance of a respectable -and law-abiding community.</p> - -<p>The impudence shown by the Anarchists, extreme Socialists and other -enemies of society in claiming redress under the law would seem ridiculous -if it were not contemptible. These agitators shout “throttle the law,” and -then complain that their meetings are suppressed contrary to law. At their -meetings, in their speeches, and in other ways they cover the courts and -judges with opprobrium, and then apply to the courts for restraining orders -forbidding the police to interfere with their meetings. With yells and -screeches in foreign tongues they declare that the Constitution shall be -destroyed, and then complain that they are denied freedom of speech in -violation of the Constitution. Putting themselves outside the law and demanding -its destruction, they at the same time demand its protection.</p> - -<p>Other forms of public organization are the “Schulgemeinde” of the -Northwest Side, and the “Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein.” The two last-named -seem to have for their special object the establishment and maintenance -of “Sunday schools.”</p> - -<p>Of all this more will be said hereafter, but first I will call attention to -the fact that the organizations named are only what appear on the surface. -Underlying and controlling all these is the secret organization, which in -Chicago consists of an “invisible committee.” It must be understood -that the movement toward the object to which the Internationale looks -forward—the social revolution—is local, national, and international, and -it is probable that the committee for Chicago was appointed from the -headquarters of the Internationale in New York, at the suggestion of that -arch-conspirator and mischief-maker, Johann Most. The “invisible committee,” -although they have full direction of the movement in Chicago, -are supposed to be unknown to the mass of the order. They work individually, -and not as a body, and always quietly. Their identity they hold -sacredly secret. It is only when open revolutionary work has actually -begun that they are to come to the front. In the meantime, the open -workers and agitators report to the individual “invisibles,” and act under -their advice. The “invisibles” themselves make it a point to practice -moderation in their public utterances to divert suspicion. The old-time -centralized organization, the reds believe, led to the detection and conviction -of their leaders, after the failure of the Haymarket plot, and this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_663" id="Page_663">[663]</a></span> -it was that made the new plan not only advisable but necessary. Decentralization -is now the ruling principle.</p> - -<p>The public agitators are such people as Currlin, Holmes, Morgan, -Mikolanda, Grottkau, Mostler, Bergman, G. Smith, Poch, Mittag, Mentzer -and others. They declare themselves openly as Anarchists and agitators. -They are of course well known to the police, and consequently -they are on the look-out not to come in contact with us. They only enlist -recruits, however. The secret agitators visit public meetings occasionally, -but they very seldom do any talking. Nobody notices them, and this is -what they want. They are seldom members of any “Verein,” and they -form acquaintances on the street, in shops or saloons, but always with -the utmost caution until they have gained confidence. They meet at -private houses in parties of three or four, agitating wherever they can -gain a point. When charged with being Anarchists they deny it, and -to throw off suspicion some of them even go regularly to church. Among -these there are fanatics who would do almost anything to gain their ends. -I know a great many of this class, and I would not believe it if I did not -know of my own knowledge that they are Anarchists of the purest water. -They are the most harmless-looking men in Chicago.</p> - -<p>The open and public movement still goes on under cover of the cause -of labor. The plan of campaign is, so far as the public associations and -meetings are concerned, to teach Anarchy; to create in the minds of Socialistic -adherents a hatred of all law and of all religion, and to inspire a spirit -of revenge for the execution of Spies and his comrades. Their teachings -are carried out by speeches more or less incendiary.</p> - -<p>The most potent factor for evil in Chicago to-day, as heretofore, is the -<i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>. When this paper was first established it was delivered -secretly through alleyways and at back doors. Now it has a circulation -of 7,000 copies daily. Time was when the daily tirades of abuse scattered -broadcast by that sheet were viewed with indifference by the English-speaking -press of this city. That was in the seed-time of “theoretic” -and “practical” Anarchy in Chicago. Then the dire meaning of it all -escaped the bulk of the population. It was said—and the saying was -flaunted in the faces of the sullen hordes until it acted like the red -rag on an infuriated bull—that all this talk would end where it began—in -talk. The paper is more readable and interesting now than it -ever was. Its present editorial staff is an abler one, and understands better -on occasion how to convey its meaning without expressing it in so -many plain words. It comprises not only some of the old-time writers—men -like Paul Grottkau and Albert Currlin—but it has now at its head a -man of infinitely more cunning and ability than ever distinguished August -Spies.</p> - -<p>Editor Jens Christensen, a native of the formerly Danish province of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_664" id="Page_664">[664]</a></span> -Schleswig, is a good-looking young German, and bears quite a resemblance -to his predecessor in personal appearance. He is thoroughly proficient -not only in German, but also in English, French, and all the Scandinavian -tongues, is a scientifically trained man, and has at command an -arsenal of facts, arguments and deductions to be marshaled up in defense -of his specious pleadings.</p> - -<p>Christensen was at one time a Socialist candidate for the German -Reichstag, and is now in constant and confidential correspondence with -the leading European prophets of destruction. Although he has been -in America less than a year, he has inspired in his disciples within that -short time a degree of confidence which Spies never possessed. He has -not the easy address of Spies in dealing with a crowd, and he is at all -times a better, more logical and more forcible writer than orator; but he is, -for all that, the best public speaker the destructionists of this city have -within their ranks to-day. He is more suave than impassioned in his -speech—reserved and self-possessed, and never at a loss for a reply. -He is a zealot and a fanatic in the cause he has espoused, and he is probably -the only Socialist in Chicago who can give a scientific basis for every -dogma he announces, and a proof for every word he utters.</p> - -<p>Since Christensen’s arrival here he has been in a newspaper warfare -with Johann Most. He attacked Most, charging him with being an injury -to the cause of the revolution by his bad judgment and radical plans of -dynamite and other methods for the application of physical force. Most -has been striking back in his characteristic way, and this has brought -Christensen into considerable prominence. Moreover, he is a writer with -great executive ability. He is a man of strong convictions, evident -courage, but is quite a diplomat, and does not propose to follow his -“comrades” to the gallows by any slip of the pen or tongue if he can -help it. Christensen is a Socialist, not an Anarchist, he says, and yet -he declares with a good deal of frankness that Socialists and Anarchists -are pretty much the same, so far as the result sought is concerned, the -only essential differences being in the tactics used to reach the object -aimed at.</p> - -<p>Such a man, it will be readily seen, when once started in the wrong -path, is a much more dangerous foe than the hot-headed, rather selfish, -openly ambitious Spies. And he shows his power in nothing better than in -his manner of conducting the avowed organ of all the destructionists. Since -his advent, this afternoon sheet has set the ferment of social agitation going -again until the movement, as a matter of fact, is to-day in reality more formidable -than it was three years ago, for now it is directed by a cautious, -self-contained man who weighs every step before advising it, and who in all -things considers the question of expediency first.</p> - -<p>The paper he presides over is a daily proof of his skill and of his capacity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_665" id="Page_665">[665]</a></span> -for doing harm. It spreads the old doctrine of destruction and social -upheaval, but it does so in a much more insidious, in a more guarded, and, -probably, in a more effective manner. There is a general policy laid down, -and that is never deviated from. Every line that goes into the reading -columns of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> has to serve a purpose. That purpose is to -teach a lesson, to serve as one more grain of disgust with the existing state -of things, to render the reader more weary of the society of to-day. Every -piece of news is bent to that end—distorted, falsified, or magnified—so as -to “point a moral or adorn a tale.” If a laborer has been cheated out of -his wages, for instance, by his employer, a general deduction as to all employers -is made. If a wealthy thief escape more or less merited punishment, -the sharp edge of sarcasm and of lament over the futility of trying to -regenerate this world by any but “radical” means is again used. Every -piece of rascality, in fact, on the part of well-to-do or highly placed men, -every misstep, every error, every unwise law and every unwise application -of a wise one—all of these things and many more are seized and made to -serve the purpose of this personally smooth and amiable Mephistopheles, -and are dished up to his benighted readers, peppered, salted and seasoned -with Chile sauce, to make them palatable.</p> - -<p>Thus the paper acts on that vast body of half or wholly discontented, on -all those who, with or without their own fault, are not as well off as they might -be, on all those thousands who sympathized or still sympathize with the -dread fate of the eight Anarchists arrested after the Haymarket slaughter, -as a constant irritant, distorting everything to their mental eye and keeping -them forever in an irritable mood and in a sort of self-made purgatory which -embitters even their hours of rest and recreation. That this sort of effect -cannot go accumulating in the minds of many thousands of men and women -and children without finally producing something tangible, an explosion, is -self-evident and needs no emphasizing. Did space permit, I should like to -give here extracts to show how insidious and subtle the poison which is -daily instilled into the minds of these readers.</p> - -<p>Mr. Currlin, ex-editor of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>, is known as the wandering -missionary of Anarchy. He is busily engaged in the propagation of revolutionary -ideas. His style of oratory and the general drift of his sentiments -may be gathered from quotations heretofore given in this book.</p> - -<p>George Schilling would strenuously object to being called an Anarchist. -But he admits being a Socialist. When asked a short time ago if he -expected another outbreak as the result of existing revolutionary forces, he -said:</p> - -<p>“I expect something of the kind about the end of the present century—say -in ten years. Society is just now dormant, like a river frozen in winter -time, but some night there will be a mighty crack in the ice, and under the -warming influences of evolutionary forces there will be a mighty upheaval.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_666" id="Page_666">[666]</a></span> -There will no doubt be a squall or two before that time, but the great event -will not come, in my judgment, much sooner. There will be lots of men -and women who will not be able to see beyond the squall, and they will -think the time has arrived. It will come, not as the result of a conspiracy -of Anarchists, but as a conspiracy of all the evolutionary forces of society.”</p> - -<p>Mrs. Lucy Parsons is still an active exhorter in the cause. She is simply -irrepressible, and has made herself obnoxious to the more peaceable and -conservative Socialists. To the ordinary hearer her harangues would seem -ridiculous, were it not for the fact that the loss of a husband by death on -the gallows naturally creates sympathy, even for a fanatic.</p> - -<p>“Prison bars nor the scaffold shall ever prevent me from speaking the -truth,” she exclaimed at a Sunday afternoon meeting of Socialists at -Waverly Hall a few months ago. “The ballot is useless as a remedy, and -a change in the present condition of the wage slave will never be brought -about peacefully. Force is the only remedy, and force will certainly be -used.”</p> - -<p>This meeting had been called to listen to a paper by Prof. Charles -Orchardson on “Salvation from Poverty.” The speaker, deprecating the -incendiary arguments and appeals to forceful measures on the part of what -were known as Anarchists, said that Anarchy never would improve the condition -of society. He devoted himself principally to the private ownership -of land, and claimed that more frauds had been committed in that name -than in any other. Fire and murder were the sole right and title of the -original owners of the land, and no original robbery could be tortured into -a righteous transaction. The owner of the land was the owner of the inhabitants. -Land in Chicago originally worth $1 an acre was now, in some -localities, worth perhaps $1,000,000 an acre. The people made this value, -but the land-owner reaped the benefit of the advance the people had created. -A land speculator was nothing but a land peculator, and held the -people at his mercy. The three evils of society to-day, the speaker said, -were private enterprise, the competitive system and private ownership of -land. The first remedy to be applied was the education of the people. -Another remedy was to adopt the single-tax theories of Henry George and -to establish the Australian method of secret voting, so that the employé -could fearlessly deposit his ballot without fear of discharge from his employer. -This method would also abolish the buying and selling of votes. -Then men should be elected to represent the people in the halls of legislation -and to resist the encroachments of the capitalists and monopolists. -Private ownership in land should be abolished, and the capitalists should -be compelled to stop the work of increasing poverty by curtailing the productions -of the labor of man.</p> - -<p>During the discussion which followed the reading of Prof. Orchardson’s -paper, the ringing voice of Mrs. Parsons was heard in the rear of the hall.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_667" id="Page_667">[667]</a></span> -She had entered late, and few were aware of her presence, but she was -greeted with loud applause as she rapidly and defiantly made her way -to the front of the platform. She said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“I did not hear the beginning of this lecture to-day, but I heard -it last evening at 599 Milwaukee Avenue. I have heard what he had to -say about the Anarchists, and I want to say to him and to everybody else -that it is about time to give the Anarchists a rest. Are there not enough -of them dead? Do you need to go into their graves and aid the detectives -in their work of digging up their memories for abuse and obloquy? -Last night the Professor was asked what remedy he would propose if the -men elected to the legislature betrayed their trust and sold out their -poor constituents, and he then said his remedy would be to organize secret -societies and assassinate the men who proved unfaithful to their trusts. -He need not deny this, for I have witnesses here to prove that he said -this. And now to-day he throws his slings at Anarchy. Anarchy, as I -understand it, is one of the most beautiful theories, and I do not agree -with the speaker when he favors assassination. I hold human life too -sacred, and do not believe in assassinating the men who sell out. Before -they talk about Anarchy let them define it. It is a philosophy which -they do not, or will not, understand....</p> - -<p>“Men talk about revolution as if it were a terrible thing. Every one -present is a revolutionist because he is poor. Every man who lives in a -tenement-house and wants to secure a better home is a revolutionist, -because the beneficial change means a revolution in his very life. I -know I have to be careful what I say nowadays, but I assert that any -and all means are justified in order to get rid of the present system of -wage slavery. (Loud applause.) Any means, I say. If the ballot will -accomplish that purpose, adopt it; but if it will not, let us adopt some -more potent means. (Applause.)</p> - -<p>“The speaker has argued in favor of Australian laws, but I know the -same state of society exists there that exists here, and the laws furnish no -remedy. Does any one suppose that the capitalists—your masters—will -ever permit you to peacefully take their lands from them while they can -invoke the aid of a policeman’s club or a Gatling gun? The ballot-box -is useless to reform the evils of society, and there is not a State Socialist -living who believes that a reform can be brought about peaceably. They -all admit it, but they claim that it is not policy to say so. I am not afraid -to say what I believe, whether it leads me to prison bars or the scaffold. -The capitalists never have relinquished anything until they were compelled -to, and they will not now, unless they have a change of heart, or -something of that sort. But go on voting. Vote for what you want, but -don’t forget that the Bill of Rights gives every man the right to keep and -bear arms, and when you want to vote take your little musket to the polls -with you, and then your vote will be counted—not before. Take the -ballot; but first put an idea, a strong arm and determination behind, -and then buy yourselves good Winchester rifles. Then you will be prepared -to fight for your rights. Men who are armed are bound to be free, -and you are all wage slaves to-day because you are not.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Here the applause was almost deafening. Mrs. Parsons paused and -gazed around the room.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_668" id="Page_668">[668]</a></span></p> - -<p>“I do not care,” said she, “whether there are any policemen or detectives -here or not, or whether the newspapers want to come out with -sensational head-lines about me. Go on voting, and in ten years you will -find yourselves where I am now. You will be no further advanced, and -then you will have to come to the revolution of force which I advocate now.”</p> - -<p>Her voice rang out strong and clear, and as she finished it seemed evident -from the loud applause that followed that the majority of those present -were in full accord with her sentiments.</p> - -<p>Professor Orchardson then replied to his critic. He claimed that Mrs. -Parsons had begun by picturing Anarchy as one of the most lovely and -beautiful conditions imaginable, but before she had finished she had advocated -murder, force, carbines and every violent measure conceivable. -She had claimed that Anarchy did not mean war, and in the same breath had -urged that all means were justifiable to secure it. “A man who undertakes -to philosophize upon this question,” said he, “soon becomes contaminated -by that horrible theory Anarchism.”</p> - -<p>A few hisses were heard about the room.</p> - -<p>“I see I have no sympathy here,” he continued, “and I here declare -that if I live I will never speak again where Anarchists are admitted and -permitted to speak.”</p> - -<p>Here a storm of hisses and loud cries of “Shame” were heard on all -sides, and for a moment it seemed as if trouble was imminent. The chairman, -however, succeeded in restoring order, and the speaker was about to -continue his remarks, when he was interrupted by Mrs. Parsons.</p> - -<p>“Did you not advocate assassination in your lecture last night?” she -asked.</p> - -<p>“I did not. I simply said that if humanity had sunk so low that men -would sell themselves out, secret societies should be formed for the purpose -of bringing retribution on the men who had betrayed their trusts.”</p> - -<p>“You said assassination,” shouted Mrs. Parsons, “and I can prove it.”</p> - -<p>“I never did and never will advocate the vicious, horrible and bloodthirsty -ideas of the Anarchists, that made it so hard to argue the Socialistic -question before the people,” concluded the Professor, in evident disgust; -“and I again repeat that I never will attend another meeting where such -ideas are advocated.”</p> - -<p>As the speaker took his seat, he was warmly cheered by a number -present, but there was a loud murmur of dissent from the rear of the room, -where Mrs. Parsons sat surrounded by her friends.</p> - -<p>The most conspicuous feature of the propaganda of the Internationale -in Chicago to-day is the Sunday school movement. There are now four of -these schools in successful and established operation, and a number of -others are fairly started.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_669" id="Page_669">[669]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-669.jpg" width="400" height="250" id="i669" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">AN ANARCHIST “SUNDAY SCHOOL.” <span class="smcap wn">Teaching Unbelief and Lawlessness.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_670" id="Page_670">[670]</a></span></p> - -<p>The first was opened in the spring of 1888, at Lake View, by the -“Socialistic Turn-Verein.” The second was begun in August, 1888, at -Jefferson, by the Turn-Verein “Fortschritt.” The third was commenced in -September, at “Thalia Hall,” by the “Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein” of the -Northwest Side, and the fourth was started at 58 Clybourn Avenue, by the -“Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein” of the North Side. The school at Lake View -is frequented by about 190 children; the school of the Turn-Verein “Fortschritt” -has from forty to fifty pupils; the school of the Northwest Side was -visited on Sunday, December 9, 1888, by 230 children, and this Verein will -have to rent another hall, as the present one is not large enough to accommodate -all the pupils. The North Side school was attended by about 100 -children on the same day. All schools are under the supervision of the one -organized on December 9, 1888, at Aurora Turn Hall. The main mission -of this school is the organization of others. It can easily be seen that the -schools now established are prospering, because the number of pupils is -increasing from day to day. The schools are of Socialistic and Anarchistic -origin. Nothing is taught relating to dynamite or bombs. The German -language is used in all the schools, and all the ordinary branches of education -are embraced in the curriculum, but underneath and above all is the -spirit of contempt for law and religion. The children are instructed that -religion is nothing but a humbug; that there exists no God and no devil, no -heaven and no hell, and that Christianity is only a preventive system -adopted by the capitalists to rule the working people and keep them under. -After this they are to be taught the spirit of revolution. In all, the main -point is agitation for Socialism and Anarchy.</p> - -<p>As showing the spirit of the Anarchist Sunday schools, I append the -following appeal for Christmas presents from the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> of December -7, 1888. It seems to me that it leaves very little to be said, except perhaps -to point out that 58 Clybourn Avenue is a low-class groggery, and that -it was in the very room in which the school is held that the Anarchists who -were to carry out Engel’s plan on the 4th of May, 1886, secured their supplies -of dynamite and bombs:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="pn1"><i>Christmas Presents for the Scholars of the Sunday School of the North Side.</i></p> - -<p>The “Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein” of the North Side held a meeting December 3d, and -adopted the following: A presentation of Christmas presents and a lottery for the children -of the Sunday school will be held at 58 Clybourn Avenue on Christmas day. Every one is -invited who has an interest in taking from the clergy the power over our little ones, and who -will help us to educate our children to become useful persons—also parents, their friends -and business people who are willing to contribute a small sum of money for the benefit of -this noble cause. Leave your contributions for the presentation of Christmas presents or for -the dressing of the Christmas tree for the dear little ones until Saturday, December 22, with -the committee, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue.</p> - -<p>Receipts for presents will be published in the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>.</p> - -<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein.</span></p></div> - -<p class="p1">Dr. E. G. Kleinoldt, who lives at 591 Sedgwick Street, is one of the -chief teachers. He is an enthusiast in instructing innocent children that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_671" id="Page_671">[671]</a></span> -there is no God and no hereafter. He tells his small charges that priests, -and ministers alike are swindlers, and there are in this city fathers who -bring their children to the rear of a beer saloon on Sundays to be taught -such doctrine by a drunkard.</p> - -<p>On Saturday night, December 1, 1888, a dance was in progress in Yondorf’s -Hall. Officer Lorch, of my command, called in to see what kind of a -gathering it was. Entering the hall, he saw Kleinoldt with three young -men, talking very busily. The officer approached near enough to hear that -Kleinoldt was talking about dynamite, and finally heard him tell the young -men how to make bombs, explaining the process in the same manner as -Engel had done. He also suggested that if his hearers would make bombs -and put them under “the leafers of policemen,” it would make the “bloodhounds” -jump. The officer approached Kleinoldt and said:</p> - -<p>“This is not an Anarchist meeting. Stop your talk, or I will put you out.”</p> - -<p>Kleinoldt made some insulting remarks, and the officer took him by the -back of the neck and pushed him out of the hall. This was the last of him -there for that night, but the young men he had been talking to were not -Anarchists. One of the three followed him out on the sidewalk and there -met a friend whom he told what Kleinoldt had advised. The newcomer, -who happened to carry a large turkey, was a little under the influence of -liquor himself, but was sober enough to oppose Anarchy. He followed -Kleinoldt, struck him with the turkey, knocked him down and broke his -eye-glasses, apparently for the purpose of demonstrating to the worthy pedagogue -that all people who drink too much beer are not necessarily Anarchists.</p> - -<p>This man Kleinoldt was interviewed a short time ago by a reporter of -the Chicago <i>Herald</i>. While other Anarchist pedagogues are loth to communicate -their plans and doings, Kleinoldt talked readily, and what he said -seems to me sufficiently interesting to repeat here.</p> - -<p>“We do not teach Socialism or Anarchism in our Sunday-schools, and -the newspapers do us an injustice when they say so,” said Dr. Kleinoldt. -“The object of our Sunday schools is to keep the children away from the -influence of the Jesuits, who teach the Bible, religious songs, and church -doctrine, subjects that are very distasteful to us who are Socialists. I was -one of the prime movers in the project to organize schools to be held on -Sundays all over the city, which shall be open to children of all parents who -are opposed to the hurtful influences of church instruction. While it is -possibly true that most of those in attendance are the offspring of Socialists -and Anarchists, still it is by no means restricted to them, for in one school, -at 58 Clybourn Avenue, as well as others, you will find those whose fathers -have no sympathy with our advanced ideas on sociology.”</p> - -<p>“What do you teach at these schools?” asked the reporter.</p> - -<p>“Our course takes in reading, writing, natural history, geography, literature,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_672" id="Page_672">[672]</a></span> -general history and morality—so much of ethics as young minds -are capable of receiving.”</p> - -<p>“And you do not teach the tenets of Anarchy?” queried the reporter.</p> - -<p>“By no means. We say nothing of bombs, dynamite, overthrow of -kingdoms, uprooting of our present social system, or anything of that kind. -What would be the use of it? If you had a correct appreciation of the -principles of Anarchy and Socialism you would readily understand that the -questions are too grave for the apprehension of juvenile minds. Later on—well, -that is something else.”</p> - -<p>“Still, Doctor, your teachers are thoroughly imbued with these sentiments, -and it would be only natural for you to desire, if you are honest in -your convictions, that these young people should grow up in your peculiar -faith.”</p> - -<p>“That is another matter,” replied Dr. Kleinoldt, regarding the reporter -fixedly through his spectacles. “As the twig is bent the tree’s inclined. -We are honest in what we profess, else why should we profess at all, since -we have nothing to gain but obloquy, in the present at least? Being honest -and believing that our teachings are best for the human family, we should -be strange beings indeed if we were not anxious to have our children grow -up into our faith. What I have said is, and I repeat it, that we do not teach -Anarchistic or Socialistic principles to the pupils in our Sunday schools.”</p> - -<p>The reporter here read to the Doctor a paragraph from one of the -Chicago dailies to the effect that at the school held in the rear of Rachau -Bros’. saloon, corner of Lincoln Avenue and Halsted Street, the day before, -a teacher had dilated upon the death of Spies and Parsons, declaring they -were murdered by the capitalists and that they were martyrs.</p> - -<p>“Of that I know nothing. All I know is that such is not the design -of our schools. Such talk is not heard at our school in the rear of the -saloon at 58 Clybourn Avenue. We use the same books that are used -in the day schools, and what we teach is as I have told you before—only -this and nothing more.”</p> - -<p>“But since your teachers hold to these peculiar views, and since children -have investigating minds—being eager to ask questions—is there -anything to prevent teachers from defining their views even if they do -not enter into arguments to demonstrate the tenableness of their position?”</p> - -<p>“I repeat again, there are many children in attendance upon our schools -whose parents are not Anarchists or Socialists. Those who are hear these -opinions at their homes. Those who are not do not hear them.”</p> - -<p>“True; but there are some, doubtless, in every class, who have heard -at their homes the teachings of Anarchy or Socialism; they may ask questions. -Is there anything to prevent the teachers from replying to them -in such manner as to indoctrinate the others in this faith?”</p> - -<p>“It is possible, I admit. But I say again, it is not so in our school.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_673" id="Page_673">[673]</a></span> -Indeed, most of the children are too small to know anything about such -matters. You will say time will correct that. I add that our primary -object is the education of the young people. We teach in German altogether, -because the children learn English in the public schools. They -all attend the latter, because it is a primary -principle with us that it is education alone that -can make men free. In addition to the studies -named, we teach music and singing, and we -hold a session at 58 Clybourn Avenue in the -afternoon of each Sunday, when teachers from -the Workingmen’s Educational Society—an -art organization—teach them drawing.”</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-673a.jpg" width="200" height="240" id="i673a" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">FRANK CHLEBOUN.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>The Doctor is a short, thick-set, mild-mannered -man, possessed of a gentle voice, -and is, apparently, about thirty-five years old. -He spoke carefully, and without excitement.</p> - -<p>“Let me tell you further,” he said, after -a brief pause, “we do not teach anything of -what is termed religion, because we do not -believe in that. We do teach morals, the duties we owe to our neighbors, -the great principles of right and wrong. We desire the children to grow -up into Socialists, that they may be worthy successors of their parents; -but we do not think the Sunday school we -have organized is the proper place to inculcate -such doctrines.”</p> - -<p>“Because your pupils are too young?” -asked the reporter.</p> - -<p>“Yes, and because, as I have said, the -parents of some of the children do not hold -to our views, and it is our desire to bring -into our fold as many as possible, thus saving -as many as we can from the evil influences -of the church.”</p> - -<p>“You say you teach music and songs. -Do these include sacred music?”</p> - -<p>“Our music and songs are strictly secular; -we have nothing to do with anything -connected with the churches.”</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-673b.jpg" width="200" height="277" id="i673b" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">FRANK CAPEK.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Dr. Kleinoldt may be correct in his statement -that the school at 58 Clybourn Avenue has not taught Anarchy, yet -it is nevertheless true that at least two of the school’s enthusiastic teachers -have dilated upon the “martyrdom” of Spies, Parsons, Fischer and Engel, -declaring that they died for a glorious cause, and that those officials who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_674" id="Page_674">[674]</a></span> -were instrumental in their arrest, and those who took part in the trial and -at the execution, are guilty of the vilest of crimes. At one of the schools, -a teacher even went so far as to allude to the Savior as the lazy loafer of -Nazareth. It will not demand a very close reading “between the lines” of -the interview with Dr. Kleinoldt, however, to find out that, whatever the -motive of those who have inaugurated this movement, the ultimate result -will be the same as though the open and expressed object were the dissemination -of those views now universally regarded among civilized nations -as subversive of all government. The schools are organized for the purpose -of sowing in the minds of innocent children the seeds of atheism, discontent -and lawlessness.</p> - -<p>The Sunday school movement is only one feature of the general plan of -the revolutionists. The Socialists fear as heartily as they hate the church, -and of late they have had especial reason, from their standpoint, for both. -Both Catholic and Protestant churches located in German, Bohemian and -Polish sections have recently extended their facilities for reaching the youth -of their nationalities, and hundreds of children have been gathered into -Christian schools on Sundays, thus taking them for a brief while on that -day from the squalid streets upon which they roam without restraint, and -bringing them in contact with Christian influences. Even scores of children -of Socialistic parents have had this experience. The great aim of the -Internationals now, as always, is to increase their numerical strength. To -do this they hold it necessary to establish secular Sunday schools wherein -the principles of Socialism will be taught and where children will be -made to despise, though they may obey, the laws.</p> - -<p>It need only be added here that all the schools of the Socialists now -in operation in Chicago are held either in the rear or in the basements of -beer saloons.</p> - -<p>Judge Tuley, in his decision on the application for an injunction, stated -that “there are Christian Anarchists.” I venture the assertion, however, -that the learned jurist has never seen one of that class. I know that I have -not, and I never expect to see one. Christianity and Anarchy are entirely -opposite. While it is possible of course that a man professing the religion -of Christ should be blinded by the plausible preachings of the Anarchists, -still the hallucination would be only temporary. Religion and Anarchy, as -I understand and have seen it, do not and never will go together.</p> - -<p>The conspirator Hronek, at his trial, was asked if he believed in God.</p> - -<p>“I have never seen him,” was the reply.</p> - -<p>Scratch the hide of an Anarchist, and you will find an infidel or a fool. -An intelligent human being cannot reconcile the violent doctrines of Anarchy -with any form of Christianity.</p> - -<p>Charles L. Bodendick, twenty-five years old, 5 feet 4 inches tall, weighing -150 pounds, was arrested by Officer Hanley for robbing Justice White, March<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_675" id="Page_675">[675]</a></span> -18, 1886, and was held to the Criminal Court in $1,500 bonds. He was tried -and sentenced to the penitentiary in Joliet for one year. During his trial it -was demonstrated that he was a thorough Anarchist. The <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> -then called him a “crank” and said that he was crazy. Before he was -arrested, however, he had made his home about the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i> office, -and at that time he had been looked on as a valuable man. The poor fellow -had kept hanging around there, reading their misleading trash, until -he was destitute and a vagrant. The next steps were robbery and the -penitentiary.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-675.jpg" width="250" height="265" id="i675" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="cf"><p class="pc">CHARLES L. BODENDICK.<br /> -<span class="wnn">From a Photograph taken by the Police.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>After his release from prison Bodendick came back to the city, and, roaming -about from place to place, finally fell into his old ways again, living on -wind and Anarchy. He grew more -desperate even than before his arrest. -He wanted to manufacture -something stronger than dynamite. -A card was given to him by Dyer -D. Lum, and he called at the Public -Library for the “Techno-Chemical -Receipt Book,” K 4314. On page -30 of this book Bodendick learned -what he knew of the make-up of -explosives. He admitted that he -wanted to use sulphur, saltpeter -and soda potash. He also procured -other books on explosives, and he -finally purchased a quantity of material -and went to his room to experiment. -But before he had -learned very much he was arrested. Bodendick was kept in the Central Station -in the sweat-box for two weeks. He was defiant at first, but finally sent -word to the Inspector that he wanted to talk with him. He was brought to the -office, and after he had given a lot of information, and promised to leave the city -at once, he was released. The Anarchists claim that he never did “squeal.”</p> - -<p>This Bodendick was an odd genius. Here is <i>verbatim et literatim</i> a -poem in which he melodiously voiced his sentiments some years ago:</p> - -<p class="pc1">THE REBELL-VAGABOND.</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1">I live and will <i>take the right</i>,<br /> -To demand of the world abundance;<br /> -To do so, I’m prepared to fight<br /> -the world and all its Dungeons.</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1">Your a Loafer, says “the upper ten,”<br /> -You aught to go to Prison.<br /> -But, who are the priveledged ones<br /> -To loaf? the toilers lot dissmissend?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_676" id="Page_676">[676]</a></span></p> - -<p class="pp7 p1">I’ve toiled hard, sometime ago,<br /> -From early morn till late.<br /> -That I ain’t worth some millions now<br /> -Is really too bad.</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1">You see, a generous toiling man<br /> -Gets never much ahead;<br /> -For which a rascal always can<br /> -Rob men of life and (e)state.</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1">7-10 from what I have produced<br /> -You took in your possessions<br /> -While the toiling part you have reduced<br /> -To crime and degradations.</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1">Not only this, nay vamper like<br /> -Do suck the Blood of men<br /> -And with the bones you take the hide<br /> -But, things get to an end.</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1">That time I was quiet ignorant<br /> -of, who was my enemy real,<br /> -That I’ve become to you a torment<br /> -Is only the result you feel.</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1">I’ll work for life and liberty,<br /> -For thiefs like you I wont<br /> -The courage that is left in me<br /> -Makes me a Rebell-Vagabond.</p> - -<p class="p1">The most serious recent development of the spirit of revolt and disorder, -however, is that shown in the attempt of the men Hronek and Capek to -assassinate Judges Gary and Grinnell and Inspector Bonfield.</p> - -<p>In July of 1888, Judge Grinnell sent for me and told me that he had -been informed by a Bohemian citizen that there was a conspiracy afoot to -murder himself, Gary and Bonfield, and that he thought there was something -in the information. It appears that there were three Bohemian Anarchists, -John Hronek, Frank Capek and Frank Chleboun, who had determined to -avenge the “martyrdom,” as they called it, of the Anarchist leaders. -Chleboun was never in real sympathy with the others, and when the affair -began to grow very serious he went to a Bohemian friend and confided to -him the plot. This gentleman at once advised Judge Grinnell. Among -the details was the fact that three men had examined the Judge’s house on -July 4th, with a view to blowing it up if a good opportunity offered, and -the Judge remembered having seen three suspicious-looking men loitering -about Aldine Square on that day. They had eyed him so strangely that -his attention was attracted to them. This fact made him attach much -weight to the story he had been told. The Judge wished me to conduct the -investigation, but the suspects all lived in Inspector Bonfield’s district, and -I urged that the inquiry should be made by him, of course promising to cooperate -as heartily as I could. After this Bonfield, the Judge and I had a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_677" id="Page_677">[677]</a></span> -conference in which we went over the whole ground. We had all the facts -in the case pretty well in hand. On the morning of July 17th, Bonfield was -ready to strike, and the arrests were made. On the evening before warrants -were sworn out for these three men, and at 4 <span class="smcap">A.M.</span> Bonfield drove Lieut. -Elliott past Hronek’s house, 2952 Farrell Street, so that he might know it. -Officers Rowan, Miller, Nordrum, Murtha, Styx and Meichowsky assisted -in the arrests.</p> - -<p>In describing what followed Inspector Bonfield said:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“We had reason to believe that Hronek, who only occupied the two rear -rooms of a two-story frame dwelling, had dynamite, a revolver and a formidable-looking -dagger, which we had been told was poisoned. We had also -been given to understand that Hronek was a reckless fellow of the Lingg -type and would offer a desperate resistance, and for that reason, in order -not to jeopardize the lives of any of our men, we thought it prudent, instead -of entering the house, to catch him unawares when he came out early in the -morning. At the side of the house is a covered stairway leading from the -ground to Hronek’s rooms, and about seven o’clock we saw our man come -down these, and he was immediately arrested by Officers Nordrum and one -or two others. Leaving one or two men to watch the house, we took the -prisoner, who appeared utterly indifferent, and astonished perhaps, to the -nearest patrol-box, called the wagon, and sent him to Deering Street Station, -whence he was removed to the Central Station later on.</p> - -<p>“We then searched the house, and in a sort of closet we found a small -quantity of dynamite in the original Ætna No. 2 packages. In the bed-room -we found our information to be true, for under the pillow on which Hronek -had a short time previous been sleeping we found a vicious-looking dagger, -in a leather sheath, and a revolver. In addition to these we also found in -the rooms several bombs, some of which are empty and some of which are -loaded. The bombs are made of cast-iron piping, plugged at each end. -The pipe had been made for some other purpose and turned to that use, and -the bombs were four or five inches long and about an inch and a half in -diameter.”</p></div> - -<p class="p1">Frank Capek was arrested at his home, 498 West Twentieth Street, at -the same time as was Frank Chleboun, who was found at Zion Place. -Capek’s house was not searched, as it was known that he had made away -with the dynamite that he had had there.</p> - -<p>The arrests caused the greatest excitement in the city as soon as it -became generally known what was the charge.</p> - -<p>About the truth of it there could be no doubt. Hronek was a desperate -fellow, quite ready and willing for any violence. He was an enthusiastic -Anarchist, and a great admirer of the “martyrs,” as he called them, and he -had a regular arsenal of explosives and weapons.</p> - -<p>Chleboun’s story was a singular one. He was a tailor who had come from -Bohemia to Chicago in 1882. He met Hronek shortly after the Haymarket -riot, and the two struck up an acquaintanceship. With Frank Capek they -discussed Anarchy and the trial of the leaders, and all went well as long as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_678" id="Page_678">[678]</a></span> -they confined themselves to theory and beer.</p> - -<div class="floatright"> - <img src="images/ill-678a.jpg" width="200" height="310" id="i678a" - alt="" - title="" /> -</div> - -<p>Chleboun was one of those weak-minded people -who like to play at conspiracy, but he soon found -that he had allied himself with desperate and dangerous -men and that the chances were altogether -in favor of his own neck paying the penalty for his -comrades’ work. This alarmed him, and he seems -to have tried to draw away from them. But they -would not let him. For a time he lent them money -and tried to get along with them, but they made -his life a burden to him. In October, 1887, he -wanted to visit the old country, and desired to take -out citizen’s papers before he left. It shows the -relations between the men, that Hronek and Capek would not help him to -get naturalized until he had formally agreed to the plot to kill Grinnell, -Gary and Bonfield. They, also demanded $25 from him, and he paid it. -He returned from Europe in December, and they at once pounced on him -again. The poor fellow did not know which -way to turn, and he finally did the wisest -thing by making a clean breast of the whole plot.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-678b.jpg" width="200" height="226" id="i678b" - alt="" - title="" /> -</div> - -<p>The trial of the would-be assassins -came on in the November term, but the prisoners -secured a severance, and only Hronek -was tried, Capek’s trial being deferred until the -next term. On the stand Chleboun told -the story of the conspiracy at great length -and in detail, and a very severe cross-examination -failed to shake his testimony in any -way. He showed how Hronek had planned -the murder of the three men coolly and deliberately; how he had provided -dynamite made up into tin bombs, and in other ways, and had secured -a poisoned dagger, as well as a pistol. Capek seemed to concur in what -the others did, but Hronek was the undoubted leader. Among other -things Hronek told them was that he had met -Inspector Bonfield, and had had a safe chance to -kill him, but that he had had no arms with him -and could not do it. Hronek was very angry over -his disappointment. Chleboun described the visit -of the three men—himself, Hronek and Capek—to -Judge Grinnell’s house in Aldine Square, and -the reconnoissance they made.</p> - -<div class="floatleft"> - <img src="images/ill-678c.jpg" width="200" height="213" id="i678c" - alt="" - title="" /> -</div> - -<p>Dynamite was in the possession of all the parties, -and on one occasion a man named Janauschek<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_679" id="Page_679">[679]</a></span> -tried to get Chleboun to give him an order on Mikolanda, one of the -open leaders, for some of the stuff. This was not done, however.</p> - -<p>Hronek, in his own testimony, steadily denied any purpose of killing either -of the threatened gentlemen, but under the skillful cross-examination of Mr. -Elliott he failed to convince the jury that his possession of the bombs, which -he claimed had been left at his house by a man named Karefit, was innocent. -In fact, the testimony against him was too strong, and it was corroborated -in many places even by his own admissions, and the jury found him guilty. -He was sentenced to twelve years in the penitentiary.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-679.jpg" width="400" height="443" id="i679" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">JOHN HRONEK’S PORTRAIT AND DESCRIPTION—I.<br /> -<span class="wn">Showing the New Method of Recording Criminals for Identification.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_680" id="Page_680">[680]</a></span></p> - -<p>The trial was watched closely by the general public as well as by Anarchists, -and among those of the red fraternity who found admission to the -court-room there were many curious characters. Some of these were -sketched by an artist of my acquaintance, and three of his sketches are given -on page 678. They are truthful representations of men who have not yet sat -for our rogues’ gallery photographer, but their associations warrant the fear -that they will some day have their pictures taken at the expense of the taxpayers.</p> - -<div class="figcenter"> - <img src="images/ill-680.jpg" width="400" height="419" id="i680" - alt="" - title="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="pc">JOHN HRONEK’S PORTRAIT AND DESCRIPTION—II.<br /> -<span class="wn">Showing the New Method of Recording Criminals for Identification.</span></p> -</div></div> - -<p>Portraits of Hronek taken by the police photographer are shown here, -and a slightly reduced <i>fac-simile</i> of the form now used by the Police Department -for identifying criminals. Formerly only front view photographs, as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_681" id="Page_681">[681]</a></span> -a rule, were to be found in rogues’ gallery collections. The new method is -a vast improvement, and the reader will note from the details of the blank -that it provides all the necessary data for perfect and unmistakable identification.</p> - -<p>The case against Hronek was conducted by Judge Longenecker, the -State’s Attorney, and by Mr. Elliott, and was followed with the closest -attention by the people of Chicago, as it displayed in unmistakable colors -to what a pitch of desperation the Anarchist conspirators in this city can -bring themselves.</p> - -<p>Let us hope that the lesson will prove a salutary one.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_682" id="Page_682">[682]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">CHAPTER XXXVIII.</h2> - -<p class="pch">The Movement in Europe—Present Plans of the Reds—Stringent Measures -Adopted by Various European Governments—Bebel and Liebknecht—A London -Celebration—Whitechapel Outcasts—“Blood, Blood, Blood!”—Verestchagin’s Views—The -Bulwarks of Society—The Condition of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia, -Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis and other American Cities—A New Era of Revolutionary -Activity—A Fight to the Death—Are we Prepared?</p> - -<p class="drop-cap18">AS regards the present plans and movements of the reds in Europe, of -course it is almost impossible to obtain an adequate conception here. -It is known, however, that the French, German, English and Belgian governments -have only recently adopted most stringent measures, the effect of -which will undoubtedly be to send some very undesirable immigrants to our -hospitable shores.</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding the measures taken by the French Government, it is -reported as tolerably certain that the Revolutionary Congress will meet at -Paris, although there is a pressure to have the date of the session delayed -until October. Much will depend, probably, upon the proceedings of the -proposed meeting of German, Swiss and Austrian Socialists at Zurich the -coming summer.</p> - -<p>With all their talk of universal brotherhood and a grand combination of -the proletariat of every nation against tyranny, race hatreds are very strong -among the Socialists of Europe. A French Communist would be more -likely to cut a German Socialist’s throat than labor with him for the overthrow -of the common oppressor.</p> - -<p>The social conference soon to convene at The Hague, it is said, will ask -the German leaders to take the decisive step of annulling the Zurich meeting, -in order to give the Paris congress the more importance and avoid -giving any possible offense by such action as may be taken there. It is well -known that Bebel, Liebknecht and their immediate followers have no particular -love for the dynamite faction of the Paris Communists, but there are -many Swiss, South Germans and Russians who are engaged in the thankless -and seemingly hopeless task of reconciling national differences, and -these men have no small influence over their fellows by reason of their -intelligence and approved courage and the sacrifices they have made for the -common cause. By their unceasing labor a large proportion of the rank -and file of the German army have been won over to the Socialistic movement, -and they do not despair of allaying the French repugnance to affiliating -with men of their own ideas from across the Rhine.</p> - -<p>The London celebration of the anniversary of the Paris Commune on -the night of March 18, 1889, consisted of a small crowd of boozy, beery,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_683" id="Page_683">[683]</a></span> -pot-valiant, squalid, frowsy, sodden Whitechapel outcasts who shrieked -and fought in a small hall in their district under the eye of a single policeman.</p> - -<p>“Better not go in, sir,” the policeman said to a correspondent who entered -the door of the small hall at 87 Commonwealth Road. “There ain’t -no danger, but it’s very unpleasant.”</p> - -<p>It was the fumes of scores of dirty pipes and a thousand other causes -that made the air almost unbearable. About two hundred people, a fourth -of whom were lushed, soggy Whitechapel women, were in the low-ceilinged -hall, while a long-haired Pole was screaming an address from the -platform. He cursed and swore with frantic blasphemy, and called upon -his hearers to arm themselves and wade to liberty through blood. Whenever -he uttered the word “blood,” the muddled and maudlin crowd set up -a shriek of “Blood, blood, blood!” that was deafening. All of the women -and most of the men had soiled red flags and handkerchiefs, which they -waved in the air as they shrieked “Blood!” in chorus. Then they would -sink back into drunken indifference till the word “blood” was mentioned -again.</p> - -<p>Two women and a man, says the correspondent, lay in senseless stupor, -with the crowd treading on them. One woman’s rags did not half cover her. -An illiterate Englishman pushed the Pole aside and began to harangue the -people from the platform. It was the most shameless, ribald and obscene -harangue imaginable. In the midst of it one woman struck another with a -piece of a broken beer glass, and the two females began to fight like cats. -Faces were cut and bleeding. No one paid the slightest attention except -the policeman, who looked indifferently on. Presently one of the women -ran sobbing from the hall with her face streaming blood. Another woman -started after her, when a man made a sign to a policeman, and she was restrained. -Then a neighbor plucked the correspondent’s sleeve:</p> - -<p>“Don’t let that nasty scene deceive you,” he said shortly, “it doesn’t -mean that Socialism is dead in London. It means that it is more intelligent. -They’ve left off shouting in public and begun to work under cover. This -thing to-night proves it.”</p> - -<p>The following, from the pen of Vassili Verestchagin, the eminent Russian -painter, whose realistic representations of battle scenes have created a -great sensation wherever exhibited, and who is also a writer of great -ability, will show how the situation in Europe as regards Socialism, Anarchy -and Nihilism appears to one close and intelligent observer:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">“There is no gainsaying the fact that all the other questions of our time -are paling before the question of Socialism that advances on us, threateningly, -like a tremendous thunder-cloud.</p> - -<p>“The masses that have been for centuries leading a life of expectancy, -while hanging on the very borders of starvation, are willing to wait no more. -Their former hopes in the future are discarded; their appetites are whetted,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_684" id="Page_684">[684]</a></span> -and they are clamoring for arrears, which means now the division of all the -riches, and so as to make the division more lasting, they are claiming that -talents and capacities should be leveled down to one standard, all workers -of progress and comfort alike drawing the same pay. They are striving to -reconstruct society on new foundations, and, in case of opposition to their -aims, they threaten to apply the torch to all the monuments pertaining to -an order that, according to them, has already outlived its usefulness; they -threaten to blow up the public buildings, the churches, the art galleries, -libraries and museums—a downright religion of despair!...</p> - -<p>“My friend the late General Skobeleff once asked me, ‘How do you -understand the movement of the Socialists and the Anarchists?’ He owned -to it that he himself did not understand at all what they aimed at. ‘What -do they want? What are they striving to attain?’</p> - -<p>“‘First of all,’ I answered, ‘those people object to wars between nations; -again, their appreciation of art is very limited, the art of painting not -excluded. Thus, if they ever come into power, you, with your strategic -combinations, and I, with my pictures, will both be shelved immediately. -Do you understand this?’</p> - -<p>“‘Yes, I understand this,’ rejoined Skobeleff, ‘and from this on I am -determined to fight them.’</p> - -<p>“There is no mistaking the fact that, as I have said before, society is -seriously threatened at the hands of a large mass of people counting hundreds -of millions. Those are the people who, for generations, during -entire centuries, have been on the brink of starvation, poorly clad, living in -filthy and unhealthy quarters; paupers, and such people as have scarcely -any property, or no property at all. Well, who is it that is to blame for -their poverty—are they not themselves to be blamed for it?</p> - -<p>“No, it would be unjust to lay all the blame at their door; it is more -likely that society at large is more to blame for their condition than they -are themselves.</p> - -<p>“Is there any way out of the situation?</p> - -<p>“Certainly there is. Christ, our Great Teacher, has long ago pointed -out the way in which the rich and the powerful could remedy the situation -without bringing things to a revolutionary pass, without any upheaval of the -existing social order, if they would only seriously take care of the miserable; -that certainly would have insured them the undisturbed enjoyment of the -bulk of their fortune. But there is little hope of a peaceful solution of the -question now; it is certain that the well-to-do classes will still prefer to -remain Christian in name only; they will still hope that palliative measures -will be sufficient to remedy the situation; or else, believing the danger -to be distant yet, they will not be disposed to give up much; while the paupers—though -formerly they were ready for a compromise—may be soon -found unwilling to take the pittance offered them.</p> - -<p>“What do they want, then?</p> - -<p>“Nothing less than the equalization of riches in the society to come; -they claim the material as well as the moral equalization of all rights, trades, -all capacities and talents; as we have already said, they strive to undermine -all the foundations of the existing state of society, and, in inaugurating -a new order of things they claim to be able to open a real era of liberty, -equality and fraternity, instead of the shadows of those lofty things, as -existing now....</p> - -<p>“I do not mean to go into the discussion of the matter; I would not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_685" id="Page_685">[685]</a></span> -pretend to point out how much justice or injustice, how much soundness or -unsoundness there is in these claims; I state only the fact that there is a -deep gulf between the former cries for bread and the sharply formulated -claims of the present. It is evident that the appetite of the masses has -grown within the past centuries, and the bill which they intend to present -for payment will not be a small one.</p> - -<p>“Who will be required to pay this bill?</p> - -<p>“Society, most certainly.</p> - -<p>“Will it be done willingly?</p> - -<p>“Evidently not.</p> - -<p>“Consequently there will be complications, quarrels, civil wars.</p> - -<p>“Certainly there will be serious complications; they are already casting -their shadows before them in the shape of disturbances of a Socialistic character -that are originating here and there. In America, most likely, those -disturbances are lesser and less pointed, but in Europe, in France and Belgium, -for instance, such disorders assume a very threatening aspect.</p> - -<p>“Who is likely to be victorious in this struggle?</p> - -<p>“Unless Napoleon I. was wrong in his assertion that victory will always -remain with the <i>gros bataillons</i>, the ‘regulators’ will win. Their numbers -will be very great; whoever knows human nature will understand that all -such as have not much to lose will, at the decisive moment, join the claims -of those who have nothing to lose....</p> - -<p>“It is generally supposed that the danger is not so imminent yet; but, -as far as I was able to judge, the impendence of the danger varies in different -countries. France, for instance—that long-suffering country which is -forever experimenting on herself, whether it be in social or scientific questions, -or in politics—is the nearest to a crisis; then follow Belgium and -other countries.</p> - -<p>“It is very possible that even the present generation will witness something -serious in that respect. As to the coming generations, there is no doubt -that they will assist at a thorough reconstruction of the social structure in -all countries.</p> - -<p>“The claims of Socialists, and, particularly, the Anarchists, as well as -the disorders incited by them, generally produce a great sensation in society. -But no sooner are the disorders suppressed, than society relapses again into -its usual unconcern, and no one gives a thought to the fact that the frequency -of those painful symptoms, recurring with so much persistency, is -in itself a sign of disease.</p> - -<p>“Far-seeing people begin to realize that palliative measures are of no -more use; that a change of governments and of rulers will not avail any -more; and that nothing is left but to await developments contingent on -the attitude of the opposed parties—the energetic determination of the -well-to-do classes, not to yield, and that of the proletaires, to keep their -courage and persevere....</p> - -<p>“The only consolation remaining to the rich consists in the fact that the -‘regulators’ have not had time yet to organize their forces for a successful -struggle with society. This is true to a certain extent. But, though they -do it slowly, the ‘regulators’ are perfecting their organization all the time; -yet, on the other hand, can we say that society is well enough organized not -to stand in dread of attack?</p> - -<p>“Who are the recognized and official defenders of society?</p> - -<p>“The army and the church.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_686" id="Page_686">[686]</a></span></p> - -<p>“A soldier, there is no doubt of it, is a good support; he represents a -solid defense; the only trouble about him is that the soldier himself begins -to get weary of his ungrateful part. It is likely that for many years to come -yet the soldier will shoot with a light heart at such as are called his ‘enemies;’ -but the time is not far distant when he will refuse to shoot at his -own people.</p> - -<p>“Who is a good soldier? Only one to whom you can point out his -father, his mother or his brother in the crowd, saying, ‘Those are enemies -of society, kill them’—and who will obey.</p> - -<p>“I may remark here, in passing, that it occurred to me to refer to this -idea in a conversation I had with the well-known French writer and thinker, -Alexandre Dumas, <i>fils</i>, and with what success? Conceding the justice of -the apprehension, he had no other comforting suggestion to offer than to -say: ‘Oh, yes, the soldier will shoot yet!’</p> - -<p>“The other defender of society, the priest, has been less ill-used than -the soldier, and consequently he is not so tired of his task; but, on the -other hand, people begin to tire of him, less heed is paid to his words, and -there arises a doubt as to the truth of all that he preaches.</p> - -<p>“There was a time when it was possible to tell the people that there is -but one sun in the heavens as there is but one God-appointed king in the -country. As stars of the first, second, third and fourth magnitude are -grouping themselves around the sun, so the powerful, the rich, the poor and -the miserable surround the king on earth. And, as all that appeared -plausible, people used to believe that such arrangements are as they ought -to be. All was accepted, all went on smoothly; none of such things can be -advanced nowadays, however; no one will be ready to believe in them....</p> - -<p>“Clearly, things assume a serious aspect. Suppose the day comes when -the priests will entirely lose their hold on the people, when the soldiers will -turn their guns muzzles down—where will society look for bulwarks then? -Is it possible that it has no more reliable defense?</p> - -<p>“Certainly, it has such a defense, and it is nothing else but <i>talents</i>, and -their representatives in science, literature and art in all its ramifications.</p> - -<p>“Art must and will defend society. Its influence is less apparent and -palpable, but it is very great; it might even be said that its influence over -the minds, the hearts and the actions of people is enormous, unsurpassed, -unrivaled. Art must and will defend society with all the more care and -earnestness, because its devotees know that the ‘regulators’ are not disposed -to give them the honorable, respectable position they occupy now—since, -according to them, a good pair of boots is more useful than a good -picture, a novel or a statue. Those people declare that talent is luxury; -that talent is aristocratic, and that, consequently, talent has to be brought -down from its pedestal to the common level—a principle to which we shall -never submit.</p> - -<p>“Let us not deceive ourselves. There will arise new talents, which will -gradually adapt themselves to new conditions, if such will prevail, and their -works may perhaps gain from it, but we shall not agree to the principle of -general demolition and reconstruction, when such have no other foundation -but the well-known thesis: ‘Let us destroy everything and clear the ground; -as to the reconstruction—about that we shall see later on.’ We shall -defend and advocate the improvement of the existing things by means of -peaceful and gradual measures.”</p></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_687" id="Page_687">[687]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">That is Verestchagin’s view. It is certainly original and at least presents -matter for serious reflection to the thoughtful, even though his deductions -are not agreed to.</p> - -<p>Only recently a tremendous sensation was caused by the discovery of a -dynamite bomb factory in Zurich, secretly conducted by students, and the -tracing therefrom of a Nihilist conspiracy against the Czar, with extensive -ramifications throughout Russia. Official and court circles in St. Petersburg -were panic-stricken at the news, and the public journals, as usual, were -promptly forbidden publishing information, making comment, or saying a -word on the subject. In the meantime the police pushed investigation in -all directions and a large number of arrests were made.</p> - -<p>Following up the traces of the plot, they found in a street of the capital -most important evidences of its ramifications in St. Petersburg. This -conspiracy was said to be more formidable than any preceding one. Nor -was the danger diminished by the discoveries made. The arrests were only -of minor people, and these maintained unbroken fidelity to their leaders, -refusing to divulge even the little they were allowed to know.</p> - -<p>All over the world the apostles of disorder, rapine and Anarchy are -to-day pressing forward their work of ruin, and preaching their gospel -of disaster to all the nations with a more fiery energy and a better organized -propaganda than was ever known before. People who imagine that -the energy of the revolutionists has slackened, or that their determination -to wreck all the existing systems has grown less bitter, are deceiving themselves. -The conspiracy against society is as determined as it ever was, -and among every nation the spirit of revolt is being galvanized into a -newer and more dangerous life.</p> - -<p>In Chicago the signs of the times are so plain that he who runs may -read. The skulking conspirators, who but a few months ago met secretly -and in fear, in out-of-the-way cellars and thoroughly tiled halls, now court -publicity. Their meetings are advertised and open—any one who chooses -may attend—and they evidently feel a confidence and security which was -unknown before this year of grace 1889. If this feeling is rampant here -in Chicago, where the heaviest blow was struck at Anarchy, what must -it be in other American cities, New York for instance, where the reds -have a formidable and growing organization, or in Philadelphia, Pittsburg -or Cincinnati? It is manifest that a new era of “revolutionary -activity” is at hand, and it is to be questioned whether the proper means -for meeting the proposed attack have been taken, or are being prepared.</p> - -<p>In Europe the same ferment is apparent. In England the conspiracy -is still largely under cover, for the English proletariat, as the Anarchists -love to call the raw material of Anarchy, is slow to move and difficult to -arouse. But the propaganda is busy, and occasional rumblings may be -heard of the work going on underground, which should be received as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_688" id="Page_688">[688]</a></span> -the danger signals they are. In London there are all the factors for the -most dangerous mob the world can produce. There are thousands upon -thousands of half-starved, desperate men, who have absolutely nothing to -lose save lives which they themselves hold as almost worthless, and -there is the constant temptation before them of wealth so great and so -flaunting, and of a wealthy class often so cruelly unjust, that it need never -be a matter of wonder when the East End of London springs at the throat -of the West. In England, however, nobody seems to believe that there -can be such a thing as a servile revolt—that might occur among the -French or the Germans or the Russians, but never in John Bull’s island,—and -the conspirators, safely covered by the fancied security of the people, -are permitted to undermine at their will the fabric of English society.</p> - -<p>In France the Commune is stronger than it ever was, and the Red -Terror may appear with every turn of the whirligig of politics. France -does not disbelieve in the danger, but it is practically powerless to avert -it, owing to the general demoralization which has followed Boulanger’s -success. Of course, it can only be a wild and bloody riot followed by a -wild and bloody retribution, by a nation frightened out of freedom back -into the arms of a strong government, for in France the issues are made -up, and the country has made up its mind.</p> - -<p>In Spain and Italy, and especially in the smaller states—Switzerland, -Belgium and the Scandinavian countries—the Socialists are busy, while -in Germany and in Russia a crisis is at hand. Thus, the world over, it -is evident that Anarchy is at work with a feverish purpose never before -displayed, and the governments are menaced with a danger before which -foreign war is as nothing. Nothing but the uprooting of the very foundations -and groundwork of our civilization will satisfy these enemies of order. -Their fight is to the death. They will neither take nor give quarter. It -is war <i>à l’outrance</i>—composition or truce is futile and foolish.</p> - -<p>Are we prepared, or are we even preparing for the shock?</p> - -<p>Let none mistake either the purpose or the devotion of these fanatics, -nor their growing strength. This is methodic—not a haphazard conspiracy. -The ferment in Russia is controlled by the same heads and the same -hands as the activity in Chicago. There is a cold-blooded, calculating -purpose behind this revolt, manipulating every part of it, the world over, -to a common and ruinous end. Whether the next demonstration of the Red -Terror will occur where its disciples are goaded to desperation under despotic -measures, as in the land of the Czar, or in our own country, where they are -allowed to preach its bloody doctrines under a broad construction of the -American constitutional right of free speech, time alone can tell.</p> - -<p>But believe me, Anarchy is not an enemy for society to despise.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_691" id="Page_691">[691]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">APPENDIX A.</h2> - -<p class="drop-cap04">THE meeting places of the Anarchist groups in Chicago prior to May -4, 1886, were as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq limit1"> - -<p class="pn1">South Side, Saturday nights, 2883 Wentworth Avenue.<br /> -Southwest Side, No. 1, Saturday nights, 691 South Halsted Street.<br /> -Southwest Side, No. 3, Saturday nights, 611 Throop Street.<br /> -Vorwaerts, Saturday nights, 204 Blue Island Avenue.<br /> -Jefferson, Saturday nights, at or near 1800 Milwaukee Avenue.<br /> -Town of Lake, No. 1, Saturday nights, 514 State Street.<br /> -Town of Lake, No. 2, every other Sunday evening, in Thomas Hall, corner of Fifty-eighth -and Laflin Streets.<br /> -Bridgeport, Sunday afternoons, 2 o’clock, 2513 South Halsted Street.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">The Lehr und Wehr Verein companies met as follows:</p> - -<div class="pbq"> - -<p class="p1">First Group—Tuesday and Friday evenings, at Mueller’s Hall, corner of Sedgwick and -North Avenue; also, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, Sunday mornings, for instruction in shooting -and rifle practice.</p> - -<p>Second Group—Wednesday evenings, and two weekly meetings, together with the Northwest -Side Group, at 8 o’clock, at 636 Milwaukee Avenue.</p> - -<p>Third Group—Wednesday evenings at the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall.</p> - -<p>No. 58 Clybourn Avenue was a general meeting-place. A general invitation was extended -to all to come there on Sundays for practice in shooting.</p></div> - -<p class="p1">List of names of Anarchists and Socialists as found on record with Secretaries -Seliger and Lingg, at 442 Sedgwick Street:</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1"> -William Hesse.<br /> -Moritz Neff.<br /> -William Lange.<br /> -Balthasar Rau.<br /> -Albert Bonien.<br /> -Michael Schwab.<br /> -H. Harmening.<br /> -William Medow.<br /> -A. Hovestadt.<br /> -Oscar Neebe.<br /> -Franz Hoffman.<br /> -Ch. Charlevitz.<br /> -H. Kaune.<br /> -H. Tietgens.<br /> -Theodore Polling.<br /> -Louis Hensling.<br /> -E. Buschner.<br /> -Henry Bonnefoi.<br /> -George Meng.<br /> -W. L. Rosenberg.<br /> -Carl Wichmann.<br /> -Ch. Mauner.<br /> -Chr. Mauer.<br /> -John Nedovlacid, <i>alias</i> Pohl.<br /> -A. Hirschberger.<br /> -Edward Schnaubelt.<br /> -John Altherr.<br /> -William Buffleben.<br /> -Carl Milbi.<br /> -Chr. Ramm.<br /> -Max Mitlacher.<br /> -Paul Grottkau.<br /> -Joseph Bach.<br /> -Albert Gorns.<br /> -Julius Stegemann.<br /> -Otto Habitzreiter.<br /> -William Hoelscher.<br /> -William Ludwig.<br /> -H. Perschke.<br /> -A. Roehr.<br /> -William Urban.<br /> -Ernst Altenhofer.<br /> -H. Fasshauer.<br /> -Abraham Hermann.<br /> -Michael Hermann.<br /> -Lorenz Hermann.<br /> -Peter Huber.<br /> -John Neubauer.<br /> -Rudolph Kobitch.<br /> -Julius Habitzreiter.<br /> -Fritz Fischer.<br /> -Albin Mittlacher.<br /> -Fritz Reuter.<br /> -Carl Teuber.<br /> -Rudolph Ohlf.<br /> -Theodore Remane.<br /> -E. Brassholz.<br /> -Joseph Knochelman.<br /> -A. Picard.<br /> -Arthur Fritzsche.<br /> -Franz Domes.<br /> -John B. Lotz.<br /> -John Wohlleben.<br /> -Gustav Moeller.<br /> -H. Ulrich.<br /> -William Neumann.<br /> -H. Kallina.<br /> -August Stollidorf.<br /> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_692" id="Page_692">[692]</a></span>W. Senderson.<br /> -George Rosenzweig.<br /> -Robert W. Ebill.<br /> -S. Heidenbluth.<br /> -William Luetzgerath.<br /> -R. Lauterbach.<br /> -Ernst Fischer.<br /> -Carl Schroeder.<br /> -Otto Voigt.<br /> -Heinrich Menge.<br /> -John Neunkirchen.<br /> -William Kaune.<br /> -Chris Ammer.<br /> -Carl Leukert.<br /> -H. Boeltscher.<br /> -H. Vogelsaenger.<br /> -B. Leber.<br /> -Joseph Mattius.<br /> -John Holm.<br /> -William Walteck.<br /> -Carl Puder.<br /> -N. Willes.<br /> -William Linden.<br /> -George Menge.<br /> -Louis Krauthahn.<br /> -Wilhelm Schleuter.<br /> -Paul Riedel.<br /> -Fritz Huebner.<br /> -Louis Liebl.<br /> -Rudolph Effinger.<br /> -Wilhelm Lindner.<br /> -Conrad Meier.<br /> -August Baer.<br /> -Wilhelm Rieger.<br /> -Hans Reindel.<br /> -Rudolph Schnaubelt.<br /> -William Heinze.<br /> -Anton Schmidt.<br /> -Fritz Schmidt.<br /> -Albert Wilke.<br /> -Gustav Schroth.<br /> -Carl Meier.<br /> -George Engelett.<br /> -H. Marcmann.<br /> -H. Albert.<br /> -Ch. Blendow.<br /> -August Neuhaus.<br /> -Chr. Hase.<br /> -H. C. Eden.<br /> -H. Thomser.<br /> -Claus Boege.<br /> -Frederick Boecer.<br /> -H. Kirvitt.<br /> -H. Lehman.<br /> -Nic Schroegel.<br /> -Max Biehle.<br /> -Andrew Decker.<br /> -Johann Mass.<br /> -Hermann Klug.<br /> -H. Honsel.<br /> -Edward Koelble.<br /> -Adolph Greschner.<br /> -Guenther Bock.<br /> -Fritz Bock.<br /> -C. Bock.<br /> -Fritz Linden.<br /> -Leo Wierig.<br /> -Nic Keller.<br /> -Aug. Wassilof.<br /> -Linarz.<br /> -Fr. Rathke.<br /> -Baehrendt.<br /> -Henry Schmidt.<br /> -Franz Hein.<br /> -Chas. Meyer.<br /> -Otto Bathke.<br /> -Louis Peters.<br /> -Wm. Seliger.<br /> -Christ Jansen.<br /> -Chas. Scholl.<br /> -B. Horschke.<br /> -Kinder.<br /> -Robert Moench.<br /> -Latinker.<br /> -Leopold Miller.<br /> -E. Trolson.<br /> -Otto Blonk.<br /> -Ludwig Sitzberger.<br /> -Albert Sommer.<br /> -Albert Dilke.<br /> -Alfred Bartels.<br /> -August Asher.<br /> -Henry Slvetera.<br /> -Hermann Pabst.<br /> -John Richlich.<br /> -Ernst J. Nitschke.<br /> -Fritz Roeber.<br /> -W. Callinius.<br /> -E. Hoffman.<br /> -W. Matuspkirvitz.<br /> -Carl Pundt.<br /> -E. Rudolph.<br /> -Franz Stahr.<br /> -Hermann Weg.<br /> -H. Judknecht.<br /> -Christ. Drawert.<br /> -Julius Blecksmith.<br /> -Carl Rick.<br /> -Carl Leukert.<br /> -Gustav Stolze.<br /> -Edward Heis.<br /> -Wilhelm Waldeck.<br /> -Ludwig Lintz.<br /> -August Pavel.<br /> -H. Hildemann.<br /> -Ernst Altenhofer.<br /> -John Kleinsten.<br /> -Hermann Hoges.<br /> -Wilhelm Alb.<br /> -H. Markmann.<br /> -H. Albert.<br /> -Blendow.<br /> -H. C. Eden.<br /> -John Maas.<br /> -Hermann Klug.<br /> -H. Hansel.<br /> -F. Thiesen.<br /> -Henry Abelman.<br /> -Joseph Neder.<br /> -Leo Wierig.<br /> -Nic Keller.<br /> -Max Hollock.<br /> -George Binder.<br /> -Wm. Lueneberg.<br /> -Anton Besser.<br /> -Franz Springer.<br /> -O. Deichman.<br /> -Joseph Schramm.<br /> -Carl Kroger.<br /> -Franz Turban.<br /> -George Binder.<br /> -John Kerr.<br /> -Wenzel Kinzill.<br /> -Ernst Niendorf.<br /> -Theodore Blumbach.<br /> -H. Zwierlein.<br /> -August Metschke.<br /> -K. Kumberg.<br /> -Charles Lovitte.<br /> -H. Kauney.<br /> -H. Mathge.<br /> -Ludwig Luetzeberger.<br /> -Frederick Schmiecke.<br /> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_693" id="Page_693">[693]</a></span>Christ Wegemann.<br /> -Carol Fischhammer.<br /> -E. Andauer.<br /> -Bernard Labor.<br /> -August Litch.<br /> -Paul Polke.<br /> -Franz Schumann.<br /> -Franz Hermann.<br /> -Franz Bohl.<br /> -Christ. Killgers.<br /> -Max Hollock.</p> -<p class="pc1 reduct">Total number of members, 232.</p> - -<p class="p1">Names of Socialists belonging to different parts of the city:</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1"> -Fritz Kaderli.<br /> -Alois Preiss.<br /> -Anton Bonner.<br /> -Gustav Zerbe.<br /> -Carl Weidenhammer.<br /> -Berthold Bauer.<br /> -Nic Goebel.<br /> -Franz Frank.<br /> -George H. Karst.<br /> -Fritz Witt.<br /> -August Ziemann.<br /> -Rudolph Spuhr.<br /> -Ernst Blanck.<br /> -August Krause.<br /> -Wilhelm Helm.<br /> -Franz Krueger.<br /> -Frederick Luebbe.<br /> -Jacob Beck.<br /> -Hermann Wechmann.<br /> -Hermann Boese.<br /> -B. Gromall.<br /> -Fred Wessling.<br /> -Franz Schips.<br /> -Michael Michels.<br /> -John Tallmann.<br /> -Gustav Hopper.<br /> -Carl Chuast.<br /> -Nic Mueller.<br /> -Franz Schlopp.<br /> -Philipp Glaser.<br /> -John Woehrle.<br /> -Louis Boechlke.<br /> -Albert Koch.<br /> -John Voss.<br /> -Fred Heiden.<br /> -Franz Heidench.<br /> -Carl Michael.<br /> -George Bloecher.<br /> -Fred Naffs.<br /> -Robert Wegener.<br /> -Max Miller.<br /> -Frank Wiederkehr.<br /> -Heinrich Volkmann.<br /> -Friederich Wargowsky.<br /> -Gustav Bressmann.<br /> -Hermann Jocks.<br /> -Peter Dieterich.<br /> -John Fromm.<br /> -Frederich Hanne.<br /> -Carl Norvotny.<br /> -Heinrich Simon.<br /> -August Rieger.<br /> -Henry Lebierri.<br /> -Christ Erbman.<br /> -Rudolph Arndt.<br /> -John Sellmann.<br /> -William Rehfeldt.<br /> -Emil Kaiser.<br /> -Carl Swansen.<br /> -Louis Jansen.<br /> -Jacob Lieser.<br /> -Carl Billhardt.<br /> -Johann Grefflath.<br /> -Fritz Peters.<br /> -Albert Bittelkau.<br /> -Leo Engelmann.<br /> -Christ Feidler.<br /> -Peter Bucher.<br /> -George Lange.<br /> -August Littele.<br /> -Hermann Pretch.<br /> -Albert Fork.<br /> -Wilhelm Hohmann.<br /> -Hermann Theile.<br /> -Carl Heinrich.<br /> -Friederich Rathman.<br /> -Carl Wild.<br /> -Wilhelm Wetendorf.<br /> -Carl Gerbech.<br /> -Friederich Assmussen.<br /> -Louis Griep.<br /> -Heinrich Zeiss.<br /> -Carl Mund.<br /> -George Schmidt.<br /> -August Buchwald.<br /> -Peter Weber.<br /> -Christ. Jungknecht.<br /> -Johann Fleischmann.<br /> -August Bernatzki.<br /> -Julius Koschnitzki.<br /> -Bernard Kaelle.<br /> -Richard Wagner.<br /> -Christ. Schumann.<br /> -George Stange.<br /> -Johann Siegfried.<br /> -Frank Ehlert.<br /> -Heinrich Becker.<br /> -Johann Peters.<br /> -Hermann Junke.<br /> -Julius Beck.<br /> -Louis Thiess.<br /> -John Weber.<br /> -Robert Lattmann.<br /> -Mike Hartmann.<br /> -Heinrich Pressler.<br /> -Otto Bartell.<br /> -Martin Lausgres.<br /> -Heinrich Koehler.<br /> -Fritz Geding.<br /> -Peter Ferneeten.<br /> -Louis Schroeder.<br /> -Heinrich Rauch.<br /> -John Mangels.<br /> -Hermann Tombrow.<br /> -John Koehler.<br /> -Wilhelm Kramp.<br /> -Hermann Gnadke.<br /> -Peter Pauls.<br /> -Adolph Rudemann.<br /> -Louis Schalk.<br /> -Rudolph Firo.<br /> -Joseph Kaiser.<br /> -Frank Allring.<br /> -Heinrich Block.<br /> -Carl Beck.<br /> -John Urech.<br /> -Gustav Roshke.<br /> -Ed. Peterson.<br /> -M. Grant.<br /> -August Hoffman.<br /> -Gustav Kerstarm.<br /> -J. Casper.<br /> -Philipp Wichmann.<br /> -John Bernier.<br /> -August Schnedort.</p> -<p class="pc1 reduct">Total number, 139.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_694" id="Page_694">[694]</a></span></p> - -<p class="p1">Names of Socialistic women of North Side, 1886:</p> - -<p class="pp7 p1"> -Mrs. Back.<br /> -Mrs. W. Lange.<br /> -Mrs. Mattius.<br /> -Mrs. Rehm.<br /> -Mrs. Johanna Schroeder.<br /> -Mrs. Antonie Hoverstadt.<br /> -Mrs. Rosenzweig.<br /> -Mrs. Fisher.<br /> -Mrs. Wilhelmina Menge.<br /> -Mrs. H. Habitzreiter.<br /> -Mrs. Elizabeth Reuter.<br /> -Marie Schnaubelt.<br /> -Mrs. Lane.<br /> -Mrs. Hermann.<br /> -Mrs. Pohl.<br /> -Mrs. Neuhaus.<br /> -Ida Schnaubelt.<br /> -Johanna Schnaubelt.<br /> -Mrs. Schwab.<br /> -Mrs. Miller.<br /> -Mrs. Huber.</p> -<p class="pc1 reduct">Total number, 21.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_695" id="Page_695">[695]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h2 class="p4">ILLUSTRATIONS.</h2> - -<p class="pc2">*<br />*<span class="vh">——</span>*</p> - -<table id="toi" summary="illustrations"> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Portrait of the Author,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#fr">Frontispiece</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The French Revolution—The Feast of Reason,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i16">16</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Storming the Bastile,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i18">18</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Karl Marx,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i19">19</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Michael Bakounine,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i20">20</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Pierre Joseph Proudhon,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i21">21</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Louise Michel,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i24">24</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Ferdinand Lassalle,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i25">25</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Excavated Dynamite Mine in Moscow,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i33">33</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">“It is Too Soon to Thank God.”—The Assassination of Czar Alexander II.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i35">35</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Czar’s Carriage after the Explosion,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i36a">36</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Diagram of Elnikoff’s Bomb,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i36b">36</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Nihilists in the Dock,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i38">38</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Execution of the Nihilist Conspirators,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i39">39</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Book Bomb,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i40">40</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Scenes from the Riots at Pittsburg, 1877,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i51">51</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Great Strike in Baltimore—The Militia Fighting their Way through the -Streets,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i57">57</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Labor Troubles of 1877—Riots at the Halsted Street Viaduct, Chicago,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i63">63</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Dr. Carl Eduard Nobiling,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i67a">67</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Max Hoedel,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i67b">67</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Banners of the Social Revolution—I.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i69">69</a></td> - </tr> - - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Carter H. Harrison,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i70">70</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Black Flag,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i75">75</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Office of the <i>Arbeiter-Zeitung</i>,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i76">76</a></td> - </tr> - - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">An Anarchist Procession,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i78">78</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Board of Trade,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i80">80</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Banners of the Social Revolution—II.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i85">85</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Group of Anarchists,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i87">87</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Banners of the Social Revolution—III.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i91">91</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Red Banner of the Carpenters’ Union,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i93">93</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Dr. Nobiling’s Attempt to Assassinate the Emperor of Germany,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i95">95</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">August Reinsdorf,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i96">96</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Johann Most,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i100">100</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Banners of the Social Revolution—IV.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i109">109</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Interior View of Neff’s Hall,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i111">111</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Strike—The Walking Delegate Sowing the Seed of Discontent,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i114">114</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Greif’s Hall,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i115">115</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Round-up,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i118">118</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Specimen Rioters—Hynek Djenek and Anton Seveski,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i120">120</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">——John Pototski and Frank Novak,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i121">121</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">——Vaclav Djenek and Anton Stimak,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i122">122</a></td> - </tr> - - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">——Ignatz Urban and Joseph Sugar,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i123">123</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Charging the Mob at McCormick’s,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i126">126</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Officer Casey’s Peril,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i127">127</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Franz Mikolanda, a Polish Conspirator,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i128">128</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4"><i>Fac-simile</i> of the Famous “Revenge” Circular,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i130">130</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_696" id="Page_696">[696]</a></span> -The Call for the Haymarket Meeting—<i>Fac-simile</i> I.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i132">132</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">—— <i>Fac-simile</i> II.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i135">135</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Neff’s Hall, Exterior View,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i136">136</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Haymarket Meeting—“In the Name of the People I Command You to -Disperse,”</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i140">140</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Haymarket Riot—The Explosion and the Conflict,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i142">142</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Inspector John Bonfield,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i143">143</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Captain William Ward,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i144">144</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lieut. (now Chief) G. W. Hubbard,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i145">145</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Sergt. (now Capt.) J. E. Fitzpatrick,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i146">146</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lieut. James P. Stanton,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i147a">147</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lieut. Bowler,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i147b">147</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Desplaines Street Station,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i151">151</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Haymarket Martyrs,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i154">154</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Adolph Fischer,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i157">157</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Fischer Family,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i158">158</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Fischer’s Belt and Poisoned Daggers,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i159">159</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">August Spies,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i160">160</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Miss Nina Van Zandt,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i162">162</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Chris Spies,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i163">163</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Miss Gretchen Spies,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i164">164</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Michael Schwab,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i165">165</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Albert R. Parsons,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i166">166</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Mrs. Lucy Parsons,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i167">167</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Oscar W. Neebe,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i168">168</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Rudolph Schnaubelt, the Bomb-Thrower,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i170">170</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Balthasar Rau,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i173">173</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lingg’s Candlestick,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i177">177</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Round Iron Bomb,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i180">180</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Samuel Fielden,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i181">181</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Detective James Bonfield,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i184">184</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Officer Henry Palmer,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i185">185</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Officer (now Lieut.) Baer,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i186">186</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Detective Hermann Schuettler,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i189">189</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Detective Michael Hoffman,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i189">189</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Detective Michael Whalen,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i189">189</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Detective Charles Rehm,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i189">189</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Detective John Stift,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i189">189</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Detective Jacob Loewenstein,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i189">189</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Edmund Furthmann,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i191">191</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The East Chicago Avenue Station,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i193">193</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Back-Yard Interview,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i195">195</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Friendly Communication,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i197">197</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Notorious Florus’ Hall,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i203">203</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Shadowed Detectives,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i204">204</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The “Red” Sisterhood,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i207">207</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Turning the Tables,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i209">209</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Underground Auditors,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i211">211</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Betrayed by Beauty,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i214">214</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Thalia Hall,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i218">218</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Underground Conspirators,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i220">220</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Officer Nordrum,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i221">221</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_697" id="Page_697">[697]</a></span> -The Scared Amateur Anarchist,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i223">223</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Watching a Suspect,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i225">225</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Julius Oppenheimer’s Double,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i231">231</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Mr. and Mrs. William Seliger,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i236">236</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Noble Woman’s Influence-A Kiss that Prevented Bloodshed,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i239">239</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">John Thielen,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i248">248</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Louis Lingg, the Bomb-maker,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i257">257</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lingg’s Trunk,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i258">258</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Coils of Fuse Found in Lingg’s Trunk,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i259">259</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Composition Bomb Found in Lingg’s Room,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i261">261</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Cast-Iron and Large Gas-pipe Bombs,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i262">262</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg’s Room,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i263">263</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Gas-pipe Bombs without Fuse,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i264">264</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Unfinished Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg’s Dinner-box,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i265">265</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lingg’s Revolver,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i267">267</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Desperate Struggle—Louis Lingg’s Arrest,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i269">269</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Iron Bolt Found in Lingg’s Trunk,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i271">271</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lingg’s Sweetheart,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i274">274</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Ladle used by Lingg in Casting, with Can of English Dynamite,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i276">276</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Muntzenberg Peddling Books and Bombs,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i281">281</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">George Engel,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i284">284</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Miss Mary Engel,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i285">285</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Gottfried Waller,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i287">287</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Underground Rifle Practice—A Meeting of the Lehr und Wehr Verein,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i289">289</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Numbered Plates from L. u. W. V. Rifles,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i290">290</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">“Liberty Hall,”</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i295">295</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Otto Lehman,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i298">298</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Gustav Lehman,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i303">303</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Zepf’s Hall,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i306">306</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Timmerhof Hall,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i309">309</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Herman Muntzenberg,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i313">313</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Hasty Toilet,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i325">325</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Dangerous Storing-Place,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i327">327</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">An Obstreperous Prisoner,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i329">329</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Conspiracy Meeting—Waller Reading Engel’s “Plan,”</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i336">336</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The “Czar” Bomb,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i343">343</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Anarchist Ammunition—I.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i348">348</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti5">1. Incendiary Bomb, with powder flask detached. -2. Gas-Pipe Bombs, without cap or fuse, but loaded with dynamite. Found in Lingg’s Room. -3. Bombs used in Evidence, after analysis by chemists. -4. Gas-pipe Bombs, with fuse and caps, secreted by Julius Oppenheimer under a dancing-platform.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Group of the Lehr und Wehr Verein,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i352">352</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Wife-Beater’s Trial,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i362">362</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">An Incendiary Can,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i365">365</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Henry Spies,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i368">368</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Larrabee Street Station,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i371">371</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Hinman Street Station,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i374">374</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Neebe’s Sword and Belt,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i377">377</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Anarchist Ammunition—II.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i381">381</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti5">1. Round Iron Bombs, cast whole, and designed for use with percussion caps, to explode on falling. -2. Sheet-iron Molds, used by Lingg in the construction of infernal machines. -3, 4. Sectional Views of the “Czar” Bomb.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Hon Joseph E. Gary,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i384">384</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_698" id="Page_698">[698]</a></span> -Portraits of the Jury,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i386">386</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Portraits of the Jury,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i387">387</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Hon. Julius S. Grinnell,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i391">391</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Great Trial—Scene in the Court-room,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i410">410</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Spies’ Manuscript of the Famous “Ruhe” Signal—<i>Fac-simile</i>,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i421">421</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">“Y—Come Monday Evening”—<i>Fac-simile</i>,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i422">422</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Reduced <i>Fac-simile</i> of Heading of the <i>Fackel</i>,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i423">423</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Plan of the Seliger Residence,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i425">425</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Dynamite Packages,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i436">436</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti5">1. Package left at Judge Tree’s House. -2. Package left at C., B. & Q. Railroad offices.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Socialistic Bombs—Diagrams from <i>Daily News</i> of January 14, 1886,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i437">437</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Chart of Street Warfare,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i438">438</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Interior Plan of Greif’s Hall,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i440">440</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Interior Plan of Neff’s Hall,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i443">443</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Adolph Lieske,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i449">449</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Parsons’ Handwriting,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i451">451</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">A Picnic of the “Reds” at Sheffield,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i453">453</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti5">1. Experimenting with Dynamite. -2. Getting Inspiration. -3. Engel on the Stump. -4. “Hoch die Anarchie!” -5. Mrs. Parsons Addressing the Crowd. -6. Children Peddling Most’s Literature. -7. A Family Feast.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Engel’s Blast Furnace,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i469">469</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Moses Salomon,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i479">479</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Spies Addressing the Strikers at McCormick’s,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i511">511</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Francis W. Walker,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i526">526</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Sigismund Zeisler,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i536">536</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">George C. Ingham,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i542">542</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">William A. Foster,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i546">546</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Capt. William P. Black,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i554">554</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lingg’s Suicide Bombs,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i595">595</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">E. F. L. Gauss,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i607a">607</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Henry Severin,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i607b">607</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Judge Benjamin D. Magruder,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i609">609</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Jailor Folz,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i629">629</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Benjamin P. Price,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i632">632</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lingg’s Terrible Death,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i633">633</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti5">1. Lighting the Deadly Bomb. -2. The Explosion. -3. The Deputy Entering Lingg’s Cell. -4. The Dying Bomb-Maker in the Hands of the Surgeons.</td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Lingg’s Last Request,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i635">635</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">John C. Klein,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i636">636</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Chicago Water-works,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i641">641</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Sheriff Canute R. Matson,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i643">643</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Execution,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i645">645</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">John A. Roche,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i648">648</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Kierlan’s Souvenir,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i653">653</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">The Haymarket Monument,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i659">659</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">An Anarchist “Sunday-school”—Teaching Unbelief and Lawlessness,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i669">669</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Frank Chleboun,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i673a">673</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Frank Capek,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i673b">673</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Charles L. Bodendick,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i675">675</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i678a">678</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i678b">678</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i678c">678</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Hronek’s Portrait and Description—I. Showing New Police Method of Identifying -Criminals,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i679">679</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="ti4">Hronek’s Portrait and Description—II.,</td> - <td class="tdr1"><a href="#i680">680</a></td> - </tr> - -</table> -</div> - -</div> - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Anarchy and Anarchists, by Michael Schaack - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS *** - -***** This file should be named 52811-h.htm or 52811-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/2/8/1/52811/ - -Produced by Giovanni Fini, Richard Hulse and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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