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diff --git a/old/52811-0.txt b/old/52811-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a06187c..0000000 --- a/old/52811-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,35437 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Anarchy and Anarchists, by Michael Schaack - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: Anarchy and Anarchists - Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed - -Author: Michael Schaack - -Release Date: August 15, 2016 [EBook #52811] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS *** - - - - -Produced by Giovanni Fini, Richard Hulse and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE: - -—Obvious print and punctuation errors were corrected. - - -[Illustration: Michael J. Schaack.] - - - - - ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. - - A HISTORY OF - THE RED TERROR AND THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION - IN AMERICA AND EUROPE. - - COMMUNISM, SOCIALISM, AND NIHILISM - IN DOCTRINE AND IN DEED. - - THE CHICAGO HAYMARKET CONSPIRACY, - AND THE DETECTION AND TRIAL OF THE CONSPIRATORS. - - BY - MICHAEL J. SCHAACK, - CAPTAIN OF POLICE. - - WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS FROM AUTHENTIC PHOTOGRAPHS, - AND FROM ORIGINAL DRAWINGS - - BY WM. A. MCCULLOUGH, WM. OTTMAN, LOUIS BRAUNHOLD, TRUE - WILLIAMS, CHAS. FOERSTER, O. F. KRITZNER, AND OTHERS. - - [Illustration] - - CHICAGO: - F. J. SCHULTE & COMPANY. - NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA: W. A. HOUGHTON. - ST. LOUIS: S. F. JUNKIN & CO. PITTSBURG: P. J. FLEMING & CO. - MDCCCLXXXIX. - - - - - COPYRIGHT, 1889, - BY MICHAEL J. SCHAACK. - ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. - - _THE ILLUSTRATIONS IN THIS WORK ARE ALL ORIGINAL, AND ARE - PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT._ - - - - - TO - HON. JOSEPH E. GARY - AND TO - HON. JULIUS S. GRINNELL - THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY - THE AUTHOR. - - - - -PREFACE. - -IT has seemed to me that there should be a history of the development, -the revolt, and the tragedy of Anarchy in Chicago. This history I have -written as impartially and as fairly as I knew how to write it. I have -kept steadily before my eyes the motto,— - - “Nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice.” - -It will be found in the succeeding pages that neither animosity against -the revolutionists, nor partiality to the State, has influenced the -work. I have dealt with this episode in Chicago’s history as calmly -and as fairly as I am able. I have tried to put myself in the position -of the misguided men whose conspiracy led to the Haymarket explosion -and to the gallows; to understand their motives; to appreciate their -ideals—for so only could this volume be properly written. - -And to present a broader view, I have added a history of all forms of -Socialism, Communism, Nihilism and Anarchy. In this, though necessarily -brief, it has been the purpose to give all the important facts, and to -set forth the theories of all those who, whether moderate or radical, -whether sincerely laboring in the interests of humanity or boisterously -striving for notoriety, have endeavored or pretended to improve upon -the existing order of society. - -After the dynamite bomb exploded, carrying death into the ranks of men -with whom I had been for years closely associated—after an impudent -attack had been made upon our law and upon our system, which I was -sworn to defend—it came to me as a duty to the State, a duty to my -dead and wounded comrades, to bring the guilty men to justice; to -expose the conspiracy to the world, and thus to assist in vindicating -the law. How the duty was performed, this story tells. - -It is a plain narrative whose interest lies in the momentous character -of the facts which it relates. Much of it is now for the first time -given to the public. I have drawn upon the records of the case, made -in court, but more especially upon the reports made to me, during the -progress of the investigation, by the many detectives who were working -under my direction. - -I can say for my book no more than this: that from the first page to -the last there is no material statement which is not to my knowledge -true. The reader, then, may at least depend upon the accuracy of the -information presented here, even if I cannot make any other claim. - -It would be unfair and ungrateful if I did not seize this opportunity -to put on lasting record my obligations to Judge Julius S. Grinnell, -who was State’s Attorney during the investigation. His support, steady -and full of tact, enabled me to go through with the work, in spite of -obstacles deliberately put in my way. My position was a delicate and -difficult one: had it not been for him, and for others, success would -have been almost impossible. - -Nor can I forego this occasion to bear testimony to the magnificent -police work done in the case by Inspector Bonfield and his brother, -James Bonfield, and by the officers who acted directly with me. These -were Lieut. Charles A. Larsen and Officers Herman Schuettler, Michael -Whalen, Jacob Loewenstein, Michael Hoffman, Charles Rehm, John Stift -and B. P. Baer. Mr. Edmund Furthmann, at that time Assistant State’s -Attorney, as I have elsewhere recorded, worked upon the inquiry into -the conspiracy with an acumen, a perseverance and an industry which -were beyond all praise. I knew, when he was first associated with me -in the case, that the outcome must be a victory for outraged law, and -the result vindicated the prediction. To Mr. Thomas O. Thompson and to -Mr. John T. McEnnis much of the literary form of this volume is to be -credited, and to them also I am under lasting obligations. - - MICHAEL J. SCHAACK. - - _Chicago, February, 1889._ - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER I. - - The Beginning of Anarchy—The German School of Discontent—The - Socialist Future—The Asylum in London—Birth of a Word—Work - of the French Revolution—The Conspiracy of Babeuf—Etienne - Cabet’s Experiment—The Colony in the United States—Settled - at Nauvoo—Fourier and his System—The Familistère at - Guise—Louis Blanc and the National Work-shops—Proudhon, - the Founder of French Anarchy—German Socialism: Its Rise - and Development—Rodbertus and his Followers—“Capital,” - by Karl Marx—The “Bible of the Socialists”—The Red - Internationale—Bakounine and his Expulsion from the - Society—The New Conspiracy—Ferdinand Lassalle and the - Social Democrats—The Birth of a Great Movement—Growth of - Discontent—Leaders after Lassalle—The Central Idea of the - Revolt—American Methods and the Police Position, 17 - - - CHAPTER II. - - Dynamite in Politics-Historical Assassinations—Infernal - Machines in France—The Inventor of Dynamite—M. Noble - and his Ideas—The Nitro-Compounds—How Dynamite is - Made—The New French Explosive—“Black Jelley” and the - Nihilists—What the Nihilists Believe and What they - Want—The Conditions in Russia—The White and the Red - Terrors—Vera Sassoulitch—Tourgenieff and the Russian - Girl—The Assassination of the Czar—“It is too Soon to Thank - God”—The Dying Emperor—Two Bombs Thrown—Running Down the - Conspirators—Sophia Perowskaja, the Nihilist Leader—The - Handkerchief Signal—The Murder Roll—Tried and Convicted—A - Brutal Execution—Five Nihilists Pay the Penalty—Last Words - Spoken but Unheard—A Deafening Tattoo—The Book-bomb and - the Present Czar—Strychnine-coated Bullets—St. Peter and - Paul’s Fortress—Dynamite Outrages in England—The Record of - Crime—Twenty-nine Convicts and their Offenses—Ingenious - Bomb-making—The Failures of Dynamite, 28 - - - CHAPTER III. - - The Exodus to Chicago—Waiting for an Opportunity—A - Political Party Formed—A Question of $600,000—The First - Socialist Platform—Details of the Organization—Work at - the Ballot-Box—Statistics of Socialist Progress—The - “International Workingmen’s Party” and The “Workingmen’s Party - of the United States”—The Eleven Commandments of Labor—How - the Work was to be Done—A Curious Constitution—Beginnings - of the Labor Press—The Union Congress—Criticising the - Ballot-Box—The Executive Committee and its Powers—Annals - of 1876—A Period of Preparation—The Great Railroad - Strikes of 1877—The First Attack on Society—A Decisive - Defeat—Trying Politics Again—The “Socialistic Party”—Its - Leaders and its Aims—August Spies as an Editor—Buying the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_—How the Money was Raised—Anarchist - Campaign Songs—The Group Organization—Plan of the - Propaganda—Dynamite First Taught—“The Bureau of - Information”—An Attack on Arbitration—No Compromise with - Capital—Unity of the Internationalists and the Socialists, 44 - - - CHAPTER IV. - - Socialism, Theoretic and Practical—Statements of the - Leaders—Vengeance on the “Spitzels”—The Black Flag in the - Streets—Resolutions in the _Alarm_—The Board of Trade - Procession—Why it Failed—Experts on Anarchy—Parsons, - Spies, Schwab and Fielden Outline their Belief—The - International Platform—Why Communism Must Fail—A French - Experiment and its Lesson—The Law of Averages—Extracts - from the Anarchistic Press—Preaching Murder—Dynamite - or the Ballot-Box?—“The Reaction in America”—Plans for - Street Fighting—Riot Drill and Tactics—Bakounine and the - Social Revolution—Twenty-one Statements of an Anarchist’s - Duty—Herways’ Formula—Predicting the Haymarket—The Lehr - und Wehr Verein and the Supreme Court—The White Terror and - the Red—Reinsdorf, the Father of Anarchy—His Association - with Hoedel and Nobiling—Attempt to Assassinate the German - Emperor—Reinsdorf at Berlin—His Desperate Plan—“Old Lehmann” - and the Socialist’s Dagger—The Germania Monument—An Attempt - to Kill the Whole Court—A Culvert Full of Dynamite—A Wet - Fuse and no Explosion—Reinsdorf Condemned to Death—His Last - Letters—Chicago Students of his Teachings—De Tocqueville and - Socialism, 74 - - - CHAPTER V. - - The Socialistic Programme—Fighting a Compromise—Opposition - to the Eight-hour Movement—The Memorial to Congress—Eight - Hours’ Work Enough—The Anarchist Position—An _Alarm_ - Editorial—“Capitalists and Wage Slaves”—Parsons’ - Ideas—The Anarchists and the Knights of Labor—Powderly’s - Warning—Working up a Riot—The Effect of Labor-saving - Machinery—Views of Edison and Wells—The Socialistic - Demonstration—The Procession of April 25, 1886—How the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ Helped on the Crisis—The Secret Circular of - 1886, 104 - - - CHAPTER VI. - - The Eight-hour Movement—Anarchist Activity—The Lock-out at - McCormick’s—Distorting the Facts—A Socialist Lie—The True - Facts about McCormick’s—Who Shall Run the Shops?—Abusing the - “Scabs”—High Wages for Cheap Work—The Union Loses $3,000 a - Day—Preparing for Trouble—Arming the Anarchists—Ammunition - Depots—Pistols and Dynamite—Threatening the Police—The - Conspirators Show the White Feather—Capt. O’Donnell’s - Magnificent Police Work—The Revolution Blocked—A Foreign - Reservation—An Attempt to Mob the Police—The History - of the First Secret Meeting—Lingg’s First Appearance - in the Conspiracy—The Captured Documents—Bloodshed at - McCormick’s—“The Battle Was Lost”—Officer Casey’s Narrow - Escape, 112 - - - CHAPTER VII. - - The _Coup d’État_ a Miscarriage—Effect of the Anarchist - Failure at McCormick’s—“Revenge”—Text of the Famous - Circular—The German Version—An Incitement to Murder—Bringing - on a Conflict—Engel’s Diabolical Plan—The Rôle of the Lehr - und Wehr Verein—The Gathering of the Armed Groups—Fischer’s - Sanguinary Talk—The Signal for Murder—“Ruhe” and its - Meaning—Keeping Clear of the Mouse-Trap—The Haymarket - Selected—Its Advantages for Revolutionary War—The Call for - the Murder Meeting—“Workingmen, Arm Yourselves”—Preparing the - Dynamite—The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ Arsenal—The Assassins’ Roost - at 58 Clybourn Avenue—The Projected Attack on the Police - Stations—Bombs for All who Wished Them—Waiting for the Word - of Command—Why it was not Given—The Leaders’ Courage Fails, 129 - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - The Air Full of Rumors—A Riot Feared—Police - Preparations—Bonfield in Command—The Haymarket—Strategic - Value of the Anarchists’ Position—Crane’s Alley—The Theory - of Street Warfare—Inflaming the Mob—Schnaubelt and his - Bomb—“Throttle the Law”—The Limit of Patience Reached—“In - the Name of the People, Disperse”—The Signal Given—The Crash - of Dynamite First Heard on an American Street—Murder in the - Air—A Rally and a Charge—The Anarchists Swept Away—A Battle - Worthy of Veterans, 139 - - - CHAPTER IX. - - The Dead and the Wounded—Moans of Anguish in the Police - Station—Caring for Friend and Foe—Counting the Cost—A City’s - Sympathy—The Death List—Sketches of the Men—The Doctors’ - Work—Dynamite Havoc—Veterans of the Haymarket—A Roll of - Honor—The Anarchist Loss—Guesses at their Dead—Concealing - Wounded Rioters—The Explosion a Failure—Disappointment of the - Terrorists, 149 - - - CHAPTER X. - - The Core of the Conspiracy—Search of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - Office—The Captured Manuscript—Jealousies in the Police - Department—The Case Threatened with Failure—Stupidity at - the Central Office—Fischer Brought in—Rotten Detective - Work—The Arrest of Spies—His Egregious Vanity—An Anarchist - “Ladies’ Man”—Wine Suppers with the Actresses—Nina Van - Zandt’s Antecedents—Her Romantic Connection with the - Case—Fashionable Toilets—Did Spies Really Love Her?—His - Curious Conduct—The Proxy Marriage—The End of the - Romance—The Other Conspirators—Mrs. Parsons’ Origin—The - Bomb-Thrower in Custody—The Assassin Kicked Out of the Chief’s - Office—Schnaubelt and the Detectives—Suspicious Conduct at - Headquarters—Schnaubelt Ordered to Keep Away From the City - Hall—An Amazing Incident—A Friendly Tip to a Murderer—My - Impressions of the Schnaubelt Episode—Balthasar Rau and Mr. - Furthmann—Phantom Shackles in a Pullman—Experiments with - Dynamite—An Explosive Dangerous to Friend and Foe—Testing the - Bombs—Fielden and the Chief, 156 - - - CHAPTER XI. - - My Connection with the Anarchist Cases—A Scene at the Central - Office—Mr. Hanssen’s Discovery—Politics and Detective - Work—Jealousy Against Inspector Bonfield—Dynamiters on - Exhibition—Courtesies to the Prize-fighters—A Friendly - Tip—My First Light on the Case—A Promise of Confidence—One - Night’s Work—The Chief Agrees to my Taking up the - Case—Laying Our Plans—“We Have Found the Bomb Factory!”—Is - it a Trap?—A Patrol-wagon Full of Dynamite—No Help Hoped - for from Headquarters—Conference with State’s Attorney - Grinnell—Furthmann’s Work—Opening up the Plot—Trouble - with the Newspaper Men—Unexpected Advantage of Hostile - Criticism—Information from Unexpected Quarters—Queer Episodes - of the Hunt—Clues Good, Bad and Indifferent—A Mysterious - Lady with a Veil—A Conference in my Back Yard—The Anarchists - Alarmed—A Breezy Conference with Ebersold—Threatening - Letters—Menaces Sent to the Wives of the Men Working - on the Case—How the Ladies Behaved—The Judge and Mrs. - Gary—Detectives on Each Other’s Trail—The Humors of the - Case—Amusing Incidents, 183 - - - CHAPTER XII. - - Tracking the Conspirators—Female Anarchists—A Bevy of - Beauties—Petticoated Ugliness—The Breathless Messenger—A - Detective’s Danger—Turning the Tables—“That Man is - a Detective!”—A Close Call—Gaining Revolutionists’ - Confidence—Vouched for by the Conspirators—Speech-making - Extraordinary—The Hiding-place in the Anarchists’ - Hall—Betrayed by a Woman—The Assassination of Detective Brown - at Cedar Lake—Saloon-keepers and the Revolution—“Anarchists - for Revenue Only”—Another Murder Plot—The Peep-hole - Found—Hunting for Detectives—Some Amusing Ruses of the - Revolutionists—A Collector of “Red” Literature and his - Dangerous Bonfire—Ebersold’s Vacation—Threatening the - Jury—Measures Taken for their Protection—Grinnell’s Danger—A - “Bad Man” in Court—The Find at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - Office—Schnaubelt’s Impudent Letter—Captured - Correspondence—The Anarchists’ Complete Letter-writer, 206 - - - CHAPTER XIII. - - The Difficulties of Detection—Moving on the Enemy—A - Hebrew Anarchist—Oppenheimer’s Story—Dancing over - Dynamite—Twenty-Five Dollars’ Worth of Practical Socialism—A - Woman’s Work—How Mrs. Seliger Saved the North Side—A - Well-merited Tribute—Seliger Saved by his Wife—The Shadow - of the Hangman’s Rope—A Hunt for a Witness—Shadowing a - Hack—The Commune Celebration—Fixing Lingg’s Guilt—Preparing - the Infernal Machines—A Boy Conspirator—Lingg’s Youthful - Friend—Anarchy in the Blood—How John Thielen was Taken into - Camp—His Curious Confession—Other Arrests, 230 - - - CHAPTER XIV. - - Completing the Case—Looking for Lingg—The Bomb-maker’s - Birth—Was he of Royal Blood?—A Romantic Family History—Lingg - and his Mother—Captured Correspondence—A Desperate and - Dangerous Character—Lingg Disappears—A Faint Trail - Found—Looking for Express Wagon 1999—The Number that Cost - the Fugitive his Life—A Desperado at Bay—Schuettler’s - Death Grapple—Lingg in the Shackles—His Statement at - the Station—The Transfer to the Jail—Lingg’s Love for - Children—The Identity of his Sweetheart—An Interview with - Hubner—His Confession—The Meeting at Neff’s Place, 256 - - - CHAPTER XV. - - Engel in the Toils—His Character and Rough Eloquence—Facing - his Accusers—Waller’s Confession—The Work of the Lehr - und Wehr Verein—A Dangerous Organization—The Romance - of Conspiracy—Organization of the Armed Sections—Plans - and Purposes—Rifles Bought in St. Louis—The Picnics at - Sheffield—A Dynamite Drill—The Attack on McCormick’s—A - Frightened Anarchist—Lehman in the Calaboose—Information - from many Quarters—The Cost of Revolvers—Lorenz Hermann’s - Story—Some Expert Lying, 283 - - - CHAPTER XVI. - - Pushing the Anarchists—A Scene on a Street-car—How - Hermann Muntzenberg Gave Himself Away—The Secret - Signal—“D——n the Informers”—A Satchelful of Bombs—More - about Engel’s Murderous Plan—Drilling the Lehr und Wehr - Verein—Breitenfeld’s Cowardice—An Anarchist Judas—The - Hagemans—Dynamite in Gas-pipe—An Admirer of Lingg—A - Scheme to Remove the Author—The Hospitalities of the Police - Station—Mrs. Jebolinski’s Indignation—A Bogus Milkman—An - Unwilling Visitor—Mistaken for a Detective—An Eccentric - Prisoner—Division of Labor at the Dynamite Factory—Clermont’s - Dilemma—The Arrangements for the Haymarket, 312 - - - CHAPTER XVII. - - Fluttering the Anarchist Dove-cote—Confessions by - Piecemeal—Statements from the Small Fry—One of - Schnaubelt’s Friends—“Some One Wants to Hang Me”—Neebe’s - Bloodthirsty Threats—Burrowing in the Dark—The - Starved-out Cut-throat—Torturing a Woman—Hopes of _Habeas - Corpus_—“Little” Krueger’s Work—Planning a Rescue—The Signal - “? ? ?” and its Meaning—A Red-haired Man’s Story—Firing the - Socialist Heart—Meetings with Locked Doors—An Ambush for the - Police—The Red Flag Episode—Beer and Philosophy—Baum’s Wife - and Baby—A Wife-beating Revolutionist—Brother Eppinger’s - Duties, 334 - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - - The Plot against the Police—Anarchist Banners and - Emblems—Stealing a Captured Flag—A Mystery at a - Station-house—Finding the Fire Cans—Their Construction and - Use—Imitating the Parisian Petroleuses—Glass Bombs—Putting - the Women Forward—Cans and Bombs Still Hidden Among the - Bohemians—Testing the Infernal Machines—The Effects of - Anarchy—The Moral to be Drawn—Looking for Labor Sympathy—A - Crazy Scheme—Gatling Gun _vs._ Dynamite—The Threatened Attack - on the Station-houses—Watching the Third Window—Selecting a - Weapon—Planning Murder—The Test of Would-be Assassins—The - Meeting at Lincoln Park—Peril of the Hinman Street - Station-house—A Fortunate Escape, 364 - - - CHAPTER XIX. - - The Legal Battle—The Beginning of Proceedings in Court—Work - in the Grand Jury Room—The Circulation of Anarchistic - Literature—A Witness who was not Positive—Side Lights on the - Testimony—The Indictments Returned—Selecting a Jury—Sketches - of the Jurymen—Ready for the Struggle, 376 - - - CHAPTER XX. - - Judge Grinnell’s Opening—Statement of the Case—The - Light of the 4th of May—The Dynamite Argument—Spies’ - Fatal Prophecy—The Eight-hour Strike—The Growth of the - Conspiracy—Spies’ Cowardice at McCormick’s—The “Revenge” - Circular—Work of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and the _Alarm_—The - Secret Signal—A Frightful Plan—“Ruhe”—Lingg, the - Bomb-maker—The Haymarket Conspiracy—The Meeting—“We are - Peaceable”—After the Murder—The Complete Case Presented, 390 - - - CHAPTER XXI. - - The Great Trial Opens—Bonfield’s History of the Massacre—How - the Bomb Exploded—Dynamite in the Air—A Thrilling - Story—Gottfried Waller’s Testimony—An Anarchist’s - “Squeal”—The Murder Conspiracy Made Manifest by Many - Witnesses, 404 - - - CHAPTER XXII. - - “We are Peaceable”—Capt. Ward’s Memories of the Massacre—A - Nest of Anarchists—Scenes in the Court—Seliger’s - Revelations—Lingg, the Bomb-maker—How he cast his Shells—A - Dynamite Romance—Inside History of the Conspiracy—The Shadow - of the Gallows—Mrs. Seliger and the Anarchists—Tightening - the Coils—An Explosive Arsenal—The Schnaubelt Blunder—Harry - Wilkinson and Spies—A Threat in Toothpicks—The Bomb - Factory—The Board of Trade Demonstration, 419 - - - CHAPTER XXIII. - - A Pinkerton Operative’s Adventures—How the Leading Anarchists - Vouched for a Detective—An Interesting Scene—An Enemy in the - Camp—Getting into the Armed Group—No. 16’s Experience—Paul - Hull and the Dynamite Bomb—A Safe Corner Where the Bullets - were Thick—A Revolver Tattoo—“Shoot the Devils”—A Reformed - Internationalist, 445 - - - CHAPTER XXIV. - - Reporting under Difficulties—Shorthand in an Overcoat - Pocket—An Incriminating Conversation—Spies and Schwab in - Danger—Gilmer’s Story—The Man in the Alley—Schnaubelt - the Bomb-thrower—Fixing the Guilt—Spies Lit the Fuse—A - Searching Cross-Examination—The Anarchists Alarmed—Engel - and the Shell Machine—The Find at Lingg’s House—The Author - on the Witness-stand—Talks with the Prisoners—Dynamite - Experiments—The False Bottom of Lingg’s Trunk—The Material - in the Shells—Expert Testimony—Incendiary Banners—The - Prosecution Rests—A Fruitless Attempt to have Neebe - Discharged, 457 - - - CHAPTER XXV. - - The Programme of the Defense—Mayor Harrison’s - Memories—Simonson’s Story—A Graphic Account—A Bird’s-eye - View of Dynamite—Ferguson and the Bomb—“As Big as a Base - Ball”—The Defense Theory of the Riot—Claiming the Police were - the Aggressors—Dr. Taylor and the Bullet-marks—The Attack - on Gilmer’s Veracity—Varying Testimony—The Witnesses who - Appeared, 478 - - - CHAPTER XXVI. - - Malkoff’s Testimony—A Nihilist’s Correspondence—More - about the Wagon—Spies’ Brother—A Witness who Contradicts - Himself—Printing the Revenge Circular—Lizzie Holmes’ - Inflammatory Essay—“Have You a Match About You?”—The Prisoner - Fielden Takes the Stand—An Anarchist’s Autobiography—The Red - Flag the Symbol of Freedom—The “Peaceable” Meeting—Fielden’s - Opinion of the _Alarm_—“Throttling the Law”—Expecting - Arrest—More about Gilmer, 491 - - - CHAPTER XXVII. - - The Close of the Defense—Working on the Jury—The Man who - Threw the Bomb—Conflicting Testimony—Michael Schwab on the - Stand—An Agitator’s Adventures—Spies in his Own Defense—The - Fight at McCormick’s—The Desplaines Street Wagon—Bombs and - Beer—The Wilkinson Interview—The Weapon of the Future—Spies - the Reporter’s Friend—Bad Treatment by Ebersold—The Hocking - Valley Letter—Albert R. Parsons in his Own Behalf—His - Memories of the Haymarket—The Evidence in Rebuttal, 506 - - - CHAPTER XXVIII. - - Opening of the Argument—Mr. Walker’s Speech—The Law - of the Case—Was there a Conspiracy?—The Caliber of - the Bullets—Tightening the Chain—A Propaganda on the - Witness-stand—The Eight-hour Movement—“One Single Bomb”—The - Cry of the Revolutionist—Avoiding the Mouse-trap—Parsons and - the Murder—Studying “Revolutionary War”—Lingg and his Bomb - Factory—The Alibi Idea, 525 - - - CHAPTER XXIX. - - The Argument for the Defendants—“Newspaper Evidence”—Bringing - about the Social Revolution—Arson and Murder—The Right to - Property—Evolution or Revolution—Dynamite as an Argument—The - Arsenal at 107 Fifth Avenue—Was it all Braggadocio?—An Open - Conspiracy—Secrets that were not Secrets—The Case Against the - State’s Attorney—A Good Word for Lingg—More About “Ruhe”—The - “Alleged” Conspiracy—Ingham’s Answer—The _Freiheit_ - Articles—Lord Coleridge on Anarchy—Did Fielden Shoot at - the Police?—The Bombs in the Seliger Family—Circumstantial - Evidence in Metal—Chemical Analysis of the Czar Bomb—The - Crane’s Alley Enigma, 535 - - - CHAPTER XXX. - - Foster and Black before the Jury—Making Anarchist History—The - Eight Leaders—A Skillful Defense—Alibis All Around—The - Whereabouts of the Conspirators—The “Peaceable Dispersion”—A - Miscarriage of Revolutionary War—Average Anarchist - Credibility—“A Man will Lie to Save his Life”—The Attack - on Seliger—The Candy-man and the Bomb-thrower—Conflicting - Testimony—A Philippic against Gilmer—The Liars of - History—The Search for a Witness—The Man with the Missing - Link—The Last Word for the Prisoners—Captain Black’s - Theory—High Explosives and Civilization—The West Lake Street - Meeting—Defensive Armament—Engel and his Beer—Hiding the - Bombs—The Right of Revolution—Bonfield and Harrison—The - Socialist of Judea, 545 - - - CHAPTER XXXI. - - Grinnell’s Closing Argument—One Step from Republicanism to - Anarchy—A Fair Trial—The Law in the Case—The Detective - Work—Gilmer and his Evidence—“We Knew all the Facts”—Treason - and Murder—Arming the Anarchists—The Toy Shop Purchases—The - Pinkerton Reports—“A Lot of Snakes”—The Meaning of the - Black Flag—Symbols of the Social Revolution—The _Daily - News_ Interviews—Spies the “Second Washington”—The - Rights of “Scabs”—The Chase Into the River—Inflaming - the Workingmen—The “Revenge” Lie—The Meeting at the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ Office—A Curious Fact about the Speakers - at the Haymarket—The Invitation to Spies—Balthasar Rau and - the Prisoners—Harrison at the Haymarket—The Significance of - Fielden’s Wound—Witnesses’ Inconsistencies—The Omnipresent - Parsons—The Meaning of the Manuscript Find—Standing between - the Living and the Dead, 560 - - - CHAPTER XXXII. - - The Instructions to the Jury—What Murder is—Free Speech and - its Abuse—The Theory of Conspiracy—Value of Circumstantial - Evidence—Meaning of a “Reasonable Doubt”—What a Jury May - Decide—Waiting for the Verdict—“Guilty of Murder”—The - Death Penalty Adjudged—Neebe’s Good Luck—Motion for a New - Trial—Affidavits about the Jury—The Motion Overruled, 578 - - - CHAPTER XXXIII. - - The Last Scene in Court—Reasons Against the Death - Sentence—Spies’ Speech—A Heinous Conspiracy to Commit - Murder—Death for the Truth—The Anarchists’ Final - Defense—Dying for Labor—The Conflict of the Classes—Not - Guilty, but Scapegoats—Michael Schwab’s Appeal—The Curse of - Labor-saving Machinery—Neebe Finds Out what Law Is—“I am - Sorry I am not to be Hung”—Adolph Fischer’s Last Words—Louis - Lingg in his own Behalf—“Convicted, not of Murder, but of - Anarchy”—An Attack on the Police—“I Despise your Order, your - Laws, your Force-propped Authority. Hang me for it!”—George - Engel’s Unconcern—The Development of Anarchy—“I Hate and - Combat, not the Individual Capitalist, but the System”—Samuel - Fielden and the Haymarket—An Illegal Arrest—The Defense - of Albert R. Parsons—The History of his Life—A Long - and Thrilling Speech—The Sentence of Death—“Remove the - Prisoners,” 587 - - - CHAPTER XXXIV. - - In the Supreme Court—A _Supersedeas_ Secured—Justice - Magruder Delivers the Opinion—A Comprehensive Statement of - the Case—How Degan was Murdered—Who Killed Him?—The Law of - Accessory—The Meaning of the Statute—Were the Defendants - Accessories?—The Questions at Issue—The Characteristics - of the Bomb—Fastening the Guilt on Lingg—The Purposes - of the Conspiracy—How they were Proved—A Damning Array - of Evidence—Examining the Instructions—No Error Found - in the Trial Court’s Work—The Objection to the Jury—The - Juror Sandford—Judge Gary Sustained—Mr. Justice Mulkey’s - Remarks—The Law Vindicated, 608 - - - CHAPTER XXXV. - - The Last Legal Struggle—The Need of Money—Expensive Counsel - Secured—Work of the “Defense Committee”—Pardon, the Only - Hope—Pleas for Mercy to Gov. Oglesby—Curious Changes - of Sentiment—Spies’ Remarkable Offer—Lingg’s Horrible - Death—Bombs in the Starch-box—An Accidental Discovery—My - own Theory—Description of the “Suicide Bombs”—Meaning of - the Short Fuse—“Count Four and Throw”—Details of Lingg’s - Self-murder—A Human Wreck—The Bloody Record in the Cell—The - Governor’s Decision—Fielden and Schwab Taken to the - Penitentiary, 620 - - - CHAPTER XXXVI. - - The Last Hours of the Doomed Men—Planning a Rescue—The - Feeling in Chicago—Police Precautions—Looking for a - Leak—Vitriol for a Detective—Guarding the Jail—The Dread - of Dynamite—How the Anarchists Passed their Last Night—The - Final Partings—Parsons Sings “Annie Laurie”—Putting up the - Gallows—Scenes Outside the Prison—A Cordon of Officers—Mrs. - Parsons Makes a Scene—The Death Warrants—Courage of the - Condemned—Shackled and Shrouded for the Grave—The March to - the Scaffold—Under the Dangling Ropes—The Last Words—“Hoch - die Anarchie!”—“My Silence will be More Terrible than - Speech”—“Let the Voice of the People be Heard”—The Chute - to Death—Preparations for the Funeral—Scenes at the Homes - of the Dead Anarchists—The Passage to Waldheim—Howell - Trogden Carries the American Flag—Captain Black’s Eulogy—The - Burial—Speeches by Grottkau and Currlin—Was Engel - Sincere?—His Advice to his Daughter—A Curious Episode—Adolph - Fischer and his Death-watch, 639 - - - CHAPTER XXXVII. - - Anarchy Now—The Fund for the Condemned Men’s Families—$10,000 - Subscribed—The Disposition of the Money—The Festival - of Sorrow—Parsons’ Posthumous Letter—The Haymarket - Monument—Present Strength of the Discontented—7,300 - Revolutionists in Chicago—A Nucleus of Desperate Men—The - New Organization—Building Societies and Sunday-schools—What - the Children are Taught—Education and Blasphemy—The - Secret Propaganda—Bodendick and his Adventures—“The - Rebel Vagabond”—The Plot to Murder Grinnell, Gary and - Bonfield—Arrest of the Conspirators Hronek, Capek, Sevic and - Chleboun—Chleboun’s Story—Hronek Sent to the Penitentiary, 657 - - - CHAPTER XXXVIII. - - The Movement in Europe—Present Plans of the Reds—Stringent - Measures Adopted by Various European Governments—Bebel and - Liebknecht—A London Celebration—Whitechapel Outcasts—“Blood, - Blood, Blood!”—Verestchagin’s Views—The Bulwarks of - Society—The Condition of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia, - Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis and other American Cities—A - New Era of Revolutionary Activity—A Fight to the Death—Are we - Prepared? 682 - - - APPENDICES, 691 - - -[Illustration: THE FRENCH REVOLUTION—“THE FEAST OF REASON.”] - - - - -ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - - The Beginning of Anarchy—The German School of Discontent—The - Socialist Future—The Asylum in London—Birth of a Word—Work - of the French Revolution—The Conspiracy of Babeuf—Etienne - Cabet’s Experiment—The Colony in the United States—Settled at - Nauvoo—Fourier and his System—The Familistère at Guise—Louis - Blanc and the National Work-shops—Proudhon, the Founder of French - Anarchy—German Socialism: Its Rise and Development—Rodbertus and his - Followers—“Capital,” by Karl Marx—The “Bible of the Socialists”—The - Red Internationale—Bakounine and his Expulsion from the Society—The - New Conspiracy—Ferdinand Lassalle and the Social Democrats—The Birth - of a Great Movement—Growth of Discontent—Leaders after Lassalle—The - Central Idea of the Revolt—American Methods and the Police Position. - - -THE conspiracy which culminated in the blaze of dynamite and the groans -of murdered policemen on that fatal night of May 4th, 1886, had its -origin far away from Chicago, and under a social system very different -from ours. - -In order that the reader may understand the tragedy, it will be -necessary for me to go back to the commencement of the agitation, -and to show how Anarchy in this city is the direct development of -the social revolt in Europe. After “the red fool fury of the French” -had burnt itself out, the nations of the Old World, exhausted by the -Titanic struggle with Napoleon, lay quiet for nearly a quarter of a -century. The doctrines which had brought on the Reign of Terror had not -died. After a period of quiet, the evangel of the Social Revolution -again began. There was uneasiness throughout Europe. In France the -Bourbons were driven out, although the cause of the people was betrayed -by Louis Napoleon. In Germany the demand for a constitution was pushed -so strongly that even the sturdy Hohenzollerns had to give way before -it. In Hungary there was a popular ferment. Poland was ready for a new -rising against Russia. In Russia the movement which subsequently came -to be known as Nihilism was born. In Italy Garibaldi and Mazzini were -laying the foundations for the throne which the house of Savoy built -upon the work of the secret societies. - -Nor must the reader believe that all this turmoil had not beneath it -real grievances and honest causes. The peasantry and the laboring -classes of Europe had been oppressed and plundered for centuries. The -common people were just beginning to learn their power, and, while the -excesses into which they were led were deplorable, it is not difficult -to understand the causes which made the crisis inevitable. - -There is nothing ever lost by endeavoring to enter fairly and -impartially into another’s position—by trying to understand the -reasons which move men, and the creeds which sway them. Anarchy as a -theory is as old as the school men of the middle ages. It was gravely -debated in the monasteries, and supported by learned casuists five -centuries ago. As a practice it was first taught in France, and -later in Germany. It caught the unthinking, impressible throng as -the proper protest against too much government and wrong government. -It was ably argued by leaders capable of better things,—men who -turned great talents toward the destruction of society instead of -its upbuilding,—and the fruit of their teachings we have with us in -Chicago to-day. - -[Illustration: STORMING THE BASTILE.] - -Our Anarchy is of the German school, which is more nearly akin to -Nihilism than to the doctrines taught in France. It is founded upon -the teachings of Karl Marx and his disciples, and it aims directly at -the complete destruction of all forms of government and religion. It -offers no solution of the problems which will arise when society, as -we understand it, shall disappear, but contents itself with declaring -that the duty at hand is tearing down; that the work of building up -must come later. There are several reasons why the revolutionary -programme stops short at the work of Anarchy, chief among which is -the fact that there are as many panaceas for the future as there are -revolutionists, and it would be a hopeless task to think of binding -them all to one platform of construction. The Anarchists are all agreed -that the present system must go, and so far they can work together; -after that each will take his own path into Utopia. - -[Illustration: KARL MARX.] - -Their dream of the future is accordingly as many-colored as Joseph’s -coat. Each man has his own ideal. Engels, who is Karl Marx’s successor -in the leadership of the movement, believes that men will associate -themselves into organizations like coöperative societies for mutual -protection, support and improvement, and that these will be the only -units in the country of a social nature. There will be no law, no -church, no capital, no anything that we regard as necessary to the life -of a nation. - -The theory of Anarchy will, however, be sufficiently developed in the -pages that follow. It is its history as a school which must first be -examined. - -England is really responsible for much of the present strength of the -conspiracy against all governments, for it was in the secure asylum -of London that speculative Anarchy was thought out by German exiles -for German use, and from London that the “red Internationale” was and -probably is directed. This was the result of political scheming, for -the fomenting of discontent on the continent has always been one of the -weapons in the British armory. - -In England itself the movement has only lately won any prominence, -although it was in England that it was baptized “Socialism” by Robert -Owen, in 1835, a name which was afterwards taken up both in France and -Germany. The English development is hardly worth consideration in as -brief a presentation of the subject as I shall be able to give. Before -passing to an investigation of the growth and the history of Socialism -and Anarchy, I wish to express here, once for all, my obligations to -Prof. Richard T. Ely’s most excellent history of “French and German -Socialism in Modern Times.” This monograph, like everything else which -has come from the pen of this gifted young economist, contains so clear -a statement and so complete a marshaling of the facts that it is not -necessary to go beyond it for the story of continental discontent. - -The French Revolution drew a broad red line across the world’s history. -It is the most momentous fact in the annals of modern times. There is -no need for us to go behind it, or to examine its causes. We can take -it as a fact—as the great revolt of the common people—and push on to -the things that followed it. - -[Illustration: MICHAEL BAKOUNINE.] - -Babeuf—“Gracchus” Babeuf, as he called himself—after serving part -of a term in prison for forgery, escaped, went to Paris in the heat -of the Revolution, and started _The Tribune of the People_, the -first Socialistic paper ever published. He was too incendiary even -for Robespierre, and was imprisoned in 1795. In prison he formed the -famous “Conspiracy of Babeuf,” which was to establish the Communistic -republic. For this conspiracy he and Darthé were beheaded May 24, 1797. - -Etienne Cabet was a Socialist before the term was invented, but he -was a peaceful and honest one. He published, in 1842, his “Travels in -Icaria,” describing an ideal state. Like most political reformers, he -chose the United States as the best place to try his experiment upon. -It is a curious fact that there is not a nation in Europe, however -much of a failure it may have made of all those things that go to make -up rational liberty, which does not feel itself competent to tell us -just what we ought to do, instead of what we are doing. Cabet secured -a grant of land on the Red River in Texas just after the Mexican War, -and a colony of Icarians came out. They took the yellow fever and were -dispersed before Cabet came with the second part of the colony. About -this time the Mormons left Nauvoo in Illinois, and the Icarians came to -take their places. The colony has since established itself at Grinnell, -Iowa, and a branch is at San Bernardino, California. The Nauvoo -settlement has, I believe, been abandoned. - -Babeuf and Cabet prepared the way for Saint Simon. He was a count, -and a lineal descendant of Charlemagne. He fought in our War of the -Revolution under Washington, and passed its concluding years in a -British prison. He preached nearly the modern Socialism,—the revolt of -the proletariat against property,—and his work has indelibly impressed -itself upon the whole movement in France. - -Charles Fourier, born in 1772, was the son of a grocer in Besançon, and -he was a man who exercised great influence upon the movement among the -French. He was rather a dreamer than a man of action, and, although -attempts have been made to carry his familistère into practice, there -is no conspicuous success to record, save, perhaps, that of the -familistère at Guise, in France, which has been conducted for a long -time on the principles laid down by Fourier. - -[Illustration: PIERRE JOSEPH PROUDHON.] - -All these men had before them concrete schemes for a new society in -which the evils of the present system would be avoided by what they -considered a more equable division of wealth, and each made the effort -to carry his scheme from theory into practice, so that the world might -see the success and imitate it. Following them came the men who held -that, before the new society can be formed, the old society must be got -rid of—the men who see but one way towards Socialism, and that through -Anarchy. - -Louis Blanc was the first of these, although he would not have -described himself as an Anarchist, nor would it be fair to call him -one. He represented the transition stage. He attempted political -reforms of a most sweeping character during the revolution of 1848. The -government of the day established “national work-shops” as a concession -to him. Of these more is said hereafter. - -Pierre Joseph Proudhon, born in Besançon July 15, 1809, is really -the father of French Anarchy. His great work, “What Is Property?” -was published in 1840, and he declared that property was theft and -property-holders thieves. It is to this epoch-making work that the -whole school of modern Anarchy, in any of its departments, may -be traced. Proudhon was fired by an actual hatred of the rich. He -describes a proprietor as “essentially a libidinous animal, without -virtue and without shame.” The importance of his work is shown by the -effect it has had even upon orthodox political economy, while on the -other side it has been the inspiration of Karl Marx. Proudhon died in -Passy in 1865. - -Since his time until within the last year or two, French Socialism has -been but a reflex of the German school. It has produced no first-rates, -and has been content to take its doctrine from Lassalle. Karl Marx and -Engels, the leaders of the German movement, and Bakounine and Prince -Krapotkin, the Russian terrorists, have impressed their ideas deeply -upon the French discontented ones. The revolt of the Commune of Paris -after the Franco-German war was not exactly an Anarchist uprising, -although the Anarchists impressed their ideas upon much of the work -done. The Commune of Paris means very much the same as “the people -of Illinois.” It is the legal designation of the commonwealth, and -does not imply Communism any more than the word commonwealth does. It -was a fight for the autonomy of Paris, and one in which many people -were engaged who had no sympathy with Anarchy, although certainly the -lawless element finally obtained complete control of the situation. The -rising in Lyons several years later was distinctly and wholly anarchic, -and it was for this that Prince Krapotkin and others were sent to -prison. - -At the present day there is no practical distinction between Socialism -and Anarchy in France. All Socialists are Anarchists as a first step, -although all Anarchists are not precisely Socialists. They look to the -Russian Nihilists and the German irreconcilables as their leaders. - -German Socialism is really the doctrine which is now taught all over -the world, and it was this teaching that led directly to the Haymarket -massacre in Chicago. It began with Karl Rodbertus, who lived from 1805 -to 1875. He first became prominent in Germany in 1848, and he was for -some time Minister of Education and Public Worship in Prussia. He was -a theorist rather than a practical reformer, but competent critics -assign to him the very highest rank as a political economist. His first -work was “Our Economic Condition,” which was published in 1843, and -his other books, which he published up to within a short time of his -death, were simply elucidations of the principles he had first laid -down. His writings have had a greater effect on modern Socialism than -those of any other thinker, not even excepting Karl Marx or Lassalle. -His theories were brought to a practical issue by Marx, who united into -a compact whole the teachings of Proudhon and of Rodbertus, his own -genius giving a new luster and a new value to the result. Marx is far -and away the greatest man that the Socialism of the nineteenth century -has produced. He was a deep student, a man of most formidable mental -power, eloquent, persuasive, and honest. His great book, “Capital,” -has been called the Socialist’s Bible. Ely places it in the very first -rank, saying of it that it is “among the ablest political economic -treatises ever written.” And while the best scientific thought of the -age agrees that Marx was mistaken in his premises and his fundamental -propositions, there is accorded to him upon every hand the tribute -which profound learning pays to hard work and deep thinking. - -Coming from theory to practice brings us naturally from Marx to the -International Society. It was founded in London in 1864 and was meant -to include the whole of the labor class of Christendom. Marx was the -chief, but he held the sovereignty uneasily. The Anarchists constantly -antagonized him. Bakounine, the apostle of dynamite, opposed Marx -at every point, and finally Marx had him expelled from the society. -Bakounine thereupon formed a new Internationale, based upon anarchic -principles and the gospel of force. The Internationale of which Marx -was the founder has shrunk to a mere name, although the organization -is still kept up, and the body with which the civilized world has now -to reckon is that which Bakounine formed after his expulsion from the -old body in 1872. It is a curious fact that many of the Socialists in -Chicago to-day are enthusiastic admirers of Marx and at the same time -members of the society and followers of the man Marx declared to be the -most dangerous enemy of the modern workingman. - -Marx is dead, however; many things are said in his name of which -he himself would never have approved, and the “Red Internationale” -proclaims the man a saint who refused either to indorse its principles -or to consult with its leaders. It is the same as though, twenty years -hence, the men who last year followed Barry out of the Knights of Labor -were to hold up Powderly to the world as their law-giver and their -chief. - -Louise Michel, who was a very active worker in the radical cause -during the outbreak of the Paris Commune, was born in 1830, and first -attracted attention by verses full of force which she published very -early in life. She was sentenced in 1871 to deportation for life, -and was transported with others to New Caledonia. At the time of the -general amnesty, in 1880, she returned to Paris, and became editor of -_La Révolution Sociale_. - -Ferdinand Lassalle, like Marx of Hebrew blood, and of early -aristocratic prejudices, was the father of German Anarchy as it exists -to-day. He was a deep student, and a remarkably able man. He took his -inspiration from Rodbertus and from Marx, but applied himself more to -work among the poor. Marx was over the heads of the common people. His -“Capital” is very hard reading. Lassalle popularized its teachings. -On May 23, 1863, a few men met at Leipsic under the leadership of -Lassalle and formed the “Universal German Laborers’ Union.” This was -the foundation of Social Democracy, and its teachings were wholly -anarchic. It aimed at the subversion of the whole German social -system, by peaceful political means at first, but soon by force. - -Lassalle was shortly afterwards killed in a duel over a love-affair, -but he was canonized by the German Social Democrats as though his death -were a martyrdom. Even Bismarck in the Reichstag paid a tribute to his -memory. Lassalle died just about the time that a change was occurring -in his convictions, and had he lived longer, and if contemporary -history is to be believed, he would have taken office under the German -Government and applied himself heartily to the building up of the -Empire. - -[Illustration: LOUISE MICHEL.] - -After Lassalle’s death the movement which he had initiated went -forward with increased force. The German laborer was finally, as the -Internationalists put it, aroused. The German Empire, following the -example of the Bund, decreed universal suffrage in 1871. Before this, -in Prussia especially, the laborer had but the smallest political -influence. The vote of a man in the wealthiest class in Berlin counted -for as much as the vote of fifteen of the “proletariat,” so called. -Lassalle died in 1864, and suffrage was first granted in 1867. The -Social Democrats at first were in close accord with Bismarck. It was -the Social Democratic vote which elected Bismarck to the Reichstag in -the first election after the suffrage was granted. In the fall of 1867 -they sent eight members to the parliament of the Bund. In the elections -after the formation of the Empire the Socialistic vote stood: In 1871, -123,975; in 1874, 351,952; in 1877, 493,288; in 1878, 437,158. The -Social Democrats poll nearly 10 per cent of the whole vote of Germany -at the present time. - -In 1878 occurred the two attempts on the life of the Emperor of Germany -described in a succeeding chapter, and the result was severe repressive -measures against the Social Democrats. Their vote fell off, and their -influence declined, but in the past two years, 1887 and 1888, they have -more than recovered their past strength, and they now poll more votes -and seem to exercise a greater political control in Germany than ever -before. - -[Illustration: FERDINAND LASSALLE.] - -The passage of the “Ausnahmsgesetz,” the exceptional law against -German Socialists, drove many of them to this country, but had no -effect in diminishing the propaganda in Germany. The result was an -exodus of Socialists, or rather Anarchists, to America—by this time -the two terms, wide apart as they may seem, had become one—and -to Chicago came most of the irreconcilable ones. The American -sympathizers, thus formed, at first fixed their attention upon the -political situation in the old country, and they applied themselves -closely to work in connection with the agitators who had not -expatriated themselves. Money was sent in large quantities to the old -country. - -In Germany, in the meantime, the movement varied and shifted with -each wind of doctrine; one president after another was tried and -found wanting, until at last Jean von Schweitzer was chosen, and he -guided the party until it was finally swallowed up in the organization -perfected by Liebknecht and Bebel. Liebknecht was really but an -interpreter of Marx, but he was honest, enthusiastic and devoted, and -no man in the whole line of German political energy has left his name -more thoroughly impressed upon the time. Out of these conditions and -born of these ideas came the Anarchy which hurled the bomb whose crash -at the Haymarket Square first aroused us to the work which is being -done in our midst. - -The Anarchists of Chicago are exotics. Discontent here is a German -plant transferred from Berlin and Leipsic and thriving to flourish in -the west. In our garden it is a weed to be plucked out by the roots -and destroyed, for our conditions neither warrant its growth nor -excuse its existence. - -The central idea of all Socialistic and Anarchic systems is the -interference with the right of property by society. If we can convince -ourselves that society has the right and the duty thus to interfere, -then there is to be said nothing more. As long as the American citizen -can buy his own land and raise his own crops, as long as average -industry and economy will lead a man to competence, Socialism can only -be like typhus fever—a growth of the city slums. There is no real -danger in it. There is no peril which those charged with the protection -of law and order are not ready to face, for every officer of the law -that unreasonable discontent may menace is backed by the whole power of -the republic; and the republic is founded upon principles which this -alien revolt can neither harm nor affright. - -There is a fact which, before I leave this chapter, I wish to bring -home to the mind of every reader, and that is this: - -The police of Chicago, like the police of every city in the Union, are -actuated by no feeling of hostility to these people. We understand the -genesis of their movement; we can put ourselves in their places and -feel the things which actuate them; we are prepared to make as many -excuses for them as they can make for themselves; we are ready to grant -everything that they could claim, and more; but we see beyond this, and -above this, facts which they forget and forego. - -We have a government in these United States so firm and so elastic that -it has every bulwark against either foreign or domestic attack, and -yet it provides every opportunity to adjust itself to the will of the -people. - -The majority must rule, and does rule; but under our Constitution -it rules only along lines decreed by the fathers long ago for the -protection of the minority. There is a legal and constitutional means -provided for every man to carry his theories of good government into -actual practice. Every citizen has the right to vote, and to have his -vote counted, and this right belongs to Anarchist and conservative, -to radical and reactionist. There is no man can stand before the -American people and say we have refused him his right: if it were -done, the whole power of the Government would be marshaled to do -him justice. When, then, we have provided every man with a means to -impress his convictions upon the government of the country—when we -have done everything that human ingenuity can do to secure a full and -free expression of the popular will, as the final and supreme test -upon every public question, we may be excused for refusing to let the -Anarchists have their way. They are a minority of a minority, yet -they would impose their system and their doctrine upon the majority. -They would substitute for the ballot-box the dynamite bomb—for the -will of the people the will of a contemptible rabble of discontents, -un-American in birth, training, education and idea, few in numbers and -ridiculous in power. - -Thus, while the police entertain no animosity against these men, we -feel—I feel and every officer under my command feels—that we are -bound by our oaths and by our loyalty to the State and to society -to meet force with force, and cunning with cunning. We are the -conservators of the law and the preservers of the peace, and the law -will be vindicated and the peace preserved in spite of any and all -attacks. - -If our system is wrong, which I do not believe; if the principle that -the majority of the citizens is to be ruled by an alien minority is -to be accepted, which I do not accept, still there is the orderly and -well-protected means provided by law, and guaranteed by the Government, -to transform that idea into a governing fact. There is the ballot, -free to every citizen, safe, satisfying, final. The men who try -other methods are rushing to their own destruction. We pity them, we -sympathize with them; but our duty is clear and manifest. We have a -government worth fighting for, and even worth dying for, and the police -feel that truth as keenly as any class in the community. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - - Dynamite in Politics-Historical Assassinations—Infernal - Machines in France—The Inventor of Dynamite—M. Nobel and his - Ideas—The Nitro-Compounds—How Dynamite is Made—The New French - Explosive—“Black Jelly” and the Nihilists—What the Nihilists Believe - and What they Want—The Conditions in Russia—The White and the Red - Terrors—Vera Sassoulitch—Tourgeneff and the Russian Girl—The - Assassination of the Czar—“It is too Soon to Thank God”—The Dying - Emperor—Two Bombs Thrown—Running Down The Conspirators—Sophia - Perowskaja, the Nihilist Leader—The Handkerchief Signal—The Murder - Roll—Tried and Convicted—A Brutal Execution—Five Nihilists Pay - the Penalty—Last Words Spoken but Unheard—A Deafening Tattoo—The - Book-bomb and the Present Czar—Strychnine-coated Bullets—St. - Peter and Paul’s Fortress—Dynamite Outrages in England—The Record - of Crime—Twenty-nine Convicts and their Offenses—Ingenious - Bomb-making—The Failures of Dynamite. - - -THE attempt to gain political ends by an appeal to infernal machines -is not a new one. It is as old as gunpowder—and the evangel of -assassination is older still. Murder was the recognized political -weapon of the Eastern and Western Empires, and the Chicago Anarchists -have proved themselves neither better nor worse than the “old man of -the mountain” or the Italian princes of the middle ages. During the -reign of Mary Queen of Scots the mysterious explosion occurred in the -Kirk of Feld in which Darnley lost his life. Somewhat later was the -“gunpowder plot,” in which Guy Fawkes and his fellow conspirators tried -to blow up the Houses of Parliament. The petard and the hand-grenade -were the grandfather and the grandmother of the modern bomb, and -murderous invention came to its new phase in the infernal machine which -Ceruchi, the Italian sculptor, contrived to kill Napoleon when First -Consul—a catastrophe which was avoided by the fact that Napoleon’s -coachman was drunk and took the wrong turn in going to the opera-house. - -France was fertile in this sort of machinery. Some years later Fieschi, -Morey and Pepin tried to kill Louis Philippe with a similar apparatus -on the Boulevard de Temple. The King escaped, but the brave Marshal -Mortier was slain. Orsini and Pieri made a bomb, round and bristling -with nippers, each of which was charged with fulminate of mercury, to -explode the powder within, meaning to assassinate the Emperor Napoleon -and the Empress Eugenie. - -In the year 1866, according to the most trustworthy authorities, -dynamite was first made by Alfred Nobel. In speaking of the invention, -Adolf Houssaye, the French litterateur, recently said: - - It should be remembered that nine-tenths, probably, of the dynamite - made is used in peaceful pursuits; in mining, and similar works. - Indeed, since its invention great engineering achievements have been - accomplished which would have been entirely impossible without it. I - do not see, then, much room for doubt that it has on the whole been - a great blessing to humanity. Such certainly its inventor regards - it. “If I did not look upon it as such,” I heard him say recently, “I - should close up all my manufactories and not make another ounce of the - stuff.” He is a strong advocate of peace, and regards with the utmost - horror the use of dynamite by assassins and political conspirators. - When the news of the Haymarket tragedy in Chicago reached him, M. - Nobel was in Paris, and I well remember his expressions of horror and - detestation at the cowardly crime. - - “Look you,” he exclaimed. “I am a man of peace. But when I see these - miscreants misusing my invention, do you know how it makes me feel? It - makes me feel like gathering the whole crowd of them into a storehouse - full of dynamite and blowing them all up together!” - -Few people know what dynamite is, though it has attracted a good deal -of attention of late, and before considering its use as a mode for -political murder it may be well here to give an account of its making. - -Nitro-glycerine, although not the strongest explosive known to -science, is the only one of any industrial importance, as the others -are too dangerous for manufacture. It was discovered by Salvero, an -Italian chemist, in 1845. It is composed of glycerine and nitric -acid compounded together in a certain proportion, and at a certain -temperature. It is very unsafe to handle, and to this reason is to -be ascribed the invention of dynamite, which is, after all, merely -a sort of earth and nitro-glycerine, the use of the earth being to -hold the explosive safely as a piece of blotting-paper would hold -water until it was needed. Nobel first tried kieselguhr, or flint -froth, which was ground to a powder, heated thoroughly and dried, -and the nitro-glycerine was kneaded into it like so much dough. Of -course, many other substances are now used, besides infusorial earth, -as vehicles for the explosive—saw-dust, rotten-stone, charcoal, -plaster of Paris, black powder, etc., etc. These are all forms of -dynamite or giant powder, and mean the same thing. When the substance -is thoroughly kneaded, work that must be done with the hands, it is -molded into sticks somewhat like big candles, and wrapped in parchment -paper. Nitro-glycerine has a sweet, aromatic, pungent taste, and the -peculiar property of causing a violent headache when placed on the -tongue or the wrist. It freezes at 40° Fahrenheit, and must be melted -by the application of water at a temperature of 100°. In dynamite -the usual proportions are 25 per cent. of earth and 75 per cent. of -nitro-glycerine. The explosive is fired by fulminate of silver or -mercury in copper caps. - -Outside of the French arsenals it is to be doubted if anybody knows -anything more about the new explosive, melinite, further than that -it is one of the compounds of picric acid—and picric acid is a more -frightful explosive than nitro-glycerine. I find in my scrap-book the -following excerpt from the London _Standard_, describing the artillery -experiments at Lydd with the new explosive which the British Admiralty -has lately been examining. The _Standard_, after declaring that the -experiments are “entirely satisfactory,” says: - - The character of the compound employed is said to be “akin to - melinite,” but its precise nature is not divulged. We have reason - to believe that the “kinship” is very close. The details of the - experiments which have lately been conducted at Lydd are known to - very few individuals. But it is unquestionable that the results were - such as demonstrate the enormous advantage to be gained by using a - more powerful class of explosives than that which has been hitherto - employed. There could be no mistake as to the destructive energy of - the projectiles. Neither was there any mishap in the use of these - terrible appliances. The like immunity was enjoyed at Portsmouth. A - deterrent to the adoption of violent explosives for war purposes has - consisted in the risk of premature explosion. But there is still the - consideration that the advantage to be gained far exceeds the risk - which has to be incurred. France has not neglected this question, and - she is ahead of us. Her chosen explosive is melinite, and with this - she has armed herself to an extent of which the British public has - no conception. All the requisite materials, in the shape of steel - projectiles and the melinite for filling them, have been provided for - the French service and distributed so as to furnish a complete supply - for the army and the navy. Whatever may be said as to the danger which - besets the use of melinite, the French authorities are confident - that they have mastered the problem of making this powerful compound - subservient to the purposes of war. Concerning the composition of - this explosive great secrecy is observed by the French Government, as - also with regard to the experiments that are made with it. But Col. - Majendie states that melinite is largely composed of picric acid in - a fused or consolidated condition. Of the violence with which picric - acid will explode, an example was given on the occasion of a fire at - some chemical works near Manchester a year ago. The shock was felt - over a distance of two miles from the seat of the explosion, and the - sound was heard for a distance of twenty miles. - - The conduct of the French in committing themselves so absolutely to - the use of melinite as a _material_ of war clearly signifies that - with them the use of such a substance has passed out of the region of - doubt and experiment. Their experimental investigations extended over - a considerable period of time, but at last the stage of inquiry gave - place to one of confidence and assurance. So great is the confidence - of the French Government in the new shell that it is said the French - forts are henceforth to be protected by a composite material better - adapted than iron or steel to resist the force of a projectile charged - with a high explosive. In naval warfare the value of shells charged - in this manner is likely to be more especially shown in connection - with the rapid-fire guns which are now coming into use. The question - is whether the ponderous _staccato_ fire of monster ordnance may not - be largely superseded by another mode of attack, in which a storm of - shells, charged with something far more potent than gunpowder, will be - poured forth in a constant stream from numerous guns of comparatively - small weight and caliber. - - Combined with rapidity of fire, these shells cannot but prove - formidable to an armor-clad, independently of any damage inflicted - on the plates. The great thickness now given to ship armor is - accomplished by a mode of concentration which, while affecting to - shield the vital parts, leaves a large portion of the ship entirely - unprotected. On the unarmored portion a tremendous effect will be - produced by the quick-firing guns dashing their powerful shells in a - fiery deluge on the ship. - - Altogether the new force which is now entering into the composition of - artillery is one which demands the attention of the British Government - in the form of prompt and vigorous action. While we are experimenting, - others are arming. - -Dynamite, however, is the weapon with which the “revolution” has armed -itself for its assault upon society. A terrible arm truly, but one -difficult to handle, dangerous to hold, and certainly no stronger in -their hands than in ours, if it should ever become necessary to use it -in defense of law and order. - -A number of Russian chemists, members of the Nihilist party, were -the first to apply dynamite to the work of murder. It is to their -researches that is to be credited the invention of the “black jelly,” -so called, of which so much was expected, and by which so little was -done. - -Nihilist activity in Russia commenced almost as soon as the emancipated -peasantry began to be in condition for the evangel of discontent. -It was Tourgeneff, the novelist, who baptized the movement with its -name of Nihilism—and the truth is that it is a movement rather than -an organization. It is a loose, uncentralized, uncodified society, -secret by necessity and murderous by belief; but it is a secret society -without grips or passwords, without a purpose save indiscriminate -destruction, and its very formlessness and vagueness have been its -chief protection from the Russian police, who are, perhaps, after all -is said and done, the best police in the world. A statement of Nihilism -by that very famous Nihilist who is known as Stepniak, but who is -suspected to be entitled to a much more illustrious name, runs thus: - - By our general conviction we are Socialists and democrats. We are - convinced that on Socialistic grounds humanity can become the - embodiment of freedom, equality and fraternity, while it secures for - itself a general prosperity, a harmonious development of man and his - social progress. We are convinced, moreover, that only the will of - the people should give sanction to any social institution, and that - the development of the nation is sound only when free and independent - and when every idea in practical use shall have previously passed the - test of national consideration and of the national will. We further - think that as Socialists and democrats we must first recognize an - immediate purpose to liberate the nation from its present state of - oppression by creating a political revolution. We would thus transfer - the supreme power into the hands of the people. We think that the will - of the nation should be expressed with perfect clearness, and best, by - a National Assembly freely elected by the votes of all the citizens, - the representatives to be carefully instructed by their constituents. - We do not consider this as the ideal form of expressing the people’s - will, but as the most acceptable form to be realized in practice. - Submitting ourselves to the will of the nation, we, as a party, - feel bound to appear before our own country with our own programme - or platform, which we shall propagate even before the revolution, - recommend to the electors during electoral periods, and afterwards - defend in the National Assembly. - -The Nihilist programme in Russia has been officially formulated thus: - - _First_—The permanent Representative Assembly to have supreme control - and direction in all general state questions. - - _Second_—In the provinces, self-government to a large extent; to - secure it, all public functionaries to be elected. - - _Third_—To secure the independence of the Village Commune (“Mir”) as - an economical and administrative unit. - - _Fourth_—All the land to be proclaimed national property. - - _Fifth_—A series of measures preparatory to a final transfer of - ownership in manufactures to the workmen. - - _Sixth_—Perfect liberty of conscience, of the press, speech, - meetings, associations and electoral agitation. - - _Seventh_—The right to vote to be extended to all citizens of legal - age, without class or property restrictions. - - _Eighth_—Abolition of the standing army; the army to be replaced by a - territorial militia. - -It must be remembered that the conditions in Russia are peculiar. The -country is ruled by an autocracy; government is not by the people, -but by “divine right.” The conditions which the English-speaking -people ended at Runnymede still exist in Muscovy. There is neither -free speech, free assembly, nor a free press, and naturally discontent -vents itself in revolt. There is no safety-valve. Russia is full of -generous, high-minded young men and women, who find their church -dead, and their state a cruel despotism. They find themselves face to -face with the White Terror, and they have sought in the Red Terror a -relief. Flying at last from the hopeless contest, they have carried -the hate of government born of bad ruling into Western Europe, and it -is the infection of this poison that we have to deal with here. The -average Russian Nihilist is a young man or a young woman—very often -the latter—who, by the contemplation of real wrongs and fallacious -remedies, has come to be the implacable enemy of all order and all -system. Usually they are half-educated, with just that superficial -smattering of knowledge to make them conceited in their own opinions, -but without enough real learning to make them either impartial critics -or safe citizens of non-Russian countries. We can pity them, for it is -easy to see how step by step they have been pushed into revolt. But -they are dangerous. - -When one reads such a case as that which gave Vera Sassoulitch her -notoriety, it is easier to understand Russia. General Trepoff, the -Chief of Police of St. Petersburg, had arrested Vera’s lover on -suspicion of high treason. The young man was by Trepoff’s order -frequently flogged to make him confess his crime. Sassoulitch called -on Trepoff and shot him. She was tried by a St. Petersburg jury and -acquitted. Immediately a law was declared that no case of political -crime should be tried by a jury, except when the Government had -selected it. The arrest of the woman was ordered that she might be -tried again under the new regulation, but in the meantime her friends -had spirited her away. - -A very similar crime was that attempted by another Nihilist heroine, -Maria Kaliouchnaia, who attempted to kill Col. Katauski for his -severity to her brother. In the assassination of the Czar, as I shall -relate, a number of women were concerned, and their bravery was greatly -more desperate than that of their male companions. The Russian woman -is peculiar. I know no better picture of the “devoted ones” than that -given in Tourgeneff’s “Verses in Prose”: - - I see a huge building with a narrow door in its front wall; the door - is open, and a dismal darkness stretches beyond. Before the high - threshold stands a girl—a Russian girl. Frost breathes out of the - impenetrable darkness, and with the icy draught from the depths of the - building there comes forth a slow and hollow voice: - - “Oh, thou who art wanting to cross this threshold, dost thou know what - awaits thee?” - - “I know it,” answers the girl. - - “Cold, hunger, hatred, derision, contempt, insults, a fearful death - even.” - - “I know it.” - - “Complete isolation and separation from all?” - - “I know it. I am ready. I will bear all sorrows and miseries.” - - “Not only if inflicted by enemies, but when done by kindred and - friends?” - - “Yes, even when done by them.” - - “Well, are you ready for self-sacrifice?” - - “Yes!” - - “For anonymous self-sacrifice? You shall die, and nobody shall know - even whose memory is to be honored?” - - “I want neither gratitude nor pity. I want no name.” - - “Are you ready for a crime?” - - The girl bent her head. “I am ready—even for a crime.” - - The voice paused awhile before renewing its interrogatories. Then - again: “Dost thou know,” it said at last, “that thou mayest lose thy - faith in what thou now believest; that thou mayest feel that thou hast - been mistaken and hast lost thy young life in vain?” - - “I know that also, and nevertheless I will enter!” - - “Enter, then!” - - The girl crossed the threshold, and a heavy curtain fell behind her. - - “A fool!” gnashed some one outside. - - “A saint!” answered a voice from somewhere. - -With such material it was not difficult to build up the tragedy of -1881. Before the day of the Czar’s death came, there had been desperate -attempts upon his life. Prince Krapotkin, a relative of the Nihilist -of the same name, was murdered in February, 1879, and following this -deed the terrorists applied themselves resolutely to the removal of the -Emperor. - -[Illustration: EXCAVATED DYNAMITE MINE IN MOSCOW.] - -For instance, in November, 1879, was the mine laid at Moscow. It was -intended to blow up the railway train upon which the Czar was to enter -the city, and for this purpose Solovieff and his comrades laid three -dynamite mines under the tracks. Hartmann, who subsequently figured in -the assassination, was one of the leaders, and here, too, was Sophie -Peroosky, another of the regicides. They hired a house near the railway -tracks and tunneled under the road amidst incredible difficulties and -always in the most imminent danger. One hundred and twenty pounds of -dynamite was in position, but the Czar passed by in a common train -before the imperial one on which he was expected, and his life was -saved. On February 5, 1880, the mine under the Winter Palace was -exploded; eleven persons were killed, but again the Czar escaped. - -For some time before March 13, 1881, Gen. Count Loris Melikoff, the -officer responsible for the safety of Czar Alexander II., had received -disquieting reports which gave him the greatest anxiety. On the 10th -of the month Jelaboff, the ringleader of the conspiracy, was arrested -by accident, and the direction of the attempt on the Czar’s life was -accordingly left to Sophie Perowskaja, a young, pretty and highly -educated noblewoman, who had left everything to join the Nihilists. It -is said that on the morning of the 13th Melikoff begged the Czar to -forego his purpose of reviewing the Marine Corps, and keep within the -palace. The Emperor laughed at him, and declared there was no danger. -There was no incident until after the review. As the Emperor drove back -beside the Ekaterinofsky Canal, just opposite the imperial stables, a -young woman on the other side of the canal fluttered a handkerchief, -and immediately a man started out from the crowd that was watching the -passing of the Czar, and threw a bomb under the closed carriage. There -was a roaring explosion, a cloud of smoke. The rear of the vehicle was -blown away, and the horror-stricken multitude saw the Czar standing -unhurt, staring about him. On the ground were several members of the -Life Guard, groaning and writhing in pain. The assassin had pulled -out a revolver to complete his work, but he was at once mobbed by -the people. Col. Dvorjitsky and Captains Kock and Kulebiekan, of the -guards, rushed up to their master and asked him if he was hurt. - -“Thank God! no,” said the Czar. “Come, let us look after the wounded.” - -And he started toward one of the Cossacks. - -“It is too soon to thank God yet, Alexander Nicolaivitch,” said a -clear, threatening voice in the crowd, and before any one could stop -him, a young man bounded forward, lifted up both arms above his head, -and brought them down with a swing. There was a crash of dynamite, -a blaze, a smoke, and the autocrat of all the Russias was lying on -the bloody snow, with his murderer also dying in front of him. Col. -Dvorjitsky lifted up the Czar, who whispered: - -“I am cold, my friend, so cold,—take me to the Winter Palace to die.” - -The desperate Nihilist had thrown his bomb right between the Czar’s -feet, and had sacrificed his own life to kill the Emperor. - -Alexander was shockingly mutilated. Both of his legs were broken, -and the lower part of his body was frightfully torn and mangled. The -assassin—his name was Nicholas Elnikoff, of Wilna—was even more badly -hurt. He died at once. - -[Illustration: “IT IS TOO SOON TO THANK GOD!” THE ASSASSINATION OF CZAR -ALEXANDER II.] - -The Czar was taken into an open sled, and although it was claimed he -received the last sacrament at the Winter Palace, most of those who -know believe that he died on the way there. - -In the meantime the police, with the utmost difficulty, rescued the -first bomb-thrower from the maddened mob. The man, whose name proved to -be Risakoff, coolly thanked the officers for preserving him, and then -tried to swallow some poison which he had ready. In this he was foiled, -and he was taken to prison. - -[Illustration: THE CZAR’S CARRIAGE AFTER THE EXPLOSION. - -From a Photograph.] - -The infernal machine used by Elnikoff was about 7½ inches in height, -and its construction is exemplified in the annexed diagram. Metal tubes -(_b b_) filled with chlorate of potash, and enclosing glass tubes -(_c c_) filled with sulphuric acid (commonly called oil of vitriol), -intersect the cylinder. Around the glass tubes are rings of iron (_d -d_) closely attached as weights. The construction is such that, no -matter how the bomb falls, one of the glass tubes is sure to break. The -chlorate of potash in that case, combining with the sulphuric acid, -ignites at once, and the flames communicate over the fuse (_f f_) with -the piston (_e_), filled with fulminate of silver. The concussion thus -caused explodes the dynamite or “black jelly” (_a_) with which the -cylinder is closely packed. - -[Illustration] - -I said above that Jelaboff, the real leader of the conspiracy, had been -arrested on the 10th. He was merely a suspect, and it was some time -before the police realized what an important arrest had been made. -Only two hours before the murder of the Emperor, Jelaboff’s house was -searched, and there was found a great quantity of black dynamite, -India rubber tubes, fuses and other articles. Jelaboff had been living -here with a woman who was called Lidia Voinoff. This Lidia Voinoff was -arrested on the Newsky Prospect, on March 22nd, and almost immediately -identified as Sophia Perowskaja, the young woman who had given the -handkerchief signal to the bomb-throwers, and who was wanted besides -for the Moscow railway mine case. On the prisoner were found papers -which led to the search of a house on Telejewskaia Street, where a -man named Sablin committed suicide immediately on the appearance of -the police, and a woman named Hessy Helfmann was arrested. A regular -Nihilist arsenal of black jelly, fuses, maps of different districts of -St. Petersburg, with the Czar’s usual routes marked upon them, copies -of papers from the secret press, etc., were found. While the police -were still engaged in the search of the premises Timothy Mikhaeloff -came in by accident. He was taken, and on him was found a copy of the -new Czar’s proclamation, and penciled on the back were the names of -three shops with three different hours in the afternoon. The officers -descended on these places and gathered in customers, shop-keepers and -everybody else about the place,—a process which brought in Kibaltchik, -the Nihilist chemist and bomb-maker. - -The evidence was soon got in shape, and early in April the trial -began. It was shown that Jelaboff was agent in the third degree of -the Revolutionary Executive Committee; that he had issued the call -for volunteers for the killing of the Czar, and that forty-seven -persons had offered themselves, out of whom Risakoff, Mikhaeloff, -Hessy Helfmann, Kibaltchik, Sophia Perowskaja and Elnikoff had been -accepted. Elnikoff was dead, but the others, with Jelaboff, were put -in the dock. They all confessed except Hessy Helfmann, and upon April -11th all were condemned to death, with the proviso needed under the -Russian law that the sentence of Sophia Perowskaja should be approved -by the Czar, as she was a member of the class of nobles, and a noble -may not be put to death without the Emperor’s concurrence. The Czar -concurred, and on April 15th, at 9 a. m., all the prisoners save -Hessy Helfmann were hung. This woman was reprieved because she was -about to become a mother. The execution was a most brutal one. It -took place on a plain two miles out of the city, in the presence of a -hundred thousand people. The prisoners were taken out of the fortress -on two-wheeled carts, surrounded by drummers and pipers, who played -continuously and loudly, so that nothing the condemned might say could -be heard by the crowd. At the scaffold the drummers were stationed in -a hollow square around the gallows, and a deafening tattoo was kept up -from the time the prisoners were brought in until their bodies were -cut down. The hanging was very cruel. Each person was mounted on a -small box, after kissing each other passionately all round. They said -something, but it could not be heard for the drumming. The executioner -was said to be evidently drunk. There was no drop. When the signal was -given the condemned were pushed off their boxes and left to strangle. -Mikhaeloff’s rope broke twice, and the attendants held him up while -the executioner tied a new cord around his neck and over the beam. The -bodies were buried privately. - -The present Czar has had several narrow escapes, none of them more -nearly fatal than the conspiracy of the book-bomb in March last. On the -13th of March, 1888, the anniversary of his father’s terrible death, -the Czar made the usual visit to the Cathedral of St. Peter and Paul, -where the body of Alexander II. is buried. For some time before the -ceremony St. Petersburg was full of rumors that a catastrophe was -impending, and, although the police took the most careful precautions, -the Czar himself paid no attention to the warnings of the “Third -Section,” and would permit no alteration in the preparations for the -requiem. - -In Christmas week of 1887, the Russian agents at Geneva, in -Switzerland, reported the presence in that city of two revolutionary -agents who seemed to have the closest relations with the committee of -the discontents in London and Paris. They were shadowed for a time, but -lost. In February they reappeared in Berlin. They were known to be in -communication with the St. Petersburg Nihilists. Before facts enough -had accumulated to justify their arrest they disappeared once more -and were believed to have gone to the Russian capital. The facts were -reported to the Czar, but he laughed at Chief Gresser of the capital -police. - -[Illustration: THE NIHILISTS IN THE DOCK. - -1. Risakoff. 2. Mikhaeloff. 3. Hessy Helfmann. 4. Kibaltchik. 5. Sophia -Peroffskaja. 6. Jelaboff.] - -In solemnizing the requiem of the late Czar a public progress was made -to the Cathedral, amid a dense throng of citizens, among whom were -all the detectives that Chief Gresser could get together. In a small -café in one of the side streets of the Morokaya two of the detectives -ran across a couple of uniformed university students—in Russia the -students have a peculiar costume—who were acting suspiciously. They -were conversing in a most excited manner with a man dressed as a -peasant. The trio were watched. At the café door they separated, but -all three made by different routes for the Newsky Prospect, the chief -drive of the capital and the one along which the Czar was to return. -The peasant was lost by the detectives, but the other two were kept in -sight, and the suspicions of the police were made all the more keen -by the fact that the young men passed each other in the crowd several -times with an elaborate appearance of not knowing each other. One of -them had a law-book in his hand; the other had a traveling-bag over his -shoulder. - -[Illustration: EXECUTION OF THE NIHILIST CONSPIRATORS.] - -A few moments before the Czar was to pass on his return from the -Cathedral the students came together and whispered, and the two -were immediately and quietly arrested. Their names were given as -Andreieffsky and Petroff, university students, and this was proven to -be the truth. - -A thrilling discovery was made, however, at once. The innocent-looking -law-book was really a most dangerous infernal machine—sufficiently -powerful not alone to kill everybody in the Czar’s carriage, but many -in the crowd, and perhaps to have blown down some of the neighboring -houses. The traveling-sack was full of dynamite bombs of the ordinary -spherical pattern. - -[Illustration: Fig. 1. Interior. Fig. 2. Exterior. - -A. Glass Tube. B. Fulminate. C. Bullets. D. Dynamite.] - -I reproduce here a diagram of the book-bomb from the excellent account -of the attempted assassination given by the New York _World_ a few days -after it occurred. - -The outside was made of wood and pasteboard, so artistically that only -the closest inspection would discover the fact that the machine was -not really a book. In the center of the interior, in the place marked -_C_, were a number of hollow bullets filled with strychnine, which -poison was also plastered upon the outside of the missiles. Above this -were small compartments filled with fulminate, with a glass tube of -sulphuric acid. To the tube was tied a string, which would break it -when thrown, spilling it into the fulminate and thus exploding the -dynamite with which the whole of the hollow parts of the interior was -densely packed. Fully a hundred people must have been killed had the -bomb been exploded as intended. The expert who examined the bomb, after -handling the bullets carelessly put his finger in his mouth, and was -seriously, though not fatally, poisoned. - -Hardly had the arrest been made when the Czar was notified at the -Cathedral. He ordered that the news should be withheld from the -Empress, although he was himself visibly affected. He sprang into his -sleigh with the Czarowitz, and drove by an unused route to the railway -station. The Czarina followed shortly after in a carriage, greatly -agitated by a presentiment of evil. Not until the train had started -was she informed of the occurrence. She burst into tears, and was -inconsolable for the rest of the journey. Once safe in his Gatschina -Palace, the Czar is said to have given vent to his feelings in the -strongest language, heaping anathemas upon the heads of the Nihilists, -and threatening dire revenge. - -Less than two hours after the arrest of Andreieffsky and Petroff their -companion peasant fell into the hands of the police. His name was -Generaloff, a native of Jaroslav, South Russia. He had been actively -engaged in the Nihilist propaganda for some time past. He also carried -bombs on his person. - -These arrests were supplemented by numerous others. The lodgings of -the prisoners in the suburbs of St. Petersburg known as the Peski -(the Sands) were searched, and other explosives as well as documents -incriminating other persons were found. As a result the procession -of prisoners to the Peter and Paul’s Fortress for a time was almost -unremitting, and no one felt safe against police intrusion. All three -of the prisoners were subsequently executed. - -England shortly afterward became the mark for the next development of -the dynamite war. It is the fact that shortly after the assassination -of the Czar an attack on the British Government was begun. - -Prior to this there had been two outrages in 1881—one an attempt to -blow up the barracks at Salford with dynamite, the other a gunpowder -explosion at the Mansion House, London. - -The record of the year, as compiled by Col. Majendie, the Inspector of -Explosives, then runs on: - - _1881: 16 May._ Attempt to blow up the police barracks at Liverpool - with gunpowder in iron piping. Damage to the building was - inconsiderable, and no one hurt. - - _10 June._ Attempt to blow up the Town Hall, Liverpool, by an infernal - machine probably filled with dynamite. A great number of windows - broken, and some iron railings destroyed, but no one injured. The two - perpetrators captured. - - _14 June._ A piece of iron piping filled with gunpowder exploded - against the police station at Loanhead, near Edinburgh. Some windows - broken, but no other damage effected. - - _30 June._ An importation of six infernal machines at Liverpool from - America in the “Malta,” concealed in barrels of cement. They contained - lignin dynamite, with a clock-work arrangement for firing it. - - _2 July._ An importation of four similar machines at Liverpool in the - “Bavaria.” - - _September._ An attempt to produce an explosion at the barracks, - Castlebar. A canister containing gunpowder was thrown over the wall, - close to the magazine. The lighted fuse which was attached fell out, - and no harm was done. - - _1882: 26 March._ An attempt to blow up Weston House, Galway, with - dynamite in an iron pot enclosed in a sack. Five persons were - afterwards convicted of the outrage. - - _27 March_. A 6-inch shell charged with explosive thrown into a house - in Letterkenny. The explosion caused considerable damage. - - _2 April._ An attempt to destroy a police barrack in Limerick by - firing some dynamite on the window sill. - - _12 May._ A discovery of a parcel containing 12 lbs. to 20 lbs. of - gunpowder, with lighted touch-paper or fuse attached, at the Mansion - House, London. - - _1883: 21 January._ An explosion of lignin dynamite at Possil Bridge, - Glasgow. Two or three persons passing sustained slight injury. - - _21 January._ An explosion of lignin dynamite at Buchanan Street - Station, Glasgow, in a disused goods shed. - - _15 March._ An explosion at the Local Government Board Office, - Whitehall, causing considerable local damage. - - _15 March._ An abortive explosion of lignin dynamite outside a window - at the _Times_ office. - - _April._ Two infernal machines, containing 28 lbs. of lignin dynamite - (probably home-made), discovered at Liverpool. Four persons were - convicted and sentenced to penal servitude for life. - - _April._ The discovery of a factory of nitro-glycerine at Birmingham, - and of a large amount of nitro-glycerine brought thence to London. - The occupier of the house and others were subsequently convicted and - sentenced to penal servitude for life. - - _30 October._ An explosion in the Metropolitan Railway, between - Charing Cross and Westminster, unattended with personal or serious - structural injury. - - _30 October._ An explosion on the Metropolitan Railway, near Praed - Street. Three carriages sustained serious injury, and about sixty-two - persons were cut by the broken glass and debris, and otherwise injured. - - _November._ Two infernal machines discovered in a house in - Westminster, occupied by a German named Woolf. Two men were tried, and - in the result the jury disagreed and a _nolle prosequi_ was entered on - behalf of the Crown. - - _1884: January._ The discovery of some slabs of Atlas Powder A - (American make), in Primose Hill tunnel. - - _February._ An explosion in the cloak-room of the London, Brighton, - and South Coast Railway at Victoria Station of Atlas Powder A - (American make), left in a bag or portmanteau. - - _27 February._ The discovery of a bag containing some Atlas Powder A, - with clock-work and detonators, at Charing Cross Station. - - _28 February._ A similar discovery at Paddington Station. - - _1 March._ A similar discovery at Ludgate Hill Station. - - _April._ A discovery of three metal bombs, containing dynamite - (probably American make), at Birkenhead, in possession of a man named - Daly, who was afterwards sentenced to penal servitude for life. - - _30 May._ An explosion of dynamite at the Junior Carlton Club, St. - James’ Square. About fourteen persons were injured. - - _30 May._ An explosion of dynamite at the residence of Sir Watkin - Williams Wynn, St. James’ Square. - - _30 May._ An explosion of dynamite in a urinal under a room occupied - by some of the detective staff in Scotland Yard. It brought down a - portion of the building, besides severely injuring a policeman and - some persons who were at an adjacent public-house. - - _30 May._ A discovery of Atlas Powder A, with fuse and detonators, in - Trafalgar Square. - - _28 November._ An attempted destruction of a house at Edenburn, near - Tralee, occupied by Mr. Hussey. The injury, which was doubtless - accomplished with dynamite, was less serious than was intended, and no - one sustained bodily harm. - - _12 December._ An explosion of a charge of dynamite or other - nitro-compound under London Bridge, fortunately doing very little - damage. - - _1885: 2 January._ An explosion in the Gower Street tunnel of - the Metropolitan Railway, caused by about two pounds of some - nitro-compound fired apparently by a percussion fuse. Damage - inconsiderable. - - _24 January._ An explosion in the Tower of London, caused, beyond - all reasonable doubt, by about five to eight pounds of Atlas Powder - A (American make). Three or four persons were slightly injured, and - considerable damage was done to the Armory. - - _24 January._ An explosion of Atlas Powder A (American make), in - Westminster Hall. Three persons were injured severely, and others - slightly, and very considerable damage was done to the Hall and - surroundings. - - _24 January._ An explosion in the House of Commons (probably caused by - a similar amount of the same explosive). No persons were injured, but - very considerable damage was done to the Houses of Parliament. - - _February._ A discovery of dynamite (of American make) in a house in - Harrow Road, Paddington. - - _9 March._ A discovery of Atlas Powder A in the roof of a saw-mill at - Bootle. - -As a result of these various conspiracies and political outrages, -twenty-nine persons were convicted. - -Some of the bombs used in the London explosions were very ingeniously -made. Usually they had a clock-work arrangement which released a hammer -and exploded the infernal machine at the time set. Others again had a -time fuse depending upon the percolation of acid through parchment. -In every case, however, the destruction wrought by the explosives was -ridiculously disappointing to the conspirators, and in England as -elsewhere the event proved that high explosives are a delusion and a -snare from the revolutionist’s point of view. They are greatly more -dangerous to the persons who employ them than to the people or the -property against which they may be aimed. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - - The Exodus to Chicago—Waiting for an Opportunity—A Political Party - Formed—A Question of $600,000—The First Socialist Platform—Details - of the Organization—Work at the Ballot-Box—Statistics of Socialist - Progress—“The International Workingmen’s Party” and The “Workingmen’s - Party of the United States”—The Eleven Commandments of Labor—How - the Work was to be Done—A Curious Constitution—Beginnings of the - Labor Press—The Union Congress—Criticising the Ballot-Box—The - Executive Committee and its Powers—Annals of 1876—A Period of - Preparation—The Great Railroad Strikes of 1877—The First Attack on - Society—A Decisive Defeat—Trying Politics Again—The “Socialistic - Party”—Its Leaders and its Aims—August Spies as an Editor—Buying - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_—How the Money was Raised—Anarchist Campaign - Songs—The Group Organization—Plan of the Propaganda—Dynamite First - Taught—“The Bureau of Information”—An Attack on Arbitration—No - Compromise with Capital—Unity of the Internationalists and the - Socialists. - - -AFTER the enactment of the stringent Socialist law in Germany, and the -determined opposition of Prince Bismarck to the creed of the Social -Democrats, the exodus to America began, and Chicago, unfortunately for -this city, was the Mecca to which the exiles came. At first but little -attention was paid to the incoming people. It was thought that free -air and free institutions would disarm them of their rancor against -organized society, and but little attention was paid to the vaporings -of the leaders. We had heard that sort of thing before,—especially -in the years following 1848,—and it had come to nothing; and people -generally, when they heard the mouthings of the apostles of disorder, -told themselves that when these apostles had each bought a home, there -would come naturally, and out of the logic of facts, a change in their -convictions. - -Hence, although there were some inflammatory speeches, and a pretense -of Socialistic activity, it was not until the year 1873 that any -serious attention was paid to the movement. Even then the interest it -excited was that solely of a political novelty. - -The period was one of general business depression, however, and -additional impetus was given to the feelings of discontent by the -labor troubles in New York, Boston, St. Louis and other large cities. -In New York the labor demonstrations were particularly violent. The -special object sought to be accomplished there was the introduction -of the eight-hour system. Eastern Internationalists saw in this an -opportunity to strengthen their foothold in America, and they were -not slow in fomenting discord among the members of the different -trades-unions which had inaugurated the movement. They even went so far -as to proclaim that, if there was any interference with the eight-hour -strike, the streets would run red with the blood of capitalists. The -Communists of Chicago sympathized with their brethren in the East, but -they lacked numbers and similar conditions of violent discontent to -urge force and bloodshed in the attainment of the same object, which, -however, had been for some time under discussion by the Trades Assembly -of Chicago. They consequently contented themselves with wild attacks -upon the prevailing system of labor and urged a severance from existing -political parties and the formation of a party exclusively devoted to -the amelioration of the condition of workingmen. - -Toward the end of the year 1873, the leaders seem to have concluded -that they had a sufficient number of adherents to form a party, and a -committee was appointed to prepare and submit a plan of organization. -On the 1st of January following, this committee reported. They -suggested organization into societies according to nationalities, and -that all societies thus organized should be directed by a central -committee, to be appointed from the several sections. At the same time -it was publicly announced that “the new organization did not seek the -overthrow of the national, State or city government by violence,” but -would work out its mission peaceably through the ballot-box. - -While the formation of a party was under consideration, times were -exceedingly dull in the city. Thousands were idle, and there was a -general clamor among the unemployed for relief. This discontent was -seized upon to influence the minds of the poor against capital, and -the remedy was declared to lie only in Socialism. The Relief and -Aid Society formed the first point of attack. The Socialist leaders -loudly proclaimed that it had on hand over $600,000,—the charitable -contributions of the world sent to Chicago after the fire for the -benefit of the poor,—which sum was held, they claimed, for the -enrichment of the managers of that society and the benefit of “rich -paupers.” In the early part of December, 1873, a procession of the -unemployed marched through the streets of the city and demanded -assistance from the municipal authorities. They finally decided to -appeal to the Relief Society, and, backed by hundreds in line, a -committee attempted to wait upon the officials of that organization. -They were excluded, however, on the ground that all deserving cases -would be aided without the intervention of a committee. - -The condition of labor now formed the pretext for many a diatribe -against capital in general and the alleged favoritism of the Relief -and Aid Society in particular; and many allied themselves with the -Socialistic organization—not comprehending its meaning, but because it -happened at the moment to appeal to their passions. - -It was this state of affairs which spurred on the Socialist leaders -to the formation of a party. Having accepted the general plan of -organization as recommended by the committee, another meeting was held -in January, 1874. A declaration of principles was then formulated. -There were nine articles, which may be summarized as follows: - - Abolition of all class legislation and repeal of all existing laws - favoring monopolies. - - All means of transportation, such as railroads, canals, telegraph, - etc., to be controlled, managed and operated by the State. - - Abolition of the prevailing system of letting out public work by - contract, the State or municipality to have all work of a public - nature done under its own supervision and control. - - An amendment to the laws in regard to the recovery of wages, all suits - brought for the recovery of wages to be decided within eight days. - - The payment of wages by the month to be abolished, and weekly payments - substituted. - - A discontinuance of the hiring-out of prison labor to companies or - individuals, prisoners to be employed by and for the benefit of the - State only. - - Adoption by the State of compulsory education of all children between - the ages of seven and fourteen years; the hiring-out of children under - fourteen to be prohibited. - - All banking, both commercial and savings, to be done by the State. - - All kinds of salary grabs to be discontinued; all public officers to - be paid a fixed salary instead of fees. - -Specifically stated, the organization was made to consist of sections -and divisions and a central committee. Each section was made to consist -of twenty-five members, and was entitled to one delegate to the -conventions of the order, with one delegate for every additional one -hundred members or fraction thereof. The central committee was to be -composed of nine members, to be chosen by the delegates. The duties of -the committee were fixed under such rules as might be adopted by the -organization. Their term was from one general convention to another. -Each delegate was allowed as many votes as there were members of the -section he represented. Delegates from each section were obliged to -assemble every week to report all party affairs, and, if necessary, -were expected to make similar reports to the central committee. -Sections and divisions elected officers for six months. Two-thirds -of the members of each section were required to be wage-workers. -Each member had to pay only five cents initiation fee and five cents -monthly dues. One-half of the income from fees was given to the central -committee for printing and general expenses. All in arrears for three -months, barring sickness or want of employment, were expelled. Each -section was given the power to dismiss such members as acted by word, -writing or deed to the detriment of the party and its principles. The -right of appeal to the central committee was given to any member in -case three of his section favored it. Monthly reports to sections and -quarterly reports to the central committee as to the condition of the -organization and the treasury were required of the secretary. In the -event that any officer lost the confidence of his section, he could be -expelled before the expiration of his term by a majority vote. - -Such were the principles and plans of the organization at the outset. -There does not appear anywhere anything to show that the ulterior -object of the party was to use violence to enforce its demands. On the -contrary, at a subsequent general gathering a preamble to the platform -expressly stated that the party was organized “to advocate and advance -the political platform of the Workingmen’s Party, to acquire power -in legislative bodies and to uphold the principles of the platform.” -Subsequent mass-meetings, held in January, ratified the declaration of -principles, and the various speakers urged that, inasmuch as the “other -political parties were for the benefit of unprincipled scalawags,” -their party had come into existence “pure and undefiled, to secure to -workingmen their rights.” The prime movers in the party at this time -were John McAuliff, L. Thorsmark, Carl Klings, Henry Stahl, August -Arnold, J. Zimple, Leo Meilbeck, Prokup Hudek, O. A. Bishop, John -Feltes, John Simmens, Jacob Winnen, J. Krueger, William Jeffers and -Robert Mueller. The organization was styled “The Workingmen’s Party of -Illinois.” - -Active agitation at once commenced in various parts of the city. -Meetings were held wherever possible in the poorer sections of the -North and West Divisions. In all speeches the prevalent distress was -dwelt upon and the people were urged to combine against capital. -Some of the points made at these gatherings may be judged from the -remarks of the agitators at a meeting of the various sections of the -party at No. 68 West Lake Street on the 1st of March, 1874. While the -sentiments were somewhat rabid, there was no encouragement to deeds -of violence. One of the speakers, Mr. Zimple, spoke of the object of -the meeting as being “to devise means for marching on the bulwarks of -aristocracy, and gain for the working classes that social position -to which they were by right entitled.” Then followed an invective -against capital and society. “All existing things must be torn down,” -he continued, “and a new system of society built up.” Slaves even were -allowed to live, but, as things were then, workingmen, who could work -no longer, had to starve. If they stood together and elected good men -to the Legislature next fall, this state of affairs would be changed. -Legislators were too stupid to make a living by honest work, therefore -they had to subsist by robbing the people. Mr. Thorsmark expressed -confidence in the success of Socialism and said that if all workingmen -would do their duty “the present state of society would be re-formed, -not only for their benefit, but for the benefit of mankind.” Carl -Klings could conceive of “nothing more inhuman, cruel and outrageous -than the present state of society,” and it was for this reason, he -said, that they had banded together to “strike a blow which would -effect a change for all time to come.” The same tyrants, he argued, -who had slaughtered their brethren in cold blood and oppressed them in -France, could be found in Chicago. The workingmen of America had not -accomplished anything as yet, because they were not yet fully prepared, -but gradually they were becoming a great power, and soon would “no -longer be compelled to drink the bitter poison from the cup of the -aristocrats.” Mr. McAuliff touched on the wrongs of the existing state -of society as he saw it and held that “they all had to unite in one -common body and seek success at the ballot-box.” - -To gain political power, the Socialists made their first attempt by -placing a ticket in the field. A convention was held in Thieleman’s -Theater, in the North Division of the city, on the 29th of March, 1874. -Although there were general city officers to be elected the following -month, the Socialists confined their efforts to making nominations only -for the town offices of North Chicago, in which section their theories -seemed, at that time, to have found the most fertile soil. Their -ticket was made up as follows: Assessor, George F. Duffy; Collector, -Philip Koerber; Supervisor, August Arnold; Town Clerk, Frederick Oest; -Constable, James Jones. - -At this convention an impetus was given to the new organ of the -party, the _Vorbote_, which had just issued its initial number, and, -although this journal was given a considerable circulation to boom the -new-fledged candidates, the ticket only polled 950 votes. - -But the leaders were not disheartened. They continued their political -agitation, and at the approach of the fall campaign they decided to -branch out more extensively, and to measure swords with the other -political parties for all the offices in sight. On the 25th of October, -1874, a convention was held in Bohemian Turner Hall, on Taylor Street, -near Canal, and Congressional, county and city tickets were put into -the field. For Congress they selected, for the West Side, W. S. Le -Grand; for the North Side, F. A. Hoffman, Jr. It was left an open -question whom they should support on the South Side. Their candidates -for the Legislature were: Madden, Rice, Hudek, Kranel, Thrane and -Hymann; and for the Senate, Rowe, Bishop, Methua and Koellner. County -Commissioners, Mueller, Bettetil, Bley and Maiewsky for the West Side, -and German and Breitenstein for the North Side. Their candidate for -Sheriff was E. Melchior, and for Coroner, Dr. Geiger. The aldermanic -selections were: In the Second Ward, Wasika; in the Fourth, Tuer; -in the Sixth, Grapsicsky; in the Seventh, Maj. Warnecke and E. A. -Haller; in the Eighth, Leonhard; in the Ninth, George Heck; in the -Tenth, Sticker; in the Eleventh, Urenharst; in the Twelfth, Zirbes; -in the Fourteenth, Sirks; in the Fifteenth, Schwenn and Anderson; -in the Sixteenth, Seilheimer; in the Seventeenth, H. Jensen; in the -Eighteenth, Frey; and in the Twentieth, Otto F. Schalz. In the wards -not given no nominations were made. - -The strength of the ticket may be gathered by the fact that at the -election, on November 5th, Melchior received only 378 votes, while his -opponent, Agnew, Democrat, scored 28,549, and Bradley, Republican, -21,080. The Socialist candidate who polled the largest number of votes -was Breitenstein, for County Commissioner—790. - -The leaders now became convinced that a German morning daily was -necessary to further the interests of their party. The _Illinois -Staats-Zeitung_ and the _Freie Presse_ had almost neutralized their -efforts on the stump, and they saw that they must have an organ to -meet these papers and reach the masses. They had seen the effects -of workingmen’s papers in Germany, where several representatives had -been sent to the Reichstag, and as their party shibboleth then was -“to secure power in legislative bodies” in Illinois, they determined -to found a paper of their own. On the 13th of December, 1874, on -Market Street, they held a secret meeting. The leading spirits in the -proceedings were Mueller, Simmens and Klings. It was proposed that -stock to the amount of $20,000 should be issued for a daily, but as -no one seemed to be thoroughly posted in the matter of publishing a -paper, it was decided to select a committee. Messrs. Klings, Helmerdeg, -Simmens, Methua, Kelting, Winner and Finkensieber were so selected, -but whether they made any progress, or submitted a report as to their -conclusions, is not known. It is certain that no daily appeared to -supplement the efforts of their weekly organ at that time, and it was -not until four or five years later that such a paper finally made its -appearance. - -In the winter of 1874 and the spring of 1875 the Socialist agitators -were not openly aggressive, but they nevertheless kept quietly at -work sowing the seed of discontent. Finally, in October, 1875, they -resumed open and active agitation. The only meeting they held that -fall was at No. 529 Milwaukee Avenue, and their wrath was directed -especially against the Republican and Democratic candidates for County -Treasurer. The speakers were J. Webeking, John Feltis, Jacob Winnen, A. -Zimmerman and John Simmens. The burden of their harangues was that “the -workingmen should no longer believe the scoundrels” put up by the other -parties. It was time, they urged, to “destroy the power of the robber -band.” Workingmen must “organize, place laborers on the throne, and -drive capitalists from power.” - -In the election, held the following month, they took no active part, -and this fact, together with the apparently quiescent condition of the -organization, prompted the _Tribune_ to remark: - - No longer do they work openly (smarting under former failures), nor do - they allow outsiders like Oelke, Gruenhut and others to get into their - ranks. The Workingmen’s Party of Illinois, as the Communists of this - city style themselves, no longer acts as an independent organization, - but has placed itself under the protectorate of the society of the - Internationalists, which has branches in every city in the world. The - executive committee of this society, which formerly resided in Paris - and Leipsic, has now its headquarters in New York, and its mandates - are implicitly complied with by all the local organizations. The - central committee believe that during the winter large numbers will - be without employment, and hence a proper time will come to strike - a blow. For months they have been organizing military companies and - maturing plans to burn Chicago and other large cities in the United - States and the Old World. - -At about this time a secret meeting was held at No. 140 West Lake -Street. Only members of the local committee of the Internationale and -the executive committee of the Workingmen’s Party were present. It -came to the surface that other than political measures were discussed. -The Socialist leaders denied all intention of abandoning politics, but -they did not hesitate to avow a belief that some startling blow would -facilitate the success of their movement. What seemed to give a strong -color of truth to reports about their incendiary intentions was the -action they took with reference to Carl Klings. He had been one of the -most active spirits in their organization. He was a fiery, impetuous -speaker and carried the crowds with him in all his harangues. For some -unknown reason, not explainable upon any other hypothesis than that -some violent demonstration was contemplated as a change from their -past policy, the party had decided to take no hand in the election of -November, and yet, in spite of this decision, Klings had entered into -it most bitterly and violently to accomplish the defeat of a candidate -against whom he cherished the greatest enmity. It would seem that this, -viewed from a Socialistic standpoint, ought to have commended him to -his brethren, especially as the candidate was beaten in the election, -but, on the representation that he had violated an order of the party, -Klings was summarily expelled from the organization on the 13th of -December, 1875. The fact that he had never secretly advocated violent -means undoubtedly accounts for his expulsion. - -It is unquestionably true that at this time the Communists were -beginning to think of more serious matters than politics, and gradually -drifting away from their peaceful mission as avowed in their early -party platform and public declarations, and it is not unwarranted to -attribute their non-intervention in politics that fall to the efforts -and influence of the Internationale. They proved in more ways than one -that they had at heart revolutionary methods, and that they were only -awaiting an opportune time to boldly proclaim their sentiments. Even -if there could exist a doubt on this point, it was dissipated by the -utterances of the Socialists at a mass-meeting held December 26, 1875, -at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, to protest against the treatment of -Communist prisoners in New Caledonia by the French Government. - -As already stated, the Socialists had established in 1874 an -“International Workingmen’s Party of the State of Illinois,” and for -some time they held meetings under that pretentious title, principally -on Clybourn Avenue. The organization struggled along for awhile and -finally was lost to sight. Subsequently a “Workingmen’s Party of the -United States” appeared in the Socialistic world, and some of the -leaders of the old local organization began to identify themselves with -its establishment and success. They held frequent meetings on North -Avenue. The declaration of principles of the new party was as follows: - - The emancipation of the working classes must be achieved by the - working classes themselves, independently of all political parties of - the propertied class. - - The struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not a - struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and - duties, and the abolition of all class rule. - - [Illustration: SCENES FROM THE RIOTS AT PITTSBURG, 1877.] - - The economical subjection of the man of labor to the monopolizers - of the means of labor, the sources of life, lies at the bottom of - servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, mental degradation - and political dependence. - - The economical emancipation of the working classes is, therefore, the - great end to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as - a means. - - All efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from want of - solidarity between the manifold divisions of labor in each country, - and from the absence of concerted action between the workingmen of all - countries. - - The emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but - a social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society - exists, and depending for its solution upon the practical and - theoretical concurrence and coöperation of the most advanced countries. - - For these reasons the Workingmen’s Party of the United States has been - founded. It enters into proper relations and connections with the - workingmen of other countries. - - Whereas, political liberty without economical freedom is but an empty - phrase; therefore, we will, in the first place, direct our efforts - to the economical question. We repudiate entirely connection with - all political parties of the propertied class without regard to - their name. We demand that all the means of labor, land, machinery, - railroads, telegraphs, canals, etc., become the common property of - the whole people, for the purpose of abolishing the wage-system, - and substituting in its place coöperative production with a just - distribution of its rewards. - - The political action of the party will be confined generally to - obtaining legislative acts in the interest of the working class - proper. It will not enter into a political campaign before being - strong enough to exercise a perceptible influence, and then in - the first place locally in the towns or cities, when demands of - purely local character may be presented, provided they are not in - conflict with the platform and principles of the party. We work for - organization of the trades-unions upon a national and international - basis, to ameliorate the condition of the working people and seek to - spread therein the above principles. The Workingmen’s Party of the - United States proposes to introduce the following measures as a means - to improve the condition of the working classes: - - 1. Eight hours’ work for the present as a normal working day, and - legal punishment for all violators. - - 2. Sanitary inspection of all conditions of labor, means of - subsistence and dwellings included. - - 3. Establishment of bureaus of labor statistics in all States as well - as by the National Government, the officers of these bureaus to be - taken from the ranks of the labor organizations and elected by them. - - 4. Prohibition of the use of prison labor by private employers. - - 5. Prohibitory laws against the employment of children under fourteen - years of age in industrial establishments. - - 6. Gratuitous instruction in all educational institutions. - - 7. Strict laws making employers liable for all accidents to the injury - of their employes. - - 8. Gratuitous administration of justice in courts of law. - - 9. Abolition of all conspiracy laws. - - 10. Railroads, telegraphs and all means of transportation to be taken - hold of and operated by the Government. - - 11. All industrial enterprises to be placed under the control of the - Government as fast as practicable and operated by free coöperative - trades-unions for the good of the whole people. - -The Constitution of the “Workingmen’s Party of the United States” was -as follows: - - The affairs of the party shall be conducted by three bodies: 1. The - Congress. 2. The Executive Committee. 3. The Board of Supervision. - - ARTICLE I. THE CONGRESS. 1. At least every two years a Congress shall - be held, composed of the delegates from the different sections that - have been connected with the party at least two months previously and - complied with all their duties. Sections of less than one hundred - members shall be entitled to one delegate; from one hundred to two - hundred, to two delegates; and one more delegate for each additional - hundred. - - 2. No suspended section shall be admitted to a seat before the - Congress has examined and passed judgment on the case. It shall, - however, be the duty of every Congress to put such cases on the order - of business and dispose of them immediately after the election of its - officers. - - 3. The Congress defines and establishes the political position of the - party, decides finally on all differences within the party, appoints - time and place of next Congress and designates the seat of the - Executive Committee and of the Board of Supervisors. - - 4. The entire expenses of Congress, as well as mileage and salaries - of the delegates, shall be paid by the party and provided for by a - special tax to be levied six weeks before the Congress meets before - the year 1880; however, no mileage will be paid beyond the 36th degree - of northern latitude, nor beyond the 59th degree of western longitude. - - 5. All propositions and motions to be considered and acted upon by - Congress shall be communicated to all sections at least six weeks - previously. - - ARTICLE II. THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 1. The Executive Committee - shall consist of seven members and shall appoint from its own midst - one corresponding secretary, one recording secretary, one financial - secretary and one treasurer. The Executive Committee shall be elected - by the sections of the place designated as its seat, and vacancies - shall be filled in the same way. - - 2. The Executive Committee shall hold office from one Congress to the - ensuing one. - - 3. The duties of the Executive Committee shall be to execute all - resolutions of Congress, and to see that they are strictly observed by - all sections and members, to organize and centralize the propaganda, - to represent the organization at home and abroad, to entertain and - open relations with the workingmen’s parties of other countries, to - make a quarterly report to the sections concerning the status of - the organization and its financial position, to make all necessary - preparations for the Congress as well as a detailed report on all - party matters. - - 4. _Right and Power of the Executive Committee._ The Executive - Committee, with the concurrence of the Board of Supervision, may - refuse to admit to the organization individuals and sections as well - as suspend members and sections till the next Congress for injuring - the party interests. In case of urgency the Executive Committee may - make suitable propositions, which propositions shall become binding, - if approved of by a majority of the members within two months. The - Executive Committee has the right to establish rules and regulations - for the policy to be observed by the party papers, to watch their - course, and in cases of vacancies to appoint editors _pro tempore_. - The Executive Committee may send the corresponding secretary as - delegate to Congress; the delegate will have no vote and shall be - prohibited from accepting any other credentials. - - 5. The salary of the party officers shall be fixed by the Executive - Committee with the concurrence of the Board of Supervision. - - 6. The corresponding secretary shall copy all documents and writings - issuing from the Executive Committee, place on file all communications - received, and keep a correct record thereof. He shall receive a proper - salary. - - 7. The financial secretary shall keep and make out the lists of - sections and members, receive and record all money and hand the same - over to the treasurer, taking his voucher therefore. - - 8. The treasurer shall receive all moneys from the financial - secretary, pay bills and honor all orders of the Executive Committee, - after they are countersigned by the corresponding secretary and one - more member of the Executive Committee, make a correct report on the - status of the treasury to the Executive Committee at every meeting and - to the whole organization every three months, and give security in the - amount fixed by the Executive Committee. The report of the treasurer - must be examined at a regular session of the Executive Committee and - indorsed by the same. - - ARTICLE III. THE BOARD OF SUPERVISION. 1. The Board of Supervision - shall consist of five members, to hold office and be elected in the - same way as the Executive Committee. - - 2. The duties of the Board of Supervision shall be to watch over the - action of the Executive Committee and that of the whole party; to - superintend the administration and the editorial management of the - organs of the party, and to interfere in case of need; to adjust all - differences occurring in the party within four weeks after receiving - the necessary evidence, subject to the final decision of the Congress; - to make a detailed report of its actions to Congress. - - 3. In case of any urgency the Board of Supervision may suspend - officers and editors until the meeting of the next Congress, such - suspension to be submitted at once to a general vote, the result of - which shall be made known within four weeks thereafter. - - 4. The Board of Supervision is entitled to send one delegate to the - Congress under the same conditions as the Executive Committee. - - ARTICLE IV. SECTIONS. Ten persons speaking the same language and - being wage-workers shall be entitled to form a section, provided they - acknowledge the principles, statutes and Congress resolutions and - belong to no political party of the propertied classes. They shall - demand admission from the Executive Committee by transmitting the dues - for the current month, and their list of members, their letter to - contain the names, residences and trade of members, and to show their - conditions as wage-laborers. At least three-fourths of the members - of a section must be wage-laborers. There shall be no more than one - section of the same language in one place, which meet at different - parts of the town or city for the purpose of an active propaganda. - Business meetings shall be held once a month. Each section is - responsible for the integrity of its members. Each section is required - to make a monthly report to the Executive Committee concerning its - activity, membership and financial situation, to entertain friendly - relations with the trades-unions and to promote their formation, to - hold regular meetings at least once every week, and to direct its - efforts exclusively to the organization, enlightening and emancipating - the working classes. No section shall take part in political movements - without the consent of the Executive Committee. Five sections of - different localities shall be entitled to call for the convention of - an extraordinary Congress, such Congress to be convened if a majority - of the sections decides in its favor. - - ARTICLE V. DUES AND CONTRIBUTIONS. A monthly due of five cents for - each member shall be transmitted to the Executive Committee to meet - the expenses of the propaganda and administration. In case of need, - and with the consent of the Board of Supervision, the Executive - Committee is empowered to levy an extraordinary tax. - - ARTICLE VI. GENERAL REGULATIONS. All officers, committees, boards, - etc., shall be chosen by a majority vote. No member of the - organization shall hold more than one office at the same time. All - officers, authorities, committees, boards, etc., of the organization, - may be dismissed or removed at any time by a general vote of their - constituencies, and such general vote shall be taken within one month - from the date of the motion to this effect; provided, however, that - said motion be seconded by not less than one-third of the respective - constituents. Expulsion from one section shall be valid for the whole - organization if approved by the Executive Committee and the Board of - Supervision. - - All members of the organization, by the adoption of this constitution, - take upon themselves the duty to assist each other morally and - materially in case of need. - - The Congress alone has the right of amending, altering or adding to - this constitution, subject to a general vote of all sections, the - result of which is to be communicated to the Executive Committee - within four weeks. - - ARTICLE VII. LOCAL STATUTES. Each section shall chose from its - ranks one organizer, one corresponding and recording secretary, one - financial secretary, one treasurer and two members of an auditing - committee. All these officers shall be elected for six months, and the - Executive Committee shall take timely measures to make the election - of newly formed sections correspond with the general election of - the whole party. The organizer conducts the local propaganda and is - responsible to the section. - - The organizers of the various sections of one locality shall be - in constant communication with each other in order to secure - concerted action. The secretary is charged with the minutes and the - correspondence. The financial secretary shall keep and make out the - list of members, sign the cards of membership, collect the dues, hand - them over to the treasurer and correctly enter them. The treasurer - shall receive all moneys from the financial secretary and hold them - subject to the order of the section. The auditing committee shall - superintend all books and the general management of the affairs, and - audit bills. All officers shall make monthly reports to the section. - A chairman is elected in every meeting for maintaining the usual - parliamentary order. - - The monthly dues of each member shall be no less than ten cents, five - cents of which shall be paid to the Executive Committee. Members being - in arrears for three consecutive months shall be suspended until - fulfilling their duties, always excepted those who are sick or out of - work. Persons not belonging to the wages-class can only be admitted - in a regular business meeting by a two-thirds vote. The result of - every election within the section must be at once communicated to the - Executive Committee. - - _Regulations concerning the Press of the Workingmen’s Party - of the United States._—The _Labor Standard_ of New York, the - _Arbeiter-Stimme_ of New York and the _Vorbote_ of Chicago are - recognized as the organs and property of the party. The organs of - the party shall represent the interest of labor, awaken and arouse - class feelings amongst the workingmen, promote their organization as - well as the trades-union movement, and spread economical knowledge - amongst them. The editorial management of each one of the papers of - the party shall be intrusted to an editor appointed by Congress or - by the Executive Committee and the Board of Supervision jointly, the - editor to receive an appropriate salary. Whenever needed, assistant - editors shall be appointed by the Executive Committee with the advice - and consent of the chief editor. The chief editor is responsible - for the contents of the paper and is to be guided in matters of - principle by the declarations of principles of the party; in technical - and formal matters by the regulations of the Executive Committee. - Whenever refusing to insert a communication from a member of the - organization, the editor is to make it known to the writer thereof, - directly or by an editorial notice, when an appeal can be taken to the - Executive Committee. The editor shall observe strict neutrality toward - differences arising within the party till the Board of Supervision - and the Congress have given their decision. For each one of the - three party papers there shall be elected at their respective places - of publication a council of administration of five members, who, - jointly with the Executive Committee, shall appoint and remove the - business manager and his assistants. The council of administration - shall be chosen for one year in the first week of August of each - year. The council of administration shall establish rules for the - business management, superintend the same, investigate all complaints - concerning the business management, redress all grievances, pay - their weekly salaries to the editors and managers, and make a full - report of the status of the paper every three months to all sections - by a circular. The manager is bound to mail punctually and address - correctly the papers; he shall receive all moneys, book them and hand - them over to the treasurer of the council of administration, and he - shall keep the office of the paper in good order; his salary shall be - fixed by the Congress or by the Executive Committee. All sums over and - above the amount of the security shall be deposited in a bank by the - council of administration. The receipts of all moneys from without - shall be published in the paper. - - The treasurer of the council of administration and the manager shall - give security to the council of administration in the amount fixed - by the Executive Committee. The chief editor’s salary shall be from - $15 to $20 per week. All complaints against the editorial management - shall in the first place be put before the Executive Committee, in - the second place before the Board of Supervision. All complaints - against the business management shall be first referred to the council - of administration, in the second place to the Board of Supervision. - The sections are responsible for the financial liabilities of the - newspaper agents appointed by them. The Congress alone can alter, - amend or add to these regulations. - -The spring of 1876 found the local party in a quiescent state as -regards active participation in politics, but they did not abandon -their meetings. The First Regiment of the National Guard at this period -had assumed goodly proportions, and it naturally came in for a good -deal of attention at the hands of the speakers. They never failed to -denounce it; but, to cover their own sinister designs and lull others -to a sense of security, they invariably declared that the Communists -intended no war. They continued their “vacant-lot” oratory and in every -way sought to increase the number of their party adherents. - -Toward the end of July, 1876, a Union Congress was held in -Philadelphia, and these new declarations of principles were formulated: - - The Union Congress of the Workingmen’s Party of the United States - declares: The emancipation of labor is a social problem concerning the - whole human race and embracing all sexes. The emancipation of women - will be accomplished with the emancipation of men, and the so-called - woman’s rights question will be solved with the labor question. All - evils and wrongs of the present society can be abolished only when - economical freedom is gained for men as well as for women. It is - the duty, therefore, of the wives and daughters of the workingmen - to organize themselves and take their places within the ranks of - struggling labor. To aid and support them in this work is the duty - of men. By uniting their efforts they will succeed in breaking the - economical fetters, and a new and free race of men and women will - arise, recognizing each other as peers. We acknowledge the perfect - equality of rights of both sexes, and in the Workingmen’s Party of the - United States this equality of rights is a principle and is strictly - observed. - - _The Ballot-box._—Considering that the economical emancipation of the - working classes is the great end, to which every political movement - ought to be subordinate as a means; considering that the Workingmen’s - Party of the United States in the first place directs its efforts - to the economical struggle; considering that only in the economical - arena the combatants for the Workingmen’s Party can be trained and - disciplined; considering that in this country the ballot-box has long - ago ceased to record the popular will, and only serves to falsify the - same in the hands of professional politicians; considering that the - organization of the working people is not yet far enough developed - to overthrow at once this state of corruption; considering that - this middle class republic has produced an enormous amount of small - reformers and quacks, the intruding of whom will only be facilitated - by a political movement of the Workingmen’s Party of the United - States and considering that the corruption and misapplication of the - ballot-box, as well as the silly reform movements, flourish most in - years of Presidential elections, at such times greatly endangering - the organization of workingmen: For these reasons the Union Congress, - meeting at Philadelphia in July, 1876, resolves: - - [Illustration: THE GREAT STRIKE IN BALTIMORE. THE MILITIA FIGHTING - THEIR WAY THROUGH THE STREETS.] - - The sections of this party as well as all workingmen in general are - earnestly invited to abstain from all political movements for the - present and to turn their back on the ballot-box. The workingmen - will thus save themselves bitter disappointments, and their time and - efforts will be directed far better towards their own organization, - which is frequently destroyed and always injured by a hasty political - movement. - - Let us bide our time! It will come. - - _Party Government._—Chicago shall be the seat of the Executive - Committee for the ensuing term; New Haven, the seat of the Board of - Supervision. - - _The Next Congress._—The Executive Committee, in connection with - the Board of Supervision, shall select a place for holding the next - Congress in the following named cities: Chicago, Ill.; Newark, N. J.; - Boston, Mass. The end of August shall be the time for the meeting of - the next Congress, and the Executive Committee jointly with the Board - of Supervision shall decide whether the next Congress shall be held in - 1877 or 1878. - - _The Party Press._—As editor of the _Labor Standard_, J. P. McDonnell - is appointed at a salary of $15 per week; at least one member of - Typographical Union No. 6 shall be employed as a compositor. As editor - of the _Arbeiter-Stimme_ Dr. A. Otto Walster is appointed at a salary - of $18 per week; the paper is to be enlarged in a proper way in - October next. As editor of the _Vorbote_ C. Conzett is appointed at a - salary of $18 per week. In consideration of the claim of C. Conzett - upon the paper for past services it is resolved that after a thorough - investigation of the books the Executive Committee shall give to C. - Conzett a promissory note for an amount not exceeding the sum of - $1,430; for payment of this note two-thirds of the net gains made by - party festivities in Chicago and the whole of the gain resulting from - a general New Year’s festivity in the year 1876 shall be appropriated. - Stock and assets to pass into the hands of the party. A coöperative - printing association like the one in New York shall be formed in - Chicago, which shall publish the _Vorbote_ at cost price, adding the - usual percentage of wear and tear, and which shall buy the stock - for not less than $600. A diminution of the size of the _Vorbote_ - is proposed, and Conzett is empowered to act in this matter with - due regard to the interests of the party. Dr. A. Douai is appointed - assistant editor of all three papers. It is also resolved to employ - the late editor of the English paper as assistant editor for numbers - 18 and 19 of the _Labor Standard_ and pay him his usual salary of $12 - per week for two weeks more. It is resolved to levy an extraordinary - tax of ten cents per member, and to continue said extraordinary tax - every three months until all liabilities of the party shall be paid. - All sections are invited to hold festivities in honor of the Union, - now accomplished, and to devote the proceeds of these festivities to - aid the press of the party and to pay the extraordinary taxes. - -It was further resolved that “no local paper shall be founded without -the consent of the Executive Committee and the Board of Supervision.” -It was resolved to place the agencies of all foreign publications in -the hands of the party. After having come to an understanding with the -various publishers of labor papers in other countries, a central depot -was to be established. The two councils of administration of the party -organs in New York were charged with making the necessary preparations -for opening the central depot on the first day of October in New York. -It was also recommended to the party authorities to publish labor -pamphlets adapted to the conditions of this country. - - _Decisions of the Executive Committee._—In order to insure the - collection of the extra tax of ten cents per quarter, levied by the - Congress, the moneys sent in for dues will be credited to the extra - tax account for the preceding quarter year, should such delinquencies - occur. Any section in arrears for three months will be notified, and - if within one month thereafter the section has not restored its good - standing, it will be declared defunct. Where sections cannot appoint - their own newspaper agent from among the members, they may appoint any - person as their agent, but such agent must be personally responsible. - Where sections fail to report gain or loss of members, they will be - charged for dues and extra tax, according to the number of members - enrolled at the last report. Every section shall be judge of its own - members, but no expulsion from the whole party can be effected except - as provided for by the constitution. No person can be a member of two - sections at the same time. - - _Amendments to the Constitution._—Paragraph 3, division 4, under - “Sections.” First amendment, adopted December 16th by a general - election: In addition to one section (composed of men of each language - of any locality) there may also be organized one section of women - under the same regulations as the others. Second amendment, adopted - July 15: Article 1, paragraph 4, is amended to read: “For the Congress - to be held in the year 1887, the expenses of each delegate will be - borne by the section or sections represented by him.” - -During the winter of 1876 the excitement on the possible outcome of the -national election prostrated business throughout the country. There -were even rumors and threats of bloody conflict. Capital naturally -hesitated, and investments were confined to projects in which there -was no element of chance and for which the returns were measurably -certain. The Socialists of Chicago sought in every possible way to make -the most of the situation by inflaming the minds of the unemployed -against capital, and labored to secure proselytes by urging that such -a state of affairs could never exist under Socialism. Meetings were -held wherever either a hall or a vacant lot could be secured. A. R. -Parsons, Philip Van Patten, George A. Schilling, T. J. Morgan and Ben -Sibley, who had hitherto figured only before small street crowds, now -became prominent as speakers at large gatherings, and their harangues -proved that they were apt students in the Socialistic school, and ready -expounders of the proposed new social system. - -The Legislature of Illinois was in session at the time under review, -and in March, 1877, the Socialist leaders entered into a discussion -of the necessity of forcing that body to pass the bills then pending -before it with reference to the establishment of a bureau of statistics -on wages and earnings, cost and manner of living, fatal accidents in -each branch of labor and their causes, coöperation, hours of labor, -etc., and for the collection of wages. They urged that the laboring -classes should demand these measures and insisted that the “boss -classes, the capitalistic classes, the aristocrats, who lived in riot -and luxury on the fruit which labor had tilled and ought to enjoy,” -should not stand in the way of their passage. Time and again they rang -the various changes on the “iniquity and inequalities of the present -social system,” and fairly howled themselves hoarse in declaring that -“the Labor party was organized not only to destroy that system, but -to secure a division of property, which Socialism demanded and was -determined to have.” - -Early in July, 1877, the firemen and brakemen of the Baltimore and Ohio -Railroad began a strike at Baltimore against a reduction of wages. This -strike soon reached Martinsburg, W. Va., and caused an immense blockade -of freight traffic. The strikers finally grew so riotous that the local -authorities were powerless, and President Hayes, being appealed to by -the Governor of Maryland, issued a proclamation. United States troops -were at the same time dispatched from Washington and Fort McHenry to -the scene of disturbances, and order was finally brought out of chaos. - -Following close upon the heels of this strike came one on the -Pennsylvania Railroad at Pittsburg, against an order doubling up trains -and thus dispensing with a large number of employés. The railroad -people, in explanation of their action, showed that during June -preceding not only had there been a great depreciation of railroad -stocks, but a shrinkage in the value of railroad property from 20 to 70 -per cent., caused by a great falling-off in business. It is needless -for the purpose of this chapter to recount the wild scenes of riot and -bloodshed that ensued at Pittsburg, when troops numbering two thousand, -sent from Philadelphia, engaged in deadly conflict with the unbridled -mob and when millions of dollars’ worth of property was destroyed by -the incendiary torch. - -While this carnival of fire, death and bloodshed still startled the -world, a strike broke out in Chicago among railroad men. While the -strikers here sought to contend in an orderly manner against their -employers, the same element which had inspired and carried out deeds of -violence in the East—the Communists—were not slow to seize upon the -opportunity in Chicago to widen the breach between capital and labor. -Threats and riotous demonstrations were their weapons. They virtually -took possession of all the large manufacturing establishments in the -city, and by intimidation and force compelled men willing to work and -satisfied with their wages to join their howling mobs. Not alone did -they succeed in stopping freight traffic, but they clogged the wheels -of industry in the principal factories and shops of the city. The -leaders were active during the day directing the riotous movements -of their followers, and at night they assembled to devise methods -to increase the general turmoil. Their headquarters were at No. 131 -Milwaukee Avenue, and here all-night sessions were sometimes held. -Proclamations were frequently sent out to workingmen, urging them to -stand firmly in defense of their rights. - -The leading spirits at this time were Philip Van Patten, now of -Cincinnati, J. H. White, J. Paulsen and Charles Erickson, who -constituted the executive committee of the Workingmen’s Party, and A. -R. Parsons and George Schilling. - -Some of the meetings referred to were quite stormy in character. -Threats were made to “clean out” the police, and some speakers -advised attacks on the guardians of the peace with stones, bricks and -revolvers. The leaders were too cautious, however, to advise anything -of the kind in their public declarations. Violence was reserved for the -mobs on the inspiration of the moment, or at the instigation of trusted -adherents at the proper time. - -That such were their intentions is apparent from a statement of one of -the members, who said: - -“To-morrow Chicago will see a big day, and no one can predict what will -be the end of this contest.” - -Sure enough, on the day following—the 25th of July—a conflict ensued -between the police and strong mobs at the Halsted Street Viaduct and -elsewhere, in which several of the rioters were injured. On the day -following, the riots reached their culminating point, and between the -police, infantry and cavalry the Communistic element were driven to -their holes with many killed and wounded. That effectually terminated -the reign of riot, and the city resumed its normal condition. The -trouble in the East also subsided about the same time. - -The Communists, after this severe lesson, remained dormant for some -months. Evidently they saw that the time had not arrived for the -commencement of that revolution which they had at heart. In the fall of -1877 they seem to have reached the conclusion that they would exchange -the art of war for arts political. Accordingly, in October they were -again to be found on the campaign stump—for the first time since 1874. -There were then four parties in the field,—Democrats, Republicans, -Industrials and Greenbackers,—and this situation may have suggested -a chance for the success of their ticket or an opportunity to secure -concessions from the dominant parties that would result to their -advantage. C. J. Dixon was then chairman of the “Industrial Party.” -This party claimed to seek redress for the grievances of workingmen -without resorting to destruction of society or government, and if -it had denied affiliation with the Socialists it might have become -a factor in politics. It may be stated that for a time after the -election Dixon held to his principles, but a few years later became a -representative in the Legislature of the Communistic element. - -The outcome of the political agitation of the Socialists that fall -was the nomination of the following ticket: For County Treasurer, -Frank A. Stauber; County Clerk, A. R. Parsons; Probate Clerk, Philip -Van Patten; Clerk of the Criminal Court, Tim O’Meara; Superintendent -of Schools, John McAuliff; County Commissioners, W. A. Barr, Samuel -Goldwater, T. J. Morgan, Max Nisler and L. Thorsmark. For Judge, John -A. Jameson, then on the bench, was indorsed, and Julius Rosenthal—not -a Socialist—was nominated for Judge of the Probate Court. The election -held on the 8th of November showed some gains for the party. Omitting -the “Industrials” which were swallowed up by the other parties in the -way of “election trades,” the Socialists secured a vote of 6,592 in the -contest for the County Treasurership, while McCrea, Republican, polled -a vote of 22,423; Lynch, Democrat, 18,388, and Hammond, Greenbacker, -769. - -In 1878 a session of the Congress was again held, and then it was -decided to change the name of the “Workingmen’s Party of the United -States” to the “Socialistic Labor Party,” and it was also resolved to -“use the ballot-box as a means for the elevation of working people” and -for “electing men from their own ranks to the halls of legislation and -to the municipal government.” - -The different wards of Chicago were subsequently organized into ward -clubs, each with a captain and secretary as permanent officers for -a year. It was made the duty of the captain of a ward to find halls -for public meetings and to report to the central committee. He was to -open the meetings in his ward and see that a chairman was chosen from -among those attending. The duty of the secretary was to issue cards of -membership to new members, to collect monthly dues of ten cents from -each member, and to receipt for the same on the back of the cards; he -was also to keep minutes of the meetings and have them published in -the party papers. The captain was authorized to appoint a precinct -captain for every precinct in his ward, whose duty it was to control -the distribution of tickets at elections. The precinct captain was also -directed to appoint lieutenants in his precinct, one for each block if -possible, to assist him in the work of agitation and the distribution -of tickets. - -Under the plans formulated by the Socialistic Congress a central -committee was again organized in the city of Chicago. It was composed -of a chairman, a secretary and a treasurer, who were elected by a joint -meeting of the different sections every six months. In 1878 there were -four sections in Chicago—one German, one English, one French and one -Scandinavian. The German section had the largest number of members, -between three and four hundred, and was steadily gaining. The English -section numbered only about one hundred and fifty. The Scandinavian -branch had about an equal number. The French only mustered fifty -members. During a campaign the ward captains were made members of the -central committee. They were charged with the duty of reporting the -progress of the ward clubs, notifying the committee where halls had -been rented and indicating what speakers were needed. It was the duty -of the central committee to advertise all club meetings, pay for the -halls rented when the clubs could not pay, and settle all bills and -expenses incident to an election. The committee was the only body -authorized to order the printing of tickets, and for all their acts -they were held responsible to the “Socialistic Labor Party.” The money -needed to defray expenses was raised mostly through subscriptions -and collections in the various clubs. The meetings of the committee -were conducted openly. Representatives of the press were permitted to -be present if at any prior meeting they had not purposely distorted -the proceedings. During the years 1878 and 1879 the meetings of the -committee were generally held in a hall on the second floor of No. 7 -South Clark Street. - -[Illustration: THE LABOR TROUBLES OF 1877. RIOTS AT THE HALSTED STREET -VIADUCT, CHICAGO.] - -With an organization thus perfected under the plan of the Socialistic -Congress, the Socialists felt themselves in condition to cope with the -other parties. They saw in the vote of 1877 a chance for seating some -of their members in the City Council, and set out to talk politics at -all their gatherings for the spring of 1878. On the 15th of March of -that year they held a convention at No. 45 North Clark Street, and -put up a ticket for Aldermen in all the wards except the Eleventh and -Eighteenth, and for the various town offices in the three divisions -of Chicago. Inasmuch as the “old timber” was worked over for these -various offices, it is needless to repeat names. Their platform -reiterated the demands made in the first declaration of principles, -and, in addition, asked for the establishment of public baths in each -division of the city; extension of the school system; annulment of the -gas and street-car companies’ charters, the same to be operated by the -city after payment to the owners of principal and interest on moneys -actually invested, out of the profits; prompt payment of taxes, and -employment for all residents of the city that needed it. - -During the campaign incident to the election, Paul Grottkau, then a -recent arrival from Berlin, proved a conspicuous figure and made a -number of stirring appeals. He expounded the principles of Socialism -and invariably wound up by characterizing the members of the Democratic -and Republican parties as “liars and horse-thieves.” Through his active -participation in the Socialistic movement in Chicago Grottkau became -editor of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, but, fortunately for himself, was -displaced in 1880 by August Spies. - -The election of April, 1878, resulted in placing one member in the City -Council—Stauber, from the Fourteenth Ward. - -This was the first political victory the Socialists had achieved in the -city, and, having noticed a small but steady increase in their voting -force, they proceeded to organize and agitate more diligently than ever -before in a political way. Meanwhile they saw the growing strength of -the State militia, and as an offset to the organization of the various -military companies in Chicago they determined to raise and equip -companies from their own ranks. They had begun in a quiet way to start -the nucleus of military companies some time after the First Regiment -had been organized, but it was not until 1878 that it became generally -known that they had men armed and drilled in military tactics, to be -marshaled against society upon a favorable opportunity. In the early -part of 1878 the very flower and strength of their military was the -Lehr und Wehr Verein, composed of picked men and veterans who had been -baptized with fire on European battlefields. Its strength was variously -estimated at from four to six thousand, but it never exceeded four -hundred members. The “Jaeger Verein,” the “Bohemian Sharpshooters” -and the “Labor Guard of the Fifth Ward,” each with no more than fifty -members, were auxiliary organizations and composed mainly of raw -recruits. Their instruction in the manual of arms was mainly given by -Major Presser, a trained and skilled European tactician. - -Meantime the party had been greatly strengthened by the aid of -newspapers printed in its interest. In 1874, _Die Volks-Zeitung_ had -been started by a stock company called the Social-Democratic Printing -Association. This paper was published at No. 94 South Market Street, -with Mr. Brucker as editor. Shortly thereafter, the _Vorbote_, a weekly -paper, was started under the auspices of the Workingmen’s Party at the -same number. C. Conzett, formerly a resident of Berne, Switzerland, -became its editor. He subsequently bought out the _Volks-Zeitung_ -and thereafter published a tri-weekly paper under the name of the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_, which became a private enterprise in the interest -of workingmen. His assistant editor was Gustav Leiser. They made the -paper an advocate of revolutionary methods and urged the organization -of trades-unions. They encouraged strikes and held that only through -such means could workingmen secure their rights. They published without -charge all grievances of laboring men on the score of non-payment of -wages and abuses of manufacturing concerns, but each article had the -full name of the writer. At first the editors did not favor a resort -to the ballot-box to remedy grievances. It was not until after the -great railroad strike of July, 1877, that they advocated an organized -fight in elections independently of the old parties. The workingmen, -they urged, must elect men of their own in order to secure favorable -legislation. - -In 1878 an English weekly called the _Socialist_ was started under the -auspices of the main section of the Socialistic Labor Party of Chicago. -This main section was composed of the German, English, Scandinavian and -French sections, and they employed Frank Hirth as editor at a salary -of $15 per week and A. R. Parsons as assistant at a salary of $12 per -week. This paper was made the organ in the English language of the -Socialistic Labor Party, and, while it made some headway at the start, -it succumbed within a year, owing to jealousies and differences of -opinion between the German and English sections. - -About the time the _Socialist_ was established another paper was put in -the field by the Scandinavian section. It was called _Den Nye Tid_, and -was edited by Mr. Peterson. - -In 1878 the proprietor of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ signified a -willingness to sell his paper to the Socialistic Labor Party, and, in -order to consummate the transfer, the main section held a meeting in -May of that year at Steinmueller’s Hall, No. 45 North Clark Street. -Plans were then and there matured for its purchase. It was decided to -borrow the money and issue notes at 6 per cent. interest, payable as -soon as the treasury had secured enough from collections and other -sources to take them up. Collectors were appointed for each division of -the city, and they were directed to collect money from workingmen and -storekeepers. On the evening of June 29, 1878, a meeting was held at -No. 7 South Clark Street, and the reports showed that enough money had -been raised to purchase the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. Subsequently a general -meeting was held and a society was organized called the “Socialistische -Druckgesellschaft.” A board of trustees was chosen, and they applied to -the Secretary of State for a charter. That official declined to issue -the charter because the name of the society was in German. Another -meeting was held at No. 54 West Lake Street, and the name was changed -to the “Socialistic Publishing Company,” after which the charter was -readily secured. The paper was then transferred by Herr Conzett to -the new company, and subsequently the managers added a Sunday edition -called _Die Fackel_. Paul Grottkau, formerly editor of the Berlin -_Freie Presse_, was appointed editor under the new management at a -salary of $15 per week, and F. J. Pfeiffer, of Chicago, was made -assistant editor. The society which now had charge of the paper was -composed of _bona fide_ members of the German section. Their meetings -were conducted in the same manner as those of the Socialistic Labor -Party. The price of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ was reduced, and all money -realized from its sale over and above expenses was applied for purposes -of agitation. While the paper was reported in a prospering condition, -it was decided to take steps to pay off its indebtednes as represented -by the outstanding notes, and to this end a grand festival was to be -held, the proceeds of which should be devoted to the press fund. Some -trouble was experienced in getting a hall large enough for the purpose. -The Exposition Building was finally decided upon, and it was secured -without much delay, with results as noted further along in this chapter. - -Soon after the _Socialist_ had expired, the members of the Workingmen’s -Party felt the need of an English organ, and, having meanwhile come -to a better understanding, they decided that they would make another -effort to put one before the people. The result of several conferences -was a monster picnic at Wright’s Grove on the 16th of June, 1878. -The procession formed to make the occasion imposing numbered about -three thousand, and side by side with the American flag was borne -the red banner of Anarchy. This emblem, although it finally crowded -out the “stars and stripes,” had hitherto been reserved in public -demonstrations for a minor place. Some of the mottoes displayed on -this occasion ran as follows: “No Rich, no Poor—All Alike.” “No -Monopolies—All for One and One for All.” “Land belongs to Society,” -and “No Masters, no Slaves.” - -The result of the picnic was that the _Alarm_ was established, and A. -R. Parsons became its editor on a weekly allowance of $5, subsequently -raised to $8. - -In the fall campaign of 1878 we find the Socialists again in the field -with a full ticket for Congressmen, the Legislature and local offices. -Former party platforms were reaffirmed, and mass-meetings to fire -the hearts of workingmen were frequently held. At these gatherings -capitalists were denounced as usual, and the police came in for some -attention. The campaign song was also introduced, and the chorus -of one, rendered by an untamed troubadour named W. B. Creech, and -referring to the police, ran after this style, to the air of “Peeler -and Goat”: - -[Illustration: DR. CARL EDUARD NOBILING.] - - Then raise your voices, workingmen, - Against such cowardly hirelings, O! - Go to the polls and slaughter them - With ballots, instead of bullets, O! - -One Dr. McIntosh could always be depended on for grinding out any -quantity of doggerel of this kind for any occasion. The Socialists -claimed that they would poll on the day of election—Nov. 5th—from -9,000 to 13,000 votes. Their calculations, like their utterances, were -wild and wide off the mark, however, as their candidate for Sheriff, -Ryan, only secured 5,980 votes, while Hoffman, Republican, had 16,592; -Kern, Democrat, 16,586, and Dixon, Greenbacker, 4,491. They secured, -however, a member of the State Senate, Sylvester Artley, and three -members of the lower house of the Legislature—Leo Meilbeck, Charles -Ehrhardt and Christian Meier. - -[Illustration: MAX HOEDEL.] - -This gave them great confidence, and they pushed with greater vigor -than ever their political work. Meetings were kept up throughout the -winter, and, among other things, they discussed measures which they -demanded from the Legislature in the interest of labor. These demands -included reducing the hours of labor; the establishment of a bureau of -labor statistics; abolishment of convict labor; sanitary inspection of -food, dwellings, factories, work-shops and mines; abolition of child -labor; liability of employers for all accidents to employés through the -employers’ neglect, and priority of demands for wages over all other -claims. They found time also to give their attention to their brethren -in Europe, and at a meeting held Sunday, January 19, 1879, they adopted -resolutions denouncing Bismarck for persecutions of workingmen in -Germany. The pretext for these persecutions, they claimed, grew out of -the attempts on the life of Emperor William by Hoedel and Dr. Nobiling. -The would-be assassins, they confessed, had once been Socialists, but -at the time of the attack had had nothing in common with the order. -Hoedel, they said, had been expelled, and had subsequently joined the -“Christian Socialistic Party,” which they asserted had the favor of -the Government, and at the head of which was a Government official. -They claimed that Hoedel had been instigated to the deed by the German -court, and they even doubted that he had been beheaded in expiation -of his crime. Hoedel, they said, had been simply an instrument in the -hands of Bismarck, who wanted a pretext to persecute the Socialists and -secure the passage of a bill in the Reichstag for their suppression. -Under the provisions of that bill, they asserted, men, women and -children were thrown into dungeons without trial, and they insisted -that the Congress of the United States should voice their protest -against such persecutions. - -At nearly every large meeting held during the winter in question, -Creech was to the front with new songs, among one the chorus of which -ran thus: - - Raise aloft the crimson banner, emblem of the free; - Mighty tyrants now are trembling, here and o’er the sea. - -On the evening of March 22, 1879, they held the celebration in the -Exposition Building already referred to. This was ostensibly in -commemoration of the establishment of the Paris Commune in 1848 and -again in 1871. The real purpose, however, was to obtain funds to defray -the expenses incident to the coming spring campaign and to aid in -making a daily out of their tri-weekly organ, the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. -There were from 20,000 to 25,000 people in the building, and the -amount reported realized reached $4,500. There was speech-making by -Dr. Ernst Schmidt, A. R. Parsons, Paul Grottkau, and lesser lights, -and the various military companies of the organization strutted about -in their uniforms, with belts, cartridge-boxes, bayonet scabbards and -breech-loading Remingtons. - -With part of the proceeds of this celebration, the Socialists fitted up -campaign headquarters in a top-story room on the northeast corner of -Madison and La Salle Streets, in the very heart of the business center. -Their ticket covered all the offices from Mayor lo Aldermen. The only -new names that figured on this ticket were those of N. H. Jorgensen, -J. J. Alpeter, Robert Buck, Henry Johnson, Max Selle, George Brown, R. -Lorenz, James Lynn and R. Van Deventer. The election occurred on the -1st of April, 1879, and their candidate for Mayor, Dr. Schmidt, secured -11,829 votes, while Carter H. Harrison, Democrat, scored 25,685, -and A. M. Wright, Republican, 20,496. They elected three Aldermen, -however—Alpeter from the Sixth Ward, Lorenz from the Fourteenth, and -Meier, then in the Legislature, from the Sixteenth, which made, with -Stauber, four representatives in the City Council. - -[Illustration: BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—I. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS.] - -With the inauguration of Carter Harrison’s administration, a good deal -of attention was given to the Socialists by him as well as by his -Democratic co-laborers. Some of their men were given employment in the -departments of the city. Although they still continued their agitation, -these appointments and other favors had the effect of undermining their -political strength. - -In the next Mayoralty election they made a show of keeping up their -organization and nominated George Schilling for Mayor and Frank Stauber -for City Treasurer. But in the election held April 5th, 1881, the -former only polled 240 votes, and Stauber 1,999, thus demonstrating an -almost complete collapse of the party. - -This virtually took them out of politics. Thenceforward the Socialists -seem to have decided to abandon the ballot-box, and to rely on force -only for the attainment of their objects. Accordingly their harangues -were directed to the dissemination of the doctrines of revolution. They -endeavored still, it is true, to maintain a representation in the City -Council, but in 1884 the Socialistic element was entirely eliminated -from that body. - -[Illustration: CARTER H. HARRISON.] - -At the session of the Congress of the International Workingmen’s -Association held at Pittsburg from the 14th to the 16th of October, -1883, there was a large delegation of Chicago Anarchists. A question -arose as to the use of the ballot for remedying the wrongs of the -laboring people. The delegates from Baltimore insisted that recourse -should be had to the ballot-box, but those from Pittsburg were of -another mind, and favored something stronger. This suggestion gave -the Anarchist contingent from Chicago an opportunity to come to the -front, and, while some of these did not hold to extreme measures, -they all agreed that the ballot-box only served to keep capitalistic -representatives in office. The radical Chicago element went still -further, holding that the theory of Karl Marx, the use of force, was -the correct one, and that that force should be dynamite. But here a -split occurred in their own delegation, the milder ones holding to the -theory of Lassalle, that they should first give the ballot a thorough -trial and use force only in the event of failure. The sentiment of -the convention predominated in favor of force, and the conservative -Anarchists ceased to be members. - -The controversy thus begun was carried back to Chicago, and the -radicals set themselves strenuously to work to bring their disaffected -associates to the advocacy of dynamite. The members of the Lehr und -Wehr Verein were particularly opposed to the use of the bomb. They -had equipped themselves and drilled in the use of guns so as to be -able to meet the police and militia after failure at the polls, and -they contended that men carrying bombs would be apt, through lack -of experience, to hurt themselves as much as their opponents. Men -thoroughly drilled in the handling of a gun, they argued, could -accomplish something, and to that end every one should be instructed in -military tactics. The radicals of the various “groups” did not believe -in guns, however, and held that, inasmuch as they had experimented with -dynamite with some success, they should adopt it as a means of warfare. -They finally brought all to their ideas, and from that time to the -present they have given the subject of dynamite and explosives a great -deal of study. - -As indicating the sense of the Pittsburg Congress their plan of -organization and resolutions are here given: - - The name of the organization shall be “International Workingmen’s - Association.” - - 1. The organization shall consist of federal groups which recognize - the principles laid down in the manifesto and consider themselves - bound by them. - - 2. Five persons shall have the right to form a group. - - 3. Each group shall have complete independence (autonomy) and shall - further have the right to conduct the propaganda in accordance with - its own judgment, but the same must not collide with the fundamental - principles of the organization. - - 4. Each group may call itself by the name of its location. When there - is more than one group, they shall be numbered. - - 5. In places where there is more than one group it is recommended that - a general committee be formed to secure united action. Such committees - shall, however, have no executive power. - - 6. A Bureau of Information shall be created at Chicago and shall - consist of a secretary of each of the groups of different languages. - It is the duty of such bureau to keep an exact list of all the groups - belonging to the organization and to keep up correspondence with and - between the domestic and foreign groups. - - 7. Groups intending to join the organization must, after they have - recognized its principles, send their application and list of members - to the groups located nearest to them, whose duty it is then to - forward such application to the Bureau of Information. The groups - shall send a report of the situation to the Bureau of Information at - least every three months. - - 8. A Congress can be called at any time by a majority of the groups. - - 9. All the necessary expenses of the Bureau of Information shall be - met by voluntary contributions of the groups. - - _Plan for the Propaganda._—The organization of North America shall - be divided into nine districts of agitation, as follows: 1. Canada. - 2. District of Columbia. 3. The Eastern States (Maine, New Hampshire, - Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New - Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland). 4. The Middle States - (Ohio, West Virginia, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Wisconsin, - and Illinois). 5. The Western States (Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, - Nebraska, Dakota, Kansas, Indian Territory and New Mexico). 6. The - Rocky Mountain States (Colorado, Montana, Idaho Territory, Utah - and Nevada). 7. The Pacific Coast States. 8. The Southern States - (Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, - Tennessee, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas.) 9. Mexico. - - It is recommended to the several districts to organize general - district committees for the purpose of more effective and united - action. It is the duty of these general committees to provide that - whenever practicable agitators shall be sent forth. If there is a lack - of proper agitators in a district the general committee shall inform - the Bureau of Information. This shall be done also when there is a - surplus of workers, so that the bureau shall be able to bring about an - equal distribution of the working elements. - - The expenses of the traveling agitators shall be paid by local groups, - or, when these are without means, by the general organization. - - _Resolutions._—The following resolutions were offered by A. R. - Parsons: - - “In consideration that the protection capitalists are men who, by - excluding the cheap products of labor of competing countries, intend - to make enormous profits, while the free-trade capitalists intend to - make just as large profits by the sale of the cheap products of labor - of other countries; and - - “In consideration that the only difference between the two is this: - That the one wants to import the products of cheap foreign labor, - while the others consider it of greater advantage to import the cheap - labor itself of other countries; and - - “In consideration that it is a great injustice to tax by a protective - tariff a whole people for the benefit of a few privileged capitalists - or of branches of industry: Be it, therefore, - - “_Resolved_, That we, the International Workingmen’s Association, - consider the protective tariff and free trade questions - capitalistic questions, which have not the least interest for - wage-workers—questions which are intended to confuse and mislead the - workingman. The fight on both sides is only one for the possession - of the robbed products of labor. The question whether there should - be a protective tariff or free trade are political questions, which - for some time past have divided governments and nations into opposing - factions, but which, as already said, do not contribute toward the - solution of social questions. The adage, _Polvere negli occhi_ - (throwing dust in the eyes), expresses the intentions of both parties. - - “In consideration that we see in trades-unions advocating progressive - principles the abolishment of the wage system—the corner-stone of a - better and more just system of society than the present; and - - “In consideration, further, that these trades-unions consist of an - army of robbed and disinherited fellow-sufferers and brothers, called - to overthrow the economic establishments of the present time for the - purpose of general and free coöperation: Be it, therefore, - - “_Resolved_, That we, the I. W. M. A., proffer the hand of fellowship - to them, and give them our sympathy and help in their fight against - the ever-growing despotism of private capital; and - - “_Resolved_, That while we give such progressive trades-unions our - fullest sympathy and assure them of every assistance in our power, - we are, on the other hand, determined to fight and, if possible, to - annihilate every organization given to reactionary principles, as - these are the enemies of the emancipation of the workingmen, as well - as of humanity and of progress. - - “In consideration that the courts of arbitration for settlement of - differences between the workingmen and their employers, without the - fundamental condition of free and independent action on both sides, - are simply contrary to reason; and - - “In consideration that a free settlement between the rich and the poor - is impossible since the wage-worker has but the choice to obey or to - starve; and - - “In consideration that arbitration is possible and just only in case - both parties are so situated that they can accept or refuse an offer - entirely of their own free will: Be it, therefore, - - “_Resolved_, That arbitration between capital and labor is to be - condemned. Wage-workers ought never to resort to it.” - -After expressions of sympathy for the striking coal-miners in Dubois, -Pa., who were advised to arm themselves for defense against the bandits -of order, the resolutions proceed: - - “In consideration that our brothers and fellow combatants in the - Old World are engaged in a terrible struggle against our common - foe, the crowned and uncrowned despots of the world, the church and - priestcraft, and thousands of them are languishing in prison and in - Siberia and are suffering in exile: Be it, therefore, - - “_Resolved_, That we tender these heroic martyrs our sympathies, - encouragement and aid. - - “In consideration that there is no material difference existing - between the aims of the I. W. M. A. and the Socialistic Labor Party: - Be it, therefore, - - “_Resolved_, That we invite the members of the S. L. P. to unite with - us on the basis of the principles laid down in our manifesto for the - purpose of a common and effective propaganda.” - - Issued by order of the Pittsburg Congress of the International - Workingmen’s Association. For further information apply to the - undersigned “Bureau of Information.” - - Secretary of the English language, AUG. SPIES. - Secretary of the German language, PAUL GROTTKAU. - Secretary of the French language, WM. MEDOW. - Secretary of the Bohemian language, J. MIKOLANDA. - - No. 107 Fifth Avenue, Chicago. - -In accordance with pre-arranged plans, therefore, when the street-car -riots occurred on the West Division Railroad in the summer of 1885, -the Anarchists and Socialists of Chicago took a prominent part and -did everything in their power to create a bloody conflict between the -police and the strikers. In 1886, when the laboring classes of Chicago -had decided to strike on the 1st of May for eight hours as a day’s -work, they came forward and resolved to strike a blow which would -terrorize the community and inaugurate the rule of the Commune. How -they went to work in that direction and how they succeeded is fully -shown in succeeding chapters. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - - Socialism, Theoretic and Practical—Statements of the - Leaders—Vengeance on the “Spitzels”—The Black Flag in the - Streets—Resolutions in the _Alarm_—The Board of Trade - Procession—Why it Failed—Experts on Anarchy—Parsons, Spies, Schwab - and Fielden Outline their Belief—The International Platform—Why - Communism Must Fail—A French Experiment and its Lesson—The Law of - Averages—Extracts from the Anarchic Press—Preaching Murder—Dynamite - or the Ballot-Box?—“The Reaction in America”—Plans for Street - Fighting—Riot Drill and Tactics—Bakounine and the Social - Revolution—Twenty-one Statements of an Anarchist’s Duty—Herways’ - Formula—Predicting the Haymarket—The Lehr und Wehr Verein and the - Supreme Court—The White Terror and the Red—Reinsdorf, the Father - of Anarchy—His Association with Hoedel and Nobiling—Attempt to - Assassinate the German Emperor—Reinsdorf at Berlin—His Desperate - Plan—“Old Lehmann” and the Socialist’s Dagger—The Germania - Monument—An Attempt to Kill the Whole Court—A Culvert Full of - Dynamite—A Wet Fuse and no Explosion—Reinsdorf Condemned to - Death—His Last Letters—Chicago Students of his Teachings—De - Tocqueville and Socialism. - - -THE Constitution of the United States guarantees the right of free -speech, free discussion and free assemblage. These are the cardinal -doctrines of our free institutions. But when liberty is trenched upon -to the extent of advocacy of revolutionary methods, subversion of law -and order and the displacement of existing society, Socialism places -itself beyond the pale of moral forces and arrays itself on the side -of the freebooter, the bandit, the cut-throat and the traitor. Public -measures and public men are open to the widest criticism consistent -with truth, decency and justice, but differences of opinion are no -more to be brought into harmony through blood than the settlement -of private disputes is to be effected by means of the bludgeon, the -knife or the bullet. The freedom of speech which is valuable either to -the individual or to humanity is that which builds up, not destroys, -society. - -Now, what does Socialism, or Anarchy, precisely teach, and at what -does it aim? It is true, there are two schools of Socialism—one -conservative and the other radical to a sanguinary degree; one seeking -a change in existing society and government through enlightenment, -and the other the attainment of the same principles through force. -But the conservatives form so small a portion of the Socialistic body -that they cut no figure in the general direction and management of the -organization; and so far as relates to the visible manifestations of -that body, Socialism in the United States may be regarded as synonymous -with Anarchy. - -As I have shown, the ostensible object of the organization in Chicago, -as elsewhere, at the outset, was peaceful, but the ulterior aim—the -establishment of Socialism through force, when sufficiently powerful -in numbers—has in later years clearly developed. The early Socialist -orators only hinted at force as a possible factor in the social -revolution they advocated, and it was reserved for the active agitators -of the past ten years to boldly and openly proclaim for the methods of -the Paris Commune. - -Before proceeding to particulars as to the utterances of Anarchist -leaders, the sources of their inspiration and their definition of -Socialism, it may be well to advert to some incidents in connection -with their movements as a revolutionary party. One incident specially -worthy of mention was a meeting held at Mueller’s Hall, corner of -Sedgwick Street and North Avenue, on the evening of January 12, 1885. -It was a secret gathering, but, despite Socialistic vigilance, Officer -Michael Hoffman managed to remain and quietly note the drift of the -speeches. Parsons first took the floor, and said: - -[Illustration: THE BLACK FLAG. From a Photograph.] - - Gentlemen, before we call this meeting to order, I want you to be sure - that we are all right and all one. I want you to see if there are any - reporters or policemen present. See if you can discover any spies. - If you find any one here, you can do with him as you please, but my - advice to you is, take him and strangle him and then throw him out of - the window; then let the people think that the fellow fell out. And if - you should give one of them a chance for his life, tell him, if he has - any more notions to come to our meetings, he should first go to St. - Michael’s Church, see the priest and prepare himself for death, say - farewell to all his friends and family—and then let him enter. I want - all these people to know that I am not afraid of them; I don’t like - them, and let them stay away from me. - -After precautions had been taken to exclude objectionable persons, the -proceedings began. Four speeches were delivered, two in English and two -in German. Parsons confined his remarks to the capitalists. All present -were poor, he said, and they only had themselves to blame. One-half -of all the wealth in the country belonged to the poor people, but the -capitalists had robbed them of it. The poor offered no resistance, -and yet the capitalist was doing the same thing day after day. He was -getting richer, and the poor poorer, because the working people lay -down and permitted themselves to be robbed. He recounted some of Most’s -experiences, and insisted that capitalists must submit to workingmen. -They must be shown that their lives are worth no more than the lives of -the working people. - -[Illustration: THE OFFICE OF THE ARBEITER-ZEITUNG. - -From a Photograph.] - -He next touched upon the merits of a new invention by which, he said, -many hundreds of houses could be set on fire, and exhibited a small -tin box or can with a capacity of four ounces. This can, he remarked, -could be filled with some chemical stuff to serve as an explosive. A -great many of these cans could be carried in a basket, and, traveling -around as match peddlers or under some other guise, his hearers could -secure entrance to the houses of capitalists. All they would then be -obliged to do was to either place or drop one of “those darlings” in a -secure place and go about their business. It would do its work, without -any one’s presence to attend to it, in less time than an hour. If they -would get the boxes ready, he would tell them where to get the “stuff.” -This plan of operations would keep the fire and police departments -quite busy. If they organized and went to work with a resolute spirit, -they could have things all their own way throughout the city and obtain -possession of what remained after their work of destruction. He also -urged all his comrades to become familiar with dynamite and said that -for the necessary instructions they could come to a building on Fifth -Avenue (107, the offices of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and _Alarm_), where -he and others could be found to help them. There was no other way now -left, he continued, except for the laborers to use the sword, the -bullet and dynamite, and, closing sententiously, he said: - - I probably will be hung as soon as I get out on the street, but if - they do hang me, boys, don’t forget what I have been telling you about - the little can and the dear stuff, dynamite, because this is the only - way I and you can get our rights. - -It goes without saying that Parsons was applauded to the echo. Another -speaker emphasized his remarks about dynamite, but refrained from -making a speech, because, as he said, Parsons had “covered the ground -so well and thoroughly.” One of the German speakers gave his attention -to King William and the Pope, scoring them in the strongest language he -could command. He held that the “police of Chicago were only kept to -protect the property of capitalists and to club poor workingmen.” - -Another event memorable in the history of the party was the flaunting -of the black flag on the streets of Chicago for the first time. On that -occasion—November 25, 1884, Thanksgiving Day—they marched through the -fashionable thoroughfares of the South and North Divisions, and, with -two women as standard-bearers for the black and the red, they made it -a point to halt before the residences of the wealthy, uttering groans -and using threatening language. Their route included Dearborn Street to -Maple on the North Side. There they massed in front of the residence of -Hon. E. B. Washburne, ex-Minister to France. They pulled the door-bell -and insulted the family by indulging in all sorts of noises, groans -and cat-calls. They rested satisfied with this last exhibition, and -retraced their steps, proceeding to Market Square, where they dispersed. - -The preliminaries leading up to the procession just described were thus -given in the _Alarm_ on the following Saturday: - - -THE BLACK FLAG. - - _The Emblem of Hunger Unfolded by the Proletarians of Chicago.—The - Red Flag Borne Aloft by Thousands of Workingmen on Thanksgiving - Day.—The Poverty of the Poor is Created by the Robbery of the - Rich.—Speeches, Resolutions and a Grand Demonstration of the - Unemployed, the Tramps and Miserables of the City.—Significant - Incidents._ - - Shortly before Thanksgiving Day some of the working people, after - consultation, issued the following circular to wage-workers and tramps: - - The Governor has ordained next Thursday for Thanksgiving. You are to - give thanks because your masters refuse you employment; because you - are hungry and without home or shelter, and your masters have taken - away what you have created, and arranged to shoot you by the police or - militia if you refuse to die in your hovels, in due observation of Law - and Order. You must give thanks that you face the blizzards without - an overcoat; without fit shoes and clothes, while abundant clothing - made by you spoils in the storehouses; that you suffer hunger while - millions of bushels of grain rots in the elevators. For this purpose a - thanksgiving meeting will be held on Market Square at 2:30 o’clock, to - be followed by a demonstration to express our thanks to our “Christian - brothers on Michigan Avenue.” Every one that feels the mockery of this - Thanksgiving order should be present. Signed, the Committee of the - Grateful Workingpeople’s International Association. - -Thursday opened with sleet and rain, cold and miserable. At 2:30 over -three thousand people assembled on Market Street, under the unpitying -rain and sleet. A stranger said, “What you want is guns; you don’t want -to be heard talking.” He was stopped for the regular arrangements. -The meeting being called to order, A. R. Parsons said: “We assemble -as representatives of the disinherited, to speak in the name of forty -thousand unemployed workingmen of Chicago—two millions in the United -States and fifteen millions in the civilized world.” He compared the -Thanksgiving feast to that of Belshazzar, and said the champagne wrung -from the blood of the poor ought to strangle the rich. He then read as -follows: “St. James, chapter 5, says, ‘Go to now, ye rich men, weep -and howl for your miseries which are to come upon you. Your riches -are corrupted, and your garments are moth-eaten. Your gold and silver -is cankered; and the rust of them shall be a witness against you, and -shall eat your flesh as it were fire. Ye have heaped treasures together -for the last days. - -[Illustration: AN ANARCHIST PROCESSION.] - -Behold, the hire of the laborers who have reaped down your fields, -which ye have kept back by fraud, crieth: ‘Woe to them that bring about -iniquity by law.’ The prophet Habakkuk says: ‘Woe to him that buildeth -a town by blood, and establisheth a city by iniquity.’ The prophet Amos -says: ‘Hear this, O ye that swallow up the needy, even to make the poor -to fail from the land, that I may buy the poor for silver, and the -needy for a pair of shoes.’ The prophet Isaiah says: ‘Woe unto them -that chain house to house, and lay field to field, till there is no -place, that they may be alone in the midst of the earth.’ Solomon says: -‘There is a generation that are pure in their own eyes, and yet is not -washed of their filthiness; a generation, O, how lifted are their eyes, -and how their eyelids are lifted up: A generation whose teeth are as -swords, and their jaw-teeth as knives, to devour the poor from off the -earth, and the needy from among men.’” - -And, concluding, he said: “We did not intend to wait for a future -existence, but to do something for ourselves in this.” - -He introduced S. S. Griffin, who said this was an international -assembly in the interests of humanity, having no quarrel with each -other and objecting to being set at work by governmental scheme. “Don’t -believe that any government or system should be allowed to pit man -against man, for any cause; and to get at the root of these evils, we -must go to the foundation of property rights and the wage system. The -old system could not meet the demands of our present civilization. The -present cry is against over-production, because it operates against -humanity. Over-production, glutting the market, causes a lock-out, -depriving the wage class of the means of purchasing. Vacant houses -stop the building industry, and result in throwing builders out of -employment. Ragged because of a surplus of clothing; homeless because -of too many houses; hungry because there is too much bread; freezing -because too much coal is produced. The system must be changed. Man can -wear but one suit of clothes at a time and can consume only about so -much. The genius of our age is inventing and increasing the productive -power. A system that in effect tells the working classes that, the more -they produce, the less they will have to enjoy, is a check on human -progress and cannot continue. Everything must be made free. No man -should control what he has no personal use for.” - -Upon Mr. Parsons’ call the resolutions were read, as follows: - - WHEREAS, We have outlived wage and property system; and whereas, the - right of property requires more effort to adjust it between man and - man than to produce and distribute it: - - _Resolved_, That property rights should no longer be maintained or - respected, and that all useless workers should be deprived of useless - employment and required to engage in productive industry; and as this - is impossible under the payment system, - - _Resolved_, That no man shall pay for anything, or receive pay for - anything, or deprive himself of what he may desire, that he finds out - of use or vacant. - - _Resolved_, That whoever refuses to devote a reasonable amount of - energy to the production or distribution of necessaries is the enemy - of mankind and ought to be so treated; and so of the willful waster. - - As this system cannot be introduced as against existing ignorance and - selfishness without force, _Resolved_, That, when introduced, the good - of mankind and the saving of blood requires that forcible opposition - shall be dealt with summarily; but that no one should be harmed for - holding opposite opinions. - - _Resolved_, That our policy is wise, humane and practical and ought to - be enforced at the earliest possible moment. - - As an expression of thankfulness, _Resolved_, That we are thankful we - have learned the true cause of poverty and the remedies, and can only - be more thankful when the remedy is applied. - -The next speaker was Samuel Fielden. He denounced the hypocrisy of -calling upon people to thank God for prosperity, while providing no -changes for the better, when so many people were in actual want in -the midst of abundance. When he was a boy, his mother had taught -him to say, “Our Father who art in Heaven,” but so far as he knew, -God remained there and would not come here until things were better -arranged. “Our motto is, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, embracing -all men. Our international movement is to unite all countries and to do -away with the robber class.” - -August Spies spoke. Pointing to the black flag, he said it was the -first time the emblem of hunger and starvation had been unfurled on -American soil. He said we had got to strike down these robbers who were -robbing the working people. - -In answer to a call from the Germans, Mr. Schwab spoke in German a few -minutes. A stranger said: “Get your guns out and go for them. That -is all I have got to say.” Three cheers were given for the social -revolution. The audience then formed a procession three thousand strong. - -[Illustration: THE BOARD OF TRADE. - -From a Photograph.] - -Another notable procession was on the evening of the opening of the -new Board of Trade building. The Anarchists gathered in front of the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office and were addressed by Parsons and Fielden. -The speeches were highly inflammatory. Parsons insisted that they -ought to blow up the institution, and urged them to arm themselves -“to meet their oppressors with weapons.” The Board of Trade, he said, -was a robbers’ roost, and they were reveling on the proceeds of the -workingmen. “How many,” he asked, “of my hearers could give twenty -dollars for a supper to-night? We will never gain anything by arguments -and words. While those men are enjoying a sumptuous supper, workingmen -are starving.” He characterized the police as bloodhounds and servants -of the robbing capitalists, and suggested that the mob loot Marshall -Field’s dry-goods store and other places and secure such things as they -needed. It was apparent that these sentiments appealed strongly to the -inclinations of the assembled rabble, and when Parsons had concluded -the mob was ready for an even more violent harangue. - -Fielden went as far as to urge the mob to follow him and rob those -places, and, like Parsons, held that the Board of Trade building had -been built out of money of which they had been robbed, and that all who -transacted business in that place were “robbers, and thieves, and ought -to be killed.” - -There were hundreds of tramps in the throng addressed, and naturally -all allusions to capitalists as robbers, and all suggestions to -plunder, were greeted with applause. A procession was formed, with -Oscar W. Neebe, Parsons and Fielden at the head, and with two women -following next carrying the red and black flags. They marched down -to the Board of Trade, but, arriving at the street leading to the -building, a company of police headed them off. Thus balked, they had -to content themselves with marching through the streets back to their -starting-point, where they separated without further exhibition of -violence than subsequently hurling a stone through the window of a -carriage occupied by a prominent West Side resident and his wife, -whom they took to be a millionaire on his way to the Board of Trade -reception. A tougher-looking lot of men than those who composed the -procession it would be difficult to find, and, once started in the -direction of violence at the building, there is no telling the extent -of damage they might have inflicted. The toleration of such a parade -by the municipal authorities was severely criticised by the community, -for, had it not been for the action of the late Col. Welter, then -Inspector of Police, in intercepting the procession, a serious riot -would have occurred. - -Parsons, when asked subsequently why they had not blown up the Board -of Trade building, replied that they had not looked for police -interference and were not prepared. “The next time,” he said, “we will -be prepared to meet them with bombs and dynamite.” Fielden reiterated -the same sentiments and expressed the opinion that in the course of a -year they might be ready for the police. - - * * * * * - -NOW WHAT is the Socialism or Anarchy they seek to establish? In his -speech before Judge Gary in the Criminal Court, when asked why sentence -of death should not be imposed upon him, Anarchist Parsons, among other -things, thus described the condition of affairs when Socialism should -obtain sway: - - Anarchy is a free society where there is no concentrated or - centralized power, no state, no king, no emperor, no ruler, no - president, no magistrate, no potentate of any character whatever. Law - is the enslaving power of men. Blackstone defines the law to be a rule - of action, prescribing what is right and prohibiting what is wrong. - Now, very true. Anarchists hold that it is wrong for one person to - prescribe what is the right action for another person, and then compel - that person to obey that rule. Therefore, right action consists in - each person attending to his business, and allowing everybody else to - do likewise. Whoever prescribes a rule of action for another to obey - is a tyrant, a usurper and an enemy of liberty. This is precisely - what every statute does. Anarchy is the natural law, instead of the - man-made statute, and gives men leaders in the place of drivers and - bosses. All political law, statute and common, gets its right to - operate from the statute; therefore, all political law is statute law. - A statute law is a written scheme by which cunning takes advantage of - the unsuspecting, and provides the inducement to do so, and protects - the one who does it. In other words, a statute is the science of - rascality or the law of usurpation. If a few sharks rob mankind of - all the earth,—turn them all out of house and home, make them ragged - slaves and beggars, and freeze and starve them to death,—still - they are expected to obey the statute because it is sacred. This - ridiculous nonsense, that human laws are sacred, and that if they are - not respected and continued we cannot prosper, is the stupidest and - most criminal nightmare of the age. Statutes are the last and greatest - curse of men, and, when destroyed, the world will be free.... The - statute law is the great science of rascality, by which alone the few - trample upon and enslave the many. There are natural laws provided - for every work of man. Natural laws are self-operating. They punish - all who violate them, and reward all who obey them. They cannot be - repealed, amended, dodged or bribed, and it costs neither time, money - nor attention to apply them. It is time to stop legislation against - them. We want to obey laws, not men, nor the tricks of men. Statutes - are human tricks. The law—the statute law—is the coward’s weapon, - the tool of the thief.... Free access to the means of production is - the natural right of every man able and willing to work. It is the - legal right of the capitalist to refuse such access to labor, and to - take from the laborer all the wealth he creates over and above a bare - subsistence for allowing him the privilege of working. A laborer has - the natural right to life, and, as life is impossible without the - means of production, the equal right to life involves an equal right - to the means of production.... Laws—just laws—natural laws—are - not made; they are discovered. Law-enacting is an insult to divine - intelligence; and law-enforcing is the impeachment of God’s integrity - and His power. - -August Spies on the same memorable occasion gave his views of Socialism -in these words: - - Socialism is a constructive and not a destructive science. While - capitalism expropriates the masses for the benefit of the privileged - class; while capitalism is that school of economics which teaches - how one can live upon the labor (_i. e._, property) of the other, - Socialism teaches how all may possess property, and further teaches - that every man must work honestly for his own living, and not be - playing the respectable Board of Trade man, or any other highly too - respectable business man or banker. Socialism, in short, seeks to - establish a universal system of coöperation and to render accessible - to each and every member of the human family the achievements - and benefits of civilization, which, under capitalism, are being - monopolized by a privileged class, and employed, not, as they should - be, for the common good of all, but for the brutish gratification of - an avaricious class. Under capitalism, the great inventions of the - past, far from being a blessing for mankind, have been turned into a - curse! Socialism teaches that machines, the means of transportation - and communication, are the result of the combined efforts of society, - past and present, and that they are therefore rightfully the - indivisible property of society, just the same as the soil and the - mines and all natural gifts should be. This declaration implies that - those who have appropriated this wealth wrongfully, though lawfully, - shall be expropriated by society. The expropriation of the masses - by the monopolists has reached such a degree that the expropriation - of the expropriateurs has become an imperative necessity, an act of - social self-preservation. Society will reclaim its own even though you - erect a gibbet on every street-corner. And Anarchism, this terrible - “ism,” deduces that under a coöperative organization of society, - under economic equality and individual independence, the “state”—the - political state—will pass into barbaric antiquity. And we will be - where all are free, where there are no longer masters and servants. - Where intellect stands for brute force, there will no longer be any - use for the policeman and militia to preserve the so-called “peace and - order.” Anarchism, or Socialism, means the reorganization of society - upon scientific principles and the abolition of causes which produce - vice and crime. - -Michael Schwab, in his utterances before the same tribunal, held as -follows: - - Socialism, as we understand it, means that land and machinery shall be - held in common by the people. The production of goods shall be carried - on by producing groups which shall supply the demands of the people. - Under such a system every human being would have an opportunity to do - useful work, and no doubt would work. Some hours’ work every day would - suffice to produce all that, according to statistics, is necessary for - a comfortable living. Time would be left to cultivate the mind and to - further science and art. That is what Socialists propose. According - to our vocabulary, Anarchy is a state of society in which the only - government is reason. A state of society in which all human beings do - right for the simple reason that it is right and hate wrong because it - is wrong. In such a society no laws, no compulsion will be necessary. - -Samuel Fielden, standing before the same court, also dwelt upon -Socialism, saying: - - And it will be a good time, a grand day for the world; it will be a - grand day for humanity; it will never have taken a step so far onward - toward perfection, if it can ever reach that goal, as it will when - it accepts the principles of Socialism. They are the principles that - injure no man. They are the principles that consider the interest of - every one. They are the principles which will do away with wrong; and - injustice and suffering will be reduced at least to a minimum under - such an organization of society. As compared to the present struggle - for existence, which is degrading society and making men merely things - and animals, Socialism will give them opportunities of developing the - possibilities of their nature. - -The platform of the International Association of Workingmen, indorsed -by the local organization, formulates the principles of Socialism as -follows: - - 1. Destruction of existing class domination, through inexorable - revolution and international activity. - - 2. The building of a free society on communistic organizations or - production. - - 3. Free exchange of equivalent products through the productive - organization without jobbing and profit-making. - - 4. Organization of the educational system upon a non-religious and - scientific and equal basis for both sexes. - - 5. Equal rights for all, without distinction of sex or race. - - 6. The regulation of public affairs through agreements between the - independent communes and confederacies. - -The above was published in the _Alarm_ of November 1, 1884, with the -following comment: - - Proletarians of all countries, unite. Fellow workmen, all we need for - the achievement of this great end is organization and unity. - - There exists now no great obstacle to that unity. The work of peaceful - education and revolutionary conspiracy will, can and ought to run in - parallel lines. - - The day has come for solidarity. Join our ranks! Let the drum beat - defiantly the roll of battle; workingmen of all lands, unite! You have - nothing to lose but your chains; you have a world to win. Tremble, - oppressors of the world! Not far beyond your purblind sight there dawn - the scarlet and sable lights of the judgment day! - -Such, in brief, are the aims of Socialism as expounded by its most -extreme representatives. The state of society they seek to establish -may be highly beneficial to a class which, under any conditions, -lacks sobriety, frugality, thrift and self-reliance; but just where -the general mass of humanity is to be bettered or elevated, socially, -morally or politically, is a point not satisfactorily explained. Their -theory may look well on paper, and their glittering generalities may -draw adherents from the ranks of the illiterate and the vicious, but a -condition of society in which there are no masters and no authority can -only lead to chaos. In a society “in which all human beings do right -for the simple reason that it is right,” there can be neither stability -nor permanence, unless human nature is recast, reconstructed and -regenerated. Human nature must be treated as it is found in the general -make-up of man; and therefore a society in which all special desires, -all ambition and all self-elevation have been eliminated, precludes -development and progress. It reduces everything to utter shiftlessness -and stagnation. In such a society there can be no incentive to great -achievements in art, literature, mechanics or invention. If all are -to be placed on an equal footing, the ignorant with the educated, the -dullard with the genius, the profligate with the provident, and the -drunken wretch with the industrious, what encouragement for special -effort? If you “render accessible to each and every member of the -human family the achievements and benefits of civilization,” holding -“property in common,” why should a man rack his brain or strain his -muscles in producing something which he expects to prove remunerative -to himself in some way, but which under the Socialistic state would -go to the financial benefit of all? Take away all incentive to -improvement, and you make life scarcely worth the living. Where the -state, or the “independent commune,” is to be entrusted with the -care and equal distribution of wealth and the employment of men, the -individual will give little concern for the morrow or for anything -beyond his immediate wants. What need he accomplish more than his -neighbor, since everything that is produced is shared jointly? - -In the Socialistic society, every man might “work honestly for his own -living,” as Spies declares, but what would be the inevitable result of -a system in which the state or commune undertakes to see that all have -employment? - -History does not leave us room for doubt. The various constitutions -of France recognized the right of the people to employment. It -was provided in 1792 that it was the duty of society to afford -such employment, and in the following year it was added that the -remuneration of the laborer should be sufficient to support him. This -doctrine was recognized until 1819, when it fell into “innocuous -desuetude,” and it was not revived until 1848. In that year a placard -appeared on the dead walls of Paris, to the following effect: - - The Provisional Government of the French Republic guarantees existence - to the laborer by labor. It guarantees labor to every citizen. It - guarantees that laborers may associate to obtain the profits of their - legitimate labor. - -In consequence of this proclamation the Government was appealed to, -and national work-shops were established under the auspices of the -Government. The establishments were open to all, but, as no one was -specially interested in their financial success, they soon proved -too great a drain upon the resources of the nation. Failure was the -result. In the assignment of work at the factories, skill and fitness -never entered into consideration. One workman was as good as another, -and the men, so long as they had the Government at their back, with -living guaranteed, did not bother much about the kind of article they -produced. The result was that inferior goods were thrown upon the -market, and purchasers were difficult to find. This speedily led to the -closing of the work-shops, and since then the French Government has -never maintained that society at large must operate work-shops for the -benefit of all. Any commune that undertakes the same task again must -similarly fail. - -[Illustration: BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—II. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS. - -1. “Down with all Laws.” 6. “Long live the Social Revolution!”] - -Now, suppose that, in the new economic conditions, it should be -determined by the “independent communes” that wages should in a measure -be fixed according to the skill, ability and energy of the workingmen, -what sort of allotment would fall to the great body of workers? -Edward Atkinson, an accurate statistician of world-wide reputation, -has furnished the public with a compilation showing what each would -receive if the aggregate production in the United States were divided -among its inhabitants. The annual production, he calculates, of all the -industries of our country, does not exceed $200 per head of population. -This would give a total of $12,000,000. If this were divided equally -among families of five persons each, on a basis of a sixty-million -population, each family would have $1,000 per annum. But, as I have -said, suppose some families secure more than others, on account of -greater efficiency, and that one-third of these families secure $2,000 -each per annum. The remaining two-thirds would only secure an average -of $500. “Suppose,” it has been said, “one-half of this third to be -fortunate enough, or skillful enough, to increase their average to -$3,000. The remaining half continuing at $2,000, the average share of -the two-thirds would fall to $250, or $50 only per head, per annum.” - -As Prof. Barnard, dwelling upon the facts to be deduced from Atkinson’s -showing, says: “Inasmuch as the idea of an average implies that as -many are below it as are above it, it is easy to see that the only -way of removing the scourge of poverty from the entire human race is -to increase the productiveness of labor so that want can only be a -consequence of willful idleness, or improvidence, or vice.” - -In the “wonderful readjustment” of wealth and the products of labor -Socialists propose to inaugurate, there would be everywhere more -misery, more poverty and more crime than the people are now contending -with in the purlieus of London and Paris. That there is room for -improvement in the condition of our social state is true, but that -changes for the better can be obtained by Socialism and by means of -violence is false. These social as well as governmental improvements -can only be brought about by peaceable means. Never by force, as the -logic of events demonstrated in the Cook County Jail. There is no -question that crack-brained theorists will continue to spring up and -exist. They have existed in the past. The Babeufs, the Lassalles, the -Fouriers and the Karl Marxes may continue to preach their one-sided -ideas, but universal education in the United States and the general -morality of the masses may be safely counted upon as a guaranty that -neither the gospel of violence nor isolated cases of bloodshed will -ever succeed in establishing exploded and ruinous theories of politics. - -[Illustration: A GROUP OF ANARCHISTS. - - From a Photograph.—The central figure is that of a man in the uniform - of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. The reclining figure in foreground is - Moritz Neff, proprietor of Neff’s Hall.] - -AFTER the Socialists of Chicago had organized their military companies, -it soon became evident that they intended to use their forces against -organized society, and as they paraded them before the community on all -public occasions as a menace to good order, the Illinois Legislature -in 1879 settled their status effectually by adopting a law prohibiting -armed forces in the State except those willing to swear to support -the institutions of the State as well as of the nation, or to become -members of the State militia. It was also made a punishable offense for -any body of men to assemble with arms, drill or parade within the State -without authority. The Socialists were not seeking State honors, and -they took an appeal to the State Supreme Court on the ground that the -legislative act was unconstitutional. They were beaten, and accordingly -forced to abandon their ten companies. - -From carrying arms, however, they soon turned their attention to the -study of explosives. They began experiments at once, and some years -later boldly urged their adherents to become adepts in the manufacture -and use of the most approved explosive—dynamite. - -In the _Alarm_ of October 18, 1884, the following was published: - - One man armed with a dynamite bomb is equal to one regiment of - militia, when it is used at the right time and place. Anarchists are - of the opinion that the bayonet and Gatling gun will cut but sorry - part in the social revolution. The whole method of warfare has been - revolutionized by latter-day discoveries of science, and the American - people will avail themselves of its advantages in the conflict with - upstarts and contemptible braggarts who expect to continue their - rascality under the plea of preserving law and order. - -The same paper, in its issue of November 1, 1884, contained this -pronunciamento: - - How can all this be done? Simply by making ourselves masters of the - use of dynamite, then declaring we will make no further claim to - ownership in anything, and deny every other person’s right to be the - owner of anything, and administer instant death, by any and all means, - to any and every person who attempts to continue to claim personal - ownership in anything. This method, and this alone, can relieve the - world of this infernal monster called the “right of property.” - - Let us try and not strike too soon, when our numbers are too small, or - before more of us understand the use and manufacture of the weapons. - - To avoid unnecessary bloodshed, confusion and discouragement, we must - be prepared, know why we strike and for just what we strike, and then - strike in unison and with all our might. - - Our war is not against men, but against systems; yet we must prepare - to kill men who will try to defeat our cause, or we will strive in - vain. - - The rich are only worse than the poor because they have more power to - wield this infernal “property right,” and because they have more power - to reform, and take less interest in doing so. Therefore, it is easy - to see where the bloodiest blows must be dealt. - - We can expect but few or no converts among the rich, and it will be - better for our cause if they do not wait for us to strike first. - -Again, on February 21, 1885, from the same paper: - - The deep-rooted, malignant evil which compels the wealth-producers to - become the independent hirelings of a few capitalistic czars, can not - be reached by means of the ballot. - - The ballot can be wielded by free men alone; but slaves can only - revolt and rise in insurrection against their despoilers. - - Let us bear in mind the fact that here in America, as elsewhere, - the worker is held in economic bondage by the use of force, and the - employment of force, therefore, becomes a necessity to his economic - preservation. Poverty can’t vote! - -In the same issue also appeared the following: - - Dynamite! Of all the good stuff, this is the stuff. Stuff several - pounds of this sublime stuff into an inch pipe (gas or water pipe), - plug up both ends, insert a cap with a fuse attached, place this in - the immediate neighborhood of a lot of rich loafers who live by the - sweat of other people’s brows, and light the fuse. A most cheerful and - gratifying result will follow. In giving dynamite to the downtrodden - millions of the globe science has done its best work. The dear stuff - can be carried in the pocket without danger, while it is a formidable - weapon against any force of militia, police or detectives that may - want to stifle the cry for justice that goes forth from the plundered - slaves. It is something not very ornamental, but exceedingly useful. - It can be used against persons and things. It is better to use it - against the former than against bricks and masonry. It is a genuine - boon for the disinherited, while it brings terror and fear to the - robbers. A pound of this good stuff beats a bushel of ballots all - hollow, and don’t you forget it! Our law-makers might as well try to - sit down on the crater of a volcano or a bayonet as to endeavor to - stop the manufacture and use of dynamite. It takes more justice and - right than is contained in laws to quiet the spirit of unrest. - -In the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of March 19, 1886, appeared the following, -after many articles had been previously published of the same tenor as -those in the _Alarm_: - - The only aim of the workingman should be the liberation of mankind - from the shackles of the existing damnable slavery. Here, in America, - where the workingman possesses yet the freedom of meeting, of speech, - and of the press, most should be done for the emancipation of - suffering mankind. But the press gang and the teachers in the schools - do all in their power to keep the people in the dark. Thus everything - tends to degrade mankind more and more, from day to day, and this - effects a “beastening,” as is observable with Irishmen, and more - apparent, even, with the Chinese. - - If we do not soon bestir ourselves for a bloody revolution, we can - not leave anything to our children but poverty and slavery. Therefore - prepare yourselves, in all quietness, for the revolution. - -The following extracts are from the first number of the _Anarchist_, -Engel’s paper, dated January 1, 1886, with the motto, “All government -we hate”: - - Workingmen and fellows: We recognize it our duty to contend against - existing rule, but he who would war successfully must equip himself - with all implements adapted to destroy his opponents and secure - victory. In consideration thereof we have resolved to publish the - _Anarchist_ as a line in the fight for the disinherited. It is - necessary to disseminate Anarchistic doctrine. As we strive for - freedom from government we advocate the principle of autonomy, in - this sense: We strive towards the overthrow of the existing order, - that an end may be put to the “abhorrent work of destruction on the - part of mankind, and fratricide done away.” The equality of all, - without distinction of race, color or nationality, is our fundamental - principle, thus ending rule and servitude. We reject reformatory - endeavors as useless play, adding to the derision and oppression of - the workingmen. Against the never-to-be-satisfied ferocity of capital - we recommend the radical means of the present age. All endeavors of - the working classes not aiming at the overthrow of existing conditions - of ownership and at complete self-government are to us reactionary. - The idea of the absence of authority warrants that we will carry on a - fight of principles only.... - - No one can deny that man brings with him into the world the right to - live. But this is denied by the property beast. He who has the whip - of power will brandish it over the poor. What does the world offer to - the poor who are compelled to carry on a mere struggle for existence? - Patented machinery, combined with capital and other means of - preservation, denies work to the workmen on account of the excessive - offer of working powers. Workingmen should, therefore, enter the ranks - of those who propose to set aside the present system of inequality - and build up a system of equality and freedom. Let every one join the - International Workingmen’s Association, and arm himself with the best - weapons of modern times.... - - The authorities in America have hitherto refused to prosecute - Anarchists as the European powers do, not because of hatred to - despotism, but from fear that the American people might be driven - into Anarchism. As Anarchists increase, however, it is intended to - do away with them by slow degrees. To this end a bill was introduced - in Congress refusing to and revoking citizenship of such. Yet - the Anarchist declines citizenship because he regards himself as - cosmopolitan. We hope for more foolish things to open the eyes of - American workingmen.... - - _Reflections of an Anarchist at the Grave of Leiske._—After the - workingman becomes a journeyman he feels free, casts a glance into the - world—it is glorious, beautiful. He thinks there is happiness for him - somewhere. He proposes to go abroad, but a terrible cry falls upon his - ears—the outcry of a tormented people. He inquires, have the pariahs - of to-day a right to live? and answers yes. Why otherwise born, if - suffered to die with hunger? And hunger and poverty are the results of - the stealings of the rich. Having thus concluded, he swears to help in - the work of liberation, “in the great struggle of mankind for a better - condition;” to take vengeance upon those responsible for this misery. - In his investigations he learns the utter vileness of the police - power, and a policeman is killed. Whereupon the workman is arrested, - charged with the murder of Rumpf, and killed after nearly a year of - most devilish torture. With what contempt Leiske met his executioners, - and with what heroism he went unto his death, is known to our fellows, - and he shall be avenged. - -The _Alarm_, January 13, 1885: - - “Force the only defense against injustice and oppression.” Because - the Socialists advocate resistance, they are accused of brutality and - want of wisdom. All men agree that themselves should not be trampled - upon by others. If you can compel a man to agree to allow others to - exercise control over him, you will find that the soldier will soon - claim all you have acquired for yourselves. This only teaches that - it is dangerous for the wicked to teach war; not so with justice. - Justice can never create opposition to itself. Therefore “justice is - always safe in accumulating force, while injustice can only accumulate - force at its peril.” We are told force is cruel, but this is only true - when the opposition is less cruel. If the opposition is relentless - power, starving, freezing, etc., and the application of force will - require less suffering, then force is humane. Therefore we say that - dynamite is both humane and economical. It will, at the expense of - less suffering, prevent more. It is not humane to compel ten persons - to starve to death, when the execution of five persons would prevent - it. A system that is starving and freezing tens of thousands of little - children, in the midst of a world of plenty, cannot be defended - against dynamiters on the ground of humanity. If every child that - starved to death in the United States were retaliated for by the - execution of a rich man in his own parlor, the brutal system of wage - property would not last six weeks. It is a wonder that a father, after - his vain search for bread, can see his little ones starve or freeze, - without striking that vengeful, just and bloody blow at the cause that - would prevent other little ones suffering a similar fate. It is not - probable that men will always endure this cruel, relentless process of - monopoly and competition. - - The privileged class use force to perpetuate their power, and the - despoiled workers must use force to prevent it. - -The _Alarm_, July 25, 1885: - - -STREET FIGHTING. - - _How to Meet the Enemy.—Some Valuable Hints for the Revolutionary - Soldiers.—What an Officer of the United States Army has to Say._ - - The following letter, published in the San Francisco _Truth_ some time - ago, will be read with interest. The letter is quoted as follows, in - substance: “I am an officer in the army of the United States, and know - whereof I write. John Upton said to me, with great earnestness, that - the day of armies is passing away. I believe this. This introduces - my subject. I desire to place the details of the science of butchery - before the people; to point out its weak points, so that in future - uprisings the people may stand some chance of winning. They have - for the past twenty years been overcome only because of their own - ignorance. They have been slaughtered and subdued because of a lack - of coolness, want of knowledge, and adherence to what is called - ‘humanity,’ ‘honorable warfare,’ etc. I assume that my readers agree - with me that against tyrants all means are legitimate, and that in war - that course is best, though bloodiest, which soonest ends the contest. - My purpose is to persuade the people to add a little common sense in - future to their heroism, and thus insure success. - - [Illustration: 1. “The greatest crime these days is Poverty.” - - 2. “UNITED WE STAND DIVIDED WE FALL!” - - 3. “Millions work for the benefit of the few. Let us work for - ourselves.” - - 4. “Dick Oglesby who murdered 3 poor workingmen in lemont is not in - this procession (You can see him later.)” - - 5. “Carter Harrison who clubbed out citizens during the carmens strike - is not in this procession (You can see him later.)” - - 6. This is a bit of doggerel directed against the capitalistic press, - and in advocacy of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and of Johann Most’s paper, - _Die Freiheit_. - - 7. “Proletarians of all lands, unite.” - - 8. This is a bit of Socialist “poetry” expatiating on the efficacy of - the “boycott.” - - BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—III. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS.] - - “United States and State regiments are organized on the unit of four, - which permits the most rapid and effective change of front that can be - devised. The art of war consists in making soldiers fight. The line - of retreat must be kept open to avoid capture. In future revolts the - people shall assume the aggressive. Army officers have wasted years - of study over the science of street fighting, unavailingly. The plan - below shows a method adopted as best. The troops are formed on the - street in two bodies in column of four, headed by a Gatling gun. On - the sidewalk a line of skirmishers and sharpshooters, whose duty it is - to fire into the houses, the whole advancing cautiously. When a cross - street is reached, a company is left to hold it, in order to keep - open the avenue of retreat. Military knowledge has become popularized - since 1877, and now, in almost any contest, it would be easy to find - some fair leaders of the people who would devise some means of meeting - such an advance, as indicated by the following diagram. The diagram - represents a street corner. The plan is, at the street crossing to - have bodies of revolutionists with movable barracks placed obliquely - on the cross street, and who from there will fire vigorously upon - the advancing column. They have supporters also in the building, - also at the corner, whose duty is to throw dynamite upon the troops. - If the position is carried, the party defending escape through the - cross streets. The rear of the column can also be attacked from the - cross streets. If the men in the barricades are armed with the new - international dynamite rifle (which I am told exists in the hands of - the revolutionists), I give it as a careful technical opinion, that, - pursuing these tactics under brave and able leaders, fifty men can - hold at bay and finally destroy in any of your cities an attacking - force of five thousand troops.” Signed “R. S. S.” Alcatraz Island, - December 8. - -The _Alarm_, December 26, 1885: - - _Bakounine’s Groundwork for the Social Revolution.—A Revolutionist’s - Duty to Himself. (Free translation from the German.)_ - - 1. The revolutionist is self-offered; has no personal interest, but is - absorbed by the one passion, the revolution. - - 2. He is at war with the existing order of society and lives to - destroy it. - - 3. He despises society in its present form and leaves its - reorganization to the future, himself knowing only the science of - destruction. He studies mathematics, chemistry, etc., for this - purpose. The quick and sure overthrow of the present unreasonable - order is his object. - - 4. He despises public sentiment and acknowledges as moral whatever - favors the revolution; as criminal whatever opposes it. - - 5. He is consecrated; he will not spare, nor does he expect mercy. - Between him and society reigns the war of death or life. - - 6. Stringent with himself, he must be stringent with others. All - sentiment must be suppressed by his passion for the revolutionary - work. He must be ready to die and to kill. - - 7. He excludes romance and sentiment and also personal hatred - and revenge; never obeying his personal inclinations, but his - revolutionary duty. - - -_Toward his Comrades._ - - 8. His friendship is only for his comrade, and is measured by that - comrade’s usefulness in the practical work of the revolution. - - 9. As to important affairs, he must consult with his comrades, but in - execution depend upon himself. Each must be self-operating, and must - ask help only when imperatively necessary. - - 10. He shall use himself and his subordinates as capital to be used - for the work of revolution, but no part of which can he dispose of - without the consent of the persons involved. - - 11. If a comrade is in danger, he shall not consider his personal - feelings, but the interest of the cause. - - -_His Duty toward Society._ - - 12. A new candidate can be taken into the company only after proof of - his merit, and upon unanimous consent. - - 13. He lives in a so-called civilized world because he believes in - its speedy destruction. He clings to nothing as it now is, and does - not hesitate to destroy any institution. He is no revolutionist if - arrested by personal ties. - - 14. He must obtain entrance everywhere, even in the detective agency - and the emperor’s palace. - - 15. The present society should be divided into categories, the first - including those sentenced to immediate death, the others classifying - the delinquents according to their rascality. - - 16. The lists are not to be influenced by personal considerations, but - those are to be first destroyed whose death can terrify governments - and deprive them of their most intelligent agents. - -[Illustration: THE RED BANNER OF THE CARPENTERS’ UNION. - -From a Photograph.] - - 17. The second category embraces those who are permitted to live, but - whose evil deeds will drive the people to open revolt. - - 18. The third category embraces the dissolute rich whose secrets must - be discovered in order to control their resources. - - 19. The fourth category consists of ambitious officials and liberals - whose purposes we must discover so as to prevent their withdrawing - from our cause. - - 20. The fifth category consists of doctrinaire conspirators; they must - be urged to action. - - 21. The sixth category is the women, who are divided into three - classes: First, the brainless and heartless; second, the passionate - and qualified; and, third, the wholly consecrated, who are to be - guarded as the most valuable part of the revolutionary treasures. - -The _Alarm_ of January 9, 1886, then edited, in the absence of its -editor and his assistant, by August Spies, contained this suggestive -editorial: - - “_The Right to Bear Arms._”—After the conspiracy of the workingmen, - the working classes, in 1877, the breaking up of the meeting on the - Haymarket Square, the brutal assault upon a gathering of furniture - workers in Vorwaerts Turner Hall, the murder of Tessman, and the - general clubbing and shooting down of peaceably inclined wage-workers, - the proletarians organized the Lehr und Wehr Verein, which in about - a year and a half had grown to a membership of one thousand. This - was regarded by the capitalists as a menace, and they procured the - passage of the militia law, under which it became an offense for - any body of men, other than those authorized by the Governor, to - assemble with arms, drill or parade the streets. The members of the - Lehr und Wehr Verein, mostly Socialists, who believed in the ballot, - made up a test case to determine the constitutionality of this act, - rejecting the counsel of the extremists. Judge Barnum held the law to - be unconstitutional—an appeal was taken—and the Supreme Court upset - this decision and held the law constitutional. Thereupon the Lehr und - Wehr Verein applied to the Supreme Court of the United States, which - within a few days affirmed the decision of the Supreme Court of the - State. Do we need comment on this? - - That militia law has had its uses. Where there was before a military - body publicly organized, whose strength could be easily ascertained, - now there exists an organization whose members cannot be estimated, - and a network of destructive agencies of modern military character - that will defy suppression. - -The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, February 17, editorial: - - In France, during strikes, etc., a new method is lately adopted. The - workingmen barricade themselves in the factories with provisions, - taking possession of the property, which the manufacturers desire to - preserve, and will only resort to force for their ejection in the - most extreme case. The conflict between capitalism and workingmen is - growing constantly sharper, and the indication is that force will - bring about decisive results in the battle for liberty. - -The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of April 30: - - We are advised that the police are ordered to be ready for a conflict - upon Saturday of next week. The capitalists are thirsting for the - blood of workingmen. The workingmen refuse longer to be tortured and - treated like dogs, and for this opposition the capitalists cry for - blood. Perhaps they may have it, and lose some of their own. To the - workingmen we again say: Arm yourselves, but conceal your arms lest - they be stolen from you. - -The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, May 3: - - Courage, courage, is our cry. Don’t forget the words of Herways: “The - host of the oppressors grow pale when thou, weary of thy burden, in - the corner puttest the plow; when thou sayest, ‘It is enough.’” - -The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, May 4: - - Blood has flown. It happened as it had to. The militia have not been - drilling in vain. It is historical that private property had its - origin in violence. The war of classes has come. Yesterday, in front - of McCormick’s factory, workmen were shot down whose blood cries for - vengeance. In the past, countless victims have been offered on the - altars of the golden calf amid the shouts of the capitalistic robbers. - One has only to think of East St. Louis, Chicago and other places, to - recognize the tactics of the extortioners. The white terror will be - answered with the red, for the workmen are not asleep. They modestly - asked for eight hours. The answer was to drill the police force and - militia, and browbeat those advocating the change. And yesterday blood - flowed—the reply of these devils to this modest petition of their - slaves. Death rather than a life of wretchedness. The capitalistic - tiger lies ready for the jump, his eyes sparkling, eager for murder, - and his clutches drawn tight. Self-defense cries, “To arms, to arms!” - If you do not defend yourselves, you will be ground by the animal’s - teeth. - - The powers hostile to the workingmen have made common cause, and our - differences must be subordinated to the common purpose. The statement - of the capitalistic press, that the workmen yesterday fired first, is - a bold, barefaced lie. - - In the poor shanty miserably clad women and children are weeping for - husband and father. In the palace they clink glasses filled with - costly wine and drink to the happiness of the bloody bandits of law - and order. Dry your tears, ye poor and wretched; take heart, ye - slaves; arise in your might and overthrow the system of robbery. - -These are a few of the many articles emanating from the Socialistic -propaganda, calling the rabble to murder and destruction. Other -declarations printed in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and pronounced upon the -stump are in the same virulent spirit, couched in varying language as -suggested by the events of the moment, but all breathing defiance and -death to the so-called “capitalistic class.” There are also minute and -specific directions for the preparation as well as the use of dynamite, -Herr Most’s work on that subject having been largely drawn upon for -the enlightenment of those who believed that dynamite is the weapon -through the use of which the social revolution can be accomplished. -Paragraphs, sections and chapters of Bakounine’s “Groundwork for the -Social Revolution” were likewise read to the Socialists and published -in their organs. - -[Illustration: ATTEMPT OF DR. NOBILING TO ASSASSINATE THE EMPEROR OF -GERMANY.] - -Another source from which to draw inspiration was Reinsdorf, the -apostle of Anarchy in Germany. The Chicago Anarchists regarded him as a -splendid representative of their class, and praised his attempt on the -life of the Emperor of Germany. His death on the scaffold was regarded -as martyrdom, and his deeds were frequently extolled. His confederates -in conspiracy, Hoedel and Nobiling, were referred to in terms of praise -by George A. Schilling at a meeting in West Twelfth Street Turner -Hall. Louis Lingg had been personally acquainted with Reinsdorf, and -gloried in the man’s work and courage. The extreme section of the -Chicago Socialists always sought to inculcate his ideas, and that the -reader may gain some notion of Reinsdorf’s character, I reproduce the -following translation from a German Socialistic paper, showing his -career: - -[Illustration: AUGUST REINSDORF.] - - He was the principal leader of all the Anarchists in Germany. The - people looked upon him as the savior of their great cause. He was - admired not only by men, but also by women. Wherever he went he was - given great receptions, and he had many pupils. - - Reinsdorf was born in Prussia. When he became of age, he joined - the party, and, by his good and rapid work, became in a short time - the father of the Anarchistic agitation. But the law pursued him, - and he wandered from state to state. In the year 1876 we find him - in Switzerland, where he had many followers. One of his pupils and - admirers was Max Hoedel, who with Reinsdorf conceived a plot to murder - King William of Prussia. The attack upon his life was made by Hoedel - on the 11th day of May, 1878. He fired several shots at the aged - warrior, but failed, as none of them took effect. They missed their - mark. Not satisfied with this, another man, Dr. Nobiling, also a - pupil of Reinsdorf, made another attempt three weeks later, by firing - a shot-gun filled with buck-shot at the old King; but again without - effect. Nobiling’s deed was the consequence of Hoedel’s attempt, and - Reinsdorf was the agitator. Failing in this, they concluded to wait - some time until their party should get stronger and could secure - better material. Among others Louis Lingg joined the Anarchists in - Zurich. Louis was then very young, but he became as radical as their - chief leader. The Socialists were to have held a Congress there - in May, 1880, but the gathering did not take place, as the police - had notice, and Reinsdorf and his followers were compelled to leave - Zurich and go to Freiburg (Baden), where they held secret meetings - and where Reinsdorf declared that he himself would go to Berlin and - kill the miserable mahdi by stabbing him to the heart. He went to - Berlin to carry out this plan, but was arrested by the police. They - could not make out a case of conspiracy against him, but he was sent - to prison for several months on the charge of carrying a dagger. - After his discharge Reinsdorf traveled to and from Switzerland - to Germany, France and Belgium, speaking in all places where he - stopped, and gaining many followers. His only desire was to put old - Emperor William (commonly called “old Lehmann”) out of the way—to - do something great so that all the people would look up to him. His - only targets were royal palaces and the palaces of diplomates. He - and others then formed a plan to murder the King, and Bismarck, and - all the princes and others who were to participate in the dedication - of the Germania monument at Ruedesheim on the 28th day of September, - 1883. But Reinsdorf met with an accident while crossing a railroad - track, and was severely injured. This was a very painful situation for - Reinsdorf. The day for action drew near, but he was confined to his - bed. Should this beautiful plan be given up on that account? Never! - Could not other people accomplish what he had thought out? Certainly. - But was it sure that they would have the necessary courage at the - critical moment? Could he trust them? Tormented by such thoughts, - Reinsdorf finally submitted to the inevitable and confided his mission - to two of his comrades. He called these people to his bedside and told - them what he wanted done. He presented his plan in detail. Rupsch - and Kuechler—these are their names—pledged themselves to do what - he desired. They started on the journey with the necessary material, - reached Ruedesheim safely, and on the night of the 27th they proceeded - to a spot not far from the monument, where the railroad runs near the - edge of the forest. They filled a culvert with a large quantity of - dynamite, put a fulminating cap into it and drew the fuse into the - forest. It was raining at the time, and they covered the fuse with - moist ground and tied the end of it to a tree, which they marked by - cutting into it. They then returned to Ruedesheim. The next morning - they returned to the place. The royal train came. Kuechler gave the - signal; Rupsch held his burning cigar to the fuse. One moment of - breathless expectation! The train passed, and the explosion—failed. - Kuechler asked Rupsch about the failure. The latter showed that the - end of the fuse had been lighted, but did not burn because it was - damp. They did not give up hope, as the train had to return the same - way after the ceremonies were over. A new fuse was attached. Again - the royal party passed over the critical ground, where death had - been prepared for them. Rupsch lit the fuse again, but it did not - burn. An investigation afterwards showed that the fuse only burned - a short length and then went out. They had followed all Reinsdorf’s - instructions but one—instead of water-proof fuse they had supplied - themselves with the common kind. With mutual recriminations, Kuechler - and Rupsch took the dynamite from under the culvert and went back to - Ruedesheim, where they got gloriously drunk. After they had sobered - up, they returned to Elberfeld and reported to Reinsdorf, who already - knew that his beautiful plan had miscarried. With great wrath he - listened to them and said: “No such thing could have happened to me.” - He thought there would be another chance. Then he would not be in the - hospital, but could carry it out himself. His hopes were in vain. - After his discharge from the hospital in Elberfeld, he proceeded to - Frankfort-on-the-Main, where he was arrested. The police found out - that he was an accomplice in the conspiracy, but, putting him through - the sieve, they failed to get anything out of him, as he would not - answer a single question. He said: “You may ask me as much as you - wish, I shall not answer.” Bachman, one of his companions and an - accomplice, escaped to Luxemburg, where he thought he would be safe - from the law, but he also was arrested and extradited and sent to - Elberfeld to keep Reinsdorf company, together with Rupsch and Kuechler. - - Reinsdorf and his accomplices were tried before the courts of Leipsic, - and the trial lasted seven days. Bachman and two others were sentenced - to ten years in the penitentiary. Rupsch got a life sentence, while - Reinsdorf was sentenced to be beheaded. At his trial Reinsdorf was as - stubborn as ever. He denied everything. When he was asked who he was - he answered: - - “I am an Anarchist.” - - “What is Anarchy?” he was asked. - - “A company in which every sensible man can develop his ability. To - permit this no one should be burdened with excessive labor; want and - misery should be banished; every force should cease; every stupidity, - every superstition should be banished from the world.” - - The presiding judge asked him if he was guilty or not, and to answer - with “yes” or “no.” - - Reinsdorf answered with a steady voice: “I look upon this whole thing - as a question of power. If we German Anarchists had a couple of army - corps at our disposition, then I would not have to talk to this court. - I for my part have nothing to say. Do with me as you please.” - - After the court had finished, Reinsdorf resumed his remarks and said: - “The attempt at Niederwald failed because ‘the hand of Providence - appeared,’ as the prosecution terms it. I tell you the awkward hand - of Rupsch did it. I am sorry to say I had no one else at my disposal. - I have nothing to repent, only that the attempt failed. At the - factories the people are going to ruin merely for the benefit of the - stockholders. These honest Christians swindle the working people of - half of their living. My lawyer wanted to save my head, but for such a - hounded proletarian as I am the quickest death is the best. If I had - ten heads I would offer them with joy and lay them on the block for - the good cause.” - - Before going to the scaffold, Reinsdorf ate a hearty meal, smoked a - cigar, and sang a song. He walked steadily into the court-yard, where - the scaffold was standing, guarded by a squad of soldiers, besides - about a hundred other persons. - - “Are you August Reinsdorf?” asked the sheriff. - - “Yes, that I am.” - - The death warrant was then read and the royal signature shown to him. - The executioner then bore him to the scaffold. Reinsdorf’s last words - were: “Down with barbarism; hurrah for Anarchy!” The axe fell and the - head was severed from his body. - - The atonement for the decapitation of Reinsdorf followed quickly. The - sentence had hardly been carried into execution when, on the 13th of - January, 1885, “the miserable Rumpff,” as they called him, was stabbed - and killed by the hand of an Anarchist at Frankfort-on-the-Main. _Sic - semper tyrannis._ - -With such an example of courage before them, and the revenge -his execution invited, it is almost needless to remark that the -bloodthirsty Anarchists of Chicago read with eager avidity anything -pertaining to their hero. Accordingly, in the _Vorbote_ of December 16, -1885, the following is to be found: - - -REINSDORF’S INHERITANCE. - - In the pamphlet about Reinsdorf there is a letter published which our - great martyr wrote the day previous to his decapitation. We are able - now to publish two other letters which Reinsdorf wrote at the same - time, to his parents and to his second brother. - -One letter reads as follows: - - HALLE, February 6, 1885. - - _My Dear Brother_: To-day is my last day, and I could not let it pass - without writing to you to show you that I always remembered you with - brotherly love. When you have read this letter I shall be one of the - fortunates who are past and one of whom they can speak nothing but - good. Now, my deeds, specially alleged against me before the courts, - lie open before the world, and, although I am sentenced to death, I - have the feeling that I did my duty; and this feeling it is which - makes my last walk easy, to receive joyfully the everlasting sleep as - something well earned. - - Dear August, you have often had trouble and sorrow, although you - are in the blossom of life. People usually heed the words of one - deceased more than the speeches of philosophers. I want to tell you - a few words. Bear with strength, endurance and friendly submission - the burden which you have laden upon yourself, and try to have - satisfaction in it, so you can raise your children that they may be - useful to you and an adornment to you. What would you gain by it, - if you should participate in the good-for-nothing diversions of the - people? Think, I could have done it, but I preferred the wandering - existence of an Anarchist. - - When you, therefore, in years to come, look back upon the days of - honest, peaceable labor done, and of hard duty fulfilled, then you - will be filled with a joyful certainty and a quiet happiness that will - repay you for all your sufferings. We still live, unfortunately, in a - world of egotism and incompleteness, and only a few are in position to - swim against the stream—even at the risk of their lives. You never - did it. Good. So do your duty as the father of your family. Good-by. - Accept a greeting from my heart for your wife and family, from - - Your brother, - AUGUST. - -The second letter is directed to his parents: - - HALLE, February 6, 1885. - - _My Dear Parents_: Take in silence what cannot be helped! Who would - sacrifice their children, if not you, who have so many? Or should - the wealthy do it, when it is the cause of the poor for which we - fight? Or should we lay our hands in our laps and wait until others - have sacrificed themselves for us? And is it such a great sacrifice - I bring? Sick as I am, and with a prospect of long suffering, it - should be looked upon as a blessing when such an existence is put to - a quick death. And what an end is it? Whoever they are, progressive - or reactionary, liberal or conservative, they all hate the Anarchist - Reinsdorf. As they have condemned his doings, they cheer his death, - the crown of a faithful, self-sacrificing man. But his steadfastness, - in defiance of thousands of obstacles, no one can deny. And this shall - be your consolation. - - How many have had to die for smaller causes? How many have lost their - lives in dynamite conquests? Take all this in consideration and - don’t let your hearts be made heavy through the babble of paltry and - narrow-minded people. My last thoughts are of you and of brothers and - sisters, and of the great cause for which I die. Deep-felt wishes - fill my heart for the prosperity of every one of you. Greetings to - my brothers and sisters, especially Carl, Emilie, Emma and Anna, to - whom I could not write personally. Shake once more their hands for me. - You and I embrace with all the love of childhood, and I greet you a - thousand times. Good-by, all. - - Yours, - AUGUST. - -What Herr Johann Most, the present American leader of the -irreconcilables, thought of Reinsdorf, may be judged by the following -extracts from Most’s biography: - - From the 15th to the 22nd of December, 1884, eight workingmen, who had - been captured in the war of the poor against the rich, were sitting - in the dock, not to have justice passed upon them, but to await - the sentence of might which the judges, acting as mouth-pieces for - the ruling powers, had in preparation for them. The most prominent - figure among these victims of a barbaric order of society was August - Reinsdorf. To this man my little book is to be a tribute of esteem. - - I am well aware of the difficulty of my otherwise quite modest - undertaking, to write a biography of the father of the Anarchistic - movement within the territory of the German language, yet I hope - to do the brothers near and far a service, for the time being at - least, by sketching for them a likeness of a true hero of the Social - Revolution.... - - Indeed Reinsdorf was not an agitator of the common sort. Speeches - delivered occasionally or written articles were to him only means to a - higher purpose—incentives to _action_. - - Since he had recognized his ideal in Anarchism; ... since the - necessity of the “_tactics of terror_” had dawned upon him - in contradistinction to the tactics of petitioning, voting, - “parliamenting,” bargaining, and of the peaceable and legitimate - hide-and-seek practice—all his thinking and planning was directed to - but _one thing_, he knew of but _one_ endeavor, he gave his entire - being to but one motive power of the Social Revolution—that was the - propaganda of action. - - [Illustration: JOHANN MOST.] - - In this regard he may be put beside the most noble conspirators of - ancient and modern times.... - - To be a revolutionist indeed, one must possess the faculty of thinking - with the most acute clearness. But religious “fog” is the opposite of - clearness of intellect. Yea, where religious nonsense has once taken a - deep root, there every mental development is actually excluded, and a - kind of idiocy formally takes its place.... - - Quite different does the matter stand in the case of a “proletarian.” - If he once recognize the old Lord God with his thunderbolt as an - invented scarecrow which a shrewd gang of rascals have placed before - paradise,—that man should not eat of the tree of knowledge, but that - he should rather wait in patience for the roasted birds which, after - his death, come flying into his mouth from a heavenly kitchen,—if the - poor devil has learned to see that his namesake, too, wherewith they - had tried to scare him previously, is also an invention of malicious - swindlers,—then he soon applies the rule of the critic to the “high” - and “highest” idols of earth. He loses respect for the so-called - “Governments” and more and more learns to see in them a horde of - brutal tormentors. These custodians of existing treasures attract his - eye also to the possessors of the riches of the earth, and soon the - question dawns upon him, Who has created all these things? The answer - comes of itself. He and his like have done that. _To them_, therefore, - belongs the whole world. They only need to take. - - _Thus_ the man, having cut loose from God, becomes the revolutionist - _par excellence_. - - After Reinsdorf had succeeded in finding people who he thought were - fit to take part in revolutionary actions and even risk their lives, - he was also fortunate enough to discover a source from which dynamite, - that _glorious stuff_ which will literally make a road for liberty, - could be procured. - - And how did he die? Shortly before the moment of death, and while in - the hands of the hangman, he cried out: “Down with barbarism! Let - Anarchy live!” - - These are admonishing words, which no one should leave unheeded who - marches under the flag of the Revolution. - - Well, then! Let us act accordingly! Away with all sentimental - hesitation when it comes to strike a blow against State, Church and - Society and their representatives, as well as against all that exists. - - Let us never forget that the revolutionists of modern times can enter - into the society of free and equal men only over ruins and ashes, over - blood and dead bodies. - - Let us rise to the height of an August Reinsdorf! Let us complete the - work which he so boldly began! Only thus can we avenge ourselves; only - thus can we show ourselves worthy of him; only thus can we conquer. - - Workingmen! Look down into the freshly dug pit. There lies your best - friend and adviser, an advance champion of your cause, a martyred - witness to the greatness of the Anarchistic idea. Live, strive and act - as he! Anarchists, in your name I lay the well-earned laurel-wreath - upon his grave.... - - The retribution for the annihilation of Reinsdorf came rapidly. - Scarcely had the sentence been spoken, and before it had been - executed, the dagger of a Nemesis had already taken revenge. On - January 13, 1885, the head of the German detective forces, the - miserable Rumpff, was stabbed to death by the hand of an Anarchist. - - “_Sic semper tyrannis_—So be it to all tyrants!” was heard - everywhere. With great satisfaction every honorable man, especially - every man of work, experienced that Rumpff had to die because he was - the cause of Reinsdorf’s death.... - - The combustibles are heaped up. Proletarians, throw the igniting spark - amongst them. - - Up with force! Let the Social Resolution live! - -The revolutionists of Chicago appear more careful about exposing -themselves to danger than their foreign co-conspirators, and, while -counseling bloodshed, suggest ways of bringing about destruction with a -minimum of danger. In the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of March 16, 1885, there -appeared the following editorial, suggesting the most effective way of -using dynamite: - - In all revolutionary action three different epochs of time are to - be distinguished: First the portion of preparation for an action, - then the moment of the action itself, and finally that portion of - time which follows the deed. All these portions of time are to be - considered one after another. - - In the first place, a revolutionary action should succeed. Then as - little as possible ought to be sacrificed,—that is, in other words, - the danger of discovery ought to be weakened as much as possible, and, - if it can be, should be reduced to naught. This calls for one of the - most important tactical principles, which briefly might be formulated - in the words: Saving of the combatants. All this constrains us to - further explain the measures of organization and tactics which must be - taken into consideration in such an action. - - Mention was made of the danger of discovery. That is, in fact, present - in all three of the periods of conflict. This danger is imminent - in the preparation of the action itself, and finally, after the - completion thereof. The question is now, How can it be met? - - If we view the different phases of the development of a deed, we have, - first, the time of preparation. - - It is easily comprehensible for everybody that the danger of discovery - is the greater the more numerous the mass of people or the group is - which contemplates a deed, and _vice versa_. On the other hand, the - threatening danger approaches the closer the better the acting persons - are known to the authorities of the place of action, and _vice versa_. - Holding fast to this, the following results: - - In the commission of a deed, a comrade who does not live at the - place of action—that is, a comrade of some other place—ought, if - possibility admits, to participate in the action; or, formulated - differently, a revolutionary deed ought to be enacted where one is not - known. - - A further conclusion which may be drawn from what was mentioned is - this: - - Whoever is willing to execute a deed has, in the first place, to put - the question to himself, whether he is able, or not, to carry out - the action by himself. If the former is the case, let him absolutely - initiate no one into the matter and let him act alone; but if that is - not the case, then let him look, with the greatest care, for just so - many fellows as he must have, absolutely—not one more nor less; with - these let him unite himself into a fighting group. - - The founding of special groups of action or of war is an absolute - necessity. If it were attempted to make use of an existing group to - effect an action, discovery of the deed would follow upon its heels, - if it came to a revolutionary action at all, which would be very - doubtful. It is especially true in America, where reaction has velvet - paws, and where asinine confidence is, from a certain direction, - directly without bounds. In the preparation, even, endless debates - would develop; the thing would be hung upon the big bell; it would - be at first a public secret, and then, after the thing was known to - everybody, it would also reach the long ears of the holy Hermandad - (the sacred precinct of the watchman over the public safety), which, - as is known to every man, woman and child, hear the grass grow and the - fleas cough. - - In the formation of a group of action, the greatest care must be - exercised. Men must be selected who have head and heart in the right - spot. - - Has the formation of a fighting group been effected, has the intention - been developed, does each one see perfectly clear the manner of - the execution, then action must follow with the greatest possible - swiftness, without delay, for now they move within the scope of the - greatest danger, simply from the very adjacent reason, because the - select allies might yet commit treason without exposing themselves in - so doing. - - In the action itself, one must be personally at the place, to select - personally that point of the place of action, and that part of the - action, which are the most important and are coupled with the greatest - danger, upon which depend chiefly the success or failure of the whole - affair. - - Has the deed been completed, then the group of action dissolves at - once, without further parley, according to an understanding which must - be had beforehand, leaves the place of action, and scatters in all - directions. - - If this theory is acted upon, then the danger of discovery is - extremely small—yea, reduced to almost nothing, and from this point - of view the author ventures to say, thus, and not otherwise, must be - acted, if the advance is to be proper. - - It would be an easy matter to furnish the proof, by the different - revolutionary acts in which the history of the immediate past is so - rich, that the executors sinned against the one or the other of the - aforementioned principles, and that in this fact lies the cause of - the discovery, and the loss to us of very important fellow-champions - connected therewith; but we will be brief, and leave that to the - individual reflection of the reader. But one fact is established—that - is this: That all the rules mentioned can be observed without great - difficulty; further, that the blood of our best comrades can be spared - thereby; finally, as a consequence of the last-mentioned, that light - actions can be increased materially, for the complete success of an - action is the best impulse to a new deed, and the things must always - succeed when the rules of wisdom are followed. - - A further question which might probably be raised would be this: In - case a special or conditional group must be formed for the purpose - of action, what is the duty, in that case, of the public groups, or - the entire public organization, in view of the aforesaid action? The - answer is very near at hand. In the first place, they have to serve - as a covering—as a shield behind which one of the most effective - weapons of revolution is bared; then these permanent groups are to - be the source from which the necessary pecuniary means are drawn and - fellow-combatants are recruited; finally, the accomplished deeds are - to furnish to permanent groups the material for critical illustration. - These discussions are to wake the spirit of rebellion,—that important - lever of the advancing course of the development of our race,—without - which we would be forever nailed down to the state of development of - a gorilla or an orang-outang. This right spirit is to be inflamed, - the revolutionary instinct is to be roused which still sleeps in the - breast of man, although these monsters, which, by an oversight of - nature, were covered with human skin, are earnestly endeavoring to - cripple the truly noble and elevated form of man by the pressure of - a thousand and again a thousand years—to morally castrate the human - race. Finally, the means and form of conquest are to be found by - untiring search and comparison, which enhance the strength of each - proletarian a thousandfold, and make him the giant Briareus, alone - able to crush the ogres of Capital. - -I have thus shown the manner and methods by which Socialism seeks to -gain a foothold in America. In their declarations of principles and -encouragements to violence, these agitators have proved themselves -traitors to their country or the country of their adoption, and -ingrates to society. They have sought, and are seeking, to establish -“Anarchy in the midst of the state, war in times of peace, and -conspiracy in open day.” They are the “Huns and Vandals of modern -civilization.” - -As De Tocqueville says: “Democracy and Socialism are the antipodes -of each other. While Democracy extends the sphere of individual -independence, Socialism contracts it. Democracy develops a man’s -whole manhood; Socialism makes him an agent, an instrument, a cipher. -Democracy and Socialism harmonize on one point only—the equality which -they introduce. But mark the difference: Democracy seeks equality in -liberty, while Socialism seeks it in servitude and constraint.” - - - - -CHAPTER V. - - The Socialistic Programme—Fighting a Compromise—Opposition to the - Eight-hour Movement—The Memorial to Congress—Eight Hours’ Work - Enough—The Anarchist Position—An _Alarm_ Editorial—“Capitalists - and Wage Slaves”—Parsons’ Ideas—The Anarchists and the Knights - of Labor—Powderly’s Warning—Working up a Riot—The Effect of - Labor-saving Machinery—Views of Edison and Wells—The Socialistic - Demonstration—The Procession of April 25, 1886—How the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ Helped on the Crisis—The Secret Circular of 1886. - - -WHILE the Socialists are bent on a revolution in the economic condition -of the working class, or, as they choose to term it, the proletariat, -they have conclusively shown that they do not desire to further that -movement by pacific means. Imbued with the doctrines of violence and -intent on the complete destruction of government, they do not seek -their end by orderly, legitimate methods. This fact has been most -thoroughly established by the extracts from their public declarations -which I have already given. - -But if any doubts still exist with reference thereto, they are -completely dissipated by an examination into the attitude assumed by -the Socialists toward the labor problem as it exists at the present -day. It is not my purpose to enter into a detailed review of the whole -field. I will simply call attention to one fact, and in that fact one -sweeps the labor horizon, viewed from the Socialistic standpoint, as -the astronomer sweeps the heavens with his telescope, striking the most -prominent objects within the range of observation. This one fact is the -position of the Socialists toward the eight-hour movement. - -It is generally known that many economists and agitators, with neither -affiliations nor sympathy for Socialism, have been contending for -years that with the rapid increase in labor-saving machinery and the -consequent displacement of labor, reduction in the hours of service -has become an absolute necessity. The points made in support of this -position are numerous, and as the most salient ones appear in a -memorial on the part of a National Labor Convention to the Committee on -Depression in Labor and Business of the Forty-sixth Congress, drafted -November 10, 1879, I may briefly quote a few. The memorial asked a -reduction: - -1. In the name of political economy. “All political economists are -agreed,” they said, “that the standard of wages is determined by the -cost of subsistence rather than by the number of hours employed. -Wages are recognized as resulting from the necessary cost of living -in any given community. The cost of subsistence for an average family -determines the rate, and it is for this reason that single men can save -more if they will.” - -2. In the interest of civilization. “The battle for a reduction of -the hours of labor is a struggle for a wider civilization.” With less -hours, more leisure is afforded for mental and social improvement. In -proof the memorialists appealed to the past and to the fact that one -day of rest in seven has raised the social condition of the people. -Besides, they urged, the “history of the short-hour movement in -England proved conclusively that every reduction of time in the United -Kingdom had invariably been followed by an increase of wages,” and the -consequent improvement of workingmen. - -3. The changed relations between production and consumption demand -remedial legislation. A reduction of hours would give more men -employment. Under existing conditions, capital and production have -increased while the number of persons employed has fallen off. - -These are doctrines one would think the Socialist, pretending to have -the interests of labor at heart, would unquestionably and heartily -indorse. Far from it. True to his nature as a social disturber, -disorganizer and malcontent, he sees in it a possible solution of -many labor troubles and the approach to a rearrangement of existing -conditions on a basis different from his own theories. When this -question arose in Chicago in the winter of 1885-86, the _Alarm_ entered -its most emphatic protest. In its issue of December 12, 1885, it had -this to say, under the heading, “No Compromise”: - - We of the Internationale are frequently asked why we do not give our - active support to the proposed eight-hour movement. Let us take what - we can get, say our eight-hour friends, else by asking too much we may - get nothing. - - We answer: Because we will not compromise. Either our position that - capitalists have no right to the exclusive ownership of the means - of life is a true one, or it is not. If we are correct, then to - concede the point that capitalists have the right to eight hours of - our labor, is more than a compromise; it is a virtual concession - that the wage system is right. If capitalists have the right to own - labor or to control the results of labor, then clearly we have no - business dictating the terms upon which we may be employed. We cannot - say to our employers, “Yes, we acknowledge your right to employ us; - we are satisfied that the wage system is all right, but we, your - slaves, propose to dictate the terms upon which we will work.” How - inconsistent! And yet that is exactly the position of our eight-hour - friends. They presume to dictate to capital, while they maintain the - justness of the capitalistic system; they would regulate wages while - defending the claims of the capitalists to the absolute control of - industry. - -These sentiments were frequently reiterated by A. R. Parsons, who was -the editor of the _Alarm_; and in August Spies he found an energetic -ally. Among other things Spies said concerning the movement: - - We do not antagonize the eight-hour movement. Viewing it from the - standpoint that it is a social struggle, we simply predict that it - is a lost battle, and we will prove that, even though the eight-hour - system should be established at this late day, the wage-workers would - gain nothing. They would still remain the slaves of their masters. - - Suppose the hours of labor should be shortened to eight, our - productive capacity would thereby not be diminished. The shortening of - the hours of labor in England was immediately followed by a general - increase of labor-saving machines, with a subsequent discharge of a - proportionate number of employés. The reverse of what had been sought - took place. The exploitation of those at work was intensified. They - now performed more labor, and produced more than before. - -The movement, however, took a firm hold of the laboring classes. They -saw in it a chance to secure more leisure, and, inspired by their -anti-Socialistic leaders, did all in their power to further it. There -were then in Chicago a great many unemployed, and under the plea that -a reduction in the hours of toil would not only give more time for -self-improvement, but necessitate the employment of many of the idle -throng, the leaders advocated its speedy introduction. At this time -the general sentiment prevailed that it was simply a movement for a -reduction in working-time, the question of wages not being involved. -Some few irresponsible talkers of the Socialistic stamp, it is true, -held out that it was to be a contention for wages as well, but the most -influential and conservative representatives of labor insisted that -they only wanted eight hours’ work for eight-hours’ pay. Grand Master -Workman Powderly held to the latter view and repeatedly urged the -members of the Knights of Labor not to go beyond that demand. He even -intimated a doubt if it were the part of wisdom and policy to undertake -at the time a strike of the kind, in view of the complications then -growing out of the Missouri Pacific Railway—known as the Gould -system—“tie-up.” Traffic and industry had been seriously affected -throughout the West by Martin Irons’ stubbornness, and it is evident -that Powderly had his misgivings about the outcome of an eight-hour -strike. However, the leaders continued their agitation, and it was -decided that the resolution adopted in 1884 by a number of trades -organizations in national session for an eight-hour strike on May 1, -1886, should be carried out in Chicago, as in other large manufacturing -and trade centers. Had this simple proposition not been “loaded,” the -result of the movement might have been different, but, as the time drew -near, it became quite apparent that, despite Powderly’s warnings, the -question of wages was to cut a leading figure. It was developed that -the demand for a reduction of hours was to be accompanied with a demand -for the same wages as under the old ten-hour system. This was the rock -upon which they subsequently foundered. Had they been content to accept -decreased wages and relied upon increased efficiency and skill and the -logic of events to secure increased pay in the future, they might have -scored many victories, if not a complete success. - -But they were alike unmindful of Powderly’s advice and the teachings -of history. They seemingly forgot that the employers would naturally -resist any such sweeping concession, and that, as in other instances, -the unemployed would at once be installed, whenever possible, in -their places, and that in industries where there did not exist an -over-production, the capacity of machines would be more heavily taxed -and new machines would be introduced to do work hitherto done by hand. -A London publication has shown how, in recent years, in the extremity -of bitter strikes, manufactories have increased their labor-saving -machinery to offset the absence of their workmen and how invention in -the line of new machines has been greatly stimulated by a stubborn -conflict between employer and employé. Hon. David A. Wells has also -pointed out a similar result in this country. Identically the same -thing happened in several establishments in Chicago. The unemployed and -new machines were called into requisition whenever possible. - -But labor-saving machinery need not necessarily be regarded as an enemy -of labor. That doctrine, which had its origin at the time when a riot -in Spain followed the introduction of a machine to make woolens, and -which continued until the invention of the sewing-machine, has in this -day come to be regarded by all enlightened economists as a nightmare -of the musty past. The fact is labor has been aided and benefited by -machinery. - -Prof. Edison, the great inventor, is authority for the statement -that the increase in machinery and inventions during the last fifty -years has doubled the wages of workingmen and reduced the cost of the -necessaries of life 50 per cent. “For the first time in the world’s -history,” he says, “a skilled mechanic can buy a barrel of flour with a -single day’s work.” Hon. David A. Wells, in an article in the _Popular -Science Monthly_ for October, 1887, treating of the depression of -prices since 1873, also demonstrates the fact that the reductions, -which he states to be 30 per cent., during the time under his review, -are due to inventions. Edison goes still further in his statement -with reference to the enhancement of wages. He predicts, rather too -glowingly perhaps, that in another generation even “the unskilled -laborer, if sober and industrious, will have a house of his own, a -library, a piano and a horse and carriage,” with all the comforts that -these imply. - -Anarchist Spies evidently took no stock in such a condition as the -result of new and improved mechanical appliances, for in his early -opposition to the inauguration of the eight-hour movement he declared -that “for a man who desires to remain a wage slave, the introduction of -every new improvement and machine is a threatening competitor.” - -I have thus pointed to some facts bearing on strikes and wages because -it has since transpired that the Anarchists or Socialists, intent on -precipitating the “social revolution,” were the principal instigators -of the demand for ten hours’ pay for eight hours’ work, thereby hoping -to irritate the employers to determined resistance and the workingmen -of non-Socialistic ideas to the point of violence. Past experience was -cast aside under their clandestine guidance. While the movement was in -its infancy the Socialists, as such, held aloof, but, the moment they -saw that it was gaining strength and was likely to involve all the -wage-workers in the city, and that eight hours on a basis of reduced -pay might be secured, they perceived their opportunity to complicate -matters by the introduction of a demand for the old wages with reduced -time. This at once threw down the gauntlet. While before they had -opposed the movement, they now became active agitators in its behalf -and appeared more solicitous about its certain inauguration than they -were about its successful ending. Their organs bristled with incendiary -language. Their speakers could hardly find words strong enough to -fire their auditors in the demand for eight hours. They even got up -a procession under the auspices of the Central Labor Union, and, on -Sunday, April 25, 1886, paraded the streets with red flags and red -badges. - -Among some of the mottoes displayed were: “The Social Revolution,” -“Workingmen, Arm Yourselves,” “Down with Throne, Altar and Moneybags,” -and “Might makes Right, and You are the Strongest.” - -The procession massed on the Lake Front. There the leading speakers -were loud in encouraging the strike for eight hours. Parsons maintained -that “if the demands of workingmen were met by a universal lock-out, -the signal would be taken as one of ‘war, and war to the knife.’” Spies -declared that “the eight-hour day had been argued for twenty years. We -at last can hope to realize it.” Schwab and Fielden were alike emphatic. - -The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ likewise heartily indorsed the movement. In its -issue of April 26, 1886, appeared an editorial of which the following -is the concluding paragraph: - - What a modest demand, the introduction of the eight-hour day! And - yet a corps of madmen could not demean themselves worse than the - capitalistic extortioners. They continually threaten with their - disciplined police and their strong militia,—and these are not empty - threats. This is proved by the history of the last few years. It is a - nice thing, this patience, and the laborer, alas! has too much of this - article; but one must not indulge in a too frivolous play with it. If - you go further, his patience will cease; then it will be no longer a - question of the eight-hour day, but a question of emancipation from - wage slavery. - -In the same paper two days later the editor said: - - What will the first of May bring? The workingmen bold and determined. - The decisive day has arrived. The workingman, inspired by the justice - of his cause, demands an alleviation of his lot, a lessening of his - burden. The answer, as always, is: “Insolent rabble! Do you mean to - dictate to us? That you will do to your sorrow. Hunger will soon rid - you of your desire for any notions of liberty. Police, executioners - and militia will give their aid.” - - Men of labor, so long as you acknowledge the gracious kicks of your - oppressors with words of gratitude, so long you are faithful dogs. - Have your skulls been penetrated by a ray of light, or does hunger - drive you to shake off your servile nature, that you offend your - extortioners? They are enraged, and will attempt, through hired - murderers, to do away with you like mad dogs. - -When the eventful day—May 1—arrived, the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ became -more menacing than ever, and the following appeared: - - Bravely forward! The conflict has begun. An army of wage-laborers - are idle. Capitalism conceals its tiger claws behind the ramparts of - order. Workmen, let your watchword be: No compromise! Cowards to the - rear! Men to the front! - - The die is cast. The first of May has come. For twenty years the - working people have been begging extortioners to introduce the - eight-hour system, but have been put off with promises. Two years ago - they resolved that the eight-hour system should be introduced in the - United States on the first day of May, 1886. The reasonableness of - this demand was conceded on all hands. Everybody, apparently, was in - favor of shortening the hours; but, as the time approached, a change - became apparent. That which was in theory modest and reasonable, - became insolent and unreasonable. It became apparent at last that the - eight-hour hymn had only been struck up to keep the labor dunces from - Socialism. - - [Illustration: - - 1. Government is for Slaves Freemen Govern Themselves. - - 2. Stairbuilder Union Chicago - - 3. Every Government is a Conspiracy of the Rich Against the People. - - 4. “We mourn the death of a workingman more than the death of a Gen. - Grant.” - - 6. “Down with Throne, Altar and Moneybags.” - - 7. “Workingmen, arm yourselves.” - - 8. “Every Government is a conspiracy against the People.” - - 9. Not to be a Slave is to Dare and Do! (Vic Hugo.) - - BANNERS OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION—IV. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS.] - - That the laborers might energetically insist upon the eight-hour - movement, never occurred to the employer. And it is proposed again - to put them off with promises. We are not afraid of the masses of - laborers, but of their pretended leaders. Workmen, insist upon - the eight-hour movement. “To all appearances it will not pass off - smoothly.” The extortioners are determined to bring their laborers - back to servitude by starvation. It is a question whether the - workmen will submit, or will impart to their would-be murderers an - appreciation of modern views. We hope the latter. - -In the same issue of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ also appeared the -following, in a conspicuous place: - - It is said that on the person of one of the arrested comrades in New - York a list of membership has been found, and that all the comrades - compromised have been arrested. _Therefore, away with all rolls of - membership, and minute-books, where such are kept. Clean your guns, - complete your ammunition. The hired murderers of the capitalists, the - police and militia, are ready to murder. No workingman should leave - his house in these days with empty pockets._ - -The consummate inconsistency of the Socialists is thus no better -illustrated in what has already been shown than in their record in -Chicago. They have always been eager to jump on top of the band wagon, -to paraphrase a famous expression of Emery A. Storrs, when they thought -that it gave them a chance to join in the lead of the procession; and, -the moment they had a voice in directing the music, they led it beyond -the mere sentiments of a Marseillaise. Take each formidable strike in -the city, and invariably they have instigated the rabble to deeds of -disorder and violence. What care they for labor reforms accomplished -through peaceable agitation? It is only when a pretext is presented -for widening the breach between capital and labor, and hastening the -time for revolution, that the Socialists join in any movement looking -to the real benefit of labor. It is true, they have figured in labor -reforms, such as the agitation for national and State bureaus of -labor statistics, the abolition of convict labor in competition with -outside industries, the prevention of child labor in factories and -work-shops, the sanitary inspection of tenement-houses and factories; -but all these have been merely side issues to their one and controlling -purpose—Revolution. For appearance’ sake they have boasted of their -achievements in the lines indicated, but it is a fact of history that, -without the efforts of non-Socialistic labor, none of the reforms -so far accomplished would ever have been secured. The fact is that -Socialists and Anarchists are radically opposed to the whole wage -system and only join in the demands of law-observing and peace-loving -labor as a means to one end—opportunity for disturbance. For this -purpose alone they have become members of the Knights of Labor, and, -once in, they have proved an element of disorder and contention. So -pronounced had they become in fomenting trouble during the eight-hour -agitation that Mr. Powderly finally found it necessary to issue a -secret circular to the order in the spring of 1886. In that circular, -among other things, he said: - -[Illustration: INTERIOR VIEW OF NEFF’S HALL.—From a Photograph.] - - Men who own capital are not our enemies. If that theory held good, - the workman of to-day would be the enemy of his fellow-toiler on the - morrow, for, after all, it is how to acquire capital and how to use - it properly that we are endeavoring to learn. No! The man of capital - is not necessarily the enemy of the laborer; on the contrary, they - must be brought closer together. I am well aware that some extremists - will say I am advocating a weak plan and will say that bloodshed and - destruction of property alone will solve the problem. If a man speaks - such sentiments in an assembly read for him the charge which the - Master Workman repeats to the newly initiated who join our “army of - peace.” If he repeats such nonsense put him out. - -Wise words and well spoken. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - - The Eight-hour Movement—Anarchist Activity—The Lock-out at - McCormick’s—Distorting the Facts—A Socialist Lie—The True Facts - about McCormick’s—Who Shall Run the Shops?—Abusing the “Scabs”—High - Wages for Cheap Work—The Union Loses $3,000 a Day—Preparing for - Trouble—Arming the Anarchists—Ammunition Depots—Pistols and - Dynamite—Threatening the Police—The Conspirators Show the White - Feather—Capt. O’Donnell’s Magnificent Police Work—The Revolution - Blocked—A Foreign Reservation—An Attempt to Mob the Police—The - History of the First Secret Meeting—Lingg’s First Appearance in the - Conspiracy—The Captured Documents—Bloodshed at McCormick’s—“The - Battle Was Lost”—Officer Casey’s Narrow Escape. - - -THE events immediately preceding the inauguration of the eight-hour -strike were remarkable in the opportunities they afforded Anarchists -for arousing workingmen against capital and stirring up their worst -passions. The leaders had already intensified the clamor for reduced -working-time, and only the occasion was needed to fully arouse the true -ruffianism behind the Socialistic rabble. This occasion was presented -in the troubles that grew out of the “lock-out” at McCormick’s -Harvester Works, and, as the facts in connection therewith are -necessary to a clear and comprehensive understanding of the situation, -I shall briefly review them. Before doing so, however, it may be well -to premise by saying that the real state of affairs in that trouble -was greatly exaggerated, and that, instead of dividing responsibility, -the Socialistic orators sought to throw the sole burden upon the -owners and managers of that establishment, charging them, in the heat -and excitement of the times, with gross violation of pledged faith -to the men employed, and instigating even violent resistance to the -installation of new men, or “scabs,” as they were opprobriously termed, -into the vacated places. - -This so-called “lock-out” occurred on February 16, 1886, and through it -some twelve hundred men became idle. The Anarchists proceeded at once -to distort every fact in connection with it. The view they presented of -the affair may be best shown by the following extract from a history of -the Chicago Anarchists published by the Socialistic Publishing Society: - - The employés of that establishment had been for some time perfecting - their organization, and at last had presented a petition for the - redress of certain grievances and a general advance of wages. The - dispute arose over an additional demand that a guarantee be given - that no man in the factory should be discharged for having acted as - a representative of his comrades. This was absolutely refused. A - strike in the factory in the preceding April had been adjusted on the - basis that none of the men who served on committees, etc., and made - themselves conspicuous in behalf of their fellow workmen, would be - discharged for so doing. This agreement has been wantonly violated, - and every man who had incurred the displeasure of Mr. McCormick was - not only discharged, but black-listed, in many cases being unable to - obtain employment in other shops. - -It thus appears that the Socialist leaders not only hoped to utilize -the strike to precipitate their revolution, but, by purposely -misstating the grievances of McCormick’s men, to engender a bitter and -violent feeling against that establishment. Now, what were the true -facts in the case? Along in February the employés in the works asked -for a uniformity of wages, the re-employment, as occasion demanded, -of all old hands, who had been out of work since the strike in April -preceding, and the discharge of five non-union men employed in the -foundry. Mr. Cyrus McCormick generously conceded the first two demands, -but firmly declined to discharge the non-union men, as he regarded -this as an interference with the company’s right of employing whom -they pleased. Thereupon the employés held a meeting and formulated an -_ultimatum_, in which they insisted upon the discharge as requested, -“not because,” as they said, “they wanted to abridge the privilege of -hiring and discharging, but because Foreman Ward threatened to pursue -old hands with such vindictiveness that he would drive them over the -‘Black Road,’ or else they would have to walk in their nakedness,” -and in justice to the old employés the non-union workmen ought to be -“thrown out.” Mr. McCormick took the position that this was an attempt -to dictate that only union men should be employed in the works, and he -finally declared that the company had always decided and always would -decide who were best suited to do its work, and whom or how many men -it would employ or discharge. If the concessions already made were not -satisfactory, he would close the works. - -During the strike of the preceding spring, McCormick had done just what -other manufacturers had done in similar cases—introduced new machinery -to perform work hitherto done by hand. He had put in new molding -apparatus and had found that the new machines in the hands of ordinary -laborers, as soon as they learned to handle them, turned out daily far -more molds and more reliable ones than the old hand process. On the -outbreak of the trouble in February there were fifteen men employed in -the foundry,—ten old hands and five non-union men. The services of all -of them might thus have been dispensed with, since skilled labor was -not necessary, and, with the addition of more machines and a few raw -hands, just as much and just as good work, he claimed, might have been -produced. But the owners desired to favor the employés, and, having -granted a uniformity of wages even to the extent of advancing the pay -of ordinary labor to $1.50 per day, a sum greater than that paid by -similar industries elsewhere, and having promised to give preference to -old employés when additional hands were needed, they resolved not to be -dictated to by outside malcontents nor to discharge men who had done -efficient work for the company. - -[Illustration: A STRIKE. THE WALKING DELEGATE SOWING THE SEED OF -DISCONTENT.] - -The grant of such a request would, they held, be virtually placing the -management of the concern in the hands of outsiders. When, therefore, -the employés, instigated by the Anarchists, resolved to strike for -their demand, McCormick took time by the forelock and ordered the works -closed on and after nine o’clock on the morning of February 16, to -remain closed until the strikers decided to return. - -[Illustration: GREIF’S HALL.] - -By this “lock-out” the employés were deprived of $3,000 a day in the -shape of wages, that amount representing the daily payroll of the -concern. Meanwhile, pending the lock-out, the company canvassed the -possibility of an early resumption of business and quietly perfected -arrangements for that step, which they concluded to take on March 1. -Of course, this contemplated move enraged all the groups in the city. -The strikers in the vicinity of the factory were especially excited. -Ever since the establishment had closed its doors the neighborhood had -been infested with idlers and vicious-looking men. They had all felt -confident that the firm would be finally forced to submit, but when it -gradually dawned upon their minds that arrangements had actually been -made for a resumption of work without reference to the wishes of the -“outs,” they determined to prevent it by force. They were the first to -decide on violent measures, and they presented their purpose to the -members of Carpenters’ Union No. 1. The result was that two secret -meetings of the armed men of both unions were held between February 27 -and March 3 at Greif’s Hall. The first meeting called out nearly all -the “armed men” of the Metal-workers’ Union and about one hundred and -forty men belonging to International Carpenters’ Union No. 1, some with -rifles, revolvers and dynamite bombs. They then and there formulated -a plan to prevent the “scabs” from going to work. The plan was that -the metal-workers should gather in the vicinity of the factory at -about five o’clock on the morning the works were to be reopened, well -equipped with bombs, rifles and revolvers. Those who did not possess -rifles were to secure revolvers and bombs, which could be obtained, -they were told, on Blue Island Avenue, between Twenty-second Street -and McCormick’s. At that place, on giving the pass-word and number -of the place, every member would be supplied. In the event of their -running short of ammunition, they were to repair to that place, and -they would find some one there always to wait on them. It was given out -that the place was run by the metal-workers, who would see to it that -all necessary bombs were on hand. Members having friends living in the -vicinity of the factory were to stay with them over night so as to be -up bright and early in the morning, and those living at a distance were -to make it a point to get up early enough to be on hand at the time -indicated. A point of _rendezvous_ was designated, and, when all had -arrived, they were to surround the factory and permit no one to enter -except on peril of being shot. This situation of affairs, they said, -would necessarily bring out the police, but the moment these should -arrive the “armed men” were to open fire. The first volley was to be -over the heads of the “blue-coats,” and if that did not put them to -flight, they were to be shot down without mercy. When they began to -throw bombs the “reds” were all to be in line, so that none of their -own number would be hurt by the explosions, and wherever the police -formed a company a solid front was to be presented and a rattling fire -maintained. They would also form different lines along the “Black -Road,” and when patrol wagons came to the rescue of the officers, they -were to hurl bombs at them. - -It was to be a fight to the death. Every one agreed, as I was told, “to -die game, give no quarter, and see to it that the green grass around -McCormick’s factory was nourished with human blood.” In accordance -with the plan, the members of the Carpenters’ Union were to assemble -with rifles and ammunition at Greif’s Hall at an hour not later than -six o’clock in the morning, and to remain there until orders for -their services were sent. The carpenters carried out their part of -the programme, and at the appointed hour there were no less than two -hundred of them at the hall, fully armed and apparently ready for -any emergency. They scattered throughout the hall building so as not -to attract attention, and impatiently awaited orders or information -indicating the progress of affairs at the factory. But no orders were -received. They heard nothing for some time, but when they did they -were a happier lot of men. The clamor and excitement of the hour -had stimulated them with a false courage, but each had nevertheless -entertained a secret hope that there would be no call for a display of -their valor. And there was none. - -It appears that, on the morning they were to have created such dire -destruction, the brave metal-workers overslept themselves! “There was -snow on the ground,” and probably they did not care to defile it with -the blood of their enemies. None of them appeared at the _rendezvous_ -on time, and when they straggled around at a later hour they were -full of excuses, the one on which they principally relied being that -their faithful spouses had neglected to wake them in time. No one -for a moment charged the others with cowardice, and yet that was the -whole secret of their failure. Each had expected others to be at the -appointed place ready for the fray, but the unanimity with which all -had prolonged their slumbers prevented what all had expected to see—a -brilliant victory with themselves beyond all danger. - -But about the time these braves should have been around according to -programme, another party occupied the field. It was the brave and -fearless Capt. Simon O’Donnell, of the Second Precinct, with two -lieutenants and three companies of well disciplined officers. They took -charge of the “Black Road” and the vicinity of McCormick’s factory -as early as six o’clock, and the so-called “scabs” passed into the -works, “with none to molest them or make them afraid.” When those who -had overslept sneaked around, one after another, they were perfectly -amazed. Where they had hoped to see the ground strewn with the dead -bodies of policemen, they found order and serenity. - -In the expectation of seeing some disturbance, the vicinity became -crowded during the forenoon with idlers and curious people drawn from -all parts of the city. Seeing this throng and relying on the presence -of many Anarchists, the daring metal-workers revived their spirits and -hoped yet to precipitate a conflict by egging it on at a safe distance -in the rear. They accordingly began to utter loud threats and urge the -excited rabble to an attack on the “blanked bloodhounds,” the police. - -There were in the crowd a lot of half-drunken Polanders and Bohemians -who, living in the neighborhood, claimed that the presence of the -police was a menace to their personal rights and privileges. The police -were on what these misguided people considered their own reservation, -and, with a view to driving them away, some began throwing stones and -clubs at the officers in the patrol wagons. Others picked out officers -apart from their companions and made them the targets for their -missiles. Captain O’Donnell learned, while this disconcerted attack was -going on, that many of the crowd had revolvers and dynamite in their -pockets. He speedily resolved on a plan for arresting and disarming -such men and gave orders to his lieutenants to surround the crowd -and search all suspected persons. The result was that the following -were found to have arms, and they were placed under arrest: Stephen -Reiski, Adolph Heuman, Charles Kosh, Henry Clasen, John Hermann, George -Hermann, Ernest Haker, Otto Sievert, Emil Kernser, Frank Trokinski and -Stanifon Geiner. Detectives from the Central Station assisted in the -search, and the offenders were taken to the Police Court, where they -were fined $10 each. - -It was thought that this procedure would quiet the mob, but later in -the day the Anarchists again gathered around McCormick’s. The crowd -was again surrounded, and the following were arrested for carrying -concealed weapons: Louis Hartman, William Brecker, Julius Vimert, Peter -Pech, William Holden, Louis Lingg, Carl Jagush, Samuel Barn, William -Meyer, Rudolph Miller, John Hoben and John Otto. These were also fined. - -[Illustration: A “ROUND-UP.”] - -During this trouble at the factory a gang of Anarchists had gathered at -the Workingmen’s Hall on West Twelfth Street, and they had just formed -a procession to march out in a body to McCormick’s, when they were -surrounded and searched. In this “round-up” the great “Little August” -Krueger was arrested with a full uniform of the Lehr und Wehr Verein -under an overcoat, and a number of his comrades were taken in charge at -the same time. Many of them had dynamite bombs, and some one shouted -that “all brothers who had ‘stuff’ should get away and the others -should assist them.” - -But the police were not to be trifled with, and some of the most daring -officers rushed into the thickest of the crowd, and succeeded in -gathering in several bombs. There were a number of women in the mob, -and some of these hid bombs under their petticoats. The officers were -of course too gallant to molest them. But the search and arrests served -to break up the procession and prevent further outbreaks at the factory -that day. - -Such were the results of the plots of the first secret meeting. The -second secret gathering, a few days later, was held, as the former -had been, at Greif’s Hall. It was called by the metal-workers and -carpenters jointly. They were more demonstrative than ever. Gustav -Belz was accorded the distinction of presiding over the turbulent -members of the Carpenters’ Union. All of the carpenters belonging -to the Lehr und Wehr Verein, numbering one hundred and eighty men, -were present with their rifles, and they were loud for war. At the -same time the metal-workers had a gathering by themselves, and when a -delegation from them called on the carpenters and announced that they -were prepared to engage in battle that day, the carpenters’ assemblage -became delirious with excitement. They shouted and jumped about in -such a lively manner that some of the more conservative members were -obliged to warn them to quiet down or they would attract the attention -of the police. The hot-heads, enraged at this caution, retorted by -accusing the conservatives of cowardice. They refused to be quieted, -and, like Comanche Indians about to take to the war-path, they examined -their revolvers and brandished their guns. They even inspected the -fuse on their bombs, and insisted that they would be ready the moment -the command was given. In anticipation of blood, they screwed up their -courage by frequent libations; and the more they drank the happier they -grew over the prospect of speedy acquisition of wealth when once their -revolution was started. - -It was an uncomfortable place meanwhile for the conservative members, -and these had frequent occasion during the stormy proceedings to regret -that they had uttered a word of remonstrance. But there was one who -did not allow his feelings to get the better of his judgment. It was -Balthasar Rau. He took the floor and said that, however much he desired -to fight and sweep McCormick and all other capitalists from the face of -the earth, yet he could plainly see that the time had not yet arrived -for commencing the revolution. It would be folly, he insisted, to go -out on the streets with rifles in hand while all the surroundings were -against them and while they were not generally prepared to cope with -the police and militia. To commence a general upheaval now would be to -destroy their prospects in the immediate future. - -“Before you make war,” said Rau, “you must have something to fall back -on; but now we have nothing. We ought to have a treasury well filled. -If we inaugurate a fight we must expect that some of us will be killed, -others wounded, and others again arrested. Where is the money to help -those in distress? What will your families do if you are killed? You -must take all these things into consideration. It is very easy for us -to go out, shoot and kill somebody, but what can we expect to gain by -all that? We must be ready and prepared and protected.” - -This speech had a soothing effect upon some, but Belz wanted blood, -and that immediately. He despised the capitalists, and the sooner -their blood was spilled the better it would suit him. The majority of -the meeting expressed a concurrence in Rau’s ideas, and one member -emphasized Rau’s remarks by saying that it would be like a man going -out on the streets, pounding another and then running away—nothing was -gained. - -Belz, seeing the drift of sentiment, grew very angry, and he suggested -that some one move an adjournment to some other day, when they might -hope to get together a braver lot of men. Such a motion was made, and -the gathering separated, those that were not too drunk posting off at -once for home. - -[Illustration: - - HYNEK DJENEK. ANTON SEVESKI. - -SPECIMEN RIOTERS—I. From Photographs taken by the Police Department.] - -Belz grew quite demonstrative over the lack of results at this meeting, -and avowed that he would have nothing more to do with such a crowd of -cowards. A few days thereafter, however, another meeting was held; -but, in view of the many arrests Captain O’Donnell had made among -their members, they were unable to decide upon any business. Some of -the hot-heads threw all the blame on Rau and some of his friends for -having prevented decisive action when they might have hoped to come -out victorious. But all this sort of talk was simply braggadocio, and -had any of these loud-mouthed fellows been actually tried, they would -have been found skulking in the rear of an attacking party. Prior and -subsequent events proved them all trembling cowards when their own -personal safety was at stake. - -Perhaps the most dangerous, because the most secret, figure in the -cabal at this time was Louis Lingg. He seems to have been chosen -especially to direct the revolutionary design in the southwest part of -the city, and his counsels permeated every Socialistic circle in that -section. In his trunk, after his arrest, the following letter was found -in his own handwriting, evidently a copy or the original of one sent: - - _Dear Brother Union_: On the occasion of the last general meeting in - Zepf’s Hall the International Carpenters’ Union passed a resolution - asking the Furniture Makers’ Union if they were satisfied with - the doings of their delegates, especially with Mr. Hausch and Mr. - Mende, who had agreed to take the leadership of the revolution.... - It is natural that the governing class would take these—their - means—as soon as the workingmen would try to take their rights. In - consequence of these facts we feel it our duty to call the attention - of indifferent workingmen to these facts and suggest the adoption of - force, power against power, and urge all to arm yourselves. Therefore, - stand with all your energy against the system of profit without regard - to the way they prepare themselves. We request our brother union - to acquaint us with their point of view, so we can form our plans - accordingly. - - With greeting and the shaking of the hand. - - INTERNATIONAL CARPENTERS’ UNION NO. 1. - -Lingg likewise issued a personal address, a copy of which was also -found in the trunk, urging the laborers of the Southwest Side to -practice in the handling of arms. Among other things found written over -his signature, is the following: - - Our authorized demands are replied to with clubs, powder and lead. - In consequence of these experiences it is no more than right that - we adopt force and arm ourselves. The opportunity to arm yourselves - cheaply can be ascertained from all well-known comrades, as well as - armed organization, where you can find good places to drill. Don’t let - this opportunity pass. The medicine dynamite, in leaden bomb, is more - powerful than the rifle. Don’t forget the opportunity. - -Lingg also sent another circular to his comrades in that section, of -which the following is a copy: - -[Illustration: - - JOHN POTOTSKI. FRANK NOVAK. - -SPECIMEN RIOTERS.—II. From Photographs taken by the Police Department.] - - _Brothers_: As you have noticed for a long time past that the police - are more than ready to break your heads with their murderous clubs - and do not care whether they make you cripples for the balance of - your miserable days, and do not care whether your wives and children - have to go begging for you after you become useless; neither do - they care for the loving young son that supports his old parents, - whether they kill him or not: therefore, taking all these things into - consideration,—that these policemen are ready, under the instruction - of the capitalists, to commit murder on the working people,—I say - we must resist these monsters, and the way we must do this is to - get ready and be all like one man. We must fight them with as good - weapons, even better than they possess, and, therefore, I call you - all to arms! As we are no capitalists, we can make arrangements in - a gun-factory outside of this State. Have this matter treated very - confidentially. Have only a committee of three members to buy arms - as cheaply as possible, and see if there can be anything secured on - half credit, so that you can also give time to the buyer. In this way - you can get all new and good arms and better than the police have. - Then I call your attention again and impress on your minds that it - is not alone enough that you have the arms; you must also understand - how to use them so that you can be equally well drilled with them - as your opponents. Then you can give them successful resistance. - And now, to make this matter very easy and a success for all, the - workingmen of this city, with the third company of the Lehr und Wehr - Verein and some members of the International Carpenters’ Union, held - a meeting yesterday, and they all agreed to give lessons in drill - to any one that wanted to learn how to use arms. All the people so - desiring should call every Thursday evening at 8 o’clock at Turner - Hall “Vorwaerts,” on West Twelfth Street, and there they will receive - instructions free of charge. - -[Illustration: - - VACLAV DJENEK. ANTON STIMAK. - -SPECIMEN RIOTERS—III. From Photographs taken by the Police -Department.] - - I want you Southwest Side people to be as useful with arms as the - people on the North and Northwest sides. We have everything about as - complete as we wish it to be. On the North Side we have Neff’s or - Thuringia Hall, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, and you can come and visit us - there and see the boys drill. We have a man named Hermann, and he is - a soldier from the old home and a first-class drillmaster, and always - pleased to see new recruits. Now, workingmen of the Southwest Side, I - beg of you to make use of this opportunity. Do not let this go by like - a dream. Remember, we are all one. It does not matter whether you are - on the South, North or West Side; we must all fight for a purpose. Do - not stay at home and let your brothers be killed when you can help - them and make your cause a victory. Come in large masses, come often, - come promptly. If you do this, everything will be an easy matter for - us to undertake. Our labor will be rewarded.... The first of May is - coming near. We will have to kill the monster. We must be ready to - meet him. This is our only chance now. Probably we will not have this - opportunity to meet the monster so that we can fight him with our - weapons. You must kill the pirates. You must kill the bloodsuckers; - and for the first time in ages the poor workingmen will be made happy. - Our work is short; we do not want a thirty years’ war. Be determined. - Do not let your near relation, if he is an enemy, stand in your way. - Doing all this, then, the victory is ours. - - LOUIS LINGG. - -In the work of stirring up bad blood, Lingg seems to have neglected -no point likely to count with the dissatisfied laborers. He knew that -among the strikers were a great many German Knights of Labor, and, with -an ingenuity worthy of a better cause, he took occasion particularly -to point out an article published in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of April -22, 1886, giving Governor Oglesby’s views on boycotting. This paper was -afterwards found in his trunk, somewhat soiled from frequent usage, -and the article in question, for convenience of reference, had been -heavily marked with a lead-pencil. Lingg no doubt figured that those -who believed in the boycott would thereafter array themselves solidly -on the side of those who favored force. A translation of the Governor’s -remarks, as given in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, is as follows: - - The system of boycotting is the most damnable proposal which was ever - fabricated. It repudiates the Constitution, the law and everything. - It is the devil’s invention. Yes (speaking to John V. Farwell), when - it has so far progressed that the militia is obliged to interfere, - you will find that these d—d boycotters will come to them (the - merchants and business men) and say, “You must prohibit your employés - joining the militia, and those who persist in belonging must be - discharged from employment, or you will be boycotted.” This is a fine - arrangement. It is true that, meeting with opposition all over, it - will die out, but I tell you it is the most damnable transgression - which was ever concocted. - -[Illustration: - - IGNATZ URBAN. JOSEPH SUGAR. - -SPECIMEN RIOTERS—IV. From Photographs taken by the Police Department.] - -Parsons and Schwab also took a hand in the McCormick “lock-out,” but -they used the platform to arouse the people to force. On the 2d of -March a mass-meeting of Anarchists and hot-headed strikers was held -at the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. Parsons and Schwab were the -chief speakers. They were particularly abusive of the owners and the -superintendent of the works, and advised the use of violence against -the police. So incendiary were the speeches that E. E. Sanderson, a -member of the strikers’ standing committee, took occasion to denounce -the proceedings. - -“Such speakers,” he declared, “cause every spark of sympathy to -disappear and bring us into disrepute.” If he had had the power, he -said, he would have stopped the gathering. He belonged to the true -laboring class, and to properly voice its sentiments he hired another -hall for the next day. - -The continued presence of the police at the works finally restored -order in the vicinity, and it seemed as if the Anarchists had abandoned -any further intention of violence. But they were secretly at work, -biding their time and watching their opportunity. It came on the -afternoon of May 3. At this time between 40,000 and 50,000 men in -Chicago were out of employment by reason of the eight-hour strike. -Excitement ran high throughout the city. The reaper works were now -almost in full operation, and, led by the Anarchists, some of the -hot-headed strikers, grown impatient over the apparent failure of -their plan, made an assault upon the “scabs” at work in the shops. -The instigators of this attack and the principal assailants were -Anarchists, who exerted themselves to the utmost to bring on a deadly -conflict between the police and the unemployed. - -For the day in question a meeting of the Lumber-shovers’ Union had -been called in the vicinity to receive the report of a committee -who had waited on their employers with reference to the eight-hour -question. The Socialists, learning of this, determined to make use of -the opportunity. The union was composed of over six thousand lumber -workingmen, three thousand Bohemians and over three thousand Germans, -and had no connection with the McCormick strike, but it occurred to the -Central Labor Union that, inasmuch as many of them were adherents of -Socialism, it would be no difficult matter to incite them to riotous -demonstrations. On the day preceding, Spies had been delegated by his -union to address the gathering. The president of the Lumber Union, -Frank Haraster, had become cognizant of the Anarchists’ intentions, -and had taken occasion to warn the men against either listening -to Socialistic orators or participating in a riot. But there were -mutterings of discontent, and the crowd was in a revengeful mood. There -were no less than 8,000 people at the gathering—some estimated the -number as high as 15,000. Some were intent on revolution, and others -had been drawn to the scene through idle curiosity. - -It only needed a spark to create a tremendous conflagration. Anarchists -were busy among the various groups that had collected. For several -days they had labored early and late in the locality to stimulate -revolutionary action. Their plans had been carefully concocted, and -their network of conspiracy extended in every direction. They had -opened channels of subterranean communication, and so arranged their -mines of Socialistic powder that at the appointed time they hoped to -produce an explosion that would reverberate throughout the globe. That -appointed time, they figured, had arrived with the inauguration of -the eight-hour movement, and in the lock-out at McCormick’s the first -opportunity was presented for a general upheaval. This was their hope -and the burden of their care. - -When, therefore, a coterie of trained Anarchists appeared on the -scene of trouble,—evidently by a preconcerted arrangement,—with -the Nation’s flag reversed and trailing in mud and muck, the wildest -excitement was aroused, and only a leader was necessary to connect -the electric currents of suppressed hostility to start an outburst of -violent deeds. - -The occasion brought forth that leader in the person of the impulsive -and impetuous Spies. He, with some trusted lieutenants, mounted a -box-car in the vicinity of the meeting of the lumber-shovers and the -McCormick works. He gathered about him an immense crowd, and, speaking -in German, called the attention of his auditors to the “brutalities of -capital, its selfishness and its grinding oppression” of wage-workers, -rendering their condition worse than that of slaves. With fiery -invective he wrought up the feelings of the mob to a pitch of reckless -frenzy. In the climaxes of his envenomed utterances, he held the -multitude with a charmed spell, and he evoked their highest plaudits -when he counseled violence as a means to redress their grievances. - -Before the termination of this lurid speech, many hitherto apparently -apathetic had caught the infection, and when some of the non-union -men emerged from the gate at the McCormick foundry, on the conclusion -of their day’s labor,—the hour being three o’clock,—many of the -mob rushed to the establishment, bent on wreaking vengeance. They -had hardly begun to move when some one on the box-car shouted: “Go -up and kill the d——d scabs!” The identity of this person has never -been disclosed, but it is no rash conclusion to suppose that it was -a confidant of Spies, as well as of Lingg, who had secret charge of -fomenting disturbances in that district. Lingg was present at this -gathering, and, as he subsequently claimed that he had been clubbed by -the police in the riot that followed, he may possibly have raised the -cry himself. - -The mob reached the works in short order, hurling stones and firing -shots into the windows of the guard-house, which they finally -demolished. The non-union men, seeing the approaching mob, took to -flight, some seeking shelter in the works and others scampering across -the prairie beyond reach. There were at this time only two policemen -on duty. One of them, J. A. West, endeavored to pacify the crowd, but -received in response bricks and mud. The other for awhile, as well as -he could, held the mob at bay at the gate. West finally worked his -way through the crowd to a patrol box, and turned in an alarm for -reinforcements. Meanwhile the mob disported itself in throwing stones -and firing revolvers, and finally forced an entrance through the gate -to the yards. - -Presently a patrol wagon loaded with officers plowed through the -turbulent mass, and, securing the ground between the mob and the -buildings, began driving out and dispersing the rioters. This only -served to infuriate the Anarchists, who fired in the direction of the -police and hurled a shower of stones. The officers remonstrated in -vain, warning the mob to keep back, and finally made a rush upon the -rioters with revolvers drawn, shooting right and left. - -[Illustration: CHARGING THE MOB.] - -The crowd swayed to and fro, retreated slightly, then rallied again, -and, diverging to either side in a jumbled but compact body, seemed -bent on holding their ground and fighting for every inch of it. But the -dashing and aggressive movements of the police, backed by courage and -discipline, soon demonstrated to the howling rabble the hopelessness -of the struggle. The very air seemed charged with bullets, clubs -and missiles. Revolvers clicked furiously, the exigencies of the -moment necessitating their use on the part of the police, and several -revolutionists bit the dust, maimed and wounded. What seems strange is -that none were killed in this furious onslaught. - -The mob, which numbered fully 8,000, was soon put to precipitate -flight. Some of the most vicious leaders, however, kept up a rattling -fire of guns, revolvers, brickbats and sticks so long as their retreat -was measurably covered by the fleeing mob surrounding them. Several -of these leaders, with their weapons still smoking, were subsequently -overtaken, disarmed and locked up. - -During all this short affray, Spies was nowhere to be seen, but, the -moment all danger seemed past, he emerged from his seclusion, breathing -courage and vengeance. He bounded into the field like one ready to -sacrifice himself for his cause, but cautiously kept himself where no -stray bullets might reach him. Another singular feature in connection -with the part he played in the affair was his attempt to parade his own -heroic virtues, by implication, in the denunciations and upbraidings -he heaped upon his comrades in the account published of the riot on -the very afternoon after its occurrence. This is what he said in the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_: - -[Illustration: OFFICER CASEY’S PERIL.] - - The writer of this hastened to the factory as soon as the first shots - were fired, and a comrade urged the assembly to hasten to the rescue - of their brothers, who were being murdered, but none stirred.... The - writer ran back. He implored the people to come along,—those who had - revolvers in their pockets,—but it was in vain. With an exasperating - indifference they put their hands in their pockets and marched home, - babbling as if the whole affair did not concern them in the least. The - revolvers were still cracking, and fresh detachments of police, here - and there bombarded with stones, were hastening to the battle-ground. - The battle was lost! - -A riot on a smaller scale occurred shortly after this in another -locality, instigated by the Anarchists who had been so severely -repulsed in the afternoon. After the McCormick outbreak one of the -wounded strikers was taken in a patrol wagon to the Twelfth Street -Station, and thence to his home on Seventeenth Street. Officer Casey -was one of the men in charge of the wagon, and remained behind at the -house to take a report of the man’s name, his residence and the nature -of his injuries. When the officer came out of the wounded man’s home, -he was set upon by a mob, shouting: - -“Hang him! Hang the blue-coat!” - -A Bohemian, named Vaclav Djenek, cried out: - -“Help me; help me to hang the _canaille_!” - -Two or three came to his side and endeavored to execute the threat. -Casey by a great effort managed to get away, and started on a run. -Pistol shots were fired after him by the mob, but fortunately he -escaped without injury. - -[Illustration: FRANZ MIKOLANDA, A POLISH CONSPIRATOR. - -From a Photograph.] - -A patrol wagon from the West Chicago Avenue Station had meanwhile been -telephoned for by some peace-loving citizens, and it rapidly dashed -up to the scene of disturbance. The officers saw the whole situation, -dispersed the mob, and set about arresting the parties who had so -nearly succeeded in hanging the officer. They found that it had been a -very close call for Casey, that the rope was ready, and that, had it -not been for his own Herculean efforts, he would have dangled from a -lamp-post in a very few seconds. - -Djenek, who was afterwards recognized as the principal actor in -this episode, was run down and placed under arrest. He was tried -and sentenced to one year in the penitentiary. During the trial two -officers of the West Chicago Avenue Station happened to be in the -State’s Attorney’s office when a lot of Bohemian literature and -Anarchist utensils were being exhibited. Among other things, they -noticed a photograph of Franz Mikolanda, and they at once exclaimed: - -“This is the other man who helped Djenek to hang Casey!” - -Mikolanda appeared at the trial for the purpose of swearing to an -alibi for Djenek, and was promptly recognized. He had no sooner left -the witness-stand than he was arrested on a warrant and subsequently -prosecuted. He was found guilty and sentenced to six months in the -Bridewell. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - - The _Coup d’État_ a Miscarriage—Effect of the Anarchist Failure - at McCormick’s—“Revenge”—Text of the Famous Circular—The German - Version—An Incitement to Murder—Bringing on a Conflict—Engel’s - Diabolical Plan—The Rôle of the Lehr und Wehr Verein—The Gathering - of the Armed Groups—Fischer’s Sanguinary Talk—The Signal for - Murder—“Ruhe” and its Meaning—Keeping Clear of the Mouse-Trap—The - Haymarket Selected—Its Advantages for Revolutionary War—The Call - for the Murder Meeting—“Workingmen, Arm Yourselves”—Preparing the - Dynamite—The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ Arsenal—The Assassins’ Roost at 58 - Clybourn Avenue—The Projected Attack on the Police Stations—Bombs - for All who Wished Them—Waiting for the Word of Command—Why it was - not Given—The Leaders’ Courage Fails. - - -NEVER was that old saying, “Whom the gods wish to destroy they first -make mad,” better illustrated than in the actions of the Anarchist -leaders after their desperate exploits at McCormick’s Works. That riot -was to have been the pivotal point in their social revolution. It -turned out a humiliating fiasco. They had hoped to make a _coup d’état_ -for the scarlet banner and had counted upon such a victory as would -terrorize Capital, appal the people and paralyze the arm of constituted -authority. When they discovered that the police had escaped with only -slight bruises, that some of their own comrades had been seriously -wounded and that even the so-called “scabs” had passed through the -onslaught with nothing worse than fright, their rage knew no bounds. -They saw that “the battle had been lost,” and prompt, energetic action -seemed necessary to retrieve the situation. - -Spies, their recognized leader, while the perspiration still dripped -from his face, and his blood still fired by his speech to the strikers -and his “heroic efforts” to rally the routed and fleeing Socialists, -seized a pen, and, dipping it into the gall of his indignation, wrote -what subsequently became famous as the “Revenge Circular.” It was -printed in German and English, and an exact _fac-simile_ is presented -herewith. The German version is somewhat different from the English, -being addressed to the adherents of Anarchy and Socialism, the English -version seeming to have been intended for Americans in general. Several -thousand copies were scattered throughout the city. - -The wording of the English portion of the circular may be seen in the -illustration. The German portion, translated, reads as follows: - -[Illustration: THE FAMOUS “REVENGE” CIRCULAR. - -Engraved from the Original by direct Photographic Process.] - - Revenge! Revenge! Workmen to arms! - - Men of labor, this afternoon the bloodhounds of your oppressors - murdered six of your brothers at McCormick’s. Why did they murder - them? Because they dared to be dissatisfied with the lot which your - oppressors have assigned to them. They demanded bread, and they - gave them lead for an answer, mindful of the fact that thus people - are most effectually silenced. You have for many years endured - every humiliation without protest, have drudged from early in the - morning until late at night, have suffered all sorts of privation, - have even sacrificed your children. You have done everything to - fill the coffers of your masters—everything for them! And now, - when you approach them and implore them to make your burden a - little lighter, as a reward for your sacrifices, they send their - bloodhounds, the police, at you, in order to cure you with bullets - of your dissatisfaction. Slaves, we ask and conjure you, by all - that is sacred and dear to you, avenge the atrocious murder that - has been committed upon your brothers to-day and which will likely - be committed upon you to-morrow. Laboring men, Hercules, you have - arrived at the cross-way. Which way will you decide? For slavery - and hunger or for freedom and bread? If you decide for the latter, - then do not delay a moment; then, people, to arms! Annihilation to - the beasts in human form who call themselves rulers! Uncompromising - annihilation to them! This must be your motto. Think of the heroes - whose blood has fertilized the road to progress, liberty and - humanity, and strive to become worthy of them! - - YOUR BROTHERS. - -Not content with this, Spies also wrote and published, in the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of May 4, the following: - - _BLOOD!—Lead and Powder as a Cure for Dissatisfied - Workingmen.—About Six Laborers Mortally, and Four Times that Number - Slightly, Wounded.—Thus are the Eight-hour Men Intimidated!—This - is Law and Order.—Brave Girls Parading the City!—The Law and Order - Beasts Frighten Hungry Children away with Clubs._ - - Six months ago, when the eight-hour movement began, representatives of - the I. A. A. called upon workmen to arm if they would enforce their - demand. Would the occurrence of yesterday have been possible had that - advice been followed? Yesterday, at McCormick’s factory, so far as can - now be ascertained, four workmen were killed and twenty-five more or - less seriously wounded. If members who defended themselves with stones - (a few of them had little snappers in the shape of revolvers) had been - provided with good weapons and one single dynamite bomb, not one of - the murderers would have escaped his well-merited fate. This massacre - was to fill the workmen of this city with fear. Will it succeed? - - A meeting of the lumber employés was held yesterday at the Black Road - to appoint a committee to wait on the committee of the owners and - present the demands agreed upon. It was an immense meeting. Several - speeches were made in English, German and Polish. Finally Mr. Spies - was introduced, when a Pole cried, “That is a Socialist,” and great - disapprobation was expressed, but the speaker continued, telling them - that they must realize their strength, and must not recede from their - demands; that the issue lay in their hands, and needed only resolution - on their part. - - At this point some one cried, “On to McCormick’s! Let us drive off the - scabs,” and about two hundred ran toward McCormick’s. The speaker, - not knowing what occurred, continued his speech, and was appointed - afterwards a member of the committee to notify the bosses of the - action. - - Then a Pole spoke, when a patrol wagon rushed up to McCormick’s, and - the crowd began to break up. Shortly shots were heard near McCormick’s - factory, and about seventy-five well-fed, large and strong murderers, - under command of a fat police lieutenant, marched by followed by three - more patrol wagons full of law and order beasts. Two hundred police - were there in less than ten minutes, firing on fleeing workingmen and - women. The writer hastened to the factory, while a comrade urged the - assembly to rescue their brothers, unavailingly. A young Irishman - said to the writer: “What miserable (—— ——) are those who will not - turn a hand while their brothers are being shot down in cold blood! - We have dragged away two. I think they are dead. If you have any - influence with the people, for Heaven’s sake, run back and urge them - to follow you.” The writer did so in vain. The revolvers were still - cracking; fresh policemen arriving; and the battle was lost. It was - about half-past three that the little crowd from the meeting reached - McCormick’s factory. Policeman West tried to hold them back with his - revolver, but was put to flight with a shower of stones and roughly - handled. The crowd bombarded the factory windows with stones and - demolished the guard-house. The scabs were in mortal terror, when the - Hinman Street patrol wagon arrived. They were about to attack the - crowd with their clubs, when a shower of stones was thrown, followed - the next minute by the firing by the police upon the strikers. It was - pretended subsequently that they fired over their heads. The strikers - had a few revolvers and returned the fire. Meantime, more police - arrived, and then the whole band opened fire on the people. The people - fought with stones, and are said to have disabled four policemen. The - gang, as always, fired upon the fleeing, while women and men carried - away the severely wounded. How many were injured cannot be told. A - dying boy, Joseph Doebick, was brought home on an express wagon by - two policemen. The crowd threatened to lynch the officer, but were - prevented by a patrol wagon. Various strikers were arrested. McCormick - said that “August Spies made a speech to a few thousand Anarchists - and then put himself at the head of a crowd and attacked our works. - Our workmen fled, and meantime the police came and sent a lot of - Anarchists away with bleeding heads.” - -Mark well the language,—seeking to inflame the minds of the Socialists -by maliciously stating that four men had been killed, when in fact -not one was fatally injured,—its bitter invective, its cunning -phraseology, its rude eloquence and its passionate appeal. All were -well calculated to stir up revengeful feelings at a time when public -sentiment ran high throughout the city. The events following close -upon the heels of the eight-hour strike were critical in the extreme, -and none knew the exact situation better than the Anarchist leaders. -Their course had been shaped with special reference to it. - -[Illustration: THE CALL FOR THE HAYMARKET MEETING.—I. - -Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original.] - -Their secret plottings were directed by the events of the hour. The -time had come, they felt, when the Commune should be proclaimed. It -would not do, they urged, to let the opportunity pass. The failure of -the McCormick riot at once suggested retaliation in a manner best known -to themselves, and the circular was fulminated with a clear knowledge -that its import would be readily understood by all in the dark secret -of their conspiracy. - -But that there might be no misdirected effort, and that all might be -properly instructed for the emergency, it was deemed best to hold a -secret conference. The hour seemed to have arrived when their armed -sections, the various groups of the order trained in the use of guns -and explosives, should be brought into requisition, and the police in -particular and the public in general be made to feel their power. How -best to accomplish this purpose had been uppermost in their minds from -the moment of their disaster at the reaper works. A conflict between -the police and the strikers had been counted upon as a certainty under -their inspiration, and plans looking to the best means of taking -advantage of this strike as well as the eight-hour strike had been -discussed even before the McCormick riot. - -Only so short a time as the day before that event, the members of the -second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and of the Northwest Side -groups had met in joint session at Bohemian Hall, on Emma Street, and -considered the probabilities in view of the eight-hour movement. They -clearly foresaw a conflict, and, among other things, discussed a plan -to meet that contingency. This plan, proposed by Engel and indorsed by -Fischer, and subsequently confessed by one of the conspirators present -at that meeting, was that whenever it came to a conflict between the -police and the Northwest groups, bombs should be thrown into the -police stations. The riflemen of the Lehr und Wehr Verein should post -themselves in line at a certain distance, and whoever came out of the -stations should be shot down. They would then come into the heart of -the city, where the fight would commence in earnest. The members of the -Northwest Side groups were counseled to mutually assist each other in -making the attack upon the police, and “if any one had anything with -him, he should use it.” “As the police would endeavor to subdue the -workingmen by sending all their available force to the place of attack, -the Anarchists could easily blow up the stations, and such officers -as might effect an escape from the buildings could be killed by their -riflemen. Then they would cut the telegraph wires so as to prevent -communication with other stations, after which they would proceed to -the nearest station and destroy that. On their way they would throw -fire bombs at some of the buildings, and this would call out the Fire -Department and prevent the firemen from being called upon to quell the -riot. While proceeding thus they would secure reinforcements, and, -in the intense excitement following, the police as well as militia -would become confused and divided in counsel as to the points where -they could do the most effective service. The attacks should be almost -simultaneous in different parts of the city at a given signal. When -they all finally reached the center of the city, they would set fire to -the most prominent buildings and attack the jail, open the doors and -set free the inmates to join them in future movements.” - -This plan, it is almost needless to remark, was unanimously adopted. -But concerted action was necessary among all the groups, and in view -of the “skull-cracking,” to use their own phrase, on the afternoon -of May 3, a secret conference of all groups was determined upon -as a supplement to Spies’ pronunciamento and as an incitement to -future revolutionary movements. A notice understood by all in the -armed sections—“Y, come Monday evening”—was inserted in the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_. The commander of the Lehr und Wehr Verein rented -a beer basement at No. 54 West Lake Street, known to the followers -of Socialism as Greif’s Hall, and along towards eight o’clock -representatives of all the armed sections of the Internationale -gathered there. In order that the utmost privacy might be maintained, -guards were posted both at the front and rear entrances with -instructions to permit no one to stand on the outside and to admit only -trusted adherents. - -When the session opened there were between seventy and eighty members -of the various sections present. Their deliberations were presided over -by Gottfried Waller, who subsequently became an important witness for -the State. - -Spies’ “Revenge circular,” written late that afternoon, was distributed -in the meeting, and its sentiments were heartily seconded by all -present. Engel finally submitted the plan already given, and some -discussion followed, participated in by various members. Fischer -considered the plan admirable, and, lest there might be evidence of -weakness, he stated that if any man acted the part of a coward, his -own dagger or a bullet from his rifle should pierce that man’s heart. -Inquiries being made with reference to a supply of bombs, he suggested -that the members manufacture them on their own account. The best thing, -he said, was to procure a tin coffee-bottle, fill it with benzine, -attach a cap and fuse, and they would have a most effective bomb. - -Engel’s plan went through with a rush. Having now agreed upon a -definite course, it was necessary to adopt a signal to warn the -sections of danger and summon them to action. Fischer was equal to the -occasion. He proposed the German word “Ruhe,”—signifying “rest” or -“peace,”—and added that whenever it should appear in the “Letter-box” -column of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, all would know that the moment for -decisive action had been reached, and that all were expected to repair -promptly to their appointed meeting-places, fully armed and ready for -duty. The suggestion was adopted. - -But what are plans without being fortified by enthusiasm on the part -of the mob expected to carry them out? The Socialistic heart must be -fired to a proper pitch of frenzy. Every soul must be made to feel that -the cause of Socialism is his own. A mass-meeting was just the thing, -and a mass-meeting it was decided by this august band of conspirators -to call. The time was the only point in controversy. The chairman -insisted on holding it the following morning on Market Square, which -is a widening of Market Street between Madison and Randolph Streets, -but Fischer protested, because, as he said, it was a “mouse trap,” and -insisted that the meeting be held in the evening, when they could bring -out a crowd of no less than 25,000 people, and that the Haymarket be -the place. There, he said, they would have greater security in case of -disturbance, and more and better means of escape. His counsel finally -prevailed, and after a call had been suitably drafted, Fischer was -intrusted with its printing. - -Remembering that “what is everybody’s business is nobody’s business,” -the meeting decided to appoint a committee, consisting of one or two -members from each group. This committee was to keep a close watch on -all movements that might be made at Haymarket Square and in different -parts of the city, and, in the event of a conflict, to promptly report -it to the members of the various armed sections by the insertion in -the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of the word “Ruhe” if there was trouble during -the day, or illuminating the sky with a red light at night. If either -signal could not be conveniently used, then they were to notify the -members individually. - -[Illustration: THE CALL FOR THE HAYMARKET MEETING.—II. - -Photographic Engraving, direct from the Original.] - -Before the conclusion of this secret conclave, every one present was -directed to notify absent members of what had been done, and Rudolph -Schnaubelt, who has since been proven the thrower of the bomb which -scattered death and devastation on the following evening, wished to -go even further and have Socialists in other cities notified so that -the proposed revolution might become general. The instigators of the -meeting just described were Spies, Parsons, Fielden and Neebe, but for -some reason they failed to put in an appearance. - -In accordance with arrangements, the call for the mass-meeting was -printed the next morning. There were two versions of this call. -_Fac-similes_ of both are given. - -In the afternoon of May 4 the signal word “Ruhe” appeared in the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_, and all the armed men proceeded to place -themselves in readiness for the conflict. They also devoted themselves -energetically to cultivating revengeful sentiments. While making their -preparations for the projected riot, they communicated the plan decided -upon to every member of the order, and all were urged to come fully -armed with such weapons as they might possess. - -[Illustration: NEFF’S HALL.] - -But their greatest reliance was placed in the use of dynamite. This -highly explosive material was regarded as the chief arm of their cause. -For many weeks, the leaders had experimented with it. Some six weeks -before the disastrous Haymarket riot, Louis Lingg had brought a bomb -to the house of William Seliger, No. 442 Sedgwick Street, where he -boarded, and announced his intention of making other bombs like it. -Before this he had provided himself with dynamite, the money for its -purchase having been realized at a ball given some time previously and -turned over to him to use in experiments. Being out of employment at -the time, he devoted himself energetically to experiments with that -material, and produced large gas-pipe bombs. One of these he took out -to a grove north of the city, and, placing it in the crotch of a tree, -exploded it, splitting the tree to pieces. The result of the test -appears to have been satisfactory, and he next gave his attention to -the manufacture of globular shells. In the casting of these he used -the kitchen stove to melt his metal, and often received the assistance -of Seliger, Thielen and Hermann. All day Tuesday, May 4, he worked -most persistently and seemed in a great hurry to make as many bombs -as possible. He was helped on that day by the parties named and two -others, Hueber and Munzenberger. Before the close of the day they had -finished over a hundred bombs. While they were at work Lehman visited -them and carried home a satchel of dynamite, which he subsequently, -after the Haymarket riot, buried out on the prairie, and which was -afterwards disinterred by the police. Not alone did he and his friends -experiment with dynamite, but it appears that Spies, Parsons, Fischer, -Fielden and Schwab also tried their hands at it and handled the deadly -stuff at the office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. They had several bombs -there and made no secret of the purpose for which they intended them. -The office was afterwards discovered to be an arsenal of revolvers and -dynamite. - -After the bombs had been completed by Lingg and his assistants, -Lingg and Seliger put them in a trunk or satchel and carried them -over towards Neff’s Hall, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. On the way they -were met by Munzenberger, who took the trunk, and, placing it on -his shoulder, carried it the rest of the distance. At this time—it -being evening—there was a meeting of painters in a hall at the rear -of Neff’s saloon, and the package was placed at the entrance for a -moment’s exhibition. Lingg asked the proprietor if any one had called -and inquired for him, and, on being answered in the negative, proceeded -with Seliger and Munzenberger into the hallway connecting the saloon -and the assembly-room. Placing the trunk on the floor, he opened it -for inspection. Several parties examined the bombs and took some of -them away. Seliger helped himself to two and kept them until after the -Haymarket explosion, when he hid them under a sidewalk on Sigel Street. -Lingg, Seliger and Munzenberger then left the premises. The direction -the last-named took is a matter in doubt. Neff had never seen him -before, Lehman did not know him, and Seliger had not even learned his -name. - -It is clear that all this work was part of the conspiracy concocted -at Greif’s Hall the previous evening. It is also well settled that -Munzenberger was the chosen agent to secure the bombs and see that they -were placed in the hands of trusted Anarchists for use at the proper -moment. The secrecy surrounding the latter’s identity was in complete -accord with the method of procedure outlined in the instructions given -to Socialists: - - In the commission of a deed, a comrade who does not live at the - place of action, that is, a comrade of some other place, ought, if - possibility admits, to participate in the action, or, formulated - difficulty, a revolutionary deed ought to be enacted where one is not - known. - -Still further steps were taken to precipitate the revolution. In -conformity with the Monday night plan, armed men were to be stationed, -on the evening of Tuesday, in the vicinity of the police stations. We -find that Lingg, Seliger, Lehman, Smidke, Thielen and two large unknown -men were in the vicinity of the North Avenue Station. They skulked -about the corners of the streets leading to that station, between -eight and ten o’clock, fully armed with bombs and ready for desperate -deeds. Others, who had secured bombs at Neff’s Hall, went further -northward and hovered around the police station near the corner of -Webster and Lincoln Avenues. Seliger and Lingg also paid that vicinity -a visit. There were also armed men at Deering, where a meeting of -striking workingmen was held, and which was addressed by Schwab after -he had left the Haymarket. Anarchists also posted themselves in the -vicinity of the Chicago Avenue Station. Men were also near the North -Avenue Station, and some twenty-five posted themselves at the corner -of Halsted and Randolph Streets, two blocks from the Desplaines Street -Station. Spies and Schwab entered this group and held some secret -consultation with the leaders. Fischer and Waller were also close to -that station. - -It furthermore appears that several men called on Tuesday evening at -Waller’s residence while he was eating his supper and desired him to -accompany them to Wicker Park, saying that they “wanted to be at their -post.” Two of these men were Krueger and Kraemer, belonging to the -“armed sections.” Some men also called at Engel’s store, and one of -them exhibited a revolver. Another, a stranger, explained to a comrade -that he was waiting for some “pills.” He waited only five minutes, -when a young girl about ten or twelve years of age came in, carrying a -mysterious package. This she handed to the stranger, who stepped behind -a screen and then hastened out. - -It is thus manifest that the various parties were bent on a carnival -of riot and destruction and only awaited the proper signal from the -committee. The men intrusted with the secrets of pillage, murder -and general destruction belonged to what was known in the order as -the “Revolutionary Group.” The plan was not communicated to any one -else. The utmost secrecy had to be maintained for its successful -accomplishment, and the conspiracy was only communicated to such as -had proved themselves in the past, by word and deed, in full accord -with revolutionary methods. The “revolutionary party” consisted of the -Lehr und Wehr Verein, commanded by Breitenfeld; the Northwest Side -group, under command of Engel, Fischer and Grumm; the North Side group, -commanded by Neebe, Lingg and Hermann; the American group, commanded by -Spies, Parsons and Fielden; the Karl Marx group, directed by Schilling; -the Freiheit group and the armed sections of the International -Carpenters’ Union and Metal-workers’ Union. These various sections, -or groups, were under the management of a general committee which -included among its leading spirits Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Neebe, Rau, -Hirschberger, Deusch and Bélz. This committee met at stated periods -at the office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and formulated orders for the -guidance of the groups. Its expenses were met by monthly contributions -from all the Socialistic societies. It was under the inspiration of -this committee that the Monday night meeting was held. Why the signal -for a concerted raid on the police stations, the burning of buildings -and the slaughter of capitalists was not given on the fateful night -of the Haymarket riot,—or, if given, as seems to be believed in many -quarters, in Fielden’s declaration, “We are peaceable,” why it was not -carried out completely,—is not explicable upon any other hypothesis -than that the courage of the trusted leaders failed them at the -critical moment. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - - The Air Full of Rumors—A Riot Feared—Police Preparations—Bonfield - in Command—The Haymarket—Strategic Value of the Anarchists’ - Position—Crane’s Alley—The Theory of Street Warfare—Inflaming - the Mob—Schnaubelt and his Bomb—“Throttle the Law”—The Limit of - Patience Reached—“In the Name of the People, Disperse”—The Signal - Given—The Crash of Dynamite First Heard on an American Street—Murder - in the Air—A Rally and a Charge—The Anarchists Swept Away—A Battle - Worthy of Veterans. - - -WITH such active work among the conspirators as I have shown, it -was only a question of time when some terrible catastrophe would -ensue through the instrumentality of the powerful bombs they had -manufactured. The public mind was in a state of fear and suspense, not -knowing the direction whence threatened devastation and destruction -might appear. The incendiary speeches were enough to excite -trepidation, and the appearance of the “Revenge circular” fanned the -excitement into general alarm and indignation. The McCormick attack -proved conclusively that the Anarchists meant to practice what they -preached. After their rout and defeat, they were heard to express -regret that they had not taken forcible possession of the works before -the arrival of the police and then received the officers with a -volley of fire-arms, as had once been contemplated in a star-chamber -session of one of their “revolutionary groups.” The air was full of -rumors, and the general public was convinced that some great disaster -would occur unless the police promptly forbade the holding of further -revolutionary meetings. The Mayor’s attention had been called to the -possible results if such meetings were permitted to continue, and he, -in turn, directed the Police Department to keep close watch of the -gathering called for the Haymarket Square and disperse it in case -the speakers used inflammatory language. During the day many of the -Spies circulars had been distributed in the vicinity of the McCormick -establishment, and it was expected that many of the enraged strikers -from that locality would attend the meeting. It was clear that, in view -of the temper of the Socialists, only slight encouragement would be -required to produce a disturbance, and it was of the utmost importance -that prompt action should be taken at the first sign of trouble. It -subsequently transpired that the leaders had intended to make the -speeches threatening in order to invite a charge upon the crowd by the -police, and then, during the confusion, to carry out the Monday night -programme. - -[Illustration: THE HAYMARKET MEETING. - -“IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE, I COMMAND YOU TO DISPERSE.”] - -The city authorities fully comprehended the situation, but concluded -not to interfere with the meeting unless the discussion should be -attended with violent threats. In order to be prepared for any -emergency, however, it was deemed best to concentrate a large force -in the vicinity of the meeting—at the Desplaines Street Station. One -hundred men from Capt. Ward’s district, the Third Precinct, under -command of Lieuts. Bowler, Stanton, Penzen and Beard, twenty-six men -from the Central Detail under command of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. -Fitzpatrick, and fifty men from the Fourth Precinct, under Lieuts. -Steele and Quinn, were accordingly assigned for special service that -evening. Inspector John Bonfield was ordered to assume command of -the whole force, and his instructions were to direct the detectives -to mingle with the crowd, and, if anything of an incendiary nature -was advised by the speakers, to direct the officers to disperse the -gathering. - -The meeting had been called for 7:30 o’clock, and at that hour quite a -number had assembled in the vicinity of Haymarket Square. This square -is simply a widening of Randolph Street between Desplaines and Halsted -Streets; and in years past was used by farmers for the sale of hay and -produce. It was for this place that the call had been issued, but for -certain reasons the meeting was held ninety feet north of Randolph, on -Desplaines Street, near the intersection of an alley which has since -passed into public fame as “Crane’s alley.” In sight almost of this -alley was Zepf’s Hall, on the northeast corner of Lake and Desplaines -Streets, and about two blocks further east on Lake Street were Florus’ -Hall and Greif’s Hall—all notorious resorts and headquarters for -Anarchists. On the evening in question these places and surrounding -streets leading to the meeting-place were crowded with strikers and -Socialist sympathizers, some within the saloons regaling themselves -with beer and some jostling each other on the thoroughfares, either -going for liquids or returning to the meeting after having for the -moment satisfied the “inner man.” Here was a condition of things that -would permit an easy mingling in, and ready escape through, the crowd, -in the event of inauguration of the revolutionary plan adopted the -evening previous. The throngs would serve as a cover for apparently -safe operations. Another advantage gained by holding the meeting at -the point indicated was that the street was dimly lighted, and, as the -building in front of which the speaking took place was a manufacturing -establishment,—that of Crane Bros.,—not used or lighted at night, and -as the alley contiguous to the speaker’s stand formed an L with another -alley leading to Randolph Street, there were points of seeming safety -for a conflict with the police. Besides, the point was about 350 feet -north of the Desplaines Street Police Station, and it was evidently -calculated that when the police should attack the crowd, that part of -the Monday night programme about blowing up the stations could easily -be carried into effect. - -These were the undoubted reasons for effecting the change. The reader -will remember that one of the objections urged by Fischer against -holding the meeting on Market Square was that it was a “mouse trap,” -and one of his potential arguments for the Haymarket was that it was a -safer place for the execution of their plot. There was thus a “method -in their madness.” All the contingencies had evidently been very -carefully considered. - -[Illustration: THE HAYMARKET RIOT. THE EXPLOSION AND THE CONFLICT.] - -But, as I have already stated, the hour had arrived for calling the -meeting to order, and as there appeared no one to assume prompt -charge, the crowd exhibited some manifestations of impatience. About -eight o’clock there were perhaps 3,000 people in the vicinity of the -chosen place, and some fifteen or twenty minutes later Spies put in -an appearance. He mounted the truck wagon improvised as a speaker’s -stand and inquired for Parsons. Receiving no response, he got down, -and, meeting Schwab, the two entered the alley, where there was quite -a crowd, and where they were overheard using the words “pistols” and -“police,” and Schwab was heard to ask, “Is one enough or had we better -go and get more?” Both then disappeared up the street, and it is a -fair presumption—borne out by the fact that they had entered a group -of Anarchists on the corner of Halsted and Randolph Streets, as noted -in the preceding chapter, and other circumstances—that they went to -secure bombs. Spies shortly returned, and, meeting Schnaubelt, held a -short conversation with him, at the same time handing him something, -which Schnaubelt put carefully in a side-pocket. Spies again mounted -the wagon (the hour being about 8:40—Schnaubelt standing near him), -and began a speech in English. It is needless, at this point, to -reproduce the speech, as its substance appears later on, both as given -by the reporters and as written out subsequently by Spies. But both -reports fail to give a proper conception of its insidious effect on -the audience. It bore mainly on the grievances of labor, the treatment -of the strikers by McCormick, and an explanation of his (Spies’) -connection with the disturbances of the day previous. The lesson he -drew from the occurrence at McCormick’s was “that workingmen must arm -themselves for defense, so that they may be able to cope with the -Government hirelings of their masters.” - -[Illustration: INSPECTOR JOHN BONFIELD.] - -Parsons had meanwhile been sent for, and on the conclusion of Spies’ -harangue was introduced. He reviewed the labor discontent in the -country, the troubles growing out of it, touched on monopoly, -criticised the so-called “capitalistic press,” scored the banks, -explained Socialism, excoriated the system of elections, and terminated -his remarks by appealing to his hearers to defend themselves and -asserting that, if the demands of the working classes were refused, -it meant war. His speech, like that of Spies, was mild as compared -with what would be expected on such an occasion. Perhaps this is -accounted for by the fact that during their harangues Mayor Harrison -mingled in the throng and paid close attention to the sentiments of -the speakers. He afterwards characterized Parsons’ effort as “a good -political speech,” and, being apparently satisfied that there would -be no trouble, left for the Desplaines Street Police Station, giving -his impressions of the gathering to the Captain in charge and telling -Bonfield that there seemed to be no further use for holding the force -in reserve. - -No sooner had Harrison left for the station and thence for his own -house, than the next speaker, Fielden, grew bolder in his remarks -and sent the words rolling hot and fast over an oily, voluble and -vindictive tongue. He opened with a reference to the insecurity of -the working classes under the present social system, drifted to the -McCormick strike, in which men, he said, were “shot down by the law in -cold blood, in the city of Chicago, in the protection of property,” -and held that the strikers had “nothing more to do with the law except -to lay hands on it, and throttle it until it makes its last kick. -Throttle it! Kill it! Stab it! Can we do anything,” he asked, “except -by the strong arm of resistance? The skirmish lines have met. The -people have been shot. Men, women and children have not been spared -by the capitalists and the minions of private capital. It had no -mercy—neither ought you. You are called upon to defend yourselves, -your lives, your future. I have some resistance in me. I know that you -have, too.” - -[Illustration: CAPT. WILLIAM WARD.] - -At this juncture the police made their appearance. During the remarks -of Spies and Parsons, detectives had frequently reported to the station -that only moderate, temperate sentiments were being uttered, but after -Fielden had got fairly worked up to his subject, this was changed. The -crowd was being wrought up to a high point of excitement, and there -were frequent interjections of approval and shouts of indignation. -Fielden’s was just such a speech as they had expected to hear. Very -little was required to incite them to the perpetration of desperate -deeds. Like a sculptor with his plastic model, Fielden had molded -his audience to suit the purpose of the occasion. With his rough and -ready eloquence he stirred up their innermost passions. His biting -allusions to capitalists caught the hearts of the uncouth mob as with -grappling-hooks, and his appeals for the destruction of existing laws -shook them as a whirlwind. - -It would be as well, he said, for workmen to die fighting as to -starve to death. “Exterminate the capitalists, and do it to-night!” -The officers detailed to watch the proceedings saw that the speech -portended no good, and they communicated the facts to Inspector -Bonfield. Even then the Inspector hesitated. To use his own language, -in the report he sent to Superintendent Ebersold: “Wanting to be -clearly within the law, and wishing to leave no room for doubt as to -the propriety of our actions, I did not act on the first reports, but -sent the officers back to make further observations. A few minutes -after ten o’clock, the officers returned and reported that the crowd -were getting excited and the speaker growing more incendiary in his -language. I then felt that to hesitate any longer would be criminal, -and gave the order to fall in and move our force forward on Waldo -Place,”—a short street south of the Desplaines Street Station. - -[Illustration: LIEUT. (NOW CHIEF) G. W. HUBBARD.] - -The force formed into four divisions. The companies of Lieuts. Steele -and Quinn formed the first; those of Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler, the -second; those of Lieut. Hubbard and Sergt. Fitzpatrick, the third; and -two companies commanded by Lieuts. Beard and Penzen constituted the -fourth, forming the rear guard, which had orders to form right and -left on Randolph Street, to guard the rear from any attack from the -Haymarket. These various divisions thus covered the street from curb -to curb. Inspector Bonfield and Capt. Ward led the forces, in front of -the first division. On seeing them advancing in the distance, Fielden -exclaimed: - -“Here come the bloodhounds. You do your duty, and I’ll do mine!” - -Arriving on the ground, they found the agitator right in the midst -of his incendiary exhortations, that point where he was telling his -Anarchist zealots that he had some resistance in him, and assuring them -that he knew they had too. At that moment the police were ordered to -halt within a few feet of the truck wagon, and Capt. Ward, advancing to -within three feet of the speaker, said: - -“I command you, in the name of the people of the State, to immediately -and peaceably disperse.” - -Turning to the crowd, he continued: “I command you and you to assist.” - -Fielden had meanwhile jumped off the wagon, and, as he reached the -sidewalk, declared in a clear, loud tone of voice: - -“We are peaceable.” - -This must have been the secret signal,—it has about it suggestions -of the word “Ruhe,”—and no sooner had it been uttered than a spark -flashed through the air. It looked like the lighted remnant of a cigar, -but hissed like a miniature skyrocket. It fell in the ranks of the -second division and near the dividing-line between the companies of -Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler, just south of where the speaking had taken -place. - -A terrific explosion followed—the detonation was heard for blocks -around. The direction in which the bomb—for such it was—had been -thrown was by way of the east sidewalk from the alley. It had been -hurled by a person in the shadow of that narrow yet crowded passageway -on the same side of, and only a few feet from, the speaker’s stand. - -[Illustration: SERGT. (NOW CAPT.) J. E. FITZPATRICK.] - -The explosion created frightful havoc and terrible dismay. It was -instantly followed by a volley of small fire-arms from the mob on -the sidewalk and in the street in front of the police force, all -directed against the officers. They were for the moment stunned and -terror-stricken. In the immediate vicinity of the explosion, the -entire column under Stanton and Bowler and many of the first and third -divisions were hurled to the ground, some killed, and many in the -agonies of death. - -As soon as the first flash of the tragic shock had passed, and even -on the instant the mob began firing, Inspector Bonfield rallied the -policemen who remained unscathed, and ordered a running fire of -revolvers on the desperate Anarchists. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn charged -the crowd on the street from curb to curb, and Lieuts. Hubbard and -Fitzpatrick, with such men as were left them of the Special Detail, -swept both sidewalks with a brisk and rattling fire. - -[Illustration: LIEUT. JAMES P. STANTON.] - -The rush of the officers was like that of a mighty torrent in a narrow -channel—they carried everything before them and swept down all hapless -enough to fall under their fire or batons. The masterly courage and -brilliant dash of the men soon sent the Anarchists flying in every -direction, and a more desperate scramble for life and safety was never -witnessed. Even the most defiant conspirators lost their wits and -hunted nooks and recesses of buildings to seclude themselves till they -could effect an escape without imminent danger of bullets or of being -crushed by the precipitate mob. - -Fielden, so brave and fearless on the appearance of the police, pulled -a revolver while crouching beneath the protection of the truck wheels, -fired at the officers, and then took to his heels and disappeared. -Spies had friendly assistance in getting off the truck, and hastened -pell-mell through the crowd in a frantic endeavor to get under cover. -He finally reached safety, while his brother, who was with him on the -wagon, got away with a slight wound. Parsons seems to have taken time -by the forelock and nervously awaited developments in the bar-room -of Zepf’s Hall. - -[Illustration: LIEUT. BOWLER.] - -Fischer had been among the crowd while Spies and Parsons spoke, but he -was in the company of Parsons at Zepf’s when the explosion occurred. -Schnaubelt, who had sat on the wagon with his hands in his pockets -until Fielden began his speech, hurried through the mob, after sending -the missile on its deadly mission, and got away without a scratch. -Other lesser yet influential lights in the Anarchist combination found -friendly refuge, and, as subsequently developed, lost no time in -reaching home as soon as possible. How any of these leaders who were in -the midst of the awful carnage managed to escape, while other of their -comrades suffered, is not clear, unless they dodged from one secluded -spot to another, while the storm raged at its height—and there are many -circumstances showing that this was the case. At any rate the point -is immaterial: the fact remains that they were all found lacking in -courage at the critical moment, and each seemed more concerned about -his own safety than that of his fellow revolutionists. - -Owing to the masterly charge of the police, the conflict was of short -duration, but, while it lasted, it produced a scene of confusion, death -and bloodshed not equaled in the annals of American riots in its extent -and far-reaching results. The hissing of bullets, the groans of the -dying, the cries of the wounded and the imprecations of the fleeing -made a combination of horrors which those present will never forget. - -No sooner had the field been cleared of the mob than Inspector Bonfield -set to work caring for the dead and wounded. They were found scattered -in every direction. Many of the officers lay prostrate where they had -fallen, and to the north, where the mob had disputed the ground with -the police, lay many an Anarchist. On door-steps and in the recesses of -buildings were found wounded and maimed. The police looked after all -and rendered assistance alike to friend and foe. The dead, dying and -wounded were conveyed to the Desplaines Street Station, where numerous -physicians were called into service. - -In subsequently speaking of the bravery of his men on this occasion, in -his report to the Chief of Police, Inspector Bonfield very truly said: - - It has been asserted that regular troops have become panic-stricken - from less cause. I see no way to account for it except this. The - soldier acts as part of a machine. Rarely, if ever, when on duty, is - he allowed to act as an individual or to use his personal judgment. A - police officer’s training teaches him to be self-reliant. Day after - day and night after night he goes on duty alone, and, when in conflict - with the thief and burglar, he has to depend upon his own individual - exertions. The soldier being a part of a machine, it follows that, - when a part of it gives out, the rest is useless until the injury is - repaired. The policeman, being a machine in himself, rarely, if ever, - gives up until he is laid on the ground and unable to rise again. In - conclusion, I beg leave to report that the conduct of the men and - officers, with few exceptions, was admirable—as a military man said - to me the next day, “worthy the heroes of a hundred battles.” - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - - The Dead and the Wounded—Moans of Anguish in the Police - Station—Caring for Friend and Foe—Counting the Cost—A City’s - Sympathy—The Death List—Sketches of the Men—The Doctors’ - Work—Dynamite Havoc—Veterans of the Haymarket—A Roll of Honor—The - Anarchist Loss—Guesses at their Dead—Concealing Wounded Rioters—The - Explosion a Failure—Disappointment of the Terrorists. - - -THE scene at the Desplaines Street Station was one which would appal -the stoutest heart. Every available place in the building was utilized, -and one could scarcely move about the various rooms without fear of -accidentally touching a wound or jarring a fractured limb. In many -instances mangled Anarchists were placed side by side with injured -officers. The floors literally ran with blood dripping and flowing from -the lacerated bodies of the victims of the riot. The air was filled -with moans from the dying and groans of anguish from the wounded. As -the news had spread throughout the city of the terrible slaughter, -wives, daughters, relatives and friends of officers as well as of -Anarchists, who had failed to report at home or to send tidings of -their whereabouts, hastened to the station and sought admission. Being -refused, these set up wailing and lamentations about the doors of -the station, and the doleful sounds made the situation all the more -sorrowful within. - -Everything in the power of man was done to alleviate the suffering and -to make the patients as comfortable as possible. Drs. Murphy, Lee and -Henrotin, department physicians, were energetically at work, and, with -every appliance possible, administered comparative relief and ease from -the excruciating pains of the suffering. The more seriously wounded, -when possible, were taken to the Cook County Hospital. Throughout the -night following the riot, the early morning and the day succeeding, the -utmost care was given the patients, and throughout the city for days -and weeks the one inquiry, the one great sympathy, was with reference -to the wounded officers and their condition. The whole heart of the -city was centered in their recovery. Everywhere the living as well as -the dead heroes were accorded the highest praise. The culprits who had -sought to subvert law and order in murder and pillage were execrated on -all hands. For days and weeks, the city never for a moment relaxed its -interest. From the time the men had been brought into the station, it -was long a question as to how many would succumb to their wounds. Care -and attention without ceasing served to rescue many from an untimely -grave; but even those who were finally restored to their families -and friends, crippled and maimed as they were, hovered between life -and death on a very slender thread through many a restless night and -weary day and through long weeks and agonizing months. The devotion -of friends and the skill of physicians nerved the men to strength and -patience. That only eight should have died out of so great a number as -were mangled, lacerated and shattered by the powerful bomb and pierced -by bullets, attests the merits of the treatment. - -The only one who was almost instantly killed was Officer Mathias J. -Degan. The following list will serve to show the names of the officers -killed and wounded, the stations they belonged to, their residences, -the nature of their wounds, their condition and other circumstances: - - MATHIAS J. DEGAN—Third Precinct, West Lake Street Station; residence, - No. 626 South Canal Street. Almost instantly killed. He was born - October 29, 1851, and joined the police force December 15, 1884. He - was a widower, having lost his wife just before joining the force, and - left a young son. He was a brave officer, efficient in all his duties, - and highly esteemed. - - MICHAEL SHEEHAN—Third Precinct; residence, No. 163 Barber Street. - Wounded in the back just below the ninth rib. The bullet lay in the - abdomen, and, after its removal by the surgeon, he collapsed and died - on the 9th of May. He was twenty-nine years of age, born in Ireland, - and came to America in 1879. He joined the force December 15, 1884, - and had only one relative in America, a brother, his parents still - living in the old country. He was a very bright, prompt and efficient - officer, and had excellent prospects before him. He was unmarried. - - GEORGE MULLER—Third Precinct; residence, No. 836 West Madison Street; - was shot in the left side, the bullet passing down through the - body and lodging on the right side above the hip bone. He suffered - more than any of the others and was in terrible agony. He would - not consent to an operation, and finally his right lung collapsed, - making his breathing very difficult. He expired on the 6th of May. - He was twenty-eight years of age. Born in Oswego, N. Y., where his - parents lived, and to which place his remains were sent. Muller, on - coming to Chicago, began as a teamster, and became connected with the - Police Department December 15, 1884, being assigned for duty at the - Desplaines Street Station. He was a finely built, muscular young man, - and became quite a favorite with his associates because of his quiet - habits and genial manners. At the time of his death he was engaged to - Miss Mary McAvoy. - - JOHN J. BARRETT—Third Precinct; residence, No. 99 East Erie Street; - was shot in the liver, from which a piece of shell was removed, and - he had a bad fracture of the elbow. The heel bone of one leg was - carried away. With so many serious wounds, he lay in the hospital - almost unconscious until the day of his death, May 6. He was born in - Waukegan, Ill., in 1860, and came to Chicago with his parents when - only four years of age. Here he attended the public schools, and then - learned the molder’s trade, which he abandoned on January 15, 1885, - to join the police force, being assigned to duty at the Desplaines - Street Station. He was a brave and efficient officer and always ready - to do his part in any emergency. He had been married only a few months - preceding his death, and left a wife, a widowed mother, three sisters - and a younger brother. - - THOMAS REDDEN—Third Precinct; residence, No. 109 Walnut Street; - received a bad fracture of the left leg three inches below the knee, - from which a large portion of the bone was entirely carried away. He - also had bullet wounds in the left cheek and right elbow, and some - wounds in the back. Pieces of shell were found in the leg and elbow. - He died May 16. He was fifty years of age, and had been connected with - the police force for twelve years, joining it on April 1, 1874. He was - attached to the West Lake Street Station, and was looked upon as an - exemplary and trusted officer. He left a wife and two young children. - - TIMOTHY FLAVIN—Fourth Precinct; residence, No. 504 North Ashland - Avenue; was struck with a piece of shell four inches above the ankle - joint, tearing away a portion of the large bone and fracturing the - small bone. He also had two wounds just below the shoulder joint in - the right arm, caused by a shell, and there were two shell wounds - in the back, one passing into the abdomen and the other into the - lung. His leg was amputated above the knee, the second day after the - explosion, and he had besides a large piece torn out of his right - hip. He died on May 8. He was born in Listowel, Ireland, and came to - America in 1880 with a young wife, whom he had married on the day of - his departure. He had worked as a teamster, and joined the police - force on December 15, 1884, being assigned to duty at the Rawson - Street Station. He left a wife and three small children. - -[Illustration: THE DESPLAINES STREET STATION. - -From a Photograph.] - - NELS HANSEN—Fourth Precinct; residence, No. 28 Fowler Street; - received shell wounds in body, arms and legs, and one of his limbs had - to be amputated. He lost considerable blood, but lingered along in - intense agony until May 14, when he died. He was a native of Sweden, - having came to Chicago a great number of years ago, joining the force - December 15, 1884, and was about fifty years of age. He left a wife - and two children. - - TIMOTHY SULLIVAN, of the Third Precinct, was the last to die from the - effects of the Haymarket riot; this brave officer lingered until June - 13, 1888. He resided at No. 123 Hickory Street, and was a widower, - four children mourning his loss. The illness from which he died was - the direct result of a bullet wound just above the left knee. - -The following is a list of the wounded officers belonging to the Third -Precinct: - - August C. Keller; residence, No. 36 Greenwich Street; shell wound in - right side and ball wound in left side; wife and five children. - - Thomas McHenry; residence, 376 W. Polk Street; shell wound in left - knee and three shell wounds in left hip; single; had a sister and - blind mother to support. - - John E. Doyle, 142½ W. Jackson Street; bullet wounds in back and calf - of each leg; serious; wife and one child. - - John A. King, 1411 Wabash Avenue; jaw-bone fractured by shell and two - bullet wounds in right leg below the knee; serious; single. - - Nicholas Shannon, Jr., No. 24 Miller Street; thirteen shell wounds on - right side and five shell wounds on left side; serious; wife and three - children. - - James Conway, No. 185 Morgan Street; bullet wound in right leg; single. - - Patrick Hartford, No. 228 Noble Street; shell wound in right ankle, - two toes on left foot amputated, bullet wound in left side; wife and - four children. - - Patrick Nash, Desplaines Street Station; bruises on left shoulder, - inflicted by a stick; single. - - Arthur Connolly, No. 318 West Huron Street; two shell wounds in left - leg; bone slightly fractured; wife. - - Louis Johnson, No. 40 West Erie Street; shell wound in left leg; wife - and four children. - - M. M. Cardin, No. 18 North Peoria Street; bullet wound in calf of each - leg; wife and two children. - - Adam Barber, No. 321 West Jackson Street; shell wound left leg, bullet - wound in right breast; bullet not extracted; wife and one child. - - Henry F. Smith, bullet wound in right shoulder; quite serious, wife - and two children in California. - - Frank Tyrell, No. 228 Lincoln Street; bullet in right hip near spine; - wife and two children; wife sick in County Hospital at the time of the - riot. - - James A. Brady, No. 146 West Van Buren Street; shell wound in left - leg, slight injury to toes of left foot and shell wound in left thigh; - single. - - John Reed, No. 237 South Halsted Street; shell wound in left leg and - bullet wound in right knee; bullet not removed; single. - - Patrick McLaughlin, No. 965 Thirty-seventh Court; bruised on right - side, leg and hip, injuries slight; wife and two children. - - Frank Murphy, No. 980 Walnut Street; trampled on, three ribs broken; - wife and three children. - - Lawrence Murphy, No. 317½ Fulton Street; shell wounds on left side of - neck and left knee, part of left foot amputated; wife. - - Michael Madden, No. 119 South Green Street; shot in left lung on May - 5th, after which he shot and killed his Anarchist assailant; wife and - seven children. - -The following belonged to the West Lake Street Station of the Third -Precinct: - - Lieut. James P. Stanton, residence No. 584 Carroll Avenue; shell wound - in right side, bullet wound in right hip, bullet wound in calf of leg; - wife and three children. - - Thomas Brophy, No. 25 Nixon Street; slight injury to left leg; - reported for duty; wife. - - Bernard Murphy, No. 325 East Twenty-second Street; bullet wound in - left thigh, shell wound on right side of head and chin; not dangerous; - wife. - - Charles H. Fink, No. 154 South Sangamon Street; three shell wounds in - left leg and two wounds in right leg; not dangerous; wife. - - Joseph Norman, No. 612 Walnut Street; bullet passed through right foot - and slight injury to finger on left hand; wife and two children. - - Peter Butterly, No. 436 West Twelfth Street; bullet wound in right arm - and small wound on each leg near knee; wife and one child. - - Alexander Jamison, No. 129 Gurley Street; bullet wound in left leg; - serious; wife and seven children. - - Michael Horan, bullet wound in left thigh, not removed; slight shell - wound on left arm; single. - - Thomas Hennessy, No. 287 Fulton Street; shell wound on left thigh, - slight; has mother, who is crippled, and two sisters to support. - - William Burns, No. 602 West Van Buren Street; slight shell wound on - left ankle; single. - - James Plunkett, No. 15½ Depuyster Street; struck with club and - trampled upon; wife. - - Charles W. Whitney, No. 453 South Robey Street; shell wound in left - breast; shell not removed; single. - - Jacob Hansen, No. 137 North Morgan Street; right leg amputated over - the knee, three shell wounds in left leg; wife and one child. - - Martin Cullen, No. 236 Washtenaw Avenue; right collar bone fractured - and slight injury to left knee; wife and five children. - - Simon Klidzis, No. 158 Carroll Street; shot in calf of left leg; - serious; wife and three children. - - Julius L. Simonson, No. 241 West Huron Street; shot in arm near - shoulder; very serious; wife and two children. - - John K. McMahon, No. 118 North Green Street; shell wound in calf - of left leg, shell not found; ball wound left leg near knee, very - serious; wife and two children. - - Simon McMahon, No. 913 North Ashland Avenue; shot in right arm and two - wounds in right leg; wife and five children. - - Edward W. Ruel, No. 136 North Peoria Street; shot in right ankle, - bullet not removed; serious; single. - - Alexander Halvorson, No. 850 North Oakley Avenue; shot in both legs, - ball not extracted; single. - - Carl E. Johnson, No. 339 West Erie Street; shot in left elbow; wife - and two children. - - Peter McCormick, No. 473 West Erie Street; slight shot wound in left - arm; wife. - - Christopher Gaynor, No. 45 Fay Street; slight bruise on left arm; wife. - -The following belonged to the Fourth Precinct: - - S. J. Werneke, No. 73 West Division Street; shot in left side of head, - ball not found; serious; wife and two children. - - Patrick McNulty, No. 691 North Leavitt Street; shot in right leg and - both hips; dangerous; wife and three children. - - Samuel Hilgo, No. 452 Milwaukee Avenue; shot in right leg; not - serious; single. - - Herman Krueger, No. 184 Ramsey Street; shot in right knee; not - serious; wife and two children. - - Joseph A. Gilso, No. 8 Emma Street; slightly injured in back and leg; - not serious; wife and six children. - - Edward Barrell, No. 297 West Ohio Street; shot in right leg; quite - serious; wife and six children. - - Freeman Steele, No. 30 Rice Street; slightly wounded in back; not - serious; single. - - James P. Johnson, No. 740 Dixon Street; right knee sprained; not - serious; wife and three children. - - Benjamin F. Snell, No. 138 Mozart Street; shot in right leg; not - serious; single. - -The following belonged to the Central Detail: - - James H. Wilson, No. 810 Austin Avenue; seriously injured in abdomen - by shell; wife and five children. - - Daniel Hogan, No. 526 Austin Avenue; shot in calf of right leg and - hand; very serious; wife and daughter. - - M. O’Brien, No. 495 Fifth Avenue; shell wound in left thigh; very - serious; wife and two children. - - Fred A. Andrew, No. 1018 North Halsted Street; wounded in leg, not - serious; wife. - - [Illustration: THE HAYMARKET MARTYRS. - - 1. John J. Barrett. - 2. Michael Sheehan. - 3. Timothy Flavin. - 4. Timothy Sullivan. - 5. Thomas Redden. - 6. Mathias J. Degan. - 7. Nels Hansen. - 8. George Muller.] - - Jacob Ebinger, No. 235 Thirty-seventh Street; shell wound in back of - left hand; not serious; wife and three children. - - John J. Kelley, No. 194 Sheffield Avenue; shell wound on left hand; - not serious; wife and three children. - - Patrick Lavin, No. 42 Sholto Street; finger hurt by shell; married. - - - Officer Terrehll had a shell wound in the right thigh. - - Patrick Hartford had an opening in the ankle joint. The shell was - removed. A portion of his left foot, with the toes, was carried away. - - Arthur Conelly had a compound fracture of the tibia. The shell struck - him about two inches below the knee, tore away a piece of bone of the - fibula, perforated the tibia and lodged about the middle of the large - bone of the leg, a short distance below the knee. A piece of shell was - removed. - - Lawrence Murphy had fifteen shell wounds, one in the neck, three or - four in the arms, and one in his left foot; the last, weighing almost - an ounce and a half, lodged at the base of the great toe and left his - foot hanging by a piece of skin. The foot had to be amputated about - two inches farther back. He had a piece two inches square taken out of - the anterior surface of his leg. He had two perforating wounds in the - left thigh and a number in the right. - - Edward Barrett had two shell wounds in the neighborhood of the knee - joint, turning out large pieces of flesh and leaving ragged wounds on - the surface. - - J. H. King was struck in the chin by a piece of shell which went - through his upper lip; another piece carried away about an inch of his - lower jaw-bone. - - J. H. Grady had severe flesh wounds, both in the thigh and legs. Some - pieces of shell were taken out of them. - - John Doyle had several wounds about the legs, in the neighborhood of - the knee joint. - -The list shows the character of the wounds and the condition of the -officers just after the eventful night. Some of those who died lingered -along for some time after, but the name of Timothy Sullivan was the -last to add to the death-list. Some of the sixty-eight wounded men -have since returned to active duty, but many are maimed for life and -incapacitated for work. - -It is impossible to say how many of the Anarchists were killed or -wounded. As soon as they were in a condition to be moved, those in -the Desplaines Street Station were turned over to their relatives and -friends. The Anarchists have never attempted to give a correct list, -or even an approximate estimate, of the men wounded or killed on their -side. The number, however, was largely in excess of that on the side -of the police. After the moment’s bewilderment, the officers dashed -on the enemy and fired round after round. Being good marksmen, they -fired to kill, and many revolutionists must have gone home, either -assisted by comrades or unassisted, with wounds that resulted fatally -or maimed them for life. Some of those in the station had dangerous -wounds, and they were for the most part men who had become separated, -in the confusion, from their companions, or trampled upon so that they -could not get up and limp to a safe place. It is known that many secret -funerals were held from Anarchist localities in the dead hour of night. -For many months previous to the Haymarket explosion the Anarchists had -descanted loudly on the destructive potency of dynamite. One bomb, they -maintained, was equivalent to a regiment of militia. A little dynamite, -properly put up, could be carried in a vest pocket and used to destroy -a large body of police. They probably reasoned that if it was known -that many more of their number had fallen than on the side of the -police, it would not only tend to diminish the faith of their adherents -in the real virtues of dynamite, but would prove that the police were -more than able to cope with the Social Revolution, even though the -revolutionists depended on that powerful agency. The public is not, -therefore, likely ever to know how many of their number suffered. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - - The Core of the Conspiracy—Search of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - Office—The Captured Manuscript—Jealousies in the Police - Department—The Case Threatened with Failure—Stupidity at the - Central Office—Fischer Brought In—Rotten Detective Work—The Arrest - of Spies—His Egregious Vanity—An Anarchist “Ladies’ Man”—Wine - Suppers with the Actresses—Nina Van Zandt’s Antecedents—Her - Romantic Connection with the Case—Fashionable Toilets—Did Spies - Really Love Her?—His Curious Conduct—The Proxy Marriage—The End - of the Romance—The Other Conspirators—Mrs. Parsons’ Origin—The - Bomb-Thrower in Custody—The Assassin Kicked Out of the Chief’s - Office—Schnaubelt and the Detectives—Suspicious Conduct at - Headquarters—Schnaubelt Ordered to Keep Away From the City Hall—An - Amazing Incident—A Friendly Tip to a Murderer—My Impressions of the - Schnaubelt Episode—Balthasar Rau and Mr. Furthmann—Phantom Shackles - in a Pullman—Experiments with Dynamite—An Explosive Dangerous to - Friend and Foe—Testing the Bombs—Fielden and the Chief. - - -IT was not difficult to locate the moral responsibility for the bold -and bloody attack on law and authority. The seditious utterances of -such men as Spies, Parsons, Fielden, Schwab and other leaders at public -gatherings for weeks and months preceding the eight-hour strike, and -the defiant declarations of such papers as the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ -and the _Alarm_, clearly pointed to the sources from which came the -inspiration for the crowning crime of Anarchy. It was likewise a -strongly settled conviction that the thrower of the bomb was not simply -a Guiteau-like crank, but that there must have been a deliberate, -organized conspiracy, of which he was a duly constituted agent. In the -work, therefore, of getting at the inside facts, the points sought -were: What was the exact nature of that conspiracy, and who constituted -the chief conspirators? The possession of every detail in connection -with these two points was absolutely necessary in order to fix the -criminal responsibility, and to the solution of this problem the -officers bent all their energies. - -The detectives were well aware that the office of the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ had been the headquarters for the central, -controlling body of the Anarchist organizations in Chicago, and on the -morning following the explosion Inspector Bonfield determined to raid -the establishment and bring in such of the leaders as might be found -there. Several detectives were assigned to this duty, and they soon -returned, having under arrest August Spies, his brother Chris, Michael -Schwab and Adolph Fischer. These were locked up at the Central Station. -Shortly thereafter fifteen or sixteen compositors of the paper were -arrested and brought to the same place. They were a meek-looking set, -and were visibly moved with fear. - -Immediately after 12 o’clock, State’s Attorney Grinnell, Assistant -State’s Attorney Furthmann, Lieut. Joseph Kipley, Lieut. John D. -Shea, Detectives James Bonfield, Slayton, Baer, Palmer, Thehorn and -several other officers repaired to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ building -and made a most thorough search of every room in the premises. A lot -of manuscript was found on hooks attached to the printers’ cases, -and this was carefully wrapped up and taken away. The files of the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and _Alarm_ were also piled into a wagon and carted -to the Central Station. - -[Illustration: ADOLPH FISCHER. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -Subsequent investigation by Mr. Furthmann of all the scraps of paper -brought over by the police revealed Spies’ manuscript with the signal -word “Ruhe,” the manuscript of the “Revenge Circular,” issued on the -afternoon of May 4, the manuscript for the “Y, come Monday night” -notice, Spies’ copy of the article headed “Blood,” published in the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of May 4, and a number of other documents damaging -in their character. This discovery was regarded as highly important, -and in the trial it proved extremely serviceable to the State. It -likewise served, as will be shown, in furnishing a point by which, when -I came to take up the case I was enabled to finally lay bare the whole -conspiracy from its inception to its conclusion. - -With the clues obtained from the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, the -officers were enabled to put some pointed questions to the prisoners, -but they failed to properly utilize even the meager information they -had managed to extract. At this time the Police Department, from the -Chief to the detective branch, was rent with rivalries, dissensions and -jealousies, and it did not require much frowning or many innuendoes -from the one to destroy in the other any special interest in pursuing a -clue to its legitimate results. At the start all the officers were on -a keen scent, and while outwardly all seemed working like Trojans in -order to meet public expectations, which was keyed up to its highest -pitch, not alone in Chicago but throughout the country, still the fear -that one might get the credit for the work done by another operated to -destroy discipline and deaden personal enthusiasm. Outside events alone -prevented a complete failure in the prosecution. - -The arrested Anarchists, however, knew nothing of these dissensions. -All they knew was that public indignation was strong against them, and -they realized that they were in a very embarrassing situation. - -[Illustration: THE FISCHER FAMILY. From a Photograph.] - -FISCHER seemed to feel his position at the station more keenly than -the others. On his arrest he was found to have in his possession a -44-caliber revolver, a file sharpened so as to make it serviceable -as a dagger, and a detonation cap, and, as he was the foreman of the -compositors in the office, his trepidation may have been caused by a -suspicion that possibly the officers took him to be the leader of an -armed gang among them. Before the raid on the office it appears that he -had endeavored to hide these weapons, but he had been unable to unload -himself, as the others in the office would not consent to concealment -in their vicinity, lest discovery in the event of an investigation -might criminate them in the conspiracy. Fischer was on his way down -stairs to find a hiding-place for his weapons at the very moment when -he was overtaken by the police and relieved of all further trouble. -The dagger was a peculiar instrument, and it was the general opinion -of those who examined it that it had been dipped in some deadly poison -from which, through a slight scratch or through a deep plunge of the -weapon, death would be speedy. - -Fischer always seemed thoroughly unscrupulous as to the means to be -used to bring about the death of capitalists, and he never tired of -uttering dire threats against the foes of Socialism. He was a tall, -lithe and muscular-looking man, and, with a resolute purpose, he -impressed his comrades as one who would not easily be balked. It is -difficult to determine just how Fischer came to imbibe his bloodthirsty -principles, as little is known of his antecedents. At the time of his -arrest he was twenty-seven years old and married. He had been in the -United States thirteen or fourteen years. He had learned the printer’s -trade in Nashville, Tenn., working for a brother who conducted there -a German paper. Subsequently he acquired an interest in a German -publication at Little Rock, Ark., and in 1881 he moved to St. Louis, -where he worked at the case and where he became known for his extreme -ideas on Socialism. He soon found his way to Chicago, where he felt -satisfied he would find more congenial spirits in the work upon which -he had set his heart. Here he became associated with Engel and Fehling -in the publication of a German paper, the _Anarchist_, but as this -did not live long, he became a compositor on the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. -Wherever he was, he always talked Anarchy and showed a most implacable -hatred of existing society. - -When brought to the station, Fischer weakened perceptibly, but -afterwards braced up and yielded no information except as to his -whereabouts for several days prior to the Haymarket meeting. He had no -love for the police, and he did everything in his power to trip us up -in our subsequent investigations. From the moment of his arrest to the -day of his execution he adopted a most secretive policy. - -[Illustration: FISCHER’S BELT AND POISONED DAGGERS. - -From a Photograph.] - -SPIES also weakened at first when brought into the station, almost -trembling with fear, but, after the first flush of excitement had -passed, he took on an air of bravado, and exhibited a bold front in -spite of the documentary disclosures against him. He became glib of -tongue, but stoutly denied any knowledge of a conspiracy to precipitate -a riot at the Haymarket. He was savagely denounced by Superintendent -Ebersold, but he stood his ground and resolved to act the part of the -innocent victim. His active participation in all large demonstrations, -notably those at the McCormick factory and the Haymarket, made him a -splendid mark for critical examination, but every effort to extract -definite information proved futile. - -[Illustration: AUGUST SPIES. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -Spies was a young man of considerable ability, having enjoyed more -than a common school education in Germany, and in all his talks he -demonstrated that he had been a diligent reader of history and an -enthusiastic student of Socialism and Anarchy. With all his reading, -however, it was apparent that he had not carefully digested his -information. He always acted as if self-conscious of great knowledge. -He was a strong and effective speaker, but in all his harangues there -seemed to be lacking the element of sincerity. For a long time some of -his associates doubted if he really meant what he said, and there are -Anarchists to-day who do not believe that he was at any time really in -earnest in his public utterances. They think that he exerted himself -simply for the purpose of being looked upon as a popular leader and -hero, and that he worked for the cause only as a means of obtaining an -easy living. He was exceedingly vain and pompous, and courted public -notoriety. - -Spies had received a very good salary as editor of the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and enjoyed nothing better than to write a fiery -editorial or deliver an incendiary speech. It all served to rivet -attention on himself. The more attention, the more it pleased his -vanity. His constant desire was to place himself on dress parade, so -to speak, and he generally sought out, when he lunched down town at -noon, some fashionable or crowded restaurant. He would strut to a table -which could only be reached by passing other crowded tables, and enjoy -the _sotto voce_ remarks as he passed or as he sat at the table he had -selected—“There is Spies, the noted Anarchist.” No common Anarchist, -lager-beer-and-pretzel lunch-houses suited him. - -It was at a large restaurant, on the 3d of May, at noon, that he met -a well-known attorney, to whom he was introduced and with whom he -had some conversation of a joking, bantering nature. The attorney -testified before the grand jury subsequently as to this conversation, -and the substance of it will be found in the chapter devoted to a -review of its proceedings. But it transpires that there was some -further conversation that does not appear in the report of the grand -jury investigation, but which has since been brought out through -the recollection of another party, and, which, while it was given -in an off-hand way, fully showed that Spies desired to make a great -impression on the mind of his casual acquaintance as well as to -intimate the existence of some secret understanding for bringing -on bloodshed. On that occasion Spies, after being assured that the -attorney was not an Anarchist, remarked: - -“You had better be one, for in less than twenty-four hours a Socialist, -well armed, with a market on his shoulder, will appear out of every -door, and whoever has not got the sign or pass-word will be shot down -in his tracks. I am about going out now to McCormick’s factory, west of -here, for the purpose of addressing a multitude of workingmen, and I -will raise h——l before I get through.” - -Besides his fancy for popular restaurants, there was another -peculiarity about Spies. He frequently attended the German theaters, -ostensibly for the recreation he might find in the plays, but the -principal motive was the cultivation of the actresses’ acquaintance. -Introductions, which he sought eagerly, were followed by invitations to -wine suppers. He was good company, and his lady acquaintances were not -averse to accepting his invitations even though he was an Anarchist. -Possibly they doubted the sincerity of his convictions—although they -entertained no question about the reality of his cash. None of them, -however, seem to have visited him during his incarceration, save one, a -tall woman who now lives on Wells Street near Chicago Avenue. - -During his troubles Spies made the acquaintance of a woman in another -station of life. It was during his trial that Miss Nina Van Zandt -became interested in him and espoused his cause. She had read of his -case, and there seemed to be a charm about his conduct as described in -the newspapers that prompted her to seek his acquaintance. She was a -young girl of rare beauty and considerable mental endowment, and she -had moved in the best society, but, notwithstanding her social position -and culture, she sought an introduction and soon fell desperately in -love with the Anarchist. She was an only child and the petted daughter -of parents of high social connections, and her immediate relatives were -wealthy people in Pittsburg. Her parents threw no obstacles in the -way of her attachment, and she espoused Spies’ cause with her whole -impetuous nature, and cast her lot with the conspirator and his rabble -of low-browed followers. It may have been love, but it was love which -could only have been the product of a disordered mind. - -During the later stages of Spies’ trial she was a constant visitor at -the County Jail, frequently accompanied by her mother and sometimes by -her father, and on each occasion she would bring him some delicacy or -token of her esteem. Rare flowers and bouquets she either brought or -sent daily, and the affection she evinced seemed a growth of months -instead of days. She had great confidence in the jury and implicitly -believed that acquittal would result at their hands. Her presence -invariably graced the court-room, whenever possible, and the defendants -themselves could not have been more eager listeners to the proceedings. -When her love for Spies became publicly known, she attracted great -attention, but her demeanor would have led one to believe that she was -entirely unconscious of the notoriety she had achieved. This was not -the case. It rather pleased her, and, to still further intensify public -attention and curiosity, she made it a point to display a most varied -wardrobe during the progress of the trial. At the forenoon session -she would appear in court with one fashionable outfit, and this she -would change for an equally stunning attire in the afternoon. She had -a striking figure, was stately in appearance, dignified in manner, and -with a fine, handsome face, it was no wonder that she became an object -of marked attention, in the Court-house as well as upon the streets. - -[Illustration: MISS NINA VAN ZANDT. - -From a Photograph.] - -But withal she never lost sight of her lover nor of the court -proceedings. Spies was in her mind constantly, and every movement -in the trial excited her closest attention. It was indeed a strange -infatuation she displayed for the Anarchist, and it was the more -strange since Spies seemed indifferent to her attentions. The public -gradually began to learn of this state of affairs through rumors and -newspaper reports, but the general opinion was that, if such was the -case, Spies had accepted her attentions simply as a matter either of -expediency or from an innate desire for notoriety on his part. The -public was right. Spies was playing for points, as billiardists would -say. To be sure, he received her kindly and very courteously, and -indulged in the expressions which lovers are wont to exchange, but -those who watched him closely and long could never discover that his -love came from the heart. He simply saw in her devotion and in her -standing in society a possible chance for favorably influencing the -minds of the jury, and thus, through her, he hoped to secure a release -from the troubles surrounding him. When this failed and death stared -him in the face, he still figured that she could prove serviceable to -him in influencing her wealthy relatives to aid him financially in -further conducting his case, or help him in some manner in effecting -a change in public sentiment. Such were undoubtedly his motives—at -least close observers of his actions hold that theory. When, later on, -things did not move exactly in the line he had hoped for, he willingly -assented to a marriage, and entered into the arrangements for its -celebration with apparent eagerness. - -This course, Spies no doubt supposed, would demonstrate to the -unfeeling world that there existed a devout mutual attachment, and -his claims for interested consideration at the hands of her relatives -would become greatly strengthened. But it only proved his desperate -situation. His love had been questioned by the public, and marriage -was calculated to settle the doubt. The public did not take kindly to -the proposed ceremony. The moment the newspapers had announced such a -contemplated step, the utmost indignation was aroused, and protest upon -protest poured in upon Sheriff Matson. Mr. Matson promptly declared -that no marriage should take place between the two while Spies was -in his custody, and thereafter Miss Van Zandt was placed under the -strictest surveillance whenever she visited her affianced. - -[Illustration: CHRIS SPIES. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -But all this unexpected interference in what he regarded as his own -business only tended to make Spies desperate, and, spurred on by his -outside Anarchist friends, who had likewise become indignant over a -public intermeddling in a love affair, he dropped his diplomacy and -resolved that the wishes of his ardent lady love should not be baffled -either by officials or by the public. Miss Nina in her unreasoning -infatuation readily acquiesced in the suggestion of a proxy marriage, -and Justice Engelhardt was consulted. This gentleman claimed that -under the statutes such a marriage would be valid, and he consented to -a performance of the ceremony. Accordingly, on the 29th of January, -1887, a proxy marriage was performed between Miss Nina and Chris Spies, -a brother of the doomed man. The attorneys of Chicago regarded the -ceremony as illegal, but the Anarchists considered it as binding as if -directly contracted. - -Miss Nina continued her visits to the jail after this mock proceeding, -but lynx-eyed officials saw to it that there was no one present -during her interviews with Spies to secretly and legally splice them -together. She was devoted to him at all times and all the time, and -whenever she was not well enough to visit him for some days or was -kept away by other circumstances, she would write him tender missives -of love and encouragement. She clung to him to the last, and in their -final interview, two days preceding his execution, she wept most -bitterly. - -[Illustration: MISS GRETCHEN SPIES. - -From a Photograph.] - -Her love was remarkable, but throughout it all Spies proved himself -wholly unworthy. He was a reprobate cunningly playing upon her -feelings, caring very little for her, and he must have known that her -station in life at that time made her an unsuitable companion. For him, -however, she renounced friends and all. After his death she went into -deep mourning, hung a cabinet photograph of him in the parlor window of -her father’s fashionable residence on Huron Street, and locked herself -in against the outer world for a number of days. She still cherishes -Spies’ memory and keeps in her parlor a marble bust of the executed -Anarchist. Recently she has been extending her acquaintanceship among -Anarchists outside of Chicago, and she has lately visited some of the -most rabid and demonstrative Socialists at Ottawa, Illinois. - -Spies was born in Friedewald, in the province of Hesse, Germany, -in 1855. He came to America in 1872, and one year later arrived in -Chicago, where he engaged in various occupations until he relieved -Paul Grottkau as editor of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ in 1876. His -identification with Socialism began in Chicago in 1875. He was -unmarried and supported his mother and a sister, Miss Gretchen Spies. -He has two brothers in Chicago, Chris and Henry. - -[Illustration: MICHAEL SCHWAB. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -MICHAEL SCHWAB, when confronted by the officers, looked like an -exclamation point, and had his long, bushy hairs been porcupine quills, -each would have stood straight on end. He was bewildered, dumbfounded, -and there was a distant, far-off expression in his eye. He realized -that he was in trouble, and to the many questions put to him by the -officers he stammered apologetic but non-committal answers. It was -clearly to be seen that he had been like clay in the potter’s hand, a -mere dupe of his associates. He was far less talented and less active -than the other leaders, but still in his own way he had played quite -a conspicuous part in the Anarchist drama. He had seen something of -the world as a peripatetic book-binder. Through his varied experience, -his nature had grown irritable and crusty, and Anarchy seemed the only -thing suited to right the wrongs of mankind. He fell in with the ideas -of the cranks in Chicago, and soon wormed himself into an assistant -editorial position of $18 a week on the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. In -appearance Schwab was ungainly and ferocious, but when put to the test -he was calm and mild as a lamb. The only thing really vicious about -him was in his incendiary writings and speeches. He aimed with his -limited capacity to be a great leader, but the moment he got into the -clutches of the law and found himself in peril of his life he retracted -everything which he had so persistently and stubbornly advocated. His -new troubles brought out the fact that he had written and spoken simply -for the money that was in the business, and not because he sincerely -believed in the theories he preached. He was at all times a supple tool -in the hands of Spies and Parsons, and during the remainder of his days -in the penitentiary he will have ample opportunities to repent of his -past misdeeds. - -Schwab was born in the village of Kibringen-on-the-Main, near Mannheim, -in Bavaria, in 1853, and emigrated to the United States in 1879, -reaching Chicago in the year following. He afterwards traveled from -point to point in the West, roughed it a little, and three or four -years later drifted back to Chicago. He is a brother of the notorious -Anarchist of New York, Justus Schwab, and has a wife and two children, -who are now being supported by friends. - -ALBERT R. PARSONS was another leader wanted by the police, and the -search for him was immediately instituted. Officers went to his -house only to discover that he had escaped, and for some time it was -believed that he was in hiding among his friends in the city. Every -effort, however, to find him failed, and there were all sorts of -speculations as to his whereabouts. It was found out afterwards that -he had become alarmed over the aspect of affairs resulting from the -Haymarket meeting, and, thinking “discretion the better part of valor,” -he had gathered a few dollars together, boarded an outgoing train, -and landed at Geneva, Ill., thoroughly disguised. He sought out the -home of a friend named Holmes, who cherished Anarchist sentiments, and -remained with him three or four days in concealment. With a dilapidated -outfit, he concluded to shift his abiding-place, and accordingly he -went to Elgin, Ill., where he was taken care of. From this point, in -the course of a few days, he went to Waukesha, Wis., and there hunted -around for work as a tramp carpenter. Waukesha is a great resort for -Chicago people, but no one recognized him in his changed appearance. -He succeeded in finding employment, and for some time worked as a -carpenter, unknown and undetected. The labor proving too arduous for -his undeveloped muscles and contrary to his principles as an Anarchist, -he began to look out for easier work, and this he managed to secure as -a painter. For seven weeks he remained at Waukesha, communicating with -his wife under an assumed name and through a third party living out of -Chicago. - -[Illustration: ALBERT R. PARSONS. - -From a Photograph.] - -When the trial opened, the counsel for the Anarchists were confident -that the State had not sufficient evidence to convict, and upon -assurances from Capt. Black that an acquittal was certain, Parsons -decided to surrender himself to the authorities. He boarded a train, -reached the city, and, securing a hack, drove to his home, on Milwaukee -Avenue, where he met his wife. After remaining there for three or four -hours, he got into a hack, in company with Mrs. Parsons, and drove down -to the Criminal Court building. It was on the 21st of June, after Judge -Gary had overruled a motion for separate trials, that Parsons reached -the building. He alighted, tripped up the stairs, and entered the -court-room. If a bomb had exploded on the outside, it would scarcely -have created a greater surprise than the appearance of Parsons as he -stalked in and took his seat with the prisoners. - -Parsons was born in Montgomery, Ala., June 20, 1848, and after he -had reached the age of five, his brother, Gen. W. H. Parsons, of -the Confederate army, took his education in charge at the latter’s -home in Tyler, Texas. When young Parsons was eleven years of age, he -learned the printer’s trade, and finally drifted into the service of -the Confederate army. After the “unpleasantness,” he branched out as -editor of a paper at Waco, Texas, and then connected himself with the -Houston _Telegraph_. He identified himself about this time with the -Republican party, and, taking an active part in politics, he became -Secretary of the State Senate under the Federal Government. - -[Illustration: MRS. LUCY PARSONS. - -From a Photograph.] - -In 1872 he married a mulatto at Houston, and, being discarded by -his brother and friends, he emigrated with her to Chicago in 1873. -No sooner had he reached Chicago than he joined the Socialists. He -worked for a time as a newspaper compositor, but his radical ideas -and obtrusive arguments prevented him from holding any position -permanently. He eventually became editor of the _Alarm_ and depended -on his Anarchist friends for a livelihood. He was always active at -their meetings, both secret and public, and paraded himself as a labor -agitator. He managed to become a member of the Knights of Labor, but -that body as a whole, after seeing how extremely radical were his -theories, repudiated him. - -When his troubles overtook him in connection with the trial, Parsons’ -brother came to his defense and took a keen interest in his case, -working for him until the very last. Mrs. Parsons had early identified -herself with her husband’s views, and was one among several others to -organize a women’s branch of the Anarchists. She can make an effective -address, and she always took a leading part in extending the membership -of her union. On the question of her birth, she maintains that she -is of Mexican extraction, with no negro blood in her veins, but her -swarthy complexion and distinctively negro features do not bear out her -assertions. Since her husband’s execution she has appeared on the stump -in various parts of the United States, and she is now even more violent -than ever. - -[Illustration: OSCAR W. NEEBE. - -From a Photograph.] - -OSCAR W. NEEBE was fortunate in the failure of the prosecution to show -his direct complicity in the Haymarket murder. There was no doubt as -to his active participation in all the plots of the Anarchist leaders, -and, had it not been for the loss of some important papers, he would -now be serving a life sentence instead of a fifteen years’ term in the -penitentiary. He took an active part in stirring up the members of the -Brewers’ Union after the McCormick riot, and he contributed no little -towards sending many of those members to the Haymarket meeting, ready -for violence and desperate deeds. Immediately following the Haymarket -slaughter, he was placed under arrest and taken to the Central Station -at the City Hall. He was there questioned in a general way, but the -near-sighted officials then in charge of that important department -were unable to see any reason for his detention and permitted him to -depart with his friend Schnaubelt, who had been gathered in about the -same time. This led him to believe that he had friends at the Central -Headquarters. His belief in his “influence” was somewhat shaken, -however, when I ordered a search of his house on the 8th of May. The -officers on that occasion found one Springfield rifle, one Colt’s -38-caliber revolver, one sword and belt of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, -a red flag, a transparency, a lot of circulars calling different -meetings, including the one calling for “revenge,” and several cards -of Anarchist groups, and with all these and other evidence of his -connection with the great conspiracy, I went before the grand jury -and had him indicted for conspiracy to murder. On the 27th of May, -about 6 o’clock, Deputy Sheriff Alexander Reed called at the Chicago -Avenue Station and asked me for assistance to arrest Neebe under the -indictment. I detailed Officer Whalen for this duty, and the two -called at the man’s house, No. 307 Sedgwick Street. The deputy sheriff -informed Neebe that he was under arrest, and the officer explained the -nature of the charge against him. They told him that they would be -obliged to take him to the County Jail. - -Neebe smiled when notified of the charge, and remarked in a most -careless manner: - -“Is that all? That’s nothing. I will get out on bail right away.” - -But he did not; he had to linger for a long time. - -Neebe was born in the State of New York, in 1850, of German parents, -and since his location in Chicago he had succeeded in establishing a -prosperous business in the sale of yeast to grocers and traders. He was -ambitious to distinguish himself in other directions, however, and he -chose Anarchy as a basis for building up a reputation as a leader among -men. He achieved considerable notoriety, as he was active, energetic -and pushing, and at the time of the Board of Trade demonstration he -acted as chief marshal of the procession. - -Neebe was in the habit of taking members of the North Side group to -Sheffield, Ind., for the purpose of practicing and experimenting with -dynamite bombs. It was on one of these experimenting excursions that -he lost the joints of all the fingers of his right hand by a premature -explosion. When questioned about it, he told all his friends and even -his own family that he had lost his fingers in assisting a friend to -lift a sharp building-stone on the South Side. His family physician was -asked with reference to the matter, and, after some hesitation, finally -stated that Neebe had admitted that he had lost his fingers through the -explosion of a bomb. In the explanation Neebe gave to his friends he -overlooked the fact that if a sharp building-stone had taken off his -fingers it would not have taken his thumb, because that member of the -hand is never in a position to be crushed when one lifts a heavy stone. - -After his trial and conviction, Neebe’s wife and little children often -visited him at the jail, and Mrs. Neebe sought as well as she could to -raise his drooping spirits. But she subsequently took sick, and after -a short illness died. A most demonstrative funeral was arranged by -the Anarchists. The hall in which the ceremonies were conducted was -profusely decorated with flowers and emblems of mourning. Under most -binding pledges on the part of the Anarchists, Sheriff Matson permitted -Neebe, under proper official escort, to take a last look at the remains -of his wife at the residence, and the scene was a most impressive one. -Mrs. Neebe had been a firm believer in the doctrines advocated by her -husband, but his friends claimed that the unexpected troubles of the -family had precipitated sickness and brought on death. At one time -it was thought that some serious disturbance might grow out of the -demonstration, and that, with Neebe back at his home, an attempt at his -rescue from the hands of the county officials might be made. But the -police were present to see that order was maintained. The only thing -bordering on disorder was the fiery speeches of the orators at the -hall to which the remains were first taken, and from which an immense -procession started to the place of burial. - -The death of his wife was a severe blow to Neebe. Verily, the way -of the transgressor is hard. He was subsequently removed to the -penitentiary, and possibly by the time his sentence expires he may -be able to see life in a different light than through Anarchist -spectacles. - -[Illustration: RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT, THE BOMB-THROWER. - -From a photograph.] - -RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT is indeed a fortunate man, and, wherever he is -at present, he must be felicitating himself on his escape from a -felon’s death. On the morning of May 5, after all the help in the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ had been arrested, Schnaubelt was gathered in and -taken to the Central Station. He was suspected of complicity in the -conspiracy, but there seemed to be so “little against the young man,” -that he was promptly released without the slightest pains being taken -to inquire into his antecedents. Under the free and easy system then -prevailing in the department, there seemed to be no idea that officers -were employed for other purposes than simply drawing salaries. I looked -carefully into the release of Schnaubelt, and the more I saw of it, -the more I was convinced that the examination of this most important -prisoner was the same kind of investigation as those one could have -seen at some of the primaries three or four years ago, when, if a man -happened to be of a certain political faith, he would be passed along -with the remark, “He’s all right,” and permitted to vote. Schnaubelt -was simply asked two or three questions and then allowed to go. The -stupid detectives knew he was a close friend of Spies and Fielden, who -were already locked up, and to prove that friendship now that they -were in trouble, Schnaubelt frequently dropped in at the City Hall to -inquire after them. He continued to hang around under the tolerance -of the officials, and I have always believed that the only thing that -saved him from being locked up was the fortunate circumstance that no -one put a sign on his back reading that he was the bomb-thrower. - -Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had managed to get a slight clue against -this man, and they arrested him again on the 6th of May. They stated -their case to Lieut. John D. Shea, and by him the arrest was reported -to his superior officer. What was the result? Shea did not care to be -bothered with the case. The head of the department likewise did not -care to be troubled. They accordingly saved themselves all further -annoyance by telling Schnaubelt to go away. The prisoner, with singular -stolidity, did not seem to care particularly, and had to be told again -that he was at liberty to go where he pleased. It is a wonder that the -officials did not offer him a cigar in acknowledgment of their kindly -feelings. When Schnaubelt was released, Officer Palmer remonstrated -with the Lieutenant, but he was told to let the man alone and not -bring him there any more. That ended the matter with the officer. -Several other detectives had meanwhile learned of Schnaubelt’s close -friendship with Spies and other Anarchists, but when they learned -of the instructions Officers Palmer and Cosgrove had received they -likewise dropped all investigations when they reached Schnaubelt. The -man naturally felt pleased at such friendly favor and remained in the -city until about the 13th of May. - -It was on the 14th of May that I first received information about the -part Schnaubelt had played in all the Anarchist meetings and that I -learned something of his special intimacy with Fischer and Balthasar -Rau. - -“You get him,” said my informant, “and I will tell you something -interesting that will surprise everybody.” - -At this time the man was called Schnabel, and the information was that -he was working in a store on the South Side. I at once sent Officers -Whalen and Stift to hunt him up. While engaged in the search they met -Officers Palmer and Cosgrove. Whalen explained their mission, and then -Palmer asked: - -“Are you not afraid to arrest him?” - -Whalen wanted to know why there should be any fear in the case, and -Palmer remarked: - -“Well, you are running a chance of getting yourselves in trouble. We -wanted to arrest Schnaubelt in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, and we -were not allowed to do so. We found him, Neebe, Fischer, Mrs. Parsons, -Mrs. Schwab and Mrs. Holmes in the editor’s room. Shea told us not -to arrest him, that he was a ‘big stiff,’ and then and there he told -Schnaubelt to get away from there or he would kick him out. All the -others were arrested, but he was let go. I was detailed to remain -around the building. Schnaubelt came around there again afterwards, and -I arrested him and took him to the Central Station. There the man was -told to go and get out. On the next day he came around there again. -I had in the meantime obtained a little information about him, and I -arrested him and took him to the Central Station. I was again asked if -I had not been told to let him alone and was curtly informed that I was -altogether too officious. Schnaubelt was again released. I explained -that he was a partner of Fischer, that he had the big revolver and -dagger; but it was no use—he was permitted to leave.” - -Officer Whalen replied: “We work for a different man, and I would like -to see Schnaubelt if he is in the city.” - -Officer Gosgrove remarked that he knew where the man was working, and -the two officers proffered their services to pilot Whalen and Stift to -the place. They went to No. 224 Washington Street, third floor, but on -reaching there they learned that “the bird had flown.” He had not even -drawn the wages due him, having sent his sister after the money. It -subsequently transpired that Schnaubelt was the very man who had thrown -the bomb at the Haymarket, but he had “taken time by the forelock” and -skipped for parts unknown. Possibly he had got tired of being kicked -out of the office of the Chief of Police and left Chicago in disgust, -or possibly his friends at the Central Station may have given him a -“tip” to save himself from serious trouble. - -Some two weeks thereafter I received information as to where Schnaubelt -could be found. - -I told Mr. Grinnell what I had learned, and he asked me to send a few -men at once and get him. I informed Mr. Grinnell that I could not -detail officers outside of the city limits without the consent of the -Chief. Mr. Grinnell thought I had better do so anyway. I insisted that -I must see the Chief first, and Mr. Grinnell remarked: - -“If you do, that will be the end of that matter.” - -I went, however, to the Chief’s office, and stated my business. I was -there told that they would get the man. The Chief said that he would -go out to California and thus head him off. I reported back to Mr. -Grinnell the result of my interview, and he remarked: - -“Well, that is just what I expected—jealousy, and that is all.” - -Schnaubelt thus had a good friend at the City Hall, and he cannot thank -the officers there too much for having saved him the painful necessity -of going down to death on the 11th of November, 1887, with the other -conspirators. - -BALTHASAR RAU was another man who did not tarry in Chicago. He had been -a faithful lieutenant of Spies and had earned a living as solicitor -for the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. He took a keen interest in all of Spies’ -plans, and on Saturday afternoon preceding the day of the riot visited -the vicinity of McCormick’s factory to secure points about the strike -for his friend’s information. He reported that ten thousand striking -lumber-shovers had met on that day and had appointed a committee to -wait upon the lumber bosses to induce them to inaugurate the eight-hour -system in the various yards. Rau had seen the gathering, and, as -the committee appointed by it were to report to another meeting the -following Monday, he knew that it would bring together just such a -throng, if not a larger one than the previous assemblage. He so posted -Spies, and in turn was advised by his friend to insert in the _Fackel_ -of Sunday, May 2, the notice “Y, come Monday night,” which was the -signal for the armed groups to meet that night at No. 54 West Lake -Street. The bandits did meet, and matured the conspiracy which was -carried out the following night at the Haymarket. On Monday Rau went -with Spies to McCormick’s factory, aided in inciting the people to a -riot, and then accompanied his friend to the strikers’ headquarters on -Lake Street, where they informed the people that ten or twelve of their -brother workmen had been brutally shot down by the “bloodhounds”—the -police—that afternoon. - -[Illustration: BALTHASAR RAU. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -In consequence of his intimacy with Spies, Rau was at once—and the -only one at first—suspected of being the thrower of the fatal bomb. -He seemed to realize that he was under suspicion, for he speedily left -the city after the explosion. Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann -learned that he had fled to Omaha and promptly repaired to that city. -By instructions, James Bonfield was to secure the necessary requisition -papers for Rau’s extradition from the State of Nebraska and was to -follow Furthmann to Omaha. The Assistant State’s Attorney found Rau -willing to talk, and asked him to write as he had been dictated, to the -text of the signal, “Y, come Monday night.” Rau promptly discovered -that Furthmann knew some of the inside facts in the conspiracy, and -tremblingly asked what he could do to save his neck from the rope. He -was informed that nothing short of “unconditional surrender” would help -him out of his scrape, and that he must not keep back any information. -He then unbosomed himself and told everything he knew. - -While these things were taking place the leaders of the Anarchist group -in Omaha were collecting money to take Rau away from Mr. Furthmann by -_habeas corpus_ proceedings. Rau had meanwhile been locked up in a cell -where he could not easily be reached by his friends, and, as he did -not like his surroundings, he was anxious to return to Chicago even -without extradition papers. It was on a Monday before daylight that -he agreed to go, and Mr. Furthmann promptly took him across the river -to Council Bluffs, in the State of Iowa, to avoid litigation, as he -had learned that the Omaha judge was ready and willing to assist the -Anarchists of that section in effecting Rau’s release. At this time the -extradition papers had not arrived. On taking up the trip to Chicago -Rau became more communicative than ever and entered into details quite -interestingly. - -Some one in the parlor car which conveyed them to Chicago recognized -Mr. Furthmann, and it was whispered around: - -“There’s Furthmann with the bomb-thrower!” - -A flutter of excitement speedily developed, and soon a demand was -made on Furthmann that unless he handcuffed Rau the passengers would -object to his sitting in the parlor car, and they certainly would not -allow Rau to sleep in the same car unless shackles were placed about -his limbs. A great deal of parleying ensued. Finally Mr. Furthmann -consented to appease the now thoroughly frightened passengers. Only one -condition was imposed by Mr. Furthmann, and that was that the handcuffs -and shackles should be furnished, as he had none in his possession. -The implements were immediately telegraphed for, and were on hand when -Cedar Rapids was reached. But the idea of handcuffing and shackling -a man who was willingly returning without extradition papers was -repulsive to Mr. Furthmann. - -A novel thought flashed through the Assistant State’s Attorney’s mind. -He informed Rau of everything that had transpired, and told him that -he did not desire to shackle him in any way. But for the purpose of -quieting the passengers he would rattle the iron bracelets around in -good shape if Rau would give up his coat, vest, pantaloons, shirt, -drawers, stockings and shoes and hat during the night. This was done, -and the passengers, hearing the rattling of the chains at intervals -during the night, rested in the sweet confidence that a violent -outburst on the part of a wild Anarchist had been averted. - -The prisoner was safely landed in Chicago, and not a handcuff or -shackle had been placed about him. He was taken to the Chicago Avenue -Station, and there put through an examination by State’s Attorney -Grinnell. - -In the statement he made to Mr. Grinnell and myself Rau gave his age as -thirty, his occupation as that of a printer, and his residence as No. -418 Larrabee Street. - -“We had,” he said, “an excursion to Sheffield, Indiana, and there were -present August Spies, Schwab, Neebe, Engel and Schnaubelt. Those are -the only ones I can now remember. Engel and Schnaubelt were the ones to -set dynamite bombs for experiments.” - -“Why do you good people use dynamite bombs, and what do you intend to -do with them?” asked Mr. Grinnell. - -Rau hesitated, but finally replied: “The time we shot off the dynamite -bombs at Sheffield, at the time of the explosion there were only a few -of us present. They were the parties whose names I have given and a -man who came with Engel. We exploded only two bombs, and they were made -of iron and were round.” - -“What is the meaning and for what purpose does that letter ‘Y’ appear -in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_?” asked Mr. Furthmann. - -“The last time I saw it was on Sunday, May 2, 1886. The Sunday issue -of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ is called the _Fackel_. Lorenz Hermann was -requested to have the letter ‘Y’ inserted in the paper, and it was -printed in the issue mentioned. He brought the notice to the office. -We did not charge anything for notices brought in by the members of -the armed section. And that letter ‘Y’ was intended to signify that -there would be a meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street, May 3, for the -armed men. I was at Zepf’s Hall at a meeting held Monday, May 3. I -had with me a lot of ‘Revenge’ circulars, calling people to arms. I -gave the circulars to the boys who were present at the meeting. It -was after nine o’clock. One meeting had been called by the carpenters -for that night. August Belz is the man who told me the meaning of the -word. He asked me at Greif’s Hall if I knew the meaning of the word -‘Ruhe,’ and if I knew what effect its publication would have. He then -told me that they had agreed that the word ‘Ruhe’ should apply to a -meeting at the Haymarket. If it appeared in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, -he said, then there would be trouble. The trouble would be fighting -the police, storming buildings and throwing dynamite bombs. When I saw -that word in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, I was working in the office of -that paper. I remarked to August Spies that that would make trouble in -the city, and his answer was that Fischer did it, meaning that Fischer -was responsible for it. Spies, after I had told him what trouble it -would make, got excited and called Schnaubelt. Spies asked him, ‘How -is this?’ referring to the word ‘Ruhe.’ Schnaubelt replied, ‘Well, -they want to throw dynamite bombs.’ He also said that if the police -interfered, then there would be trouble at the Haymarket. He further -said that the people stationed on the outskirts of the city, east, -west, south and north, should be informed as to when the riot commenced -and when their time had arrived for storming the city. When Fischer was -asked about this word ‘Ruhe’ he was close-mouthed. He would not say -anything to us. I heard Spies say in his office, ‘If that word “Ruhe” -is in the paper, there will be trouble, and I don’t want that. That -will break up our organization.’ Spies said: ‘I will print hand-bills -to stop the meeting at the Haymarket May 4.’ He said he would attend -to that himself. I said that we had better put up signs on the corners -to notify the people that there would be no meeting at the Haymarket -that night. Spies said that if there was a meeting, then there would -be trouble. Schnaubelt was to go to the North Side that afternoon, May -4, and tell the people that there would be no meeting at the Haymarket -that night. On May 4, in the evening, some one called at the office -and wanted Spies to speak at the meeting at Deering Station; but he -could not be found, and consequently we sent Schwab. Afterwards I went -over to the West Side meeting at the Haymarket. I saw Spies standing -on a wagon, making a speech to the people present. When he saw me he -called me and asked me to go and find Parsons. Spies said, ‘I want help -here, and he must help me out.’ I went to look for Parsons, and I found -him. Parsons and Fielden were together. I told them what Spies had -said and I asked them to go and help him. They did go—I went along. -We got there speedily. I asked Fischer for an explanation as to the -publication in our paper of the notice calling the people to arms, but -he would give me no satisfaction.” - -“Why did you not give me this statement first when I asked you for this -information?” asked Mr. Grinnell. - -“Because I was afraid it would hurt myself, or it might convict me. -That is the reason why I did not tell you at first. I saw dynamite in -the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ building. I saw dynamite lying on a shelf in -the back room from the office. I know George Engel and Fehling. They -printed the _Anarchist_. It was a small paper. They only published six -numbers.” - -EDMUND DEUSS was also sought for with some interest. He had been -city editor of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ under Spies. The first week -after the bomb had been thrown the authorities at police headquarters -were informed that Paul Grottkau and Deuss, both ex-employés of the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_, were then living in Milwaukee. Mr. Furthmann -thought some points might be gathered from them, and accordingly went -to that city. He found them both. Grottkau, who has since tasted the -bitterness of prison life for his preachments of violence in the “Cream -City,” expressed himself as pleased that Spies had been placed under -arrest and charged with responsibility for the murder at the Haymarket. - -“I knew long ago,” said Grottkau, “that August Spies would thus end his -crazy and ambitious career.” - -Grottkau and Spies had not been on very friendly terms since the -latter had succeeded in displacing the former from the editorship of -the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. But, however strong his enmity, Grottkau would -not give us any information regarding Spies, or dynamite practices, -or anything else that would tend to put a rope around Spies’ neck or -hurt any of his companions. He referred Mr. Furthmann to Deuss, who was -then depending upon Grottkau for a livelihood and who received a dollar -now and then for writing a firebrand article for a paper Grottkau was -editing in Milwaukee. - -Deuss was found in a neighboring saloon without a cent in his -pocket. He stood wistfully eyeing the saloon patrons, hoping to fall -in with some one willing to buy him a glass of beer or a cigar. -Mr. Furthmann at once opened a conversation about the Chicago -Anarchists. Deuss promised to tell everything he knew in regard to -the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, the dynamite brought there, the men in the -building of that paper and the nefarious things practiced by them, on -condition that Mr. Furthmann would first buy him a good cigar, several -sandwiches and the necessary beer. The conditions were complied with, -and Deuss rattled away a long story. He proved to be the first man -to inform Mr. Furthmann as to when the dynamite that was afterwards -found in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ had been brought there, and where -it had been placed. A grease-spot caused by dynamite was afterwards -found exactly where Deuss said the explosive material had been placed, -which was right next to the desk used by Malkoff, a reporter for the -paper and an exiled Russian Anarchist. Rau at that time, it appears, -did not know the properties of dynamite, for on one occasion a stray -match was thrown upon the dynamite sack in the office and he was nearly -frightened out of his wits. - -“Don’t you know what you are doing?” he exclaimed. - -“You greenhorn,” was the answer, “Malkoff has handled this stuff for -years and knows by this time, as you ought to know, that dynamite -cannot be exploded by contact with fire in such a form.” - -This information, though unimportant on its face, assisted Mr. -Furthmann greatly in making Deuss talk, and served also as a straw -showing that the man had given up all the information he possessed. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: LINGG’S CANDLESTICK. - -From a Photograph.] - -SO FAR Mr. Furthmann had managed to secure many valuable clues, and -we studied at once the best method of following them up. In running -down the pointers, one day Mr. Furthmann sought Dr. Newman, one of -the surgeons who had rendered heroic service in attending the wounded -on the night after the explosion. The doctor was asked with reference -to the metal and pieces of lead which he had taken from the bodies of -some of the men wounded at the Haymarket. He informed Mr. Furthmann -that a young man named Hahn, a shoemaker on the West Side, had come -to the hospital wounded by the explosion, and that upon examination -a wound had been found in the fleshy part of his thigh, from which a -piece of iron had been removed. This piece was nothing less than the -nut which had been used to assist in holding together the two halves -of the composition bomb which had been exploded at the Haymarket. This -discovery was a most important one. It proved at the trial the best -piece of evidence used, by the prosecution, as it demonstrated that -the bomb exploded at the Haymarket was one of the bombs manufactured -by Louis Lingg, since fifty bolts and nuts of the same size and -description were subsequently found in Lingg’s possession. - -The metal removed from the person of the wounded officers was placed in -the hands of Professors Haines and Delafontaine, expert chemists, for -analysis, and they found that it contained the same quantity of lead, -zinc, tin and other ingredients, and the same proportion of impurities -as the bombs found in Lingg’s possession. Even a trace of the copper -discovered in the bomb exploded at the Haymarket was shown to have come -from the candlestick used by Lingg. A small fragment was missing from -the candlestick, and it was clearly shown that it had found its way -into that deadly bomb. - -During this period I also learned that Lingg had not been the first and -only one to experiment with dynamite in Chicago. I learned that as far -back as 1881 there had been some desperate men among the Socialists, -but by keeping their secrets to themselves they had managed to keep -the general body of the party and the public at large in ignorance -of their clandestine operations. They had even experimented with -dynamite, hoping to perfect it so that it could be handled with safety; -but somehow they had failed to discover means for making its use -practicable. They had adopted various expedients to test its strength -when confined in a small implement, and in their labors several had -received serious injuries. Four or five men are living to-day who were -crippled by the rash and ineffectual experiments. One Communist was -particularly active in studying the properties of the explosive and -devising a plan to make it serviceable in a combat with the police. -This man had fled from France after the downfall of the Paris Commune, -and thought himself quite capable of getting dynamite down to such a -fine point that when his new-found brethren in Anarchy started their -revolution they would be more successful than his French associates had -been. He finally succeeded in making an explosive similar to dynamite, -but which was found very unsafe to handle. After some of the Anarchists -had tried it and got hurt, they refrained from further meddling, and -dropped both the Frenchman and his explosive. For along time thereafter -dynamite was not heard of. - -A man living on West Lake Street, however, still entertained hopes, and -finally supplied some of the Anarchists with a dynamite prescription by -which they could use it with great effect. In imparting his knowledge -he told them to keep the “stuff” hermetically sealed, for if the air -reached it an explosion would surely follow. Some found this true, to -their sorrow. - -Then a man residing on West Twelfth Street stepped to the front and -supplied what he claimed could be successfully used. One Sunday some -half dozen Anarchists went out to Riverside to test the new compound by -putting some of it under a lot of stone near the Desplaines River, but, -to their surprise and mortification, they found that it was so weak -that it scarcely made a noise. - -Subsequently the Southwest Side group took up the dynamite problem and -experimented with the “stuff.” The members of this group, known at -the time familiarly as “the Bridgeport group,” were the craziest lot -of Anarchists in the city, and, judging from their talk, were always -ready to participate in a riot or a revolution. They were great readers -of books on Socialism, Communism, Anarchy and Nihilism, and they had -drilled themselves thoroughly in arms for the coming uprising. But -they wanted something more potent and effective than simple guns and -revolvers, and, as they possessed a work on “The Wonders of Chemistry,” -they saw no reason why they could not carry out its instructions with -reference to dynamite and find some means for putting them to practical -use. They accordingly experimented. They had a friend in a drug-store -on State Street, near Van Buren, and from him they obtained their -supplies by paying a good round price. This store finally became known -to all the Socialists in the city, but, as the owner became frightened -at the publicity obtained, he declined to furnish any more material for -experiments. The Anarchists, however, had met with some small success, -and they were not discouraged. They found another friend on West -Twelfth Street, and this party sold them dynamite cartridges such as -are used by miners. - -There were in the city at the time the Bridgeport group, the Town -of Lake group, the South Side group, the Southwest Side group, the -Freiheit group, the Northwest Side group, the North Side group, -the Karl Marx group, the English group, the Lake View group (near -Clybourn Avenue), and another group which existed only a short time, -all together having a membership list of about 1,500 men, who hailed -with great delight the report that with some further experiments the -dynamite cartridges could be made serviceable not only for blowing up -buildings, but also for use in a hand-to-hand conflict in a crowd. - -The members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were not then interested -in this branch of Socialism. They drilled with arms and believed -in meeting the enemy with guns. It was about this time—October, -1883—that the national convention of Socialists was held at Pittsburg -to formulate plans and principles, and there was a division of -sentiment on the use of dynamite. The radical delegates from Chicago, -as stated in a preceding chapter, were numerous, and insisted on -employing the most effective weapon they could find to exterminate -capitalists. The result of the conflict was that on their return home -they made it a point to bring over the members of the Lehr und Wehr -Verein, some of whom had opposed them at Pittsburg, to their ideas, -and some time thereafter they succeeded in having the superiority of -dynamite over guns almost generally conceded. Not only that, but some -of the members became enthusiastic in the experiments being made. One -member had even reached a point beyond his competitors in making round -cast-iron bombs, and succeeded in turning out fifty pieces. A few were -tried, with what success is not known, but one night two friends of the -man went to him, told him that they had heard of his having bombs and -that his arrest would be made the next day. In fact, they assured him -that he had been spotted for some time by detectives. This frightened -the man, and he begged his friends to assist him in carrying the bombs -away and thus help him out of his troubles. The three then went to -work, removed the bombs, and, to effectually destroy all evidence, -threw them into the lake. - -This procedure gave the great man of the Lehr und Wehr Verein a chance -to breathe a little easier, the air seemed to be more bracing, and he -could look into the eye of a policeman, when he passed one, with more -assurance and confidence. But one of those bombs got astray while being -removed, just before the others were submerged, and it afterwards came -into the possession of the police. It has had its picture taken and -looks quite innocent on paper. - -An engraving of it is herewith presented. This sort of iron bomb was -afterwards adopted as a model, and became quite popular with the brave -dynamite experimenters until some one manufactured a smaller one that -could be carried handily in a coat pocket. - -[Illustration] - -They next adopted the long iron gas-pipe bomb, six inches in length, -which could be carried in the inside vest pocket. Every one fell in -love with the new invention, especially Fischer, and he kept a large -soap-box full of the bombs at his home, carefully concealed under his -bed. - -But the Anarchists were bent on still greater improvements. They -continued their experiments, and the next new invention was the round -lead bomb, called by them the “Czar bomb.” This was the kind brought to -August Spies’ office by “the man from Cleveland,” or rather by Louis -Lingg. One of these bombs is shown in a full-page engraving presented -elsewhere. They had been designated as the “Czar bomb” until bombs -began to fill my office, and then they were referred to as “the round -lead bombs.” The police knew them as Lingg’s bombs. - -Some of Fischer’s bombs were scattered among trusted Anarchists in the -Board of Trade procession, and their effectiveness would have been -tried on that occasion had it not been for police interference. The -character and explosiveness of the “Lingg bomb” are described in the -testimony of the officers and expert chemists during the trial. - -SAMUEL FIELDEN was found at his home during the day of May 5th, and -placed under arrest. He accepted the situation calmly, and, without a -remonstrance, accompanied the officers to the Central Station. Officer -Slayton, who had him in care, introduced him to the Lieutenant in -charge of the detective department, and, in view of the conspicuous -part the prisoner had played at the Haymarket, one would suppose that -he would have been subjected to a very rigorous examination as to his -movements for several days preceding the evening of May 4. But nothing -of the kind occurred. The Lieutenant proceeded to denounce him in -English more vigorous than elegant, and delivered himself of an opinion -about the man and the work of the Anarchists at the Haymarket. Fielden -stood it all without a murmur, and probably would have said nothing -had not the Lieutenant called him a Dutchman. That allusion was the -“last straw.” Fielden remonstrated and emphatically declared that he -was an Englishman. He was subsequently turned over to Superintendent -Ebersold, and, while exhibiting his wound, caused by a shot during -the Haymarket riot, he was informed by that officer that it ought to -have gone through his head. The observation was a pertinent one at the -moment, and possibly the felicity of its expression may have satisfied -the official that with it his duty had ended in the case. At any rate, -Fielden was not catechized to any material extent by the Chief, and -that official, as well as the head of the detective department, was no -wiser than before the man’s arrest. - -[Illustration: SAMUEL FIELDEN. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -The prisoner, who had been shown to have declared at the Haymarket, -“Here come the bloodhounds, the police; you do your duty and I’ll -do mine,” and to have fired a shot in the direction of the police -after dismounting from the speakers’ wagon, was then passed into a -cell. His house was searched, but nothing of a criminating character -was discovered. He undoubtedly possessed a great deal of information -respecting the revolutionary plot. Had it not been for work done -outside of the Central Station, Fielden would have been speedily -released, and possibly some apology might have been offered him for the -inconvenience occasioned by his arrest and the unintentional reflection -cast upon the English and German nationalities. - -Fielden was kept locked up, indicted, and finally convicted on -discoveries made independently of the Chief’s office or the detective -department. The education, demeanor and independence of the man were -well calculated to deceive the most expert readers of human nature, -and his emphatic assertions regarding the want of any knowledge of a -conspiracy would have made him a free man to-day had his case rested -on the efforts of the Central Station. Fielden was a sort of diamond in -the rough. He possessed much native ability, a ruggedness of character -which commanded admiration, and a force and volubility of speech which -swayed the unlettered masses. Had he passed through either an academic -or collegiate training, there is no telling what eminence he might have -achieved in the higher walks of life. His rough, uncouth appearance -greatly heightened the effect of his utterances, as few looked for -eloquence from such a man. He was born in Dodmorden, Lancashire, -England, in 1847, and spent a number of his earlier years in a cotton -mill. While thus engaged he became a Sunday-school teacher at the age -of eighteen, and some time later branched out as an itinerant Methodist -exhorter. Some time after (1868) he came to America, settling in New -York, and the next year he found his way to Chicago. He went to work -at Summit, a hamlet a few miles southwest of town, on the farm of -ex-Mayor John Wentworth, but he did not remain there long before he -migrated to Arkansas and Louisiana to engage in railroad construction -work. In 1871 he returned to Chicago and engaged in manual labor, -principally as teamster in handling stone. In 1880 he became a member -of the Liberal League, and under the training and guidance of George -Schilling he soon became a rabid Socialist. From that the step was -only a short one to unbridled Anarchy, and the pupil finally became a -teacher to Schilling in advanced theories on the state of society they -all sought to inaugurate. Fielden finally became a boon companion of -Spies and Parsons, and all the rugged eloquence he could command was -given to the cause. He was a more forcible speaker than either of the -two just named, and whenever he preached force, as he always did after -becoming an Anarchist, his language commanded wider attention and made -a deeper impression. Had it not been for his own sincere penitence for -his past misdeeds and the intervention of influential friends because -of that penitence, he would have died on the gallows. But he recanted -at the last moment of hope for clemency, and the Governor commuted -his sentence to imprisonment for life. He is a married man with two -small children, and the misery he wrought upon them has been beyond -expression. Such is the fruit of Anarchy. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - - My Connection with the Anarchist Cases—A Scene at the Central - Office—Mr. Hanssen’s Discovery—Politics and Detective Work—Jealousy - against Inspector Bonfield—Dynamiters on Exhibition—Courtesies - to the Prize-fighters—A Friendly Tip—My First Light on the - Case—A Promise of Confidence—One Night’s Work—The Chief Agrees - to my Taking up the Case—Laying Our Plans—“We Have Found the - Bomb Factory!”—Is it a Trap?—A Patrol-wagon Full of Dynamite—No - Help Hoped for from Headquarters—Conference with State’s Attorney - Grinnell—Furthmann’s Work—Opening up the Plot—Trouble with the - Newspaper Men—Unexpected Advantage of Hostile Criticism—Information - from Unexpected Quarters—Queer Episodes of the Hunt—Clues Good, - Bad and Indifferent—A Mysterious Lady with a Veil—A Conference - in my Back Yard—The Anarchists Alarmed—A Breezy Conference with - Ebersold—Threatening Letters—Menaces Sent to the Wives of the - Men Working on the Case—How the Ladies Behaved—The Judge and - Mrs. Gary—Detectives on Each Other’s Trail—The Humors of the - Case—Amusing Incidents. - - -I HAVE often been asked how it was that I came to have charge of the -detective work which was done in bringing the Anarchists to justice, -and I think that the time has now come for the whole story to be told. -I think it would be a false delicacy for me, in this book, which I -mean to make, as nearly as I can, a fair and truthful record of the -Anarchist case, to pass over the notorious incompetency which prevailed -at Police Headquarters at that time. It cannot be denied that, had -the case been left in the hands of the men of the Central Office, the -prosecution would have come to naught, and these red-handed murderers -would have gone unwhipped of justice. This was something which every -good citizen would have been bound to prevent, and more than others a -police officer, for into our hands is intrusted the care of the lives -and property of the community and the preservation of law and order. I -knew as well as my questioners that the case belonged to the Central -Office. There was the Chief; there were the two heads of the detective -department; there was the detective corps, supposed to contain the -keenest and the best officers on the force. - -From the first I was satisfied that the men at headquarters neither -appreciated the gravity of the occasion, nor were they able to cope -with the conspirators—a set of wily, secret and able men, who had -made a special study of the art and mystery of baffling the law and -avoiding the police. There was neither order, discipline nor brains at -headquarters. Every officer did as he liked, and the department was -rent and paralyzed with the feuds and jealousies between the chiefs -and the subordinates. This, too, was at a time when the people of -Chicago were in a condition of mind almost bordering upon panic. They -were looking to us for protection. The red flag was flaunted in the -streets, demagogues were shouting dynamite in a dozen parts of the -city, riotous mobs had already met the police—and the police were -in charge of a man who—it is a charity to say no more—had neither a -proper conception of his duties nor the ability to perform them. - -For instance, on the evening of May 3 all the captains of the city were -ordered to meet at the Chief’s office, and, together with Inspector -Bonfield, they responded promptly. While the situation was being -discussed, there was a rap at the door. I was nearest the entrance, and -I opened it. Mr. Hanssen, one of the editors of the _Freie Presse_, -was there. He handed in a paper, saying that it was of most serious -import—so serious that, as soon as he had seen it, he had felt it his -duty to bring it to police headquarters. It was the “Revenge” circular, -of which so much is said elsewhere in this book, and which afterwards -became so notorious. I handed it to Chief Ebersold, who glanced at it -and said it was all nonsense. “Why,” said he, “we are prepared for -them.” Bonfield looked it over, and thought it serious. I was sure that -it meant mischief and murder, but the rest treated it as a farce. Now, -what was to be expected from men who had no clearer idea of the gravity -of the crisis that was upon us than the story of this incident conveys. - -[Illustration: DETECTIVE JAMES BONFIELD. - -From a Photograph.] - -On the next evening the crash of dynamite was for the first time heard -on the streets of an American city. The Red Terror was upon us. - -What was done? - -Every citizen of Chicago demanded justice for the brave men who had -fallen—justice on the miscreants who had done them to death. Knowing -what I did of the manner in which the detective work was apt to be -done, it will not be wondered that I at once made up my mind to do -what lay in my power to hunt these murderers down. Even had I not so -concluded, the events of that day, the 5th of May, would have fastened -the determination in my mind. At ten o’clock in the morning I was -ordered by telephone to report at the Central Station at once with two -companies—trouble was momentarily expected on the Black Road. When -I had disposed my men at the City Hall, and arranged for the patrol -wagons we were to occupy if a call should come, there was nothing to do -but wait in the Chief’s office till we were summoned. No one ever had -a better opportunity of seeing how the police business of the city was -transacted. - -It was a time of acute excitement, the day after the Haymarket. The -Chief was in a state of alarm that would have been ridiculous if it -had not been pitiable. Whenever the telephone rang, he would start -nervously and demand, “Is that on the prairie, or the Black Road?” -and when assured that there was no trouble, his relief was absurdly -manifest. Among the detectives the topic was whether they would be -called on to work in the Anarchist case and how many they would be -expected to arrest. - -Another question that bothered them was: What would the old man (Mayor -Harrison) say if they went to work arresting Anarchists, and how would -he like it? - -The officers who did their duty after such a stupendous crime as the -slaughter of the police officers would never have lost anything in the -end, even if they should have lost their positions. The question, “How -would Harrison like it?” as asked by one of the detectives, should, -therefore, have cut no figure, and possibly it did not. Probably -the officer fell back upon it as an excuse for his own laziness and -incompetence. But one thing is certain, and that is that the department -did nothing to speak of in the case. - -[Illustration: OFFICER HENRY PALMER. - -From a Photograph.] - -I saw some of those red-handed murderers come out of that office -smiling and laughing instead of being made to feel that they were about -to have a rope around their necks. - -In fact, the Central Office was run so that no one could tell who was -officer, waiter or janitor. Everybody had a full sweep in and out -of the office, and if a prisoner happened to be brought in by some -well-meaning officer, everybody was allowed to hear the investigation. -It was a sort of town meeting, and it was free to all. - -At that time Inspector Bonfield had been receiving a great deal of -favorable mention in the newspapers, in connection with the labor -troubles, and this aroused the jealousy of Chief Ebersold. The Chief -accordingly concluded to attend to all the business himself, assisted -by his pet gang of ignorant detectives, and they made a fine mess of -it. But forces were at work, in spite of the internal difficulties, -which rescued the case from utter failure. - -On the morning of May 5, at an early hour, Inspector Bonfield had -a short interview with State’s Attorney Grinnell; but exactly what -transpired no one but themselves knew. Before noon of that day, -however, the result could be plainly seen. Officers James Bonfield, -Palmer, Slayton and a few others had by that time succeeded in -arresting August Spies, Chris Spies, Schwab, Fischer and Fielden. Of -course, this step only served to create more jealousy in the Central -Station. - -After the prisoners had been brought in, some of the newspaper -reporters endeavored to obtain interviews with them, but they were not -permitted to get anywhere near the Anarchists. - -In the meantime, and while the working officers were out hunting -for more of the chief conspirators, the lieutenants in command of -the detective department concluded that they would enjoy a little -breathing-spell. Accordingly they took a stroll among the fashionable -saloons on Clark Street. There they met their friends, and while -sampling the various decoctions compounded by the cocktail dispensers, -they fell in with a party of professional prize-fighters, heavy-weight -and light-weight, and match-makers for man and beast. They found there -was more sport in that party than in taking risks by going out into -the suburbs through tough streets and dirty alleyways looking for -Anarchists. - -[Illustration: OFFICER (NOW LIEUT.) BAER.] - -At any rate, after a lot of wine had been consumed and good cigars -tested, round after round, one of the pug-faced sluggers made the -remark to one of the lieutenants that he would like to see the -Anarchists who had been arrested, and the officer addressed responded: -“Of course you can see them—all you gentlemen can see them. Come right -along with us.” - -They all fell into line, went over to the Central Station, were taken -down stairs to the lock-up, and there told to go around and look for -themselves. This was some time after nine o’clock in the evening, and -after the party had satisfied their curiosity, they returned to the -saloon which they had left. The vigilant reporters had noticed this -proceeding, and, holding a short conference, they resolved to insist -on seeing the prisoners also. They told the officials that the public -had as much right to know about the parties arrested as a gang of -prize-fighters, whether Sullivans or lesser lights in the prize-ring -firmament, and the lieutenants at once recognized the force of the -argument. Between eleven and twelve that night one reporter from each -paper in the city was allowed to see the Anarchists, and interviews -were secured for publication the next morning. - -When I understood how the whole affair was being managed during that -day, I came to the conclusion that the case would never be worked up -by that department, and I was more resolved than ever that if the -opportunity came I would not rest until the criminals were brought to -justice. - -Inspector Bonfield had likewise become disgusted with the nervous -actions of the Chief and the heads of the detective department, and -he decided to confine his operations to the West Side. He went over -there that day,—May 5,—and as a result he cleaned out all Lake Street -from the river to Halsted Street. He broke up all the Anarchist -_rendezvous_, captured their guns, confiscated their flags, and -created general dismay among the reds. Some sought safety by fleeing -to the roofs, others escaped through back alleys, and still others got -into the dark recesses of basements. When they learned that “Black” -Bonfield, as they called him, was on their track, consternation took -possession of them all. The Inspector had no easy task. He looked up -all their halls and meeting-places, hunted for “Revenge” circulars at -every place he visited, and in every instance he found plenty of them -as evidence of the extensive circulation given that document among -Anarchists. He gathered them all together, and in the trial they proved -of great service to the State as showing that all had notice to come to -the Haymarket meeting with arms and be prepared for a deadly conflict. -After that day Inspector Bonfield turned all his attention to the sick -and wounded officers and their families, and, as a consequence, the -Central Station was left without a competent head. But the Central -considered itself capable of handling the case, and Bonfield never -asked any questions. Ebersold and the dual-headed monstrosities in -charge of the detective department struggled along, and, with a great -deal of bluster, endeavored to show to the outside world that they -were moving along finely. But they accomplished absolutely nothing. -Insults in various ways were heaped upon Bonfield, so that every one -about the City Hall noticed them. Even on the 5th of May, the slights -cast upon the Inspector were commented upon by some of the officers in -the Central. Some of the officers friendly to the incompetents would -declare that Bonfield did not know his business and that he was to -blame for the killing of the officers, but there were others who took -a different view and regretted that he was not kept continually at -work on the case. In fact, the only ones about the building, after the -incompetent heads took charge, who showed a willingness to work and -who tried to do their duty, were Officers James Bonfield, Palmer and -Slayton. All the rest looked scared, absent-minded and indifferent. - -On the next morning—May 6—I was again at the Central Headquarters. -I learned then how deep and wide-spread was the spirit that pervaded -the department. Nothing was done, and nothing was proposed to be -done. I also learned of the treatment accorded Officer Palmer by the -lieutenants in charge of the department. - -The whole trouble appeared to be that no one cared about doing -anything, and that if any one had the temerity to bring information in, -he would be kicked out. While such was the stupidity or the lethargy of -the head officials, I was powerless to act. I could not take the case -away from my superior officer on information rejected and spurned by -those in authority about police headquarters, and I almost despaired of -ever seeing the culprits brought to punishment. - -An incident occurred, however, which changed the whole course of -events. On my way home to supper that evening, about six o’clock—May -6—I met a man near my house. He acted as though greatly frightened, -but he had some information he wished to impart to me. He was afraid to -speak, as he said it was life or death to him. - -“If I speak,” he said, “and these people [the Anarchists] find it out, -they will kill me sure. On the other hand, when I think of how many -were killed, it drives me nearly crazy. I can probably help to bring -the murderers to justice, and I cannot forgive myself unless I try to -assist.” - -I told the man that as a good citizen it was his duty to tell -everything he knew about the affair, and that I should consider -everything he said strictly confidential. My personal pledge being -given to him that I would not get him into trouble by exposing him to -the reds, he began his statement. The man did not tell very much, but -after I had gathered together all the little threads carefully, the -whole proved of considerable service. After supper I went to a great -many places and remained out till four o’clock the next morning. The -following day I instructed some of my people how to get information -respecting the throwing of the Haymarket bomb, and I told them where -they might leave their information if they obtained any. I got back -to the station at 9 A.M., and found in my closed letter-box a slip of -paper containing about five lines of important news. I scanned the -paper closely, and those who stood around told me afterwards that they -noticed that my face brightened up considerably. - -I knew then that I had a very light starter in the case, but a good -one. I could readily see also that everything had to be handled with -the greatest care, and by preserving the utmost confidence with the -informers. I knew, too, that nothing must be told even in the Chief’s -office or in the detective department. - -I had previously discovered that there was not a man among the three -heads of the Central that knew how to listen to information, how to -put questions or remember conversation, or, in fact, to have anything -in shape, or to keep secrets, and I therefore decided to keep my own -counsel. - -On the morning of the 7th of May, at nine o’clock, I arrived at the -Chief’s office and asked him if he had any good news. He replied that -it was hard to get at the bottom of the affair. I then asked him if he -would give me the privilege of working up the case. He looked at me a -moment and then said, “Yes.” - -“Yes, Captain,” he added, after a brief pause, “I will—sure. If you -can do anything, do it. I hope you will do it. I shall be pleased if -you can only do it.” - -I then said: “With your permission I will work this case and all there -is in the case. You will hear from me soon, but if you should not hear -from me in three months, do not ask for me. I am going to work night -and day until this case is cleared up. Good day.” - -[Illustration: HERMANN SCHUETTLER. - -MICHAEL HOFFMAN. - -MICHAEL WHALEN. - -CHAS. REHM. - -JOHN STIFT. - -JACOB LOEWENSTEIN.] - -Then I started for the North Side. Arriving at the station, Lieut. -Larsen handed me a little note which had been left for me. It was -small, but full of information, and was the first fruit of one night’s -work. I immediately turned over the command of the station and all -the details to Lieut. Larsen, and at once called in my old reliable -officers, those whom I knew to be honest and true, strong and vigilant, -intelligent and brave. They began earnestly and were with me through -all the investigations up to November 11, 1887. They were Michael -Whalen, John Stift, Michael Hoffman, Hermann Schuettler, Jacob -Loewenstein and Charles Rehm, and they reported to me promptly at the -office, where they received their first instructions. I told them that -this must be like all the other cases we had worked, secret and only -known among ourselves. All information and reports must come to me -as soon as possible, and all details must be attended to strictly. I -further told them that they must expect a forty-eight hours’ stretch -of work frequently before we got to the end; that they must keep in -mind that their lives would often be in danger, but they should only -kill in dire necessity. Insults or abuses they must not take from any -one. I knew that they would get into many of those h—l-holes, where -the women were a great deal worse than the men, and I proposed that -the officers should show that they were not to be trifled with in the -discharge of their duties. - -The field chosen for work was the vicinity of Clybourn Avenue, Sedgwick -Street and North Avenue. The officers were provided with chisels, -jimmies and keys and one or two dark lanterns, and after these -preliminary arrangements they mounted a patrol wagon and started for -the scene of their operations. This detail was in charge of Officer -Whalen, and the first objective point was Sedgwick Street, near the -residence of Seliger. They began searching all the houses, barns and -wood-sheds belonging to Anarchists, and created quite a consternation -in the locality. - -While they were thus engaged, I was temporarily called away from my -office, and on my return I was soon called up by a telephone message -from the Larrabee Street Station. Answering the call, I recognized -the voice of Officer Whalen, and some important news was at once -communicated. - -“We have found the bomb factory,” said Officer Whalen. “It is in the -rear of No. 442 Sedgwick Street. The house is full of bombs and all -kinds of material. My men are all there, and I am almost afraid to -touch any of the stuff. There are some very queer-looking things, -besides round lead bombs and very long iron bombs, about the house, and -probably some trap may have been set to blow us all up the moment the -articles are disturbed.” - -I questioned him as to whether there was any one about the house, and, -being answered in the negative, I instructed the officer to handle -everything himself and exercise great caution. Everything that looked -suspicious was to be packed in a box and sent to the Chicago Avenue -Station. I further instructed the officer to hunt up the parties who -lived there, place them under arrest and send them also to the same -station. - -Whalen then returned to the house, packed up all the “stuff” and hunted -for the occupants, who were nowhere to be found. He ascertained their -names, however, and learned from the neighbors that the head of the -house worked in Meyer’s Mill, a sash and door factory on the North -Pier. This information was telephoned to me, and I instructed Lieut. -Larsen just what I desired in the way of securing the man’s arrest. The -Lieutenant called up the Larrabee Street Station patrol wagon, and, -with a number of officers, he repaired to the mill. He there found his -man, William Seliger, and brought him to the Chicago Avenue Station. - -Meanwhile Officer Whalen and his men were busy getting their load of -deadly missiles, and, still unsatisfied, they got some shovels and -picks and went to mining in the back yard of the bomb factory. They -found a lot of lead and gas pipes buried in the ground, and after -they had collected about all the suspicious-looking articles they -could find, they brought it all to the station. This was the first -of a series of searches kept up night and day for two weeks, and no -house or place where an Anarchist or Socialist resided escaped police -attention. The houses were examined from top to bottom, and when the -officers had finished their labors in this direction the Chicago Avenue -Station was filled with all kinds of arms, some old and some new, -nearly every nation on the globe being represented in the collection. - -On the evening of May 7, about eight o’clock, a gentleman called at my -house, and in a most confidential manner desired to post me about an -arrest that ought to be made. - -“You had a fellow taken from Meyer’s Mill,” said he, “but you left a -man worse than the one you arrested.” He gave the name of the party and -then silently took his departure. - -[Illustration: EDMUND FURTHMANN.] - -On the next day Officer Whalen was detailed to bring the man to the -station, but when the officers arrived at the mill the bird had flown. -This man’s name was Mueller, No. 2. He has never returned to the -factory, although his tool chest is still there, and $27 still stands -due to him on the books of the concern to this date. - -With the information so far secured I became confident that I had -an opening to the case, but, knowing that no aid could be had from -the Central Headquarters, I refrained, I think wisely, from asking -for assistance. In Mr. Grinnell and his staff, however, I had every -confidence, and I went to his office. I told him what discoveries had -been made, giving him all the details, and said to him that in working -up the case I should frequently need his advice. He promptly said: -“Schaack, you can command my services and those of every man in my -office at any time.” I thanked him, and felt greatly strengthened in -the task I had before me. - -Mr. Furthmann was directed to go with me and assist in the same way -that he had assisted in working up the evidence in the Mulkowsky murder -case. - -I then felt highly gratified, and stronger and more resolute than -ever, because of my new partner in the case. When we were about to go, -Mr. Grinnell said, “I will be up to-night and see you.” He called, -as promised. We then told him what progress we had made during the -day, and he expressed himself as greatly pleased. He urged us to keep -everything as secret as possible and not to take any more people into -our confidence than was absolutely necessary. Having given us this -advice, he left us, but we continued our work until three o’clock the -next morning. We met again—Furthmann and myself—the next day at nine -o’clock, and that day we worked with great success. The boys brought us -in good news every hour. Good citizens would leave letters at my house, -and these would be immediately sent to me by my wife. Before eight -o’clock that night we had gained an entrance to the conspiracy plot. -Mr. Grinnell was sent for, and he called on us at once. He was informed -of all the facts and said: - -“You boys have done well. You have found the missing link, and you have -it right.” - -Mr. Grinnell became enthusiastic over the work accomplished and -recognized the fact that the right parties were under arrest, and that -what had been morally certain before as to a conspiracy had now been -made a legal certainty susceptible of the strongest proof. In reaching -this point, a great deal of work had been done, and in its performance -talent, tact and ingenuity of a very high order seemed essential. Mr. -Grinnell inspired us with confidence, however, and was kind enough to -say, just before going home that night: - -“Schaack, I want to say that you are one of the greatest detectives in -America.” - -When the case had been worked up to the discovery of the leading facts -at this time, the reporters for the various papers in Chicago began to -gather at the Chicago Avenue Station, and they plied me with all sorts -of questions. They desired all the information I possessed, but their -laudable ambition was not gratified. Nothing respecting the merits -of the case was furnished them. This provoked quite a number of the -newspaper craft, and they sought to even up things by scoring me and -my assistants in the columns of their papers. They continued their -attacks, evidently expecting that I would weaken and tell all I knew, -but in this they were mistaken, as their shafts fell harmless at my -feet. - -The more the papers blamed us, the better we liked it. It made our work -much easier, because we received a great deal of good information from -persons who would not have told us anything without positive assurance -of secrecy. - -This was in fact a potent factor in our success, and the -newspaper-reading public really lost nothing by it. The latest news -respecting the Anarchist conspiracy was always presented by the -dailies, and, while there may have been wanting many of the essential -and interesting facts, the public demand was measurably satisfied. -At any rate, the interests of justice could not be permitted to be -overshadowed by those of the newspapers, and I held unflinchingly to -the course mapped out until the day of the trial. The result proved the -wisdom of the plan, and the encomiums bestowed on me by the press on -the evidence I finally accumulated more than offset the former bitter -attacks. - -[Illustration: THE EAST CHICAGO AVENUE STATION. - -From a Photograph.] - -Had it not been for the caution and secrecy which we made our rule all -through the investigation, the plot would not have been successfully -unraveled. Recognizing this trait in my management of the case, men -close to the Anarchists gave points they otherwise would not have dared -to give, and there was scarcely an hour during the investigation that -I did not find some trails leading up to the arch-conspirators. I even -received private letters on my way home to meals. Persons would meet me -on the street, hand me letters and pass right on. Some of these letters -were purposely misleading, while others contained good points; but by -putting one thing with another, and working up everything, something -tangible was generally produced. In many of the notes a few words would -signify a great deal, and the clues would be run down to the last -point. Of course, sometimes the detectives made long and weary walks -with no results. But whenever the boys met with disappointments in not -getting just what they expected, and even when they were kept up all -night, they never grumbled or expressed dissatisfaction. - -On the morning of May 8, at eight o’clock, we all met for general -consultation behind locked doors in an inner room, and, while thus -occupied with the case, I was notified that a lady desired to see me on -important business. I immediately responded, and as I entered the main -office I was confronted by a woman very heavily veiled. She briefly -stated her mission and said that she desired an interview in private. I -took her into another office, and, after the door had been locked, she -said: - -“You must excuse me. I will not uncover my face. Don’t ask me anything -about myself, and I will tell you something.” - -She was a German lady, well educated, and she spoke in an earnest, -truthful manner. Being assured that no questions would be asked to -establish her identity, she then told me where to send and what would -be found at the indicated place. Before making her exit she remarked: - -“You will have to attend to this matter this very day and before four -o’clock.” - -Her information proved highly interesting and valuable, and I thanked -her for it. In less than half an hour one of the detectives was set -to work on her “pointers,” and before two o’clock he returned to the -station with “a good fat bird” and a lot of new evidence. Who the lady -was is a mystery. She left the station as mysteriously as she had -entered. - -In the evening of the same day we met again and put together the -results of each one’s investigations. The work accomplished was -surprising to all. Mr. Grinnell called, and, seeing what had been done, -was more than pleased. At this time we had some of the Anarchists -already behind the bars. That night we worked until two o’clock the -next morning, and it was half an hour later when I directed my steps -homeward. As I neared my house, I saw the indistinct outlines of a -man standing close to a large bill-board about ten feet north of my -residence. The figure proved to be a tall man, and, as I came to a -halt, the stranger spoke up in German: - -“Is this Mr. Schaack?” - -“I am,” I replied, “and what are you doing standing there?” - -The stranger asked me to wait for a moment, and I complied, hardly -knowing what to make out of the man’s intentions toward me at such -an unseemly hour in the morning; but at the same time I kept my -eye steadily upon him for any hostile demonstrations. The strange -individual hurriedly placed a cloth of some sort over his face, and -I began to think some Anarchist had been commissioned to murder me. -Still, the coolness and self-possession of the man and the seeming -absence of the usual bluster incident to the commission of a foul crime -reassured me. Noticing all this, by way of making the man understand -that I was prepared for him if he had any murderous intentions, I said: -“If you make any attack upon me I will kill you dead!” - -“_Mein Gott, nein._ I only want to tell you something,” was the reply. - -I told him that that was all right and asked him into the back yard, -when he said he would talk to me. I made the stranger go ahead of me, -and when we reached the yard the man gave me a long story. - -“I dare not,” said he, “write to you. I dare not come near you during -the daytime. I don’t want you to know me, but I think you are the right -man to talk to. I would not talk to anyone else.” - -[Illustration: A BACK-YARD INTERVIEW.] - -During the whole conversation the man kept his improvised mask on, -and made it clear that his motive in so doing was to prevent the -possibility of his being made to appear in court to verify the -statements he desired to communicate. He gave information mainly -bearing on the conspiracy meeting which had been held on the evening of -May 3, at No. 54 West Lake Street, and the interview lasted until about -three o’clock. - -When we parted I was no wiser as to his identity than I had been -before, and to this day I don’t know with whom I talked there in my -back yard that early morning. - -In the forenoon of the 9th of May my trusted assistants again met in -the office to compare notes. At this meeting I told Mr. Furthmann what -a ghost I had seen that night, and in our deliberations that ghost -aided us a great deal. - -As a result the detectives started out with new instructions, and they -were ordered to be back at the office at one o’clock in the afternoon. -All reported promptly except a few who had struck a good trail and who -kept out until six o’clock. The reports of those present showed good -results. They started out again at two o’clock with new instructions -and were ordered to report as soon as they had completed their work. -Between three and five o’clock that afternoon things became exceedingly -lively. The Anarchists began to move about like hornets disturbed in -their nest, and some jumped around as if charged with electricity. -Towards six o’clock the detectives reported back to the office, and -an exchange of notes showed that it had been a day more fruitful of -results than the day preceding. I found that a strong chain had been -wrought connecting all the leading Anarchists in Chicago with the -Haymarket murder, and I knew that no mistakes had been made in the -arrest of those who had already been locked up. - -During the same evening Mr. Grinnell and Mr. George Ingham gave me -a call, and anxiously inquired about the progress made in the case. -Mr. Grinnell assured Mr. Furthmann and myself that Mr. Ingham was all -right, being with them, and with this statement all the facts were laid -before them. - -When the whole situation had been explained, Mr. Ingham said: - -“Mr. Grinnell, now you have a case.” - -“George,” replied Mr. Grinnell, “up to the time when Capt. Schaack -began his work I had no case whatsoever. I would have been laughed out -of court, but now I say we have a good, strong case, and it will be in -excellent shape. The boys are making it stronger every day. They have -got things down fine, and they are going to bring out everything there -is in it.” - -We worked that night until one o’clock, and met again the next -morning at eight, vigorous and keen for further developments. At -this time we had our hands full, with an abundance of material on -which to work. During the night several letters were dropped in my -letter-box, and they all contained good news. Some of the letters were -somewhat obscure, their import having to be guessed at from suggestive -circumstances, but they nevertheless helped. With fresh instructions -the detectives started out for the day and reported back at one o’clock -as per orders. Everything was discovered to have worked well. About two -o’clock a man was noticed standing across the street from the station. -His actions were somewhat strange, and one of the officers remarked -that the fellow appeared to be watching the building very closely. I -told the officer to keep watch of him, and in the event of his walking -away to follow him. The man did not move, and as he remained there for -nearly half an hour I ordered the officer to go across the street and -ascertain what the stranger was watching. The man declined to speak at -first, but, after the officer had threatened to lock him up, he stated -that he desired to see me, but did not want to go into the building. -He then requested the officer to tell me that he would meet me at the -corner of La Salle and Chicago Avenues, and I was so notified. - -I started at once to see the man, but as soon as he saw me he started -off. When he got to the corner he turned north on La Salle Avenue, and -I followed. When I got within twenty feet of him he looked around, and -then dropped a letter, pointing his fingers to it as he passed on, -without stopping. I picked up the letter and went back to the station. -This letter contained very important matter and kept us busy for two -days. This man was a stranger to me. I had never seen him before to my -knowledge, and I have never seen him since. - -After this day the office had all it could do and all the information -it needed. After six days and nights of hard and exacting labor, the -real troubles of all engaged in the case began. The newspapers now -appreciated the work accomplished, and they were not slow to bestow -great praise upon all connected with the case. This did not please Mr. -Ebersold, the Chief, and on the 11th of May he sent for me to report at -once. - -[Illustration: A FRIENDLY COMMUNICATION.] - -The moment I entered the office at the Central Station I saw that there -was “fire in the eye” of the Superintendent, and the atmosphere was -somewhat above the boiling-point. - -“Are you Chief of Police or am I?” broke in Mr. Ebersold, in a gruff, -blustering manner, the moment I had set my foot inside of the private -office. - -“You are,” said I, “or at least you are supposed to be. I certainly -don’t desire to be.” - -This shot did not contribute anything to the comfort of the Chief, and -he grew hotter than ever, and desired me to understand that he was -the Chief, and no one else. Mr. Ebersold then proceeded to unburden -his mind. He said that his friends had told him that they had thought -he was Chief, but since they had not seen his name published in -connection with the case, they had reached a different conclusion. He -further stated that ministers even, and professors, too, and other -people, had come to him and said that “Capt. Schaack was getting too -much notoriety.” He declared that he wanted me to stop the newspapers -writing anything more about me and to let the credit be given to the -head of the department. - -“I want this thing stopped!” declared the Chief, as he struck the desk -vigorously with his fist and glowered savagely at me. - -I told him that I had not asked any newspaper to write me up and I -would not tell any of them to stop, simply because it was not my -business. - -I had progressed too far to think of allowing all the work already -done to be set at naught by the incompetents then at the head of -what was facetiously called the defective department. I therefore -took occasion to say, just before leaving the Chief’s presence, that, -now that I had opened up the case, I proposed to finish it, even if -I did not remain on the force one day after my work had been fully -accomplished. A day or two after this interview I met Mr. Grinnell and -related the circumstances. The State’s Attorney said: - -“Captain, you are doing well; you keep on and work just as you have -been doing.” - -During the afternoon of May 10, the detectives of the Chicago Avenue -Station discovered a lot of bombs, guns and revolvers, which they -brought to the station. They also arrested a few Anarchists, who -pretended to be as harmless and spotless as little lambs, but who, -before they went to sleep that night in our hotel, discovered that they -had a great many black spots on them. The force continued at work till -three o’clock the next morning. The following day they met again at -eight o’clock in the morning, and several arrests were made that day. - -At about this time the mail was burdened with a great many letters, -some very encouraging in the cheering and complimentary sentiments they -conveyed, and others very threatening in their character. The latter -class were full of most dire menaces, suggesting all sorts of torture -in the event that I did not stop prosecuting the Anarchists, and the -whole formed a very interesting collection. It was evident that many -of them had been written by cranks, and that some bore marks of having -been inspired by religious enthusiasts. One wrote that enough men had -already been killed without hunting for innocent men as a sacrifice for -the Haymarket murder, and another wrote urging that the whole lot of -the Anarchist brood be hung as fast as they could be arrested. Several -drew on their imaginations and volunteered “pointers” which bore on -their face evidences of falsehood. Others would say that their prayers -were constantly with the police in their efforts, and expressed a hope -that out of it all might come the extirpation of Anarchy from American -soil. These communications poured in upon me in such numbers that I had -no time to read them through, and even the most savage and bloodthirsty -hardly gave me a moment’s thought. As a matter of fact I was never for -a moment alarmed about my own personal safety. All of the letters I -received I filed away, and some day, when I do not know what else to -do to amuse myself, I purpose to run them over again and enjoy another -hearty laugh. Meanwhile Anarchist after Anarchist was overhauled, and -after one clue had been worked out another was undertaken with the -utmost secrecy. The detectives continued persistently at work, and for -two months they carefully kept their own counsel, never permitting -themselves to be drawn into conversation by outsiders respecting the -case. - -Their experience was highly exciting at all times, and the various -haunts of the Anarchists were kept in a lively commotion. The social -miscreants never knew when the investigations would end, and they were -in constant dread. Finding that threats upon the lives of State’s -Attorney Grinnell, Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, myself, and -the officers engaged in the case, had failed to have the desired -effect, they turned their attention to writing letters to our wives. -These letters were written in a most vindictive and fiendish spirit. -They threatened not only bodily harm to these ladies, but promised to -inflict death by horrible tortures upon their husbands and children, -if the prosecution was not dropped; and they vowed vengeance also upon -property by the use of explosives that would leave to each house only -a vestige of its former location. Some of these letters were general -in their character, and others particularized the kind of death in -store for all engaged in the case. One said that on some unexpected day -we would be blown to atoms by a bomb; another pictured how a husband -would be brought home in a mangled, unrecognizable mass. Still another -would suggest that, if a husband proved missing, his remains might -be looked for fifty feet under the water, firmly tied to a rock or a -piece of iron. Another, again, stated that on the first opportunity -the husband would be gagged, bound hand and foot, and placed across -some railroad track to horribly contemplate death under the wheels of -a fast approaching train. Still another would say: “When your husband -is brought home be sure and pull the poisoned dagger out of his body.” -One writer penned a tender epistle and closed by urging the mother -to be sure to “kiss your children good-by when you leave them out -on the street.” One letter was written with red ink and stated that -“this blood is out of the veins of a determined man that would die for -Anarchy.” One man expressed sorrow for the woman and then concluded: -“But we cannot help this. If you have any property you had better have -a will made by your liege lord to yourself, because he is going to die -so quick that he will not know that he ever was alive.” Another said: -“Take a good description of your husband’s clothes. He will be missing -before long, and probably after some years you will hear that in some -wild forest a lot of clothes have been found tied to some tree, and -these clothes will be stuffed with bones.” - -Epistolary threats of this kind were sent almost daily to the wives -of the officers and officials, and, if published, the collection -would form a volume in itself. The threats I have given are only a -tithe of the whole, but I have given enough to illustrate the general -trend of the letters. We paid no attention to them, but the women, -of more delicate and sensitive disposition, took them more to heart. -The constant receipt of such letters naturally made a deep impression -on their minds, and some of the ladies had dark forebodings. But the -officers always took a cheerful view, and urged that it was only -cowards who resorted to threats. They still continued their work, -undaunted by these denunciations and menaces, and frequently remained -out all night in their work in some of the most desperate districts of -the city, sometimes keeping up forty-eight hours at a stretch. - -Mrs. Schaack, a generally strong and courageous woman and deeply -interested in all my work, did not bear up as well as some of the -others under the pressure. She had been sick for over eight months, -and, when these letters began to reach her, she had just reached a -convalescent state. Having thus passed through a long siege of illness, -her system was in a highly nervous condition, and it was, therefore, -quite natural that sometimes she should become greatly solicitous for -my personal safety whenever a very savage and gory letter accidentally -reached her eye. When the trial finally began, I begged her to take the -three children and visit for two months a place six hundred miles away -from Chicago, where she could not only enjoy a comparative serenity of -mind, but build up her shattered constitution, under more favorable -circumstances and climatic conditions. She acted on my advice. While -away, she was in constant receipt of such letters as were calculated to -make her reassured as to my comfort, and she rapidly gained in health -and strength. - -Mrs. Grinnell bore up remarkably well under the severe strain. She had -come in for a goodly share of these murder-threatening letters, but, -being blessed with good health and strong nerves, she never displayed -signs of weakness. - -She was a brave lady. Whenever I saw her with Mr. Grinnell, she would -always say: “Captain, I want you and Mr. Grinnell and all the boys to -keep on with your noble work.” She at all times appeared very pleasant -and not the least disturbed. - -Mrs. Furthmann was not overlooked by the letter-writers, but her -husband arranged matters so that their epistles did not fall into her -hands. He would gather them in, and, with what the mail brought him -every day for his own individual benefit, he had plenty of hair-raising -literature. But he paid no attention to the threats and never for a -moment relaxed his efforts on account of them. These letters became so -numerous and frequent that after a time the officers would jestingly -allude to them as their “love letters.” - -But the Anarchists did not stop with writing letters. One night they -held a small meeting in the rear room of a saloon on North Avenue, and -there was a great deal of talk and bluster about what they ought to -do to “bring the officials to their senses.” One suggested that they -should blow up the house of Officer Michael Hoffman, but that officer -appears to have had a friend there. That friend opposed the plan and -said: - -“Cowards, if you want to do anything, why don’t you meet the man -himself and attack him? Why do you seek to hurt his wife and innocent -children?” - -This appealed to their sense of humanity, and they at once decided to -abandon the scheme. Finally one cut-throat arose, and, in a braggadocio -style, broke out, in a loud, coarse and beer-laden voice: - -“Well, we will drop that plan, but you all know where he lives and we -all have bombs yet. Any one that does not care for a screeching woman -or squealing young ones, let him go and see the shingles fly off the -roof.” - -On a subsequent night about two o’clock in the morning a carriage -drove up to the officer’s house, and one of the occupants shouted -out, “Mike!” The officer drew to the window, and his wife opened it. -At first, mistaking her for the officer, they halloaed, “We only want -to see you for a moment.” When the woman asked what was wanted they -said, “We don’t want to see you. Where is Mike?” Being informed that he -was not at home, one of the burly fellows said, just as the carriage -started away, “A d——d good thing for him that he is not at home.” - -This band of intimidators and cowards did not overlook me. On two -occasions they sought to burn my house, but each time they were foiled -in their attempt. They sneaked, true to their nature, into the back -yard, and started a fire by means of a kerosene-saturated torch or by -the use of an explosive. The fires, however, failed to do any damage. - -When the trial of the arch-conspirators began, these same unpunished -red-handed cranks began to give their attention to Judge Gary and his -wife. They fairly overwhelmed them with letters of a most threatening -character, and whenever there was any ruling of the court which -they regarded as inimical to their friends’ interests, they were -particularly vituperative. But throughout the whole trial neither the -Judge nor his wife was at all intimidated. They paid no attention to -them, and nearly every day Mrs. Gary sat by the side of her husband -on the bench, giving the strictest attention to the proceedings. She -was there in the forenoon and in the afternoon. When the two went -out to lunch together, a detective would always follow them, without -their request or knowledge, and the same course would be pursued when -they went home at night or came down in the morning. I had this done -as a precautionary measure, as there was no telling at that time but -what some demented Anarchist might seek vengeance upon the Judge for -some fancied wrong to the defendants. Sometimes, after lunch, Mrs. -Gary would return in the company of some lady friends, but she would -invariably, after an exchange of pleasantries with them, rejoin her -husband on the bench, where she would remain until the adjournment -of court. Once in a while the Judge would find a moment’s interval -to talk to her, and the devoted appearance of the venerable couple -formed a most pleasing and picturesque background to the crowded and -excited court scene throughout the trial. She was there during all the -arguments, and listened most intently to the reading of the verdict -which finally sent the defendants to the gallows. From the beginning of -the trial to its end she never displayed a sign of weakness or fear. - -While the investigations were in progress, and even during the trial, -a lot of cranks and desperate men flocked into the city from outside -points, and there was no telling what villainous deeds they might -perpetrate and then escape undetected. For this reason I thought it -prudent to place a watchman at the house of every one actively engaged -in the case, and both night and day the lives as well as property -of all were closely watched to prevent the execution of any of the -numerous threats made against the officials by the red-handed fiends. -The attempt on my own house was made before these guards were placed, -but after that there was no trouble. The Anarchists, seeing the -precautions that had been taken, gave the houses no further attention, -and thereafter vented their spleen in denunciatory letters. - -From the very start of the investigations, I engaged the services -of private men to work under my instructions, and they invariably -submitted their reports to me at my house. They never called at the -house without first notifying me, and this notification would be by -means of a sign at a place near my residence. I would always look at -the spot before entering the house, and if I found the sign, I would -also find my man in the vicinity. - -I would then go up-stairs, fix the rooms so that no one could see who -might enter, and leave a sign at the window. In a few minutes my friend -would appear at the door. Not one of my officers ever knew any of these -men so employed, but they knew the officers. - -Many funny incidents naturally grew out of this situation. It was very -amusing to listen to the officers. One would tell me: “I saw such and -such a fellow, a rank Anarchist, on the street to-day in company with -a stranger,” or: “I saw a couple of them in such and such a saloon -together, and one of them had a stranger with him, who looked like a -wild Anarchist.” Then the officers would describe the fellow, and one -of them would say: - -“I know he is an Anarchist. He and the stranger walked around the jail -building, and the next time I meet that stranger I will bring him -in. It will do no harm to give him a few days’ entertainment in the -station. I want to introduce him to you. I bet you will keep him, and -you can, no doubt, learn something from him. I think he is a stranger -in the city, and he is here for no good purpose.” - -The officer was bound to bring him in, and this placed me in a rather -awkward position. All I could do, however, was to say, “Don’t be too -hasty; wait till you find him connected with others.” - -This worked well for a while, but after a time some of these men who -were in my secret service were brought in. One morning I arrived at -the station and found that they had been locked up in a cell. As -they had received at the start rigid instructions not to reveal their -identity under any circumstances, they did not send for me the moment -they were arrested, and so they had to remain until the next day, when -I promptly released them. - -[Illustration: THE NOTORIOUS FLORUS’ HALL. - -From a Photograph.] - -At one time, one of these privates reported to me that he had seen -a fellow around with some of the worst Anarchists in the city, that -every one regarded him as sound in the Anarchist faith, and that he -and the others were in Chicago to liberate the Anarchists from the -jail. The private further stated that the stranger had never been seen -except in the company of old-time revolutionists. That was enough -for the detective to warrant arrest. I told him to make the fellow’s -acquaintance and draw him out, but be in no haste. A few days later, -the detective reported that he had spoken to the stranger and that he -would become well acquainted with him shortly. - -At this time every Anarchist resort was watched very closely. I told -the private to ascertain where the stranger lived, but he must not push -himself too rapidly forward; he must make an engagement to meet the man -in the evening and stay with him as late as possible. Just as soon as -they parted, he was to double back on the stranger and follow him. A -few nights later the private reported again and said that they had been -together one evening for three hours, when they parted on the corner -of Madison and Canal Streets. He told the stranger that he would go -back to the South Side, and then, by following him after parting, he -found that the stranger started north. The man turned on Lake Street -west and entered No. 71 West Lake Street, one of the worst Anarchist -resorts in the city. This place was kept by a man named Florus, a rank -“red.” The private waited for his friend to come out, remaining in -the vicinity until Florus closed his saloon; but no one came. The next -day the private reported the facts to me, and said that the stranger -evidently had a room at Florus’ house. I told the private to try and -get the stranger on the North Side so that I could have a look at him. -He started out to hunt up his friend. - -On the evening of that same day, detective No. 2 reported. He said that -he had a fellow spotted whom he described as one of a gang that had -come from St. Paul. He remarked that the fellow was very sharp, but not -sharp enough for him. He also stated that the stranger appeared to like -him, but that he did not trust him very much. - -No. 2 further said: “I have been around with him every evening. He is -very good company, and I am sure that he is an Anarchist. But I can’t -get at his motives.” - -I then told him to get the man up here on the North Side where I would -be able to see him. - -“All right, but you want to get a good look at him; the fellow changes -his clothes often. He is a foxy fellow.” - -I said that I would always be at the station from one to three o’clock, -so as to take a look at the man when they passed. - -[Illustration: THE “SHADOWED” DETECTIVES.] - -On the next day I was on the look-out, but no one came. The second day -I again watched, and, to my great surprise, at two o’clock I saw two -fellows, both in my employ, coming east on Chicago Avenue from Wells -Street, and on the same side where the station is located. They were -engaged in conversation, and neither looked aside as they passed. I got -up on the steps of the front entrance and remained there as they came -by. They had no sooner got past, when the fellow on the inside lifted -his hand to the right hip, and after a few steps further the other -fellow put his left hand behind his back and worked his fingers—thus -each man giving the tip on the other. They proceeded towards the -Water-works. - -When all this was over, I almost fell in a fit laughing at the joke. -It was extremely ludicrous, but I had to keep it all to myself. The -privates kept at work, but I did not tell either the occupation of the -other. I had promised every man in my employ that I would not give him -away, and I kept my word. One of these detectives had been assigned -for duty north of Kinzie Street on the West Side, and the other had -been set to work particularly along Lake Street. By invitation of some -Anarchists on Milwaukee Avenue, the detective in the district north -had left his field and gone with them to the halls of the “reds” on -Lake Street, and in this way the two detectives had made each other’s -acquaintance and got mixed up. - -I was now in a predicament to straighten matters out and prevent the -men from wasting time on each other. I finally told each separately -that the other was working for Billy Pinkerton, and that he should pay -no more attention to him. This worked satisfactorily. Now and then I -received a report stating that my detective had seen that Pinkerton man -at such or such a place. This will be the first time, however, that -either one knows the other’s exact identity, and they can now laugh -over their mixed-up condition and see what a fix I was in at that time. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - - Tracking the Conspirators—Female Anarchists—A Bevy of Beauties - Beauties—Petticoated Ugliness—The Breathless Messenger—A - Detective’s Danger—Turning the Tables—“That Man is a Detective!”—A - Close Call—Gaining Revolutionists’ Confidence—Vouched for by the - Conspirators—Speech-making Extraordinary—The Hiding-place in the - Anarchists’ Hall—Betrayed by a Woman—The Assassination of Detective - Brown at Cedar Lake—Saloon-keepers and the Revolution—“Anarchists - for Revenue Only”—Another Murder Plot—The Peep-hole Found—Hunting - for Detectives—Some Amusing Ruses of the Revolutionists—A - Collector of “Red” Literature and his Dangerous Bonfire—Ebersold’s - Vacation—Threatening the Jury—Measures Taken for their - Protection—Grinnell’s Danger—A “Bad Man” in Court—The Find at the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ Office—Schnaubelt’s Impudent Letter—Captured - Correspondence—The Anarchist’s Complete Letter-writer. - - -IN the light of all the facts that have developed, I do not believe -that it is too large a statement, nor too egotistical, to say that, -but for the work done at the Chicago Avenue Station, the Anarchist -leaders would soon have been given their liberty, and Anarchy would -have been as rampant as ever in Chicago—worse indeed than before; for -the conspirators would then have despised as well as hated the law. -What the work was, the reader will better understand after he has gone -through this and the succeeding chapters. - -I did not depend wholly upon police effort, but at once employed a -number of outside men, choosing especially those who were familiar -with the Anarchists and their haunts. The funds for this purpose -were supplied to me by public-spirited citizens who wished the law -vindicated and order preserved in Chicago. I received reports from -the men thus employed from the beginning of the case up to November -20, 1887. There are 253 of the reports in all, and a most interesting -history of Chicago Anarchy do they make even in themselves. - -They always conveyed important information and gave valuable clues. -They confined their efforts wholly to Anarchists, and their principal -duty was to ascertain if the reds intended to organize again for -another riot or an incendiary attempt upon the city. They were also to -learn if steps were contemplated to effect the rescue of the Anarchists -who were locked up in the County Jail, and whether they were getting -up any further murder plots. At each Anarchist meeting I had at least -one man present to note the proceedings and learn what plots they -were maturing. Generally before midnight I would know all that had -transpired at meetings of any importance. From many meetings I learned -that the Anarchists were discussing plans to revenge themselves on -the police, but in each case, as soon as they were about to take some -definite action, some one would move an adjournment or suggest the -appointment of a committee to work out the plan in some better shape. -When the next meeting was held the fellows who had done the loudest -shouting would be absent, and then those who happened to be on hand -would vent their wrath upon the absentees by calling them cowards. -In many of the smaller meetings held on Milwaukee Avenue or in that -vicinity, a lot of crazy women were usually present, and whenever -a proposition arose to kill some one or to blow up the city with -dynamite, these “squaws” proved the most bloodthirsty. - -[Illustration: THE “RED” SISTERHOOD.] - -In fact, if any man laid out a plan to perpetrate mischief, they would -show themselves much more eager to carry it out than the men, and it -always seemed a pleasure to the Anarchists to have them present. They -were always invited to the “war dances.” Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr. -Bonfield and myself were usually remembered at these gatherings, and -they fairly went wild whenever bloodthirsty sentiments were uttered -against us. The reporters and the so-called capitalistic press also -shared in the general denunciations. At one meeting, held on North -Halsted Street, there were thirteen of these creatures in petticoats -present, the most hideous-looking females that could possibly be found. -If a reward of money had been offered for an uglier set, no one could -have profited upon the collection. Some of them were pock-marked, -others freckle-faced and red-haired, and others again held their -snuff-boxes in their hands while the congress was in session. One -female appeared at one of these meetings with her husband’s boots on, -and there was another one about six feet tall. She was a beauty! She -was raw-boned, had a turn-up nose, and looked as though she might have -carried the red flag in Paris during the reign of the Commune. - -This meeting continued all right for about two hours. Then a rap came -on the locked door. The guard reported that one of their cause desired -admittance, giving his name at the same time,—and the new arrival -was permitted to enter. He was a large man with a black beard and -large eyes, and very shabbily dressed. He looked as though he had been -driving a coal cart for a year without washing or combing. He also -had the appearance of being on the verge of hydrophobia. As soon as -he reached the interior of the hall he blurted out hastily, in a loud -voice: - -“Ladies and brothers of our cause! Please stop all proceedings—I am -out of breath—I will sit down for a few minutes.” - -All present looked at the man with a great deal of curiosity and -patiently waited for him to recover his breath. The interval was about -five minutes. Then the stranger jumped up and said: - -“I am from Jefferson. I ran all the way [a distance of five miles]. I -was informed that you were holding a meeting here this evening, and -that there is a spy in your midst.” - -At this bit of information every one became highly excited, and the -stranger immediately proceeded to inquire if there was anyone they -suspected. They all looked at each other, and, becoming satisfied that -they were all friends of Anarchy, waited for the man to give them more -precise information. The stranger then continued: - -“The man is described to me, and that is all I know.” - -He looked around for a moment and finally said, pointing to the man -addressed: - -“If I am not damnably mistaken, you are the man!” At the same time he -ordered the guard to lock the door and pull out the key. - -“Now,” he resumed, addressing the man to whom he had pointed, who was -none other than a detective in my service, “you will have to give a -good account of yourself.” - -This placed my man in a rather embarrassing position, but he was equal -to the emergency. - -“I am an Anarchist,” he spoke up promptly, in a loud, clear and firm -tone of voice, “and I have been one for years, and you are simply -one of those Pinkerton bummers. What business have you here in our -meetings, I would like to know. The other day I passed Pinkerton’s -office. I was sitting in a car, and I saw you coming down stairs. I -suppose you met some fool that gave you a little information so as to -get in here. All you want to know evidently is how many are present -here, and, if possible, learn what we are doing. You get out of here -in five seconds, or I will shoot you down like a rat.” - -The officer then pulled out of his pocket a large revolver, and, -brandishing it in the air, asked: - -“Shall I kill that bloodhound?” - -[Illustration: TURNING THE TABLES.] - -The women cried out in a chorus: “Yes, yes; kill him!” The men, -however, did not like the proposition. One of them said: “Don’t kill -him here; take him out somewhere else and shoot him.” This seemed to -meet with general approval. - -The turn of affairs completely surprised the stranger, and he became -so frightened that he could not speak. No one in the meeting knew him, -and he was powerless to speak in his own defense. The officer held his -revolver directed at the man’s face and kept toying with it in the -vicinity of his nose. Finally the fellow stammered out: - -“I am all right, and you will find me out so.” - -At last the women again broke in, with a demand that the intruder be -immediately ejected, and the men responded promptly by kicking him out -of the door. He had no sooner reached the outside than he started on a -keen run, in momentary dread of his life, and he kept up his rapid gait -until he thought he was at a safe distance. - -The officer was then the hero of the moment, but he recognized the fact -that he himself was not absolutely safe after this episode. It occurred -to him that possibly the stranger might hunt up some one on Milwaukee -Avenue who could identify him and assure the meeting that he was a true -and reliable Anarchist, and thus turn the tables against the officer. -The moment, therefore, he had regained his seat, he decided to resort -to strategy, and said: - -“We will have to adjourn at once. This fellow will run to the -station-house and bring the patrol wagon with a lot of officers, and we -will all be arrested.” - -In less than three minutes the meeting adjourned, and then the officer -advised them all to go home immediately and not to remain a second if -they did not desire to be arrested. The Anarchists did as he suggested, -and scattered for home in a hurry. - -This detective did not attend any more of the meetings, but was content -in congratulating himself on having come out of that assembly without a -bruise or a scratch. - -About January, 1887, one of my privates informed me that there was a -place on Clybourn Avenue where the Anarchists were accustomed to hold -private meetings. He said that he could not get in as yet, and I told -him to pick up some one whom he could work handily. He must first -form the man’s acquaintance, and then hang around the saloons in the -neighborhood and read the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. I gave him one of John -Most’s books and made him wear a red necktie. I advised him also to get -about half drunk, sing the Marseillaise and curse the police. By so -doing, I told him, it would not be long before he would find a partner. -Several times subsequently the detective visited the Anarchist resorts, -accompanied by a little boy who belonged to one of his friends, and in -less than two weeks he had wormed himself into the confidence of the -gang who frequented Clybourn Avenue. If any one asked him his name he -would say: - -“I don’t give my name to people I don’t know. I am against law and -order, and that is sufficient. I don’t believe in having good men hung -to satisfy the rich. They will not hang if I can help any.” - -For the first couple of weeks, the newly formed friends of this -detective would not take him to any of their meetings. I advised him -not to make inquiries. As soon as they thought him all right, they -would speak themselves. Within three weeks some one took him to a -meeting and vouched for him as being true to their cause. At the first -meeting he attended he saw that he was as intelligent as any one of -them, and so he delivered a short speech. That captured them, and they -pronounced him a good man. They asked him to call again at their next -meeting, and he promised that he would be on hand. He then reported to -me. I told him to find a weak spot around the building, where I could -put some one to protect him in case of discovery and danger. A few -days after he reported again that there was a vacant basement under -the house, and that it was very low. There was only a common door with -an ordinary lock. I then promised him that I would put a strong man in -there at every meeting, and in case he should be attacked by the gang, -he should shout, “Police.” Then, the moment the door was broken in, he -was to cry out, “Brother!” so that the man coming to his assistance -would know him at once. I also told him that at the next meeting he -should ascertain the size of the room and notice whatever furniture -might be there and where it was standing. This he did. He made a small -diagram. - -[Illustration: UNDERGROUND AUDITORS.] - -I then detailed a man to take a position in the basement at several -meetings, but, running short of men shortly afterwards, I was obliged -to take this man away. But this did not cripple us. On another occasion -the private reported again, handed me a plat of the room and gave me -some desired information. I sent for Officer Schuettler. He responded -promptly, and I told him what I wanted done. He said that he was ready -to carry out my instructions. I told him to go and buy a one-inch -auger, and next procure a funnel with the large end the circumference -of a saucer, and a pipe about four inches long. After an hour’s absence -he returned with the desired articles. I handed him several keys with -which to open the door, showed him the plat, and told him where to bore -a hole. I also told him to secure a cork and plug up the hole after he -was through. I then instructed him to get into the place about half an -hour before the meeting opened and have his apparatus in working order. -I gave Officer Schuettler the dates on which meetings were to be held, -and then he started out with good hope in his new undertaking. A few -days subsequently the officer reported back, and his face was wreathed -in smiles. - -“You must have had success,” I said. - -“Yes, everything worked like a charm.” - -He handed me a good report and remarked that it contained the most -important part of the business done by the meeting. He suggested that -he ought to have some one with him so that he could secure all the -details. For the next meeting I sent another officer with him, and this -man had a dark lantern. Schuettler would listen, and as he whispered -the words and sentiments of the speakers, the other officer, with the -aid of the light from his lantern, would commit them to paper. The next -morning I received a full report of all the transactions. - -This sort of work was kept up for several months, and during all this -time I was kept pretty well informed of the secret movements of the old -North Side groups. At the beginning of all their meetings the speakers -would declare their wish to see Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, all the -officers working on the case and myself hung. They generally closed -with a promise to kill all capitalists and blow up all the newspaper -buildings. - -One private detective, whom I had at work for me for a long time, -proved very valuable. He belonged to a union and showed very fine -judgment. He would watch only the most radical leaders and ascertain -their intentions. He was a rabid Anarchist himself, but he did not -believe in killing people or precipitating riots so long as it would -not help their cause. He often used to say to me: - -“Captain, I will be true to you. I will help you all I can to prevent -some of these fools from committing any more murders.” - -He said that some of his people had not sense enough to know what -they were doing, and that, whenever he met a man of family who talked -about killing somebody, he would remonstrate with him. For this good -and sensible advice some of the reds called him a coward and a spy. At -one time, on Lake Street, a big, burly brute called him a coward and a -creeping thing. My man stepped up to the fellow and said: - -“I will make you eat your own words, or you will have to kill me.” - -“What do you want me to do?” asked the big ruffian. - -“Fight a duel,” retorted the detective. “I will give you twenty -minutes’ time in which to secure a revolver and get ready. I will pay -your car-fare, and we will go out to Garfield Park. No one shall go -with us, and if you don’t accept my challenge, I will kill you anyhow.” - -“Are you in earnest?” asked the other. - -“Never more so in my life,” was the reply. - -The boasting coward then begged for more time, which was not granted, -and, seeing the challenger determined, he winced. - -“I believe you are a good man. I am sorry that I have insulted you, and -I beg your pardon. Let up on this. If you don’t feel like doing so, for -God’s sake do it for my wife and family.” - -The young fellow then struck the braggart in the face and walked away. -The whimpering coward never raised his hand nor uttered another word. - -This man whom I had employed did not like Spies. He termed Spies a -rattle-head, and disapproved of his arguments in the _Fackel_ that -the 1st of May was the time for the Anarchists to rise. In this view -all the more sensible conspirators agreed. They knew that they could -not accomplish anything, and therefore they kept away. My man was one -of this latter class. He said everything was working nicely in their -favor, but Spies killed everything. He told me that one night he was in -company with Spies, and that Spies said: - -“I do not care how little I can accomplish. I want revenge on the -police. They killed my brother—a d——d policeman killed him at a -picnic. He shot him dead, and I will never stop until I have more than -double revenge.” - -This statement of Spies’ about the killing was true. The brother killed -was a young tough, and had been shot by Officer Tamillo. - -My man said that from the moment of this interview he had no more -use for Spies. This detective ceased work for a few months, but he -thereafter resumed his secret service, as he found that, in view of the -strikes and laying-off, he could hardly make a living otherwise. I put -him to work again, and he did well, continuing for two months. One day -he came to me and wanted $30. I gave it to him, and he started away. He -would report to me daily through the mail, and whenever he had anything -of special importance to communicate he always knew just where to find -me. I missed his reports for five days, and I failed to learn anything -of him during that time. On the 2nd of August I was severely injured by -being thrown out of my buggy, and I was obliged to keep to the house -for two weeks. On the 5th of August I received a communication from the -Coroner of Lake County, Indiana, asking me if I had a man named Charles -Brown working for me as a detective. The letter was as follows: - - HAMMOND, LAKE COUNTY, Indiana, August 3, 1887. - - _Captain Schaack_—Sir: I enclose a copy of a statement of a witness - who identified the bodies of two parties drowned in Cedar Lake; also - the badge pin found on the man. A Mr. Heise stated to me before he saw - the body that the man was a detective and wore his police badge on his - breast. The body had been found by a hard case by the name of Green - and some pals of his, on the southeast corner of Cedar Lake. When - the body was landed, all the garments on it were undershirt, drawers - and pants. All the rest had disappeared. His coat was found later, - but nothing in the pockets. The rest was not found. Mr. Heise said - that he had some money, a watch and chain and a revolver when he left - Chicago. Other parties say that the man Green changed a $20 note for - him some time before he was drowned. There are some very mysterious - circumstances with regard to his condition as found and reported by - Green and Scotty, when they found the body, with regard to vest, - watch, money and revolver. I think a little detective work might show - up the matter. - - Respectfully yours, - G. VAN DE WALKER, - Coroner, Lake Co., Indiana. - -Three days after, I learned that this was the same man I had employed, -and I placed Officer Schuettler on the case to unravel, if possible, -the mystery surrounding his death. The officer in a few days reported -that it was exceedingly difficult to obtain a clue, as no one seemed -disposed to give any information as to foul play; but enough was -learned in a general way to warrant the conclusion that underhanded -methods had been used to accomplish the man’s death. - -I recalled certain incidents in connection with the man’s work as a -detective, and, placing them by the side of the seemingly accidental -drowning, I became convinced that a deliberate crime had been committed. - -[Illustration: BETRAYED BY BEAUTY.] - -One day this private asked me if I would allow him to tell a young lady -what he was working at. I told him that he must do nothing of the kind; -that if he did so I would have no further use for him. He then begged -me to permit him to use my name as his friend, and I told him I had no -objection to that. But I found out later that he had said more to the -young lady than I had consented to, and I believe his indiscretion in -that respect is what cost him his life. - -From the moment that the girl ascertained his secret occupation he was -a doomed man. She let other Anarchists into the secret, and they at -once set about devising means for ending his life. - -The information I received later was that it had been decided upon that -the young woman should inveigle him to Cedar Lake, and then, when he -was in her power, to do away with him. The two left the city together, -and were followed by the others in the conspiracy to the place where -his body was found. Before taking the trip on the water, she was seen -talking with some mysterious-looking individuals, and they then and -there decided upon the details of the plan. She was to get him to row -out into deep water, and, when they had got fairly started, her friends -were to follow in another rowboat at a convenient distance. When -they reached the middle of the lake she was to keep a close watch on -the other boat, and as they neared her boat she was to suddenly throw -herself on one side and tip the boat over so that both occupants would -be thrown into the water. Her friends were then to be close at hand, -pick her up and save her from drowning. The programme was carried out -so far as related to the capsizing of the boat, but the men did not get -near enough in time to save her. She went down with her companion and -was drowned with him. - -There is no doubt as to the truth of this plot. It was in entire -keeping with Anarchistic methods; and parties who were at the lake -at the time state that they saw the young lady get up in the boat, -and that while thus standing she swung it over, precipitating herself -and her lover into the water. I had men engaged on the case for some -time, but the investigation always ended in the same way—an undoubted -conclusion that the detective’s life was taken by reason of a plot, -but no evidence to establish the guilt of the conspirators. From the -information I received, I am satisfied that the whole matter was -carefully planned and carried out by the woman. - -From May 7, 1886, to November 20, 1887, I had a great deal of work, -there were so many things to look after, but after matters had become -systematized and the force had been brought down to good working order, -the burdens of the office became much easier than most people would -suppose. - -In the first place, I had one hundred and sixty rank Anarchists to -look after; but as soon as these became known to my men, it was an -easy matter for the officers to report where they had seen them and -with whom they associated. Then I had ten small halls to watch where -the Anarchists met night and day. There were also seventeen saloons -where these people were accustomed to congregate. Three of these latter -had small halls connected with them. Twelve of the other saloons had -rear rooms where the reds would sit at times and hold small meetings. -After we had all their haunts located, and knowing the kind of men who -frequented them, the work of keeping track of them was not so hard. -Some of these Anarchists would enter boldly into these places, while -others would almost crawl on their stomachs to get into the resorts -without being seen. Others again would disguise themselves so that -their identity could not become known to detectives. - -The officers made no attempt to close these places, and possibly the -reader may ask why such notorious and dangerous resorts were permitted -to continue unmolested. - -My reason for not closing them was that the Anarchists were bound to -meet in some place. We knew their resorts thoroughly, and I had plenty -of my men among them, who worked ostensibly for the cause of Anarchy, -but who continually furnished me pointers. Again, we knew just where -they would meet and could always have our men present. If I had shut -them out from these places, they would have been driven into private -houses, broken up into smaller factions, and our work would have been -made much broader and harder in keeping track of them and their doings. -So long as I had the machine, so to speak, in my own hands, and knew -all that had been done and said, we let them alone. And the results -justified our course. - -Among the saloon-keepers there was one who seemed to have a special -liking for me. This man, who had a place on Lake Street, on taking his -first drink in the morning would invariably drink to my health, saying: -“I hope that that d——d Luxemburger, Schaack, will be killed before -I go to bed to-night;” and when he was about to close his doggery for -the day, he would take two drinks and say: “I hope I will find Schaack -hanging to a lamp-post in the morning when I get up.” - -When the saloon-keepers were particularly loaded with beer, they -shouted louder than any one else for Anarchy, and the louder and more -vehemently they shouted the more “solid” did they become with their -Anarchist customers. At every meeting held at these places, collections -were taken up, and the saloon-keepers could always be counted upon to -contribute liberally. - -The worst of these ignorant fools never did realize why the -saloon-keepers shouted so lustily for Anarchy until they came home to -find their wives and little ones crying for bread. Then, perhaps, it -faintly dawned upon their minds that the saloon-keepers were after -their nickels. These liquor-sellers were Anarchists for revenue only, -and they sought in every way to keep on the right side of the rank -and file of the party. They always looked to it, the first thing in -the morning, that plenty of Anarchist literature and a dozen or so -copies of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ were duly on the tables of their -places, and in some saloons beer-bloated bums, who could manage to read -fairly, were engaged to read aloud such articles as were particularly -calculated to stir up the passions of the benighted patrons. Robber and -hypocrite are terms too weak to apply to these saloon-keepers. Some of -them had “walking delegates” by their side, and if an Anarchist seemed -to them to be “going wrong” by seeking work, the delegate and assistant -robber would tell him to go back to his headquarters and wait, assuring -him that they would have all things right in a few days. - -And this is the way these poor fools and their families were kept in -continual misery. Many of the dupes have had their eyes opened and have -quit frequenting these places and the underground caves. What is the -result? Their families are better looked after, and the difference in -their comfort is very apparent. They used to call the Chicago Avenue -Station “Schaack’s Bastile,” but let me say that those saloon-keepers -with their low and contemptible resorts were the real bastile-keepers. -Hundreds and hundreds of men, heads and fathers of families, have been -kept in squalid want by spending their very last cent in these holes, -and their dependents have been left without food, proper clothing or -fuel. I believe in unions for proper objects, but even these should not -be continued for the benefit of such saloon-keepers. - -All these men were great heroes so long as they could hope to enrich -themselves, but when the chief conspirators were locked up in jail, and -liberal contributions were demanded for the defense, their enthusiasm -in the holy cause of Anarchy was considerably cooled. - -While Chicago is regarded as the head center of Anarchy in America, -people of other cities and States should not imagine that the vicious -reds are all in this city. There are plenty of them scattered -throughout the country, and this fact was made quite manifest at the -time the Anarchists were being arrested. Friends of the imprisoned -men came to Chicago from all over the United States, and financial -assistance poured in on all sides. Those who came here were open in -their declarations of sympathy and never attempted to conceal their -actions. - -When these same men were at their homes they did not dare to openly -say a word in favor of Anarchy, because they were few in numbers; but -should there be enough to make a formidable showing, they will throw -off their mask and assume a defiant, menacing attitude. - -These arrivals, just as soon as they became known, were kept under -espionage, and every movement they made was looked after, lest they -might commit some desperate deed. Of course there were a great many -whom the police did not discover, and it is a wonder that, during -the excitement incident to the arrest of so many Anarchists and the -searches made of Anarchistic houses, some diabolical act was not -perpetrated. Possibly they discovered that the omnipresent police were -so thoroughly on the inside of their conspiracy that detection was -inevitable. It is certain that they knew that I had become thoroughly -posted as to the inside workings of Anarchy, and the sound fear which I -was able to inspire by a bold and aggressive policy no doubt acted as a -restraint upon any violent outburst of passion and revenge. - -It was constant vigilance alone that averted trouble, and no Anarchist -of a specially vicious disposition was permitted to feel that his -movements were overlooked or unwatched. For this purpose I had -Anarchists among Anarchists to inform on Anarchists, and all the -meetings were thus kept under strict surveillance. Even private houses -were watched. On one occasion I desired to secure certain information. -One of the private detectives was accordingly detailed to watch the -rear of a certain building from an alley. He was there for two days -without being observed by any one, but on the third day he was noticed -by a police officer. The officer asked him what he was doing in that -locality, and the private responded: - -“I am waiting for a friend of mine who is working in this barn, and I -expect him around soon.” - -[Illustration: THALIA HALL. - -From a Photograph.] - -The officer placed no reliance on the statement, and so he hustled him -out of the alley. The detective walked on a short distance, and, as -soon as the officer was out of sight, retraced his steps and returned -to the place, this time finding a different point for his observations. -He had scarcely thought himself secure from further interruptions, when -the back gate of the next yard opened, and in walked the same officer. -Both were alike surprised. But this time there were no questions asked -and no explanations demanded. The officer promptly seized the detective -by the collar and marched him to the Chicago Avenue Station. The -detective kept his identity to himself, and of course found himself -speedily assigned to a cell over night. On the next morning, as I -sauntered through the lock-up, I discovered my friend in durance vile, -and, promptly looking up the record, found that he had been booked for -disorderly conduct. - -I then returned and told him that, when brought into court, he should -not say anything to the judge, but play the part of a fool and -simpleton. His case came up; he was fined $5 and sent back to the -lock-up. I went to him later, handed him the money, and in half an hour -he paid his fine and left. The detective went back to his post, but the -officer was not put on that beat again. My man worked for about two -weeks and finished his job. - -Of course, the detectives in the case had varied experiences. On -another occasion it was desirable to know what was being done at some -secret meetings held at Thalia Hall, No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. This -was after the trial of the Anarchists had begun. I assigned a few -detectives in that direction, and shortly afterwards the proceedings -might as well have been open so far as the police were concerned. - -My boys had a great deal of fun. They managed to discover a way by -which they secured an entrance under the stage, and at the first -meeting they attended they amused themselves by cutting a hole through -that portion of the stage facing the audience. When they had done -this, they could see all present and hear everything that was said. -Many a night they held to that port-hole and enjoyed the circus on the -outside. They heard many a speech of a threatening character against -Judge Gary, Mr. Grinnell, Mr. Bonfield and myself, and sometimes they -had to listen to some rampant speaker who would depict the pleasure -all Anarchists would enjoy at seeing the funerals of these officials -passing through the streets. Of course, those who were the most bitter -had the least courage, and so long as the auditors only listened to -speeches, my boys were perfectly satisfied that no immediate danger was -to be apprehended. - -I finally learned that some of the Anarchists had become suspicious, -and therefore ordered Officer Schuettler and the others to remain away, -as they would otherwise be discovered. And they would have been. One -day the Anarchists made a careful search of the building, and they -found the hole through which the boys had peeped. They then decided on -a plan. It was that during the next meeting, which they felt certain -some of my boys would attend, a great commotion should be made in the -hall. This would surely bring one of the detectives with his eye very -near the hole. Then one of the Anarchists should stealthily creep up on -the side, suddenly plunge a sharp iron through the hole, and kill the -man within. - -One officer, who proved of great assistance to me, was Charles Nordrum. -He became engaged in the case shortly after the Haymarket riot, and -after a time became a regular attaché of the detective department. -He was born in Norway on the 9th of November, 1858, and had lived in -Chicago since 1868. He joined the police force in November, 1884, and, -possessing a great deal of tact and shrewdness, his services were soon -enlisted in the work of hunting up the red conspirators. He worked at -times with Officer Schuettler, but reported to Ebersold. Both were -known to my officers, but they did not know of my private workers. -Nordrum was especially detailed to look after some meetings at Thalia -Hall, at the Emma Street Hall, in the rear room of Zepf’s saloon, in -the rear room of Greif’s saloon, at No. 600 Blue Island Avenue, and -at the Northwestern Hall, and he did not overlook meetings held in -the cellars of some of the more prominent Anarchists on the Northwest -Side and of others who were in sympathy with the Anarchists. He wormed -himself into the good graces of quite a number of the reds, and was -always kindly received by them. After a time the police stopped the -holding of meetings in some of the halls, and then the Anarchist -sympathizers harbored the reds in their cellars, furnishing candles for -illumination and nail-kegs for seats. On the 5th of July, 1887, Nordrum -was exposed at No. 599 Milwaukee Avenue, and he was at once surrounded -by an infuriated mob. The Anarchists with whom he had associated -attempted to kill him, but the officer, after a desperate fight, -succeeded in reaching the door before any serious violence had been -done him. This, of course, destroyed his further usefulness among them, -but out of his knowledge of the men and their affairs two arrests were -effected. He and Officer Schuettler brought in Emil Wende and Frederick -Kost, members of the Terra Cotta Union. These men had been selected to -buy each member of their group a 42-caliber revolver and one box of -cartridges, and the weapons so secured were to have been used on the -police on the day of the execution. The weapons had been purchased, and -as soon as the principals had been placed under arrest, a descent was -made upon the supply. All the revolvers were captured and brought to -the Central Station. - -[Illustration: UNDERGROUND CONSPIRATORS.] - -Noticing how successfully they had been circumvented in all their -movements, the Anarchists naturally came to the conclusion that -detectives were working in their ranks either in the interest of myself -or of Billy Pinkerton, and they resolved to discover, if possible, the -men so engaged. One day a very intelligent fellow called at my office -and wanted to know if I desired any more men to work for me among the -Anarchists. He stated that he was well acquainted with all the reds, -and, if I would pay him well, he would render good service. - -I called him into my private office, and I closely questioned him. I -learned that he knew a great many of them, and I told him that I wanted -one good man. He then considered himself engaged, and said to me: - -“Now you had better tell me all the men that are working for you and -show them all to me so we can work together.” - -I told him that if he could find out any one of my men I would pay him -$20 a week, and then he might consider himself engaged. He went away, -but he never came back to claim the $20. - -[Illustration: OFFICER NORDRUM.] - -This ruse having failed, the Anarchists devised another. One day early -in August, 1886, they sent one of my countrymen, a Luxemburger, to me. -This fellow began to play his cards very nicely, and sought to carve a -very pretty little path into my confidence, but he had not proceeded -very far before my suspicions were aroused, and he got nothing to -satisfy either himself or those who sent him. While our conversation -was going on one of the officers came in, and, noticing the fellow, -called me into another room. The officer then stated that he had seen -the man hanging around West Lake Street, had seen him drunk frequently, -and had once found him in tears, saying that he had come from Paris, -had seen the downfall of the Commune there, and that now that Anarchy -was suppressed in Chicago all hope for liberty was gone, and he would -be ready to die at his own hands after he should have first killed -somebody. I returned to the office. - -“See here, old fellow,” said I, “I have spies amongst the Anarchists, -but I do not want spies among my own command.” - -The man was then asked if he could do any work, and when he said that -he had not done any work in a long time, I remarked that I had a job -for him. He became interested and wanted to know what kind of a job it -was. - -“It is under Superintendent Felton at the House of Correction, and he -will assign you to work that will keep the dogs from biting you for six -months. You are a vagrant, and I will bring you into court to-morrow -morning and have you fined $100. That will be six months.” - -The man begged piteously to be spared that punishment, and I plied -him with questions. He stated that, inasmuch as he was of the same -nationality as myself, the Anarchists thought he could readily get -into my secrets, and they had forced him to come. I told him that my -officers knew him and had him spotted, and that unless he left the city -by the next day I would have him arrested and sent to the work-house. -He left the station, and I have never seen him since. Since then I -have received a letter from Michigan, saying that if the writer had me -there I would never see Chicago again, as he would find work for me for -awhile, and I am confident that it came from my old friend. - -During the progress of the investigations some curious characters were -encountered. Some sought me, as I have already noted, but in most -instances I had to hunt them. One eccentric genius was especially -noticeable. He had started out with the intention of reading himself -into the Anarchist faith, and for this purpose be became a constant -reader of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and its Sunday edition, the _Fackel_. -For some time he wavered in his opinion, but the more he read the -more he became convinced that there was something in Anarchy. At last -he became so deeply imbued that he almost regarded it a sacrilege to -destroy the copies he had purchased for his enlightenment. He carefully -stowed the papers away in the closet in his room, and when he returned -from work he would open the door and examine his collection much as a -miser inspects his hoard. - -May 4 finally came, and with it the event he had looked forward to so -longingly. But the outcome did not suit him. He noticed that the police -were getting uncomfortably close to his locality, but he did not feel -any special concern until one evening a patrol wagon pulled up in front -of No. 105 Wells Street, near his own domicile. He saw the officers -approaching in the direction of the entrance, and, jumping from his -chair near the window, shouted to his landlady: - -“For heaven’s sake!—the police are coming to search the house—what -will I do? If they come into my room and find my papers, I will be -arrested and locked up as an Anarchist. Let me burn my papers in your -stove.” - -The landlady would not permit it, as she feared arrest as an -accomplice. The young man almost fell on his knees in pleading with her -for permission. Finding his appeals useless, he hastened to his room, -lit a fire in a sheet-iron stove there, and began to burn his whole -collection. His haste was so great that he crammed too many papers -in at once, and the stove became overheated. The wall paper began to -burn, and the Anarchist had to give his attention to moving the bed -and furniture away from the walls. He did not dare to give an alarm -of fire, and yet he saw that the whole room would be in flames in a -few moments. He seized a pitcher of water, emptied its contents on -the wall, opened the door and called for the landlady to come to his -assistance. She responded, and when she saw the situation, she cried -out, “Fire, fire!” He endeavored to make her desist from her cries and -urged her to bring him water. Water was brought and soused all over the -stove and the walls. - -By this time the house was full of smoke, and they opened the window. -An officer in the wagon noticed the smoke, and shouted to some of his -companions that there was a fire next door up-stairs. The young man -overheard this and hastened to tell the officer that it was only smoke -and that no assistance was required. - -The landlady now ran away to escape possible arrest, and the young man -was left alone. He again assured the officer below that the smoke had -all cleared away, and he slammed down the window. - -[Illustration: THE SCARED AMATEUR ANARCHIST.] - -After thus escaping police investigation, the youthful Anarchist felt -happy, and he had reasons to be, as he would certainly have been -arrested, in view of his actions, had the officers ever entered his -room. Others had been arrested under less suspicious circumstances, -and it took some of them a long time to satisfactorily explain their -position. The young man has since become connected with a newspaper. He -may deny this in his paper, but I will never “give him away.” - -While pursuing the investigations, and never losing hope of finding -Parsons, I was one day informed by Officer Henry Fechter that a man who -knew the foxy Anarchist had seen the fugitive at Geneva, Wis., and his -arrest might be easily effected. The officer was a detail at the time -at the Northwestern Railroad depot, and his informant was a reliable -gentleman. I instructed the officer to report his information to Chief -Ebersold, as I was helpless in the matter, having no authority to send -an officer outside of the city limits. That was the last I ever heard -of it. The information was evidently pigeonholed, and Parsons continued -to bask in rural sunshine and enjoy himself until the day he came -into court of his own free will. This was not the only instance of -supine neglect in the Chief’s office and the detective department. I -have already spoken of the case of Schnaubelt, the bomb-thrower, but -there is still another striking illustration. It was shortly after -the selection of a jury to try the Anarchists. The Bonfield brothers -and myself were obliged to be in court nearly all the time, and the -Anarchists on the outside, observing this, began to concoct plots for -taking revenge on the city. In this emergency the Chief decided to go -to California, and, in order that he might have cheerful company, he -invited Lieut. Joseph Kipley, of the so-called detective department, -and Capt. William Buckley, of the First Precinct. - -When Mr. Grinnell heard of this contemplated trip, at a time when, -for the sake of public appearance at least, the Chief ought to have -remained at home, he firmly remonstrated and reminded the official of -his duty. But Ebersold shook his head. - -“I have got my tickets,” said he; “what will I do with them?” - -“Throw them into the lake,” replied Mr. Grinnell. - -But the Chief was obstinate, and he and his party left for the Pacific -Coast. The force was then left in command of Inspector John Bonfield, -who thus had double duty imposed upon him. - -The moment the work of impaneling the jury had begun, the outside -Anarchists began to exert themselves to put some of their own men into -the jury-box. When they found that the State was too vigilant, however, -they next set about to secure such witnesses as could be counted upon -to swear their friends out of jail. Take the evidence of the strongest -witnesses put on the stand by the defense, and the critical, unbiased -examiner will readily discover that many of them were simply perjurers. - -But the labors of the reds were in vain, and when they began to realize -that the jury did not seem impressed with the character of their -evidence, the outside barbarians grew desperate and resolved on a new -line of tactics. - -One day I received a note from one of my men warning me to protect the -jury. The Anarchists, he said, were working out a scheme to injure some -of the jurors, and if they could succeed in that, they were confident -the case would have to be begun anew. If the case ever came up again, -no man would care to risk his life in a trial of the conspirators, and -their brothers would go free. If, however, the State should secure a -full set of jurors, they would give them a dose of dynamite, and that -would certainly end the case. Then they could keep on with Anarchy and -make the capitalists cower before them. This plan, I was informed, had -met the entire approval of the gang. - -I conferred with Mr. Grinnell, and as a result we doubled the watch to -protect the jury. We made it a point also to know when the jurors went -out for a walk or a drive, and, without their knowledge, trustworthy -men were always with them or near them until their return. The hotel -in which they were quartered was only about two hundred feet from -the Criminal Court building, but whenever they came to the court in -the morning, or went to their meals during recess, or left the court -building after each day’s adjournment, twelve detectives along the -line kept vigilant watch of all suspicious characters. Besides the -detectives there were fifteen officers in uniform, and during the last -three days of the trial we even redoubled our vigilance. There were -twenty-five officers on the street, twenty-five more in the court-room, -and twenty-five men about the building. All these men were in uniform, -so that the “cranks” could see them, and it proved to be a very good -precaution. During the night, detectives and regular patrolmen were -watching inside and outside at the jurors’ hotel. - -[Illustration: WATCHING A SUSPECT.] - -On the last day of the arguments, when Mr. Grinnell was closing for -the State, something very suspicious was noticed in the court-room. A -man with a very mysterious air had been seen around the building for -eight days preceding, and it was recalled that he came at varying hours -of the day. On each occasion he held a few moments’ private talk with -some of those Anarchists who had displayed interest in the proceedings, -after which he always disappeared. The parties he generally talked -with were Belz, who assisted in conducting the defense, Mrs. Parsons -and Mrs. Holmes. He was about five feet ten inches tall, about forty -years of age, weighed about 180 pounds, had a round face, short, -stubby, sandy beard and mustache, a nose built on the feminine plan, -large, gray, piercing eyes, and withal he was not a very prepossessing -man. - -During the last hour, when Mr. Grinnell was making his plea to the -jury, this man entered the court-room and took a seat in the front, -right in the midst of the Anarchists’ families. This brought him within -seven or eight feet behind the State’s Attorney. He crossed his arms -over his stomach, and leaned pretty well forward, keeping his hands -concealed under his coat. I was surprised at the fellow’s impudence, -because the court-room at the time was so still that a whisper could -have been distinctly heard all over the room. I sat at a table, with -Mr. Walker to the left and Mr. Ingham to the right, and I called the -attention of these two gentlemen to the mysterious man and his queer -attitude. They watched his nervous actions, and became alarmed lest he -might be there for some vicious object. The man had indeed a desperate -look, but it was thought best not to interrupt the proceedings just -then. Under the strict orders of Judge Gary, everybody was obliged to -be seated in the court-room, and when the seats were full no more were -admitted. This was another good precaution at such a trial. The police -officials had thus a clear view of the whole room. - -At times, whenever there happened to be some severe allusions to the -defendants by Mr. Grinnell, the stranger would twist himself around -uneasily, all the time, however, maintaining his peculiar attitude. Mr. -Ingham remarked that he was afraid the stranger might suddenly jump on -Mr. Grinnell and stab him in the back. Mr. Walker expressed a similar -opinion. I said that he should get no chance to do that, as I would -kill him before he could take one step toward Mr. Grinnell, and at the -same time I got my trusty 38-caliber Colt’s revolver in position where -I could produce it the instant it was needed. We all agreed that this -would be the right course to take. At one time the man looked sharply -at me, and I gave him a savage look right into his eyes. From that time -I kept him busy looking at me. - -As soon as Mr. Grinnell had concluded the man jumped up, drew near -to Belz and spoke to him. Then he turned to a woman and handed her a -paper. Meanwhile I had already called a detective to watch him, and -as soon as the stranger reached the corridor he was searched. Nothing -dangerous was found about his person, but it was impossible to learn -where he lived or what was his name. He would give no account of -himself, and he was taken down stairs and kept there until all the -detectives had taken a good look at him. He was then told to go and -never show himself around the building again. - -On the next morning a revolver was found in the building, and the -opinion among those posted on the affair was that it must have belonged -to the mysterious visitor. He had evidently come with a desperate -determination to shoot some one, even at the sacrifice of his own life, -but, seeing how slim were his chances for getting near his victim after -the close watch kept upon him, he abandoned his intention and dropped -his revolver to destroy any evidence against himself. - -Possibly he may have been simply engaged in playing a “bluff” on his -Anarchist friends, his intention being to make them believe that he had -nerve enough to go right into a court-room and shoot down an official, -and afterwards to excuse his failure by referring to his friends for -proof that he was so closely watched that he had no opportunity to get -near his victim. - -Mr. Grinnell was shortly afterwards informed of the incident, and -he remarked that possibly a “crank” might have been found by the -Anarchists to make an assault that they themselves had not the courage -to undertake. - -As I have already indicated, a great many documents and letters, public -and private, fell into the hands of the police during the searches -made, and from the collection I give a few for the purpose of showing -what kind of a dynamite office was being run by Parsons and Spies. - -The following was found by Detective James Bonfield on Parsons’ desk in -the _Alarm_ office, May 5, 1886: - - Dealers in Marble and Granite Cemetery Work.—No. 193 Woodland Avenue, - CLEVELAND, OHIO, April 29, 1886. - - _Comrade Parsons_:—Providing we send you the following dispatch: - “Another bouncing boy, weight 11 pounds, all are well—signal Fred - Smith,”—can you send us No. 1 for the amount we sent you by telegram. - Please give us your lowest estimate. Also state by what express - company you will send it to us. - -Parsons had nothing to do with either handling or selling dynamite, if -his own statements are to be accepted. Still he and Spies and their -crowd seem to have had a great many inquiries for the “good stuff” -Parsons used to refer to in his speeches, and which he urged his -followers to carry in their vest pockets during the day and keep under -their pillows at night. Another evidence of their guilt was found on -the same day by Detective Bonfield in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, on -Spies’ desk: - - THE ÆTNA POWDER COMPANY, Works: Miller, Ind., Lake County. - _Manufacturers and Dealers._ Office: No. 98 Lake Street, Chicago. - - High Explosives and Blasting Supplies. - ORDER NO. ——. _Sold to Cash._ CHICAGO, October 24, 1885. - - 10 lbs. No. 1, 1¼, $3.50; 100 T T caps, $1.00; 100 feet double T fuse, - 75 cts.—$5.25. - - Paid—Ætna Powder Company, I. F. - -In justice to the company it should be explained that they had no -knowledge of the purposes for which the material was to be used. - -I have already referred to the great courtesy shown Schnaubelt at the -Central Station—how, when he was brought by Officer Palmer for the -third time before Lieut. Shea and the Chief, he was promptly ordered -released, and how he finally and hastily concluded to leave the city -in order to save the detective department any further trouble on his -account. It subsequently transpired that the direction he took was -for the great and boundless West; but in all his wanderings he always -seems to have kindly remembered his friends in Chicago for permitting -him to take so extended a journey. He even wrote back to some of them, -and one letter, which, was put in the possession of Officer Palmer, is -especially worthy of publicity. It reads as follows: - - PORTLAND, OREGON. - - _To the Chief of Police, Chicago_—My Dear Old Jackass: Thanks to your - pig-headed lieutenant, I am here sound and safe. Before this reaches - you I have left here, and the only thing I regret is that we did not - kill more of your blue-coated hounds. - - SCHNAUBELT. - -The following, received by Parsons and Spies, are self-explanatory: - - EUFAULA, April 13, 1886 - - _Dear Comrade Parsons_:—I have received your papers and am very much - obliged for them. Glad that you like my article. I am writing now for - _To-Day_, of London, and for the _Alarm_, and am going to write for - _La Tribune du Peuple de Paris_. Situated as I am now, I can be of no - good but by writing, and I intend to avail myself of it. You may be - astonished if I tell you that I never use the word “Anarchy.” I stick - to the old word “Socialism.” It can be understood and does not require - any knowledge of Greek to make out its meaning. If I was to seek in - the Greek language for a word to express where I stand, I would call - myself an Anticrat, opposed to any kind of crazy notions, democracy - as well as aristocracy. I am for individual responsibility and social - action. I am for liberty, but within society, not above it, and, first - of all, I am for equality of conditions. I want organization first, - revolution second, social economy reorganization third, and abolition - of governmental action last of all. If you could confiscate the - government to-morrow, I would have no objection to use it for a while. - - Anarchism has a very dangerous drift toward individualism, as you may - perceive by reading _Liberty_, of Boston, and individualism is bound - to generate some kind of a crazy notion and end in despotism. Beware - of individualistic Anarchism and stick to the socialistic. - - We are in a state of warfare with all the crazes and must use all the - weapons of warfare within our reach. Our present weapons—strikes and - boycotting—are dangerous, and expulsive if we were to use the ballot. - The workers are the many; the masters the few. Before upsetting the - government, let us try to use it. Mayors, councilmen, aldermen, - governors, and so forth, have a good deal to say about how the police - and militia shall be used, and judges have a good deal to say when - workingmen are prosecuted for claiming their rights. Could not the - workers organize to conquer these offices? What do you think of that? - What do you think of that? - - Salute and Fraternity. - - FREDERIC TAFFERD. - - * * * * * - - WHAT CHEER, KEOKUK COUNTY, IOWA, April 18, 1886. - - _A. R. Parsons, Esq._—Dear Sir: We organized a group of the Lehr und - Wehr Verein in this town on the above date. The organizer was your - comrade John McGinn, of Rock Spring, Wyoming. Inclosed you will find - the amount for the cards—names as follows: - - John H. Nicholson, miner; age, 41 - Arthur Cowrey, ” ” 42 - William Morgan, ” ” 34 - Isaac Little, ” ” 39 - Benjamin E. Williams, ” ” 37 - William Jackson, ” ” 39 - John McGinn, ” ” 29 - William H. Osborne, ” ” 36 - John R. Thomas, ” ” 33 - - I suppose you will need to know who is chief and secretary of the - group. John McGinn is chief and John H. Nicholson is the secretary. - I remain yours, in the care of John H. Nicholson, What Cheer, Keokuk - County, Iowa, Box 697. - - * * * * * - - ST. LOUIS, March 27, 1886. - - _Mrs. and Mr. Parsons_:—We were quite sorry to learn of your - sickness, which prevented you to be with us at the Commune Festival, - while we were just as glad to see that Mrs. Parsons did accept our - invitation. My hope and wish that you are well again for the present. - The Commune Festival was well attended by a large crowd, and it was a - great disappointment for the J. W. P. A. being forced to announce the - absence of the English speaker. I am quite aware that it would have - been a great lift for our principles if Mrs. Parsons could have been - present. However, St. Louis is not Chicago, and the movement is not as - well progressing as in Chicago. No wonder. I have been teached lately - a lesson myself, and therefore withdraw as a member of the group. We - herewith send you a little collection of picture cards, which Mary - had saved up for your children. We intended to send them along with - Mrs. Parsons. Mary has already two large scrap-books full of such - collections. Hail for the revolution. - - Yours respectfully, - J. M. MENTYER. - - P. S.—If you have any old _Alarms_ to spare, I would make good use - of them at present during this railroad strike. I shall soon send - some money again. I also send you the _Chronicle_ so you can see what - declaration the Knights of Labor have issued in answer to Monster - Robber Gould. - - * * * * * - - Personal. PORT JARVIS, N. Y., October 31, 1885. - - _My Dear Comrade_:—Well, I will stay here, as I wrote you. I started - out on a “tramp” to look for a job. I stayed nearly a week at New - Haven and spoke there, though why Liberty should head his letter from - there “Unfortunate for Herr Most,” is more than I can see. I came - here and looked up an old friend, John G. Mills. He proposed starting - a small job book-bindery. He puts in capital and I the skill. That - seems fair; while I will be sure of a mere living for the winter, - there is no guarantee that capital will gain by it. So the timidity - of capital must be overcome. Well, the bargain is this: When I pay - back the advance capital (and until I do so I am not to draw in amount - over $5.00 a week), paid it all, then I am to own half and we will - start equal partners, and he furnishes more capital if necessary on - half paid back. I have agreed, as I believe it is the best I can do, - and it opens a good prospect. It is probable that I will not be very - active in “the cause” here, as every moment will be occupied, but I - am willing to go anywhere within reasonable distance this winter and - give a lecture to any group for mere expenses—car-fare and board—and - believe I could stir up the boys. New Jersey, Pennsylvania and New - York, all three join together here, and any of the three States would - be convenient. I should give a lecture rather than a speech, but it - would be _extempore_. Can’t you drop a line to Philadelphia, or some - point near? Buffalo is nearly as near. - - When I feel like giving you an article I shall mail it, but, of - course, you will use it or lay it over as you feel about it. I think I - can put a point strongly, but do not want to crowd out anything else. - - If you can use me on your paper, draw on me for all the copy you like. - I like the Alarm and think it has improved since last spring. Any - points I can get from French papers, I will give you the benefit of. I - never got that card. Is it contrary to custom? - - Yours truly, - LUM. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - - The Difficulties of Detection—Moving on the Enemy—A Hebrew - Anarchist—Oppenheimer’s Story—Dancing over Dynamite—Twenty-Five - Dollars’ Worth of Practical Socialism—A Woman’s Work—How Mrs. - Seliger Saved the North Side—A Well-merited Tribute—Seliger - Saved by his Wife—The Shadow of the Hangman’s Rope—A Hunt for a - Witness—Shadowing a Hack—The Commune Celebration—Fixing Lingg’s - Guilt—Preparing the Infernal Machines—A Boy Conspirator—Lingg’s - Youthful Friend—Anarchy in the Blood—How John Thielen was Taken into - Camp—His Curious Confession—Other Arrests. - - -THE preceding pages will have given to the reader facts enough to -show the difficulty of the task assumed, as well as the manner in -which we went about the work. One of the greatest of the obstacles -to be overcome arose from the character and habits of thought of the -Anarchists themselves. They heartily hated all law, and despised its -constituted representatives. The conspiracy was well disciplined in -itself, and it had been specially organized with a view to guarding -its secrets from the outside world and protecting its members from the -consequences of their crimes. Thus I soon found that it would require -peculiar address, patience, secretiveness and diligent work to lay bare -the great plot to the world. - -I can find no better place than this to testify to the help given me -throughout the case by Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, whose work -was a most important feature of the result finally brought before the -Criminal Court. - -The protection of society is an interest so momentous that it would -be a false modesty in me to refuse, for fear that I should be charged -with egotism, to analyze the processes by which the conviction of the -confederates in the Haymarket murder conspiracy was bought about, and -accordingly I will now say, once for all, that I believe that careful, -systematic detective inquiry, conducted with some brains and a good -deal of grit, can unravel any plot which the enemies of law and order -and our American institutions are apt to hatch. It will require tact. -It will require intelligence. It may require the hardest and most -persistent work that men may do—but about the result there can be -no doubt. Our government and our methods are strong enough for the -protection of the people and the maintenance of law and order, no -matter how dangerous may seem the forces arrayed against it. - -The various steps taken may be gathered best from the memoranda made -upon the arrest of each Anarchist who had been conspicuous in his -order and who was supposed to know the secret workings of the “armed -sections;” and, in reading the particulars, the general conclusion will -become irresistible that the men who posed as the bloodthirsty bandits -of Chicago became arrant, cringing cowards when they found themselves -within the clutches of the law. In the galaxy of trembling “cranks” -there were a few exceptions, notably George Engel and Louis Lingg, but -the demeanor of the common herd under arrest proved that their vaunted -bravery had been simply so much talk “full of sound and fury.” - -[Illustration: JULIUS OPPENHEIMER’S “DOUBLE.” - -From a Photograph.] - -One of the first arrests which I made was that of Julius Oppenheimer, -_alias_ Julius Frey. This man was a peculiar genius and was possessed -by an unbounded admiration for Anarchists and all their methods. He had -come to America five years before and had been brought up an Anarchist. -He was a Hebrew of a very pronounced type, twenty-five years of age, a -butcher by occupation, but an Anarchist in and out of season. Whenever -he succeeded in securing employment he was sure speedily to lose it -by his persistent teaching of Anarchy, and in some places people -even went so far as to drive him out of town. If fortunate enough to -get work in an adjoining town, he would tell his fellow workmen of -his prior experience and curse what he termed his persecution for -conscience’s sake. Whenever his Anarchist beliefs had been expounded, -he was promptly dismissed, and in one town he was politely informed -that unless he got out in short order he was liable to find himself -hanging to a tree. This sort of thing embittered him still more against -society, and finally he abandoned all attempts to find work. He -resolved himself into a tramp, and, in traveling from place to place, -he sought to convert every other tramp he met to his revolutionary -ideas. - -He soon learned that Chicago was regarded all over the country as the -home of Socialism, its stronghold and citadel, and he made haste to -reach it so that he too could become an agitator, with nothing to do -and plenty to eat and drink. He had been in the city only a few days -when he learned of the Socialistic haunt at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, and -there he soon made the acquaintance of Lingg and other, lesser lights, -whose principal aim seemed to be to loaf around the saloons, guzzle -beer and talk dynamite. This pleased Oppenheimer. He had traveled many -weary days, but at last he had found what he had so long sought. He was -received cautiously at first, but finally with open arms. One night -he attended a meeting at the number given above and heard Engel speak -about killing all the police in Chicago. Oppenheimer was delighted, -and on the adjournment of the meeting he grew very enthusiastic, -threatening to visit dire punishment on both the police and the -rich. He stepped out on the sidewalk, and, just then encountering a -policeman, he ejaculated: - -“You old loafer, you won’t live much longer!” - -The words had hardly been uttered when Oppenheimer found himself -prostrate in the gutter. The policeman passed on, and not one of -Oppenheimer’s comrades dared to come to the Anarchist’s assistance or -proffer sympathy. This was a treatment he had not expected, but he -smothered his wrath and continued to attend all the meetings of the -“revolutionary groups.” He grew stronger every day in the good graces -of his comrades, and at one of their meetings he was asked, along with -others, to secure some of the “good stuff” and bombs. He responded and -secured a substantial outfit. When the 4th of May came he happened for -some reason to be some eighteen miles out of the city, but the moment -he heard of the explosion he hastened back at once and hunted up his -old friends to help them destroy the town. - -On the evening of May 7 he was encountered by Officer Loewenstein at -58 Clybourn Avenue, in Neff’s Hall, and taken to the Larrabee Street -Station. He was put into a cell and kept locked up for about a week. -Gradually it began to dawn upon his mind that he was in trouble, that -possibly the police had secured evidence against him, and so at last he -sent for me. - -“I see,” he said, “that it is foolish to fight against law and order, -but you must excuse me for my actions. I read so much of that Most -trash and other books that I was really crazy. I lost my reason and did -not know what I was doing. Now I will tell all I know, but I will not -testify against any of these people.” - -He was given no special assurances, but he unbosomed himself fully and -became extremely useful in giving needed information. One day he said -that if I would take him out in a carriage he would show where he had a -lot of dynamite bombs planted, and added: - -“Before going after the stuff, I will show you some of the worst -Anarchists in the city, but in doing so I will tell you candidly my -life is in danger. If these men see me they will shoot me on the spot.” - -He was assured that he would be fixed in such a disguise that no one -would recognize him, and, consenting to go under such conditions, -Oppenheimer was rigged out like a veritable darkey. Officers Schuettler -and Loewenstein were detailed to accompany him, and together they -visited Sullivan, Connor, Hoyne, Mohawk and Hurlbut Streets, where many -Anarchists then lived, and where Oppenheimer pointed out the houses of -many notable conspirators. - -Unfortunately, in one of the localities visited, colored people were -very scarce, and it did not take the boys long to discover the sham, -when they at once began shouting, “Here is a lost, crazy nigger,” and -they followed him, throwing bricks and stones. At other times the -officers were obliged to hustle away with their “Hebrew negro,” as they -called him, as soon as possible. They got back to the station about -eleven o’clock that evening, and, entering my office, Oppenheimer was -permitted to view his ebony countenance in a mirror. He was startled by -his make-up and declared that it was most artistically done. - -“Mein Gott, if I was asleep,” he exclaimed, “and wake up, and looked in -the glass, I’d think I was a real nigger.” - -On the next day he was taken by the officers, in a carriage, to Lake -View, about three miles from the city limits, to locate the bombs. It -was a rainy day, and it was no easy matter for Oppenheimer to determine -the right spot, although he kept a sharp look-out. He had planted them -during the night, and that added to the difficulty. Finally he directed -the driver to a grove used as picnic grounds, and they soon reached -the spot. It now rained hard, and lightning and thunder filled the air -with light and noise. Oppenheimer hesitated about alighting from the -carriage. - -“It is dangerous,” he said, “to go near the place. The bombs I have -planted here are all loaded with dynamite, and charged with poisoned -iron, and this heavy thunder may explode them and kill us all.” - -Officer Schuettler said that he himself was familiar with the -properties of dynamite, and assured him that there would not be the -slightest danger. Oppenheimer then became somewhat braver. He jumped -out and beckoned to his companions to follow. They proceeded to the -dancing-platform, in the middle of the grove, and Oppenheimer, having -removed some short boards, making an opening large enough for the -admission of a man’s body, asked Loewenstein to take hold of his legs, -and, when he shouted, to pull him out, adding that when he had been -there before he had had a hard time getting out. Oppenheimer then went -in. On giving the signal, he was pulled out, with one bomb in each -hand. He was thus lowered and pulled out until he had produced thirteen -bombs. They were of the heavy gas-pipe make, loaded with dynamite and -rusty nails, with cap attachments, and ready for use in four seconds. -To show that he had exercised great care to preserve the “stuff” -properly, he asked to be lowered again, and this time he brought to the -surface an oil-cloth table-cover, which, he explained, he had used for -wrapping up the bombs so that “they would not spoil on him.” He also -fished out of the place two large navy revolvers fully loaded. Having -finished, Oppenheimer gave a sigh of relief and remarked: - -“Now I feel relieved. As long as I had these things I always felt that -I must do some damage with them. I had them once in the city (May 5), -and my mind was made up to throw some in the North Side Post-office. I -also had determined to go to the _Freie Presse_ office and blow up that -d——d Michaelis, the editor of the paper. And then I was going to kill -myself.” - -At about this time Oppenheimer possessed two large 44-caliber navy -revolvers and seemed withal a desperate fellow. When the parties -returned to the station he asked me to keep him there until all trouble -was over, and for three months he became quite a character about the -establishment. The defense in the Anarchist trial made several attempts -to secure his release, but Oppenheimer declined to go. He was taken out -frequently for regular exercise by one of the officers, but he always -went in disguise. - -He proved such a valuable aid to the State that State’s Attorney -Grinnell ordered his release, but as he was nervous lest some one -should shoot him on regaining his full liberty, he begged me to -send him to New York City. He was accordingly furnished with money -and clothing and sent away. While he was at the station he gained -twenty-seven pounds and declared he had never been so well taken care -of in all his life. He bade all the officers who were working up -the Anarchist cases good-by and was given safe escort to the depot -by Officer Stift. Some time after his arrival in New York he was -discovered by an Anarchist, who telegraphed to Capt. Black that he was -there if wanted, but the Captain did not seem to specially care for him. - -The information he furnished the State was substantially as follows: - - “I came to Chicago May 5, 1886, in the morning. I went to Seliger’s - house, 442 Sedgwick Street. I know Seliger and his wife and Louis - Lingg. I am an Anarchist. I think the workingmen are not treated right - in this country. I have always attended Socialistic meetings here. - I have attended several meetings where the speakers would call us - to arms and to all kinds of weapons, so that when the time came we - could secure our rights. It was urged that we should be prepared to - fight any one who would obstruct us or oppose our ideas. A meeting - was held at Neff’s Hall on or about last February. A man who lives on - the West Side, on Milwaukee Avenue, and who keeps a toy store—I do - not know his name—was there. He was accompanied by a young lady. Now - that you show me this picture [Engel’s] I will say he is the man, and - he made a speech at that meeting. He told us to prepare ourselves, - and if we were too poor and could not afford to buy arms, he could - tell us about a weapon that was cheaper and better in its effect than - arms. He then spoke of dynamite, but in his speech he always called - it ‘stuff.’ He explained how to make dynamite bombs. He said: ‘Take - a gas-pipe, cut it in the length of six inches, put a wooden plug in - one end, fill it with dynamite, then plug the other end, and drill - a small hole through one of the plugs. In this hole put a cap and - fuse.’ Then the bomb was complete. He also told us of a place on the - West Side, near a bridge, where we could go and steal all the pipe we - wanted. We could then buy the ‘stuff’ and make the bombs ourselves. - I bought seven or eight bombs some time ago from a man named Nusser - or Nuffer, at 54 West Lake Street. The man used to work for Greif. - I paid him twenty-five cents apiece for them. They were dynamite - bombs, and I purchased them at night. I had a little book that told - all about making and using dynamite bombs. I know something about the - armed group. They are not known by their names. They are known by - numbers, so that the police cannot find them out in case they have - done anything wrong. There never would be any more than three in a - job—that is, if there were any persons to be killed. Number one - would find the second man, and this second man would find the third. - No questions would be asked. The first man and the third man are - not supposed to know each other. The first and third would know the - middle man, but in case of trouble, and should there be a ‘squeal,’ - only two parties could be given away, leaving one to get away and - save himself. I have tried some of the dynamite bombs I had, and - they worked splendidly. I also have a big navy revolver. Everything - attempted hereafter will be done according to the instructions given - in a book printed by Herr Most, of New York. Those long gas-pipe - shells I see before me are like one that was shown me at Neff’s - Hall last winter. A man named Rau had it there and showed it to the - boys. I am five years in America, and have always been a Socialist. - On Wednesday morning, May 5, when I heard that there had been a bad - blunder committed by our boys at the Haymarket, and read an article - in the _Freie Presse_ condemning us, I got very mad. I took my five - dynamite bombs and started out to get revenge. My first intention was - to blow up the North Side Post-office. The next place I decided to go - to was the _Freie Presse_ office to blow them up. If I found I was in - danger of being captured, I made up my mind to kill myself right there - and then. Lingg wanted me to cut a hole in the wall in his room to - put away a lot of dynamite bombs and dynamite, but Mrs. Seliger would - not let me do so. A man named Bodendick, a good Anarchist, was well - known by August Spies, and considered a rank conspirator. This is the - man that went to Justice White’s house and demanded $25, threatening - that if he did not get it he would blow up his house. White had him - arrested and locked up in jail, and for this reason Spies did not - want the man known as an Anarchist, but simply as a crazy man. The - Socialists or Anarchists do not care much for Spies or Schwab, but - we have kept them and looked upon them as a necessary evil. I know - a man named Pollinger, a saloon-keeper. He was an agent here at one - time to sell arms, but he did not run things right. He was crooked. - The understanding we had was that, in case of a riot or revolution, - every man should use his own judgment and do as he pleased, that is - to say, commit murder, shoot people, burn buildings or do that for - which he was best fitted, so long as it was in the interest of the - Anarchistic society. The main idea inculcated in the little paper - called the _Freiheit_, which I have read, is that no rights could be - secured until capitalists were killed and houses were laid in ashes. - If we would not take a chance on our lives, we would be slaves always. - I know positively of fifty men, radical Anarchists, who stand ready to - commit murder and to destroy the city by fire whenever they are called - on. I know Lingg well. He is a Socialist and an Anarchist and a very - radical revolutionist. I heard him speak at 58 Clybourn Avenue, and - formed my opinion of him. He told me that Seliger was a coward.” - - [Illustration: WILLIAM SELIGER. - - From a Photograph.] - - [Illustration: MRS. WILLIAM SELIGER. - - From a Photograph.] - - ”“He called me a coward the morning I helped Mrs. Seliger to get the - guns out of the house. That morning I was in Lingg’s room when Mrs. - Seliger brought in a lot of lead and said to Lingg: ‘Here is your - lead.’ Lingg then got mad at her and said: ‘You are crazy.’ He became - very much excited, wrapped up his gun, got ready to move, and wanted - me to conceal his dynamite bombs in the hall. Mrs. Seliger would not - let him do so. Then Lingg was going to carry his bombs out of the - house. He finally got into quite a quarrel with her and started out - to get a wagon to carry away all his things. I told him to hurry up - and get all his dynamite stuff away, also the printed literature he - had, as there was danger that the police would be around to search - the house. He looked at me and called me ‘a d——d fool and coward.’ - Then Lingg asked me to go to the West Side with him, as there was to - be a meeting at 71 West Lake Street. Lingg saw my dynamite bombs. I - had told him of them. I saw two round lead bombs in his room. I had - them in my hands. Lingg told me to be careful and not let them drop, - as they were loaded and might go off. They were dangerous, he said. - I also saw four gas-pipe bombs in his room. Some of them were not - finished. I remember now that Seliger, the Hermanns and Hubner were at - the meeting in Neff’s Hall last winter when Engel urged all men who - had revolutionary ideas to pay attention and he would explain how to - make dynamite bombs. I am glad I am arrested. I now can realize how - near I was to ruin through those d——d fellows making revolutionary - speeches and exciting the people to commit murder. The books given out - by Herr Most are doing more harm among those men than any one can - imagine. I have given you facts, and they are true, every one of them. - I will swear to them.” - -The next arrest was that of William Seliger. When the police had -learned that Seliger’s residence had been used as a bomb factory, we -wanted him. He was a man about forty-five years of age, a carpenter by -occupation, a good mechanic, very quiet and sober, but one of the most -rabid of Anarchists. He had filled various positions in the “groups,” -and always manifested a deep interest in their meetings. He was popular -with his comrades and trusted with all their secrets. He lived at No. -442 Sedgwick Street, in a rear building up-stairs. This was a two-story -frame dwelling, and a great resort for Socialists and Anarchists. -Officer Whalen had searched the house, finding it a regular dynamite -magazine, and, locating his man, telephoned to me that Seliger was -working at Meyer’s mill on the North Pier. Officer Stift and Lieut. -Larsen were at once detailed, in charge of a patrol wagon, to effect -the arrest, and soon the man was produced at the station—May 7. When I -confronted him he stubbornly refused, according to the instructions in -Most’s book, to answer questions, but when he discovered the evidence I -had against him, he broke down and said: - -“Captain, I will tell you all, but for Heaven’s sake do not arrest my -poor wife. I am to blame for all you found in my house, because I kept -that man Lingg in my house against her will—the poor woman! Hang me, -but do not trouble her, for she is innocent, and God is her witness.” - -Seliger then unbosomed himself, telling of all his connection with -the Anarchists since his location in Chicago, and giving valuable -information on all the “groups,” their leaders, their places of -meeting, their purposes, their mode of operations, the character of the -speeches made at meetings, and the manufacture of bombs at his house, -giving the names of all calling or taking part in their manufacture. -He gave the most important points the State had to work on, and -every detail he furnished was fully corroborated by other parties -subsequently arrested. He was in the confidence of Lingg, and was also -a _particeps criminis_ in the manufacture of the bombs, and gave, -therefore, no hearsay statements. What was found in his house and the -character of his information are fully shown in his testimony, given in -a later chapter, as well as that of the officers during the memorable -trial. - -After telling what he knew, Seliger was released, on the 28th of May, -with instructions to report every day at the Chicago Avenue Station. - -Mrs. Seliger was also arrested. She was a small woman about 38 years -of age. She was found at No. 32 Sigel Street on the morning of May 10. -She readily consented to accompany Officer Schuettler to the station. -Mrs. Seliger showed plainly that she had not been in sympathy with her -husband in his revolutionary ideas, and proved a prompt and willing -witness, demonstrating before she got through that she had done -incalculable service to the people of the city. - -It was in her house that Lingg made his bombs, and when I questioned -her she gave me a great deal of information concerning the man and -his methods. All the statements she made and her testimony in court -did not vary in the slightest details, even under the most rigid -cross-examination. She was found to be a very industrious woman, a -neat housekeeper, and she was highly esteemed by all her neighbors. -She related how she had lived in misery ever since her husband began -to take an active part in the Anarchist meetings, and she stated that -after Lingg came to live in the house she had not seen a pleasant hour. -She had often remonstrated with her husband and pleaded with him not to -attend the meetings, or read any of the Anarchist papers, but to remain -at home with her. - -Seliger was so completely carried away by the doctrines of Johann Most, -Spies and the others that he refused to listen to his wife. The moment -he got into trouble, however, he became very penitent and readily -accepted her advice in everything. - -Mrs. Seliger’s experience on the 4th day of May, when she witnessed -the preparation of the bombs, she described as terrible. There she was -forced to remain all day, she said, seeing eight men working on the -murderous weapons, some making one kind of bombs, some another, others -fitting them and loading them with dynamite, and others again putting -on the caps and fuse. Throughout the whole operation she was obliged -to listen to their bloodthirsty conversation, how they would blow up -the police stations, patrol wagons and fire-engine houses, kill all the -militia, hurl bombs into private residences, and murder every one who -opposed them. - -Mrs. Seliger viewed affairs differently and told the conspirators that -there were more chains than mad dogs. Another thing they overlooked, -she said, was their own families, and should they carry all their -threats into execution their families would be made to suffer to the -end of their days in misery and want. Remonstrances, however, were -useless. - -They worked until dark, and then they separated to meet in the evening -at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. Her husband and Lingg ate supper, and -then the two put a lot of the bombs into a satchel and started for -the designated place. Lingg carried the satchel down stairs and was -followed by Seliger. - -This was a trying moment, but Mrs. Seliger proved equal to the -emergency. Just as Seliger reached the third step, she grasped his arm, -threw her arms about his neck, and, like a loving, devoted wife, asked -him for God’s sake not to become a murderer. - -“If you ever loved me and ever listened to me when I spoke,” she -whispered fervently into his ear, “I want you to listen to me now. I -don’t ask you to stay at home, but I want you to go with that villain -and see that he does not hurt any one. Restrain him from carrying out -his murderous ideas. If you do this, I will creep on my knees after you -and will be your slave all my life.” - -[Illustration: A NOBLE WOMAN’S INFLUENCE. A KISS THAT PREVENTED -BLOODSHED.] - -These tender words touched a sympathetic chord in the heart of Seliger, -and he promised to do as she had requested, while she sealed the -promise with a loving kiss. As subsequent events and his testimony -in court proved, he faithfully carried out that promise, and by that -injunction of his wife and that fervid kiss of a true woman, hundreds -of lives and millions of property were saved. - -From the time they left the house until their return, Seliger never -left for a moment the side of Lingg. During the evening Lingg was -continually prompted by his own treacherous heart to throw bombs, now -at a passing patrol wagon, then at some residence or into a police -station, and invariably Seliger had some handy reason to proffer why -such an attempt would be inopportune at the moment. Lingg finally -became suspicious and upbraided Seliger for being a coward. The night -passed, and the only harm Lingg did was indirectly in the explosion -of one of his bombs at the Haymarket, to the prospective happening of -which he frequently alluded during the evening. - -It is my deliberate opinion that, had it not been for this intervention -of Mrs. Seliger, hundreds of people would have been killed, and -probably one-half of the North Side destroyed, that eventful night. - -After giving considerable information to the police Mrs. Seliger was -released, but kept under strict surveillance. - -Seliger faithfully carried out his instructions to report at the -station daily for two weeks, and then he suddenly disappeared. Officer -Schuettler was detailed to visit his home to ascertain the cause, and -was there informed that Seliger had mysteriously left. - -“Why,” inquired Mrs. Seliger, “don’t you know where he is; did you not -arrest him again?” - -On being answered in the negative, she stated that it had been her -intention to call on me that afternoon with a view to finding out -something about her husband. - -It looked like a case of concealment, and Mrs. Seliger was therefore -taken to the Larrabee Street Station. She immediately desired to see -me, and, when I called, she informed me that three days before her -husband had said: “I am going away. Don’t ask me any questions. You -will hear from me later,” and then bade her good-by. - -She was under the impression that since leaving her he had been at the -Chicago Avenue Station. I thought it a ruse and subjected her to a -severe examination. I asked her who had been to see them and whether -they had not received money from certain lawyers or others. But Mrs. -Seliger could tell no different story from that she had already given, -and she finally volunteered the guess that possibly her husband had -been frightened away. - -“If you will only allow me to go,” she earnestly pleaded, “I will -neither eat, drink nor sleep until I find him.” - -I was now satisfied that she was in earnest, and, having confidence -in her, I ordered her release. But from that moment she was watched -night and day, more closely than ever. It was found that she visited -many houses in various parts of the city, and when these places were -immediately afterwards called upon by the detectives it was ascertained -that she had invariably inquired for her husband and urged those who -knew him to tell him to come home if they should happen to meet him; -that she was weary of life, and if he remained away much longer she -would not be responsible for any act of hers on her own life. - -After several days’ ineffective search, Mrs. Seliger received a letter -from her husband asking her to call and see him. She hastened at once, -with a throbbing heart and a light tread, to my office. I asked her -if she would work under my instructions, and she promptly consented -to do everything in her power to help the police. I had come to the -conclusion that it would be no easy matter to find the slippery -Seliger, but that, if he was not discovered that day, we might at least -get on his track. - -Mrs. Seliger was accordingly told to wait in the office a few minutes. -Two men were sent for, men whom the woman would not know. I instructed -them to slip through a side door and get a good view of her while -unobserved. A carriage was then ordered, and the driver directed to -take the woman to whatever place she might desire, and remain with her -even all day and all night, if required. Mrs. Seliger stepped into the -carriage, and the horses were soon in a sharp trot. But the conveyance -was not alone. No sooner had it started than the two men I have spoken -of jumped into a buggy and followed the carriage south, keeping it in -good view all the time. - -The first stop made was at a place on West Thirteenth Street. There -Mrs. Seliger had to identify herself first, and thence she was directed -to a place some four blocks away. Arriving there, she was sent on to -Sixteenth Street, and again sent to Twelfth Street, near the limits. -She was here subjected to a great many questions, and after she had -fully proven her identity she was taken to the next house and led into -a dark bed-room, where she found her husband. She remained there about -three hours, and then, under direction of her husband’s friends, was -told to drive to several other places in order to throw any detectives -that might be watching off the scent. She did so, but the two men had -kept a close watch and were not to be baffled. - -When the carriage had started for home, one of the officers returned -to the place where she had tarried so long. He represented to the -occupants that he was working for Salomon & Zeisler, attorneys for the -imprisoned conspirators, to whom Seliger had written a letter, and that -in accordance with the request they had decided to protect him and his -friends. - -“Seliger,” said the officer, “is here, and I want to talk with him.” - -The occupants admitted that he had been there and had had a talk with -his wife, but that he was at the time on his way home with her. - -Mr. and Mrs. Seliger called at the station the next afternoon (June 8). -Both entered smiling, but it was quite apparent that Seliger was very -nervous. - -“Captain,” said Mrs. Seliger, “we are both here.” - -“Yes, madam,” I replied; “I am glad you are both here—on your own -account.” - -“Captain,” again spoke Mrs. Seliger, “I want my husband to testify in -court against that villain Lingg. He ruined my home. He is the cause of -the slaughter of all these people. He is the cause of the sufferings -of the women and children whose husbands and fathers attended the -Anarchist meetings. Now, Captain, you see I have been faithful to my -promises. I have done as I agreed. You have my husband; he is in your -power. You can do with him as you please, but for God’s sake spare his -life.” - -Mrs. Seliger had scarcely finished her appeal when she swooned away. -She had for days been wrought up with intense excitement and haunted -with terrible forebodings. The climax was reached when she had executed -her commission, and, trying as had been the situation for nights and -days, she had courageously borne up in order that she might atone the -wrongs her husband had committed despite her most earnest entreaties, -and to help in some way to extricate him, who had so cruelly wronged -her, from the meshes into which he had madly and ignorantly rushed. -Her keen judgment and innate sense of right had swept aside every -consideration of the apparent security his concealment might have given -him, and her whole soul was centered in his delivery to the authorities -that he might not eventually be found and sent to an ignominious death -on the gallows. That was her hope, and, much as she longed for his -safety, she had bent her whole energies to seeing him brought out of -concealment and placed where there might at least be a chance for -his life. The struggle had been intense, and it culminated when she -so pathetically asked that her husband’s life might be spared. Her -emotions then were at their highest tension, and as she recognized the -fact that he was now at the complete mercy of the law, from which he -had sought to escape, she could bear up no longer. - -A physician was immediately sent for, and after applying restoratives -it was found she was quite a sick woman. A carriage was summoned, and -she was sent home. - -Seliger was detained at the station until after the trial of the -conspirators. Mrs. Seliger was a frequent caller after that trying -day, and remained with him much of the time, cheering him and seeking -in every way to lighten his burden, like a true, devoted and loving -wife. In a subsequent conversation the circumstances in connection with -her visit to her husband at his place of concealment were learned. -It appears that at first he emphatically declined to accompany her, -and then gave his reasons. One day, while on his way to report at the -station, he was met, he said, by a stranger, and threatened that if he -ever went near the station again, or sent word verbally or by note or -letter to me, both he and his wife would be murdered in cold blood. -The threat made a marked impression on his mind. He returned home, -but made no mention of it to Mrs. Seliger. He knew, he said, that the -threat was meant, and, thinking to save his wife, he concluded to act -on the warning and place himself in concealment without her knowledge. -He left, as already stated, and decided to keep under cover to await -results. - -He called first at the house of a widow named Bertha Neubarth, No. 1109 -Nelson Street, Lake View. This was a small cottage, with a basement -used as a tailor-shop, and, thinking it a secure place, he remained -there a few days. Then he went to the house of a friend, named Gustav -Belz, who lived near McCormick’s factory, and remained there several -days. His next move was to a house on West Twelfth Street, near the -city limits, and there he remained until discovered by his wife. -The letter he had sent to her was mailed by a trusted friend named -Malinwitz, and the purpose he had in sending it was to ascertain if -matters had changed any and if I was angry over his sudden departure. -On meeting his wife, the first question he asked was as to whether the -police had been watching their house, and, on being answered in the -affirmative, and informed that she had even been locked up again, he -asked for particulars and the cause for her release. - -“Capt. Schaack,” she said, “let me out in order to bring you back.” - -“I often felt sorry,” answered the husband, “for going away, but I will -never go back.” - -His wife insisted that he must go back, and said: - -“I told the Captain that I would come and see you. The Captain said -that he would give you six hours to return, and that if you did not -report to his office within that time, he would surely find you and -prosecute you for murder. Your chances for hanging, he said, were very -good, and you need look for no mercy at his hands. He also said that -he had your picture ready, to send out for your arrest on sight, and -that it would be useless for you to hide or run away. I saw the picture -myself, and the Captain intends to publish a large reward for your -arrest.” - -“I believe all you say,” said Seliger, struggling with his feelings, -“but what would you prefer, seeing me shot or killed by assassins, or -hung by law?” - -“All these cowards making threats,” replied the wife, “will be -arrested. The station-houses on the North Side are now full of the -murderers. I know the Captain will take care of us, and, if you are -arrested, you will have no one to help you or do anything for you; -then you are sure to hang. You had better come with me to Captain -Schaack.” - -He consented, and she sent word that they would be at the station -the next day. Seliger gave himself up, and Mrs. Seliger redeemed her -promise. The sacrifice, in view of the uncertainties of the time, -seemed great, but had it not been for the honesty and persistency of -that true woman, Seliger to-day would lie in an unhonored grave. Both -proved strong witnesses at the trial, and shortly after his release -they left the city. Reports from them show that he has been cured of -Johann Most’s crazy notions. He now denounces Anarchy both in America -and Germany, in which latter country he and his wife were born. He has -applied himself to legitimate pursuits as a law-abiding citizen, and is -prospering. - -Seliger, during his interview with me, recounted his connection with -the Anarchists as follows: - - “About three years ago I noticed an article in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - that the North Side group would give lessons to all who desired, in - the English language. I went to Neff’s Hall and I was there told - that the school was only for members, and that, if I wanted to join, - I could do so. I did, and a year afterwards I was elected financial - secretary. In looking over the books, I found that the group had 206 - members, the most of them being in arrears, but no one ceased to be - a member on account of it. I found also that there was a great deal - of wrangling and trouble among the members. One faction claimed to - be revolutionary, as they were at war with capital. This contention - drew the lines pretty sharply, and the Socialistic movement commenced - to take a sharp character. Stellmacher, I believe, was executed in - Vienna. It was on Monday, if I am not mistaken, in the month of - August, 1884. My group decided to commemorate the event and glorify - the man. They had posters printed, and about twenty men went to - work to post them, especially in the vicinity of the churches. From - that day they began talking force and dynamite. At every meeting, - Stellmacher’s name was mentioned and his deeds glorified. Some held - that Stellmacher was simply a burglar and murderer, having burglarized - the premises of Banker Eifert at Vienna and killed one of his - children. Rau and Lange were always quarreling over this question. - Lange maintained that it was a shame that any Socialist, Communist - or Anarchist should burglarize and murder under a pretext of getting - money for the cause. Every member, he said, could get enough money - in an honest way to swell the fund for agitation and the destruction - of capital. Lange said that he was not opposed to the killing of - capitalists in the right way, but he did not want to see children - killed. Rau would uphold a contrary view. He held that it was all the - same, capitalist or child, and said that the children of the rich - would grow up only to learn how to enrich themselves at the expense - of the working people. Schnaubelt favored murder and thought that it - would be best for the Anarchists to form into groups of four or five - with a view to killing any one who would work against the laboring - people’s agitation. One or two suddenly removed would not arouse - suspicion. - - “A cigar-maker named Hoffman became a member of the North Side - group, and he was never satisfied with the rules, as he regarded - them too lenient. He wanted the whole International Working People’s - Association made an armed body, but Schwab and Hermann opposed it, - as they said that the Lehr und Wehr Verein filled that part of the - bill. Hoffman subsequently withdrew from the group and the military - organization. He as well as Polling and Hermann wanted the Anarchists - to give a commemorative entertainment on the anniversary of the Paris - Commune, in March, 1885, and of the clubbing of the working people - of Philadelphia by the police. His idea was that rifles should be - discharged, and then a woman personating the goddess of liberty - should throw a chain away from her body. In this way the three men - believed that the agitation for securing arms could be greatly helped. - The committee for the celebration of the Commune opposed this plan, - especially Neebe and Rau. Neebe held that the celebration of the - Commune as generally planned by the committee was for the express - purpose of making money to help agitation, and the other features were - not necessary. Hoffman endeavored to carry through his plan, but he - was knocked out. After some further wrangling he left the group and - permanently kept away. At another meeting Rau said that he desired to - bring dynamite into the meetings and show how it was manufactured, but - no definite action was taken. - - “At the beginning of last year [1885], a man named Deters declared - that he was an Anarchist and was very loud in his declarations, but - he was afterwards expelled for stealing tickets from the Central - Labor Union. Poch always claimed to be a Communist, and he became - unpopular on account of a dereliction. Haker was also a Communist, but - he was expelled on account of being in arrears $3 as a member of the - Southwest group. Then Lingg became a member, and from that time served - as president of that group. He was always in hot words with a man - named Hartwig. During the beginning of April we got quite a number of - new members, and they all became strong agitators in the cause. I knew - as members of the armed sections Schlomeker, a carpenter; Stahlbaum, - a carpenter, lieutenant of the first company; Petschke, secretary of - the same company; Kitgus; the Riemer brothers, one a carpenter and - the other a painter; Ted, a carpenter; Rau, Bak, Hirschberger, the - Hermann brothers, all members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein; the Hageman - brothers; the Lehman brothers; Messenbrink, a carpenter; Stak, a - tinsmith; Lauke, Feltes and Kraemer, all carpenters, and Siebach and - Niendorf, carpenters, living in Lake View. With these two exceptions - and those of Lenhard and Krueger, who belonged to the Northwest group, - all I have mentioned lived on the North Side. There were also Classner - and Sisterer, who belonged to the Southwest group. I know a great many - others who belonged to the armed forces, but I don’t recall their - names. They all carried revolvers. All I knew about bombs at that time - was what I heard Lingg say, that the Northwest group and the Southwest - groups and the Bohemians were well supplied with them. Among the - Bohemian Socialists I only know Mikolanda and Hrusha and three more - whose names I can’t remember. - - “At a meeting last winter [1885] of the North Side group, Neebe stated - that it was time that every comrade should supply himself with arms - and should lay bombs under his pillow at night and sleep over them. - Every one should practice so as to know how to handle them when - necessary. Every workingman, he said, who is down on capitalists, - should kill every one of them, and they should not neglect the - police and the militia, because they were hired and supported by the - capitalists. He said that he himself would kill one of these loafers - and would not turn an eye on him. One in the audience, a barber, - whose name I don’t know, said that there were some among the militia - and the police who would join them in case of an uprising and cited - as an instance that during the riots of 1877 he had spoken to some of - them and they had told him that they would not shoot at the strikers. - Neebe declared that it was all the same. ‘A man employed by the - capitalists,’ he said, ‘is my enemy, even though he is my brother.’ In - case of an uprising, he said, every revolutionist should use force on - every corner and on the sidewalks, and should throw dynamite wherever - these loafers stood or walked. - - “The casting of one bomb Lingg had was made of sheet-iron, and - the man who manufactured it was shown to me at the office of the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. Then Lingg had another casting made out of iron, - which he had made at some iron foundry. I saw him have dynamite twice - in a cigar-box. Before this he said to me that he had seen Spies at - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, and that Spies had told him that he - would give him dynamite. This was about two months before the 4th of - May. Friday preceding that day Lingg received a box, 1 × 2½ feet in - dimensions, from the West Side, at the hands of a man whom I took - to be a Bohemian. Lingg always liked the Bohemians. With a view to - learning this man’s address I walked over to the West Side, and I - found that he had moved to No. 661 Blue Island Avenue. One evening - two others came to see Haker, and Haker told them, as I entered, - that I was Seliger. One of them I knew, his name being Kaiser, a - carpenter, and the other was a strongly built man of medium height - and bow-legged. They were a little embarrassed and said that they did - not know what to say under the circumstances. I asked them if they - had bombs, and Haker spoke up and said that he would not say anything - about it, even to his brother, as he expected a search would be made - of his house. But he said they would find nothing, and the other - two confirmed his story. It was stated that every one should buy a - book, which could be had at cost price, giving directions about the - manufacture of dynamite, which could also be purchased very cheap. - The North Side group bought one of these books. I was so informed by - Thielen, who had seen it. - - “A short time after this I was elected a member of the central - committee, with four other delegates from the North Side group, who - were Neebe, Rau, Hermann and Hubner, and as long as I was a member - Neebe and Rau were continued as delegates to that committee. Spies was - at the head of it. I attended seven of its meetings, and at one of - our sessions, during the West Side street-car drivers’ strike, Spies - said that we should take part in that strike. In case the strikers - should resort to force against the company and the policemen who - protected it, Spies said that he had a few bombs on hand, and he would - distribute some of them to people whom he knew. At the same meeting - it was proposed that a meeting should be held on the lake front the - following Sunday, but there was some opposition to it. Spies, however, - declared that the meeting should be held and that every one should - be present, well armed. Then, in case the police should interfere - to disperse the gathering, they should send them home with bloody - heads. The meeting was held, but there was no interference. Spies - also proposed that meetings of the committee should be held every - evening at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office during the strike, to hear - grievances, and that, whenever necessary, special meetings should be - held of the various groups. The leaders in the committee were Spies, - Rau, Neebe, Hermann, a man named Walter, of the American group, and - a small man from the Northwest group with an illuminated nose, who - was a very intimate friend of Spies. This man was the founder of the - Freiheit group. - - “Just preceding this car strike, Haker, who belonged to Carpenters’ - Union No. 1, was a strong advocate of the use of dynamite. At one - meeting he told some of the members to wait till after adjournment, as - he explained that he desired to show them something very interesting. - They remained, and he produced a ball of clay, having two parts joined - together and a cavity in the center. He told them that he manufactured - them, and if any one desired any they could get them from him at a - dollar each. I then left. - - “Subsequently I called upon Secretary Lotz and asked for the book of - membership of the North Side group. I found that Charles Bock was - its financial secretary; Hubner, librarian; and Rau, delegate to - the central committee, which position he held almost continuously. - Abraham Hermann was also a delegate and agent for the sale of arms - to the whole organization. The principal speakers at our meetings - were Schwab, Feltes or Veltes, Neebe, Grottkau and (while living - in the city) Kraemer. During 1885 an Austrian, whose name I don’t - remember, spoke very often, but he is now at the Jefferson Insane - Asylum. Fischer is one of the founders of the North Side group and - always spoke most strongly in favor of Anarchy. Rau, an employé of - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, Lingg, Schnaubelt and Emil Hoffman, the - cigar-maker, also spoke frequently. Hoffman claimed that he was a - great friend of Most and one of the founders of _Freiheit_ of London. - He had lived in London several years and was an active member until - he left our organization, as I have already stated. Hermann would - sometimes take the places of speakers who might happen to be absent - from some of the meetings. Hirschberger, of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, - and Menz, a carpenter, born in America, generally participated in some - of the discussions. - - “A man named Kiesling was a member, and after my liberation from the - station I was informed by Haker, Kaiser and another man that he had - helped a member to escape arrest. Commes, or Commens, had shot and - wounded two Jews, and Kiesling was delegated to take him in an express - wagon to Lake View, where he turned him over to some members of the - Southwest Side group, who then assisted him in effecting his escape.” - -Seliger then gave a number of names of members who belonged to the -groups he was most familiar with, as follows: - - “_North Side Group._—Asher, a mason; Turban, carpenter; Huber, - carpenter; Heuman, railroad laborer; Stak, cornice-maker; Reuter; - Habitzreiter, of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_; Kasbe, shoemaker; Menge, - carrier of _Arbeiter-Zeitung_; Hoelscher, carrier of same paper; - Jebolinski, carpenter; Behrens, shoemaker. Members no longer with - group: Wichman, a saloon-keeper, expelled from Berlin, Germany; Ammer, - book-binder; the Thiesen brothers, one a shoemaker and the other a - carpenter, and Polling. - - “_Northwest Side Group._—Blume, carpenter; Elias, carpenter; Fischer, - Engel, Lehnhard, Breitenfeld. Blume and Elias left because they were - quarreling all the time with Fischer, and they founded the Karl Marx - group. - - “_Southwest Side Group._—Scholz; Fehling, cigar-maker; Kaiser, - carpenter; Haker, carpenter; Schoening.” - -The next arrest was that of JOHN THIELEN. Thielen was a man about 37 -year of age, born near the city of Coblentz, Germany, a carpenter by -occupation, and a rabid “red,” living in Chicago at No. 509 North -Halsted Street. He had been an Anarchist in the old country, and there -had divided his time between talking up the social revolution and -running a small grocery store, until business had got so dull that he -was obliged to sell out. He then fell back upon his trade for a living. -Much as it went against his grain to labor, he had no alternative -except to starve. It occurred to him that the stronger a Socialist -he became the less hard work he would have to do, and he accordingly -availed himself of every opportunity to talk on his pet hobby. At last -the officials of Emperor William got after him, and, packing up a few -things, he emigrated to America, reaching Chicago about five years -before his arrest. He had been here only a short time when he learned -that there were a number of men in the city who talked to workingmen -about the shortest way to get rich without work, how to have a good -time playing cards, drinking beer, attending picnics and balls, wearing -good clothes, and smoking good cigars. This struck Thielen’s fancy, -and he concluded that at last he had found the place he had longed -for during many years. He decided to identify himself with these men, -and accordingly made haste to attend all their meetings. It was not -long before he proved himself as good an Anarchist as the rest of the -leaders. His wife also had become imbued with his doctrines, and had -grown indeed more positive than her husband. - -[Illustration: JOHN THIELEN. - -From a Photograph.] - -They had a son, 15 years of age, a tall, slim fellow. Nothing would -satisfy the mother except his induction into the order. After the -stripling had become a member, she was still unsatisfied; he must join -the Sharpshooters. This the boy did, and thus he fell in with the most -rabid of the Anarchists—into the very crowd that gathered in secret -session at 63 Emma Street on Sunday, May 2, at ten o’clock in the -morning, to hear Engel unfold his murderous plan. - -The youth was a close listener and an ardent admirer of the leaders. -He also attended the Haymarket meeting, and went there for a purpose. -It appears that the order had established, in furtherance of this -conspiracy, a line of runners, composed of all the young men who were -swift and light of foot, the object being to furnish means of rapid -communication between a “commander” and his men. For instance, in -the execution of Engel’s plan, a number of Anarchists had gone to -Wicker Park, some to Humboldt Park, and others to Garfield Park, on -the evening of May 4. Their instructions were to stand ready to obey -orders, and, on receipt of a signal, to advance into the city and shoot -down all who opposed them. The “commander” attended the Haymarket -meeting, accompanied by young Thielen, and it was his intention, the -moment the proper signal was given, to despatch the boy on his mission. -The boy was then to start on a keen run to a certain place, where he -was to meet another runner; the second was to take the message to a -third, and so on until the men posted at the parks were reached. - -Fortunately, however, young Thielen missed his “commander” when the -bomb fell and the shooting commenced at the Haymarket. The boy then -lost his courage, like his superior, and applied his speed to getting -home as fast as possible. - -Young Thielen had been selected because of his supposed coolness. He -had been a great favorite of Lingg’s, and had been in that worthy’s -room on that very afternoon up to 7:30 in the evening. He had even -helped to load dynamite bombs there. When the work had been completed, -Lingg had distributed a lot of the dynamite left over to his friends -present. Three boxes had been given to Thielen and the boy, and the -“stuff” was subsequently found buried under their house, together with -fire-arms and ammunition. - -When trouble finally surrounded the Thielen household, the wife -and mother showed true grit. On being shown the evidence of their -complicity in a conspiracy, she neither flinched nor quivered. - -“Our whole family are Anarchists,” she defiantly remarked, “and what of -it? Try your best, you can’t scare me!” - -The son was ordered by the officers to come with them to the station, -and as they left the house Mrs. Thielen said to him: - -“I want you to brace up and be firm, as you have been taught by your -comrades. This is for a good cause. Bear it all like a man.” - -The boy was taken to the Larrabee Street Station and put under -cross-fire. He was decidedly firm at first, but after he had become -involved in a number of false statements and shown that the police knew -a good deal about him, he looked at every officer in the station and -asked: - -“If I tell all I know and tell the truth, what will you do with me?” - -He was informed that such a course would be the best for him and that -it might afford him a chance to get out of his troubles. This satisfied -the youth, and he gave a long and strong statement, which others -subsequently corroborated. He then explained that he had been misled -into reading all sorts of nonsense on Anarchy. He had eagerly studied -all books on the question, and, being encouraged by his parents, had -taken a deep interest in all the meetings. He worked whenever he could -find employment, but at all times his mind was centered in the success -of the cause. - -He was detained at the station only a few days, and then released on a -promise to hold himself subject to the orders of the State and testify -when called on. But the State did not need his evidence, and soon -thereafter I secured him employment in a factory. He is still at work -and is now proving himself an exemplary youth. - -The father proved a rather elusive individual after the police began -searching for him. But at the time of Mrs. Seliger’s arrest he ventured -too near the Chicago Avenue Station. It was on the morning of May 12 -that a man was noticed in the company of two women. The man remained on -the outside at a good distance, but the women entered the court-room of -the station and sat there for some time, watching the prisoners brought -before the magistrate. The women asked no questions of any one in the -room, and it was soon discovered that they had no business there. -Officer Loewenstein approached them and asked if they had come to see -Mrs. Seliger. One replied that they did not know her. - -“But,” interposed the other, with some hesitancy, “is she here?” - -“I can’t tell,” remarked the officer. “I was going to make some -inquiries, but as you do not know her, it will save me the trouble.” - -“Say, young man,” said one of the women, who was getting interested as -well as curious, “what is your business here?” - -“Well, madam, I am known here as a ‘straw-bailer.’ I go bail for all -people who pay me well, and I am all O. K. with the police. If you want -anything done for Mrs. Seliger, you must be very careful here. Don’t -let the police know your object. As you are Germans, I will not charge -you anything for my trouble, if I can do anything for you.” - -“Well, we will talk to you later,” they said. “Can we remain here for -awhile?” - -“Oh, yes; I will take care of you so that no one will disturb you,” -replied the officer, in a patronizing tone of voice. “By the way, when -I came to the station this morning, I saw you standing at the corner -talking to a gentleman with black whiskers, and he is now standing -across the street. If he is a friend of yours, I will call him in here.” - -“Oh, yes,” responded the women, “he is our friend and a friend of Mr. -and Mrs. Seliger. He is a good man.” - -“What is his name? I will call him in at once.” - -“His name is John Thielen. He lives at No. 509 North Halsted Street and -is all right.” - -Officer Stift meantime had kept his eye on the individual across the -street, with instructions not to arrest him so long as he hovered -about the station, but, in the event of his going away any distance, -to take him in charge. The man at no time went far from his post; he -was too anxious to hear from the women. The moment Officer Loewenstein -had secured the information about his identity, he posted across the -street, and, hailing the man, said: - -“John, I think you have been ‘ransacking’ around here long enough. Come -with me; the boys want to see you.” - -“Who are the boys?” inquired Thielen. - -“Capt. Schaack,” answered the officer. - -“I don’t want to see him or have anything to do with him.” Thielen was -surprised as well as indignant. - -“Well,” said the officer, “he would like to make your acquaintance.” - -“You tell him that he don’t know me and I don’t know him; so what the -d——d does he want? Good-day, I am going home.” - -“You must come in first and give an account of yourself.” - -“I am a good man; I am not afraid.” - -He went to the station rather reluctantly, still with an air of -innocence and bravery. The moment he stepped inside the office, I said -to him: - -“John, you are an Anarchist. You are one of the rioters. You were at -the Haymarket meeting. You knew about the bombs. You are under arrest.” - -“I am no Anarchist,” responded John, rather warmly. “I am a carpenter.” - -“Yes,” said I, “you are both, and you live at 509 North Halsted Street. -I have no time now to talk to you. Whenever you want to see me send -word by the turnkey.” - -On the second day, John sent word that he wanted to see me. He was -taken up into the office, and there he asked what benefit it would -be to him if he told all he knew. He was informed that we would -expect him to tell only the truth and not lie about any one or shield -any one who was guilty of wrong-doing. If he did all this honestly -and conscientiously the State would, no doubt, reward him for his -information. Thielen assented to the proposition, but he told very -little at this interview. He was brought up again the next day, and -from the questions put he soon discovered that some one had been -telling the truth about him. - -“Now I will tell you all I know,” he said, “and let it fall where it -belongs. What I say I will swear to. I see every one is trying to get -out. First I will tell you what I did myself, and then what the others -did.” - -He accordingly made a long statement, but as substantially the same -facts were brought out in the trial by other witnesses, he was never -called on to testify. Since then Thielen has abandoned Anarchy and is a -better man. - -The statement Thielen made runs as follows, and it will be noticed by -reference to the trial proceedings that, had he been a witness, he -would have fully corroborated the testimony given by Seliger and his -wife. On being shown, at the station, some round lead bombs, he said: - - “I saw Louis Lingg have twenty-two pieces like these in his room. They - were not all finished. I saw them when they were being cast. They - were in halves and placed in Louis Lingg’s trunk. If that trouble - had not occurred at McCormick’s factory that Monday, they would not - have been finished yet, but after that trouble with the officers he - completed them. That is, he loaded them with dynamite, ready to be - used. I never knew of any one or heard of anybody who could make - these bombs except Lingg. I had two of these gas-pipe bombs, loaded - with dynamite. I got them from Lingg, and I threw them away as soon - as I got them. There were only a few left of these long ones. There - were seventeen pieces loaded at Seliger’s house. Bonfield had better - look out for himself, as these bombs are for the most part made for - him, and he will get one yet. He was shooting the people during the - West Side car strike and at McCormick’s. I promised to give you the - round bombs that I had, but, as I said, I threw them away and out of - danger. I will tell you, before all these men, that these two iron - shells now lying before me at this table I got from Lingg at his - house, No. 442 Sedgwick Street, on May 4, 1886. He gave them to me, - and I took them along home. They were loaded, and there was a fuse - in each of them. This was Tuesday night, May 4, 8 o’clock. The very - same night he also gave me those two cigar-boxes here now before me, - filled with dynamite. He wanted me to take them and throw them in the - alley. He said they were empty, but I saw that they were filled. They - were too heavy to be empty. I took them home myself, together with my - boy. We buried them under our house. The last time I saw any bombs - was at Florus’ place, where a search was made by the police. I would - have given up those bombs to you to-night if you had not found them. - In these boxes is finished dynamite ready to be used. I know Seliger - had charge of selling arms. We paid $7.00 for a revolver and $10.00 - for a gun. I saw Lingg and Seliger at Seliger’s house, Tuesday, May - 4, at about 8 P.M., and 9:30 P.M. I saw them together at Larrabee - Street. There were twenty-two lead bombs that I saw in Lingg’s room. - They were made on a Sunday afternoon. Lingg, Seliger and myself made - them. They had been cast about two weeks before Tuesday, May 4. I saw - in a satchel in Lingg’s room about fifteen pieces of these long iron - shells, on Tuesday, May 4. There were also some round lead bombs, and - they were all loaded. The time I was in Lingg’s room, May 4, I saw - one man take along with him, when he left, three round lead bombs - loaded with dynamite, and Lingg gave those bombs to the man himself. - I know the man, and I, John Thielen, will get them from that man and - give them to you this evening. After what happened at the Haymarket - on that Tuesday evening, May 4, you could not hear of any one having - bombs in their possession. I should judge that two men more received - from Lingg six round bombs loaded with dynamite. In Greif’s Hall, - 54 West Lake Street, on the evening of May 3, at the meeting there, - Lingg said to the people present that he would furnish the dynamite - bombs if any one would throw them. I told him to throw the bombs - himself. Then I said to Lingg that it would cost a man his life to - throw them. Lingg replied that no man could see any one throw one of - them. He said if necessary he would throw some. He also stated that - if any one would come to him he would show him how to make bombs with - dynamite. I saw Lingg and Seliger together at Thüringer Hall—Neff’s - place—58 Clybourn Avenue, on the evening of May 4. Lingg had a - satchel. The satchel was placed near a little passageway leading to - the ‘gents’ closet.’ It was a gray canvas-covered satchel about two - feet long, one foot wide and one and a half feet high. Seliger, Lingg - and myself went away together to Clybourn Avenue. We then went up on - Larrabee Street, at 9:30 P.M. I left Lingg and Seliger at the corner - of Clybourn Avenue and Larrabee Street. The satchel was brought by - Lingg to Neff’s Hall that night, and any one there could help himself - to bombs. Lingg said to some people: ‘There are bombs in that satchel, - and now help yourselves.’ These words were spoken in the saloon of - Neff’s place to a crowd of armed men.” - -The above confession was given on the 14th of May. On the next day -Thielen was brought face to face with Lingg—with what results the next -chapter will show. On the 16th of May Thielen supplemented his first -statement with additional particulars. He said: - - “On Tuesday, May 4, 1886, about 9:30 P.M., myself and old man Lehman - were together on the corner of North Avenue and Larrabee Street, near - the police station, and afterwards we went back to Neff’s Hall. Three - men came into the saloon and said that there had been a terrible - explosion on the West Side at the Haymarket meeting and that a great - many were killed and wounded; that Fielden had made a speech, and a - radical one. The police came, and a shot was fired. Some one in the - crowd said: ‘Now, do not spare powder or lead.’ A friend of mine got - shot through the cheek. The man works for Mr. Christal, corner of Lake - and State Streets, in a basement—a carpenter-shop. That man stated - that he was there at the meeting, standing near the speaker, and about - fifteen feet away from where the bomb was thrown. The understanding - with us when we left Neff’s Hall on that Tuesday night, May 4, was - to make a racket that would call out the police. It was a failure - because the West Side police did not come out any sooner to interfere - with the meeting or the mob. The grudge we had was the score of the - police shooting our men at McCormick’s factory. We wanted revenge. - The order came from the International armed men or the group. I was - at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street, May 3. I there saw a circular - calling for revenge. I was at the meeting Monday night at Zepf’s Hall, - and there an order was given for the armed men to go to 54 West Lake - Street, in the basement. The pass-word to get into that meeting was ‘Y - komme.’ I went there to the meeting. I found George Engel there, and - he made a speech. The whole plan was then unfolded by Engel. He said - that there would be a meeting held on Tuesday night, May 4, at the - Haymarket, and that the North Siders should stay on the North Side, - and there they should wait until it had started—meaning the riot - on the West Side. Engel said that some of those who had arms should - come to the meeting, and those who had no arms should stay away from - the meeting at the Haymarket. At the meeting in the basement a man - by the name of Waller was chairman. George Engel did the speaking. - There were about fifty men present belonging to the armed sections. - Engel explained that the plan would have to be worked in this way: - As soon as they had commenced on the West Side, then they should - commence on the South Side and the North Side. Engel stated that - the signal would be a fire which would be set, and seen at Wicker - Park, and by the noise of the shooting. That would be the signal for - commencing, and they should all attack the police stations; should - throw dynamite bombs into the stations, to either kill or keep the - officers in the stations, and should shoot the horses on the patrol - wagons to prevent the police from helping one another. Engel is the - man who proposed this plan. Engel is the only man that gave us any - orders. And under the orders Engel gave us that night, May 3, in that - basement, 54 West Lake Street, we started out May 4 on the North Side - to do harm—that is, to shoot and kill anything that opposed us. The - word ‘Ruhe’ in the ‘Briefkasten’ was adopted at our meeting May 3. It - was to be used as a signal word. If it should appear the next day in - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, then every man was to be ready with his arms - or guns; that then the riot would commence, and they should watch for - the signal. ‘Right and fest’ were passwords for the armed men should - there be any fighting at McCormick’s. With the signal they should all - come out with their bombs and arms, no matter whether it happened in - the day or in the night. They should attack the armed officers of the - law and the State militia. All of us armed men thought at one time - that the police would not fight us, because they were all married - men, and if they should fight us they would not do it so very hard. - The plan was to call out a meeting first and have no speakers there. - The police would then come and drive us away. They then should fire - on the police. There were a lot of armed people at the meeting, I - know. But the police did not interfere, so they got speakers at the - meeting. Finally the police came out, and the mob did what they had - agreed to do. Afterwards fault was found, and they said the North - Siders were cowards. When Spies and others were arrested, the armed - men all said that, should anything happen to those men, there would be - a riot. In reference to the report about the shooting of six of our - men at McCormick’s factory, I will say that what I saw and read in - that circular calling for revenge made me mad at the officers. At that - meeting Engel called on us to take revenge on the police officers, - because they had killed six of our men. There were about seventy-five - of us, so far as I know, on the North Side, to do the work on Tuesday - night, May 4, and Lingg was mad because there were no more men coming - after bombs. At Neff’s Hall Tuesday night, May 4, we all looked to - Lingg as a leader of the North Siders. I know of no one else who could - make bombs. Some one found fault with Lingg at Neff’s Hall on Tuesday - night because he came so late with his bombs. Then Lingg asked why - they had not come after the bombs. They all knew, he said, where he - lived. Lingg was very angry. Schablinsky lives near me, and he got - bombs from him. There were about nineteen men in the vicinity of the - Chicago Avenue Station on the night of May 4, to attack the station - when the police should come out on the wagons to answer a call from - the West Side Haymarket. The men, seeing all this, lost their courage - because the police, they said, passed them so quick, and then they - said to one another, ‘Why should we attack and lose our own lives - for the sake of others?’ When the wagon was gone, they saw lots of - officers coming on foot to the station. Then the men went away. The - North Siders, the armed men, were to meet in Neff’s Hall May 4, in the - afternoon. I was at Thalia Hall, Northwest Side, where the Lehr und - Wehr Verein met, on Wednesday, May 5, in the forenoon. I saw Fischer, - and he said Spies and others had been arrested. I always knew that - Fischer was one of the leaders in this affair—the riot. Fischer said - the riot was a failure. It was botched, and nothing could be done any - more. On Tuesday afternoon there was a tall young fellow at Lingg’s - room about six o’clock. He had a smooth face and was about six feet - tall. The tall man and Lingg were working at the bombs and dynamite. - The tall man, I think, worked at Brunswick & Balke’s factory.” - -The foregoing was read to Thielen and its correctness acknowledged -before Mr. Furthmann, the officers and myself, and his signature -is affixed to the margin of each sheet of the paper on which it is -written. Thielen’s stepson, William Schubert, confirmed the statement -of his father with reference to the dynamite bombs and the cigar-boxes -filled with dynamite, and added: - -“I went under the house and dug a hole in the ground, and father and -myself put those things in the hole and then covered them up.” - -ABOUT the time of Thielen’s arrest Officers Hoffman and Schuettler ran -across FRANZ LORENZ on North Avenue near Sedgwick Street, in the very -stronghold of Anarchy, and as the man seemed to be suffering from an -over-dose of Anarchy and liquor, they took him to the station. This -was on the 10th of May. He was a German, 48 years of age, and lived -with a man named Jaeger, at No. 31 Burling Street. He did not seem -to be known much in Socialist circles, and no one seemed specially -interested in him. He was locked up at the Larrabee Street Station, and -for four days he was as stupid as an owl. He would eat and drink very -little, but managed to sleep every day. On the sixth day he was taken -to the Chicago Avenue Station and remained there two days longer before -he recovered his normal condition. When brought into the office, he -told me that he had been drinking very hard, and, being asked for the -reason, he said that he had attended many Anarchist meetings, had heard -all the speeches and had learned that soon they would all have plenty -of money. Whenever such assurances were given, it always, he said, -made him feel so good that he would go and get one more drink. Between -speeches and drinks, he said, he had come near dying. He assured me -that if he was released he would go right to work and give Anarchy and -all meetings a wide berth. On being questioned as to his acquaintances, -he said he knew “all the boys”—the leading Anarchists—and had admired -them warmly. - -“I heard Lingg speak,” said he, “and he is a good one. I tell you he is -a radical.” - -“I suppose,” said I, “you took two drinks on his speech?” - -“Yes, I took more than that,” replied Lorenz. “The last time I heard -Lingg speak in Zepf’s Hall, I went and got drunk. On May 4, I heard all -the boys speak on the wagon at the Haymarket, but I did not stay there -until it was over. I went into a saloon a block away from there and got -drunk in no time, and when I woke up the next morning I was in bed in -one of the cheap lodging-houses.” - -Not knowing anything definite, he was released by the State’s Attorney, -and he has not since been heard from. He has probably retired to some -other city to renew his drunks at Anarchist headquarters on the free -beer usually provided. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - - Completing the Case—Looking for Lingg—The Bomb-maker’s Birth—Was - he of Royal Blood?—A Romantic Family History—Lingg and his - Mother—Captured Correspondence—A Desperate and Dangerous - Character—Lingg Disappears—A Faint Trail Found—Looking for Express - Wagon 1999—The Number that Cost the Fugitive his Life—A Desperado - at Bay—Schuettler’s Death Grapple—Lingg in the Shackles—His - Statement at the Station—The Transfer to the Jail—Lingg’s Love - for Children—The Identity of his Sweetheart—An Interview with - Hubner—His Confession—The Meeting at Neff’s Place - - -WITH the information already obtained we had managed to secure a -pretty clear insight into the diabolical plots of the “revolutionary -groups.” It was apparent that Chicago had been regarded by Anarchists -everywhere as the head center of Socialism in America, and that it had -been decided that here should be the first test of strength in the -establishment of the new social order. Any reasoning, sentient being -ought to have seen the utter folly of such an undertaking in the very -midst of millions of liberty-loving, law-abiding citizens, but these -Anarchists, hypnotized as they were by the plausible sophisms and the -inflammatory writings of unscrupulous men bent on notoriety, could view -it in no other light than as a grand stride towards their goal. As boys -are led astray by yellow-covered literature, these poor fools were -crazed by Anarchistic vaporings. Day or night, sleeping or waking, the -beauties of the new social order to be inaugurated by the revolution -were continually before their minds. - -It was clear that such people were capable of desperate deeds, and that -it was not only necessary to bring to justice the instigators of the -massacre, but to show their deluded followers the inevitable result of -carrying out ideas repugnant to our free institutions and inconsistent -with common sense and right. - -With so many facts before us, we redoubled our efforts to capture every -dangerous Anarchist leader in the city, and the next one to fall into -the toils was no less a personage than the bomb-maker, Louis Lingg. - -This notorious Anarchist came to Chicago when about twenty-one years -of age. He had learned the carpenter’s trade in Germany, and when not -engaged in spreading Anarchy’s doctrines, he pursued that calling to -liquidate his board bills and personal expenses. He was a tall, lithe, -well-built, handsome fellow, and, while not of a nervous disposition, -his nature was so active and aggressive that he never appeared at -rest. Sleeping or waking, Anarchy and the most effective methods of -establishing it were uppermost in his thoughts. By reason of his very -restlessness it was not difficult to trace him in Socialistic circles -when on his tours of agitation, and it was noticeable, too, that he -never remained at any one point for any regular length of time. His -make-up was a queer combination of nerve, energy and push. His mind -seemed always weighted with some great burden. Perhaps there was a -reason for this not alone in his radical beliefs, but in his blood and -birth. - -[Illustration: LOUIS LINGG, THE BOMB-MAKER. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -Louis Lingg was born in Schwetzingen, Germany, on the 9th day of -September, 1864, and, while his childhood was spent pleasantly enough, -a cloud gradually gathered which overshadowed his life and embittered -him against society. His mother, at the age of eighteen or twenty, had -worked as a servant, and, possessing a very handsome face, a shapely -figure and attractive manners, had caught the eye of a Hessian soldier -in the dragoons. This man was young, dashing and handsome, and mutual -admiration soon ripened into undue intimacy. One day the soldier left -town on short notice—whether because of military orders or through -his own inclination is not known. It is certain, however, that she -never heard of him from that day, and that a son was born to her out of -wedlock. That son was Louis Lingg. The name of that dragoon has never -been made public, but it is believed with reason that Lingg was born of -royal blood. - -Several years after her escapade the mother wedded a lumber-worker -named Link. Louis was then four years old. When young Lingg had -arrived at the age of twelve, his foster-father, while engaged in his -occupation of floating logs down the river Main, contracted heart -disease, through over-exposure, and died. The widow was left in poor -circumstances, and she was obliged to do washing and ironing in order -to support herself and family, a daughter named Elise having been born -since her marriage. - -Louis, in the course of years, grew strong, robust and muscular. He -had received a fair education, and, desiring to relieve his mother’s -burdens as much as possible, he learned the carpenter’s trade under the -tutelage of a man named Louis Wuermell in Mannheim. He remained there -until May 13, 1879, and then, quitting his apprenticeship, proceeded -to Kehl, on the Rhine. There he found employment with a man named -Schmidt until the fall of 1882. He next went to Freiburg, in the Grand -Duchy of Baden, where he worked for several contractors. At this place -he began to change his employment frequently, and his mother, learning -of it, wrote several letters, in which she advised him against such a -course and admonished him to become a good man, to save his money and -keep out of bad company, so that he might become useful to himself and -to society and make her proud of him. But the son did not heed this -motherly advice. He fell in with free-thinkers who were set against -religion in particular and against society in general, and soon began -reading and absorbing Socialistic literature. It was not long before he -became an avowed Socialist, attending Socialistic meetings and eagerly -listening to all the speeches. - -[Illustration: LINGG’S TRUNK. - -From a Photograph.] - -Finally young Lingg grew weary of Baden and wandered to the republic of -Switzerland. Here he spent the fall of 1883 at Luzerne, working at his -trade with a man named Rickley, but his roving nature soon brought him -to Zurich. - -It was there that he met the famous Anarchist Reinsdorf, and for this -man he speedily formed a warm attachment. While in Zurich Lingg also -affiliated with a German Socialistic society called “Eintracht,” and -threw his whole soul into the cause. After a time he turned up at -Aarau, but here he was unable to find employment and had to write -home for assistance. The mother loved her son dearly, despite his -wanderings, and he did not appeal to her in vain. She wrote him -enclosing a small sum of money to help him bridge over his idleness, -and at the same time informed him that she had again married (August -6, 1884), her second husband’s name being Christian Gaddum. This man -had been a neighbor of the family at Mannheim for years. In writing to -her son, Mrs. Link indicated that the marriage was not prompted by love -or admiration, but came about on account of her feeble health and her -desire to secure support for herself and her daughter. Louis’ mother -had frequently expressed a wish that he visit home, but, as the boy had -now reached the age for military service under the German Government, -he concluded to remain away, and in casting about for a permanent -location he decided to emigrate to America. He presented the matter to -his mother. At first she opposed it, but finally gave her consent. -With what money he secured from his mother and from his friends, he -proceeded to Havre, France, in June, 1885, and boarded a steamer for -the United States. - -After the wayward boy had left home, he and his mother corresponded -regularly. She always expressed deep solicitude for his welfare, and -when he was in financial distress she would write him: “Dear Louis, I -will share with you as long as I have a bite in the house.” All her -letters breathed encouragement; she sent money frequently, although at -times in need herself, and concluded invariably by giving good counsel -and urging Louis to write her soon and often. When Lingg had arrived in -the United States the fond mother wrote him that she would soon be able -to send him money enough to come home on a visit. - -That Lingg had great love and affection for his mother is evidenced by -the fact that he had carefully preserved all her letters from the time -of his leaving home until he died a suicide’s death. From these letters -it appears also that Lingg had several lady admirers at home. - -[Illustration: COILS OF FUSE. - -Found in the secret bottom of Lingg’s Trunk. - -From a Photograph.] - -There were many expressions, such as “kindest regards” or “heartiest -respects,” conveyed to him by his mother on behalf of this or that -lady friend. Another fact made apparent by the letters was that there -was some great burden on his mind. It would seem that he had plied -his mother with many questions respecting his birth. That seemed a -dark spot in his life. He wanted a solution as well as satisfaction. -This worried the mother, but she always managed to give him some -consolation, saying she “would guard against everything” and have “all -things set right.” In one of her letters occurs the following: - - As regards your birth, it grieves me that you mention it. While - you did not know it before, I will now say that you were born in - Schwetzingen on the 9th day of September, 1864, at your grandfather’s - house, and baptized. Where your father is I don’t know. My father - did not want me to marry him because he did not desire me to follow - him into Hessia, and as he had no real estate he could not marry me - in Schwetzingen according to our laws. He left and went, I do not - know where. If you want a certificate of birth you can get it at - Schwetzingen any time. If you make a proper presentation everything - will be all right, but don’t hold on six months. - -The original of the above, which is in German and which was found in -Lingg’s trunk, had no signature. Another letter regarding his paternity -reads as follows, showing that Lingg’s mind had been sorely distressed -over the matter: - - MANNHEIM, June 29, 1884. - - _Dear Louis_:—You must have waited a long time for an answer. John - said to Elise that I had not yet replied to your last letter. The - officials of the court you cannot push. For my part I would have been - better pleased if they had hurried up, because it would have saved - you a great deal of time. But now I am glad that it has finally been - accomplished. After a great deal of toil, I put myself out to go to - Schwetzingen and see about the certificate of your birth. I know you - will be glad and satisfied to learn that you carry the name of Lingg. - This is better than to have children with two different names. He had - you entered as a legitimate child before we got married. I think this - was the best course, so that you will not worry and reproach me. Such - a certificate of birth is no disgrace, and you can show it. I felt - offended that you took no notice of the “confirmation.” Elise had - everything nice. Her only wish was to receive some small token from - Louis, which would have pleased her more than anything else. When she - came from church, the first thing she asked for was as to a letter - or card from you, but we had to be contented with the thought that - perhaps you did not think of us. Now it is all past.... I was very - much troubled that it has taken so long [to procure certificate], but - I could not help it. I have kept my promise, and you cannot reproach - me. Everything is all right, and we are all well and working. I - hope to hear the same from you. It would not be so bad if you wrote - oftener. I have had to do a great many things for you the last - eighteen years, but with a mother you can do as you please—neglect - her and never answer her letters. - -The certificate sent him reads as follows: - - -CERTIFICATE OF BIRTH. - - No. 9,681. - - Ludwig Link, legitimate son of Philipp Friedrich Link and of Regina - Von Hoefler, was born at Schwetzingen, on the ninth (9th) day of - September, 1864. This is certified according to the records of the - Evangelical Congregation of Schwetzingen. - - SCHWETZINGEN, May 24, 1884. - - [SEAL.] - - County Court: CLURICHT. - -To the letter of Mrs. Link, given above, no signature appears, but that -is not strange. What seems more singular is that, whenever her letters -were signed, they closed with simply “Your Mother.” Another thing -appears from the above, and that is that at home Louis’ name was Link. -Other documents, some of them legal, also found in his trunk, show that -his name was formerly written Link. His name must have been changed -shortly before leaving Europe or just after reaching the United States. - -It would seem that, with such a certificate, Lingg would have -been measurably happy, but the fact of his illegitimacy, despite -court records, rankled in his blood. The thought of it haunted -him continually, and no doubt it helped to make him in religion a -free-thinker, in theory a free-lover, and in practice an implacable -enemy of existing society. His mother’s letters showed that she wished -him to be a good man, and it was no fault of her early training that -he subsequently became an Anarchist. She still lives at the old place, -and when Lieut. Baus, of the Chicago police force, was on a visit to -Mannheim, some time ago, he called on her and found her very pleasant -and affable in her manner, with a strong, robust constitution, and -still a good-looking woman. - -No sooner had Lingg reached Chicago than he looked up the haunts of -Socialists and Anarchists. He made their acquaintance, learned the -strength of the order in the city as well as in the United States, and -was highly gratified. At that time the organization was not only strong -in numbers, but it fairly “smelt to heaven” in its rankness of doctrine. - -Lingg was not required to look around very hard for the haunts of -Anarchy, for a blind man could plainly see, feel and smell the disease -in the air. Lingg arrived here only eight or nine months before the -eventful 4th of May, but in that short time he succeeded in making -himself the most popular man in Anarchist circles. No one had created -such a _furore_ since 1872, when Socialism had its inception in the -city. - -[Illustration: COMPOSITION BOMB. - -Found in Lingg’s room, ready for use.] - -The first organization to which Lingg attached himself was the -International Carpenters’ Union No. 1. Every member of this society -was a rabid Anarchist. All of them had supplied themselves with arms, -and a majority of them drilled in military tactics. Lingg had not been -connected with the organization long before he became a recognized -leader and made speeches that enthused them all. While young in years, -they recognized in him a worthy leader, and the fact that he had sat at -the very feet of Reinsdorf as a pupil elevated him in their estimation. -This distinction, added to his personal magnetism, made him the subject -for praise and comment, which pleased his vanity and spurred his -ambition. - -Men longer in the service and more familiar with the local and -general phases of Anarchy at times reluctantly yielded to him where -points of policy were at stake. No committee was regarded as complete -without him, and this brought him in contact with August Spies and -Albert Parsons. He was often at the office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, -which was the headquarters of the governing body, with reports and -suggestions, and by his admirable tact soon won their esteem and good -graces. He there also made the acquaintance of Fielden, Fischer, -Schnaubelt, Rau, Neebe, Schwab, and of some of the more noted women in -the Anarchist movement. He was frequently complimented for his work -and became quite a favorite with the ladies. - -When Lingg first became actively identified with the party of -assassination and annihilation here, he was cautious and secretive. -He knew that secrecy in the old country was not only essential to -success, but absolutely requisite for self-preservation. He supposed -that the same sort of tactics prevailed here, but when he saw how bold, -aggressive and open were the utterances of the Anarchists in Chicago -and elsewhere, he came to believe that the government and the municipal -administration existed simply through their sufferance. At first, -whenever Lingg was doubtful on any point, he would seek knowledge and -inspiration from Spies, and it was through Spies that he gained his -information of the movement in the United States. They became firm -friends, and Lingg implicitly believed everything Spies told him, and -looked, as he informed the police officers, upon every line published -in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ as absolutely true and correct. While not -able to read English, he regarded all papers printed in that language, -as well as in the German, not of the Socialistic faith, as published -for the benefit of capitalists and millionaires. They were all, in his -estimation, stupendous frauds, and existed simply because they printed -such lies as pleased the rich and those in power. Being a man of -sincere convictions and earnest zeal, Lingg won the confidence of his -confrères and always knew just what was going to be done and how it was -to be accomplished. He was a faithful ally and was invariably counted -upon to take a leading part in all the movements of the reds. How he -was regarded by his fellows in this respect is shown in the fact that -to him was intrusted the task of organizing the people of the Southwest -Side and directing their plans against the McCormick factory. - -[Illustration: CAST-IRON AND LARGE GAS-PIPE BOMBS. - -From Photographs. - -The long bomb in center weighs five lbs., and was thrown at a patrol -wagon on Blue Island Avenue, but failed to explode. The round bombs -were lined on the inside with a coating of cement saturated with a -deadly poison.] - -His communications, which I have given in a prior chapter, to the -Bohemians and others in that locality, show that he was bent on riot -and destruction, and in that mad and frenzied movement he had the -hearty coöperation of the colleagues who had with him concocted it at -the office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. They alone knew of it, and worked -out the details at a meeting held near the factory on the 3d of May. -Lingg, being braver and more daring than the other leaders, was the -chosen instrument to inspire the men to an attack upon the works, and -he subsequently claimed that he had been clubbed by the police during -the affray. - -During the turbulent and momentous days preceding May 4, Lingg’s -comrades saddled upon him a great responsibility, but he never -flinched. On the contrary, he proved the mettle of his make-up, not -only volunteering to carry out certain ends he himself outlined, but -cheerfully assuming every task imposed upon him and always willing to -take all responsibility for the consequences. He was found on the North -Side actively engaged in calling Anarchists to arms, on the Southwest -Side endeavoring to form a compact body of fighters in view of the near -approach of May 1; he was busy at Seliger’s house constructing bombs, -and at meetings giving instructions how to make infernal machines. His -work was never finished, and never neglected. At one time he taught his -followers how to handle the bombs so that they would not explode in -their hands, and showed the time and distance for throwing the missiles -with deadly effect; at another he drilled those who were to do the -throwing, instructing them how to surround themselves with friends so -that detection by an enemy would be impossible. - -[Illustration: GAS-PIPE BOMBS. - -Found in Lingg’s Room. From a Photograph.] - -All these things kept him busy, but his whole soul was in the work. He -was not alone a bomb-maker; he also constituted himself an agent to -sell arms. He sold a great many large revolvers and rifles. This is -shown by a note found in his trunk, addressed to Abraham Hermann. It -reads as follows: - - _Friend_:—I sold three revolvers during the last two days, and I will - sell three more to-day (Wednesday). I sell them from $6.00 to $7.80 - apiece. - - Respectfully and best regards, - L. LINGG. - -At this time Hermann was the general agent in this city for buying and -selling arms to the Anarchists. Engel had been an agent at one time, -but the men claimed that he had fleeced them, and he was dropped. - -Lingg thus proved himself a very useful man to the order. He could make -an effective speech; he was a good organizer; he could make bombs with -dynamite whose power had been enhanced manifold through his skill; -he would carry hand-bills, and he would do anything to help along the -cause. In truth, he was the shiftiest as well as the most dangerous -Anarchist in all Chicago. - -[Illustration: GAS-PIPE BOMBS, WITHOUT FUSE. - -Found in Lingg’s Room.] - -Having been a pupil of Reinsdorf, Lingg was an opponent of all -peaceable agitation. He believed in organizing armed forces and -conquering everything by main force. He had no love at all for those -who talked peaceable agitation; he called them fools and cranks. Of -this class were the old-time Socialists, and he looked upon them with -haughty disdain. He found better material to work on for helping him in -the revolution he proposed, and, although he molded many an Anarchist -out of the softer clay of humanity, still he was not satisfied, but -complained continually that they did not move fast enough, did not take -hold with celerity and failed to develop such heroic qualities as he -wished to see. The restless spirit within him, his implacable hatred -of society, tinged with the bitterness of his doubtful birth, and his -strong impulses manifested themselves in all his acts and utterances. -An illustration of these traits is the impatience he exhibited over the -failure of trusted men to come early to the house of Seliger to secure -bombs on the evening of May 4, and his departure with the bombs to -Neff’s Hall to have them speedily distributed. Another example is found -in the bitter reproaches he heaped on those who had failed to carry out -their part after the inauguration of the Haymarket riot. His hopes, his -ambitions, had been set on the successful consummation of that plot. It -was to have overthrown all government and all law, which he declared -were good enough for old women to prevent them from quarreling, but -needless for men of intelligence and independence. - -For four weeks prior to the 4th of May he was out of work, but he -was by no means idle. He worked early and late attending meetings -and making bombs, so that, the moment the signal for the general -revolution was given, every member of the armed sections might be -supplied with the destructive agent. He wanted the whole city blown -up, every capitalist wiped off the face of the earth; and he and his -trusted comrades, Sunday after Sunday, in anticipation of the uprising, -practiced in the suburbs with rifles and 44-caliber revolvers. -Lingg became the most expert of them all and was looked upon by his -associates as a crack shot. - -Lingg’s money and time were freely given to the purchase of arms and -to the manufacture of dynamite bombs. His room at Seliger’s became -a veritable arsenal, and, the more deadly “stuff” he brought into -the house, the more pleased he became, and the more bitter grew the -enmity of Mrs. Seliger toward him. How careful and elaborate were -his preparations for the coming day is not only shown by the deadly -implements found in his room, but is evidenced in the statements of -his trusted lieutenants. These statements—made to me by men anxious -to save themselves, prostrate suppliants for mercy, whose every -material revelation was corroborative of the others, although given -independently and under different circumstances and without knowledge -of what others had said—unmistakably pointed to a most gigantic -conspiracy. Read any of these statements, and no doubt can exist that, -had it not been for the hand of Providence on the night of May 4, -thousands of people would have been killed and vast districts of the -city laid waste. Lingg expected it as certainly as he believed in his -own existence at the time, and his intimate comrades bent all their -energy in the direction of carrying out the villainous plot. - -[Illustration: UNFINISHED GAS-PIPE BOMBS. - -Found in Lingg’s Dinner-Box. From a Photograph.] - -But “the best laid plans of mice and men gang aft agley,” and the -Haymarket riot proved a most bitter disappointment. Lingg was fairly -beside himself with chagrin and mortification. The one consuming desire -of his life had utterly and signally failed of realization. He clearly -foresaw dire trouble in consequence of the attempt, and his mind was -bewildered with perplexities as to his future movements. On the night -of May 4, about 11:30 o’clock, when the full truth of the failure of -the riot had flashed upon him, he stood in front of No. 58 Clybourn -Avenue, not knowing exactly whither to turn for refuge from possible -arrest, and, while in this dilemma, he broached the subject to Seliger, -finally asking to be permitted to remain at the house over night until -next morning, when he promised he would move away. He was without a -cent in his pocket, having squandered all his money in the manufacture -of bombs, confident of plenty when he and his fellows had secured -control of the city. Seliger, knowing his condition, finally consented. - -The next morning came, but Lingg manifested no disposition to carry out -his promise. - -“I would move from here now,” said he, very adroitly, “but if I do so -it would create suspicion.” - -Seliger saw the force of the argument, and, being implicated also in -the manufacture of bombs, shrewdly concluded to let him remain until -matters quieted down. Lingg accordingly remained until the 7th of May. -On this date officers began to appear in the vicinity, looking into -the haunts and resorts of Anarchists. This startled Lingg, and, lest -they might pounce down upon his room, he decided to speedily vacate the -premises. He did move, but with such haste that he left his implements -of destruction and nearly all his personal effects behind him. When the -house was finally searched the “bird had flown.” - -I sent out eight good detectives, and kept them working night and day -looking for the bomb-maker, but no one could furnish a clue. It was -learned that Lingg had a sweetheart, and her movements were closely -watched. The houses of his known friends were also watched, and all his -acquaintances shadowed. Anarchists who had hopes of saving their own -necks if he could be found were pressed into the service, and decoy -letters were sent out. Money was even held out as an inducement to -divulge his hiding-place, but all to no purpose. - -These expedients were kept up until the 13th of May, when I sent for -Mrs. Seliger to ascertain where Lingg had last been employed and secure -the addresses of all his friends. Nearly all the places she mentioned -had been visited, but she spoke of one place that seemed to me to hold -out some promise of a successful result. Mrs. Seliger stated that there -was a place near the river, where there was a bridge that she had heard -spoken of, and that Lingg had said to her husband that he would call -on a friend of his near that place, on Canal Street. This place I at -once recognized as being only a few blocks from the shop where Lingg -had worked. Mrs. Seliger further stated that her husband had told her -that this shop was only a few blocks from a Catholic church. All this -I regarded as a good clue, and Officers Loewenstein and Schuettler -were promptly detailed to follow it up—first going, however, to a -planing-mill on Twelfth and South Clark Streets to ascertain if Lingg -had ever worked there. - -The officers carried out these instructions, and a few hours later they -returned to the office, their faces wreathed in smiles. They informed -me that they had secured a clue, that only a few days before Lingg had -sent there for his tool chest, and that they had learned of a man who -had noticed the number of the express wagon that had carted it away. -But this man, they said, they would be unable to see until the next day. - -Bright and early the next morning the officers started out with new -instructions and visited the house of the person who had so singularly -taken note of the express number. They found him, and he gave them all -the information he possessed. About eleven o’clock the officers found -the residence of the expressman, whose name was Charles Keperson and -whose wagon was numbered 1,999. He lived at No. 1095 Robey Street. The -officers rapped on the door, and a little girl about ten years of age -answered. On being asked after her father she informed them that he was -not at home. They inquired if her father had not brought in a trunk. -She replied that her father had brought no trunk into their house, but -he had hauled a tool chest from down town, which he had taken to a -house on an adjoining street. She pointed out a little cottage at No. -80 Ambrose Street, and on being asked if she had seen her father take -it there she answered: - -“Oh, yes, it was a gray-colored box, and I heard my father say it -belonged to Louis Lingg.” - -[Illustration: LINGG’S REVOLVER. - -Cocked as found when wrested from Lingg’s hands after the struggle with -Officer Schuettler. - -From a Photograph.] - -The officers went over to the cottage and learned that a family named -Klein lived there. Schuettler knocked on the door, and Mrs. Klein -responded. He asked if Louis was at home. She replied that he was not -and that he had gone out with some gentlemen about nine o’clock. She -inquired what he desired to see Louis for, and Schuettler told her -that he owed Louis $3 and had come to pay him. He further informed -her that they were good friends, both carpenters, and belonged to the -same union. She inquired after his name, and Schuettler responded -that it was “Franz Lorenz.” Lorenz was a well known Anarchist, and -it was thought the name would prove effective in winning the woman’s -confidence. She said that her father lived only a short distance from -the house, and she would step over and ask him if he knew where Louis -had gone. This conversation had taken place in a rear room of the -house. The woman excused herself, and ostensibly started for the house -of her father. She passed into the front room and slammed the outer -door. Loewenstein stepped out of the back room to see if she had really -gone, but he saw no Mrs. Klein. At the same time he noticed Lingg’s -chest standing on the rear porch, covered with a piece of carpet. -Loewenstein returned, and he had hardly joined Schuettler when Mrs. -Klein stepped in. She said she had seen her father, but that he did not -know where Louis had gone. The officers were suspicious, of course, -but they said nothing, simply withdrawing with the assurance that they -would call again and see Lingg some other time. - -After leaving, the officers walked for two blocks and talked over -the mysterious actions of Mrs. Klein. They concluded to go back and -search the house. They secured entrance from the rear, and, while -Loewenstein guarded the front door, Schuettler entered the rear room. -There he found a man smoothly shaven. Lingg had been described as -having chin whiskers. Schuettler stepped up to the man, however, and -asked his name. In an instant Lingg—for it was none other—whipped out -a 44-caliber revolver, which he had had concealed in front inside his -trousers, and, with the glare of a tiger held at bay, he turned on the -officer. Schuettler saw the movement, and, quick as a flash, sprang -on Lingg and seized the weapon. They clinched, and while the one was -struggling to save himself and secure his prisoner, the other was -bent upon killing the officer and effecting his own escape. Both were -strong, muscular and active, and the cottage shook from foundation to -rafters as the bodies of the contestants swayed in the equal contest. -Lingg quivered with rage and aroused himself to his utmost to vanquish -the foe. He realized that the result meant life or death. At one moment -his revolver was pressed close to the officer’s breast, and with a -superhuman effort the Anarchist tried to send a bullet on its fatal -mission. But Schuettler had a firm grasp of the cylinder and wrenched -the weapon aside. In another second, while the mastery was still -undecided, Lingg, by a quick movement of his hand, brought the revolver -square into the officer’s face. At that moment, however, Schuettler -managed to get Lingg’s thumb between his teeth. The Anarchist made a -sudden dash to release his thumb and succeeded in breaking loose. - -All this took place in less time than it takes to tell it. The moment -Lingg was foot-loose, Schuettler found time to shout for his companion, -who had stood on the outside in front of the house, all unconscious -of the short but desperate struggle within. Loewenstein did not stop -a moment to determine what was wanted, but sprang into the room. He -entered just at the moment when Schuettler had bounded after Lingg -on his release and found him holding Lingg tightly by the throat -with one hand and the revolver with the other. Loewenstein saw the -situation at a glance, and, raising his loaded cane, brought it down -on the Anarchist’s head. This stunned Lingg, and he was overpowered. -The revolver was wrenched from his hand and placed on a table, and -the officers adjusted the handcuffs. These had no sooner been placed -in position than Lingg made a sudden dash for his revolver. But the -detectives were too quick for him. - -Lingg’s teeth gnashed with rage, and his eyes fairly bulged from their -sockets with savage scorn. The arch-Anarchist looked the picture of -desperation. He had been vanquished, however, and he saw that further -resistance was useless. - -Mrs. Klein had meanwhile been an excited spectator, but before she -could collect her thoughts and decide what course to take under the -circumstances, Lingg was in the power of the law. Seeing this, she -hurried out. It was not long before the whole neighborhood heard of -what had happened, and, as the officers started to take their prisoner -to the Hinman Street Station, a true-hearted Irish-American came up, -accosted them and said: - -“My dear boys, your lives are in danger here. Nearly every one who -lives about here is an Anarchist. Wait for a minute, and I will give -you protection.” - -[Illustration: A DESPERATE STRUGGLE. LOUIS LINGG’S ARREST.] - -He disappeared, but meanwhile the street had become crowded with an -excited populace. He soon returned with a double-barreled shot-gun, -ready for action in case of emergency. No sooner had he placed himself -at the disposal of the officers than a loyal Bohemian-American came -running across the street, and said: - -“Officers, I will also protect you against this mob.” - -He had in his hand a large navy revolver, and he showed that he was -ready to assist the officers, even at the cost of his own life. - -Schuettler and Loewenstein, under this volunteer escort, marched Lingg -to the Hinman Street Station, reaching there about twelve o’clock. -Sergeant Enwright was in charge of the station that day, and, lest -any attempt at rescue might be made, he called in all his officers -and gave them instructions as to what should be done to protect the -station. He also ordered out the patrol wagon, and detailed five -officers to accompany Schuettler and Loewenstein to the Klein residence -to investigate the premises. They made a thorough search, but could -discover nothing except a lot of cartridges. They also investigated -the houses at Nos. 64, 66, 68 and 70 on the same street, all occupied -by Anarchists, but they found nothing. The presence of the police, -however, speedily cleared the street, and all the low-browed, -shaggy-haired followers of the red flag hunted their holes. Schuettler -and Loewenstein then sent for the Chicago Avenue patrol wagon and -transferred Lingg to new quarters at that station. On the way Lingg -continually ground his teeth, and, looking savagely at Schuettler and -turning slightly towards Loewenstein, hissed out: - -“If I had only got half a chance at that fellow, he would be a dead man -now.” - -The officers of the Hinman Street Station did not relax their vigilance -over Ambrose Street, and one day some molds made of clay were found in -the alley in the rear of the Klein residence, proving that Lingg had -not abandoned hope, but was getting ready to prepare a new supply of -bombs for a future attack. - -When Lingg had been ushered into the office of the East Chicago Avenue -Station, the shackles were removed from his wrists, and he was given a -chair. He became quiet in his new surroundings, and grudgingly answered -a few simple questions. His thumb giving him considerable pain, some -liniment was procured from a neighboring drug store, and the wound -dressed. He was then assigned to an apartment below, and left to his -own thoughts. - -In the afternoon he was brought up to the office. - -“What is your name?” I asked him. - -“Lingg,” curtly replied the prisoner. - -“Ah, yes; but how do you spell it?” - -“L-i-n-gg,” came the spelling. - -“Yes; but give us your full name.” - -“It is Louis or Ludwig Lingg. I am twenty-one years and eight months -old.” - -He was asked a great many questions. Some he refused to answer, and -others he answered promptly and with pleasure, especially when they -touched on killing capitalists and capitalistic editors, as he called -them. He had no use, he said, for these people, and thought that -if they could be taken away suddenly the world would be satisfied -and happy. He remarked that he did not blame the police very much, -because they were workingmen themselves, but there was one officer, he -said, that he perfectly despised. It was John Bonfield. If he could -have blown him to atoms, he thought, he might become reconciled to -a great many things as they then existed. He finally gave to me and -to Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, in the presence of Officers -Stift, Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman, a brief account of -himself and his movements, but he said that he would rather die than -give information against any one. He did not deny what others had -stated about him, but further he would not go. He was informed by Mr. -Furthmann how strict the law was against conspiracies, but the only -answer he vouchsafed was that the laws would not remain in force much -longer; that the working people would make laws to suit themselves, -and they would not allow any higher power to dictate to them. For -his own part, he could work and was willing to work, he said, but he -wanted his share of the profits. He thought the police had made fools -of themselves in the movement the Anarchists had inaugurated. If they -had only known enough, he said, to have held back, the capitalists -would have been forced to submit; but now the police had spoiled their -own chances for gain for years to come. They would be sorry for it, he -added. If the Anarchists had won in Chicago, he further stated, all the -other large cities would have fallen into line, and wretchedness and -poverty would have been banished forever. - -[Illustration: IRON BOLT FOUND IN LINGG’S TRUNK. FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. - -Designed, according to Lingg’s own statement, to connect the halves of -a composition bomb weighing twelve pounds. “The Haymarket bomb,” said -he, “killed six. The one which I was going to make with that bolt would -kill six dozen.” Four such bolts were found.] - -After Lingg had been taken away from the Ambrose Street house, Gustav -and Kate Klein became anxious about their friend. They traced him to -the Chicago Avenue Station and called there later in the day, after -his arrest. When they reached the office I questioned them, although -they were not under arrest, and they answered without hesitancy. They -stated that Lingg had come to their house on the 7th of May, and had -remained indoors nearly all the time up to his arrest that day—May 14. -He had only been out twice to secure books from some neighbors, and he -had felt measurably safe in the locality. This section, it was found, -as already stated, was a hotbed of Anarchy, and as the neighbors knew -the man, they were anxious to protect him. It had even been whispered -in the locality that he was the one who had thrown the bomb at the -Haymarket, but, knowing that he was a man not to be trifled with, and -out of sympathy for the cause, none would betray him. He could not have -selected a better place for concealment. Mr. Klein had known him for -some time and had noticed a great change in him since the Haymarket -bloodshed. - -“He was always cheerful,” he said, “up to that time, but since then he -acted very strangely. He would not converse with any one, but always -sought to be alone. Whenever any one came near the house he was uneasy.” - -“I noticed that too,” interposed Mrs. Klein. “He always used to fool -and play with me before the Haymarket event, and was good company, but -since then he was a changed man altogether.” - -Mrs. Klein described the scene of Lingg’s arrest, and told how at -first she had regarded it simply as fun between two friends, and how -frightened she had become when she discovered that it was a serious -affair. She also described the terrible look which came over Lingg’s -face when he found himself powerless to fire the revolver. - -I subsequently thought it best to bring Lingg face to face with one -of his former comrades, who had furnished information about him, and -this was accordingly done. The moment he was brought into the presence -of the informer his face assumed a terrible scowl, but he remained -obstinately silent. - -One day Lingg was again brought into the office, and I questioned him -as to the real strength of the Anarchists in the city and country. - -He smiled and said: - -“Don’t you know that yet? This I cannot answer, but I will tell you -that you only know the noisy fellows. The real Anarchists in this city -or country you do not know yet, because they are not ready to take -hold, but you will be taken by surprise unless you die soon. I only -hope that I will live long enough to see this hidden power show its -strength.” - -During the time Lingg remained at the station his hand was regularly -attended to, he was treated very kindly, had plenty to eat, and -was made as comfortable as possible. All these attentions somewhat -mollified his bitterness against us. - -Some time after the other interviews, I visited him and asked him if he -entertained any hostility towards the police. He replied that during -the McCormick factory riot he had been clubbed by an officer, but he -did not care so much for that. He could forget it all, but he did not -like Bonfield. If it had not been for Bonfield, he said, the street-car -men, in their strike in the summer of 1885, would have had things all -their own way, and that would have changed everything all over the city -in a business way. - -“If I could only kill Bonfield,” he vehemently declared, “I would be -ready to die within five minutes afterwards.” - -Lingg was a singular Anarchist. In every act and word he showed no care -for himself, but he always expressed sympathy for men who had families -and who were in trouble. He showed that he was a man with a will, and -that if he set his mind to the accomplishment of an end he would bend -all his energies to attain it. - -There was another peculiarity about Lingg which distinguished him from -the rest of his associates. Although he drank beer, he never drank to -excess, and he frowned upon the use of bad or indecent language. He was -an admirer of the fair sex, and they reciprocated his admiration, his -manly form, handsome face and pleasing manners captivating all. - -On the 27th of May, Lingg and Engel were taken in a patrol wagon to -the Harrison Street Station, where the “art gallery” of the Police -Department was kept, to have their photographs taken. On the way, -Loewenstein remarked to Lingg: - -“Louis, you want to look your prettiest, so that you will make a good -picture.” - -“What difference does it make whether a dead man’s picture looks good -or bad,” was the reply, uttered in a most serious manner and in a -strong tone of voice. - -From the gallery the Anarchists were driven to the County Jail, and -that was the last time they ever saw the streets of Chicago or breathed -the air outside of prison walls. - -From the day Lingg entered the jail he became surly and ugly to all the -officers, but he implicitly obeyed all prison rules. He held himself -aloof from everybody except his fellow Anarchists, and would have -nothing to say to any one except his friends or his sweetheart. - -Lingg was very fond of children, and when those of Neebe, Schwab or -others called at the jail he would play with them and seemed to extract -much amusement from their little pranks and antics. - -Mrs. Klein often visited him and always brought a baby, in which Lingg -seemed to take a special interest. Lingg and Mrs. Klein conversed -freely together, and he seemed to enjoy her visits greatly. Whenever -she called she brought him fruit of the season and choice edibles with -which to vary his prison fare. - -Lingg and his associates proved quite a drawing card, and Anarchists -from all parts of the country called at the jail. But while his fellows -appeared pleased to hold receptions, so to speak, Lingg did not desire -the company of strangers. He gave his time only to the few ladies who -called on him and to his nearest friends. He disliked being gaped at by -curiosity-seekers, and when he had no good friend to keep him company -he traveled the corridors of the jail beyond the reach of public -gaze. He also whiled time away by cutting pretty little carvings -out of cigar-boxes with his jack-knife, and in this he displayed -considerable ingenuity. Tiring of this diversion, he would pick up a -book or a paper; but, however monotonous prison life at times became, -he never thrust himself before the visitors’ cage to pose before the -idle throng. Many callers came to sympathize with Lingg as well as to -admire his handsome physique, and, as he would not allow his hair to -be cut after his incarceration, his flowing, curly locks added to his -picturesque appearance. - -[Illustration: LINGG’S SWEETHEART. - -From a Photograph.] - -But there was one visitor he always welcomed. It was his sweetheart, -whose acquaintance he had made before his arrest, and who became a -regular caller. She invariably wore a pleasant smile, breathed soft, -loving words into his ears through the wire screen that separated the -visitors’ cage from the jail corridor, and contributed much toward -keeping him cheerful. This girl had lived at one time with a family -on West Lake Street, in the heart of an Anarchist camp, but, for some -reason, while her lover was at the Chicago Avenue Station she never -paid him a visit. The second day after he had been locked up at the -County Jail she promptly made her appearance, however, and became a -regular visitor. She simply passed with the jail officials at first -as “Lingg’s girl,” but one day some one called her Ida Miller, and -thereafter she was recognized under that name. She was generally -accompanied by young Miss Engel, the daughter of Anarchist Engel, and -during the last four months of her lover’s incarceration she could be -seen every afternoon entering the jail. She was always readily admitted -until the day the bombs were found in Lingg’s cell. After that neither -she nor Mr. and Mrs. Klein were admitted. While it has never been -satisfactorily proven who it was that introduced the bombs into the -jail, it is likely that they were smuggled into Lingg’s hands by his -sweetheart. She enjoyed Lingg’s fullest confidence, and regarded his -every wish. - -It is not known whether Miller is the real name of the girl, but it -is supposed to be Elise Friedel. She is a German, and was twenty-two -years of age at the time, her birthplace being Mannheim, which was -also Lingg’s native town. She was robust in appearance, with fair -complexion, and dark hair. She had quite a penchant for beer, and -could sit in a crowd of her Anarchist friends and drink “schnitts” -with the proficiency of a veteran. She always entertained hope of -executive clemency, but when Lingg died at his own hands she somewhat -surprisingly failed to evince great sorrow. Perhaps the consciousness -of having aided him in escaping the gallows had prepared her for the -worst. - -Lingg’s terrible death did not perceptibly change her demeanor. She was -seen at several dances shortly afterwards, and seemed to enjoy herself -as much as anybody. She even danced with detectives, unconscious of -their calling, and, in jesting with them, her laugh was as hearty and -ringing as though she were bent on capturing a new beau. - -During all the long, weary days Lingg remained in jail his demeanor -was the same as during the trial—cool, collected and unconcerned. -No special trouble apparently burdened his mind. His constant -companions—whenever they were permitted to be together—were Engel -and Fischer. They appeared to believe that their fellow prisoners and -co-conspirators would turn on them to save their own lives. - -The statement Lingg made, on the 14th of May, omitting the part -pertaining to his occupation, age and residence, was as follows: - - “Whenever I did any work at home [Seliger’s house] I did it as - carefully as possible, so that no one could see me. I did make - dynamite bombs out of gas-pipe, and I generally found the gas-pipe on - the street. Finding them two or three feet long, I would cut them into - pieces. After cutting them about six inches long I would fill them - with dynamite and attach a fuse to each. I then would call them bombs.” - - “Who showed or taught you how to make those bombs?” - - “No one. I learned it from books.” - - “What books?” - - “I read it in a book published by Herr Most of New York. It explains - how to make dynamite and other articles used in war. I once had four - bombs in my dinner-box—two were loaded and two empty. I bought two - pounds of the stuff on Lake Street, near Dearborn. I also bought one - coil of fuse and one box of caps at the same place, and that is all I - bought. I paid 65 cents for the box of caps, 60 cents for two pounds - of dynamite, and 50 cents for the coil of fuse.” - - “Did you work all the material into the bombs?” - - “No, there is some of it left in my trunk. I do not deny making bombs. - I made them for the purpose of being used in a war or a revolution - during these workingmen’s troubles. The bombs found in my room I - intended to use myself. I have been at August Spies’ office several - times, and I have known him for some time. I always received the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, and I like to read it. I made some of those round - lead bombs. I made the molds myself and cast the bombs. The iron - bolts I used to connect and hold them together I bought in a hardware - store. I bought five small ones and two big ones. I could only use - the molds to cast bombs with a few times; then they would be useless. - At the time I bought the dynamite I was alone. On Tuesday night, May - 4, Seliger and I were on Larrabee Street, between Clybourn Avenue and - the city limits, and we remained there until about ten o’clock. We - then went home and had several glasses of beer. We did not meet any - one we knew. We were on Larrabee Street all the time. When we came - home Mrs. Seliger was abed. I was at the meeting held in the hall at - No. 71 West Lake Street, Monday night, May 3. I saw there the circular - which called the workingmen to arms and to seek revenge on the police - because they had killed six of our brothers at McCormick’s factory on - that day. I also attended a meeting the same night, at No. 54 West - Lake Street, which was held by the armed sections. I was out to Lake - View and tried one of my dynamite bombs to find out what strength it - had. I put the bomb in a tree between two limbs. I lit the fuse; the - bomb exploded and split the tree, damaging it considerably. I had - my hair cut, and mustache and whiskers shaven off, about May 8th or - 9th. I want to say right here to you men that I did make dynamite - bombs and intended to use them. - -[Illustration: CAN OF ENGLISH DYNAMITE AND LADLE. - -Used by Lingg in Casting Bombs. From a Photograph.] - - I am down on capital and capitalists. I knew that if we sought our - rights—I mean the workingmen—they would turn out the police and - militia against us with their Gatling guns and cannon. We knew that we - could not defend ourselves with our revolvers, and therefore turned - to the adoption of dynamite. For one, I was not going to get hurt. I - made bombs of lead and bombs of metal, and I made them with the two - materials mixed. I tried both the lead and gas-pipe bombs, and I found - that they could do good service. If you cut the fuse ten inches long - and light it you can run away forty steps before the explosion takes - place. The armed men of the so-called International Group of the North - Side always met at Greif’s Hall, No. 54 West Lake Street. We used to - go to the Shooting Park in Lake View and shoot at targets on Sundays. - I have been there about ten times. I admit that the two Lehmans came - to see me at my room at No. 442 Sedgwick Street, and I will confess - that on Tuesday, May 4, six men came to my room to see me.” - -At this interview there were present, besides myself, Furthmann, Stift, -Rehm, Loewenstein, Schuettler and Hoffman. On the 17th of May, Lingg -again remarked to Officer Schuettler that he regretted that he had not -had a chance to kill him. - -On the 24th of May Lingg and Hubner were brought together, and -Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann asked the latter if he knew the -bomb-maker. - -“Oh, yes, I was at his room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, helping him to -make dynamite bombs, and what I stated in my affidavit is true.” - -Lingg scowled furiously, and emphatically denied the statement. All he -could be made to say in explanation of the affair, however, was that he -“had been a Socialist all his life and ever since he could think.” - -ERNST HUBNER was arrested by Officers Schuettler and Whalen on the -morning of May 18, at six o’clock, while he was on his way to his -work. He is a German by birth and a carpenter by trade, and worked for -a man by the name of Schombel, on the corner of Clybourn Avenue and -Larrabee Street. He was about forty years of age, married, wore very -shabby clothes, and lived, at the time of his arrest, at No. 11 Mohawk -Street, in three small and dirty rooms. His house was searched, and the -officers found one breech-loading rifle, one large 44-caliber Remington -revolver and half a pailful of ammunition for both guns. While they -were searching the house, Mrs. Hubner, a sickly, delicate woman, said -to Officer Schuettler: - -“My dear man, if my husband had gone more to his shop and to work -instead of running to meetings, you would not find my house in this -shape. I am all broken up. I am sick, and now he is arrested. I suppose -this is the last of our family.” - -The search still going on, Mrs. Hubner crossed the room to a closet, -saying to Schuettler: - -“Here, officers, take this devil’s print out of my house. This is what -my husband prayed with night and day, and what got him into trouble. If -you don’t want to take it, I will throw it into the stove. I don’t want -any more families made miserable by it.” - -The officer opened the bundle, and the first thing he saw was a picture -of the burly face of John Most. This led to the exchange of a few -pleasantries between the officers. - -“I have got him,” shouted Schuettler. - -When Officer Whalen got a glimpse of the portrait, which was printed on -the cover of a pamphlet, and not knowing what the title on the cover -had reference to, as it was printed in German, or whom the picture -represented, he facetiously remarked: - -“I see the face of a Scotch terrier.” - -“You fool,” replied Schuettler, with a twinkle in his eye, “that is -Johann Most.” - -“Well,” retorted Whalen, “if that is the great Anarchist, he ought to -have two more legs. He’d make a fine ratter.” - -In the bundle were found a number of Communistic, Socialistic and -Anarchistic documents, and a complete collection of hand-bills of all -the meetings that had been held for years past. Hubner had been an -active worker at all times. He would post bills, carry hand-bills and -do any kind of work for the “good of the cause.” No meetings were ever -held too far from his home. He was well known in all the “groups” and -to all the leaders. He attended all the picnics and parades. Nothing -delighted him more than to carry the big banner belonging to the -International Carpenters’ Union No. 1. How he strutted and flaunted -that banner as he passed churches, police stations and the residences -of the wealthy. Next to Most’s book, that banner was his principal -source of inspiration. He would even neglect his meals for the sake of -bearing aloft that crimson standard. Whether this was the cause of his -emaciated look at the time of his arrest is problematical, but certain -it is his appearance, when brought before me, indicated want and -starvation, and his voice was weak and husky. - -“From what I can hear about you,” I said, “it appears that you are one -of the ‘boys.’” - -“Oh, well,” drawled Hubner, “you may hear a great deal.” - -“Yes,” I replied, “I hear so much it keeps me busy thinking.” - -“Have you been thinking any of me?” queried Hubner. - -“I have, and I think you are the worst I have heard of yet.” - -“Ah, but you have got others far more dangerous than I am.” - -“If you want to give credit to any one else, name the parties.” - -Hubner finally stated that only on the evening previous, at a meeting -of the Carpenters’ Union, a member had said that their attorneys, -Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler, held that there was no law to convict any -one, and that they would secure the release of the “boys” as fast as -the police locked them up. They advised all to “keep their mouths -shut,” and that, in the event of an arrest, the police could not hold -them longer than two days. - -“Do you want to try that and see how it works?” I asked. - -“That’s what I want,” responded Hubner, bent on an experiment. - -“Well, I guarantee you,” said I smilingly, “that you will remain here -with us as long as we like your company. When we get tired of you we -will send you to the big jail. Officer, take this man and tell the -lockup-keeper that he will probably stay with us a week.” - -Hubner was escorted down stairs, given a good cell and allowed to -metaphorically wrap “that banner” around him as he lay down to dream of -Anarchy. Things got monotonous, however. The very next day he sent word -that he desired to see me. He was brought up and made a long statement. -He assured me that every word was true, that he would face any of those -mentioned and defy them to contradict his assertions. He told the -day and date of almost every transaction. He said he would swear to -everything he had stated. - -“I don’t believe in a God,” he added, “but when I swear, I understand -that if I should tell a lie or an untruth I can be punished for it. I -am disgusted with the way things are now. There are no more brave men.” - -After a few days he was released by order of the State’s Attorney. -Before leaving, he promised that he would testify in court in -accordance with his statement, and afterwards, for a time, he was on -hand whenever sent for. - -The parties arrested were required to report regularly. At the -commencement of the trial, they were all kept in a large room in the -station, where ten officers guarded them night and day. They were taken -out for exercise every evening, but were not allowed to talk to any -one. Their wives had the privilege of seeing them, but an officer was -always present to hear what was said. - -Hubner after a time showed signs of weakening. He had been seen by the -attorneys for the defense and changed his mind. He also began talking -to others, urging them not to testify. He finally said he would not -take the stand, and, as he was not wanted to testify, he was again -released. After the trial he went back to his comrades, attended some -of their meetings and talked for the cause. When the time approached -for the execution, he suddenly left the city, and subsequently sent -for his family. He has returned to Chicago, however, and is working on -Division and Clark Streets, in a little carpenter-shop. - -The following is his statement, to the correctness of which he would -have testified had he not been a poltroon and a simpleton. It fully -bears out the truth of the witnesses who appeared for the State during -the trial as to the conspiracy and the parties thereto: - - “I know Gottfried Waller. I belong to the armed men. I know George - Engel. At one time he published a paper called the _Anarchist_. I - know Louis Lingg. I was at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street, Monday - afternoon about five o’clock. I left there at nine o’clock and got - home at eleven the same night. I read and saw a circular that called - for revenge and to arm ourselves. I saw August Spies in the hall, - and he told us that the police had been shooting our workingmen at - McCormick’s, and we should be ready with our arms. Then Rau came into - the meeting, very much excited and said that a number of our people - had been shot at McCormick’s by the police. He called us to arms. Then - Rau and Spies left the hall together. Both were much excited. The - speech and talking of Spies in the hall happened in this way. Spies - would catch a man alone and talk about the shooting, or when he saw - a crowd of four or five standing together he would talk to them to - excite them and urge them on. The effect of his talking to us brought - our temper to such heat that I and others were ready to take revenge - on the police officers and the law. And we would have done almost - anything to get revenge. If Spies and Rau had there and then started - out and we had had our arms with us, we would have followed them to do - harm at once.” - -Such was the confession the brave Hubner first made to the police. On -the 18th of May he made a second statement, as follows, adding a few -further details as to the conspiracy: - - “On Tuesday, May 4, about 4 P.M., I went to the house of William - Seliger, at 442 Sedgwick Street, and there I found William Seliger and - Louis Lingg. I had been in Seliger’s house the day before, and I took - along with me when I left three bombs—that is, three empty shells. - Lingg also gave me the dynamite with which to fill them. Not knowing - how, I was afraid to fill them, and I brought them back to Lingg to - fill them for me. When I got there, Seliger and Lingg were working, - filling bombs or shells with dynamite. I went to work and helped them - and got the bombs ready for use. They had some of them filled when I - got there, but in all they filled and finished twenty round lead or - metal bombs and about fifteen or eighteen long ones—that is, I mean - to say, made of gas-pipe, about six inches or more long. I saw there - a lot more of dynamite and fuse. As I went away from there—Seliger’s - house—that evening, I took along with me four long bombs, but before - I left we had all the bombs finished, ready for use. I saw about - six men at 5 P.M. in Seliger’s house, and when any one came Lingg - always went to the door and waited upon them. That evening, May 4, at - eight o’clock, I went to Neff’s Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue, and when I - had been there only a few minutes I saw Lingg, Seliger and a little - stout man, who carried a heavy satchel with a gray cloth cover. They - came in together in Neff’s Hall and placed the satchel in a little - hallway leading to a ‘gents’ closet.’ I was sent to Neff’s Hall to - see and report if there were many of our armed men in the hall who - were waiting for bombs. As I had not been there long enough to find - out and report back, Lingg and Seliger got tired of waiting at 442 - Sedgwick Street and brought the satchel filled with bombs to Neff’s - Hall themselves. When Lingg saw me he came up to me and found fault - with me for not reporting back sooner. He said there might have been - lots of people there who failed to get bombs or shells. After that - I went to supper, since Lingg was in the hall to look after things - himself. The men I saw there were Hageman and Hermann. On Monday - night, May 3, I was at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street, up to ten - o’clock, and afterwards I also went into the saloon. There were about - forty men sitting and standing around the bar-room. Someone called out - that the so-called armed sections should go down into the basement, - as there would be a meeting for them. Then forty of us went down, and - we decided to hold a meeting there. This was about nine o’clock in - the evening. Gottfried Waller was chosen president. George Engel was - one of the speakers and originator of the plan then and there given - to us to shoot and kill people and destroy property. He told us what - to do and began in this way. He asked us if we knew about his plan. - The majority said ‘no.’ Then he began to tell us that his plan was to - call a meeting for the next evening at the Haymarket, and there draw - out as many police as possible, so that the outside parts of the city - would not be strongly protected by the police. The signal for action - would be given, and they should set fire to buildings in several - places and in all parts of the city. One building at Wicker Park - was mentioned, and as soon as they saw it on fire, then they should - attack the police stations, throw dynamite bombs into the stations, - kill the police officers and destroy the stations. In case a patrol - wagon came, they should throw a bomb among the policemen, and if that - did not stop them, then they should kill the horses attached to the - wagons with their revolvers or guns. After that they should destroy - all the property they could. The circular that called for revenge and - to arms I saw at the Monday night meeting in the basement, 54 West - Lake Street, where Engel spoke and gave us the plan of revolution. The - lying of Engel about the killing of six of our brothers at McCormick’s - factory started me so that I was ready to do anything desperate. The - speech of Engel in the basement that evening worked on me so that I - went to Seliger’s house on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, and helped to - finish the bombs, as I stated before. George Engel told those that - had no arms to stay at home away from the Haymarket meeting, and that - men who had arms but no courage should also stay at home. In that - meeting there were present Adolph Fischer, Gottfried Waller, George - Engel, Breitenfeld, Schnaubelt, John Thielen, Abraham Hermann, Herman - Hageman, the two Lehmans and Hubner. Waller told us to go ahead and - do our work, that he would be with us. The meeting lasted from nine - o’clock to eleven. - - [Illustration: MUNTZENBERG PEDDLING BOMBS AND BOOKS.] - - Fischer and others agreed to have the circular printed calling the - meeting at the Haymarket for Tuesday night, May 4. After all the plans - had been explained to us Fischer said ‘That is the one’—meaning - the murderous plan—‘that we adopted in our group meeting.’ Every - division group were to make their own arrangements. The North Side - armed men should meet Tuesday evening, May 4, at the foot of Webster - Avenue and Lincoln Park, at the Schiller monument. I went there. I - could not find enough of our people there, as the night was dark and - those present were scattered. I got tired of waiting for others. The - four bombs I had with me that night I took to the North Avenue Pier - and threw them into the lake. Then I went home and went to bed. This - was about ten o’clock. I did not hear anything of the shooting or the - explosion of the bomb or the killing of the policemen at the Haymarket - until the next morning when I got up. I went home so early on that - evening because I had a headache from the smell of the dynamite - used in filling the bombs. We filled thirty-five in all. The word - ‘Ruhe’ was intended as the signal word. If it should appear in the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ May 4, in the ‘Briefkasten,’ then that would be a - notification to be ready for the revolution. We were to watch also for - the fire and shooting signals as well as the appearance of that word - in the paper. We were then all to get ready. I only know of Lingg as - a manufacturer of bombs. The plan was presented to the men to go and - blow up the Chicago Avenue Station. Also many others were to blow up - the Larrabee Street Station and the Webster Avenue Station. The work - I did on the bombs was drilling holes in them. This statement I make - of my own free will and accord in the presence of the officers named, - and it is true and correct. And I furthermore will say that I will - not take any bribe to change my statement or make denials; neither - will I leave the city or the State as long as this case is pending in - court, unless I have the consent of Capt. Schaack; that I always will - be ready to give testimony for the people, whenever I am called on - in this case, and that I will never make a second statement, that is - to say, to a notary public or a justice of the peace, in writing or - verbally; that I will only make a statement under oath for the grand - jury of the Criminal Court, or Capt. M. J. Schaack.” - -Here follow the signature, etc., and the notarial acknowledgment. - -On the 24th of May, Hubner, among other things, stated that he knew -Herman Muntzenberg. - - “I met him,” he said, “as I was carrying around hand-bills for the - meeting called May 4 at the Haymarket. Muntzenberg went with me to - Seliger’s house that afternoon. We saw Lingg and Seliger making the - dynamite bombs, and we helped them to make them. Muntzenberg and I - spent about three hours in Seliger’s house that afternoon. Muntzenberg - was there when it was stated that the dynamite bombs should be carried - down to Neff’s Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue, that night. Muntzenberg and - I, by order of Lingg, went down to Neff’s Hall to see how things - looked there and report back to him. That is why Muntzenberg went - to meet Lingg and Seliger to help them to carry the bombs to Neff’s - place.” - -Since the trial I have learned that Hubner knew a great deal more than -he divulged in his confession, and that he was one of the parties -chosen to aid in blowing up the Webster Avenue Station. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - - Engel in the Toils—His Character and Rough Eloquence—Facing his - Accusers—Waller’s Confession—The Work of the Lehr und Wehr Verein—A - Dangerous Organization—The Romance of Conspiracy—Organization of the - Armed Sections—Plans and Purposes—Rifles Bought in St. Louis—The - Picnics at Sheffield—A Dynamite Drill—The Attack on McCormick’s—A - Frightened Anarchist—Lehman in the Calaboose—Information from many - Quarters—The Cost of Revolvers—Lorenz Hermann’s Story—Some Expert - Lying. - - -ENOUGH was at this time known to make George Engel a mark for speedy -police attention. It had been established beyond a doubt that he was -one of the central figures in the conspiracy, and it was not long -before a warrant was secured charging him with murder. I detailed -Officers Stift and Whalen to serve the document, and they found him at -his home, No. 286 Milwaukee Avenue. He was a man about fifty years old, -stoutly built, round-shouldered, weighing about 170 pounds, and about -five feet eight inches in height. He was married and had a daughter -about sixteen years of age. He was by trade a painter, but he and his -wife conducted a toy-store at the place where they lived. In addition -to toys, they sold cigars and tobacco. The building he lived in was a -two-story frame, and his support came principally from his business. -He always claimed to be a very good friend of policemen, many of whom -he said he knew, and they all, he claimed, liked him. He was very -radical in his ideas, however, and at all times took an active interest -in Anarchist meetings. In fact, he was one of the most rabid of them -all. He was a successful organizer and a hard, persistent worker for -the cause. He was one of the most positive, determined speakers in -the German language in Chicago. He could hold a house all night, and -his auditors were always charmed with his ingenious argument, his -powerful invective and his captivating sophistry. He was well read on -all topics bearing upon Anarchy, had a wonderful memory, and he could -always promptly give a plausible “reason for the faith that was in -him.” His speeches were always plain, and, although he talked rapidly, -he spoke with a directness and force that took complete possession of -the illiterate and unthinking rabble. He could work up his auditors to -the point of desperation, and with a word he could have sent them out -to pillage and murder. It was his brain alone that evolved the gigantic -plan of murdering hundreds of people and laying waste thousands of -dollars’ worth of property in Chicago, and the fact that he found -so many willing to execute his purpose fully proved his power and -influence over his Anarchist followers. Like all rabid Anarchists, -he had no use for clergymen or the church, Sisters of Charity or -anything else that had a tinge of religion in it. He called them all -hypocrites and frauds. He was a great admirer of Louise Michel, the -French Anarchist, because of her fearlessness and courage, and he -never failed to bestow words of praise on Most, whose work he fairly -worshiped. The organs of the Anarchists in Chicago he did not think -radical enough, and so he ventured to publish a paper of his own called -the _Anarchist_, which, however, did not survive long. He was known as -an honest man in all his dealings with his fellow-men, earnest in his -convictions, but withal a most dangerous leader and most unrelenting -in his hatred of existing society, and thoroughly unscrupulous in the -methods to be used to bring about a change. - -[Illustration: GEORGE ENGEL. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -Engel was always cool and collected, rarely exhibiting signs of -excitement. This fact was brought out most strikingly when the officers -found him at his home, on the 18th of May, at five o’clock, and -informed him that they had a warrant for his arrest on the charge of -murder. He was painting in his house at the time, and, turning to the -officers with a smile on his face, he nonchalantly remarked: - -“Well, this is very strange.” - -The officers then told him that I desired to see him immediately, and -he responded that if that was the case he supposed he must go with them. - -When he arrived at the station he was informed again of the nature of -the charge against him, and the floor, so to speak, was accorded him -for any explanations he might desire to make. - -“I am the most innocent man in the world,” he began, in a slow, -deliberate voice. “I could not hurt a child or see any one hurt.” - -Engel was then subjected to some close questioning, and all he could be -made to say was this: - -“On Monday, May 3, I was working for a friend of mine named Koch. I was -doing some painting for him that evening between the hours of eight and -nine o’clock. I then went to a meeting at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake -Street. The meeting was held in the basement. I don’t know Mr. Waller. -I do not belong to the Northwest Side group. I don’t belong to any -armed men. I don’t know of any plan or conspiracy. I did not give any -plan at that meeting. I was there at the meeting only a little while. I -did not speak there, nor had I anything to say to any one. I did not, -and was not authorized by any one to give a plan.” - -He thus flatly contradicted every charge and seemed determined to put -a bold front upon the situation. Confronted by the facts, he never -winced, but kept up a bold exterior. He was then locked up at the -station. Subsequently his wife called and met him in my office. - -“Papa, see what trouble you have got yourself into,” she sadly remarked. - -“Mamma,” he responded, “I cannot help it. What is in me must come out.” - -“Why,” I interposed, “don’t you stop that nonsense?” - -[Illustration: MISS MARY ENGEL. - -From a Photograph.] - -“I know,” replied Engel, “I have promised my wife so many times that I -would stop it. But I cannot do it. I cannot help it that I am possessed -of some eloquence and enthusiasm. It is a curse to some people to be -possessed of this knowledge. I cannot help it that I am gifted in that -way. I am not the first man that has been locked up for this cause, but -I will bear it like a man. Louise Michel is a great woman. She has been -locked up and suffered for principle. I am willing to do the same.” - -When Engel was asked where he had been on Tuesday evening, May 4, he -responded: “At home all night, lying on a lounge.” - -Two days after Engel’s arrest I secured a statement—in addition to -that of Hubner—from Gottfried Waller, implicating the nervy Anarchist -in the conspiracy in connection with “the plan.” - -I therefore thought it best to have Engel face his accuser, Waller, -and, on the evening of May 24, at 9:30 o’clock, the two men were -brought together in my office. Mr. Furthmann, who was present, with the -officers, asked Engel, the moment he was brought in, if he knew the -party before him. Engel, without the slightest hesitancy or tremor, -answered in the negative. He was next asked if he had not attended the -meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street, and Engel stated that he had come -in late during the proceedings. - -Waller then reiterated his charge, that Engel was not only a speaker -on that occasion, but the man who had submitted a plan for murder and -destruction. - -“In fact,” said Waller, “you were the only man who urged a revolution -and spoke about your plan.” - -When questioned as to what he had to say to this, Engel retorted -that “it was not true,” as he had not been authorized by any one to -propose a plan. Inasmuch as the accusation of Waller failed to make -any perceptible impression on Engel’s mind, I decided to see how the -presence of another accuser would affect his deportment and answers. -Accordingly Ernst Hubner was asked if he would face Engel, and, an -answer being given firmly in the affirmative, Engel was again brought -back into the office. There were present at this, as well as at the -former interview, Furthmann, Whalen, Stift, Schuettler, Hoffman, -Loewenstein and Rehm. The moment Engel was brought up by an officer, -Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann asked Hubner if he was acquainted -with Engel. Hubner replied, “Yes, I know him.” - -Addressing Engel, I said: - -“This is Ernst Hubner. He says that he knows you, and he also has made -a statement against you.” - -Engel replied that he did not know the man, whereupon Hubner reiterated -his acquaintanceship, and added: - -“Your name is Engel, and you keep a toy-store on Milwaukee Avenue. You -made speeches at 58 Clybourn Avenue. I saw and heard you several times. -I saw you in a meeting May 3, 9 P.M., at 54 West Lake Street.” - -“Engel,” I interrupted, “listen, and I will read you what Hubner said -about you.” - -Engel assented, and the statement of Hubner, as already given, was read. - -“It is false,” replied Engel; “but if that good man says I did say so, -then you can believe him. I do not care.” - -“Where did you see Engel last?” inquired Furthmann of Hubner. - -“I saw him at the meeting held at Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street, -where I heard him speak about the revenge circular and his plan, which -he said had been adopted by the Northwest Side group. He spoke of the -plan as I have heretofore explained in my affidavit to the officers.” - -“You still say that that affidavit is true in every respect?” - -“I do,” emphatically replied Hubner. - -“It is not so, and it is not true,” stoutly replied Engel. - -“Well,” said I, “there are other people, and we will have more, who -will prove that you did make a revolutionary speech and submitted -a plan calling on your people to get ready with their arms and do -violence. If other witnesses are produced, will you still have the same -answer to give?” - -“It would not be true; it is not so,” reiterated Engel. - -“But,” I added, “suppose I produce twenty more men who will accuse you -the same as Waller and Hubner have accused you, what then would you -have to say?” - -“My answer,” responded Engel, “would be that I have never spoken as -charged against me. It is not true.” - -Engel had evidently made up his mind to deny everything, and, knowing -his character for stubbornness, I made no further efforts to secure -a statement from him. A man who could originate such a cold-blooded -scheme as he had proposed—and part of it was actually carried out in -bloodshed—was evidently not the kind to yield, and I allowed him to -ruminate over his predicament in a cell below until the 27th of May, -when he was sent to the County Jail. As will subsequently appear, -he never showed signs of weakness during his incarceration from the -time he was taken from his house that night until he dropped from -the gallows, dying the hardest of them all. A half dozen such men at -a critical time could upset a whole city, and it was fortunate for -Chicago that there were not more like him during the troublous days of -1886. - -[Illustration: GOTTFRIED WALLER. - -From a Photograph.] - -Some two days before Engel was brought in, GOTTFRIED WALLER was -arrested by Officer Whalen. It appeared that he had been selling -revolvers to workingmen, and after being taken to the station, on -the 14th of May, he was released on bail. His importance then as a -conspicuous figure in the Monday night meeting, when the murderous -“plan” was adopted, was not clearly apparent, but he was kept under -surveillance and his antecedents carefully inquired into. Thielen, in -his confession on the very day Waller was arrested, referred to him as -having presided at that meeting, and, in describing a man who called at -Lingg’s room on Tuesday afternoon, May 4, said he “believed he worked -at Brunswick & Balke’s factory.” Hubner, in his affidavit on the 18th -of May, stated that Waller had presided on the occasion referred to, -and had even urged them to go ahead and do their work, and he would -be with them—meaning their work of destruction. On these and other -facts a warrant was secured for his arrest for murder, and on the 20th -of May he was again taken into custody by Officers Whalen and Stift. -He was a Swiss by birth, a cabinet-maker by occupation, and worked -at the Brunswick, Balke & Collender billiard factory. His age at the -time of his arrest was thirty-six years, and he was a married man -with one child. At the time of his first arrest he was living at No. -590 Milwaukee Avenue, and at his second arrest he was found at No. 105 -North Wells Street. He had been only three years in America, and had -scarcely settled in Chicago before he began attending the Anarchist -meetings. He always frequented the gatherings where Swiss people -assembled, and on a search being made of their meeting-place, 105 North -Wells Street, on the 7th of May, the police found twelve guns. It had -been the headquarters for the most dangerous element in the order, -and on Waller’s visiting the place after the trial of the Anarchists -a serious attempt was made on his life. He was called a spy, and was -pursued until he found safety under the shadow of the Chicago Avenue -Station. Several parties were afterwards arrested for this assault. -They subsequently threw a piece of iron through the window of the house -where Waller was stopping, but this was the last futile exhibition of -their rage. - -In view of his testimony, which appears further on in the review of -the trial, Waller was given an unconditional release, and he has since -conducted himself as a peaceable citizen. - -After his confession bearing directly on the principal parties in the -conspiracy, Waller wrote out his experience with the Lehr und Wehr -Verein in particular and his connection with Anarchy in general. His -story is as follows: - - “On the 25th of January, 1884, I arrived in Chicago from Easton, - Pa. I lived sixteen months on Grove Avenue, Humboldt. I was never a - Socialist or Anarchist. I understood very little of the former and - nothing at all of the latter. After residing for a while at the place - mentioned, I moved to Milwaukee Avenue, near No. 636, Thalia Hall, on - that street. Here I noticed people uniformed and armed about twice - a week. They would enter this hall, and, by making inquiries, I was - informed that these people belonged to the second company of the Lehr - und Wehr Verein and that they were a sort of ‘Schuetzen Verein,’ - which practiced twice a week in the North Chicago Schuetzen Park - (Sharpshooters’ Park). Their principles were kept secret. As I was - an expert sharpshooter and had a passion for military exercises, I - accepted an invitation from their commander to participate in their - practices. We met on the following Sunday at Thalia Hall, at five - o’clock in the morning, and continued for some time. We dispersed - by each going in different directions toward the park, so as not to - arouse any suspicion. On account of cold weather only fourteen of us - came together. It was no fun to walk knee-deep in the snow; still we - were feeling good since we were going to practice shooting. After - several rounds of drinks, which were called for in payment of the - stand we used on such occasions, we erected two targets and commenced - practicing. I soon noticed that the company consisted of good - marksmen, and that day I was pronounced the best marksman among them. - After that I wanted to become a member of the Verein, as I had been - asked several times by some of them to join. - - [Illustration: UNDERGROUND RIFLE PRACTICE. A MEETING OF THE LEHR UND - WEHR VEREIN.] - - I called at Thalia Hall one Monday evening and was taken to the - cellar, which I entered through a secret door by means of a ladder. - Here I saw thirty to thirty-five men practicing shooting at a target. - The cellar was not well lighted except at the north end, where the - targets stood. The people and all the surroundings looked quite - adventurous to me. One of the members then approached me and asked - if I was a Socialist. I answered, ‘Yes,’ in an off-hand way. The - first sergeant of the company, August Krueger, told me beforehand to - do this. I paid my initiation fee, got a red card numbered 19, by - which number I was afterwards known, and I was then a member. All the - members were very cautious before me on account of my not being well - known to them. We practiced every Monday and Wednesday, drilling and - shooting. I paid a great deal of attention to these exercises. I never - missed a meeting, and consequently I soon gained the confidence of all - the members. - - [Illustration: NUMBERED PLATES. - - From Lehr und Wehr Verein Rifles. - - From a Photograph.] - - “At the first general meeting, which was held every last Tuesday - of each month, at No. 54 West Lake Street, I was enlightened, and - how I was enlightened will appear as I proceed with my statement. I - now desire first to speak of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. This society - consists of four companies from various parts of the city, and forms - a revolutionary military organization. The first company belongs to - the North Side; second company, the Northwest Side; third company, the - Southwest Side; and the fourth company was formed by the commander - at Pullman. The first company was the strongest and consisted of - about one hundred and twenty members. The second consisted of - thirty-five members; the third about eighty; and the fourth, forty - members. Consequently the battalion consisted of two hundred and - seventy-five members. You could rely upon one hundred and eighty men; - the others were more or less indifferent and passive. All the members - were armed with Springfield rifles, 48-caliber, and with Remington - revolvers, 44-caliber. Every member was well supplied with ammunition - at his house, which was always purchased by the quartermaster of - the company. The uniform consisted of a blouse, with white buttons, - and with shoulder-straps for the officers, black leather belts with - brass buckles inscribed L. W. V., dark pantaloons and black slouch - hats. Every company had a captain, lieutenant and first sergeant. - Besides these the company had the following officers: A corresponding - secretary, financial secretary, treasurer, quartermaster, and a - Lehr und Wehr auditor. The commander received a monthly salary of - $15.00, and the financial secretary $4.00. The commander was Gustav - Breitenfeld. Captain of the first company, Abraham Hermann; second - company, Bernhard Schrader; third company, H. Betzel, and fourth - company, Paul Pull. Under command of these people, the companies were - drilled and instructed. The corresponding secretary attended to all - the correspondence, domestic and foreign, which was not a very easy - job, because we corresponded with the Internationale of the whole - country. The financial secretary collected the dues, and turned them - all over to myself as treasurer. The quartermaster, A. Hermann, had - to supply arms and ammunition. The Lehr und Wehr auditor had to - investigate all complaints and to impose all fines and collect the - same. The meeting-place of the first company was at Mueller’s Hall, - on North Avenue and Sedgwick Street, in basement; of the second - company, at Thalia Hall, on Milwaukee Avenue; of the third company, - at Vorwaerts Turn Hall, on West Twelfth Street, and of the fourth - company, at Rosenheim, in Pullman. Another curiously mixed company - also belonged to the Verein. It was commanded by Captain Betzel, of - the third company, and it had nothing to do with us in a business way. - - “The whole battalion assembled once every month on pleasant days on - the prairie behind the ice-houses of Schofield & Co., on the West - Side, and practiced skirmish drills. The commands were given in - English, and no one knew the members by name—only by numbers. - - “This brings me to the first general meeting of the Verein at No. - 54 West Lake Street that I attended. Before the opening of the - meeting, every one who entered the hall was examined so that none - but members might get in. The meetings would be called to order by - the secretary, and then a chairman and a doorkeeper would be chosen. - August Krause, of the second company, was generally called upon to - officiate as chairman. First of all the correspondence would be read, - and at one meeting a letter was read from Most, of New York, which - pertained to arms. In the first meeting Commander Breitenfeld was - ordered to proceed to Pullman every Sunday to work for the cause, - and for his services he received a remuneration of $3 for each trip. - The new company in that town finally reported a large increase of - fine material with strong Anarchistic doctrines. The quartermaster, - who then was Lehnert, was ordered to purchase forty rifles and four - boxes of ammunition, each containing 4,000 rounds. The treasurer - delivered to him $250, and afterwards we duly received the rifles - from a firm in St. Louis. After all business had been transacted - one of the eager members delivered a speech touching the best means - of bringing on the social revolution. He proved very violent in his - sentiments, and all present agreed with him that this revolution - could only be accomplished with fire, powder, lead and dynamite. For - a public attack on the streets of Chicago the speaker considered us - too weak. As to the ‘property beasts,’ as he called the small owners - of buildings, he regarded them as our biggest enemies, as they would - attack us from their windows and defeat us, and consequently our only - hope for a victory lay in the torch and dynamite. When Chicago would - be surrounded by fire and destroyed, these ‘beasts,’ he said, would - be obliged to take refuge on the prairies, and there it would be very - easy for us to master them by our unmerciful proceedings. If this was - done, other cities, like New York, St. Louis, Pittsburg, etc., would - follow our example. Then all eyes would be centered on the Anarchists - of Chicago, and therefore we would proclaim the Commune. - - “All these utterances were accepted with great applause, and every one - wanted to commence immediately. I thought differently. I remembered - the revolution of 1848 in Germany and that of 1871 in Paris and its - consequences. - - “Krause, after this speech, took the floor and spoke in favor of the - revolution. He stated that they ought to invite the Anarchists of - other cities to join them here, and then we could commence the work - of destruction. Then other members gave their views, and the meeting - adjourned with an injunction that every one should be silent with - reference to our proceedings. - - “This brings me to the revolutionary party. This organization consists - of the following sections and groups: The Lehr und Wehr Verein, - commander Breitenfeld; Northwest Side group, commanders Engel, Fischer - and Grumm; North Side group, commanders Neebe, Lingg and Hermann; - American group, commanders Spies, Parsons and Fielden; Karl Marx - Group, commander Schilling; the Freiheit group; the armed sections - of the International Carpenters’ Union and the Metal-workers’ Union. - The whole party is under the leadership of a general committee. - This committee is composed of Spies, Schwab, Parsons, Neebe, Rau, - Hirschberger, Deusch and Belz. The committee held their meetings in - one of the rooms of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and received weekly reports - from the delegates of the various groups. A part of the monthly dues - was delivered to the general committee, and all expenses for traveling - at the instance of the agitation committee (Parsons and Schwab) and - for arms were paid by the quartermaster. - - “On one occasion I attended a general meeting of the revolutionary - party at No. 54 West Lake Street, at which the whole party of armed - sections were represented. After all precautions had been taken as to - safety, August Spies took the chair and Neebe acted as secretary. We - had to produce our cards of membership on entering, and every group - was called by name, and each representative had to rise in his seat - for close inspection. The first business was a complaint from the - Northwest group and the Lehr und Wehr Verein that the funds had been - mismanaged and thrown away. Both organizations declared that they - would withdraw their delegates and, after that, act independently. - Spies became as furious as a snake when trodden upon, and he got up - and told them that they might leave immediately. This started a war - of words. Some retorted that the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ was not radical - enough, and it must be made different from that moment. The members - of the general committee were called impostors and loafers. The Lehr - und Wehr Verein had paid some $75 for the purchase of arms, but they - had neither seen the arms nor the money. Engel and the Northwest Side - group were brought into the wrangle, and he was called a traitor. They - said that Engel would bring the whole party to ruin, likewise the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, but they (Engel and the paper) did not care so - long as it enriched themselves. Finally the Northwest group withdrew, - and some of the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein shortly afterwards - followed suit. From this time on there were constant disputes. - - “Engel and Grunewald collected money for a new paper and started the - _Anarchist_, a paper like Most’s _Freiheit_ in New York. Shortly after - these societies had left the hall, the fight was taken up again by - some of the females who were present,—Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Bolling, - Mrs. Schwab and Mrs. Holmes,—and it was continued until Spies was - declared out of order. Hirschberger then reported the result of the - sale of revolutionary literature, such as the works of Louise Michel, - Most’s ‘Revolutionary Warfare,’ etc., and he stated that it had - exceeded his expectations. After this they discussed picnics, and a - number desired them to be held outside of the city. Sheffield was - suggested, because by going there they would bring in more money, and - when there they could speak more freely their Anarchist sentiments. - It was finally decided to hold a meeting of the workingmen on Market - Square on Thanksgiving day, and Parsons was ordered to make the - necessary arrangements. Spies called attention to the importance of - every one attending that meeting, and urged that they should not come - without a bomb or a revolver. The bombs, he said, they could purchase - at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, four for $1. The time was near, - he said, when the long-looked-for revolution would take place, and - so they should avail themselves of every opportunity. He wanted all - Anarchists to work against the eight-hour movement, because if it - should prove successful our movement would receive a set-back for - several years. Our cause would not be hastened by it. He complained - about our small gain in numbers and attributed it to the poor - agitation of some of the members. After this I left the hall. - - “On the day before Thanksgiving we drilled in Thalia Hall. At the - end of the exercise we were all requested to attend the meeting the - following day, and Lehnert distributed some bombs in the shape of - gas-pipe. He stated that he could only get four, but that on the next - day at one o’clock every member could have one by calling at the hall. - The next day most of the members put in an appearance. Members of the - Northwest Side group also called. Adolph Fischer was there with a - basketful of bombs like the one I saw the day before, which was the - first time I had ever seen a bomb, and he told us distinctly to use - them in case the Market Square meeting was dispersed. He cut a piece - of fuse about the length of one on a bomb, put it on the table and - lighted it with a cigar. He showed the way it worked and posted us as - to the time it would have to burn before a bomb to which it might be - attached should be thrown. He also showed us the way we should throw a - bomb, and after this exhibition we all proceeded to the meeting. - - “On arriving at Market Square, I noticed a stage made out of barrels, - with a red flag attached to it, and this was our meeting-place. - Parsons mounted the platform and addressed the assemblage, which - consisted of about a thousand people. It was a fortunate thing that - the crowd was no larger, else the bloody bath of May 4 would have - taken place that day, in view of all the preparations and the hostile - feeling among us. The Northwest Side group was fully armed, and the - preparations were alike complete among all the the other sections. - Schwab, Fielden and Neebe were present, but none of them spoke. After - they had waved the red flag the meeting adjourned. Bad, cold weather - contributed to the small attendance. - - “After reading in the newspapers that on a certain Monday some of - McCormick’s strikers would resume work, the armed groups were called - to a meeting at Goercke’s Hall, on Twentieth Street and Blue Island - Avenue. Reinhold Krueger and Tannenberg represented the second - company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and I joined them on the way to - the place of meeting. Arriving there, I found most of the different - sections represented, and the meeting opened. Gustav Belz, of the - Metal-workers’ Union, and employed at McCormick’s, was chairman, - and after some discussion we concluded to stop the reopening of - the factory by force. On account of the short time for a proper - notification to our members, we decided to have our well-known signal, - ‘Y, come Monday’ (which would mean that all was ripe for action, - and our men should came to our regular meeting place, 54 West Lake - Street), in the ‘Briefkasten’ of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, and it was - accordingly done. We also at the meeting conferred with respect to - having some of our men mix up with the ‘scabs’ by going to work with - them in the factory, and then, when the moment for action arrived, - they should set the factory on fire in several places. Those who were - to do this were not to act, however, until they learned the result of - the meeting that was to be held under the call of our signal, ‘Y.’ - During the same day, after the meeting, Belz and Tannenberg carried - several bombs out to the Black Road. What happened the following - Monday at the factory everybody knows. Strikers and others assembled - by thousands. The great bell at the factory rang, and the ‘scabs’ went - to work. During the day disturbances followed and many arrests were - made of people who were found to have concealed weapons, and who were - afterwards fined $10 in the Police Court. - - “But a change took place the following Tuesday. In accordance with the - signal published in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, about 180 of our people - gathered at No. 54 West Lake Street. Most of them carried their arms - and some carried bombs. I saw Suess, and some others unknown to me, - have bombs of the round pattern. These men even had their rifles with - them, and everyone knew what was up. The several sections formed in - platoons. Belz was elected chairman, and they consulted as to what - should be done. First they regretted that the strikers had not reached - McCormick’s that Monday morning, before the arrival of the police, in - time to secure possession of the place, and then Betzel of the third - company spoke and insisted that they should go around there during - the night, secure good positions and then attack the patrol wagons as - they passed on the following morning. He said he would give strict - instructions to his company to obey his command, and then, when the - police came to take their positions, they should be met with a good - reception from well-aimed rifles. About fifty members wanted this plan - carried out, but I noticed that most of them carried their hearts - in their pants, and had very little courage. Excuses after excuses - were made. Suess gave his bomb to a comrade and told him that when - he thought of his wife and home he had doubts about going into an - uncertain adventure. Balthasar Rau also protested against the plan. - Some one suggested that they should stay there, in the hall, all - night. Belz declared that he was of the same opinion about remaining; - but, he said, he had a better plan to reach Mr. McCormick. It was - very easy, he said, to attack this money baron in his own house. He - described the house and rooms, and the location of the windows, and - said that they should throw one of these ‘play balls’ in through the - window of the room where McCormick would be sitting, and send him - flying to heaven. This course should be taken by some one of those - present, of his own accord, so that no second or third party would - know the perpetrator. There seemed to be no response to this, and, - noticing the want of enthusiasm, he grasped his rifle and made a - motion to break it in two, calling them all at the same time cowards. - He then left the hall. I was surprised at this, because among those - assembled there were some of the worst Anarchists in the city, notably - Lingg, Engel, Fischer and Grunewald. McCormick, however, is alive - to-day. Rau notified those present that if any one wanted any bombs - they should follow him to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, and he would - supply them. The meeting then adjourned. - - “After the experience I had thus had with the party, I was sorry - that I ever joined. I found that what good humor I had formerly - possessed had been completely wiped out by my associations with the - revolutionary party. I wanted now to join some good society, and I - thought of some good excuse for leaving the party. My opportunity - came. My comrades wanted me to buy a supply of ammunition, as the - 1st of May was near at hand, but I found that there was not money - enough in the treasury. The financial secretary had been very slow in - delivering to me all the money he had collected, and I discovered that - his love for the shining dollars was so great that he would let some - of them fall through his fingers. I found out his dishonesty, and I - brought it to light. On this account we became enemies, and sometimes - he would rather have seen me dead than McCormick. One evening I - stood in front of the bar at Thalia Hall with him just before - target practice. I was talking about something not in his favor. We - finally came to hot words and then to blows. I let him have a few - right-handers, and he drew his revolver and fired one shot, the ball - passing close to my right ear and striking the wall. The proprietor - of the saloon took the revolver away from him, and he attacked me - again with a rawhide [a billy], which he always carried. He struck me - over the head, and I grabbed a chair and gave it to him savagely. He - skipped out. Shortly after this I sent the money-box with Schrader - to the Verein along with my written resignation. In that I explained - that I did not want to associate with murderers and manslayers. It - was accepted, and I was again a free man, rejecting every inducement - except one to join their ranks again. This exception grew out of my - own foolishness and happened when I attended the ill-fated meeting of - May 2d. - -[Illustration: “LIBERTY HALL,” - -No. 63 Emma Street, where the Conspiracy “Plan” was first proposed by -Engel. From a Photograph.] - - “This meeting on May 2d was held on Emma Street. During the day, - which was a pleasant one, I went out early for a walk. While I was - absent some one called at my house and told my wife that I was wanted - at No. 63 Emma Street that evening at ten o’clock. I returned home - about 10:30 o’clock the same morning, and as I did not know the hall, - nor knew the person who had notified my wife, I proceeded to the - number given. This visit was a most unfortunate one for me. Entering - the hall, I noticed the Northwest Side group and the second company - of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I was just on the point of leaving, - when Schrader called me back, and, not liking to act like a coward, - I remained. A person named Kistner acted as chairman. They wanted - to admit a member who had been proposed by two members as true and - faithful, but Engel objected, and the man had to leave the hall. They - then proceeded to business, having first ascertained that the twenty - or twenty-five persons present were in perfect security. Engel took - the floor and sailed into the capitalists and the police. He said - that they should, when an opportunity presented itself, imitate the - Anarchist leaders when, at the Bohemian Turner Hall masquerade ball, - they had thrown pepper in the eyes of policemen who were present to - make an attack on the turners, and he explained how that assault on - their part had come very near costing him his life. But he had done - it for the good of the cause. He then spoke of the labor troubles and - said that now was the time to produce the revolution. It was unwise to - let it pass. Then he proceeded to outline a plan for it, saying that, - if any one had a better one to suggest, to say so.” - -Waller gives the details of the plan just as he gave it in court, and -continues: - - “I could not advise any one to speak against the motion for the - adoption of the plan, as he would have been dealt with accordingly. - Breitenfeld stated subsequently at Thalia Hall that he would do - everything in his power to carry out this plan and that he would not - work for the next few days, and that on the day given he would be at - No. 54 West Lake Street to make all the arrangements. - - “What happened on Monday at McCormick’s is known. Spies hurried to - write the ‘Revenge’ circular, stating that six men had been killed, - and put it into circulation. That day I was at No. 105 Wells Street, - where the workingmen employed in Brunswick & Balke’s factory held - their meetings. I got home about six o’clock and had my supper, but I - did not know then as to the conflict with the police at McCormick’s. - I did not feel like going to the meeting called for that evening at - No. 54 West Lake Street. I had hardly been home thirty minutes when - Clermont, of the second company, entered my room and asked: - - “‘Did you hear the news?’ - - “‘What?’ I asked. - - “‘From McCormick’s,’ he replied. - - “‘What then?’ I asked. - - “‘Ten men were killed by the police, and more than twenty wounded,’ he - said. ‘Now we must commence.’ - - “I did not believe it at first, but when he showed me the ‘Revenge’ - circular my blood shot up into my head and I went with him to the - meeting. As we passed Engel’s house we met him and Fischer, and they - joined us. On the way to the meeting, Engel said that if any one - wanted to see him they should take the rear door and enter, as he - thought the detectives were watching his house. Having arrived at the - hall, Breitenfeld called the revolutionary men down to the cellar, and - to my surprise I was elected chairman.” - -Waller then details the business that was there transacted, the story -being identical with that he gave on the witness-stand, and alludes to -his visit to Engel’s house on his way to the Haymarket meeting on the -evening of May 4. He had been previously asked by A. Krueger, Kraemer, -and two others, who called at his own house while he was eating his -supper, to go with them to Wicker Park, as they wanted to be at their -post in response to the signal “Ruhe,” but he declined to go with them. -Waller continues: - - “I went to Engel’s. He was not at home, and we waited in a room behind - the store. There were two others there, one a member of the Northwest - Side group, and the other I did not know. The first one went away to - get some pepper, as he said, and returned again in a few minutes.... - He said he was only waiting for the pills, meaning the bombs. I waited - about five minutes, and during the time a young girl about ten or - twelve years old put in an appearance, carrying a heavy parcel, which - she handed to the man who had gone out for the pepper and who was - waiting for ‘pills.’ I took the man to be her father. He disappeared - behind a screen, and I walked out.” - -Waller next gives the circumstances in connection with the Haymarket -meeting precisely as he gave them in court, and reverts back to the -meeting of Monday night at No. 54 Lake Street, referring to a speech -made on that occasion by Clermont. That man, Waller says, spoke -substantially as follows: “I expect to see about 20,000 or 25,000 -people at the Haymarket. The speeches should be very threatening and -fierce so that the police will be compelled to disperse the meeting. -Then, when the police become engaged, we can carry out our purpose.” -Before this meeting came to order, Greif, the proprietor of the place, -was around lighting the lamps, and while doing so he remarked, says -Waller: “This is just the place for you conspirators.” - -Among those expecting to do deeds of violence on the night of the -Haymarket, at Wicker Park, was “Big” Krueger, and Waller mentions the -fact that he met him the next day at noon. - -“Krueger showed me a revolver,” says Waller, “and I told him that he -had better leave it at home. He replied that he would not do it, as he -intended to kill every one who came across his path, and he left. A few -hours after he shot at a policeman and lost his life.” - -Officer Madden was the officer thus assailed, and he immediately turned -around and shot the Anarchist down in his tracks. - -In concluding his statement Waller refers to his arrest and says: - - “On the way to the station I made up my mind not to say a word. - Arriving there, Capt. Schaack got to talking to me and put several - questions to me in the presence of several detectives. I noticed that - telling lies would not do me any good, and the friendly and courteous - treatment of the Captain made such an impression on my mind that I - told, by and by, everything with a throbbing heart. I promised to - repeat my statements before court, and I did so.” - -OTTO LEHMAN was well known to the police by reputation through frequent -mention of his name by fellow Anarchists, but he managed for some time -to keep himself out of the way of a personal acquaintanceship with the -force. He never did cherish admiration for policemen, and his dislike -grew even more intense after he had learned that he was wanted. The -sight of a blue-coat would drive him fairly wild, and the only way he -could assuage his wrath was to take to his heels and run until his -surcharged feelings had oozed out at the ends of his toes. He was -a brave, defiant man in the presence of his comrades, and with his -military bearing he seemed the very personification of courage. He -had a great penchant for lager beer, and, while emptying glass after -glass, he talked Anarchy to the great delight of his hearers. He was an -enthusiastic attendant at all meetings of the fraternity, and always -wanted the speakers to make their harangues strong and incendiary. If -one of them failed to threaten capitalists with dynamite and guns, he -lost interest in the proceedings. In that case he would tilt his chair -back and take a nap. The moment some one rasped the air with stinging -words against capitalists and the police, Lehman would be on his feet -and applaud vociferously. He would then adjourn to a saloon, fill -himself up with lager and go home to dream of happy days when everybody -was to be rich without labor. Some nights he would jump up in bed half -asleep,—this is the story of his fellow roomers,—and shout: - -[Illustration: OTTO LEHMAN. - -From a Photograph.] - -“Down with them; shoot them! Don’t give them any quarter! The world now -is ours.” - -His bed-companion, aroused by the demonstration, would take him by the -collar and pull him down, after which he would sleep quite contentedly. -This sort of exhibition was repeated after every meeting at which -some new infernal machine had been spoken of, or some new torture for -capitalists suggested. Such speeches made him strong in the faith, -and so enthusiastic was he always that he managed to become quite a -favorite with his fellows. In return for their admiration, he would -spend his last cent in buying beer. His boarding-house was at No. 189 -Hudson Avenue. - -Although this is only a two-story building, there were living in it -at the time no less than eight families. That there were no more is -no fault of the house. And such families! Every one of them, from -the youngest who could talk, to the oldest who could bear arms, was -a turbulent Anarchist. Lehman was always happy in such surroundings. -Had he only had his wife and children there, his joy would have -been as nearly complete as possible until all capitalists had been -exterminated. Unfortunately his family were in Germany. He had left -them there three years before. At that time he would have been pleased -to bring them along with him had it not been for his haste to get out -of Emperor William’s dominions to escape the law of the land. - -In his new surroundings in America Lehman only waited for the day when -millionaires would either “bite the dust” or capitulate by handing -over their wealth to the Anarchists. He never for a moment doubted -that that day was almost at hand. Even after the Haymarket riot he had -hope, but it vanished completely the moment he was within the grasp -of the law. Of course, he did everything to save himself for another -revolution by keeping away from the “hated police.” Had it not been for -his standing in Germany he would have returned there and waited until -the excitement in Chicago had died out, and his comrades had fixed up -another plan. He would have even gone to Canada, but he had never heard -of it as a refuge for Anarchists. For a time he succeeded remarkably -well in dodging us, as we had only a meager description of his -appearance; but on the 20th of May he was seen by Officers Schuettler -and Hoffman on the North Side. They did not know him at the time. -Lehman, however, apèears to have been suspicious of their movements, -as there had recently been many inquiries for him in the locality. The -moment Hoffman caught a glimpse of the slippery Anarchist, he remarked -to his comrade: - -“I’ll bet that is one of the cut-throats. We’ll take him in on general -principles, and we can soon find out where he belongs.” - -The officers gradually approached him, but Lehman, suspecting their -intentions, at once started on the run. He had run only half a block -when he was captured, put in irons and taken to the station. On his -arrival, I asked him his name. - -“I’ll tell you my name, and that is all,” replied Lehman, in a surly -mood and with an air of bravado. “I am not ashamed of my name, no -matter if I am poor. I am as good a man as Grant. Now, don’t trouble me -any more. I am closed, and you cannot open me with a crow-bar. Look at -me and tell the newspapers you have seen me. I am ready to be locked -up.” - -“Otto,” said I, “you have a brother named August, and he has a son by -the name of Paul. That boy is a very good runner, and at the Haymarket, -May 4, he was going to run and carry the news to outside men. The boy -did run, but not with news for the waiting men. He kept running until -he got out of town, and I know where he is. You will have him with you -in a few days. So good-by, Otto; I will see you about the first of -June. Officers, lock him up.” - -Otto was accordingly escorted down stairs. He had no sooner been placed -in a cell than the officers learned the location of his boarding-house -at the number given. They at once repaired to the place and gave -it a thorough overhauling. They learned that immediately after the -Haymarket, and especially since officers had been frequently noticed in -the locality, many of the occupants had disappeared in a great hurry, -some even forgetting the clean linen that hung in their back yards, and -others neglecting to square their board bills. - -The officers searched the premises and found several loaded dynamite -bombs, some showing conclusively that they had come from Lingg’s -factory. It was subsequently learned that Lingg had furnished them to -Lehman—one on the evening of May 4, at 58 Clybourn Avenue, and another -shortly after, on the same street, near Larrabee. The bombs were all -ready for use, and contained Lingg’s extra strong explosive, almost -doubly as powerful as the ordinary commercial dynamite. - -Two days after his arrest, about eleven o’clock, Lehman was not in a -very happy frame of mind. His dreams had not been pleasant, and the -possibility of hanging haunted him continually. He told the janitor -that he wanted to see the Captain. I sent back word that I could not -see him until the next day. Again in the afternoon he sent the janitor -to say that he must see me at once, and that he would not speak so -defiantly as he had done before. Otto was thereupon brought up. As he -came in, he took off his hat and apologized for his rude behavior. -After inviting the Anarchist to take a seat, I remarked: - -“You know what you are arrested for?” - -“Oh, yes,” he replied. - -“Have you made up your mind, then, as to what you wish to say?” - -He answered in the affirmative. - -“Will you tell me all you know of the Anarchists ever since you became -one of them?” - -Assent being given, I continued: “Now, you must understand I know a -great deal of this work myself.” - -Otto said he so understood. - -“Well, I don’t want you to lie to me, and I don’t want you to lie about -anybody else to benefit yourself. All you tell me must be true, and if -I find that you conceal anything, I will consider you a liar and have -nothing more to do with you.” - -“Oh, yes,” meekly and penitently replied Lehman, “I do agree with you -on that point, and you will find me right. I will swear to all I say, -and if I lie you can hang me in this station. But, Captain, I want -something for telling the truth.” - -“Well,” I replied, “I will have the State’s Attorney or his -representative here, and if he tells you to speak and promises to -reward you, you can depend upon his word.” - -In the presence of Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, Otto at once -unburdened his mind and related his knowledge of Anarchy in Chicago. -He also testified to a fact, made apparent in my interviews with other -prisoners, that he, like others, had been carried away by “the d——d -Anarchist literature,” as he expressed it, and that he now fully -realized the utter folly of his past course. He had been told, he said, -just as others had been told, by those who had lived in America for a -long time, that this was a free country, and there was no law to stop -them. “You can see for yourself,” they used to say to him, “they are -all afraid of us. Nobody interferes with us. We have everything all our -own way.” - -“That sort of talk,” said Lehman, “made me as bad as the rest of them.” - -He had fully believed, as his friends had informed him, that it was -legal to talk dynamite, and that they could form plans for murder with -impunity and without molestation. Mr. Furthmann read and explained the -law to him, when he said: - -“I am glad now that I have been arrested.” - -And he demonstrated the sincerity of his statement by furnishing strong -evidence against all the Anarchist leaders that he knew. He was kept -in confinement until after the trial and then released by order of the -State’s Attorney. He was forty years of age, a carpenter by occupation, -and ever since his release he has attended to work and means to live -until a good age to make amends for his past life. - -The statement he gave me was as follows: - - “I belong to the armed section of the International Carpenters’ group. - Whenever we had a meeting, the armed section remained five minutes - later. To my group belonged myself, my brother, William Hageman, who - lives on Rees Street, over Lehman’s grocery store, also Hageman’s - brother, who was boarding at the same place, Ernst Niendorf, on - Groger Street, Waller, William Seliger, John Thielen and Louis Lingg, - all of the North Side group; also Abraham Hermann, Lorenz Hermann, - Ernst Hubner, Charley Bock and his brother, William Lange, Michael - Schwab, Balthasar Rau, Rudolph Schnaubelt, Fischer and Huber. I - attended a meeting, May 3, at 71 West Lake Street, at nine o’clock. I - heard Louis Lingg speak there, also Schwab. I saw the circular there - which called for revenge and to arms. Waller, or Zoller, opened the - meeting as chairman. Lingg said at the meeting that they must arm - themselves and attend the meeting at the Haymarket to get revenge - for those workingmen who were killed at McCormick’s factory that day - by the police. I also heard Schwab urge them to arm themselves and - seek revenge on the police. I heard one man call out that all armed - men present should go to Greif’s Hall, 54 West Lake Street, that a - meeting would be held there in the basement. I went there, as also - did my brother Gustav, the two Hagemans, Louis Lingg, Schnaubelt, - Breitenfeld, John Thielen and Hubner. The meeting occurred at 54 West - Lake Street. I was there during the whole session. My brother was on - the outside watching. I heard the speaker say that there would be a - meeting at the Haymarket and that they expected a big crowd there, - which would give them a chance to use their arms. He also said that - the police would no doubt come there to disperse them. If they refused - to go, the police would shoot, and they would have a good chance to - shoot at them. The speakers at that meeting would be Spies, Fielden - and Parsons. The North Side armed group would meet at Neff’s Hall, - 58 Clybourn Avenue, on Tuesday night, and they were to be ready with - their arms and wait for orders. The Northwest Side group would also - be ready and wait for orders. As soon as there was trouble at the - Haymarket, they would be at Wicker Park ready for action. I heard the - word ‘Ruhe’ spoken of at that meeting in the basement. If that word - appeared in the paper—the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_—the next day, it would - mean a revolution, and the attack on the police would be made that - night. ‘Y, komme,’ was a sign published in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, - meaning that there would be a meeting of the armed men. When I saw - that revenge circular at No. 71 West Lake Street, it excited me very - much and brought me to the meeting at 54 West Lake Street. I saw - Adolph Fischer at that meeting. He made an address to us calling us - to arms and urged that we should take revenge on the capitalists and - the officers who had killed our brother workingmen on that day at - McCormick’s. This man Fischer, whose picture has just been shown me - by the Captain, is the person who said he would see that circulars - were printed for the Haymarket meeting next day. The word ‘Ruhe’ was - our signal word, adopted by the meeting that night at 54 West Lake - Street, to attack the police. I heard some one say at the meeting that - we should also attack the police station-houses and the police who - might be within. They should make dynamite bombs and have them ready - to throw into the stations. Lingg said: ‘I will have the dynamite and - bombs ready to be used when called for.’ I did not hear of any one - else saying or offering to furnish dynamite bombs. I was about fifteen - feet away from Lingg when he made the remark. Then I left the meeting - and the hall. The unanimous understanding among us all was that all - who desired bombs must go to Lingg and get them. And we did not look - to any one else for them. It was further stated at the meeting that, - in case we should see a patrol wagon on the night of the attack, we - should destroy the wagon, the horses and the officers, so that they - could not render assistance to the officers at the Haymarket. On - Tuesday evening, May 4, at nine o’clock, I went to Neff’s Hall, 58 - Clybourn Avenue, and there I met both Hermanns, Rau, the Hagemans, - Bock, Seliger and Lingg. Lingg gave me some of those long dynamite - bombs and said: ‘Here, you take this and use it.’ He then started - away. I heard that night—Tuesday—at eleven o’clock, at Ernst Grau’s - saloon, that there had been some shooting that night, that a bomb had - been thrown and that many were killed and wounded at the Haymarket. A - tall man came into Neff’s Hall that night, May 4, at eleven o’clock, - and told us about the shooting, the explosion of the bomb and the - killing of the people. His clothes were all covered with mud, and he - appeared greatly excited. He said: ‘You are having a good time here - drinking beer. See how I look. I was over to the Haymarket and lost my - revolvers.’ His name is August. He is the man—about thirty years of - age, five feet ten inches tall, smooth face or a slight mustache, and - is a bricklayer by occupation. [This was August Groge.] The dynamite - bomb I had was made with a gas-pipe. My statement I will swear to at - any time I am called upon.” - -The bomb he speaks of was among those found by Officer Hoffman at No. -189 Hudson Avenue. - - * * * * * - -GUSTAV LEHMAN was arrested on the same day—May 20—with his brother -Otto, only a little earlier in the morning. He was working as a -carpenter, on a new building at the southwest corner of Sedgwick and -Starr Streets, when Officers Schuettler and Hoffman accosted him, and -his home at the time was at No. 41 Fremont Street, in the basement -of a small building. He had a poor, sickly wife and six children. -His wife,—who subsequently died in the County Hospital, in July, -1888,—when she was notified of his arrest, said: - -“Well, I am very sorry for my dear husband, but now my words are coming -true. He would take the last cent out of the house and run to meetings -every night. Instead of leaving the money at home to buy clothing -with for the children and medicine for myself, he would spend the -last cent in saloons. At times when I heard him and others talk about -capitalists, about an equal division of everything, I thought it all -very foolish, and I would tell my husband so. The only answer he would -give me was: - -“‘Oh, you old women don’t know anything. You come to our meetings, and -there you will be enlightened and learn how we are going to have things -before long.’ - -[Illustration: GUSTAV LEHMAN. - -From a Photograph.] - -“I often told him, ‘You will have things so that you all will be locked -up and beg for mercy and be glad to go to work and let other people -alone.’ One day he didn’t work; he wanted to go to a meeting on the -West Side. I reasoned with him and asked him to stay at home. I was -afraid they would all be arrested for their foolish undertakings. -Gustav got mad at me and said: - -“‘Now is our time or never. Before one month is over we will have -things our own way. We have already got the capitalists, the militia -and the police trembling in their boots. We are prepared, and, as soon -as we strike the first blow, they will run away. Those that don’t run -we will kill. We don’t expect to give them quarter.’” - -The poor woman had clearly foreseen the outcome, and with rare judgment -and fine instinct, in spite of her lowly station in life, she had -sought early and late to instill into her husband’s mind some practical -ideas of life. Within the limited lines of her observation she had -grasped the problem of social existence, its struggles, its sufferings -and its rewards, and she intuitively knew that such changes as her -husband and others of his ilk desired could never be brought about by -revolution in a free country. She loved her husband tenderly, and would -have made any sacrifice for him. But he, rather than forego attendance -at a single meeting, preferred that wife and children should suffer -want. He kept his family in constant suspense and ranted like a madman. - -Lehman was a man about forty-five years of age, weighed two hundred -pounds, and, although he had only the use of one eye, he was a good -mechanic. - -When he was brought to the station he was asked his name. - -“I don’t give any name,” he answered, somewhat indignantly. - -“Why not?” asked I, in a pacific tone of voice. - -“Because,” was the gruff answer, “I don’t want anything to do with you.” - -“Oh, you don’t. I am pleased to make your acquaintance. We don’t find -such a great man as you are every day. Officer, take this man to a safe -place down stairs and leave him there until we want him again.” - -“Well, you don’t scare me any,” thundered the burly Lehman. - -“Well, now, we don’t want to scare you,” retorted I pleasantly, “but I -thought you needed rest. You won’t feel so tired when you see us again. -You will find more of your friends down stairs. If you talk to any one, -you will be taken away from here and sent to the Desplaines Street -Station.” - -At the last remark Lehman winced perceptibly. The name of the -Desplaines Street Station grated harshly on his ear, and he evidently -felt that I had some surprise in store for him. He could have lightly -passed by any other thrusts, but this nettled him. It was made for a -purpose. I knew that all Anarchists had an intense hatred for that -station, and greater than their hatred of the place was their anger -against Bonfield, who had charge of it. They would rather suffer -torments anywhere else than be cast into a cell in that place. - -But Lehman shortly recovered his equanimity, and, assuming a stolid -indifference to his surroundings, remarked: - -“If you think you can make me ‘squeal,’ you are badly mistaken.” - -“Oh, no; we don’t want you to ‘squeal,’” said I. “We are rather afraid -you will beg to be allowed to come here and sit on your knees to -tell us all you know about making bombs and dynamite—all about your -meetings—how often you have presided at meetings and how much dynamite -you got from Lingg; and to tell us all about your brother, and where -your son is hiding now, and where you placed the bombs that you carried -around in your pocket on May 4; how bad a headache you had after -filling the bombs with dynamite at Seliger’s house. You see, August, we -simply want to call your attention to all these little things—that’s -all.” - -This charge proved a little too strong for the doughty Lehman. He -had kept up his courage well, but the rapidity of the assault, the -dark secrets hinted at and the insinuations made had taxed his powers -of resistance almost beyond endurance. His facial muscles twitched, -and for a moment he wrestled with himself. He asked for a glass of -water, and, quaffing its contents to the last drop, he rallied and -straightened himself as if determined to hold out in spite of his -nerves. Recovering his breath and struggling with his emotions, he said: - -“If you have the power to hang me, do so. I have belonged to the cause -so long that I will die before I reveal anything.” - -That was sufficient. Lehman was taken down stairs and locked up. The -very next morning he sent the janitor to my office with a request -to see me. I told the janitor that I was very busy and could not be -interrupted unless Lehman had something very important to communicate. -To this Lehman replied that he had discovered that there were other men -locked up down stairs, and he was satisfied that if they had a chance -they would “squeal.” Would I accord him an interview? He was brought -up, and, in the presence of Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann and -the officers, proceeded to unfold a very remarkable tale. He began -very cautiously, evidently following the instructions laid down in -John Most’s book for Anarchists in trouble, but, as the questions were -plied upon him, he soon discovered that he was in a very “tight box.” -He finally asked if there was any prospect of his being hung. He was -informed that he must tell all he knew, and all must be true; that we -did not want him to try to lie himself out of his trouble or tell a -falsehood against an innocent man. Probably he would be called on to -testify in court, and, of course, if he was a witness for the State, he -would not be hanged. - -“I do trust you men,” he said, and revealed all the secrets that he -knew, without reserve as to his own deeds and the experiences he -had had with the other Anarchists. His statement gave the officers -important points. - -After the trial, Lehman declared he had no more use for Anarchy. He -became a good husband and a kind father. In 1889 he married again, and, -strange to say, Officer Nordrum acted as “best man” at the ceremony. -The nature of Gustav’s testimony appears in the evidence he gave at the -trial. - -ABRAHAM HERMANN was a man of different temperament; but, after his -arrest, he showed a somewhat similar disposition as to secretiveness -and stubbornness. He was arrested on the evening of May 10 at eight -o’clock. He lived at No. 25 Clybourn Avenue. He was about thirty-four -years of age, medium build, and weighed about 185 pounds. He was of -dark complexion, wore a full black beard, had sharp, piercing eyes, -and from thinking much on Anarchy, had come to present a sickly -appearance. He did not look at all vicious, however, and was very quiet -in his manner. He was a good machinist and fully conversant with the -German language. In conversation he was slow and deliberate, evidently -thinking twice before speaking. - -At the time Abraham was taken in charge, his brother Lorenz was also -arrested. Abraham’s house had been searched a week before, and two -rifles had been found and taken to the station. When the officers met -the brothers, they were told to come to the station to identify their -property, and when they set foot inside my office they were notified -that they were under arrest. They manifested no surprise. Abraham was -asked if he had anything to say. He wanted to know what about, and when -informed that we wanted information about Anarchy, he slowly replied -that he “did not know any Anarchists.” - -“You can probably tell us something about how to drill Anarchists and -how much profit you made on the rifles, or the 44-caliber Remington -revolvers; or perhaps tell us how many men you had in your command on -the night of the 4th of May around this station, and tell us about the -trouble you had with Lingg in Neff’s Hall at eleven o’clock, May 4th, -after the explosion of the bomb at the Haymarket.” - -[Illustration: ZEPF’S HALL. From a Photograph.] - -I could have put a few more queries, but I stopped to watch the -effect. Abraham’s eyes bulged out for a moment in surprise, but not -a word did he have to say. He was at once locked up, and for nearly -three days betrayed no signs of weakening. On the third day he showed -a little anxiety and expressed a desire to see me. He was brought -up, but, getting into a comfortable room, where the light of day -made all surroundings cheerful, he became rather buoyant and seemed -loth to depress the spirits of others by unfolding harrowing tales -of Anarchistic plots. I tried to engage him in conversation, but the -answers came in monosyllables and with a sort of guttural emphasis. -The situation was becoming very tiresome. I thought Abraham had -suddenly been seized with the lockjaw, but determined to fathom the -man’s mind. I urged him not to be guided by Most’s book,—we understood -that,—but to speak out if he had any information to give. If he had -nothing to impart, to say so. He promptly saw that the situation was -growing critical, and that, if he still refrained from speaking, -possibly his last chance for saving himself might be gone. He relaxed -the muscles of his face, opened his lips and prepared to talk. It was a -great effort, but he evidently realized that something must be done. - -“Well,” he finally drawled out, “I don’t know what to tell you. It -seems to me you people know about everything and have things down as -correctly as I can give them to you. And you know all about me, too. -I say this for myself: I don’t know anything about the laws of the -country. I have been told by people that ought to know better, that for -what we were doing there was no law. I now see my mistake.” - -Hermann then gave information on himself and others, and stated that he -had never liked Lingg. Lingg, he remarked, was the most rabid Anarchist -he had ever seen, and he almost believed that the man had a dynamite -bomb in his head. He himself had never had anything to say in favor of -the use of dynamite. He was a military man, and believed in the use of -rifles. He had held that all the Anarchists should be well drilled and -that no man should carry arms unless he knew how to use them. He was -opposed to throwing stones or fighting in the streets. He believed in -swords and good riflemen, and he was one of that class. His idea was -never to undertake anything until fully prepared, and when they were -prepared to let their work show the result. - -During the interview he was very cautious in his statements, but he did -not spare the leaders. At the same time he would not implicate any one -of no special consequence in the order. His statement, however, was -as sweeping as it was surprising. He was implicitly believed by the -officers, as candor and earnestness were manifest in his disclosures. - -Hermann was indicted by the grand jury, but after he had been in -custody for awhile he was released by order of the State’s Attorney. At -the beginning of the trial he was brought in again and confined until -its termination. He was then given his liberty. He has since become an -industrious man, and has only had two or three relapses by attending -some of the open, public meetings. He now declares, however, that he is -through with Anarchy. - -What he had to say to Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, myself and -the officers was this: - - “I have belonged to the North Side armed group since 1883. The members - of the group are as follows: Schwab, Rau, Huber, Neebe, the two - Lehmans, Thielen, Lingg, Hubner, Seliger, Lange, Schnaubelt, Lorenz - Hermann, Abraham Hermann, the two Hagemans, Heyman, Niendorf and - Charley Bock. We were about forty men strong on the North Side. I - do not know anything about the word ‘Ruhe.’ On Monday, May 3, at 9 - P.M., I attended a meeting of the metal-workers at Seamen’s Hall, on - Randolph, near Jefferson Street. I saw August Spies. He was passing - and handing out some of the circulars that called for revenge upon the - law and the police. Spies was at the meeting when I got there, and he - had a handful of those circulars. I saw Spies busying himself around - the meeting talking to the people. The secretary of this meeting was - a man named Hahneman. Lange was president. I belong to the North Side - branch of the same union. But this was a general meeting. I only knew - a few of the members present. The president of the meeting works for - a firm on Wabash Avenue—a brass-finisher named Andrew or Andre. When - I left this meeting at ten o’clock I went to 54 West Lake Street. As - I came into the saloon some one said that there was a meeting down - stairs. I went down. Waller was president of that meeting. I also saw - Fischer there. I know Schnaubelt. He was there. When the question came - up about printing the circulars for the Haymarket meeting, Fischer - said that he would see to it. Some one suggested that letters should - be sent to the armed people or members in surrounding cities near - Chicago, asking them to attend to the police and militia there, so - that they could not come to the assistance of the officers or police - of this city. On my opposition the proposition was dropped. I saw - Hubner and Lingg at that meeting. As I came in some one said, ‘Lingg - is going to attend to that.’ I understood it to mean furnishing the - dynamite bombs. I saw the meeting was intended for mischief, and I - left the place. At a meeting May 4, at 8:30 P.M., in the hall in the - rear of Neff’s saloon, 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard that the plan of - operation decided upon was the same as given to the armed men at 54 - West Lake Street. So far as I remember the plan, it was something like - this: Some of the armed men were to go to the police stations, and, - if the police were called out, to throw dynamite bombs among them, - set the houses on fire and keep the police on the North Side. As far - as I know, the Northwest Side group had a similar plan. Lingg was not - there at this time. All members present were anxious to see him come, - waiting for bombs. I was in the hall about an hour. I went back again - the same evening—May 4—about eleven o’clock. The first I heard of - any trouble was about 10:30. A man whose name is Anton Hirschberger - came into the saloon and told us that there had been a riot at the - Haymarket. At the same time a tall man came in and said he had been at - the riot, that a lot of bullets flew around them, a bomb had exploded, - and that either some one had stolen his revolver or he had lost it. - Then Neff said he was going to close up his place, the hour being - eleven o’clock. On Wednesday, May 5, I met Lingg and Seliger at that - place. I was surprised at meeting Lingg there, because I thought then - that he ought to have been locked up. Lingg spoke to me and said, ‘You - are nice cowards.’ I replied that he had better keep his mouth shut, - as he was the cause of the whole affair. Hubner and I were there to - attend a meeting of our people to be held on the quiet in Lincoln - Park. We were to meet at the park because we expected it would not be - safe to hold it anywhere else. What led me to think that Lingg ought - to have been locked up was because he was always advocating the use - of dynamite and bombs. That a bomb had been thrown was a fact, and I - thought Lingg ought to have been arrested for it.” - - On May 31, Hermann made another statement, as follows: - - “I know August Spies. He is the editor of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - of this city. I knew him to write several articles on revolution. - I was elected as an agent at a general meeting to procure and sell - arms. This was in October last—1885. Balthasar Rau was chairman of - that meeting. We had several men as a committee. They were called - the Bureau of Information. It was composed of Parsons, from the - English section; Charles Bock, German, also assistant secretary to - Rau; Hirschberger, French, and Mikolanda, Bohemian. Every Anarchist - looked to that bureau for information. I used to get my guns from New - York, from a man named Seeger. He lives on Third Avenue. - -[Illustration: TIMMERHOF HALL, - -No. 703 Milwaukee Avenue. From a Photograph.] - - He was the middleman between me and the factory where the arms were - made. I got twenty-five revolvers last February. They were shipped - direct to me at No. 25 Clybourn Avenue. I sold them all at cost price - to members. That was $6.50. The last two revolvers I sold May 3, - 1886—one to a man named Asher, and the other to August, a bricklayer. - Before that I sold one revolver to Schnaubelt, one to Lingg and one - to Seliger. It was Schnaubelt who proposed at the meeting held at - 54 West Lake Street, May 3, to notify outside cities, but I told - him it was all nonsense. About two weeks before this meeting I met - Breitenfeld in a saloon, and said that I had often heard this letter - ‘Y,’ and I was bound to find out its meaning when it appeared in the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. Breitenfeld said that it meant a meeting of the - armed men, and told me to wait and he would get me into the meeting. - I waited for a long time—about an hour. Then he came out, and I was - admitted with him. I was in the meeting with him for an hour, and then - it adjourned. I have known Lingg for six months. At the meeting at 54 - West Lake Street on the evening of May 3, it was supposed then that - the police would interfere at the Haymarket, and then there would be a - chance for a riot. Four members of the North Side group were detailed - at that meeting as spies. If the riot should be a failure and we - should get beaten by the police, our gathering-places after that would - be at Center Park, Humboldt Park, St. Michael’s Church, Lincoln Park - and Wicker Park. The signal of attack after the riot had commenced - was to be an illumination of the heavens by red fires. Some one asked - for dynamite, and he was answered that Lingg would furnish the stuff. - The different spies detailed at that meeting were to hold a meeting - the next day, each division for itself, and afterwards in a body at - Zepf’s Hall, to perfect all arrangements for the riot. I accused Lingg - of making dynamite bombs, and told him that if any trouble grew out - of it, it would be on his account. He called me a coward. I knew that - Lingg was in trouble in Philadelphia shortly before he left there.” - -LORENZ HERMANN was twenty-six years of age, of slim build, with a very -sallow face, and apparently a consumptive. His occupation was that -of a brass-molder, and he was a good workman. On his arrival at the -station he expressed great surprise at the impudence of the officers in -compelling him to come against his will. He was asked his name, and he -gave it. When requested to spell it, he said he did not know how; all -he knew was that it was Lorenz Hermann. Being questioned with reference -to Anarchy, he replied that he did not know anything about it, and when -accused of having taken part in the revolutionary plot, he said he had -not taken as great a part in it as his brother had. He soon discovered -that the police had a great deal of information about his brother, and -then he changed his tactics by trying to smooth things over for Abraham. - -“My brother,” he said, “is married and has a family. I am single. I -want to see my brother out of this trouble; no matter about me.” - -“Well, then,” I interposed, “why not tell us something?” - -“Me?” asked Lorenz. “I don’t know anything to tell.” - -He had evidently changed his mind on the spur of the moment, and he -grew exceedingly reticent. - -“Well,” said I, “I will tell you something then. I will call your -attention to May 4, between the hours of 8:30 and 10:30 P.M. You were -around this station with about nineteen other men, and among them was -your brother. You were to throw bombs into the patrol wagon in case the -police were called out to go to the West Side to assist the police at -the Haymarket, but you remained a little too long in a saloon on Clark -Street. When you came out and reached the corner of Superior Street and -La Salle Avenue, you saw three patrol wagons loaded with police going -south on LaSalle Avenue, but you were not near enough to throw a bomb. -This made you very angry. Then some of you went to Moody’s church and -remained there for some time. When you finally saw so many policemen -coming to the station you all got scared and went to the hall at 58 -Clybourn Avenue. Oh, by the way, which route did you take on leaving -the station? Did you go to the Haymarket or to Neff’s Hall?” - -“I was at the Haymarket,” replied Lorenz. - -“Is it not true—all that I told you about the station?” - -“Yes, that is true,” responded Lorenz. “Some one told me about it.” - -“Who told you?” - -“I don’t know.” - -“You lie,” said I. “You must tell us who; that is the man we are after.” - -Seeing that he was gradually being cornered by his evasive replies, he -put on a bold front to the whole matter and answered: - -“Well, I was there myself. I did not stay very long, and from there I -went to the Haymarket. I think Hageman and I went together.” - -Further questioning only brought out sullen responses, with very -meager information, but, after being allowed to think the matter over, -he finally concluded to make a clean breast of it. He was kept busy -with explanations for some time, and he gave me some very pointed -information. He was indicted by the grand jury and afterwards released -by order of the State’s Attorney. Lorenz has never been heard of since, -but it is supposed he is now leading a quiet life and proving himself a -better man. - -His statement, among other things corroborative of what others had -divulged, contains the following: - - “At a meeting held at 58 Clybourn Avenue, I heard Engel say that if - they wanted to make bombs they could find plenty of gas-pipe on the - West Side, in the city yards, near the Chicago Avenue bridge, and - then if they wanted to learn how to make them they could come to him. - All that was necessary was to cut the pipes up into lengths of six or - eight inches, fill them with dynamite and put a wooden plug at each - end. He had with him at the time his daughter, who was about fifteen - or sixteen years of age. I saw Hirschberger, Hageman and Charles Bock - at eleven o’clock on the evening of Tuesday, May 4, in Neff’s place, - at 58 Clybourn Avenue. Hirschberger told those present about the riot - on the West Side. I was at the Haymarket meeting in the company of - Hageman, the carpenter. Two men stood close together near me, and they - looked suspicious. I was there at the time the police came up. I got - frightened and ran away. I ran without stopping till I reached Neff’s - place, on the North Side. I found my brother there, and I told him - about the throwing of the bomb, its explosion and what happened. I - did not want to get mixed up in the affair, and that is the reason I - declined to speak at first. I belonged to the armed men of the North - Side. The revolvers and guns my brother sold he got from a factory in - New York. He sold about twelve guns to the Socialists. He sold a box - full of revolvers, about twenty in a box, for $6.90 a piece. For seven - months my brother acted as agent, under appointment, to procure and - sell guns and revolvers.” - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - - Pushing the Anarchists—A Scene on a Street-car—How Herman - Muntzenberg Gave Himself Away—The Secret Signal—“D——n the - Informers”—A Satchelful of Bombs—More about Engel’s Murderous - Plan—Drilling the Lehr und Wehr Verein—Breitenfeld’s Cowardice—An - Anarchist Judas—The Hagemans—Dynamite in Gas-pipe—An Admirer of - Lingg—A Scheme to Remove the Author—The Hospitalities of the Police - Station—Mr. Jebolinski’s Indignation—A Bogus Milkman—An Unwilling - Visitor—Mistaken for a Detective—An Eccentric Prisoner—Division of - Labor at the Dynamite Factory—Clermont’s Dilemma—The Arrangements - for the Haymarket. - - -THE Anarchists, both in and out of prison, had begun to discover about -this time that there was a law in the land, and that its majesty would -be vindicated. They were confronted with stubborn, serious facts, -and they realized that they were in a world of perplexities. They -had been circumvented at every step in their efforts at concealment, -and their plot had been revealed in its most essential parts. Their -leaders had been gathered in, and their comrades were being arrested -every day. Cunning and shrewd as they supposed themselves to be, they -had discovered that society was equal to the task of probing their -secrets. At first they had assumed an air of bravado and indifference, -but, seeing how easily their bluff could be called and how closely we -had the record of each, they realized that evasion or silence was not -calculated either to keep their necks out of the halter or to save them -from the penitentiary. Those arrested nearly all turned craven cowards, -and this situation of affairs did not contribute to the comfort of -those still outside, who were in momentary dread of apprehension. -Arrest followed arrest, and Mr. Furthmann and I were kept exceedingly -busy in directing the taking of confessions and assimilating the -material for future use. Still the good work went on. - -The first victim, after the Hermann brothers, to fall under police -control was Herman Muntzenberg. He was arrested on the evening of May -20, at eight o’clock, and the circumstances attending his arrest were -somewhat peculiar. On the evening in question, Officers Schuettler and -Hoffman were transferring the Hermann brothers from the Larrabee Street -Station to the Chicago Avenue Station. They boarded an open street-car -with their prisoners, whom they placed on a rear seat facing front, -stationing themselves immediately behind on the platform. In the middle -of the car, facing to the rear, sat a stranger. Presently the officers -noticed that the man was making signs to the Hermanns. In response, -Lorenz Hermann placed his right hand over his mouth. This was followed -by another sign from the stranger. Officer Schuettler recognized the -fact that the man was a friend of the Hermanns, and he requested the -prisoners not to divulge the officers’ identity. The stranger seemed -to be in doubt about something, left his seat, and, placing himself -at the side of Abraham Hermann, started a conversation. He appeared to -be an old acquaintance. This was sufficient for the officers. When the -car reached the corner of Wells Street and Chicago Avenue, the stranger -was about to leave. He was quietly told by the officers not to trouble -himself just then to get off the car, but to keep his seat a little -while longer. Naturally the man was surprised at this request of men -whom he did not know, and indignantly declined to ride any farther. The -officers promptly told him to consider himself under arrest and not to -move if he valued his life. They had in the meantime recognized the man -as the little fellow who had carried the satchel filled with dynamite -bombs to Neff’s Hall, along with Lingg. It was Herman Muntzenberg. - -[Illustration: HERMANN MUNTZENBERG. - -From a Photograph.] - -The three prisoners were taken to the station, and Muntzenberg was -locked up by himself over night. The next day he was brought into my -office. The density of his ignorance respecting Anarchy or Anarchists -was astonishing. Like the rest, he absolutely knew nothing. Some days -afterwards, however, he took a different view of things. A confession -was looked for, and he was given an opportunity. - -“I see everybody is in trouble,” Muntzenberg began dolefully. “I am in -for it myself. I cannot help anybody; nobody can help me.” - -He hesitated, as if trying to decide what he should do, but finally, -nerving himself, he continued: - -“I will bear my own trouble. I will hurt no one else.” - -“Ah,” said I, “there is Hermann, for instance; there are other people -also who have given you away. They have all professed to be your -friends in times past, and now they are trying to save their own necks -and hang you. So you want to remain silent under their charges? Have -you nothing to tell on the others?” - -“That would do me no good,” answered Muntzenberg. - -“Then,” said I, “what have you to say about yourself?” - -“You don’t know the least thing about me,” defiantly remarked the -little man. - -“Probably you had such a bad headache from the smell of dynamite that -you can’t remember anything.” - -“Who told you I had a headache?” broke in Muntzenberg, now intensely -interested. - -“Were you not afraid,” I continued, not heeding the interruption, “that -you would fall into the basement when you sat on the iron railing -at the corner of North Avenue and Larrabee Street, near the police -station, or did you feel confident that the bombs you had in your -pocket would hold you in your place? Another thing—you are not in the -habit of smoking cigars. Did they make you sick?” - -Muntzenberg had remained somewhat passive up to this last shot, but -he suddenly showed there was a good deal of vitality in him. His eyes -flashed with excitement, and he was all attention. - -“By the way,” I went on, “how much weight can you carry?” - -“What do you mean?” interposed the anxious listener. - -“I mean how much did that gray satchel weigh that you carried to 58 -Clybourn Avenue May 4, about eight o’clock?” - -“D——n the informers,” ejaculated the now irate little Anarchist. -“Give me an hour to think matters over and call me again.” - -He was sent back to his cell, and on the expiration of two hours he was -brought back. He entered the office very meekly, and at once said: - -“Captain, I see it is no use for me to be stubborn. Will you treat me -like the others, if I tell all I have seen and what I have done myself?” - -“I promise you the same right and privilege.” - -Muntzenberg made his statement and was released by order of the State’s -Attorney. He was a German, twenty-eight years old, five feet seven -inches tall, stoutly built, with large head and eyes, and followed -the trade of a blacksmith. At the time of his arrest he lived at No. -95 North Wells Street. On his release he promised to testify whenever -wanted, but about the middle of the trial he took a leave of absence -and has never been seen since. Once it was reported that he was dead, -but the report could not be verified. Muntzenberg was a warm admirer -of Lingg, Spies and Engel, and a persistent worker for their cause. -He often lost several days’ work in a week to saunter out into the -country, selling Most’s books and telling people to arm themselves. -He earned good wages when he worked, and spent it all for Anarchy. -Like others, he acknowledged that he had been led astray by incendiary -literature. His statement was as follows: - - “On May 4, about eight o’clock, I was sent to meet two men who carried - a satchel filled with dynamite shells or bombs. I met them about a - block from Thüringer Hall, 58 Clybourn Avenue. I told them that I had - been asked to meet them and help carry the satchel. They said, ‘All - right.’ I took it from them, put it on my shoulder and carried it to - the hall. The satchel weighed about thirty pounds. In the afternoon - of that day, about four o’clock, I came to the North Side and went - to Hubner’s house, No. 11 Mohawk Street. He was not at home. I went - out to look for him. I have known him for some time. I found him. The - second time I wanted to see him I went to his house and found him at - home in his room making transparencies for that night’s meeting at the - Haymarket. He took lunch then, and after that we went to Seliger’s - house, No. 442 Sedgwick Street. Reaching there, Hubner told Lingg - and Seliger that I was his friend and all right. In the room of Lingg - I saw two guns and two revolvers. Seliger was filling the bombs with - dynamite. Lingg was cutting the fuse. One of them asked me if I had - any sores on my hand. I said no. ‘Then,’ they said, ‘you can help - us.’ My task was to fill in with dynamite the long gas-pipe shells. I - filled six or eight shells or bombs. My head commenced to ache from - the smell of the dynamite, so that I could not work any longer. Hubner - also worked, putting caps on the fuse. I saw three or four men in the - house at the time. I saw about ten round lead bombs on the bed, all - empty. After they were finished they were put under the bed. I noticed - about sixteen of the long gas-pipe shells or bombs about the room. At - dark Hubner and I went to Neff’s Hall. Before leaving I saw one of - the two, Lingg or Seliger, bring in a satchel and empty it of dirty - clothes. As we were approaching the hall, Hubner asked me to see if - they were coming. I went to see, and met them in the alley near the - street. Both were carrying the satchel, each having hold of the ends - of the handles on the satchel. I asked if I should help them. They - answered yes. As they were tall men, I could not carry it with either - one, and so I put it on my shoulder and carried it myself. I took it - into the rear hall back of the saloon. After a little while one of - them asked me where I had placed the satchel. I told him. He said that - was not the right place and asked me to bring it back. So I went after - it and put it into the narrow hallway. The satchel was two feet long, - eighteen inches high and sixteen inches wide. It was covered with gray - canvas. It weighed about thirty pounds. When I left Seliger’s house at - dark, I took along with me three long bombs. I did so because one of - the men there told me to do so. I knew they were bombs in the satchel - when I carried them. Some one passed us on the street as we were going - to the hall. Lingg said: ‘Those are heavy tools,’ meaning the contents - of the satchel, to throw the party we met off his guard. I threw - the three bombs I had into the lake on my way to Pullman, because I - learned they were dangerous and I did not want them any longer. I - saw at Neff’s Hall that night, May 4, a crowd of men together for a - while, and then they began to part. They went away in groups of five - or six. They all went on Clybourn Avenue to Larrabee Street. As we got - to Larrabee Street, they all separated and spread on Larrabee Street. - I went up to North Avenue and Larrabee Street to the police station - with a strange man. I remained there for some time. I saw Seliger and - Lingg near the station, going north on Larrabee Street. When I was at - Seliger’s house one of the five men present said to me to throw bombs - into the police station to kill the police, and if any patrol wagons - escaped and came out to throw bombs into the wagons among the officers - and shoot the horses. This was for the purpose of preventing them from - giving assistance to each other. I smoked a cigar that night so that - I would have a fire ready to light the bombs with and throw them if - necessary. I only smoke cigars on Sundays, and, as I am not accustomed - to smoke much, the cigar made me sick. I sat for some time on an - iron railing on Larrabee Street, opposite the police station, on the - southeast corner. I sat there about fifteen minutes. The wagon failed - to come out, and, as I felt sick and could not do much anyway, I went - home. Lingg and Seliger walked ahead of me. I saw them last when - they crossed North Avenue, going north on Larrabee Street. The next - evening I went to No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. I met Hubner, and he said - that on the night of the shooting he was at Lincoln Park. I recognize - this picture now shown me as being that of Seliger. I saw him making - dynamite bombs at 442 Sedgwick Street on the afternoon of May 4 in - company with Lingg. The man I have seen locked up in this station I - saw working and making dynamite bombs in company with Seliger, and his - name is Louis Lingg. When I was at Seliger’s house, Hubner told me to - go to Lincoln Park, and there I would get my instructions.” - -THE NEXT Anarchist brought into the station was AUGUST GRAGGE. He was -a German, twenty-eight years of age, straight and stoutly built, a -bricklayer by trade, and lived at No. 880 North Halsted Street. He was -arrested on the 24th of May. I gave him an evening’s audience shortly -after. It was apparent from his demeanor that he was a young man easily -led astray by men of force and decision of character; therefore it was -no wonder that he had become an extreme Anarchist, especially since he -had been thrown a great deal into the company of some of the rankest -leaders in the order and had attended meetings where gore and plunder -formed the chief topics of discussion. When the authorities took him in -hand, he soon modified his opinions. He stated that, like a great many -others, he had been misled to believe that Anarchist doctrines were -right and that no law existed to interfere with them; but after the -law had been read to him, he acknowledged that he had pursued a wrong -course. He had been a man of sober habits, and on being questioned he -told a very straightforward story. After giving such information as he -possessed he was released by the State’s Attorney, and he promised to -mend his ways. - -The statement he made to me was as follows: - - “A man by the name of Lange and another, August Asher, coaxed me into - the armed group. Charles Bock was our secretary four or five weeks - ago. I heard Rau and Lingg speak in Neff’s Hall. Lingg spoke about - dynamite and called on us to arm ourselves. They also wanted us to - buy revolvers. I bought one—a big one—for $4. I paid $2 down. Asher - and I went to the meeting at the Haymarket on the evening of May 4. I - saw the circular that called that meeting. We had our big revolvers - with us when we went there. When the shooting commenced we ran. I fell - down, and about forty men ran over me and kept me down. I then lost - my revolver. We had a meeting on Monday night, May 3, at Neff’s Hall. - Abraham Hermann had three or four revolvers for sale. Asher always - kept the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, and at times I would read it. The first - man I heard speak at the Haymarket was August Spies, then Parsons, - and Fielden, next I saw Schnaubelt standing on the wagon with Spies. - On account of its looking like rain it was decided to go to Zepf’s - Hall. Parsons, however, told the people to remain, as he only had a - few more words. The police finally came. Some of the people started - to go away, but some one in a loud voice urged them to remain. Then - firing commenced. I heard the explosion of the bomb. As I stated, I - fell down. As soon as I could get up I started to run for the North - Side. I went to Neff’s Hall. I found there several that I knew. I told - them I had lost my revolver and then explained what had happened at - the Haymarket. I carried my revolver in my hip pocket, and it dropped - out as I fell. The revolver was loaded. I know Lingg. I have heard him - speak at least four or five times. He would always call on the people - to arm themselves. He also said that they were too slow in getting - arms and that the time would come for their use and they ought to be - ready.” - -GUSTAV BREITENFELD was next arrested. He was a German, aged thirty, -a brush-maker by trade, and lived in the lower flat of a two-story -house at No. 18 Samuel Street. On May 4 he was commander of the second -company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and he had previously taken an -active part at all Anarchist meetings. He was regarded as a star -Anarchist on the Northwest Side, and frequently visited the house of -George Engel. - -Gustav was an Anarchist jumping-jack. All that the leaders had to do -was to pull the strings, and he responded. He served on all committees, -and whenever in doubt as to any course of procedure he went to Engel -for advice. He lacked judgment and brains, and he sought to make up the -deficiency by consulting the leaders. But withal he was a dangerous -man. He was quick-tempered, but a coward when he thought he was not -likely to get the best of the situation. - -On the night of May 4 he had his company ready near the city limits -to murder people and set fire to buildings, only awaiting orders to -set about the work of general destruction. They expected to see the -police flee from the Haymarket, but as the reds did the running on -that occasion, the combination failed. Their “signal” committees were -scattered and their comrades became demoralized at the unexpected -charge of the police. - -Breitenfeld and his company heard the shooting at their place of -_rendezvous_, and, failing to receive the signal to begin the attack, -he went to Engel’s house to ascertain what was wrong. Learning of the -drubbing his comrades had received at the Haymarket, he was not anxious -to take similar “medicine,” and he skulked away like a whipped cur. A -house had been chosen near the limits for the incendiary torches of his -company, and it would have been in flames on their first advance if -they had received the signal. But the company were dismissed, and all -hurried home to escape danger. For two weeks they were in mortal dread -of the police. - -If, however, these misguided men had been started that night, with all -things in their favor, there is no telling what fearful havoc they -would have created. The company was composed of men desperate enough, -under proper encouragement, to have murdered people asleep or awake. -They would have held high carnival if the Haymarket meeting had come -out according to expectations, and the able-bodied and the helpless -would have suffered alike at their hands. Their plan was to shoot or -stab everybody who opposed their onward march into the city, and, -crazed with success, they would have hesitated at nothing. - -Breitenfeld knew all the villainous arrangements, and he was therefore -a man the police sought after. He was found on the 25th of May, at -about seven o’clock, by Officers Stift and Schuettler, and brought to -the Chicago Avenue Station. When I had the honor of meeting him, he -at once assumed military airs, but he soon found himself reduced to -the ranks. As he was one of the few who understood English, the law on -conspiracies was read to him. Then he was informed that he had been -indicted, and was told what could be proved against him. He became -terribly excited, could hardly speak, but finally managed to say: - -“Gentlemen, you have got the wrong man. You want to get my brother. I -am not that Breitenfeld. I am a good, peaceable man.” - -He was informed that lies were at a discount in the station just then, -and that if he desired to speak and tell the truth an opportunity would -be given him. If not, we would tolerate no nonsense. He refrained from -speaking, and was sent below. - -The next day he sent word that he wanted to see me. He was brought up, -and on being seated before Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann and all -the officers, he said: - -“Gentlemen, I beg your pardon. I told you a lie. I am the man you want. -I have a wife and family, and I love them. I beg of you now, if you let -me speak, I will tell the truth and everything I know.” - -“Tell all you know,” said I, “and remember that I will know when you -tell a falsehood.” - -“I know you have everything by this time. If I tell you all and become -a witness against these other fellows, will you let me go?” - -“If you tell all and the truth, I will see the State’s Attorney for you -and ask him to take you as a witness.” - -Breitenfeld thereupon made a statement, and a few days later he was -released. When subsequently called on to testify, he refused to do so. -He had told others that the State could not convict anybody, and he -would not help the prosecution. He was, therefore, let alone. He is -still under indictment. With the lesson he had received it was thought -he would reform. In this we were mistaken. He has since attended a -number of meetings, and at the funeral of Mrs. Neebe turned out with -his company. He is the same unrepentant Anarchist that he was before -his trouble, but he is being carefully watched wherever he goes. - -This is what he swore to at the station in the presence of Mr. -Furthmann, myself and the officers: - - “My name is Gustav Breitenfeld. I am thirty years old. I am married - and I reside at No. 18 Samuel Street. I am a brush-maker. I am - captain of the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. We have - twenty men in our company. I know Fischer and Schrade. Schrade is - drill-sergeant of my company. On Sunday, May 2, I was at Pullman. - I heard of the riot plan on Monday afternoon, May 3. I know George - Engel, Deitz and Fischer. They are the principal leaders in the - Northwest Side group and of the armed men. Heier is the name of - the man who keeps Thalia Hall on Milwaukee Avenue. I know Kraemer; - he lives in the rear of Engel’s house. I think I saw Kraemer at the - meeting held on the evening of May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I know - Schmidt, the carrier of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. At that meeting I saw - Krueger, Schrade, Gruenwald, Clermont, Kraemer, Deitz, Engel, Fischer, - Schnaubelt and Waller. Waller was the chairman of the meeting. The - first thing I heard they were denouncing the police force for killing - the workingmen at McCormick’s factory. I saw the revenge circular, - which called the people to arms. I heard Engel say that when the word - ‘Ruhe’ should appear in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, every one should go - to his meeting-place selected by them and be ready for action. I - heard some one say that as soon as they saw the heavens illuminated - with red fires, then was the time to commence the revolution. Engel - and Fischer volunteered to carry the news from the Haymarket to the - armed men stationed at Wicker Park. Engel volunteered to act as a - spy. I know Engel to have sold arms. At the meeting of May 3, I heard - some one asking for dynamite bombs. I heard Engel respond that the - dynamite bombs were ready and in good hands. Fischer agreed to have - the circulars, calling the Haymarket meeting, printed. It was said - that there would be from 20,000 to 30,000 people at that meeting, - and that the police would interfere. Then would be a good time to - attack them and get revenge on them for the killing of six of their - comrades. The word ‘Ruhe’ would signify that they should get ready - and be on the look-out. Engel said that they should look for it in - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ on May 4, and they were all to go to their - respective places, as agreed upon, with their arms or guns. The - Haymarket meeting was decided upon as a trap to catch the police. - Engel, Kraemer and Krueger went to the meeting to see if there was - a big crowd there, and when they got back home Engel said there - were only 250 men present. I went to see Engel on the morning of - May 4 at his house. He told me he had been at the meeting and there - were present the number I have given. I attended the meeting of the - Northwest Side group that decided to call the meeting for the evening - of May 3, at 54 West Lake Street. I heard, at the last-named place, - several say that the dynamite bombs were in good hands. I met Waller - at Thalia Hall on May 4, about eleven o’clock in the evening, and he - remarked that they had had a very hot time of it at the Haymarket. I - saw Fischer on Wednesday, May 5, at Thalia Hall, and he then told me - that Spies had been arrested about four o’clock that morning. Spies is - the only one I know of the Spies family. I have known him five years.” - -WILLIAM HAGEMAN was the next to inspect our plain and unpretentious -office. He came in on his dignity and carried an air about him that -plainly exhibited his complete contempt for the police. He was a -German, about thirty years old, round-shouldered, a stair-builder by -occupation, was married and had one child. He lived at the time of his -arrest on the lower floor of a house at No. 49 Reese Street, and he -could always be found whenever Anarchist plots were to be executed. -His brother was, like himself, a rampant Anarchist, but with cunning -enough to escape arrest. William was found by Officers Schuettler and -Hoffman, about seven o’clock on the morning of May 26. He did not long -remain in ignorance of the cause of his arrest, and then he wanted me -to understand: - -“My brother is no Anarchist. If any one does any squealing on him, -don’t pay any attention to it, because it all means me. I am the -fellow. The people often get us mixed.” - -“You are the worst Anarchist of the two,” I remarked. - -Hageman wanted to know how I had come to that conclusion. - -“We know all about you,” said I. - -“If you know it, be sure and don’t forget it,” was the reply. “I am -sure you won’t learn anything from me.” - -“All right. But just as sure as you are sitting there, I will find out -all your performances, and every one you associated with during the -last two years, before you leave this station. And you will tell it to -me yourself.” - -“Never; I will die first. I will kill myself first. I will stand any -torture you may inflict on me, but I will never tell on my comrades or -any one that worked for our cause.” - -“You probably don’t remember the job you pledged yourself to undertake -on the night of May 4. It was not a very small one either, but, of -course, your nerves not being very strong that evening, you came here -to a neighboring saloon several times to brace up, and your friends, -lying in the rear of this station, felt very much the same way as you -did. So you spelled one another and strengthened your nerves. Say, -William, who said that the bombs were not good? You remember the third -window in the station on the east side of the building and the little -quarrel about the bombs—whether a round lead bomb should be thrown or -a long gas-pipe bomb. Do you remember the two policemen that crossed -the alley and stood still for a moment in the middle of that alley when -you fellows thought you were discovered—how you all got into the dark -side of the alley and ran? Now, remember, when you get ready to talk, -I will tell my side of the story, and should you get stuck, you see I -can help you out a great deal. You might recall what little you know -of the Haymarket, how you were surprised that only one bomb was thrown -and how the fellows detailed for that duty did not attend to their -business. Here, officers, show this gentleman the suite of rooms which -he is to occupy for the next four weeks. If you desire anything extra -that is not on our bill of fare, just touch the button, and you will -be waited on promptly. Any inattention on the part of the waiters must -be reported to this office. If you should conclude to make a long stay -with us, you had better provide yourself with a good supply of tobacco. -You understand that when a man is at sea he finds that there are a good -many things he needs that would come in handy.” - -He did not like his apartments—singular to relate. There was no fire -escape, the linen on the bed was not changed every day, and the noise -of his neighbors kept him awake of nights. He had struck the wrong -hotel, but his apartments had been engaged for him and paid for by the -taxpayers, and he could not gracefully withdraw. - -Hageman first got tired, then angry, and finally desperate. He realized -that he was in trouble and made up his mind to take me into his -confidence. He reached this conclusion on the afternoon of May 27, -and sent the janitor to the office with a message that he desired to -see me. He was informed in return that he could not see me unless he -meant to talk business. Hageman responded that he was ready to talk on -any subject upon which he might be questioned, and he was accordingly -brought into the office, into the presence of Mr. Furthmann, myself and -the detectives. - -“Well,” said I, “I understand that you want to see me.” - -“Yes, I do,” was the response, “but not in the presence of all these -fellows.” - -“Why not?” - -“Because my business is with you alone.” - -“Well, you see, William, I am only one, and as what you tell here, -which must be the truth, will have to be given by you in the Criminal -Court, and as I may probably get killed before that time, there would -be no one to testify to your statement if given to me alone.” - -“Oh, that is the way you want to catch me!” - -“There is no catch about it. If you don’t want to make a statement in -the presence of all these men, I don’t want to hear anything from you.” - -“Will you answer me one question?” asked Hageman, getting a little -apprehensive that he might lose his only chance. “It is, has any one -out of the many people locked up here squealed?” - -“Well,” I answered, “most of them have already done so, and the others -are fairly breaking their necks to follow suit.” - -“This is a very unpleasant thing to do.” - -“Yes, that is true.” - -“Can I get out by telling you all I know, and can you keep me from -testifying in court? You know this will kill a man forever.” - -“Yes, but a great many policemen were killed, and they simply obeyed -orders. If you think you are better than a policeman, you had better go -down stairs again and await your trial in the Criminal Court.” - -“Now, see here, Captain, I would never tell on anybody, but I have got -a wife and little baby at home. It almost sets me crazy thinking of -them, and for their sake I will tell all.” - -Hageman did as he promised, but in the interview that ensued it became -apparent that he was a double-faced man, and that, when it came to -his family, he did not care a fig whether he landed the other fellows -on the gallows or in the penitentiary. He had been a brave, boasting -Anarchist. He had been accustomed to talk with his associates over -foaming “schooners” of beer, and the more beer there was the greater -his talk about killing people and overthrowing capital. He was a great -reader of Anarchistic papers and literature, and the more fiery and -unbridled the sentiment, the better he was pleased. He took a hand in -every movement, attended all the meetings and picnics of the reds, -and made himself quite a useful member of the order. He continually -boasted of the bombs that he had hid away for use, and promised to let -capitalists hear from him. The bombs he had were found to be of the -round lead and gas-pipe patterns, and some of them he had received -from Fischer a long time before May 4. He had been posted as to -the manufacture of bombs by Lingg, and was a warm friend of Engel, -whose talk about bombs suited him exactly. Hageman could not listen -patiently to any discussion from which dynamite was left out, and in -any peaceful gathering he was sure to become a disturber. If there -was no dispute, he would start one himself, and, if necessary, back -up his argument with blows. Whenever a dance or benefit was held to -replenish the treasury for the purchase of dynamite, he was promptly -on hand and exerted himself to the utmost to swell the receipts. Being -such an active member, it was natural that he knew a great deal about -his order, and he helped the State very materially with the points he -furnished. - -He was kept in custody until after the trial, and with the experience -he had in prison one would think that he would cut loose altogether -from Anarchy. Not so, however. While nearly all the others repented of -their error, Hageman had no sooner regained his liberty than he became -as radical as ever. He even threatened several times to kill State’s -Attorney Grinnell, Judge Gary, myself and others. After the trial, I -had a detective at every meeting of the Anarchists, and the reports -brought me were that Hageman and Bernhard Schrade were the most violent -and determined men in the union. - -Hageman would boastingly say, “I never squealed to that man Schaack. -If they had all done as I did, they would know very little about the -Anarchists.” - -One night, at 54 West Lake Street, this arrant knave was approached by -one of his supposed warm friends, who happened, however, to be in my -confidence, and who said to him: - -“You don’t like Schaack, and I don’t like him. He is now here at the -Desplaines Street Station. We can go into the alley and shoot him in -his office. I have a revolver here with me now, and I will go into -Florus’ and get one more. Then we will go and ‘do him.’ We will both -go and fire together and run. But mind, let there be no arrest in our -case; let us die before capture.” - -“Do you mean this?” asked Hageman. - -“Here is my hand. Here is my revolver, and if you play coward on me I -will kill you standing up. Now, come on.” - -Did Hageman respond? Not at all. He crawled on his belly with excuses. - -“That man Schaack,” he said, “knows me so well that it is not safe to -go around there.” - -“Well,” replied his companion, “we can go through a vacant lot.” - -“It is too dangerous, my boy,” said Hageman. “I could do all this well -enough if I never would be found out.” - -“Well,” said the companion, “you are a crazy coward, and don’t you -‘shoot your mouth’ hereafter where I am.” - -Hageman subsided for the time, but he is again as rampant as ever. - -Here is Hageman’s statement, which he made “for the sake of his own -family,” but which helped to drive the nails into the coffins of other -families: - - “I was at the meeting held at Neff’s Hall, No. 121 West Lake Street. - I saw Lingg there and heard him address the people, calling them to - arms. I also saw Thielen, the two Lehmans and Peter Huber. Niendorf - was chairman of the meeting, which had been called to consider the - eight-hour movement. Some one at that meeting called out that there - was a meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street and said, ‘Let us go there.’ - Then a number of us went, including Huber, Thielen and myself. I - stood at the right hand side as one entered the basement after I got - there. The meeting lasted from half to three quarters of an hour. I - saw there Fischer, Engel and Waller. Waller was chairman. I heard - Engel speak. He told us to watch for the red fires, and when we saw - them in the heavens, then was the time to commence the revolution. The - fires were to be the signals for the outside posts that the riot at - the Haymarket had commenced. It was also to be regarded as a signal - that the police had made an attack on the meeting at the Haymarket, - and then we should commence the work of destruction. Every one should - pick out houses beforehand, so that they could be set on fire when - the signal was given. Engel also said at this meeting that the stuff, - meaning dynamite, was cheap, and that any member could buy some. He - referred to the police and said that if they saw a patrol wagon on - the street filled with officers they should destroy the wagon and - the police by throwing bombs into the wagon. He (Engel) urged every - man to do as much harm as possible, meaning destruction of property - and killing people. I heard this plan repeated afterwards by a - black-whiskered man named Waller. Waller said that this plan for the - revolution had been adopted by the West Side armed group. Hermann and - I were at the Haymarket meeting, but when the shooting began we ran - away.” - -ALBERT JEBOLINSKI was another welcome guest on the 26th of May. He had -been frequently invited to partake of the hospitalities of the station, -but he appeared to be contented with putting up with dingy quarters in -out-of-the-way places rather than run the risk of meeting a policeman. -But on the day in question he received such a pressing invitation from -Schuettler and Hoffman that he finally yielded. He was a German Pole, -thirty-five years of age, of slim build, and, with a dark mustache -and large goatee, he looked like a Frenchman. He lived at the time in -a two-story brick building, first flat, at No. 11 Penn Street. The -officers knew that he was a very suspicious man and that he would run -blocks to get out of the way of a policeman, so great was his hatred -of the force. They therefore approached his house cautiously, lest he -might mistake them for blue-coats. They called rather early,—four -o’clock in the morning,—and Schuettler, giving a regular milkman’s rap -on the door, brought Mrs. Jebolinski to the front. - -“Who is there,” she shouted before venturing to open the door, “and -what is wanted?” - -“I am here—the milkman,” responded Schuettler. “I want to see you, -madam.” - -With this assurance Mrs. Jebolinski opened the door, but the moment she -discovered that it was not the milkman, she slammed the door to—not -quick enough, however, to close it, for the officer, seeing his chance, -had thrust his foot between the door and the frame. Hoffman came at -once to the rescue and informed the woman that I had sent him after her -husband. - -“We don’t know anything about Capt. Schaack,” she responded, and again -tried to close the door. - -“Well, madam, I am sure the Captain knows something about you folks.” - -And with this bit of information the officers pushed the door open. -This was too much for Mrs. Jebolinski. She shouted to her husband: - -“O Albert, the _spitzel_, the police!” - -“Don’t open the door for anybody,” came in stentorian tones from Albert -in an adjoining room. “Keep them out!” - -The officers had meantime effected an entrance, and, following up the -voice, found Albert in bed. - -“Good morning, Albert,” said Schuettler, in pleasant, cheerful tones. - -“Who told you to come here?” gruffly demanded Albert. - -“Capt. Schaack desires to see you on pressing business.” - -“Oh, yes; he must be in love with me, since he sent you so early to see -me. Has no one killed that d——d bloodhound yet?” - -“No, Albert, you will have a chance to see him soon, and then you can -kill him.” - -“You go and tell Schaack that you have seen me, and that will be -sufficient. I will die first before I go. You cannot take me out of -here. I want my breakfast, and I will take a sleep before my wife calls -me.” - -So saying, Albert jumped back into bed. Officer Schuettler -remonstrated, and was finally obliged to pull him out. Albert then -refused to dress. Talking to him had no more effect than talking to a -stone wall. - -Hoffman then opened the door, and Schuettler grabbed Albert under his -arm and walked out with him despite his kicks and resistance. They -got him out into the bracing atmosphere of the morning, and, although -Albert was not dressed for company, they started off with him. - -Mrs. Jebolinski rushed out after them, and, wildly gesticulating, -shouted: - -“Bring him back, bring him back, and I will dress him.” - -The officers retraced their steps, but not back into the house. They -took Albert to the wood-shed, and there he was dressed. - -At the station he was invited down stairs and told that there were so -many who wanted to see me that he would probably have a rest for a -week. He was locked up, and during the first day he would neither eat -nor drink. He was not coaxed, however, and the next morning he called -the janitor, saying: - -[Illustration: A HASTY TOILET.] - -“I am sick; will you give me a cup of coffee?” - -The janitor replied that he would have to wait till nine o’clock, when -the prisoners came down from court. - -“Well,” said Albert, indignantly, “if I don’t get my coffee now, you -can keep your breakfast.” - -When nine o’clock came around the janitor made the round, inviting the -sleepers to wake and get their breakfast. - -“You can go to the d——l; you can’t make me eat,” said Jebolinski, and -he settled himself for a nap. - -But when the dinner hour came Albert made up for lost time and missed -meals. At four o’clock he sent the janitor to the office to tell me -that he wanted to see me. He was brought up. - -“Well, Albert,” said I, “how much do you weigh now?” - -“You had better let me go home. I will never tell you anything. It is -no use keeping me here.” - -“I don’t want you to tell me anything. I have secured more evidence -in the last few days than I want, and now they are all arrested. I -am going to prosecute you in court for conspiracy and murder; so you -need not trouble yourself with being stubborn. I don’t want to see -you again, not till I see you in court. Officer, take him back to the -lock-up.” - -“So you can do without me?” - -“Yes, I am sure I can.” - -Albert was escorted down stairs, but inside of two hours he asked for -Officer Schuettler. - -“I can see now,” he said to Schuettler, “that that man Schaack wants to -hang me.” - -“I am sure he is done with you,” replied the officer. - -“I beg of you to tell the Captain I want to see him, and say to him -that I will tell him about the bombs and everything else.” - -Officer Schuettler reported the Anarchist’s wishes, and Jebolinski was -once more brought up. He then confessed that he had four loaded bombs -planted, which he would show if taken out. - -He was accordingly taken in charge by Officers Schuettler and Hoffman, -whom he led to a place north of Division Street near a planing-mill and -linseed-oil factory. At that place there was a side-track, and, at a -point where the locomotives were stopped to be dumped of their cinders, -he unearthed his bombs. These bombs were covered with about four inches -of cinders, midway between the rails, and when they were taken out they -were found fully loaded, with fuse and caps. That there had been no -explosion is almost a miracle. Had a locomotive been stationed over the -spot for an hour, as frequently happened, the cinders would have been -set on fire again. In an instant locomotive and all would have been -blown to atoms, and no one would have known the precise cause. It was -lucky for some engineer and fireman, and, in fact, for the locality, -that no engine stood over the spot after those bombs had been planted. - -On returning to the station, Jebolinski furnished the State with much -valuable information. He was indicted and held as a witness. But he was -never called, and after the trial he was given his liberty. He has been -watched since and found to be attending strictly to his own business. -In his statement he sets forth his attendance at the meeting at 121 -West Lake Street, where were present Lingg, Rau and others, and his -presence at the Haymarket meeting, from which he ran the moment the -firing commenced. He also described the bombs,—three round lead and -one long iron one,—which he had obtained from Hageman, the one-eyed -carpenter. - -PETER HUBER was another distinguished caller, by special invitation. He -was escorted to the office by Officers Whalen and Stift and took things -very coolly. He was a lank, lean, consumptive-looking fellow, only -twenty-nine years of age, and earned his living as a cabinet-maker. -He was a German, married, and had two children, living in a two-story -frame house at No. 96 Hudson Avenue. His manner was very quiet, and no -one would have taken him for an Anarchist. But Peter, nevertheless, -was heart and soul in the movement, and had regularly attended all the -meetings. He had never made a speech—he was too diffident for that; he -had never advised any one on Anarchy, but he had come to be trusted, -and he knew all the leaders and all about dynamite bombs. He was so -undemonstrative and non-communicative that at first I took him to be -a paid detective in the ranks of the Socialists. When he was asked a -question, he would take his own time to answer, and, once interrupted -in his talk, he would stop and say no more. - -[Illustration: A DANGEROUS STORING-PLACE.] - -On the second day after his arrest—May 25—Huber offered to answer -questions, and he did this without any inducement. He thereupon -furnished the State with several good points, and freely told -everything. He was indicted, but released by order of the State’s -Attorney. He was ready to testify at the trial, but was not wanted. He -has since kept away from Anarchist meetings, and is now a useful man to -his family. - -Huber’s statement ran as follows: - - “I belonged to the North Side armed group. I know Seliger, Hubner, - Lehman the carpenter, the two Hagemans and Lingg. Some time in - February last, George Engel made a great speech in Neff’s Hall, No. - 58 Clybourn Avenue. I keep the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. The Sunday edition - of that paper is called _Die Fackel_. I saw the letter ‘Y,’ and the - meaning of it is that, whenever we should see it in the paper, then - there would be a meeting held that evening, of the armed men, at No. - 54 West Lake Street. May 3d there was one such meeting called for - that evening. On that evening I went to the saloon at No. 71 West - Lake Street and drank a glass of beer. From there I went to No. 54 - West Lake Street. While in the saloon at No. 54 West Lake Street, I - heard some one say that a meeting would be held down stairs in the - basement. So we went down stairs. When I entered I saw about thirty - or forty present. I sat down on a bench, and we sat there for some - time before the meeting opened. I heard some one say that it would - be an indignation meeting on account of our workingmen having been - killed at McCormick’s factory by the police on that day. I saw at - that meeting the circular calling for revenge and the people to arms, - because of the killing of our brothers. I saw the same circular that - same evening at the hall No. 71 West Lake Street. Waller was chairman - of the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street. I met there Hubner, Abraham - Hermann, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the captain of the second company of - the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I heard Engel make a speech, and during the - whole time Breitenfeld was walking up and down the hall. I also saw - Schnaubelt and Thielen there. I was at Neff’s Hall, No. 58 Clybourn - Avenue, early Tuesday evening, May 4th, and saw there Lingg, Seliger - and Hubner. I heard Engel, at No. 54 West Lake Street, explain his - plan and the work that should be done under it. A meeting, he said, - would be held at the Haymarket, and when the police interfered the - crowd should attack them, and the armed men should be ready for - action. Some one suggested that they should hold their meeting at the - Market Square on the South Side, between Randolph and Madison Streets. - Some one else remarked: ‘No, that is not a good place; it is a mouse - trap.’ If they held the meeting there and the police interfered, and - the crowd resisted them, the police would drive them all into the - river. Some said, ‘That’s so,’ and then the meeting was fixed for the - Haymarket, as Engel had suggested. We expected from 20,000 to 30,000 - people present. We all had the idea that the police would interfere. - Engel gave his plan about as follows: He said, ‘First call the meeting - for the Haymarket,’ and then urged that the armed men be ready. He - advised us to throw dynamite bombs into the stations, kill the police, - throw dynamite bombs into the patrol wagons and shoot down the horses - at the wagons. He repeated his plan for those who came in later to - the meeting. The revenge circular was distributed both up stairs and - down stairs at No. 54 West Lake Street. In the evening of May 3d, I - saw Spies and Rau together in Zepf’s saloon. As to the word ‘Ruhe,’ I - heard Engel say that when we saw that word appear in the paper, then - we might know everything was right and ready. And we should watch - for that signal. I heard Engel say that a man who could do no harm - or create no disturbance should stay at home, as he was not wanted. - When he had finished giving his plan, it was adopted. Schnaubelt said - that outside cities, where they had comrades, should be notified at - once as soon as the revolution was a success here. I saw Fischer at - this meeting. He went to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ to see if he could - print the circular that night, calling the Haymarket meeting for the - next evening. He came back and reported that the office was closed. - He said he would attend to it in the morning. I saw Lingg, Seliger, - Muntzenberg and Hubner in Neff’s saloon, No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, about - eight o’clock on the evening of May 4th.” - -BERNHARD SCHRADE, a German, was a peculiar combination of -eccentricities. He was arrested by Officers Whalen and Loewenstein -on the evening of May 26, at nine o’clock, on Milwaukee Avenue, near -Division Street. He was twenty-eight years of age, six feet tall, of -straight and muscular build, nervous and quick-tempered, a carpenter -by occupation, and he lived at No. 581 Milwaukee Avenue. When he was -seated in the station it did not take us long to ascertain all he knew -about Anarchy. In speaking of the Haymarket, he said that the right men -had not been in their places, or things would have turned out quite -differently. They had plenty of arms and bombs, he explained, but the -leaders did not know their business. Early in the evening there was a -large crowd, he said, but the great majority of them left in disgust -because there was not a larger gathering and the speeches were not -radical enough to suit their ideas. They expected something fiery and -impetuous. (This was about the time Mayor Harrison was at the meeting, -and the speeches were accordingly very mild.) Those that left the -meeting and did not go home, Schrade said, hung around the saloons in -the neighborhood. If six hundred police, he further said, had attacked -the crowd an hour earlier, few of them would have been left with their -lives. He knew the arrangements, and, had the plan been carried out, -the loss of life would have been appalling. - -Schrade was subsequently released by order of Assistant State’s -Attorney Furthmann, and promised that he would testify in court. He was -several times sent after to give further information, and he always -responded. - -[Illustration: AN OBSTREPEROUS PRISONER.] - -About one month after Schrade’s release, he and two others visited a -saloon on North Avenue one night, and, after drinking a great deal of -beer, they became exceedingly noisy and boisterous. The saloon-keeper -attempted to quiet them, but was finally obliged to call an officer. -Now, none of the bibulous individuals had any liking for a policeman. -The moment they saw him enter they ordered him out and threatened that -if he did not get out they would throw him out through the window. The -officer was not at all alarmed, and, seeing that he was bent on keeping -them quiet, the three disturbers pounced down upon him. The officer -promptly brought his club into play, and soon his opponents measured -their length upon the floor. The saw-dust was sprinkled with blood, -but, before the reds could make a second assault, a citizen had brought -the patrol wagon to the rescue. They were taken in charge and thrown -into the wagon in their drunken stupor, and carted to the Larrabee -Street Station. - -On the way Schrade revived somewhat, and, not quite satisfied with the -results of his former encounter, attempted to throw one of the officers -over the side of the wagon. He was clinched by the throat, however, -and kept quiet for the rest of the journey. The next morning the trio -were fined in the Police Court and released on payment of the fines. -Schrade became penitent and remained sober thereafter for some time. As -he was out of work, I paid his board bill for two weeks, and kept him -under surveillance to appear at the trial as a witness. When the trial -began he was in good humor and told the State’s Attorney that he would -give the same testimony that he had given at the station May 26. He was -accordingly produced as a witness. On the stand he failed to unfold all -the information he had previously given, but State’s Attorney Grinnell -knew all the points in his former testimony, and before he got through -with Schrade he made him a good witness for the State. - -After the trial the police lost sight of Schrade for a long time, -and wondered whether he had been quietly murdered by his former -comrades or had left the city for his own good. But one day an officer -reported to me that Schrade was still in the city. It was supposed, -of course, that he would never again be found in the haunts of -Socialists. It was discovered, however, that he was a member in good -standing of Carpenters’ Union No. 241, formerly No. 1. This is the -most rabid Anarchist organization in the city, and, were it not for -some comparatively conservative members, would have long since sought -revenge for the conviction and execution of the doomed conspirators. - -Schrade and Hageman, since their restoration to full membership, were -found to be as incendiary as ever in their utterances, and seemed to -vie with each other in their efforts to show that they were better -Anarchists even than before the time they informed on their companions -and helped to bring them to the gallows. In fact, they became so -demonstrative that some of the members threatened them with expulsion. -For this they sought revenge by working upon weak-minded persons to -influence them against the leaders in the organization. As long as the -conservatives remain at the head of the carpenters’ union there is no -special danger, but should such fanatics as Schrade and Hageman ever -secure control, look out for blood. - -AUGUST AHLERS was known to have been a close friend of Lingg, and -accordingly I eagerly sought his acquaintance. But Ahlers after the -Haymarket conceived an aversion to fresh air and kept himself in -gloomy, unfrequented quarters. The officers knew that he had often -visited Lingg’s room, sometimes remaining three or four hours, and, -as Lingg never tolerated any one who could not be made useful, it was -believed that Ahlers could furnish valuable information if found. -Mrs. Seliger had stated that a great many visited Lingg, but most of -them sought to conceal their faces or disguise themselves in some -way, generally sneaking into the house as if they were going to steal -something or kill somebody. This man Ahlers had been one of this kind. -Lingg had every man who assisted him do certain special lines of work. -Some would bring him lead, others gas-pipe, and others again charcoal, -etc. Ahlers had helped in some way, and, with a pretty good description -of him, the detectives were continually on the watch. Finally -Officers Whalen and Loewenstein found him on the 26th of May, at No. -148 Chicago Avenue, and took him to the station. He had a sneaking -demeanor, and when brought before me I asked him to give an account -of himself between May 3d and May 6th. This he was unable to do, but -after having been locked up for a while he gave some information about -outside groups. As to Lingg he pretended to know very little, and as -the officers could not identify him with any particular person, he -was released on a promise of better behavior. He acknowledged having -been a great admirer of the Anarchist leaders and a strong supporter -of Anarchy, but now, he said, he would no longer affiliate with them. -So far as the officers have observed, he has kept his promise and is -attending strictly to his trade, that of a carpenter. - -We had these kind of fellows by the hundred in this city on May 4, -1886, but fortunately God made most of them with big stomachs and no -heart or courage. - -VICTOR CLERMONT, a German, was almost dumbfounded when he was informed -that I wanted to see him. Clermont is a French-sounding name, and, -when Officers Whalen and Loewenstein took him in charge on suspicion, -they mistook him for a Frenchman, especially as he looked very much -like one, having a dark mustache and goatee. Clermont was taken to -the station, and there gave his age as twenty-seven, occupation a -cabinet-maker and pool-billiard maker, and his residence No. 116 -Cornelia Street. When questioned with reference to Anarchy he expressed -surprise that he should be taken for an Anarchist, but when he was -informed as to his having mysteriously sneaked into dark basements -which were lighted up with candles and whose doors were barricaded, he -looked aghast. - -“There is something wrong,” he said. “Somebody wants to involve me in -the Haymarket trouble. I am sure I don’t know the least thing about -Anarchists.” - -“Well,” said I, “we will see if you can remember anything. Either you -or your wife has some relatives living near the city. After the 4th of -May you sent a lot of guns, rifles, ammunition and some bombs to them -for safe-keeping. You took them away at night, and you have been so -careful as to try and disguise yourself. Yet I cannot prosecute you on -that. You have also been an active member on the Northwest Side in all -Anarchist movements. You know all the things you have been engaged in, -and so do we. I have your record right here.” - -“Oh, yes,” said Victor, “I hear that you fellows have things down -very fine, because you have everything your own way. Well, if I do -acknowledge all I have done, what are you going to do with me?” - -“I will do with you the same as I have done with others. I will hear -your statement and see if you can tell the truth. If you lie to me or -about any one else, I will stop you, and that is all. You are indicted, -and I will send you to jail. If you tell the truth I will send for the -State’s Attorney and ask him to let you go, but you must appear as a -witness whenever we want you.” - -“I suppose,” remarked Clermont, “that my case is like this—if I don’t, -some one else will squeal.” - -He then gave an account of himself and his Anarchist comrades. He was -subsequently released and visited me very often for several weeks. He -was out of employment and hard-up, and I gave him money with which -to support himself. One evening he called and said to the officers -that he had something important to tell me. I was very busy at the -time and asked him if he wanted some money. Victor replied that he -did not desire money. I offered him $5, however, and told him to come -back the next day. He would not take the money at first, but when I -told him that I could not wait any longer, he took it and left. On -reaching Milwaukee and Chicago Avenues, he met some of his old cronies -and told them that he was going away that night. Early next morning I -was informed that he had gone. Victor remained away for a year, but, -thinking things had blown over, he returned and set about to disabuse -the Anarchists of the impression that he had ever “squealed.” While he -has taken no active part in meetings since the trial, he appears to -feel that he stands well with the Anarchists, and always tells them -that when he was arrested “he never gave anything away.” - -His statement was as follows. It was given at nine o’clock on the -evening of May 26: - - “I belong to the Northwest Side Lehr und Wehr Verein, the second - company, of which Breitenfeld is captain. Some time ago, at a meeting - held at 54 West Lake Street, it was stated that the police would break - up their meetings if they knew when and where they held them, and - that therefore it was necessary to adopt some secret way of calling - their meetings. We adopted, ‘Y, komme,’ and when we saw that letter - appear in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ on any day we might know a meeting - would be held at No. 54 West Lake Street. I was at Thalia Hall, May - 3, early in the evening. We were to have held a meeting to elect new - officers of the company, but no meeting was held. Some one came into - the saloon and said that there were four of our workingmen killed at - McCormick’s factory that afternoon. Then some one said that a call for - a meeting that evening at No. 54 West Lake Street had been published - in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, and a lot of us went there to learn further - particulars about the shooting of our men. I there saw those circulars - calling for revenge and the people to arms. That circular made me - very excited. I was one of the first to get to that meeting at 54 - West Lake Street. At the commencement of the meeting we put a man at - each door to prevent any one listening or seeing what was going on in - the inside, and to admit only members. That meeting was only called - for the armed men. Waller was chairman. I heard Engel make a speech, - and he presented the plan adopted by the Northwest Side group.” (Here - follows a detailed account of the “plan,” agreeing in every particular - with that given by other witnesses as to blowing up police stations, - setting fire to buildings, killing people, the use of the word “Ruhe,” - etc.) “We expected that there would be present at the Haymarket - meeting from 30,000 to 40,000 people and that then there would be a - good chance for us to commence our revolution and attack the police - and the government. There were also to be spies at the meeting to - communicate with the groups in the outlying sections (Wicker Park and - Lincoln Park). But the spies did not do their work, and then after - Engel’s speech several got to talking about guns, fires and bombs. On - the motion of Fischer it was decided to have 10,000 circulars calling - the Haymarket meeting printed, and he said he would attend to it. - First Market Square was proposed, but some one objected by saying it - was a mouse trap in case of trouble, and the Haymarket was agreed - upon. Before finishing telling about his plan Engel said it had been - adopted by the Northwest Side group and referred to Fischer to answer - if that was not so. Fischer replied, ‘Yes, that is the plan.’” - -I asked Clermont if that was the first time he had ever heard of the -“plan,” and he replied: - - “Yes, it was the first time I had heard of the revolutionary plan. - I never heard of it before, and only heard of it through Engel that - night. This was the only plan I heard of to be followed for the - revolution. I was at the Haymarket and expected to find a big crowd. - To my surprise I only found about five hundred present.” - -Clermont is now again in Chicago, and as rabid a red as ever. He is a -leader on the Northwest Side, and detectives have reported to me that -he has declared himself in favor of “bullets instead of ballots.” He is -also a prominent organizer in the Anarchist “Sunday-school” scheme. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - - Fluttering the Anarchist Dove-cote—Confessions by - Piecemeal—Statements from the Small Fry—One of Schnaubelt’s - Friends—“Some One Wants to Hang Me”—Neebe’s Bloodthirsty - Threats—Burrowing in the Dark—The Starved-out Cut-throat—Torturing - a Woman—Hopes of _Habeas Corpus_—“Little” Krueger’s - Work—Planning a Rescue—The Signal “???” and its Meaning—A - Red-haired Man’s Story—Firing the Socialist Heart—Meetings - with Locked Doors—An Ambush for the Police—The Red Flag - Episode—Beer and Philosophy—Baum’s Wife and Baby—A Wife-beating - Revolutionist—Brother Eppinger’s Duties - - -THE work of ferreting out and arresting the conspirators might have -stopped with the number already gathered in, so far as the necessity -for procuring evidence to be used in court was concerned, but it was -continued to the end that every conspicuous or minor character in the -murderous plot might be made to feel the power of the law, which each -had so persistently defied. I had the names and descriptions of all -identified with Engel’s plan, their haunts, their traits of character, -and their influence in the order, and detectives, under instructions, -were continually on the search. Anarchist localities were overhauled, -unfrequented places visited, and convenient hiding-places inspected. -Every one wanted was finally brought from under cover. Not a guilty one -escaped, except Schnaubelt. Anarchistic sympathizers did everything in -their power to conceal their friends, but the police proved equal to -the emergency. - -RUDOLPH DANNENBERG, a German, was one who held himself aloof from the -rest of humanity. He lived at No. 218 Fulton Street, and on the 27th of -May Officers Loewenstein and Whalen found him surrounded by his family. -During the few moments’ conversation I had with him, it became apparent -that he was like all his associates—a firm enemy of the existing -order of society. He stated that, although he was only a tailor, he -could fire a revolver as unerringly as any one and throw a bomb as far -as anybody. He declared that he thought himself adapted to something -higher, something better than being a tailor, and he had joined the -Anarchists in order to bring himself before the public and achieve -distinction. He had carefully read the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, had noticed -the names of various people, and he did not see why he could not become -great like them and see his name and deeds frequently paraded in the -papers. He felt that he had the requisite ability, and communicated his -ambition and his desires to his wife. - -Mrs. Dannenberg was a plain, unassuming woman, and did not dare to -remonstrate with a man who had finally discovered his _forte_. He -strutted about the house with the conscious pride that greatness was -within his grasp, and his changed demeanor really impressed the woman -to the extent that she believed he was already a great man. Dannenberg -lost no time in joining the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and eagerly made -the acquaintance of all the leading men in the order. He secured -recognition, and his heart swelled with joy when he attended the secret -meetings held by the order. - -All these little confessions were adroitly extracted by piecemeal. -Noticing that here was a man who felt himself above the “goose” and -the needle, I concluded to send him below to discover, if he could, -the difference between being a tailor and an Anarchist in search of -greatness. I treated him with perfect indifference, and he seemed to -feel the indignity greatly. He was put in a cell, and for two days no -one went near him except the janitor. - -Dannenberg finally got uneasy and sent word that he desired to see -me. He was informed in return that he would be sent to the County -Jail the next day. He then wanted to know if he would not be given an -opportunity to speak, and insisted on having a hearing. He was brought -into the office and told that he would be given just five minutes to -tell what he had to say. - -“Gentlemen,” he said, in great haste, “you think because I am a tailor -I am of no account, and consequently you seem disposed to punish me. My -oath is just as good as the other fellows’.” - -“What do you mean?” I inquired. “We have not asked you for your oath, -and we do not want it.” - -“Oh, I see now,” said Rudolph, beginning to get angry, “you only want -the small fry. Well, look here, Captain, I don’t give a continental. I -will tell on the other big fellows, now, for the fun of the thing. They -must be punished as well as the little fellows. It is evident that the -other big fellows want to talk themselves out.” - -“I think you have got the thing down very fine,” were my consoling -words. - -“Yes, I know the people want to hang somebody,” said Rudolph, “and if -they can only hang a tailor they will be satisfied.” - -Time was called on the speaker, the five minutes having been exhausted, -and Rudolph was about to be escorted down stairs. - -“Stop! stop! officer, I have not commenced yet to talk, and I want to -be heard.” - -“Well,” said I, “you want to commence very soon.” - -Dannenberg again planted himself firmly in his chair, and then -proceeded to relieve himself of the burden on his mind. He gave quite -an interesting statement, and was subsequently released by order of the -State’s Attorney. He was indicted for murder before his release, and -he left after promising to report when wanted. Some time after he was -re-arrested and put in a room with fifteen others. - -[Illustration: THE CONSPIRACY MEETING AT 54 WEST LAKE STREET. WALLER -READING ENGEL’S “PLAN.”] - -Every one of these fifteen was morose, sullen and dejected. There was -not a cheerful word among them. They felt uncertain about their own -fate and took a gloomy view of life. The presence of Dannenberg was -like a cheerful fire in a blizzard. He had forgotten all about the -misfortune of being a tailor and a crushed Anarchist, and he kept the -company full of life with his wit and drollery. - -On his final release, Dannenberg went back to his trade, quit Anarchy, -and now takes the greatest sort of pride in telling his friends that he -is simply a “knight of the needle.” - -After stating his age to be thirty-two years, Dannenberg swore: - - “I went to the meeting in the basement at No. 54 West Lake Street. - I heard Engel speak. I heard Fischer say that he would attend to - the printing of the circulars for the Haymarket meeting. I used to - belong to the Lehr und Wehr Verein, but I quit two months ago. I was - at Thalia Hall, on Milwaukee Avenue, Sunday, May 2d. I used to go - there very often. I know George Engel. At the meeting at No. 54 West - Lake Street, he was called on for a speech, and he responded. I heard - him speak of his plan—a plan for riots, fires, the destruction of - buildings and property, and the killing of people and the police. I - heard him speak of the meeting to be held at the Haymarket, and that, - if they started there, then would be the time for us to commence - the rebellion all over the city. A man named Schrade, sitting by my - side, remarked to me that Engel had made a very destructive speech. - This talk made me laugh. Engel continued by saying that when we saw - the heavens red, then was our time to commence. The Northwest Side - group, he said, would meet at Wicker Park, and the North Side group at - Lincoln Park. The moment we saw the fires, as a signal, then we should - throw bombs, shoot down the policemen and everybody who stood in our - way, and begin the general destruction of property and life. I never - heard of this plan before this time. Engel was the only one who spoke - of the plan. At this meeting I knew Breitenfeld and Waller, who was - chairman. I heard some one at that meeting ask for dynamite bombs and - how to get them, and some said: ‘You ought to know it by this time.’ - Engel also spoke of the word ‘Ruhe.’ It was to be a signal word, and - when it should appear in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, then was the time to - be ready for a riot.” - -CARL MAX EMIL ENGLISH registered at the station on the 1st of June. He -might have been gathered in long before, but he was kept under watch -in the hopes of bagging a more important Anarchist. It was known that -English was a particular friend of Schnaubelt’s, and the officers kept -their eye on him continually, thinking the bomb-thrower might be found -through his unconscious intervention. But they waited and watched -in vain, and finally Officers Palmer and Cosgrove arrested English -on suspicion. He was turned over to me, and then it was ascertained -that he knew more of the Anarchists in Pullman, where he worked, than -he did of those in Chicago. When called an Anarchist he objected, -and insisted that he was simply a Socialist—a distinction without a -difference in his case. He stated, however, that all the Anarchists in -America “looked upon Chicago as the main center of Anarchy,” and in -Pullman they got all their inspiration from Chicago. He acknowledged -an acquaintance with Muntzenberg, who, he said, had sold John Most’s -books and other Anarchistic literature at Pullman. Muntzenberg had -been in Pullman after the 4th of May, and had carried dynamite bombs -with him. The Socialists, said English, had become frightened at this -exhibition and had refrained from having any further dealings with -Muntzenberg. - -English was allowed to go, with an injunction that he had better stay -in Pullman, where he belonged. He has since remained at home and is now -giving more of his time to the study of sound literature on economic -subjects. He came to America from Germany, in October, 1885, and was -led astray by Most’s writings. Had he lived in Chicago he would have -been a very handy man for Lingg. In the old country he had worked in -the manufacture of torpedoes, etc., for the Government, and he was well -posted on explosives. He was twenty-four years of age, and just such a -man as Lingg could have utilized. - -AUGUST KRAEMER, a German, thought he was sharper than the police. He -had escaped their attentions, and he was felicitating himself that he -knew how to elude them successfully. One day, however—June 1st—he was -cheerfully greeted by Officers Whalen and Stift, and when they notified -him of the pleasure his company would give us at the station, he became -motionless with surprise. Recovering himself, he declared that it was -an awful outrage to arrest a man for nothing and assured the officers -again and again that he had never heard of Socialists or Anarchists, -did not know a single one of that class and would not be able to -recognize one if pointed out to him. In fact, he had not even heard -that a bomb had been thrown at the Haymarket. He played this role of -ignorance when brought before me, but I soon brought him to his senses. - -“You have played the old lady long enough,” I said. “We are men here -who do not believe a word you say, and don’t want any of your tea-party -stories. Is not George Engel your friend? Did you not drink beer in -Engel’s rear room, May 4th, about eleven o’clock? Were you not there -when a lot of men waited for orders to blow up and burn down houses? -Were you not at the Haymarket with Engel, and did you not walk around -with him on the outskirts of the crowd?” - -“Who told you this?” came promptly from Kraemer. - -“One of those little gods you prayed to at Thalia Hall on Sundays. Why, -you hypocrite, you and twenty more get together, talk and give your -opinions about dynamite and how to construct poisoned daggers, and work -out a plan to fight the police and militia, drink beer and liquor, and -call that a prayer-meeting. What have you to say to all this? If you -can not answer I will give it to you plainer.” - -“Mein Gott, some one wants to hang me,” exclaimed August. “I know Herr -Engel; he is a good man.” - -“Yes, in your estimation.” - -“If you only knew how awfully sorry he felt for the officers that were -killed.” - -“Oh, yes. Well, do you now think that we know something about you?” - -“I admit that you know all about me, but Herr Engel said that night -that it was wrong to have such a miscarriage. He did not believe in -killing a few people. All revolutions, Engel believed, ought to come -about by themselves, and then the police and soldiers would be with -them. If the people would fight, then the authorities, police and all, -would throw their guns away and run. Then the victory would be won -without spilling any blood, but such a foolish thing as the Haymarket -affair Engel would have nothing to do with.” - -“Yes; all this Engel said after 10:30 o’clock that night, May 4th.” - -“Yes, he said it in his back room.” - -“That is all I want of you. Officers, lock up this dynamitard.” - -“Captain, will you not let me make a statement?” - -“Of what?” - -“I know something. For God’s sake don’t lock me up.” - -“Well, then, speak, double-quick time, and let there be no lying.” - -Kraemer calmed himself and proceeded to unfold his story. He was -subsequently released on promising to testify in court and that -he would become a better man. He was indicted by the grand jury -for conspiracy to murder. He was not asked to testify, and it was -supposed that after all his troubles he would attend strictly to his -own business, that of a carpenter. Not so. He was to be found in the -company of the worst Anarchists between May 4th and the time of the -execution, but, when he finally discovered that there was a law in the -State to hang conspirators and murderers, he grew frightened. He now -remains at home instead of skulking into dark cellars and devising -means of revenge. He lived, at the time of his arrest, at No. 286 -Milwaukee Avenue, in the rear, his friend Engel occupying the front -part of the building. He was thirty-three years of age, married, well -built, five feet eight inches in height, and an active man. - -His statement was as follows: - - “I attended the meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street the night of May - 3d. I was there about fifteen minutes when the meeting was called to - order. Some one suggested that every man of a group should see that - every one present was one of their members. I was asked what group - I belonged to. I could not tell. I do not belong to any group. Then - I was told to go out because I could not give the pass-word. I told - them that I belonged to the Socialists, but they told me I could not - remain. I then went away. I have often been at Thalia Hall at the - ‘Bible class.’ I met there frequently Engel and Fischer. That was in - the month of April, 1886. At one meeting, when Engel and Fischer were - present, some one called on the people to be ready with arms; that the - time would soon come when they must be organized and ready to defend - themselves. While I was at 54 West Lake Street that evening, May 3, - some one complained that there were so few present and said that - there had always been a good attendance until that night, and that it - was very strange. As I could not give the sign I was put out. I heard - Engel say that no revolution could be a success with only a small - group; there must be general, united action.” - -MARTIN BECHTEL was also requested to report at the station for an -interview. He willingly responded, and conversed quite freely. He was a -beer-brewer by profession, and on May 4 was foreman in the brewery of -Bartholomae & Leicht. He was also president of the Brewers’ Union and -presided at a meeting on the afternoon of May 3. His statement of that -meeting was as follows: - - “I had a meeting called of the brewers for that afternoon, and there - I saw a lot of those ‘Revenge’ circulars. I saw all the men reading - them, and, while some did not appear to care much, others got greatly - excited over the way the police had been clubbing the people at - McCormick’s factory. There was considerable excitement for awhile, and - this was kept up until I called the meeting to order. I found that I - had to be very strict before I could do anything. We transacted our - business with great difficulty. I was interrupted now and then by some - one coming in and talking excitedly about the police killing people - at the factory. I restored order once more, when Oscar Neebe came in - with a new supply of circulars and handed them around to the boys. - Then the fire was in the straw again. After Neebe had distributed his - circulars, he was called on for a speech, and whenever he was asked - by any one if it was true that the police had been killing people in - the manner described by the circular, he would answer: ‘Oh, yes; I - know it is true. I saw it all. We must get ready and take revenge. Get - ready; you all know what to do. You have all been to our meetings; you - have all had instructions. Come out like men and show the capitalists - what you are made of. Show these bloodhounds, these hirelings of the - capitalists—I mean the blue-coated police—that we are not afraid of - them. We must meet them and teach them a lesson. They have no regard - for you or your families. You must feel the same to them.’ Such was - the character of his speech and replies, and that is all I can report - of the meeting.” - -Mr. Bechtel was thanked for his information, and left the office. - -It came out that during that day, after leaving that meeting, Neebe -went into a saloon on Clark Street, near Division, and said that “by -to-morrow or before to-morrow midnight the city of Chicago would swim -in blood, or perhaps lie in ashes.” There would be a revolution, -everything was ready, and he said that he would do his share of the -work. At one time he was so wrought up with excitement that he fairly -shouted at the top of his voice and made loud threats. In the trial, -it was a fortunate thing for Neebe that certain documents were not at -hand, or he would have undoubtedly been hung instead of being let off -with the fifteen years’ sentence in the penitentiary which he is now -working out. The documents desired were in some manner lost, and, when -some of the material witnesses were looked for to appear at the trial, -they could not be found. - -Neebe knew perfectly well the character of the men he addressed at -the brewers’ meeting. They were all fire-eaters on the question of -Anarchy, and the name of the Brewers’ Union was simply adopted as a -cloak. The brewing companies could greatly contribute to the promotion -of law, order and decency by replacing every one of them with men who -appreciate good government and the privileges of citizenship. - -In one brewery on the North Side, these “reds” managed to get the -teamsters and beer-peddlers inoculated with their heresy, and the -result was that the police were often called upon to quell disturbances -growing either out of arguments with customers or saloon patrons. The -injury thus done to the trade of the company must have been large. Is -it a fear of these men or is there a lack of better material that keeps -them in their places? It is certain that such men are doing the brewing -companies no good. They are a bad lot and need watching. They are -watched. - -MORITZ NEFF was the owner of what has been called the “Shanty of -the Communists,” at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, known also as “Neff’s -Hall.” He was intimate with the leaders of Anarchy and knew a great -deal about their movements. On the 1st of June, Schuettler and Stift -were sent to tell him that I desired to see him. He came, not under -arrest, but voluntarily, as soon as he had secured some one to run his -saloon during his absence. He was a German, about thirty-six years -of age, unmarried, and had kept the Anarchist headquarters for over -seven years. He attended closely to business, rented his hall in the -rear of the saloon to various unions and clubs, and made plenty of -money. His place was a sort of “go-as-you-please” headquarters for the -Anarchists, and if all their plottings there had been carried into -execution the city of Chicago would not now stand as a monument of -thrift, energy, enterprise and wealth. The hall was rented to any one -who desired it. No questions were asked, and no publicity was ever -given to the proceedings through Neff. He could keep secrets, and the -Anarchists knew it. He also knew them thoroughly. He was a good judge -of character, and, as most of his patrons were low-browed, ignorant -and impulsive fellows, he would in the presence of some of the more -sensible ones call them “fools and cattle.” Neff gave up his money -freely to these people for the advancement of their cause, but he was -never known to howl against law and order or make threats against -capitalists, like other Anarchist saloon-keepers. He always kept on -friendly terms with the police, and promised Lieutenant Baus to keep -him posted whenever anything of importance transpired. This promise, -however, seems to have been shrewdly made with a view to “pulling the -wool over the eyes” of the Lieutenant. Neff would say, “Don’t trouble -yourself. Whenever there is anything going on, I will put you on;” but -he never found anything worth while reporting. The officers managed -to gather a good deal of information respecting the character of the -meetings held, but, as no important or dangerous results were ever -expected to grow out of them, the Anarchists were permitted to remain -unmolested. - -On the night of May 4, after the Anarchists had been put to rout, those -of the North Side group hastened from their various posts to meet at -Neff’s place. They were still inclined to go on with the revolution, -and Neff reproached them for not continuing it the moment it was -started. - -“What the d——l,” said he, “did you carry bombs for all night and not -do anything? Why didn’t you go to the Chicago Avenue Station and blow -the d——d building to h——l with every one in it?” - -This staggered the hot-heads, and not one made a reply. - -“Why,” continued Neff, “you are all cowards; not one of you dare go -with me now.” - -No one advanced to accept the challenge. Presently, the hour getting -near eleven o’clock, Neff said: - -“Get out! I am going to close up, and to-morrow we will have different -music, and we will see who dances.” - -Knowing the great resort his place had been for Anarchists, Neff was in -momentary dread of becoming involved in the Haymarket affair. He was -very uneasy, and, as described by an acquaintance of his, “his clothes -and shirt collar did not fit him very well for a number of days.” When -he entered my office, Neff straightened up and appeared as if his mind -was made up for the worst and as if he had resolved that the police -should be no wiser through any information he possessed. It was not -long, however, before he discovered that we meant business, and that -playing the fool in the matter would not be tolerated. In the room were -Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, six detectives and myself, and -he was kept busy framing answers that would not compromise himself. -Finally Neff looked us all over very carefully and said: - -“I know I am called here to answer questions and tell on the -Anarchists. I will now tell all I know.” - -He then gave a straightforward story and appeared as a witness at the -trial, giving all its substantial points. After that trial he sold out -his place and left the city. He remained away for a time, but recently -came to Chicago on a visit. His conduct has been such as to justify the -hope that he will hereafter hold himself aloof from Anarchists. - -JOHN WEIMAN, a Suabian, was a peculiar genius. He was only twenty-three -years of age, and yet he imagined that he could successfully hoodwink -the police. He had been pointed out as an associate of some of the -leaders, and it was decided to bring him to see what he had to say for -himself. He lived at No. 30 Barker Street, and when notified, about the -6th of June, that I wished to become acquainted with him, he assumed a -highly injured air. The moment he set foot inside the office, he threw -up both hands and, in a loud voice, insisted that a great mistake had -been made in arresting him. - -[Illustration: THE “CZAR BOMB.”—FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. - -This is one of the round bombs made by Lingg, and similar to the -infernal machine thrown at the Haymarket. It is about three inches in -diameter, and consists of two hollow hemispheres of lead, filled with -dynamite, and secured by means of an iron bolt and nut. It is fitted -with fuse and fulminating cap.] - -“I am no Socialist, no Anarchist, no Nihilist, no Communist,” he -declared. “I don’t know Spies, Parsons, Schwab, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, -Neebe or Fielden. I never attended any meetings at No. 54, No. 71 or -No. 120 West Lake Street, and I have never been in the Communisten-Bude -[the Shanty of the Communists] at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue; never was at -Mueller’s Hall basement, or at Thalia Hall, or at No. 63 Emma Street.” - -“That is right, John,” said I. “Keep on and tell me a few more places -where you have never been, and I shall be much obliged to you. Then I -will know all the places and all the leaders of the whole Anarchist -outfit.” - -“Yes,” said John, “I have heard of you, and I don’t want to be troubled -too much. I know that you are acquainted with all those places and know -all the people who went there, and I heard of a lot of people getting -arrested every day who knew all the leaders and frequented those -meeting-places. I thought I would tell you all at first, because I am -sick and I can’t stand much talking-to.” - -“How came you to know so much?” I inquired; “that is to say, how do you -know the names of the members?” - -“Well, I have a friend, and he told me all these things, but he ran -away from the city. I don’t know where he is now.” - -“What is his name and where did he live?” - -“He is a carpenter. I used to call him Carl. He lived on Randolph -Street, near Union.” - -Further inquiries failed to elicit anything of importance, and he was -turned loose to wander at his own sweet pleasure. - -EMIL MENDE, a German, was a man thoroughly capable of desperate deeds. -He lived at No. 51 Meagher Street, and so villainous a disposition -did he possess that his own sister and his brother-in-law were -obliged to report him at the station. Even the people in his own -neighborhood feared him, and those that knew him best shunned him. He -was a dangerous man. For two months preceding May 4, he boasted how -the Anarchists would blow up the city and kill every one who was not -an Anarchist. He talked about it so often and in such an earnest way -that his neighbors grew apprehensive lest he might set fire to the -neighborhood. The children would run across the street to avoid meeting -him. He was always full of liquor, and his chief study was how to get -a living without work. He thought he had found it in Anarchy, and he -stood ready to commit any crime to accomplish his purpose. He became -a drunken loafer through attending Anarchistic meetings, and when his -sister remonstrated with him he turned against her and threatened -to kill her. His conduct finally became so unbearable that his -brother-in-law, Emil Sauer, gave information against him to the police. -Mende, he said, belonged to the Lehr und Wehr Verein of the Southwest -Side group and would assemble with his comrades in lonely, retired -places, where the police could not see them drill. They would sneak -into the buildings selected for their meeting-places, and after their -drills they would quietly sneak out again, like so many thieves who had -committed a successful burglary. Sauer said he had come to know many of -the members, but he did not know their names or where they lived. They -all had numbers, were well armed with rifles and revolvers, and they -drilled frequently. - -“I remember the night of May 4,” said Sauer, “Mende left the house -about eight o’clock. He looked wild and desperate. He carried with him -a huge revolver and a lot of cartridges. About eleven o’clock the same -evening, after the bomb had exploded, he came sneaking home, and had -in his possession two rifles and three dynamite bombs. He brought them -all into the house at first, and, becoming alarmed, he took them all -to No. 647 South Canal Street. There he was seen either going under -the house or under the sidewalk. When he came out he had nothing with -him. Mende, when he first began to attend the meetings, had very little -to say about Anarchy. He kept on, and during the six months preceding -the Haymarket riot he was perfectly crazy on the subject. After he had -become a member of the armed group, he would speak of nothing else but -killing people and destroying the city. On the evening of May 4, before -leaving home, he said: - -“‘This is our night. This night we will show our strength. I would like -to see any one oppose us. Nothing can stand before us. Before daylight -to-morrow blood will flow deep in the streets, and the air will be hot. -Then we will have a new government.’ - -“After he had been gone about twenty minutes, some one came in and -asked for him. The man looked like a starved-out cut-throat. He was -told that Mende had gone. The fellow remarked, ‘Then it is all right. I -know where to find him.’ He pulled his hat over his eyes, turned up his -coat collar and disappeared. This man was watched. He went west from -our house, and about a block away he met five other men. They all went -west together. - -“On the afternoon of May 4, Mende said to me: - -“‘I want you to go with us. Everything is very well planned. There -is no fear that we will not get all the help we want after we have -started. We are going to move like an army. If we should get whipped at -first, or if we should have to run, then we all have places to go to. -The Southwest Side group is going to a church on Eighteenth Street, and -we will fortify ourselves there until we get help. We will have a lot -of dynamite bombs to keep everybody away. We have rifles and revolvers, -and no one will dare come near us. We can hold the fort there for a few -days, and no one will trouble us. Only throw out a bomb once a day, -and that will be sufficient to prevent the enemy from coming near. The -North Side group is going to follow our plan. They are going to take -charge of St. Michael’s Church. We have things down fine. You had -better come along. There is no danger. We expect a lot of people here -from Michigan and all the mining towns. They will all come here as soon -as we begin the attack.’ - -“Mende asked me at one time to go with him,—this was during the -McCormick strike,—and told me they were going to take with them tin -cans, which would be filled with kerosene. These cans would have strong -corks in them, and through each a hole had been drilled, for the -insertion of a cap and fuse. They would simply light the fuse, throw -the can into a lumber yard, and walk off. No one would discover who did -it, and then they would see a big fire. ‘In this way we’ll bring these -d——d capitalists to time.’ I told Mende that I would have nothing to -do with him or his plans. - -“Two days after the bomb had been thrown, he said to me: - -“‘I know the man who threw the bomb, and, you bet, he is a good friend -of mine. He will never be arrested.’ - -“About eight days after the explosion, he told me that he knew the man -who made bombs, and that the man was going to leave the city. This -man, he also said, had changed his clothes, and he (Mende) had got the -clothes from a man named Sisterer, who lived on Sixteenth Street. I -then asked him the name of the man who made the bombs, and he said it -was Louis Lingg.” - -Mrs. Sauer next related her grievances against her brother. - -“This brute,” she began, “not being satisfied with having all the -neighbors afraid of him, had to torment the life out of me, telling me -that he belonged to those fellows who would kill, give no quarter and -take none. In a fight the result would be victory or death. He would -tell me that as soon as they had established their government the -children of the capitalists would be hunted up and killed, and every -trace of a capitalist wiped off the face of the earth. My brother reads -all kinds of Anarchist books and papers. I saw him have a big revolver -and a lot of cartridges, and he said: - -“‘We are going to kill all the police now in a few days. They all must -be killed. They stand in our way. We cannot get our rights so long as -we let those bloodhounds live. So we have decided to kill them all. We -are ready now, and you will not see any more of those fellows hanging -around the corners.’ - -“He also said that the Fire Department was a well-organized body, and -they, too, must be destroyed. - -“‘Before the battle commences,’ he said, ‘we are going to fix the -bridges with dynamite, so that, in case the Fire Department should come -to the relief of the police or go to work to extinguish the fires that -we start, we will blow the bridges, firemen, horses and all to h—l.’ - -“He further stated that the city would be set on fire in all parts, -so that the police and firemen would be obliged to stay in their own -neighborhoods, and it would be impossible for any large bodies of them -to get together in one place. Then, when everything was in confusion, -they had places selected where they would meet in a body and come into -the center of the city, where they would rob and plunder every jewelry -store and bank, and places where they could get the most valuable -things they wanted. - -“‘We have,’ he said, ‘all these places picked out already. We have on -hand all the dynamite we want, and when we make a start we will have -our tools and materials with us.’ - -“A few days after the 4th of May, my brother also said that it was too -bad that their committee had become split up during the charge of the -police at the Haymarket. They failed to get together again, and the -men on the outside were expecting every second to receive orders from -that committee to commence setting fires and killing people. He stated -that on that night he was at the Hinman Street Station, and that it was -surrounded by seventy-five men, fifty of them having rifles and the -balance large revolvers and dynamite bombs. They waited in an alley -for orders. Everything, he said, was complete; every man had his place -and knew what work he had to perform. They only needed the signal from -the committee. The plan was that, as soon as they had received their -orders, some of them should get near the windows of the station and -throw in bombs among the policemen. Then others were to be ready with -their revolvers and shoot down any officer who had not been killed by -the explosion and who attempted to save himself by jumping out through -the window. The fifty men with rifles were to have placed themselves in -front of the station, and as soon as the officers made an attempt to -march out, they should kill them in the hallway before they could get -outside. ‘But,’ said he, ‘the officers at this station will be killed -yet, because they have interfered with us and injured the success of -the strikers.’ - -“He spoke also about their going to barricade themselves in churches -if they got whipped, until they had secured help. He said that they -had a lot of bombs buried near the city, and they were there still for -future use. ‘They will not spoil,’ he said. My brother further told me -one night that he had to run home or he would have been arrested. I saw -him come home, and he looked very much excited. He went into the back -yard—just like the coward—and remained there for some time. Later he -told me that a lot of them went together to blow up a freight-house -with dynamite bombs. This freight-house is on the corner of Meagher -and Jefferson Streets. He said that he had the place picked out, and -everything was ready. Then one of their number, who stood guard, gave -the signal to run, and they all ran away. They had a meeting-place -appointed in case they should be disturbed, and there they met -afterwards. They decided to renew the attack, but finally, at the -suggestion of a man named Sisterer, that they postpone it till another -night, they all went home. On his way home my brother thought that some -detective was following him. He became frightened and started on the -run, and ran until he arrived home safely.” - -[Illustration: 1. Incendiary Bomb, with powder flask detached. - -2. Gas-Pipe Bombs, without cap or fuse, but loaded with dynamite. Found -in Lingg’s room. - -3. Bombs used in evidence, after analysis by chemists. - -4. Gas-Pipe Bombs, with fuse and caps, secreted by Julius Oppenheimer -under a dancing-platform. - -ANARCHIST AMMUNITION—1. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS.] - -When a sister would tell such a story, fully corroborated by others, -of a brother, it can easily be seen that he must have been a desperate -man. It must be borne in mind that about the time Mrs. Sauer notified -me of her brother’s acts the city was wrought up to a high pitch of -excitement over the foul murder at the Haymarket, and there was a -general sentiment that all the conspirators identified with that plot -ought to hang. It required, therefore, no little courage on the part of -a sister to give up her own brother to take his chances on the charges -made. - -Mende must have reached a very low, or rather a very high standing -among the bloodthirsty bandits, and the revelations concerning him -showed that he was not only capable of tormenting a poor woman by his -savage threats, but willing and anxious to distinguish himself in any -wild carnival of riot, bloodshed and incendiarism. He was a man the -police wanted, and he was accordingly arrested by Officers Whalen and -Loewenstein on the 7th of June. At the station he gave his age as -twenty-nine years, and his occupation as that of a carpenter. He was -tall, well-built, wore a heavy beard and weighed about 160 pounds. His -appearance did not belie the statements made about him, and subsequent -inquiries showed that he was all his sister had represented him to -be. What he had told his sister about the arrangements around the -Hinman Street Station was found to be strictly true, and the details -about the riot at the Haymarket and the signal to the armed men in the -outlying sections of the city were borne out by the statements of other -Anarchists. - -While on his way to the station, Mende seemed perfectly indifferent -to his fate. It came out, however, that much of his stoical air had -been inspired by statements previously communicated to him by his -Anarchist associates. The attorneys of the Anarchists, Messrs. Salomon -& Zeisler, had advised the order that in case of arrest the distressed -brother should seek to notify some friend they might meet while being -taken through the streets to the station, and then, the information -being brought to them, they would at once secure a release on a writ -of _habeas corpus_. Mende acted on this advice. He knew probably, like -the rest, that, once locked up, his chances for communicating with his -friends for a day or two would be exceedingly doubtful, and so, while -he was being marched through the streets, he encountered a friend and -told him his name; and that friend immediately rushed to the office -of the attorneys and gave the name of the prisoner and the station to -which he was being taken. - -Mende had scarcely been locked up when the counsel came to the -Chicago Avenue Station and demanded to see the prisoner. They were -refused. On the next day they applied for a writ of _habeas corpus_ -and wanted the prisoner brought into court. The object of this was -to put me on the stand in the case, and, by various questions, to -obtain such information as the State might possess with reference to -the Anarchists. I was not to be caught in such a trap, and State’s -Attorney Grinnell decided to release the prisoner, have him indicted -and subsequently re-arrested. - -During the short time Mende was at the station he was plied with -questions, but he answered them all with denials. He said that he -had never spoken to his sister about Anarchy and had never belonged -to any organization. Under cross-fire, however, he admitted that he -had attended the meetings and owned a big revolver. The revolver, he -said, he had sold to one Peter Mann about the 1st of June. After his -experience at the station he was, as might have been expected, at war -with his relatives, but he kept away from meetings. - -POLIKARP SISTERER, a German Pole, was an associate of Mende, but, -unlike that rapscallion, he was not violent or demonstrative. Having -a family may have done much toward tempering his disposition, but -still he was an Anarchist in the full sense of the word. He was a -quiet, deep-plotting fellow, and perhaps on that account might be -regarded as really a more dangerous man. He was a sober man, not given -to beer-drinking and wine-guzzling like Mende; and, like Cassius of -old, had a “lean and hungry look,” bringing him within that class -concerning whom the injunction “Beware” might well be heeded in any -special crisis. He was arrested on the 8th of June by Officers Whalen -and Loewenstein and taken to the station. On the way thither he, like -Mende, communicated his troubles to friends on the street, and was -subsequently released under the same conditions. At the station he gave -his age as thirty-one years, his occupation as that of a carpenter, -and his residence as No. 85 West Sixteenth Street. He belonged, like -Mende, to the Carpenters’ Union, which met at Zepf’s Hall, and took an -active part in all Anarchistic movements. He was at first exceedingly -non-communicative to the police, and insisted, whenever he did speak, -that he had no secrets to divulge. He was shown to the “cooler” down -stairs, and the next day he was in a talkative mood. He willingly took -all the officers into his confidence and talked unreservedly. He said: - - “I belong to the Carpenters’ Union, and Louis Lingg belongs to the - same organization. I have known Lingg for about eight months. We - were good friends, and, after the meetings of the union were over, - Lingg and I often went home together. I got acquainted with him at - those meetings. Lingg was a good worker for the carpenters, and they - all like him for the interest he displayed in their behalf. I saw - him at our union meeting on Monday evening about eight o’clock in - Zepf’s Hall. He made a speech there and called all of us to arms and - to be ready. He said that the police were ready to club us and would - only protect the capitalists and work only in the interests of the - capitalists. ‘You can see for yourselves,’ Lingg said ‘how the police - acted at the McCormick factory; they clubbed our people, they killed - six of our brothers, and now we will fight them and take revenge.’ - He worked us all up, and every one was highly excited. He said that - everything was ready and if we would only stick together we would win - a certain victory. I saw at this meeting Hageman, Poch, Mende, Lehman, - Louis Rentz and Kaiser. Rau and Niendorf were there and distributed - the revenge circulars. That day—Monday—was a very exciting one among - the Anarchists, and it would not have taken much to have started very - serious trouble. Crowds of excited people were on Lake Street, from - Union Street to the river, on that afternoon, and all were in bad - temper. I attended the meeting on the afternoon of May 3d, at about - three o’clock, at No. 71 West Lake Street, at Florus’ Hall. I never - was at any meeting held at No. 54 West Lake Street, at Greif’s Hall, - but I heard from others as to what had been done there. I saw Lingg - again on the 5th of May, at Florus’ Hall. I spoke to him, but he - had very little to say. He looked downhearted. While I was there he - disappeared, and I never saw him again.” - -“Did you not give him money and clothes to get out of the city?” I -asked. - -“Well, no one can prove that. If you think I did, you had better find -your witness.” - -“Do you mean to say that you did not help Lingg?” - -Sisterer hung his head and would vouchsafe no answer. - -He was released, as I have already stated, but since this episode -in his career, he has taken the lesson to heart and appears to be -determined to keep away from uncanny places on moonless nights. - -AUGUST KRUEGER, _alias_ “Little Krueger,” was a different sort of a man -from the rest of his chosen brotherhood. He was quite an intelligent -fellow, well educated, with genteel manners, well chosen language and -rather natty dress. He was a draftsman by occupation, and he was highly -skilled. He was, with all his bloodthirsty professions, a very clever -fellow, and became quite popular with his low-browed associates. He -belonged to the Northwest Side company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and -took great interest in the drills. His ideas, however, were somewhat -different from those of the other Anarchists. He did not believe in -riots, but thought a revolution should be brought about by a general -uprising of the people. In the old country, he had been a Socialist, -but had been obliged to leave some seven years before the time of -the Haymarket riot. Arriving here, he identified himself with the -Anarchists, and, taking a deep interest in all movements directed -against capitalists, he soon became highly esteemed by Spies and -others. He was at the Haymarket meeting, having come in the company -of Schnaubelt, the bomb-thrower, and claimed that he also left the -meeting in his company. While not in perfect accord with his associates -on isolated riots, and while he did not sanction such methods to hurt -people, Krueger still entered into their plans and worked hard for -their cause, and when Spies and others had been condemned to die -he originated a plot to release them from the jail, which, however, -failing to secure members enough to carry it out, he finally abandoned. - -[Illustration: A GROUP OF THE LEHR UND WEHR VEREIN. - -From a Photograph. - -The figure on the extreme right is that of “Little Krueger.”] - -After the Haymarket riot, Krueger was continually watched by the -detectives, and on the 13th of June he was arrested. He was found at -the Terra Cotta Works, on Clybourn and Wrightwood Avenues, and brought -to the Chicago Avenue Station. Here he showed that he had considerable -grit. He was the kind of man who would risk his life for a good chance -in a general revolution, and, although he characterized some of the -Anarchists as fools, he stubbornly refused to testify against them. -He was kept for two hours under a steady fusillade of questions by -Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann, but he held out doggedly under -the heavy fire. He could not be made to inform. He was subsequently -released by order of the State’s Attorney. He was, when last heard -of, still working for Messrs. Parkhurst & Co., the proprietors of the -works, and appears to be well liked by them. In spite of his warning, -he still adheres to his old ideas. - -His answers to the questions asked him were as follows: - - “I am twenty-one years of age. I came from Germany seven years ago. I - reside at No. 72 Kenion Street, near Paulina. I was a member of the - Lehr und Wehr Verein a year and a half. I know Breitenfeld. He is the - commander of the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I am - orderly sergeant and secretary of that company. Schrade was captain. I - heard of the letter ‘Y’ about the first of April. We had a different - signal. It was ‘???.’ This signal invited the armed organizations. I - cannot say who originated the signal. The signal was then changed to - ‘Y.’ We always met up-stairs under this signal ‘Y,’ except the last - two meetings. I saw that letter last on Sunday preceding the riot. I - went to that meeting at No. 54 West Lake Street (May 3) alone. I got - to the meeting about 8:30 o’clock. I went into the saloon and then - went down stairs. There were then only a few people present. Seeing - that the meeting had not started, I went up stairs again. Breitenfeld - had charge of the door. I was not asked to show my card, but I had it - with me. It was a red card—No. 8. That is my number. We all go by - numbers. I went down stairs again for a second time about a quarter to - nine o’clock.” - -A picture being shown him of Schnaubelt, he said: - - “I might have seen him. On Tuesday night, May 4, I was at Engel’s - house from nine o’clock to eleven o’clock. At the meeting I know - that Fischer volunteered to have circulars printed for the Haymarket - meeting. I am in favor of a complete revolution—that is, when a - majority of the people are in favor of it. I am an Anarchist, and will - remain one as long as I live. My father was one, and he was warden of - a penitentiary in the old country. I had to leave there because I was - an Anarchist. I am opposed to all single attacks, like that at the - Haymarket. I am in favor, also, of peaceable agitation. I could say - more about others, but they are in trouble enough now. I don’t want to - be put down as a ‘squealer.’ I hope you will not insist on my becoming - one, as I will not.” - -EMIL NIENDORF, a German, was arrested on the 14th of June, by Officers -Schuettler and Stift, and brought to the station. He had scarcely -entered the place when he demanded to see me at once. On being brought -into the office, he was asked what he wanted to say. - -“Well,” opened up Niendorf, “I don’t want to be locked up here six -weeks. Neither do I want you folks to believe that I am a stubborn man. -I want to talk. I want to tell you who I am, what I have done, and I -don’t want to be looked upon as a murderer. I am an eight-hour man. -I want to get eight hours in a peaceable way. I do not want to kill -people. I have no use for those rattle-heads.” - -Niendorf was informed that all the officers connected with the station -were too busy to attend to his case then, and that he would have to -remain until the next day, when he would have an opportunity to tell -all his troubles. He was locked up, but during the night, it appears, -some prisoner or some one from the outside “put a flea in his ear,” -telling him not to open his mouth, to be a brave man, and he would come -out all right. The next morning at ten o’clock he was brought into -my office, but he was not at all communicative. He sat down and said -nothing. - -“Well, Niendorf, how do you feel?” asked Mr. Furthmann. “How did you -sleep?” - -Not an answer. - -“Are you sick?” interestedly inquired Furthmann. - -No answer. - -“Did any one insult you or hurt you?” continued Furthmann. - -Still no response. - -“Who has changed your mind since you were here?” I inquired. - -Not a syllable of reply. - -“See here,” said I, “you cannot make us feel bad. I will give you just -two minutes by the watch to get over your lockjaw.” - -This aroused Niendorf, and, looking around at all the officers present, -he said: - -“Gentlemen, I have been warned not to speak. I did not see the party, -but some one called out my name and asked if I had been to the office -yet. I answered no. The voice then said: ‘When you go there, don’t -open your mouth, be motionless, and they will soon fire you out. Don’t -forget.’” - -“That is just what I expected,” I remarked. “Now you can do as you -please—talk or not talk. That party is not a friend of yours, and he -wants to see you go to jail. Officer, take him down stairs.” - -“Are you not going to let me speak?” nervously inquired the prisoner. - -“How long will it take you to find your speech?” exclaimed Furthmann. - -“Have I got to swear to what I tell you?” - -“Yes; you will have to do that whenever we send for you, and you must -not leave the city without permission,” said I. - -Niendorf then gave a statement of his knowledge of Anarchy. He appeared -very ignorant, but, when spoken to, he showed that he was quite -intelligent. He was twenty-six years of age, lived at No. 29 Croker -Street, and, with fiery red hair, was a rather homely-looking man. - -He was released, and after his departure the officers determined to -ascertain whether it was an “Anarchist ghost” or a man in flesh and -bones that had hovered about the station warning Niendorf not to -squeal. A close watch was accordingly put in the cell department to -fathom the mystery. About ten o’clock that night a young fellow called -at the station for a night’s lodging. He was told to sit down and wait. -He did so, and his wish was reported to me. Officer Loewenstein was -sent back to look him over, and that officer presently returned and -reported that the man did not look like a tramp. He looked more like -an Israelite who had means, and the fellow was at once called into the -office. There the officers unbuttoned his coat and discovered a clean -young fellow, with a nice suit of clothes and a gold watch and chain. - -“What is your name?” I asked sternly. “And don’t forget to give it -right.” - -“Oh, please,—I—I did not mean anything bad.” - -“Are you not baptized; have you no name? Officer, lock him up until I -find a name for him.” - -“Let me go, and I will never come here again.” - -“Who sent you here?” I demanded. - -“I cannot tell—do let me go. I will never, I promise you, come back -again.” - -“I don’t think you will. When you leave here you will go through the -‘sewer.’” - -With exclamations of great grief and remorse, he looked appealingly -to all the officers in the room, and, recognizing Officer Loewenstein -as one of his race, he fell on his knees and begged the officer not to -have him put through the “sewer.” - -“Were you not here last night?” asked the Captain. - -“No, sir; it was another fellow.” - -The turnkey of the station was sent for and confirmed the stranger’s -denial. The now thoroughly frightened young man was then asked as to -who the lodger of the night before was, but all he knew was that he -himself had been hired by an unknown man that evening for one dollar -to come and seek lodgings at the station to warn Anarchists. When the -stranger had measurably recovered from his trepidation, he gave his -name as Moses Wulf, and, his information being of no value, he was -released with a severe lecture. - -Niendorf’s statement ran as follows: - - “I was at a meeting held May 3 at 8 P.M., at No. 122 West Lake Street. - I was chairman. I heard some one state that the police had killed a - dozen workingmen at McCormick’s factory. That created a great deal - of excitement for some time at the meeting. Then some one shouted: - ‘Better be quiet and let us attend to our own affairs.’ We were only - looking after the eight-hour movement. I saw the revenge circular - at that meeting, which called the people to arms. Louis Lingg was - present to report some meeting and some business transactions as a - committeeman. William Seliger was there as recording secretary of the - meeting. Rau was there, and some one said to me that he had brought - the circular. A man named Soenek made a speech and advised us to use - force. It was decided, on motion, that we should act in sympathy with - the people at McCormick’s factory. I have been a member of the North - Side group for about a year. I was at a meeting at Zepf’s Hall May - 3, which lasted till eleven o’clock P.M. About nine o’clock a man at - the back door called out that all the men who belonged to the armed - sections should go to 54 West Lake Street in the basement, where a - meeting was to be held, and I saw a lot of members get up and leave - the hall. I know Lingg belonged to the armed section. At one time he - offered me some of his dynamite bombs. I told him I did not want any - of them. He told me on another occasion that I had better take some - and try some of his stuff. I told him that I was afraid to handle - his stuff and I did not want it. Our meeting May 3 at Zepf’s Hall - was known as that of the Central Labor Union. A little fellow named - Lutz was financial secretary at that meeting. Rau was there only ten - minutes. At a meeting held some time ago in Lake View, I was chairman. - Lingg was one of the speakers, and also a man named Poch. Seliger - called the meeting to order. I know Gruenwald; he is thirty-five years - old, a carpenter by trade, five feet eight or nine inches tall, and - has red whiskers. I heard Lingg say at several meetings that if any - members wanted any of his ‘chocolate,’ meaning dynamite or dynamite - bombs, he would supply them.” - -JOHANNES GRUENEBERG, a German, had the distinction conferred on him -of being one of the last of the more conspicuous Anarchists to be -arrested. He had been known to the police for some time, in a general -way, and inquiries about him brought out the fact that he was a -prominent figure in Anarchistic circles. He knew where all the leaders -lived, frequently visited them, and tramped around so often that he -became quite a well-known character. Even the dogs that infested the -localities through which he passed wagged their tails in cheerful -recognition, and Grueneberg always had a kind word for both the brutes -and his Anarchist friends. He was forty-five years of age, a married -man with a family, and lived at No. 750 West Superior Street. He was -a carpenter by trade. On the 17th of June he was working on a new -building at No. 340 Dearborn Avenue, and, while right in the midst of -an exhortation to the other workingmen on the beauties of Anarchy, he -was interrupted by Officers Hoffman and Schuettler, who notified him -that he was under arrest. - -“That is just what I have been waiting for,” he exclaimed, not in the -least disconcerted. “Is it that d——d Schaack that wants to see me? I -will tell that fellow who I am. I will surprise him.” - -“Johannes,” said Schuettler, “you can save yourself all of that -trouble. Schaack knows all about you. I saw your name in the book.” - -“Come on quick,” said Johannes, “I will show you a gamy man. Whenever -I leave home I always bid my wife good-by, because I have expected to -be arrested at any time, and did not know when I would see her again, -for I will not squeal. I knew of these squealers, and I told my wife I -would kill myself first before I would squeal.” - -Officers and prisoner started for the station. Johannes opened up on a -half run, and the officers could hardly keep up with him, so anxious -did he appear. He entered the office with hair disordered and on end, -and his eyes bulged out with excitement as he hurriedly surveyed some -six officers who were in the office at the time. - -“Which one of you fellows,” he wildly asked, “is Schaack? Show him to -me quick.” - -“Grueneberg,” said I, for I recognized him at once from the -descriptions I had had of the man, “what is the matter?” - -“Are you Schaack?” - -“Yes, I am Schaack.” - -“You sent for me to squeal, did you?” - -He instantly pulled out a big jack-knife, and, handing it out towards -me, he continued: - -“Take this and cut my head off.” - -He twice repeated the request, and, still holding out his extended -hand, said: - -“I will never squeal; you can kill me first.” - -“I heard that you were crazy,” said I, “but I never thought you were -quite so bad as this. You must suffer terribly. The weather is too -warm for you. I think you had better go down stairs and have a glass -of ice water.” - -“No,” vehemently responded Johannes, “we had better settle this matter -right now. I want to go out a free man, or else you will have to carry -me out of here a dead man. I would thank you, however, for a glass of -water, but don’t put me down stairs. I have heard too much of that -place already.” - -“Oh,” said I, “it is not a bad place. Just go down and see for -yourself. You will like the place; it is nice and cool.” - -“Please, Captain, let me sit in the next room,” said Johannes, cooling -down considerably, and modulating his voice to a gentler key; “I will -behave myself.” - -His austerity of manner had completely vanished, and his ferocious mien -and language had gradually disappeared. He saw in me a different man -from what he had expected, and the courteous treatment accorded him had -melted his heart and vanquished his anger. I granted his request and -told an officer to sit with him in an adjoining room. - -The moment the officer and prisoner were in the room, Johannes remarked: - -“Schaack is not a bad fellow. Is he not going to stop arresting people?” - -“Oh, no,” said the officer, “he has a long list yet.” - -“Are you with him all the time?” - -“I am.” - -“Do you hear and see all?” - -“I do.” - -“Do the fellows all squeal?” - -“Yes, every one of them. If they don’t squeal right away, they squeal -the first chance they get.” - -“I am too much of a man, and it would be very small in me to do so.” - -“There have been as brave men as you in this office, and every one has -squealed.” - -“Well, when a man has a family, that cuts a big figure,” said Johannes, -hesitatingly. - -“If you are going to talk to Captain Schaack,” said the officer, -reading the man’s mind, “you must understand that he does not want -any fooling. You either tell him all or nothing, because some one has -already told on you.” - -This settled the matter with Grueneberg. He wanted to see me, and he -was brought back into the office. - -“I was a little excited,” began Johannes, apologetically. - -“All right,” I assuringly replied; “sit down and tell on yourself -first. I am going to give you a trial.” - -Grueneberg then went on to say: - - “Well, I am an Anarchist. I always worked hard for the working people. - I am proud of it. I did good as long as I could, but now it is all - up. I am a member of the Northwest Side group and always attended our - meetings. I never missed one. - - “On Monday night, May 3, I attended a meeting at Zepf’s Hall. I - remained there until about 9:15 o’clock. From there I went to Greif’s - Hall. This was a secret meeting of the armed men. While the meeting - continued all the doors were kept locked, and guards stood on the - outside of each door, and also on the inside, and extra guards on the - sidewalk. If any one stopped on the sidewalk, he would be told to move - on. I heard Engel speak of his plan; that it was a good one. If only - every one would do his work, then the matter would be a very easy - one of accomplishment. He stated that the plan had been made up last - Sunday at 63 Emma Street, and had already been adopted by the Lehr und - Wehr Verein and the groups. All who had heard of the plan, he said, - were very much in favor of it, and all understood by this time how to - act. ‘We are,’ he continued, ‘going to do this right, because all the - boys look to us as the leaders, and we are going to call a meeting for - to-morrow night at the Haymarket. Since all the people are excited, we - will have a large crowd, and we will have things so shaped that the - police will interfere. Then will be the chance to give it to them! I - could notice by the acts of all present at this meeting that there was - a great deal of bad blood among them against the police on account of - the killing of so many people at McCormick’s.” - -“Do you now believe that a single person was killed at McCormick’s?” - -“Of course I do. You killed six men.” - -“Not one was killed,” said I, “and you ought to know that by this time.” - -“All I know,” said Johannes, “is what August Spies said. I was a -carrier of the _Anarchist_, Engel’s paper. My route was on Madison -Street, and on the Southwest Side,” he continued, dropping the 54 West -Lake Street meeting. - -“And what did you think of that paper?” I inquired. - -“That was the best paper we ever had.” - -“It was too bad,” added I, “that the sweet little paper died so young. -Where was it printed?” - -“I don’t know, because the papers were sent to my house by the -Southwest Side group.” - -“Who else carried that paper?” - -“Messerschmidt, Schneider, Schoenfeld, Geimer and Kirbach. We each -carried about fifty papers at a time.” - -“Do you know anything more about the secret meeting at No. 54 West Lake -Street, May 3d?” - -“Well, I don’t know all. I went out twice.” - -“And how did you get in every time?” - -“I had a card, and I had to show that every time. That is all, and, -besides, the boys all knew me.” - -“What do you know about Louis Lingg?” - -“He is a good man. I like him. He speaks to the point.” - -“On dynamite,” I suggested. - -“Yes, and on other things.” - -“He only likes Anarchists,” I interrupted. - -“Yes, that is so.” - -“What do you know about the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_?” - -“Well, it is a very good paper, but it is too mild.” - -“Do you mean to tell me that a paper which advises people to murder and -kill is too mild?” I asked. - -“They don’t put force enough into it. They don’t keep up things as they -ought to. I know all who visit there. I am a friend of all the Spieses.” - -After being “roasted” for three hours, Johannes was permitted to go -back to his work, and he left under the impression that, after all, -he had not said anything criminally implicating any of his comrades. -He was not asked to report when wanted, as he was too noisy a fellow -to have around the station, and the officers were as well pleased to -see him go as they had been pleased to arrest him. He inaugurated -no reform on his release. On the contrary, he was again as rabid as -ever and ran around night and day trying to gather a mob to go to the -jail and liberate the Anarchists. He made no secret of his work. He -loved the red flag, he said, and he would die for it if necessary. One -night he came to me in company with two other fellows and demanded the -return of a large red flag which at one time belonged to International -Carpenters’ Union No. 1. This flag had been taken by the police with -many others some time before. Grueneberg said that he had marched -behind it many times and he was proud of it. He wanted to see the “dear -old flag” once more and secure possession of it. I had the flag at -the station, but, knowing that Anarchists had an “undying love” for -Inspector Bonfield, I remarked: - -“If you want the flag, all you have to do is to see the Inspector, and -I am quite sure he will give it to you.” - -An expression of intense disgust came over the faces of the three -Anarchists, and Grueneberg excitedly exclaimed: - -“Bonfield! Bonfield! Ah, the d——d black Bonfield! I see _him_? Oh, -no! he is not gentleman enough for me to see.” - -“Bonfield is a very clever fellow,” said I; “he likes such men as you.” - -“Oh, yes; he would like my head in a bag. Good night, Mr. Schaack; I -don’t want the flag.” - -Grueneberg belonged at this time to Carpenters’ Union No. 241, and, on -account of his peculiar and ridiculous actions, the members gradually -grew suspicious of him and finally believed that he was a paid spy -in the employ of some detective agency. They harbored their mistrust -for a time, and then accused him of being a traitor. He demanded that -charges be preferred against him, and it was done. Grueneberg failing -to answer these charges, he was expelled from the union. A few weeks -thereafter he reformed, and one day, meeting me, he said: - -“I am done with these people. They are all cranks. No person can do -enough for them. I worked with them night and day. They put me on all -the committees. I had to do all the running, and for all my trouble and -as a reward they call me a spy. I am working steady now and they can -all go to the d——l. I am only sorry for my poor children—the way -they suffered while I was giving my time to Anarchy. I have now worked -four weeks and made full time. This I have not done before for the last -two years.” - -About two months after the above incident, Grueneberg and his family -passed the Desplaines Street Station. Meeting me, Grueneberg spoke up, -saying: - -“Well, Captain, what do you think of my family now?” - -“I must give you a great deal of credit,” said I pleasantly. “You are -all looking remarkably well. A man that has gone as far as you in -Anarchy deserves credit for such a great change, and if all the rest -were kicked out of their unions, I think it would be a blessing to -their poor wives and children.” - -After bidding me good-by, Grueneberg and his family walked away proud -and happy in their new condition, and I went to my office and drew this -moral from the example of reform I had just seen: Here was a man who -had belonged to the Anarchists for three or four years, and had been -at one time one of the “rankest” kind. For two years his family had -suffered want, and now, after having left the desperate band for two -months only, his wife and children were once more made happy. Anarchy -keeps men in poverty and families in trouble, distress and suffering. - -Grueneberg up to the present time has kept away from his former -associates, and his change appears permanent and sincere. - -OTTO BAUM was one of the desperate Anarchists who made the air blue -with imprecations against capital. He would have been gathered in with -the others had it not been for his special care to keep out of the -reach of the police. He lived at No. 137 Cleveland Avenue, was married -and had three children, and, when he worked, which he rarely did, it -was at the carpenter’s trade. He was a strong, robust man, nearly six -feet high, and with black hair, full, black beard, and piercing black -eyes, he presented a rather vicious appearance. When he first came to -Chicago, some four years preceding the Haymarket meeting, he joined the -Socialists, and he soon became a full-fledged Anarchist. He belonged -to the notorious International Carpenters’ Union No. 1. This union had -then a thousand members, and Baum’s number was 100. About two years -ago the union changed its number to 241, and a worse set of Anarchists -could not be found in the United States than the members of this -organization just before the 4th of May, 1886. They were provided with -all kinds of arms—revolvers, daggers, rifles, dynamite and fire-cans. -Lingg was one of the leading spirits in this revolutionary gang. After -the Haymarket explosion, when the police took up a hot pursuit of the -conspirators, Baum changed his residence with his family and carefully -kept off the streets during the daytime. On the conclusion of the trial -of the leading conspirators, he became emboldened over the immunity he -had enjoyed from arrest, and crawled out of his hole, like a coon does -in the spring-time. - -So great was Baum’s interest in Anarchy that he wholly neglected his -family. He never troubled himself about wife or children, but hung -around saloons guzzling beer and breathing vengeance against the police -and society. He went lower and lower from day to day, and frequently -reeled home in a drunken stupor, only to abuse his family. About a year -and a half ago, when his last child was born, his neglect had left not -a mouthful in the house, and, had it not been for the kindly assistance -of friends and neighbors, the family would have been in a most -deplorable condition. When the child was a week old, the wife, poor and -sickly as she was, had to leave the house and seek work to supply the -family with the necessaries of life. With food thus obtained, almost at -the sacrifice of the poor woman’s life, the burly brute of a husband -was always first at the table, and eagerly devoured what she had -provided. Did he seek to obtain employment? Not at all. He preferred -loafing and talking about Anarchy. The poor wife’s uncomplaining toil -he rewarded with abuse and cruelty, calling her the vilest of names, -and even kicking her about as if she were made of rubber. She was a -delicate, sickly woman, but she bore his fiendish treatment, hoping -that a change would come over him after the law had made an example -of other Anarchists. But the change did not come, and finally she -determined to seek the protection of the courts. Accordingly she went -to the Chicago Avenue Police Court on the 6th of February, 1888, with -her infant in her arms, and swore out a warrant against her husband. - -The lazy giant was at once arrested, and on the next morning the poor -woman appeared to testify against him. Being unable to speak English, -an interpreter was called, and during the recital of her grievances and -the many indignities imposed upon her by her liege lord, the court-room -was as quiet almost as a death-chamber. All eagerly listened to her -troubles, and, her statements being given in such a simple, convincing -manner, many eyes were moist with tears. Justice Kersten, who presides -over this court, has no regard for wife-beaters, and he promptly fined -Baum $50. - -“That,” said he, in an emphatic manner, “will keep you locked up for -one hundred and three days.” - -The brute was then locked up where so many of his former associates had -been incarcerated two years previously, and in the afternoon he was -sent to the House of Correction by Bailiff Scanlan. - -During this episode it came out that Baum had been quite active in -Anarchist circles, and at the time the Anarchists were confined in the -County Jail he was engaged in an attempt to gather a mob to effect -their liberation. One night he went about saying that he was determined -to kill somebody before the next morning. The more he talked, the more -frenzied he became, and with his frenzy grew his thirst for liquor, -the need of which he felt to get up his courage to the required pitch. -A few hours afterwards he was found in the yard fronting his house, -asleep and “dead drunk.” The only courage he ever displayed was in -lording it over his wife and beating her almost to death. He was a type -of a very large class of Anarchists. He would call the better class of -people tyrants, because they did not fill his pockets with plenty of -money so that he could get drunk as often as he desired, but in his own -household he was the meanest of tyrants. - -[Illustration: THE WIFE-BEATER’S TRIAL.] - -Had Mrs. Baum been a little shrewder, she would not have had to endure -his brutalities as long as she did. There are many other wives of -Anarchists who are ill-treated by their husbands, but some of these -managed to bring their lords to their senses by a neat ruse. While -the investigations into the deeds of the Anarchists were going on the -bandits would almost crawl into a sewer to get out of the way of -the police, and, noticing the timely fright that overcame the “reds” -whenever an officer or detective appeared in their midst, many shrewd -wives quieted wrathful husbands by threatening to go out and see me. -This ruse, I learn, was often resorted to to avert a beating from a -drunken Anarchist. - -GUSTAV POCH was a conspicuous figure in Anarchist plots, and never -tired of working for the cause. But Anarchists are an anxious, jealous -and thankless lot of people, and because Gustav was achieving a little -more prominence than some of his immediate associates, they found fault -with him and sought to degrade him. They might have secretly given -him away to the police, and thus got him out of the way of their own -advancement, but a fear for their own safety prevented such a course, -and so they began calling him hard names. But I shall let Gustav state -his own grievance. Here is a letter he wrote to his union: - - CHICAGO, September 10, 1884. - - At a meeting held on the 3rd of September, instant, of Branch No. 2, - of Union No. 21, Carpenters and Joiners, the Secretary read a letter - in which I, the undersigned, was insulted in a shameful manner. In - this letter they called me a swindler simply for the purpose of - breaking up the Union, and at the end of the letter they stated that - I would be expelled from the Union on account of it. The letter was - signed by Fr. Ebert and Dom. All these insults and injuries to my - reputation I can’t let pass. My honor, my reputation and my future - prosperity are damaged and at stake. I would, therefore, move that an - investigation be made into the matter and that the instigators of the - complaint be punished. What was their motive? For the last few weeks - complaints have been made against me by the Secretary to the effect - that I, as Acting Secretary, had made false entries on the books. As - he could not exonerate himself in the eyes of my brothers, he drew - up the letter, which was published at the meeting of September 3rd, - and which was signed by Fritz Ebert and Dom, to put me in a bad light - before the Union. The evidence: Fritz Ebert told me in the presence - of John Zwirlein that the main object out of which this accusation - originated was the following: I was selected by President Blair on the - 3rd of May to the Main Committee in place of Brother Eppinger, who - could not serve on account of having too much other work while the - strike lasted. After that I held this position nineteen days. I got - paid for twelve days, and they withheld seven days from me and said - I was discharged from the Main Committee. Is there anything to show - that I was expelled? Of course I put in my claim for $21 in writing, - and no one ever told me what became of this claim. I was the only - German-speaking representative on the Strike Committee, and I had - to do more labor than any one else. Any one who participated in the - strike during the last seven days can confirm this assertion. Now, how - can Mr. Printer put up such a letter and show me up as a swindler? - - In consequence of the insults inflicted on me, I beg for an - investigation and for his punishment according to the rules and - regulations of the Brotherhood. - - GUSTAV POCH. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - - The Plot against the Police—Anarchist Banners and Emblems—Stealing - a Captured Flag—A Mystery at a Station-house—Finding the - Fire-cans—Their Construction and Use—Imitating the Parisian - Petroleuses—Glass Bombs—Putting the Women Forward—Cans and Bombs - Still Hidden Among the Bohemians—Testing the Infernal Machines—The - Effects of Anarchy—The Moral to be Drawn—Looking for Labor - Sympathy—A Crazy Scheme—Gatling Gun _vs._ Dynamite—The Threatened - Attack on the Station-houses—Watching the Third Window—Selecting a - Weapon—Planning Murder—The Test of Would-be Assassins—The Meeting - at Lincoln Park—Peril of the Hinman Street Station-house—A Fortunate - Escape. - - -IN the numerous arrests and raids made, the police became thoroughly -acquainted with the most notorious Anarchists in the city, the ins -and outs of their resorts, and even the interior arrangement of their -dwelling-places. Not only were suspects arrested, but search was made -for contraband articles. A varied collection of arms, bombs, etc., and -a large assortment of red bunting thus found their way to the Chicago -Avenue Station. In all the public demonstrations made by the Anarchists -in the city they had carried many flags, banners and transparencies as -emblems of defiance, and whenever such were found they were carefully -taken in charge. When the investigations were concluded, the inner -room of my private office was well filled with a most curious display -of these time-worn and weather-beaten ensigns, and the collection is -very interesting as a reminder of a critical period in the history of -Chicago. There are flags of a very primitive and cheap description, -and flags more or less elaborate and expensive. They varied in size -and differed in the degree of their crimson colors. Those belonging to -groups were large and plain, showing frequent handling by dirt-begrimed -hands, and were mounted on plain pine staffs. Those carried by the Lehr -und Wehr Verein were of finer texture and larger in size, its principal -standard, of silk, being a present from the female revolutionists -and gorgeous in the amplitude of its folds. This silken standard was -the pride and joy of the whole fraternity, and at one time it served -to relieve the motley collection with its bright vermilion, but in -some unaccountable manner it disappeared one day from a West Side -police station. The reds had evidently set their hearts on recapturing -it, and by some sort of legerdemain they succeeded. Who it was that -accomplished the deed has never been disclosed, and in whose custody it -is now is a profound secret, carefully kept by the Anarchists. - -The men who were always relied upon to carry these flags in the -processions of the reds were Ernst Hubner, Appelman, Paul Otto, -Stohlbaum, W. Hageman, Seliger, Lutz, Gustav Lehman, Paul Lehman, and -Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Holmes and some other women, and possibly some -of these may know something of the mysterious disappearance of the -Anarchists’ chief standard. - -[Illustration: AN INCENDIARY CAN.—FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. - -This is a tin can filled with petroleum, and provided with a small -powder flask, secured in the center by means of a screw-top, which also -serves to hold the fuse in position. Numbers of these cans were found. -They were intended for setting fire to buildings and other property.] - -During the searches by the department for other suspicious and -inflammatory articles, several fire-cans were found in the northwest -part of the city, on the 3d of June, by Officer Whalen. In exterior -appearance these looked very harmless, but an examination of their -contents showed them capable of doing a great deal of mischief. They -each had a capacity of a quart, and were made of medium heavy tin, with -a round hole in the center of the top, about an inch in diameter. This -opening was provided with a threaded neck of tin about an inch high, -with a cover to fit. Underneath the cover was a sort of clasp, into -which fitted the neck of a small vial, and through the cover a small -hole was bored, for the admission of a fuse into the vial. When ready -for use the can would be filled with an explosive or with coal-oil, -and the flask would contain powder. All that then remained would be to -light the fuse, throw the can either into a lumber-yard or under the -stairway of some residence or business block, and no one would know the -perpetrator of a possibly disastrous fire. The cans found by Officer -Whalen were loaded and had evidently been intended for use on the night -of May 4. Fortunately the owner must have become frightened and hid -them to escape arrest. - -The suggestion for the manufacture of these cans came from across -the water. A short time preceding May 4, at a meeting held in Thalia -Hall, a few Frenchmen and several Germans, who had passed through the -reign of the Commune in Paris in 1871, gave a general idea of the -important part such cans had played in that city and added that women -at that time did as good work with them as the men. Such fire-cans, -together with glass balls filled with nitro-glycerine, were carried in -baskets, and if the reds wanted to destroy a building they would throw -a can through the window, or if they desired to annihilate a guard of -soldiers they would hurl into their midst one of the glass balls, which -would explode by concussion and tear the men to pieces. - -These missiles had created great havoc in Paris, and the members of the -Thalia Hall gathering were urged to adopt them for use in Chicago. At -that time there were enough desperate Anarchists in the city to have -used all that could have been manufactured, but some of the men at the -meeting insisted that the women should be asked to assist in disposing -of them to the destruction of the town. One big, loud-mouthed fellow, -evidently a coward, shouted: - -“My wife will do that. She is an Anarchist as good as any one of us.” - -No doubt she was an Anarchist, as the city had a great many of these -poor, deluded creatures at the time, who were willing to do almost -anything their husbands might ask, but many of whom have since had -occasion to feel the poverty into which they were finally forced -by men who neglected work, family and all for the sake of talking -revolution. - -Many of these men were just cowardly enough to thrust their wives -forward where danger lurked, and while they themselves enjoyed the -safety of a groggery, they would have been pleased, “for principle’s -sake,” to see their poor helpmeets go around and set fire to houses and -other property, so that the dauntless husbands could brag of the brave -achievements of “the family.” - -The meeting in question must have set the Anarchists to thinking; and -it is a matter of record that Parsons had fallen into the same idea -when he addressed a secret meeting on the North Side, to which I shall -subsequently refer. It is certain that many of these fire-cans were -manufactured. - -Besides the petroleum-cans discovered by Officer Whalen, a lot of the -same kind were taken out of the city by way of West Lake Street on May -7, when the Anarchists were hurrying their ammunition out of town to -prevent detection. According to the statements of some reformed reds, -there are a great many of these cans and bombs still concealed in the -Bohemian settlement in the southwest part of the city. - -On the 8th of June, 1886, I decided to have the cans tested, and for -this purpose detailed Officers Rehm and Coughlin. The latter had at -one time been a miner, and was therefore experienced in the use of -explosives. The two officers took one of the cans to the lake shore. -The can was placed on a plot of grass and the fuse lighted. In eight -seconds an explosion followed. The grass burned within a circumference -of five feet. The flame extended four feet in height and continued for -about three minutes. The officers gave it as their opinion that any one -of the cans was sufficient to set a building on fire. - -What a blessing it was for our citizens that this devilish invention -did not spread its destructive work before May 4, 1886. - -As stated at the outset, the police were brought, in all these raids, -into close acquaintanceship with the malcontents, and often came in -close contact with their families. Some of the sights they saw were -shocking in the extreme, and they had many opportunities to sound the -depths of misery and want entailed upon families by husbands gone daft -on Anarchy. The tales of woe and domestic infelicity poured into their -ears would fill many pages, but the general tenor of all can be judged -by what has been revealed in the statements given in the preceding -chapters. - -Anarchy may look extremely inviting when depicted by a plausible -speaker, but its practical side is strikingly brought out in the home -life of its devotees. Any one visiting the homes of Anarchists, and -carefully contrasting the surroundings with those of true laboring men -not affected by the taint of revolution, would give Anarchy a wide -berth. But unfortunately men get their brains turned over sophistical -arguments against capital and madly rush to ruin without thinking of -consequences until it is too late. Read the reports made to me at the -time, and they all tell the same story of want and degradation. - -[Illustration: HENRY SPIES. From a Photograph.] - -There always has been and always will be a fascination about any scheme -that promises ease without labor. So long as men can be found with -impressionable minds that can be swayed by demagogues into a belief -that Anarchy has in it the elements of comfort, splendor and luxury -with very little toil, so long, no doubt, will dupes be found ready -to sacrifice energy, thrift and independence for the life-degrading -scarlet banner. But such ease can never be attained through blood in -the United States. That fact has been established in Chicago, and the -precedent ought to serve as a terrible warning to all malcontents. If -the abject want of those who constitute the bulk of the revolutionists, -whose very squalor has been the result of their zeal for Anarchy, is -not sufficient to deter men from becoming Anarchists, the fate of the -eight conspirators who were brought to trial in Chicago ought at least -to prevent men from plotting murder, incendiarism and pillage. - -With the tremendous odds against them, it is surprising that men could -be found willing to take up arms for the destruction of life and -property, and the action of the reds in Chicago can be explained only -on the theory that they felt they had only to strike one severe blow to -bring thousands of secret sympathizers into line, and cause capitalists -to humble themselves in the dust before the Social Revolution. This -theory is borne out by the statements of the many repentant Anarchists -who came under the displeasure of the police. In their excited -gatherings they had each propped up the hopes and spirits of the -others, and all reason was sunk in the one frenzied, consuming desire -to wreak vengeance upon those who had accumulated more wealth than -themselves. They were bent on wresting away the wealth of others, and -no mercy was to be shown to those who stood between them and that end. - -The police, as protectors of wealth in property and property in wealth, -were the immediate objects of their enmity and wrath, and throughout -the Anarchistic conspiracy, as has been shown by the disclosures made, -we were to receive their first and special attention before the grand -onslaught upon capitalists. Crazed by their speakers and dazed with -the glittering prospect held out to them, the human fiends proposed to -exterminate us with dynamite and then vanquish the rich and abolish all -forms of property. - -Could anything be more absurd? And yet that is what they sought to -accomplish on the eventful night of May 4th. - -It would seem that the scheme to blow up the police stations could only -originate in a lunatic asylum, but the confessions of those arrested -show that men with apparently sound minds—minds at least sane enough -to keep them out of such institutions—actually contemplated it and had -made all the necessary arrangements to execute the plot. Strange must -have been their conceptions of public sentiment when they believed that -the execution of their bloody plan would result in the establishment -of wider and freer social conditions, and strange, indeed, must have -been their hallucinations when they thought that the devastation they -proposed would be seconded and aided by the laboring men whom they -counted upon as secret sympathizers ready to reveal their true feelings -the moment the revolution was generally inaugurated. - -The danger of the scheme to themselves did not strike them until the -last moment, when their courage was to be put to a practical test, but, -fortunately for themselves, they went no further than the Haymarket -riot. - -That they seriously contemplated more than they perpetrated is beyond -dispute. They saw the intense excitement consequent on the eight-hour -strike and the troubles at McCormick’s factory, and knew that the -police stations would be filled with officers in readiness for -emergencies. They had called the Haymarket meeting for the express -purpose of provoking hostilities, and they regarded it as an opportune -time to strike a terrible blow against the police all over the city. -Their calculations in that respect were eminently correct. - -The moment the reds began to incite a vicious mob to deeds of -bloodshed, hostilities were provoked, and they got a dose of their own -medicine. Had it not been for their precipitate flight they would have -fared far worse. All the police stations were full of men, all the -reserves having been called out for duty on the first sign of violent -demonstrations, and these stood ready to make short work of all who -might stand up against them in a conflict. It was fortunate for the -conspirators that they considered “discretion the better part of valor” -at the Haymarket, and doubly fortunate that they received no signal to -commence their bloody operations at the stations. - -The loss of life no doubt would have been appalling on both sides, but -the outcome, as far as the triumph of law and order is concerned, would -have been the same. The bomb would have done deadly work at the start, -but the Gatling gun would have come to the rescue had the police been -seriously crippled. - -Missiles of dynamite hurled into the stations on that eventful night -of May 4 would indeed have created terrible havoc. In fact, the reds -could not have chosen a time more favorable for their bloody plans. The -East Chicago Avenue Station that night contained a very large force. I -had in reserve and waiting orders one hundred and twenty-five officers. -They were all over the building, up and down stairs, in the court-room, -in the reception-room and in every other available place. Many were in -the office, which is used as a roll-call room, and in which all details -of officers are made. This office is in the center of the building and -overlooks an alley on the east. The officers were organized into five -companies, and all duly numbered. Any company could be called at any -time, and in less than five minutes it would be in marching order. - -This precaution was taken in expectation of a call to the Haymarket, -and the Anarchists, in the damnable conspiracies of that evening, had -anticipated such preparations. They were accordingly on the ground. -Fifteen members of the North Side group, as appears plainly from the -confessions of some of the Anarchists, loitered around the station, -waiting for orders or signal, or to abide their own pleasure as soon as -they could see for themselves that the riot had begun on the West Side. -When that time arrived, they were to watch the windows of the roll-call -room from the alley and throw their infernal machines into the midst of -the officers the moment the room was full. - -The cut-throats skulked around the station like so many Indians -around the cabin of a helpless settler, constantly dodging around in -the darkness, fearful that they might be discovered. True to their -instincts, however, these Chicago reds could not do without their beer -while awake, and they made frequent trips to neighboring beer-saloons. -About 9:30 o’clock Lieut. Baus and Lieut. Lloyd, each with a company of -officers, returned from the Central Station, where I had sent them as a -reserve during the Haymarket meeting, and when the Anarchists saw them -in the roll-call room of my station, they sneaked around on the dark -side of the alley and selected the third and fourth windows as those -through which their deadly bombs should crash on their destructive -mission. These windows are in the center of the large room. They had -with them a number of bombs, both of the round lead and the long -gas-pipe variety. While they stood underneath those windows, they got -into a whispered quarrel about the kind of bomb that should be used. - -Bock had a round lead bomb, and he said: - -“I don’t think this will go off. Let one of you throw a larger bomb.” - -Then Abraham Hermann became angry and said: - -“You d——d fool, what the d——l are you here for, if your d——d -bombs are no good? You are too much of a coward to throw them.” - -Just at this point two officers left the station to visit a -cigar-store, and stopped for a moment at the entrance of the alley to -finish their conversation. - -The Anarchists saw them, and, thinking that they had been discovered, -they hurriedly made their exit in an opposite direction, running to the -rear of the building on its dark side and then emerging on Superior -Street. Some of them went over to the West Side, to the Haymarket -meeting, and others sought different saloons on Clark Street. - -[Illustration: THE LARRABEE STREET STATION. - -From a Photograph.] - -After frequent libations, some met again on Superior Street in the -vicinity of a wagon-manufacturing establishment, and, under the cover -of numerous wagons standing on the street between Clark Street and -La Salle Avenue, they decided that the men who then had bombs should -proceed to the call-room windows, and the others, with revolvers, -should take position in the alley diagonally across from the entrance -of the station. Then, at the proper signal, the bombs were to be hurled -into the room, and the men across the way were to fire a volley into -such officers as might come out. - -While this plan was being formed, I received an order from Inspector -Bonfield to send all my men to the West Side double-quick, ready for -action, with a hurried explanation of the riot and the killing of -officers, and in less than four minutes I had seventy-five men on -the way to the Haymarket. The Anarchists were still standing among -the wagons, and, to their great surprise and dismay, they saw three -patrol wagons passing with a tremendous speed. Their hearts at once -fell into their boots, and they knew that the trouble had commenced. -They repaired to Moody’s church and remained there a few moments -deliberating what should be done. One of them tried to brace up the -flagging spirits of his comrades by saying that “now the time had -arrived when something must be done, but they must never tell of their -being there.” Not one, however, seemed willing to execute the plot -they had agreed upon. On the contrary, they turned up La Salle Avenue -and ran to Neff’s Hall as fast as their legs could carry them. What -occurred at that hall that night I have already shown in a preceding -chapter. - -The plan to throw bombs into the roll-call room was afterwards unfolded -to me by one of those in the plot, and, had it not been for the two -officers accidentally stopping at the entrance of the alley, many of -the boys of the Fifth Precinct would have been murdered even before the -commencement of the riot at the Haymarket. The ruffians who hung around -that station were Abraham Hermann, Lorenz Hermann, the two Hageman -brothers, Habizreiter, Heineman, Charles Bock, Heumann, and others from -the North Side group and Lake View. - -Another station in great danger that night was that on Larrabee Street, -in charge of Lieut. John Baus, with forty-eight officers. It is located -on the northwest corner of Larrabee Street and North Avenue, and is -a two-story brick building with a basement. This basement contains -a cell-room located in the center of the building, with windows on -the North Avenue side, and that side was chosen for the scene of -operations. The men especially relied upon to blow up this building -were Lingg, Seliger, Muntzenberg, Huber, Thielen and Hirschberger, and -they, together with other members of the North Side group, lingered in -the vicinity, loaded with bombs, and waiting only to see “the heavens -illuminated” or to receive a message from one of the runners. But -before they knew what had transpired at the Haymarket a patrol wagon -dashed out of the station and whizzed by with a load of officers. This -dazed them, and they hurried to Neff’s Hall to learn particulars and -receive new instructions. When they got there Neff told them that they -were all a set of cowards and advised them to go home. They took his -advice and were glad to crawl back into their holes. - -Webster Avenue Station, in charge of Lieut. Elias E. Lloyd, with -forty-four officers, also received attention. The building is a -two-story frame located on the north side of the street, near Lincoln -Avenue, and its principal apartment, the roll-call room, is on the -first floor facing the street. The men especially assigned to the -destruction of this station were Ernst Hubner, Gustav Lehman, Otto -Lehman, Jebolinski and Lange, backed by several other frowsy and -low-skulled sneaks, and these hovered around the station, hiding in -dark recesses whenever some one casually passed along the sidewalk, or -dodging into an alley whenever an officer was discovered approaching -them. They all waited for “the signal which never came,” and, getting -tired of stimulating each other with a courage they did not possess, -they finally concluded to adjourn to Neff’s Hall. Whenever, on the -way to that place, one upbraided the other for not throwing a bomb, -each would point to the fact that the area in front of the building -was always occupied by officers sitting in easy chairs and sniffing -the evening breeze, and there was no chance to get near the cell-room; -but they all promised one another that they would go back and blow -the building into smithereens and the officers into shreds of flesh, -regardless of personal consequences, if they should hear “good news” at -Neff’s. But they did not go back. Lieut. Lloyd was not called on for -assistance at the Haymarket until about eleven o’clock, and by that -time the cowards had got their information at Neff’s and were glad for -an excuse to make a “bee line” for home, if the hovels they lived in -can be dignified by that designation. - -[Illustration: THE SCHILLER MONUMENT. - -From a Photograph.] - -There is no doubt that these wretches would have blown up the station -if the police had dispersed the Haymarket meeting earlier in the -evening, but by waiting so long they lost what little courage they -had. There was no patrol wagon attached to this station at that time, -but, as one of them told me afterwards, the Anarchists stood ready to -hurl a bomb into a street-car had the officers come out earlier to -take the cars in order to hasten to the assistance of the force at -the Haymarket. They intended to make their work complete, and they -were all well provided with bombs, even though they were rather short -on courage. This was a part of the gang which had an appointment at -Lincoln Park, only five blocks from the station, and some of them -sought there early in the evening for a large number of recruits who -failed to materialize when danger was in sight. - -The spot chosen for the meeting-place in Lincoln Park was at -“Schiller’s Denkmal” (monument). Here it was that a few gathered, but, -not finding as many present as they expected, they separated to the -several localities assigned them for the execution of their plot. - -It will be recalled that, at the Monday night meeting preceding the -Haymarket riot, those living on the North Side were ordered to report -at Lincoln Park for definite instructions, and those on the West Side -at Wicker Park, and the order seems to have been obeyed by a few of the -more courageous Anarchists. - -The vicinity of the Schiller monument was the place also where those -who had been arrested and had made confessions met, along with other -Anarchists, on the night preceding the taking of testimony in the trial -of the prisoners, and on this occasion, Mr. Furthmann tells me, they -agreed, with one exception, to inform the prosecution that they would -not take the witness-stand to testify to the matters they had revealed -to the State. If they were put on as witnesses, they agreed, they could -swear that all they had told me and Mr. Furthmann with reference to the -conspiracy was pure and unadulterated falsehood. Mr. Waller refused to -be a party to such an agreement, and by his stubborn stand he caused -several of the other witnesses for the State to change their minds and -stick to the truth. Others, however, held out, and, when asked by the -State to appear, refused. Waller proved a very strong witness, and, as -Mr. Furthmann says, not one of the witnesses for the defense dared to -contradict his testimony. - -[Illustration: THE HINMAN STREET STATION. - -From a Photograph.] - -But to return to the contemplated attacks on the police stations. -The Hinman Street house was the fourth one in the list marked for -destruction. This station was in charge of Lieut. Richard Sheppard, -and contained on the night in question thirty-four officers. It is -a two-story brick building with basement, and is situated at the -northwest corner of Hinman and Paulina Streets. The basement is used -as a lock-up for the detention of prisoners, and all the offices are -located on the first floor, facing Paulina Street. The patrol-wagon -barn is situated in the rear of the station, contiguous to an alley, -through which the street is reached. Around this locality between -eighty and a hundred Anarchists gathered for work and to await the -signal. Mende and Sisterer were at the head of this murderous gang. -Some were to exploit with rifles from the alley north of the station -and on the east side of the street; others, with dynamite bombs, were -to look after the officers in the rooms where they might happen to be -most numerous, and those with revolvers were to station themselves in -the alley directly behind the station to shoot down any of the officers -who might come out in the patrol wagon, and also to kill the horses. -Others, again, with revolvers, were to post themselves in front of the -station to kill those who might escape the deadly bombs and seek safety -by rushing into the street. The riflemen were to come as a reserve -force to shoot down any who might have escaped both the revolvers -and bombs. They were a desperate set and appeared determined on the -execution of the plot. The men who composed the gang were Germans, -Bohemians and Poles, all members of the West Side group, and some -outsiders who worked in freight-houses and lumber-yards, and not one of -them had any love for a policeman. This district had been for several -years the scene of numerous strikes, and, as the officers had always -suppressed the rioters, the latter were viciously disposed towards -the guardians of the peace. Some of these reds were very anxious to -see the work of annihilation commence, and they loitered around in -small squads so as not to arouse suspicion until they could learn -whether the revolution had been inaugurated at the Haymarket meeting. -There was no call on this station for assistance at the time of the -explosion, as Inspector Bonfield thought it possible that trouble might -arise at McCormick’s, and the officers in that locality might thus be -required in that direction; and as the diabolical conspirators saw no -officers or patrol wagon move out, they became anxious to know how -the Haymarket affair had terminated, and one by one they sneaked away -from their hiding-places. When they finally learned particulars about -the shooting, they ran home, and, like the cowards they were, kept -under cover for several days. Later in the evening one company was -ordered from this station to guard Desplaines Street, after the wounded -officers had all been brought from the Haymarket. When the wagon -had reached Halsted and Harrison Streets, however, Capt. O’Donnell -halted it and ordered the officers back to the station, as it had been -ascertained that all the Anarchists had sought their homes for the -night. - -It was very fortunate that the officers were not called out earlier in -the evening. If Inspector Bonfield had ordered them to report a few -moments after the riot, very few of the men would have escaped alive. -I have since learned that the brigands who were sneaking around that -station that night numbered nearly one hundred, and as one-half of them -were under the influence of liquor, it is very likely that they would -have committed desperate deeds had the occasion offered. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - - The Legal Battle—The Beginning of Proceedings in Court—Work in the - Grand Jury Room—The Circulation of Anarchistic Literature—A Witness - who was not Positive—Side Lights on the Testimony—The Indictments - Returned—Selecting a Jury—Sketches of the Jurymen—Ready for the - Struggle. - - -THE case was now in condition to be turned over to the courts. The -detective work was done, and, as I flatter myself, and as the result -proved, well done. A deliberate and fiendish conspiracy to bring about -riot, destruction and death had been proven. The Haymarket gathering -was projected to invite a police attack, and this attack was to be the -pretext for dynamite, murder and the social revolution. Of course much -of the information given in the preceding pages was not used either -in the grand jury room or at the trial. It was not necessary. State’s -Attorney Grinnell, with his usual wisdom and tact, selected only the -best, strongest and most reliable witnesses, and left out the minor -ones. The statements of all those who “squealed” were conclusive, -criminative and corroborative, but their presentation in court would -have simply lumbered up the case. - -As a result of the energetic work of Coroner Hertz the principal -conspirators had been bound over, without bail, at the inquest. - -The grand jury was impaneled on the 17th of May, 1886, and was composed -of the following named persons: John N. Hills (foreman), George Watts, -Peter Clinton, George Adams, Charles Schultz, Thomas Broderick, William -Bartels, Fred. Wilkinson, P. J. Maloney, John Held, A. J. Grover, -Frank N. Seavert, E. A. Jessel, Theodore Schultze, Alfred Thorp, N. J. -Webber, Adolph Wilke, Fred Gall, Edward S. Dreyer, John M. Clark, John -C. Neemes, N. J. Quan and T. W. Hall. - -Judge John G. Rogers delivered a long, able and forcible charge to -the members of this grand jury. He first called attention to the -necessity of their not being influenced in their acts by fear, favor or -affection, and then dwelt upon what constitutes freedom of speech. He -said: - - “We hear a good deal these days about what is called the freedom of - speech. Now, there is a good deal of misconception of the Constitution - of the United States and of the Constitution of the State of Illinois, - and I may say of all States in the Union, upon this question of - freedom of speech. I have copied the provisions upon which persons - rely who continually say that in this free country men have a right - to assemble—men have a right to speak and say what they please. - There is no such right. There is no such constitutional right. - The constitutional rights as expressed in the Constitution are: - ‘That Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech - or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble - and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.’ The - same principle is carried along into the State Constitutions; and - in the Constitution of the State of Illinois, and in its Bill of - Rights, there is a provision that ‘every person may freely speak, - write and publish on all subjects, being responsible for the use - of that liberty.’ And in another provision the people have a right - ‘to assemble in peaceable manner, to consult for the common good, - to make known their opinions to their representatives, and to apply - for a redress of grievances.’ - -[Illustration: NEEBE’S SWORD AND BELT.] - - You will perceive in a moment that the construction of the United - States constitutional right has been interpreted, if I may so express - myself, in the Constitution of the State of Illinois, and that - interpretation is the one that the courts have always recognized, - and that, while a man may speak freely and write and publish upon - all subjects, he is responsible for the abuse of the liberty of - speech. I refer to these constitutional rights because some men are - so inconsistent as to say there shall be no law for any such rights, - yet claim the protection of these rights in the broadest sense, and, - with an interpretation satisfactory to their own minds, that a man - may get up, and, in a public speech to a public crowd, advise murder - and arson, the destruction of property and the injury of people. - That is a wild license which the Constitution of this country has - never recognized any more than it has been recognized in the worst - despotisms of old and of monarchical Europe. I hope and you hope it - will never be recognized.” - -The eminent jurist then illustrated the point of responsibility. If, -said he, he should get up and there advise members of the jury that -the foreman ought to be hanged for some assumed offense, he would be -advising the commission of a crime; and if his advice was followed -he himself who incited the hanging would be just as guilty of murder -as the ones who did it. He next referred to the Haymarket riot and -counseled the jury to look not only to the man who actually committed -the crime, but to those who stood behind him, who actually advised it. -He held that the men who so advised were equally guilty and should be -held responsible for it. “What,” he said “is an incendiary speech but -inciting men to commit wild acts?” He spoke of the red flag in Chicago -and said: “What is a red flag in a procession, or a black flag, but a -menace, a threat? It is understood to be emblematic of blood, and that -no quarter will be given. Flags of that sort ought not to be permitted -to be borne in processions in this city.” He referred to the labor -troubles of the Knights of Labor, which, he acknowledged, happily -had no connection with the Haymarket or with Anarchy, and then, for -the guidance of the jury in reaching conclusions on the Anarchistic -conspiracy, he quoted the statutes on what constituted conspiracy and -the penalty for riots. In closing Judge Rogers counseled the jury to -consider all evidence submitted with fairness and impartiality. - -The next day the grand jury entered upon its work. A great many -witnesses appeared before it, but many of them were not required at the -trial, as their testimony would neither add to nor detract from the -strength of the case. Facts were brought out under the latitude allowed -in a grand jury room that could not, under court procedure, be brought -into a cause on trial because of their not bearing directly on the -charges, or not tending to supply some material connecting link in the -chain of evidence. Some of this testimony, while not serving to throw -any special light upon the conspiracy, may yet illustrate some phases -of Anarchy growing out of the propagation of Anarchistic ideas and -features incidental to the _cause celebre_; and for that purpose I have -carefully scanned over the official grand jury reports and selected -such omitted points as will serve to give a better general idea of the -whole subject. - -The sale and circulation of Anarchistic literature in Chicago was -one of the matters into which inquiry was made. Anton Laufermann, -a Division Street bookseller, testified that Most had written “The -Solution of the Socialistic Question,” “The Movement in Old Rome, or -Cæsarism,” “The Bastile at Platzensee,” and other works, including “The -Science of War.” It appeared that these Anarchistic books were not, as -a rule, handled by booksellers. - -Edward Deuss, city editor of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, told the grand -jury that the dynamite book—Most’s “Science of War”—was usually sold -by men at picnics and similar gatherings, and that a book-store would -be the last place to look for it. The men who peddled this literature -were volunteers who made no money out of the sales. - -This evidence was corroborated by other persons. The plan seemed to -be to scatter Most’s works quietly among the people, thus avoiding -any of the difficulties or dangers which might follow from open -and undisguised sale. The main source of supply was manifestly the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office. The books were easy to get: nearly all -the arrested Anarchists had copies of the dynamite book in their -possession. One of the most persistent _colporteurs_ was Muntzenberg. -The hundreds of copies of incendiary books and pamphlets were passed -around from one man to another, and it is out of the question to -attempt to estimate the amount of injury they have done. The evidence -upon this point—so much, at least, as came from the office of the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_—was unsatisfactory. This, however, was to have been -expected when the character and peculiar beliefs of the witnesses is -considered. For instance, Gerhardt Lizius, an editorial writer on this -paper, after being questioned, without satisfactory results, about the -interior arrangements of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and various articles -about the premises, was asked to define Anarchy and Socialism. - -“A Socialist,” he said, “wants the State to regulate everything, while -we don’t want any authority whatever. We want the people to associate -themselves for production and consummation (of the highest good), -according to their own desires.” - -“How does it happen that capital is in your way?” asked Mr. Grinnell. - -“Because the capitalist has taken something from us that is not his, -that we have created.” - -“What is the manner the Anarchists have adopted in reaching that which -they have not got now?” - -“We want to get it any way we can—peaceably if we can, and forcibly if -we must.” - -“Even to the extent of a capitalist’s life?” - -“Yes.” - -“Do you believe in the use of dynamite?” - -“Yes.” - -“You say that you should not divide your property with your neighbor. -Why should the capitalist?” - -“We don’t want him to divide anything. We want him to make it public -property. He has got as much right to it as we have. Everybody, -according to our view, should have the right of life, liberty and the -pursuit of happiness. That means that I should have the right to the -means of life, and that means, of course, that we should have the right -to everything that nature gives us, so that every man, if he wants, can -work, and everybody make a living. If he don’t want to work, then of -course he should not make a living.” - -“The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ was an Anarchistic paper?” - -“Yes.” - -“Did the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ divide its things?” - -“There was nothing to divide there. We didn’t make any money.” - -“Supposing that you and I should want the same thing—how would you -settle that question?” - -“Well, I guess there can be more than one of these things made.” - -“I might want a cow that you would want, or a horse; you might want the -same thing—how would you settle that matter?” - -“I work for it and get it.” - -“I thought you did not believe in that?” continued Mr. Grinnell. - -“You did not hear me say anything of the kind. I said that we should -have the right to work so that we could make a living. We didn’t want -anything without work.” - -“Now, you figure that a man who has got a hundred thousand dollars by -reason of having worked hard, stands in your way; isn’t that your idea?” - -“Yes.” - -“Suppose I have got ten cows and you don’t get any; you have been lazy -and haven’t earned your ten cows. Now, how do you get half of my cows?” - -“You are looking at this thing from the standpoint of the present -system of society. It is impossible for any of you gentleman, if you -are not Socialists and don’t understand what Socialism is, to get at -the idea at all as to how things are run. You have to look at it from -the standpoint of Socialism.” - -“Your idea is to have society without any law?” - -“The Government is only for the oppression of people. We would have to -organize for some purposes.” - -“Supposing this Government should get something in its mails that you -would happen to want, should you have a right to take it?” - -“No, sir.” - -“Suppose you did take it, what would be done with you?” - -“No man is supposed to take anything that does not belong to him.” - -“You would have law to punish people, wouldn’t you?” - -“No, sir.” - -Being asked if he had seen about the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office any -implements of warfare, Lizius answered in the negative—not even -pistols or anything of that kind. - -“Do you believe that the man who threw the bomb over there [meaning the -Haymarket] did right?” - -“Yes, sir.” - -“And that it was a righteous act in shooting down the policemen?” - -“Yes, sir.” - -The reason he advanced for his belief was that it was an act of -self-defense; that the police, according to his knowledge, had -attacked the crowd with clubs before the bomb was thrown. This sort of -misinformation seems to have been spread among the ignorant Anarchists, -and Lizius, when he said he believed it, knew better and simply adopted -it as an excuse for their acts. - -“Do you believe in the existence of a God?” asked one of the jurymen. - -“No, sir.” - -“Have you any regard for law at all?” - -“No, sir.” - -“Have you any regard for the obligation of an oath taken before the -grand jury?” - -“No, sir.” - -“You have been sworn here ‘by the ever-living God.’ You have no regard -for that oath, have you?” - -“No, sir.” - -“Have you told the truth?” - -“Yes, sir.” - -“How did you come to tell the truth?” - -“I am not in the habit of lying. There is no cause for it.” - -[Illustration: 1. Round Iron Bombs, cast whole, and designed for use -with percussion caps, to explode on falling. The bomb in center was -cast several years ago, and was saved from a number thrown into the -lake by a scared Anarchist. - -2. Sheet-iron Molds, used by Lingg in the construction of Infernal -Machines. - -3, 4. Sectional views of the “Czar Bomb.” - -ANARCHIST AMMUNITION—II. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS.] - -“If you had a good cause, would you lie? Would you lie to save a life?” - -“If it hung upon such a slender thread as that, I would.” - -“Would you, if you thought it would help the cause of Anarchy?” - -“I don’t see how it could.” - -Among the many witnesses examined in the grand jury room was Ernst -Legner. It will be remembered that the defense, at the trial, claimed -that this man had been spirited away by the prosecution. This was done, -of course, with a view to damaging the case of the State before the -jury. Now, the facts are these: Legner’s name was placed on the back -of the indictment somehow—I do not know why. Certainly neither the -State nor the defense could have used him, and he would have been even -less valuable for the prisoners than for the prosecution. Legner was a -man who was sure of nothing. His testimony before the grand jury was -continually and invariably qualified by the statement that he “could -not be positive;” that he “was not sure.” For instance, here is some of -his testimony: - -Did he meet Chris Spies at that meeting? He could not say. “I saw -him that night, but I couldn’t say whether I saw him there. I don’t -recollect. I couldn’t say positive. I couldn’t say anything positive -about that.” - -This answer prompted Mr. Grinnell to ask: “Since when have you grown so -unpositive?” - -“Well, in that way, I guess ever since,” was his lucid reply. - -“You remember me, don’t you, down at the Central Station, talking with -you?” - -“No, sir.” - -“Don’t you remember coming in, seeing me and your brother come in?” - -“Well, that was in the City Hall.” - -“Well, that is what we call Central Station. You saw me there, did you?” - -“Yes, sir.” - -“You remember your brother told you he had advised you to keep away -from those people, and advised you to tell the truth about this -transaction?” - -“Yes, sir.” - -“And you then and there told me that you saw Chris Spies right near -that wagon that night?” - -“Well, I might have seen him, but I won’t say anything positive on -that.” - -“Have you seen him since then?” - -“Yes, sir, I did.” - -“When?” - -“I saw him yesterday.” - -“And he talked—you spoke to him about this case then, didn’t you?” - -“I only spoke to him—I told him that he looked pale, and that was all -the speaking, and he went off. I was going west, and he was going east.” - -“Now, why should there be any confusion in your mind to-day where you -saw him that night?” - -“Well, I saw him that night, but I could not say positive whether I saw -him there or not, at the meeting.” - -“You said a moment ago that you looked around, and you thought you saw -him right there?” - -“Well, yes. That is where I said; I could not say positive; I saw him, -but I could not say positive.” - -This sort of fire was kept up for some time, but the witness always -dodged behind “I could not say positive.” He was asked how long it was -after August Spies got through speaking when he (Spies) left, but the -only answer was: “Well, that is something I don’t know certain.” - -Now, why should the State want such a witness, or what interest could -it have in spiriting him away? He certainly developed a remarkable want -of memory, and with his testimony before the grand jury the defendants, -if they had put him on the stand, could not have utilized him on their -side. If he knew anything, as would seem to be the case, judging from -his brother’s advice to tell everything and some statements he had -previously made to the State’s Attorney, it all must have been in -favor of the State. It is a justifiable conclusion that Chris Spies, -on meeting him the day preceding his appearance before the grand jury, -must have influenced him to testify the way he did. The truth about the -whole matter is that the defendants would not have touched Legner had -he been procurable, and if he went out of the city it must have been -at their instigation. The above samples of his testimony show that his -appearance on the stand would have made him dead timber to either side. - -A good deal was also said about the absence of Mr. Brazleton, an -_Inter-Ocean_ reporter, from the witness-stand. He was not produced -by the State because many of his statements were not of a positive -character. - -As there were so many other witnesses who had paid special attention to -the incendiary character of the speeches, and remembered distinctly the -various details in connection with the Haymarket meeting, there was no -occasion to use Brazleton as a witness. All the others who were put on -the stand gave fuller particulars and corroborated each other in all -essential points. Had the general information of the others been of -the same nature as that of Brazleton, it might have been well to have -used him as a witness, but, with so much direct testimony as the State -possessed, his evidence was not necessary. The defense simply sought to -make a point on his absence—that is all. - -A great deal has been said with reference to Schnaubelt. There is -no doubt that he threw the fatal bomb. The defense at the trial of -Spies and the others sought, however, to discredit such a belief. They -asserted that there was not an iota of evidence to sustain such an -opinion, and for their part they did not believe it. _Per contra_, it -may be said that if he was innocent he took the wrong course to show -it. Schnaubelt was arrested by Officers Palmer and Boyd, of the Central -Station. Before the grand jury Palmer testified as follows: - -[Illustration: HON. JOSEPH E. GARY. - -From a Photograph.] - -“I was told that he was working at 224 Washington Street, rooms 5 -and 6. I went up there and found him and brought him to the Central -Station. That was on the 6th of this month.” - -“Did he have whiskers, or not?” - -“His face was shaved clean, except a mustache.” - -“You had been looking for a man with whiskers?” - -“Yes. I was told by his employer that he shaved his whiskers off the -morning after the riot.” - -“Did he say anything to you about having shaved himself?” - -“I asked him why he shaved, and he said he always did it in the summer -time.” - -“Do you know what the size of his whiskers was?” - -“About six or eight inches long.” - -“Did you have any talk with him when you brought him to the Central -Station?” - -“Yes. I asked him if he was at the scene of the riot on the Tuesday -night previous, and he said he was. I asked him where he was. He said -he was up on the wagon. I asked him where he was when the bomb was -thrown. He said he was on the wagon half a minute before the bomb was -thrown, but he had got off, and when it exploded he supposed he was -about fifty feet from the wagon.” - -“He was let go that morning?” - -“Yes.” “Tell us about his place of work and what you found out -yesterday?” - -“Captain Schaack sent a couple of men to me yesterday to find out if -we could get this man again. I took them over to where I had found him -previously. His employer told me that after he got away from me on the -6th of this month [May] he came back and finished the day’s work, and -he had not shown up from that time to this. His tools were there, and -he did not call for his money. His sister had called for the money -several days after he quit, but he did not give it to her.” - -“He had a good job, didn’t he?” - -“He was a machinist, working at a turning-lathe.” - -Schnaubelt was described as having sandy whiskers, about six feet tall, -weighing about 190 pounds, large and bony, not very fleshy, and about -twenty-four years of age. - -Lieut. John Shea, then in charge of the Central Station, testified to -the same facts and that the police had been unable to find the man in -the city. - -At the time there were no strong circumstances connecting Schnaubelt -with the massacre, but suspicious evidence ought to have held him in -custody for a day or two until all his antecedents could have been -inquired into. His release was a sad mistake, and the fact that he -hastened out of the city shows the fear he had of being directly -connected with the throwing of the bomb. The evidence of various -parties points to him as the guilty party, and it was fortunate for him -that he escaped. - -C. M. Hardy, a leading attorney of Chicago, testified to a conversation -which he had had with Spies the day before the Haymarket tragedy. - -During this conversation, which occurred accidentally in a restaurant, -“Spies,” to use the words of the witness, “turned and said to me -laughingly, ‘Are you with us?’ ‘Well,’ I said, ‘If you mean that I am -in favor of the laborer getting well paid for his labor, I am with you, -but no further than that.’ ‘Well,’ he said, still laughing, ‘you had -better be, for we are going to raise h——l,’ and then went on.” - -On the 28th of May the grand jury concluded its labors and returned -into court fifteen indictments for murder, conspiracy and riot, -against Spies, Parsons, Fischer, Engel, Lingg, Fielden, Schwab, Neebe, -Schnaubelt and some lesser lights in the Anarchistic circle. - -The trial began on the 19th of June. No case ever brought before the -Chicago courts excited so much interest or brought out a greater -crowd. Not one tithe of the throng of people who were eager to see the -notorious defendants were able to find place in the court-room. - -Judge Joseph E. Gary presided, and with his suave, dignified bearing -and his prompt manner of handling legal details and technicalities, he -impressed all with the conviction that, while the Anarchists would have -a full and fair trial, no trifling with the law would be permitted. -The case was one which not alone interested Chicago, but touched the -stability and welfare of every city of any considerable size in the -United States. The eyes of the whole country were riveted on Chicago, -and the outside world was eagerly watching the results of a case, the -first in America, to determine whether dynamite was to be considered a -legal weapon in the settlement of socio-political problems in a free -republic. - -[Illustration: - - HARRY T. SANDFORD. - FRANK S. OSBORNE. - JAMES H. BRAYTON. - GEO. W. ADAMS. - SCOTT G. RANDALL. - ANDREW HAMILTON. - -PORTRAITS OF THE JURY.—I.] - -Time was when our system of government was looked upon abroad as an -experiment of doubtful nature, but when it had passed the experimental -period it was pointed to by foreign friends as furnishing no pretext -for Socialistic or Anarchistic outbursts of violence, and as supplying -no favorable conditions for the growth even of Anarchistic doctrines. -In a speech before the French Legislative Assembly, De Tocqueville once -said, pointing to America: “There shall you see a people among whom all -conditions of men are more on an equality even than among us; where the -social state, the manners, the laws, everything is democratic; where -all emanates from the people and returns to the people, and where, at -the same time, every individual enjoys a greater amount of liberty, a -more entire independence, than in any other part of the world, at any -period of time; a country, I repeat it, essentially democratic—the -only democracy in the wide world at this day, and the only republic -truly democratic which we know of in history. And in this republic you -will look in vain for Socialism.” - -[Illustration: - - CHAS. B. TODD. - JOHN B. GREINER. - JAMES H. COLE. - ALANSON H. REED. - THEO. E. DENKER. - CHAS. H. LUDWIG. - -PORTRAITS OF THE JURY.—II.] - -Still, Anarchy found lodgment in America through men exiled under the -rigorous baiting of their own country—men whose early education had -been set against all government and whose prejudices operated against -the study of our institutions. In the violent culmination of their -doctrines at the Haymarket the point was reached where it became -necessary to demonstrate that it is a rank growth and has no excuse in -a republic in which the utmost liberty is allowed consistent with the -rights of life and property. - -When, therefore, this trial opened, both the Judge and the State’s -Attorney felt that a great responsibility had been laid upon their -shoulders, and that the whole civilized world would sit in judgment -upon the manner in which they performed their duty. They entered into -the case with no revengeful feelings, but held firmly to their course, -mindful of the rights of the defendants, but determined to maintain -law and justice. The case was called on the day indicated, in the main -court-room of the Criminal Court building, and the moment the State’s -Attorney had announced his readiness to commence proceedings, the -defendants’ counsel entered a motion for a separate trial of each of -the prisoners. This was argued and overruled. - -On the morning of June 21, at ten o’clock, everything was in readiness -for the trial proper, and the work of selecting the jury was entered -upon. Within the bar of the court sat the eminent counsel of both -sides. On the left, in front of the bench, there was State’s Attorney -Grinnell, surrounded by his assistants, Francis W. Walker and Edmund -Furthmann, and Special State’s Counsel George C. Ingham, and on the -right of the bench sat the defendants’ attorneys, Capt. W. P. Black, -W. A. Foster, Sigismund Zeisler and Moses Salomon, flanked by the -prisoners and their relatives. The remaining space within the bar was -occupied by attorneys of the city as spectators, and the rest of the -court-room was filled with a motley throng, including here and there -representatives of the fair sex drawn by personal interest or moved by -morbid curiosity. The prisoners were dressed in their best, each with a -button-hole bouquet. - -During the preliminary proceedings, as we have noted elsewhere, -Parsons had joined his associates, and his bronzed appearance, from -out-door exposure, was in marked contrast with that of his pale-looking -companions. - -The task of selecting a jury proceeded, but it was not an easy thing to -find men unbiased and unprejudiced. Four weeks were consumed in this -work, but finally twelve “good men and true” were chosen, as follows: -F. S. Osborne, Major James H. Cole, S. G. Randall, A. H. Reed, J. H. -Brayton, A. Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, C. B. Todd, C. H. -Ludwig, T. E. Denker and H. T. Sandford. - -So notable was the trial, and so tremendous the interests involved, -that the reader will naturally want to know something of the -_personnel_ of the jury whose verdict vindicated and guaranteed law and -order in America: - - FRANK S. OSBORNE, a resident at No. 134 Dearborn Avenue, the foreman - of the jury, was born in Columbus, Ohio, and at the time of the trial - was thirty-nine years of age. He filled the position of chief salesman - in the retail department of Marshall Field & Co., and was a man of - liberal ideas and good education. He possessed keen judgment, and - proved a critical examiner of all the evidence submitted. He readily - grasped all the strong and weak points in the defense, and showed - himself a thorough master of the evidence. - - MAJ. JAMES H. COLE, a resident at No. 987 Lawndale Avenue, was born - in Utica, New York, and was fifty-three years of age. During the - war he was a Captain, and subsequently rose to the rank of Major in - the Forty-first Ohio Infantry. After the close of the Rebellion, - he engaged in the railroad business as contractor and constructor, - residing at different times in Vermont, Ohio, Tennessee, Illinois - and Iowa. He came to Chicago in 1879, and was book-keeper for the - Continental Insurance Company until shortly before serving on the jury. - - CHARLES B. TODD, a resident at No. 1013 West Polk Street, was born in - Elmira, New York, and was forty-seven years of age. He had served in - the Sixth New York Heavy Artillery, and since his arrival in Chicago, - four years preceding, had been a salesman in the Putnam Clothing House. - - ALANSON H. REED, a resident at No. 3442 Groveland Park, was born in - Boston, Mass., and was forty-nine years of age. He was a member of the - firm of Reed & Sons, at No. 136 State Street, and during the trial - proved a close listener to all the evidence. - - JAMES H. BRAYTON, a resident of Englewood, and Principal of the - Webster School, on Wentworth Avenue, in Chicago, was born in Lyons, - New York, and was forty years of age. - - THEODORE E. DENKER, a resident of Woodlawn Park, in the town of Hyde - Park, was born in Wisconsin and was twenty-seven years of age. He was - shipping clerk for H. H. King & Co. - - GEORGE W. ADAMS, a resident of Evanston, was born in Indiana, and was - twenty-seven years of age. He traveled in Michigan as commercial agent - of Geo. W. Pitkin & Co., dealers in liquid paints, on Clinton Street, - Chicago. - - CHARLES H. LUDWIG, a resident at 4101 State Street, was born in - Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and was twenty-seven years of age. He was a - book-keeper in the mantel manufactory of C. L. Page & Co. - - JOHN B. GREINER, residing at No. 70 North California Avenue, was - born in Columbus, Ohio, and was twenty-five years of age. He was a - stenographer in the freight department of the Chicago and Northwestern - Railway. Mr. Greiner’s mother was, after the trial, the recipient of - so many threatening letters from the reds that she almost lost her - mind. - - ANDREW HAMILTON, a resident at 1521 Forty-first Street, was a hardware - merchant at No. 3913 Cottage Grove Avenue. He had resided in Chicago - twenty years. - - HARRY T. SANDFORD, a resident of Oak Park, was born in New York City, - and was twenty-five years of age. He was a son of Attorney Sandford, - compiler of the Supreme Court Reports of New York, and since his - arrival in Chicago had been voucher clerk in the auditor’s office of - the Chicago and Northwestern Railway. - - SCOTT G. RANDALL, a resident at No. 42 La Salle Street, was born in - Erie County, Pennsylvania and was twenty-three years of age. He had - lived in Chicago for three years, and was a salesman in the employ of - J. C. Vaughn, seedsman, at No. 45 La Salle Street. - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - - Judge Grinnell’s Opening—Statement of the Case—The Light of the - 4th of May—The Dynamite Argument—Spies’ Fatal Prophecy—The - Eight-hour Strike—The Growth of the Conspiracy—Spies’ Cowardice at - McCormick’s—The “Revenge” Circular—Work of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - and the _Alarm_—The Secret Signal—A Frightful Plan—“Ruhe”—Lingg, - the Bomb-maker—The Haymarket Conspiracy—The Meeting—“We are - Peaceable”—After the Murder—The Complete Case Presented. - - -IT was on Thursday, the 15th of July, that the preliminary work -was finally ended and the court was ready for a formal statement -of the case. This statement was made by State’s Attorney Grinnell, -and his arraignment of the defendants was such a clear, convincing -and masterful argument—giving, as it did, the whole history of the -Anarchist conspiracy, and foreshadowing eloquently and in detail all -the proof which was to be got before the jury—that I will print here -a verbatim copy of his speech, believing that the reader will find -nowhere else so business-like a statement of what these prisoners did -and how they did it. - -During the delivery of Mr. Grinnell’s remarks the crowded court-room, -prisoners and sympathizing Anarchists, wounded policemen, judge, jurors -and representatives of the press hung upon his words with a keen -interest which has seldom been duplicated in the annals of American -jurisprudence. - -Mr. Grinnell said: - - “GENTLEMEN:—For the first time in the history of our country are - people on trial for their lives for endeavoring to make Anarchy the - rule, and in that attempt for ruthlessly and awfully destroying life. - I hope that while the youngest of us lives this in his memory will be - the last and only time in our country when such a trial shall take - place. It will or will not take place as this case is determined. - - “The State now and at no time hereafter will say aught to arouse your - prejudices or your indignation, having confidence in the case that - we present; and I hope I shall not at any time during this trial say - anything to you which will in any way or manner excite your passions. - I want your reason. I want your careful analysis. I want your careful - attention. We—my associates and myself—ask the conviction of no man - from malice, from prejudice, from anything except the facts and the - law. I am here, gentlemen, to maintain the law, not to break it; and, - however you may believe that any of these men have broken the law - through their notions of Anarchy, try them on the facts. We believe, - gentlemen, that we have a case that shall command your respect, and - demonstrate to you the truthfulness of all the declarations in it, - and, further, that by careful attention and close analysis you can - determine who are guilty and the nature of the crime. - - “On the 4th of May, 1886, a few short weeks ago, there occurred, - at what is called Haymarket Square, the most fearful massacre ever - witnessed or heard of in this country. The crime culminated there—you - are to find the perpetrators. The charge against the defendants is - that they are responsible for that act. The testimony that shall be - presented to you will be the testimony which will show their innocence - or their guilty complicity in that crime. - -[Illustration: HON. JULIUS S. GRINNELL. - -From a Photograph.] - - “We have been in this city inclined to believe, as we have all through - the country, that, however extravagantly men may talk about our laws - and our country, however severely they may criticise our Constitution - and our institutions; that as we are all in favor of full liberty, of - free speech, the great good sense of our people would never permit - acts based upon sentiments which meant the overthrow of law. We - have believed it for years; we were taught it at our schools in our - infancy, we were taught it in our maturer years in school, and all - our walks in life thereafter have taught us that our institutions, - founded on our Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, and our - universal freedom, were above and beyond all Anarchy. The 4th of May - demonstrated that we were wrong, that we had too much confidence, - that a certain class of individuals, some of them recently come here, - as the testimony will show, believe that here in this country our - Constitution is a lie. Insults are offered to the Declaration of - Independence, the name of Washington is reviled and traduced, and we - are taught by these men, as the testimony will show, that freedom - in this country means lawlessness and absolute licence to do as we - please, no matter whether it hurts others or not. In the light of the - 4th of May we now know that the preachings of Anarchy, the suggestions - of these defendants hourly and daily for years, have been sapping - our institutions, and that where they have cried murder, bloodshed, - Anarchy and dynamite, they have meant what they said, and proposed to - do what they threatened. - - “We will prove, gentlemen, in this case, that Spies no longer ago than - last February said that they were armed in this city for bloodshed - and riot. We will prove that he said then that they were ready in - the city of Chicago for Anarchy, and when told, by a gentleman to - whom he made the declaration, that they ‘would be hung like snakes,’ - said—and there was the insult to the Father of our Country—then he - said George Washington was no better than a rebel, as if there was any - possible comparison between those declarations, between that sentiment - of Washington’s and his noble deeds, and the Anarchy of this man. He - has said in public meetings—and the details of them I will not now - worry you with—he has said in public meetings for the last year and - a half, to go back no further—he and Neebe and Schwab and Parsons - and Fielden have said in public meetings here in the city of Chicago - that the only way to adjust the wrongs of any man was by bloodshed, by - dynamite, by the pistol, by the Winchester rifle. They have advised, - as will appear in proof here, that dynamite was cheap, and ‘you had - better forego some luxuries, buy dynamite, kill capitalists, down with - the police, murder them, dispose of the militia, and then demand your - rights.’ That is Anarchy. - - “On the 11th day of October, 1885, in a prominent public hall upon the - West Side, August Spies, the defendant in this case, and his confrères - there, introduced a resolution at a public meeting, in which he said - that he did not believe that the eight-hour movement would do the - laboring man any good. We will prove in this case that he has always - been opposed to the eight-hour law. That is not what he wants. He - wants Anarchy. These defendants that I mentioned passed a resolution, - which we shall offer in evidence here, and it shall be read to you - later—to the effect that the laboring men must arm, must prepare - themselves with rifles and dynamite. When? By the 1st of May, 1886, - because then would come the contest. - - “I will prove to you that Parsons—be it said to the shame of our - country, because I understand that he was born on our soil—that - Parsons, in an infamous paper published by him, called the _Alarm_, - has defined the use of dynamite, told how it should be used, how - capitalists could be destroyed by it, how policemen could be - absolutely wiped from the face of the earth by one bomb; and further - has published a plan in his paper of street-warfare by dynamite - against militia and the authorities. - - “Gentlemen, leaders of any great cause are either heroes or cowards. - The testimony in this case will show that August Spies, Parsons, - Schwab and Neebe are the biggest cowards that I have ever seen in the - course of my life. They have advised the use of dynamite and have - advised the destruction of property for months and years in the city - of Chicago, and now pitifully smile at our institutions, as they have - through their lives—and, like cowards contemplating crime, they - sought to establish an _alibi_ for the 4th of May, of which I will - speak directly. - - “I will prove to you further that in January last August Spies told - a newspaper reporter of integrity, honesty and fidelity that they - were going to precipitate the matter on or about the 1st of May; that - he told this man how they could dispose of the police, and in that - connection he told that reporter that they would arrange it so that - their meeting should be at or near the intersection of two streets. - Having this as Randolph Street and Desplaines (pointing on map), not - calling it any particular name, and that he would have a meeting in - which there should be assembled large bodies of laboring men, of which - he falsely claims to be the exponent; that they would be located just - above the intersection of the streets; that he and his dynamiters - would be there; that they would be provided with dynamite bombs at - the place of meeting; that they would hold a meeting there; that the - police or the militia would walk up towards them; that when they got - up there their dynamite-throwers would be situated on different sides - of the street near the walks; that when they proceeded up here they - would throw the dynamite into their ranks, clean them out and take - possession of the town. ‘But,’ said the reporter to him, ‘Mr. Spies, - that sounds to me like braggadocio and vaporing nonsense.’ That is, - gentlemen, what it has sounded to us for years. Let it sound no longer - like that to us. Spies said to him, red in the face and excited: ‘I - tell you I am telling the truth, and mark my words, that it will - happen on or about the 1st of May, 1886.’ And the reason he was so - ready to say so was because he believes our Constitution is a lie, our - institutions are not worthy of respect, and he desires to pose as a - leader, although in fact a coward. - - “That is not all, gentlemen. Mr. Spies at that interview at that time - handed that gentlemanly reporter—and I will commend him to you now, - whatever may be your notion of newspaper men. Look at that man when he - goes upon the stand and judge him by his words and by his appearance. - He, Spies, did more than what I have said. At that time he handed - to the newspaper reporter a dynamite bomb, empty—almost the exact - duplicate of the bomb Lingg made which killed the officers; handed it - to this witness and said to him: ‘These are the bombs that our men - are making in the city of Chicago, and they are distributed from the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, because the men who make them have not the - facilities for distributing them, and we distribute them here.’ - - “Those are facts that will be proven here. - - “I want to suggest to you now, gentlemen, this is a vastly more - important case than perhaps any of you have a conception of. Perhaps - I have been with it so long, have investigated it so much, come in - contact with such fearful and terrible things so often, that my - notions may be somewhat exaggerated; but I think not. I think they - are worse even than my conception has pictured. The firing upon Fort - Sumter was a terrible thing to our country, but it was open warfare. - I think it was nothing compared with this insidious, infamous plot to - ruin our laws and our country secretly and in this cowardly way; the - strength of our institutions may depend upon this case, because there - is only one step beyond republicanism—that is Anarchy. See that we - never take that step, and let us stand to-day as we have stood for - years, firmly planted on the laws of our country. - - “After teaching Anarchy, bombs, the manufacture of them and everything - of that character for months, and I may say for years, here in - town, having put the ball in motion, having done everything toward - the end they declared should be accomplished—towards the end they - sought—then began the numerous conspiracies. The beginning of the - whole matter was among the nest of snakes in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - office, and the foundation of the conspiracy, published, notorious and - open, was at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, on the 11th of October - last. At that time, on the introduction of that resolution by Spies, - it was opposed by one man in the audience, who is a labor agitator, - but not an Anarchist—opposed by one man in that audience, and he was - denounced; he was told to take a back seat, and in support of the - resolution it was there said by Spies—and a man, as I understand, by - the name of Belz was chairman—that the time for argument has passed; - the only argument by which to meet these things was dynamite and the - rifle—by force. - - “As is well known, requiring no proof, for a long time before, it - was arranged by a universal arrangement or consent among all the - laboring classes in town that there should be a universal strike for - eight hours, to take place on or about the 1st day of May. On the - 1st day of May began those strikes. On the 2nd—on the 3d—the 2nd - was Sunday—on the 3d day of May, on Monday, you will remember from - your reading, as it will appear in proof here, there was difficulty - at McCormick’s factory down on what they called the Black Road. The - fact about that meeting was this: A large number of lumber-shovers, - or men who work in the lumber-yards, had a meeting appointed to wait - on the lumber-dealers, There were a great many of them Bohemians, - some Germans, and some of other nationalities—mostly embraced in - those two nationalities that I first spoke of, but all nationalities - represented there. The chief officers and the chief men in the - movement were Bohemians. Some of them will be presented to you by us. - The committee that was to wait upon the lumber-dealers was to report - there in an open place called the Black Road, or in that locality, - to the meeting, what the lumber-dealers proposed. In other words, a - peaceful proposition was made by that committee to the lumbermen to - accede to eight hours, and a meeting was held there; the committee - were to come back from the lumber-dealers and report to that meeting. - Spies and a man by the name of Fehling—who ought also to have been - in this indictment, and I will say just a word later about that—one - other man whose identity we have not fully established—went down - there uninvited by any of that committee, or by the chairman of - it—went down there and made an inflammatory speech for the purpose - of precipitating that riot. That is the truth. It was precipitated. I - am rather inclined to think that some other of these men were there. - I am not going to state anything to you here, at any time, in this - case, that I do not believe I can prove. I know Spies was there, and - spoke from the top of a car. He wrote up the speech later on, which - I will speak of directly. The president of that organization down - there, the laborers, opposed his speaking and informed the people that - this man was not one of them, but that he was a Socialist, and they - did not want to hear him. He insisted upon speaking, and the friend - that was with him has fled the city and does not dare return. That - will be in proof. Spies did the unmanly thing that he always does. - He exasperated other people to rush on McCormick’s regardless of the - president of that committee, who desired quiet and peace and desired - it honestly, although he was in favor of eight hours. But Spies is not - anxious for eight hours. We will prove that in this case. He does not - want eight hours. If the laboring men—if the bosses and employers in - the city of Chicago on the 1st day of May had universally acceded to - the eight-hour project, Spies was a dead duck; they would have had no - further use for him, and he didn’t want it. Therefore he went down - there and exasperated the people, and he made a speech. The police - didn’t come on the ground until after McCormick’s was attacked, and - until after stones and bombs were used, or pistols and lead against - McCormick’s factory. What does Spies do, this redoubtable knight? - He runs away and gets home just as soon as he can. He takes a car - and comes north. I will say nothing more about that meeting for the - present. Let us follow Spies. Now, mind you, he saw trouble. He - had exasperated this crowd to attack McCormick’s; they did attack - McCormick’s, and stones were thrown by the mob at McCormick’s - men—some of them—they are called scabs; they didn’t happen to belong - to any union. Of course my opinion about that may be different from - some of yours; I will not criticise. I believe one man is just as good - as another, whether he belongs to a union or not. If he is an honest - man and desires to work, I think he ought to be permitted to work. But - those fellows didn’t belong to the union. They swam across the river, - got away the best they could, saved their lives. But what does Spies - do? He rushes away as soon as he can, when he sees the starting of the - difficulty; when he has got everybody inflamed into frenzy and madness - he quietly gets out to save his august person; he quietly gets out and - goes away. That is not all. He lands that afternoon at the corner of - Desplaines and Lake, where there was a crowd of other men, laborers - meeting there, and pronounces a lie by telling them that ‘twelve or - fourteen of your brothers have been killed at McCormick’s, and by the - bloodhounds, the police.’ Spies knew as well as anything that he ever - knew in his life that he was uttering a falsehood. He knew, if he knew - anything, that, so far as his observation was concerned, not a man - had been killed—not a single man had been killed—and he inflamed - the people there by his suggestion, heated as he was and showing - excitement, coming in there at Desplaines and Lake at that meeting, - inflaming those people so that they were then ready to go with the - torch and the sword and level everything before them. - - “That is not all. He left there about four o’clock in the afternoon, - perhaps between four and five, and went to this nest of treason and - Anarchy, No. 107 Fifth Avenue, and there about five o’clock arrived, - heated, excited, and told his men not to stop work, that he wanted - to use them. What did he do? He then and there wrote what is called - the ‘Revenge’ circular. It is written in English and in German. The - English part is tame, more tame than the German—and he knew what - he was doing then; there was a plan in that. We have the circular - as printed, which will be presented to you. We have in addition to - that the type from which it was printed; we have in addition to that - the manuscript from which the type was set. The manuscript is in - Spies’ handwriting! That ‘Revenge’ circular, gentlemen, perpetrated - another lie. It said that ‘six of your brothers have been killed at - McCormick’s.’ He decreased it a little. That ‘Revenge’ circular was - hurriedly passed out to all the German settlements of the town and - everywhere, by every possible means. Neebe distributed them; others - distributed them. They were ‘revenge;’ revenge for what? Revenge for - the declared murder of the brothers of the laboring men at McCormick’s - Monday afternoon—when he had no knowledge that a single man was - killed. I have since learned and shall prove that one man did die days - or weeks afterwards from wounds he did receive there, and only one. - - “I want to suggest another thing to you here. It will appear - in proof—because we have had the German part of that circular - translated—that the German part of that circular is the most infamous - thing that ever was in print. The translation of the German part of - that circular is not like the English part. A man picking up the - circular who was an English scholar—as I remember, the English - part of the circular comes first, and following that is the German - part—and any man, even some of these German newspaper men, would pick - that up, and the first thing they would read would be the English - part, not the German. They would read the English hastily through - and they would say, ‘That’s some of Spies’ vaporing nonsense again; - nothing very serious about it, but bad—bad taste—bad judgment in - inflamed times.’ But the revenge circular as printed in German is - altogether a different thing. It is not only treason and Anarchy, but - a bid to bloodshed, and a bid to war. Anybody reading the English - part of that circular would drop it—even the Germans. And the German - newspapers until afterwards did not perceive the dissimilarity between - the two, the English and the German. Now, where is this matter read? - It is fortunate for the English-speaking people that defendants - embrace only two of that class; one of them was born in this country, - the other in England. That circular was read among the Germans. That - circular was spread throughout the western part and the northern - part of the city of Chicago and in other places, at the instance of - Spies, who had it circulated himself. ‘Revenge on the bloodhounds, the - police.’ For his life, in regard to those who were killed, he could - not have known whether anybody was killed or not, because he took care - of his royal person so speedily after the difficulty at McCormick’s - that he had no chance to know whether anybody was killed, and he took - good care to see that he was not hurt. So much for the ‘Revenge’ - circular. - - “Now, gentlemen, we are getting down to the 4th of May. There is more - in it than this. Monday was the 3d day of May; Tuesday was the 4th, - the day the bomb was thrown. Everything was ripe with the Anarchists - for ruining the town. Bombs were to be thrown in all parts of the city - of Chicago. Everything was to be done that could be done to ruin law - and order. I wish to say right here, gentlemen, that the proof in this - case will develop a strange state of facts in regard to the complicity - of others in this matter, and in that particular perhaps there ought - to be some apology for myself. The conspiracy was so large, the - number of criminals interested in that conspiracy so appalling, that - I distrusted my own judgment, and, whereas in my soul I believed that - at least thirty men and perhaps more should have been indicted for - murder, the developments in the case were of that kind, when the grand - jury was in session, that the facts could not all clearly be known. - And further, there was that feeling and inspiration in the matter, if - you please, that the leaders, the men who have incited these things, - the men who have caused this anarchy and bloodshed here, and who seek - for more—that they should be picked out and, if possible, punished - and blotted out. - - “The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, the paper itself—we shall attempt to show - you in proof here its circulation, or its sworn issue for a year. We - will have them translated for you. We will also attempt to show to you - from the _Alarm_, the English organ of the Anarchists—that is what - it is called, just think of it—the English organ of the Anarchists, - published by the redoubtable and courageous Parsons. We will show you - in proof its writings and its sentiments, its invitations to Anarchy, - to bloodshed, to the throwing of bombs, and his advice to people how - to make bombs. - - “If I prove only this that I have stated to you, it seems to me that - from every principle of law and evidence, from every principle of - justice, the men whose names I have mentioned should be punished. - - “But one step more. This was Monday night, remember, that Spies wrote - the ‘Revenge’ circular. That was not all he wrote. He himself wrote - the account of his speech, wrote the account of the McCormick riot, - wrote his notions about it, and that is in his handwriting. We have - the manuscript. And in that he said this, gentlemen—that ‘so far as - the McCormick matter was concerned it was a failure, and if there only - had been one bomb the result might have been different.’ The one bomb - at least was supplied by his inflammatory utterances the next night. - - “On Monday evening, after Spies had inflamed these people up there—on - Monday in the daytime, rather, appeared in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, a - newspaper published at 107 Fifth Avenue—it is a four-page paper, it - has been constantly and carefully read in the progress of this trial - by the gentlemen seated over there in a row—in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - appeared on Monday, in a column devoted to editorial notices, a - secret word for the meeting of the armed men. That was in German—the - letter ‘Y,’ called ypsilon in German—“Ypsilon, come Monday night.” - Ypsilon was the secret word agreed on by the armed men to meet in - secret session, when they saw printed in this treasonable sheet that - secret word. As I am informed and believe from the proof, Balthasar - Rau wrote that secret word. The armed men of the Anarchists, to be - brief, are those of the Anarchists who are willing to throw bombs and - fire pistols behind people’s backs. It is divided into groups. Why, - all their literature from Pittsburg to San Francisco, including the - pen of Neebe, Spies, Schwab and Parsons—all of them have advised - how to make up groups, based upon the Anarchistic notions. On that - page appears this secret word. Balthasar Rau is the confidential - friend of Spies, works in their office; he is not an editorial - writer, he is not a writer at all, unless he occasionally essays to - say something in print. I do not know, but I believe that that is - his writing, the letter ‘Y’ in German—‘Come Monday night.’ That - is all there was of it. What does it mean? Pursuant to that secret - word, on Monday night—that is the same night that Spies got back - from McCormick’s—on that night the armed men did assemble pursuant - to ‘Ypsilon, come Monday night,’ and they knew where to go to. They - went to Greif’s Hall. Greif’s Hall is on Lake Street, just east - of Clinton.” Mr. Grinnell indicated the points on a map. “This is - Zepf’s Hall (indicating); the name will be mentioned to you. Here is - Desplaines Street Station, so that you can keep in your mind from - this map the idea. Here is Desplaines Street Station; north up here - to Lake, Zepf’s Hall; east, Greif’s Hall. They met. Greif’s Hall is - a four-story building, as I remember; a family lives in it, there - is a saloon, and down in the basement is a place for truck and one - thing and another, and also a rough-and-ready place for meetings. - The armed men were there; Fischer was there; Lingg was there; Engel - was there. The armed men met there with others—other armed men than - those that I have mentioned. They pass into Greif’s Hall; they say to - Mr. Greif: ‘Have you a hall we can take?’ He said: ‘No, my halls are - all occupied;’ one kind of labor association was meeting in one hall, - and another in another; but he said, ‘If you want the basement’—and - I have a plan and map of the basement—‘if you want the basement, go - down stairs and hold your meeting.’ So these men, the numbers of them - variously estimated from thirty to sixty, meet in that place. Among - them were Fischer, Lingg, Engel and Schnaubelt. Schnaubelt is in this - indictment, and not here. He has run away. These men met in this hall - underneath the saloon, a dingy and dark basement—the only proper - place for conspirators—by the light of a dingy lamp—and they held an - organized meeting. The plan of warfare was devised—not for the next - night. I will explain that. But for some night. Engel, a man who is - gray, has been in this country some years and talks some English—he - understands me, and laughs and smiles at every word I utter—Engel - was at that meeting that night, and told the plan. I am going to be - brief about the recitation of that plan. That was the most fearfully - declared plan that I ever heard in my life. It meant destruction to - this town absolutely if this programme had been carried out. Engel - said: ‘When you see printed in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, under the - Letter-box, the word ‘Ruhe,’ that night prepare for war.’ ‘Ruhe’ means - ‘rest,’ ‘peace.’ The manuscript for that is in our possession and is - in the handwriting of Spies. That word on Tuesday morning appeared in - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and in a double lead, with an emphasis under - it, before it and behind it. It meant ‘war.’ They understood it; and - Engel refers to Fischer in the meeting and he says: ‘Is not this the - order of the Northwest group?’ That is another group for conspiracy - and treason. Fischer said ‘Yes.’ As I am informed, Fischer undertook - to carry the word back to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office and have it - inserted. Fischer was the foreman of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office at - that time. He carried the word back, I assume. Spies wrote it out, - double-leaded it, made it emphatic, and they were ready for war. - - “But that was not all. Somebody had to make the bombs. Lingg was - there, and he said that he would make the bombs. He was the bomb-maker - of the Anarchists, and we have found and traced to him at least - twenty-two of these infernal machines, one of which passed from his - hands to the man who threw it at the Haymarket Square. I will prove - to your absolute satisfaction that Lingg made the bomb that killed - the officers, and will show to you that it was his bomb, and his - manufacture alone. Lingg lived at No. 442 Sedgwick Street, occupied - a room in Seliger’s house. Seliger is in this indictment for murder - also. He is not on trial. I am not yet prepared to say whether the - State will use him as a witness or not. I will have a suggestion to - make on that subject directly. - - “Lingg was to make the bombs. Engel devised the plan and deliberately - told him over and over so that there would be no mistake. Now, what - was the plan? That these conspirators should proceed to Lingg’s house - that next night, or before night, and obtain from Lingg the bombs. He - had already sixteen halves, or eight whole bombs. But he wanted more, - and they were to be filled with dynamite on Tuesday afternoon. - - “And what next? Then these people were informed where they could - obtain them, and he was to go, as he did, in the evening, or between - seven and eight o’clock, to Neff’s Hall, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue. - They went to work. There Seliger helped fill the bombs that afternoon. - Lingg was there. Lingg left in the afternoon. He didn’t stay there - through it all, but came back again. I do not think that Lingg was at - the Haymarket that night; he may have been; I don’t think he was. His - part on the programme—part of it had been performed—was to furnish - the bombs and do the work elsewhere. - - “Now, gentlemen, just look at this plan, and this is the plan that - Engel told them should be performed. They were to get these bombs; - certain of them were to be at the Haymarket Square, where this meeting - was; and in this meeting, mind you, in this conspiracy meeting the - programme was that there should be at least twenty-five thousand - laboring men present; that they would not hold the meeting down on the - square, but that they would get up in the street, because they were - out in a great open place there, the police could come down on them - and clean them all out; but they must get back where the alleys were, - instead of holding the meeting down here where it was advertised. - You see there are two blocks here. Instead of holding the meeting on - this broad spot here (indicating on the map), they were to hold it up - here; and that very thing was discussed down there that night in the - conspiracy meeting, as to the feasibility of holding it here where - the police could corner them. Then these individuals with the bombs - were to distribute themselves in different parts of the city. They - were to destroy the station-houses; they were to throw bombs at every - patrol wagon that they saw going toward the Haymarket Square with - police officers. They expected there would be a row down there at the - Haymarket Square, of course. There was going to be one bomb thrown - there at least, and perhaps more, and that would call the police down; - but the police must be taken care of and must not be permitted to go, - and they were to be destroyed, absolutely wiped off from the earth - by bombs in other parts of the city. And Lingg went around with bombs - in his pocket that night and desired to throw them at a patrol wagon - and was only restrained by his friends. And they were to build a fire - up toward Wicker Park—some building was to be set on fire for the - purpose of attracting the police in that direction and scattering them - about. Others were to take other parts of the city and burn them so - that they would be destroyed. - - “Now, this sounds as if it was a large story. But that is what Spies - had been talking for years; that is what Parsons had been talking for - years; that is what he came back here so courageously, on the arm of - the learned counsel on the other side, to hear again in court. - - “That meeting that night was fruitful of great results. A bomb was - thrown at the Haymarket, and seven killed and many others injured. It - is not necessary for me to go into any more of the details of that - conspiracy. It was carried out to the letter. - - “Now, there is one other little step in this case, gentlemen, that - I wish to bring to your attention. When that ‘Revenge’ circular was - circulated, Fischer, immediately thereafter, and at the conspiracy - meeting—Fischer is the foreman printer of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, - and the immediate friend of Spies and all these people—Fischer - was to advertise, to see that the proper number of people came to - that meeting, and he got up an advertisement, and it was printed. - He ordered twenty thousand. That advertisement will be presented to - you in the proof. That advertisement called for ‘Revenge’ and ‘A - big meeting of the workingmen at the Haymarket Square on Tuesday - night.’ Now, you see, the ‘Ruhe’ had appeared. The conspiracy was - all complete; everything was arranged; there was only one step more - to make—to get the laboring men there—because, thank God, all the - laboring men were not in this conspiracy. A very few were in it. - It is to their credit, gentlemen; and in my investigation in this - case I have more respect for the laboring man than I had before. - The laboring man as a class is an honest man, and when he saw the - ‘Revenge’ circular and the call ‘to arms’ he stayed away. Fischer had - the advertisement printed, and the last sentence is this: ‘Workingmen, - come armed.’ But that was a little too much for Spies; that was too - close home. After about five thousand of these circulars were printed, - Spies orders that sentence stricken out; but the whole twenty thousand - were distributed, and with Spies’ knowledge. Spies was preparing the - alibi. - - “On the evening of Tuesday, at 107 Fifth Avenue, there was a meeting - of these conspirators, of these Anarchists, of what is called the - American group, that Parsons and Fielden and, I suppose, Spies belong - to, and some others. That was held at 107 Fifth Avenue. That is at - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office. They were there on Tuesday night. - Parsons was on Halsted Street, to be sure, but yet seemed anxious to - get away and go down to this other meeting on the South Side. He went - down there. The meeting was advertised for a large number of laboring - men. The laboring men did not materialize to any large extent. - Between Halsted and Desplaines there were hundreds of people walking - backwards and forwards, wondering why the meeting did not take place. - It was advertised for half past seven; they expected to precipitate - the matter at half past seven, because, pursuant to ‘Ruhe’ and the - other declarations, and pursuant to Engel and Lingg and Fischer’s - arrangement at the conspiracy meeting, they were to begin their work - in the other parts of the city about eight o’clock, as they expected - the police would precipitate the difficulty—they would precipitate - the difficulty by the police coming about eight, or between half past - seven and eight. Good speakers were advertised, yet no names given. - Spies went over there that night himself, wandered around, seemed - careless, walked over here with his friend Schnaubelt, up to the other - street—with Schwab, too. Schwab went away finally and went up to - Deering. They marched backwards and forwards there, and finally Spies - comes back to the corner here and opens the meeting, and says, when he - opens it: ‘We will not obstruct that road on Randolph Street, but will - go up here.’ So he got where he had always said they would get, just - above the intersection of the streets. They got up there on the wagon, - and Spies opened the meeting. - - “Now, gentlemen, we have got down to the meeting. I have endeavored - to give you, in a kind of historical way, how this thing leads up to, - without saying specifically, the proof. I have told you that we would - prove declarations of these men, time out of number, about dynamite - and bombs, and the destruction of property and the destruction of the - police. That we will attempt to do. There is no need of my specifying - or saying what each individual witness will say. - - “Neebe has upheld bloodshed and riot time and again, although from all - the inquiries put to you it would seem as if he was known as one of - these peaceable, peaceful, quiet labor organizers. - - “The laboring men did not come to any large extent. There probably - were not two thousand men there at any time, even early in the - evening. There were not enough there to get up a riot. They could - not get up a riot with such a small number as that, and they were - compelled to have somebody speak to keep what they had; they were - dissolving—going away. Now, Spies was there. He is the man, I think, - that knew of ‘Ruhe;’ I think that he himself will state—I think - others will state—that they knew of all the circumstances about the - ‘Ruhe,’ and about what they were going to do. I think the proof will - show that he knew of the whole conspiracy. He did not stop it. They - will undertake to show that he tried to. Now, I want you to watch that - carefully. We will have something to say on that subject as the basis - of all this. There never was a great criminal in the world, especially - if he was a coward, but what, if he undertook to commit a great crime - and wanted to conceal himself, he prepared an alibi. Parsons, Fielden, - Schwab, Neebe and Spies prepared that alibi. They were going to let - these three other men suffer, let the man that threw the bomb suffer; - but they, who had been teaching dynamite for years, asking people to - throw bombs for years—they, after the bomb had been thrown, were - going to say that they were not liable at all. - - “Now, at that meeting, Spies got back up here and opened the meeting. - There was some significance in the very way he opened it. We will - have it all here. Fortunately, one of the newspaper reporters—Mr. - English, of the _Tribune_—stood there with his overcoat on, with his - hands in his pocket, not daring to take his paper out, and took a - minute of everything that was said—wrote in shorthand, with his hand - in his pocket, what they said, as long as he could. Spies opened the - meeting up here near the alley. A wagon was standing there upon which - they stood and from which they spoke. Spies found that the meeting - was going to dissolve; there wasn’t going to be any interference by - the police to any extent unless they could keep that crowd there. So - he sends Balthasar Rau over to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, where - the American group were. Now, how did he know that they were over - there? They went over to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office to get Parsons, - Fielden and the rest of them to come over and address the meeting, and - they came over, and we will have what they said—where speeches were - inflammatory, denunciatory, crying for bloodshed—everything of that - character. - - “Gentlemen, I have called several of these men cowards. The testimony - will show that they are. I am rather inclined to think that Fielden, - although he is an Anarchist, is the only man in the whole crowd that - stood his ground that night. - - “The history of the throwing of that bomb shows that the police did - not interfere any too soon. Gentlemen, it is our humble opinion, from - looking this case all over, that Inspector Bonfield, although it is - sad to think that life is destroyed—I think Inspector Bonfield did - the wisest thing that he possibly could have done, to have called the - police there that night as he did. If he had not, the next night it - would have had to be done, or the next, and whereas seven poor men are - dead, there would have been instead hundreds, perhaps thousands. I say - again, to the credit of Bonfield and the police, I wish it understood - that at that meeting it was the wisest thing that ever happened to - this town, although cruel as it may seem in the light of the fact - that seven died. Hundreds and perhaps thousands were saved. Anarchy - had been taught and cried for months; it had almost come with its - demoralization, and the strength and courage of the police saved the - town. - - “About ten o’clock, from the reports coming to Bonfield, as will - appear in proof, the inflammatory utterances of these American - citizens, of these people, had decided Bonfield that the meeting must - be broken up. He was wise. He passed down there with his force of - police, and, gentlemen, not a policeman except the commanding officer - in front had a weapon in his hand. They marched down there shoulder to - shoulder, covering the whole street, and came to the wagon. Fielden - was shouting to the police, talking about the bloodhounds as they - advanced, because he was facing them as he spoke. He probably saw them - as they turned the corner. They formed here (indicating on the map), - in this court back here, and marched into the street at Desplaines, - occupying almost the entire width of the street, facing down—what we - may call up Desplaines Street, north towards where this meeting was. - The meeting was held about the vicinity of that alley. This property - here, all through there, is Crane’s factory—R. T. Crane & Co. Here - is an alley that runs in through here. Eagle Street is here, and of - course here is Lake, and here is Randolph. Fielden was speaking; the - police came up to the wagon; Captain Ward stepped up to the crowd - and told them that he commanded them, in the name of the people of - the State of Illinois, to depart, to leave, to disperse. He made the - ordinary statutory declaration. Fielden stepped from the wagon and - said: ‘We are peaceable,’ so that it could be heard a long distance - around him. At that moment a man, who a moment before had been on - the wagon, stepped to the corner of that alley, lighted the bomb and - threw it into the police. Fielden stepped from the wagon and began - firing. He is the only one, I told you, of the crowd, that has got - any of the elements of the hero in him; he was willing to stand his - ground. The others fled. Parsons never did a manly thing in his life, - and neither did the others. They are not for law; they are against the - law. Although Fielden is against the law, he did have the English - stubbornness to stand up there and shoot, and he fired from over the - wagon until finally he disappeared. - - “I have given you in detail a good deal of the proof. I have told - you the reason that I did it was, not only for your own edification, - but so that these gentlemen could know what we expect to prove. We - have nothing to conceal, we have nothing to hide. We expect as fair a - statement from them as to their case. - - “I have only a word or two more to you, gentlemen. Remember, - gentlemen, that this meeting was called for half-past seven. The - police did not appear until half-past ten. There are nearly three - long hours—about half-past ten, between ten and half-past ten. - The bomb-throwers had become discouraged. Those individuals that - were situated in different parts of the town had not received the - communication, because the conspiracy embraced the fact that spies - were to be located there to scatter the word, and then was to continue - this destruction. The police came so late, and so many went away, that - it was absolutely coming very near to being a fiasco. They had been - arranging for it for months. The conspiracy had been clearly declared - and established. The only thing they needed was the crowd. The crowd - failed to come. The police failed to interfere, and finally, at the - last moment, having interfered, most of those that were there had - gone. And there was another thing. These men that were interested - in the throwing of the bomb were paralyzed, notwithstanding their - firing and the shooting, by the attitude of the police who stood up - there; and in all my examination of these men, asking each and every - one of them as far as I could what they did there that night, I have - failed to find a man that ran. They stood up there and fired at these - wretches who were pouring into them, from both sides of the street, - a volley of shots from pistols. One bomb was fired and thrown, and - just the moment that happened, not a policeman with his club—scarcely - one—not a policeman with a pistol in his hand, but every one standing - there waiting for orders. The bomb was thrown, and the firing began - from both sides of the policemen and from the crowd, and them alone. - The police never fired a shot until after many of their men had - already bit the dust. - - “I will attempt to show to you, gentlemen, who threw the bomb, from - this locality (indicating on map). I have said to you that the bomb - that was thrown was made by Lingg. I will prove that. - - “I have one other suggestion to make to you. There never was a - conspiracy in the world, either small or great—not a conspiracy ever - established in the world, but what there was needed some conspirator - to give the first information of its existence and its purposes. I - want you to be cautious, gentlemen, about an unjust criticism of any - member of that conspiracy who first gave us the ideas about it and its - ends. Seliger gave us the information, the first information, which - led to the knowledge of this terrible conspiracy, led to the knowledge - of the facts relating to it. I said to you, we may not use Seliger; - but I say to you this, gentlemen, that not a single conspirator placed - upon the witness-stand by the State shall be so placed there without - we can do something to corroborate his statements; and even if we do - not, I have yet to learn of a man that dare say that that conspiracy - did not exist. And so far as that is concerned as a question of - law, when a conspirator or a co-conspirator gives his testimony in - court, you have a right to reject it if you desire. But, gentlemen, - before you reject it the court will simply instruct you in regard to - a conspirator’s testimony that his testimony is to be considered - like any other witness, and that you have a right to consider his - credibility in view of the fact that he is a co-conspirator. - - “This indictment is for murder, a serious charge. Under our statute - the jury fixes the penalty. If murder, the penalty is not less than - fourteen years; it may be for life; it may be the death penalty. For - manslaughter, the lower degree under murder, under our statute, which - is somewhat different from statutes in other States, the penalty is - any number of years’ imprisonment and may be for life. The indictment - in this case is for murder. There are a great many counts here, but - the chief thing is the count against these men for murder. Now, it - is not necessary in a case of this kind, nor in any case of murder, - or any other kind, that the individual who commits the exact and - particular offense—for instance, the man who threw the bomb—should - be in court at all. He need not even be indicted. The question for - you to determine is, having ascertained that a murder was committed, - not only who did it, but who is responsible for it, who abetted it, - assisted it, or encouraged it? There is no question of law in the case. - - “We will show to you, I think to your entire satisfaction, that, - although perhaps none of these men personally threw that bomb, they - each and all abetted, encouraged and advised the throwing of it, and - therefore are as guilty as the individual who in fact threw it. They - are accessories. - - “I have talked to you, gentlemen, longer than I expected to, and - chiefly so that you would know something about this case, know - something about the facts. I have given you not, perhaps, all the - details, but I have given you, as a whole, the facts. I want you to - patiently listen to the evidence in this case from both sides, and - be careful in your analysis. You have, most of you, been here some - time, and you have been admirably patient. Only continue that way, and - be patient in the matter, and make up your minds when the testimony - is all presented, and not before. It may take some days to get at - the proof and to place it all before you, so that you can clearly - understand it. A great deal of the proof has to come from the mouths - of witnesses whose language will have to be interpreted to you. That - will take more time. But the whole case will finally be presented to - you substantially, I think, as I have stated it. I will now leave the - matter with you.” - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - - The Great Trial Opens—Bonfield’s History of the Massacre—How the - Bomb Exploded—Dynamite in the Air—A Thrilling Story—Gottfried - Waller’s Testimony—An Anarchist’s “Squeal”—The Murder Conspiracy - Made Manifest by Many Witnesses. - - -ON Friday, July 16, the day following the delivery of the State’s -Attorney’s argument, the first witness was called. The defendants -appeared flushed with excitement, and the throng in the court-room -was eager in expectancy of the State’s evidence. Some of the officers -disabled at the Haymarket were among the interested spectators. All -were in a flutter of suppressed excitement. - -“Felix D. Buschick,” called the State’s Attorney. - -The sound re-echoed through the room and floated out through the open -windows. Buschick advanced with trepidation and took the witness-stand. -Every neck was craned to catch a glimpse of him as he arose. He was a -draughtsman, and his testimony had reference simply to maps and plans -showing the location of the Haymarket Square, the surrounding streets -and alleys, the spot where the bomb was thrown, and the location of the -Desplaines Street Station. - -Inspector JOHN BONFIELD followed next. He stated that he was Inspector -of Police, had been on the force ten years, and had been in command of -the men ordered to rendezvous at Desplaines Station on the night of May -4. His testimony then proceeded as follows: - - “I got there about six o’clock. There were present Capt. Ward, Lieuts. - Bowler, Penzen, Stanton, Hubbard, Beard, Steele and Quinn, each in - charge of a company. During that day our attention was called to a - circular calling a meeting at the Haymarket that evening. I saw the - Mayor that afternoon, then went to Desplaines Street Station and took - command of the forces there, all told about one hundred and eighty - men. We stayed in the station until between ten and half-past ten. The - men then formed on Waldo Place. We marched down north on Desplaines - Street. Capt. Ward and myself were at the head, Lieut. Steele with - his company on the right, and Lieut. Quinn on the left; the next two - companies that formed in division front, double line, were Lieut. - Bowler on the right, Stanton on the left; next company in single line - was Lieut. Hubbard. Lieuts. Beard and Penzen’s orders were to stop at - Randolph Street and face to the right and left. We marched until we - came about to the mouth of Crane Brothers’ alley. There was a truck - wagon standing a little north of that alley and against the east - sidewalk of Desplaines Street, from which they were speaking. There - were orders issued in regard to the arms of the men and officers.” - -Being asked what those orders were, defendants’ counsel objected, but -the objection was overruled. Bonfield continued: - - “The orders were, that no man should draw a weapon or fire or strike - anybody until he received positive orders from his commanding officer. - Each officer was dressed in full uniform, with his coat buttoned up - to the throat and his club and belt on, and the club in the holder on - the side. Capt. Ward and myself had our weapons in our hand; pistols - in pockets. As we approached the truck, there was a person speaking - from the truck. Capt. Ward turned slightly to the right and gave the - statutory order to disperse: ‘I command you, in the name of the people - of the State of Illinois, to immediately and peaceably disperse.’ As - he repeated that, he said, ‘I command you and you to assist.’ Almost - instantly, Mr. Fielden, who was speaking, turned so as to face the - Captain and myself, stepped off from the end of the truck toward - the sidewalk and said in a loud tone of voice, ‘We are peaceable.’ - Almost instantly after that I heard from behind me a hissing sound, - followed, in a second or two, by a terrific explosion. In coming up - the street, part of the crowd ran on Desplaines toward Lake, but a - great portion fell back to the sidewalks on the right and left, partly - lapping back onto our flanks. Almost instantly after the explosion, - firing from the front and both sides poured in on us. There were from - seventy-five to a hundred pistol shots fired before a shot was fired - by any officer. There was an interval of a few seconds between that - and the return fire by the police. On hearing the explosion I turned - around quickly, saw almost all the men of the second two lines shrink - to the ground, and gave the order to close up. The men immediately - re-formed. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn with their companies charged down - the street; the others formed and took both sides. In a few moments - the crowd was scattered in every direction. I gave the order to cease - firing and went to pick up our wounded. Mathias J. Degan was almost - instantly killed. The wounded, about sixty in number, were carried to - the Desplaines Street Station. Seven died from the effects of wounds.” - -After identifying circulars calling the Haymarket meeting and demanding -revenge, he continued: - - “As we approached there were about five or six on the truck. Did not - see the direction of the bomb; it came from my rear. I was about - ten feet from the wagon. The rear rank of the first company and the - second company suffered the most. During the evening or during the - continuance of the meeting I received reports as to what was going on, - from officers detailed for that purpose.” - -On cross-examination, his testimony was as follows: - - “I was the highest officer on the ground that night. The whole force - was under my special charge and direction. As we marched down, the - divisions of police occupied the full width of the street from curb - to curb. Around the corner of Desplaines and Randolph there were a - few persons scattered, apparently paying no attention to the meeting; - the crowd attending the speaking was apparently north of that alley. - The speakers’ wagon was not more than five or six feet north of that - alley. Fielden, when speaking, was facing to the north and west, - was facing us when my attention was especially called to him; there - were about one thousand people there; don’t remember whether it was - moonlight; there were no street lamps lit; there was a clear sky. As - we marched along, the crowd shifted its position; the speaking went - right on. My experience is, if the police were marching in parade, - the crowd would get to the sidewalk to look on; if to disperse a crowd - or mob, the natural thing would be for them to run away. I saw Fielden - that night for the first time. As Capt. Ward turned to the wagon to - give the order to disperse, I saw the men were still advancing, and - I turned to the left, gave the command to halt, and then came up - alongside of Capt. Ward. Capt. Ward stood within a few feet of the - south end of that truck, which stood lengthwise of the sidewalk, the - tongue end north. The front rank of the first division was near up to - the north line of the alley, probably not more than ten or fifteen - feet from the wagon. Before Capt. Ward had finished his command I was - beside him. Capt. Ward spoke as loud as he could speak. Between my - calling the halt and the explosion of the bomb, I don’t think it was - a minute. As the Captain finished, Fielden stepped from the truck and - faced us, and, stepping on the street, he turned to the sidewalk or - curb, which is perhaps ten inches above the street, and said: ‘We are - peaceable.’ Within two or three seconds the explosion followed. I did - not hear anything said by Fielden from the truck. When he stepped on - the street I could have reached out and touched him. He did not say: - ‘This is a peaceable meeting.’ When I heard the hissing sound Fielden - was in the act of getting to the sidewalk.” - -GOTTFRIED WALLER, a former associate of the defendants, testified -through an interpreter. He stated his occupation, residence, etc., and -proceeded as follows: - - “On the evening of the 3d of May I was at Greif’s Hall, 54 West - Lake Street; got there at eight o’clock; went there pursuant to an - advertisement in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_: ‘Y—Come Monday night.’ - Before that notice there is the word ‘Briefkasten,’ which means - letter-box. This notice was a sign for a meeting of the armed section - at Greif’s Hall. I had been there once before, pursuant to a similar - notice. There was no other reason for my going there. I had seen no - printed document before. I spent no time in the saloon at Greif’s - place. I attended a meeting there in the basement which extends - throughout the length of the building. The ceiling of basement is - about seven or eight feet above the floor. I called the meeting to - order at half-past eight. There were about seventy or eighty men. I - was chairman. I don’t know of any precautions taken about who should - come into the meeting. Of the defendants there were present Engel and - Fischer—none of the other defendants.” - -On a question as to what was said at that meeting after it had been -called to order, objections were raised on behalf of six of the -defendants other than Engel and Fischer, and overruled. Waller then -resumed: - - “First there was some talk about the six men who had been killed at - McCormick’s. There were circulars there headed ‘Revenge,’ speaking - about that; then Mr. Engel stated a resolution of a prior meeting - as to what should be done, to the effect that if, on account of the - eight-hour strike, there should be an encounter with the police, we - should aid the men against them. He stated that the Northwest Side - group had resolved that in such case we should gather at certain - meeting-places, and the word ‘Ruhe’ published in the Letter-box of - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ should be the signal for us to meet. The - Northwest Side group should then assemble in Wicker Park, armed. - A committee should observe the movement in the city, and if a - conflict should occur the committee should report, and we should - first storm the police stations by throwing a bomb and should shoot - down everything that came out, and whatever came in our way we should - strike down. The police station on North Avenue was referred to first. - Nothing was said about the second station—just as it happened. I - then proposed a meeting of workingmen for Tuesday morning on Market - Square. Then Fischer said that was a mouse trap; the meeting should - be on the Haymarket and in the evening, because there would be more - workingmen. Then it was resolved the meeting should be held at 8 - P.M. at the Haymarket; it was stated that the purpose of the meeting - was to cheer up the workingmen so they should be prepared, in case a - conflict would happen. Fischer was commissioned to call the meeting - through hand-bills; he went away to order them, but came back after - half an hour and said the printing establishment was closed. It was - said that we ourselves should not participate in the meeting on the - Haymarket; only a committee should be present at the Haymarket and - report in case something happened, as stated before. Nothing was said - as to what should be done in case the police interfered with the - Haymarket meeting. We discussed about why the police stations should - be attacked. Several persons said, ‘We have seen how the capitalists - and the police oppressed the workingmen, and we should commence to - take the rights in our own hands; by attacking the stations we would - prevent the police from coming to aid.’ The plan stated by Engel was - adopted by us with the understanding that every group ought to act - independently, according to the general plan. The persons present were - from all the groups, from the West, South and North sides.” - -A question being raised as to what was said about attacking the police -in case they should attempt to disperse the Haymarket meeting, he -replied: - - “There was nothing said about the Haymarket. There was no one who - expected that the police would get as far as the Haymarket; only, if - strikers were attacked, we should strike down the police, however we - best could, with bombs or whatever would be at our disposition. The - committee which was to be sent to the Haymarket was to be composed of - one or two from each group. They should observe the movement, not only - on the Haymarket Square, but in the different parts of the city. If - a conflict happened in the daytime they should cause the publication - of the word ‘Ruhe.’ If at night, they should report to the members - personally at their homes. On the 4th of May we did not understand - ourselves why the word ‘Ruhe’ was published. It should be inserted in - the paper only if a downright revolution had occurred. Fischer first - mentioned the word ‘Ruhe.’ I only knew one of the members of the - committee, Kraemer. Engel moved that the plan be adopted. The motion - was seconded, and I put it to a vote. - - “During the discussion was anything said about where dynamite or - bombs or arms could be obtained, that you remember of?” “Not on that - evening,” answered the witness. “I left the meeting about half-past - ten. I went home. I was present at the Haymarket meeting on Tuesday - evening for some time. I did not go there on account of the meeting, - but because I had to go to Zepf’s Hall, to a meeting of the Furniture - Workers’ Union. I saw the word ‘Ruhe’ in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - about 6 P.M., on Tuesday, at Thalia Hall, a saloon on Milwaukee - Avenue, where the second company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the - Northwest Side group used to meet. I went to the Haymarket and stayed - there about a quarter of an hour, while Mr. Spies spoke. Mr. Spies - spoke English; I didn’t understand it, and I went to the meeting of - the furniture workers. On my way to the Haymarket I had stopped at - Engel’s. There were some people of the Northwest Side group there. - Engel was not at home. Breitenfeld was not there. I was at Zepf’s Hall - when the bomb exploded. There was some disturbance, and the door was - closed. After the door was opened again we went home. I went alone. On - my way home I stopped at Engel’s and told him what had happened at the - Haymarket. They had assembled in the back part of their dwelling-place - around a jovial glass of beer, and I told them that a bomb was thrown - at the Haymarket, and that about a hundred people had been killed - there, and they had better go home. Engel said yes, they should go - home, and nothing else.” - -“Mr. Waller,” asked the State, “did you ever have any bombs?” - -This was objected to by the defense, but after a full argument the -objection was overruled. Waller resumed: - - “Formerly, about half a year ago, I had one. It was made out of an - eight-inch gas or water pipe. I did not investigate what it was filled - with. Got it from Fischer, the defendant, on Thanksgiving day of last - year, at Thalia Hall.” - -“What did he say to you, if anything, when he gave it to you?” - -Another objection was raised, but it was overruled. Waller continued: - - “I should use it. There were present members of the Northwest Side - group and several men of the Lehr und Wehr Verein when he gave me that - bomb.” - -Asked as to a public meeting on Thanksgiving day, Waller answered in -the affirmative, stating that the meeting was held at Market Square. -After explaining that the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were -known not by names, but by numbers, he said: - - “Everybody had to know his own number; my number was 19. The numbers - of the different men were not exactly secret, but we did not pay - particular attention to it. Of those who were present at the meeting - at 54 West Lake Street, on Monday night, I knew Fischer, Engel, - Breitenfeld, Reinhold Krueger and another Krueger, Gruenwald, Schrade, - Weber, Huber, Lehman, Hermann.” - -“What became of the bomb which you had?” - - “I gave it to a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein; he had it - exploded in a hollow tree. I had a revolver with me when I went to - the Haymarket; had no bomb. Schnaubelt was present at the Lake Street - meeting. (Witness identified photograph of Schnaubelt.) Schnaubelt at - that meeting said we should inform our members in other places of the - revolution so that it should commence in other places also. On Sunday, - before that meeting at Lake Street, I was present at a meeting at - Bohemian Hall, at No. 63 Emma Street. August Krueger invited me; he is - also called the little Krueger, while Reinhold is known as the large - Krueger. I got to the meeting at Emma Street at 10 A.M. There were - present Engel and Fischer, the defendants, besides Gruenwald, the two - Kruegers, Schrade, myself.” - -“What was said at the meeting?” - - “The same that I stated—Engel’s plan. Engel proposed the plan. - Somebody opposed this plan, as there were too few of us, and it would - be better if we would place ourselves among the people and fight right - in the midst of them. There was some opposition to this suggestion to - be in the midst of the crowd, as we could not know who would be our - neighbors; there might be a detective right near us, or some one else. - Engel’s plan was finally accepted.” - -An effort was made to have Waller’s testimony all stricken out, but the -motion was overruled. He was subjected to a rigid cross-examination, -but he did not waver in any of his statements. He proceeded as follows: - - “Before I ceased to be a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, I - belonged to it for four or five months. I learned that the objects of - the Lehr und Wehr Verein are the physical and intellectual advancement - of its members. None of the defendants were members of that society - about the 4th of May. I had seen a call by the letter ‘Y’ in the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ once before, one or one and a half months before. - On the 3d of May a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, by the name of - Clermont, called for me. I spoke with Engel before I went to Greif’s - Hall, but had no conversation with him about the purpose of the - meeting. We did not know for what purpose it was called. When more - people arrived, I requested Engel to lay his plan again before the - meeting. Engel stated both at the meeting on Sunday and at the Monday - night meeting that the plan proposed by him was to be followed only if - the police should attack us. Any time when we should be attacked by - the police, we should defend ourselves. - - “Nothing was said with reference to any action to be taken by us at - the Haymarket. We were not to do anything at the Haymarket Square. - The plan was, we should not be present there at all. We did not think - that the police would come to the Haymarket. For this reason no - preparations were made for meeting any police attack there. When I saw - the word ‘Ruhe’ in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ on Tuesday, May 4, about 6 - P.M., I knew the meaning, but I didn’t know why it was in the paper. - On the Haymarket, on my way to the meeting of the Furniture Workers’ - Union, I met Fischer. We were walking about some time. I don’t think - he said anything to me about why I was not at Wicker Park. We once - walked over to Desplaines Street Station. The police were mounting - five or six patrol wagons, and I made the remark: ‘I suppose they are - getting ready to drive out to McCormick’s, so that they might be out - there early in the morning.’ Fischer assented to my remark. That was - all that was said about the police between us. At that time there were - about three hundred and fifty or four hundred people assembled at - the Haymarket. The principal purpose of the Haymarket meeting was to - protest against the action of the police at the riot at McCormick’s - factory. While I was with Fischer at the Haymarket, nothing was said - between us about preparations to meet an attack by the police. When - I came to Engel’s, at about half-past ten, there were in his house - Breitenfeld, the little Krueger, Kraemer, and a few others. Kraemer, I - think, lived in the rear of the house. - - [Illustration: THE GREAT TRIAL. SCENE IN THE CRIMINAL COURT.] - - “I know that I am indicted for conspiracy. I was arrested about two - weeks after the 4th of May by two detectives, Stift and Whalen, and - taken to East Chicago Avenue Station. I saw there Capt. Schaack, and, - in the evening, Mr. Furthmann. I was released about half-past eight - of the same day. No warrant was shown to me. I was never arrested - since my indictment. I was ordered to come to the station four or five - times. At every occasion I had conversations with Furthmann about the - statements made here in court. I live now at 130 Sedgwick Street, - since one month. Capt. Schaack gave me $6.50 for the rent. Whenever I - used my time sitting in the station, I was paid for it. Once we had to - sit all day, and we were paid two dollars for that day. I was out on - a strike, and Capt. Schaack gave my wife three times three dollars. - He gave me, twice before, five dollars each time. I have been at work - for the last two weeks for Peterson. When I went there to commence - work I was told that I was on the black list, and could not work, and - Capt. Schaack helped me to get the job. By the black list I mean that - the bosses put all those upon a list who were in any way connected - with the strike to obtain eight hours’ work, and they were not to be - employed any further. - - “I know Spies by sight. I never had any conversation with him. I spoke - to Mr. Neebe once a few words, at a meeting of the basket-makers. I - have no acquaintance whatever with Schwab, Parsons, Fielden or Lingg. - I saw Lingg once make a speech.” - -BERNHARD SCHRADE, another confidant of the Anarchists, stated that he -had resided in this country nearly five years and had been a member of -the Lehr und Wehr Verein. He was present at the meeting in the basement -of Greif’s Hall, on the evening of May 3, and found the meeting in -order when he got there. His testimony was as follows: - - “Waller was presiding. There were about thirty or thirty-five - people—Waller, Engel, Fischer, Thielen, the Lehmans, Donafeldt. Lingg - was not there. When I entered, the chairman explained what had been - spoken about until then. He stated the objects of the meeting; that so - many men at the McCormick factory had been shot by the police; that a - mass-meeting was to be held at Haymarket Square, and that we should be - prepared, in case the police went beyond their bounds—attacked us. - Afterwards we talked among ourselves, and the meeting adjourned. I - heard nothing about assembling in other parts of the city. That same - evening I had been to the carpenters’ meeting, and it was said there - that the members of the L. u. W. V. should go around to the meeting on - Lake Street. I stayed there from eight until half-past nine. Circulars - headed ‘Revenge’ were distributed there by one Balthasar Rau. That - carpenters’ meeting was held at Zepf’s Hall. At the meeting at 54 West - Lake Street I stayed from half-past nine until about a quarter after - ten. On the preceding Sunday I was at a meeting at the Bohemian Hall, - on Emma Street. We got there about half-past nine in the forenoon. The - big Krueger called for me. There were, besides me, Waller, Krueger, - Fischer, Engel and Grueneberg. I don’t know the others. - - “Those present belonged to the second company of the L. u. W. V., - and the Northwestern group. We talked there about the condition of - the workingmen after the 1st of May, and the remark was made that it - might not go off so easy after the 1st of May, and if it should not, - that they would help themselves and each other. It was said that if we - were to get into a conflict with the police, we should mutually assist - one another, and the members of the Northwestern group should meet - at Wicker Park, in case it should get so far that the police would - make an attack, and should defend themselves as much as possible, - as well as any one could. Nothing was said about dynamite; the word - ‘HERMANN. Nothing was said about telegraph wires. The - revolutionary movement was talked about; it was mentioned that the - firemen could easily disperse large masses of the people standing - upon the street, and in such a case it would be the best thing to cut - through their hose, annihilate them. I was at the Haymarket on the - night when the bomb was thrown. Went there with a man named Thielen. - Got there about half-past eight. I walked up and down on Randolph - Street, and at the corner of Desplaines I heard all the speakers. When - the bomb was thrown I was at a saloon at 173 West Randolph Street. I - had left the meeting because a rain and a shower came up. I know all - the defendants. I saw Engel and Fischer, about an hour previous to - the meeting, upon the corner of Desplaines and Randolph. After the - bomb was thrown I went to my home, 581 Milwaukee Avenue. I met the - little Krueger in the saloon. He was there; also the big Krueger. The - L. u. W. V. used to meet at Thalia Hall, Milwaukee Avenue. We had our - exercise, marched in the hall—drilled. We had Springfield rifles, - which we kept at home. - - “We had our military drills for pleasure. Most of the members had - been soldiers in the old country, and we were drilling here for - fun—pleasure. We drilled once a week, at times. The members knew each - other, but on the list each one had his number. My number was 32. - There were four companies of the L. u. W. V. in this city. I don’t - know the number of members. - - “I saw ‘Revenge’ circulars at the meeting at 54 West Lake Street. I - know Schnaubelt by sight. Don’t remember whether he was at 54 West - Lake. (Witness was shown the signal “Y,” in _Arbeiter-Zeitung_.) I saw - this in the paper when I read it at Thalia Hall. It is a sign for the - armed section to meet at 54 West Lake Street. The armed section means - certain members of certain societies—trades-unions who had bought - weapons with which they practiced continually.” (Witness is shown - paper containing the word “Ruhe.”) “I never saw that before. Did not - hear anything said about ‘Ruhe’ in the meeting at 54 West Lake Street.” - -Schrade was shown a book of Most’s and stated that he had seen it sold -at meetings of workingmen. On cross-examination he testified: - - “I know Spies, Parsons, Fielden, Neebe and Schwab only by sight; - never had any business or conversation with any of them. Lingg and I - belonged to the same Carpenters’ Union, but we were not on terms of - friendship. None of the defendants are members of the L. u. W. V., - to my knowledge. I paid attention to all that was done while I was - at the 54 West Lake Street meeting. I was at the Sunday meeting from - half-past nine until half-past eleven. The discussion was, that if the - police made an attack upon workingmen we would help the workingmen to - resist it, and if the firemen helped, we would cut the hose. Nothing - was said about dynamite or bombs at any of the meetings. Nothing was - said about a meeting at any particular night to throw bombs. It was - not agreed to throw bombs at the Haymarket meeting. While at the - Haymarket I had no bomb; I don’t know dynamite. I knew of no one who - was going to take a bomb to that meeting. When I left the Haymarket - meeting everything was quiet; I did not anticipate any trouble. I had - seen the signal ‘Y’ before. It was understood that the meetings were - to be called by that kind of notice. I left the Haymarket meeting - only on account of the approach of the storm. There were about two - hundred people there when I left.” - -EDWARD J. STEELE, Lieutenant of Police at the West Chicago Avenue -Station on May 4th, gave some details as to marching to the Haymarket, -and stated that he had been in command of a company of twenty-eight -men. He further testified: - - “Two or three seconds after that—Captain Ward’s command to the - meeting to disperse—the shell was thrown in the rear. It exploded - on the left of my company. There was then also a smaller report - in the rear of me, like a large pistol shot, and at that time the - crowd in front of us and on the sidewalks fired into us immediately; - by immediately I mean two or three seconds after. The crowd fired - before the police did. Mine and Quinn’s were the front companies. My - men had their arms in their pockets and their clubs in their belts; - their hands by their side. I was six or eight feet from the speakers’ - wagon when the command to halt was given. Prior to that I could hear - speaking going on in front of us. I heard somebody say, ‘Here come the - bloodhounds. You do your duty and we will do ours.’ I could not say - who made the remark. The sound came from in front of us as we were - marching. Ward spoke in a loud tone of voice to the speakers on the - wagon when he commanded them to disperse. There were three or four - men on the wagon. I saw Mr. Fielden there. I did not hear him make - any response to Ward’s declaration. After the pistol shots from the - crowd we returned the fire. Fielden stepped off the wagon, turned to - the sidewalk, and I lost sight of him. When we got some few feet north - of Randolph Street, the crowd in front of us separated to the right - and left. I heard nothing said by the crowd. The bomb lit in the rear - of the left of my company, and the right of Lieut. Quinn’s, between - that and the next company behind us. When I heard the explosion I was - facing north. The word ‘fire’ was not given by anybody, but we began - firing when they fired on us. The explosion of the bomb affected about - twenty-one of our men in the two companies, and the firing commenced - at once.” - -On cross-examination, Lieut. Steele stated: - - “My experience is that where the police make a descent upon a riotous - gathering, a mob, the latter scatter to all sides, so as to get out of - the way. But when we pass through a peaceful, quiet body of men, they - separate to the sides instead of rushing down the alleys and out the - other way. I do not mean to say that the remark about the bloodhounds - coming was made by the speaker from the wagon. Mr. Fielden was on the - sidewalk when the bomb exploded. Capt. Ward was just a step or two in - front of me when he gave the order to disperse. Any loud exclamation - made by Mr. Fielden, either in the wagon, or getting out of the wagon, - or immediately after he got out, I would have heard. I did not hear - him make any.” - -MARTIN QUINN, Lieutenant of Police, had a company of twenty-five men on -the left of Lieut. Steele, and when they marched to the Haymarket they -had their clubs in their belts and their pistols in their pockets. He -heard the remark: “Here they come now, the bloodhounds. Do your duty, -men, and I’ll do mine.” The man who was speaking at the time they came -up was Fielden. Quinn’s testimony then runs as follows: - - “Just as he was going down, he said: ‘We are peaceable.’ Some - person had hold of his left leg. He reached back, and just as he - was going down he fired right where the Inspector was, Capt. Ward - and Lieut. Steele. After that I dropped my club, took my pistol and - commenced firing in front. The crowd formed a line across the street - in our front, and immediately when that bomb was fired, and almost - instantaneously with it that shot from the wagon, they commenced - firing into our front and from the side, and then from the alley. I - fired myself. Fourteen men of my company were injured. I lost sight - of Fielden as he got on the sidewalk. I could not distinguish which - was first, the explosion of the bomb or the shot fired by Fielden. - There was another very loud report immediately after this first - explosion. I did not know what it was. The bomb exploded about the - same instant that the remark, ‘We are peaceable,’ was made. And at - the same time he fired that shot. Ward at that time had not quite - finished his expression. The pistol was aimed in a downward direction, - towards where Ward, Steele and Bonfield stood. After I was looking - to the front, and had discharged my weapon, I looked back and saw - the explosion of the bomb—it was just the same as you would take a - bunch of firecrackers and throw it around, just shooting up in all - directions, in the rear. Some of the men were lying down, some of - them lying dead, some crippled around. All along on Desplaines Street - the lamps were dark. Where the speaker was there was a torch on the - wagon, and also the lamp was lit there. I had emptied my pistol. Then - I turned around to look at the result of the explosion. Then I went - over in under the wagon, and where the speaker was, and I found a - pistol there that was loaded. I picked it up and emptied it myself - afterwards. It was a thirty-eight Smith & Wesson. I saw Fielden fire - only that one shot. It was not aimed at the man who had hold of his - leg. There were Ward, Bonfield and Steele there right in a bunch, - close by together, and it should have hit some one of them.” - -The cross-examination did not change the testimony; he only added to -its force, and with reference to Fielden only modified it so far as to -say: - - “I would not swear that it was or was not Fielden who fired the - pistol, but it was a speaker, that I know, that fired at the instant - he finished saying, ‘We are peaceable.’ While standing in the wagon, - in the presence of the police force and all the audience, he fired a - revolver right where Lieut. Steele was and Capt. Ward, and the right - of Lieut. Steele’s company; fired right into them. The torch was still - on the wagon at that time, and the street lamp near by was lighted.” - -JAMES P. STANTON, Lieutenant of Police, had charge of eighteen men and -saw the shell coming through the air. He shouted to his men: “Look out, -there is a shell,” and just then it exploded. It fell just four feet -from where he stood, and his men were scattered upon the street. All -but one or two of his command were wounded. He himself was injured, his -body being hit in eleven different places with pieces of the shell, -and he was confined to a bed at the hospital for two weeks and a half, -after which he was taken home. - - “After that I commenced to limp around. I had to suffer from a nervous - shock. The holes in my clothing are larger than the holes in my limbs. - My company was on the west side of the street, Bowler on the east. - When I first saw the shell it was in the air, very near over my head. - It came from the east, I think, a little north of the alley. It was - about three inches in diameter. The fuse was about two inches long - when I saw it. When we advanced I heard speaking from the north. I saw - some parties standing on the wagon. Don’t know anything about what - transpired after the officers came to a halt. No shot was fired to my - knowledge before the explosion of the bomb. Immediately after that - shots were fired. I turned myself and drew my revolver and immediately - commenced to fire. I cannot swear from whom the firing began first. My - men were supposed to be armed; they had their clubs in their belts.” - - The cross-examination brought out no new points. - -H. F. KRUEGER, a police officer, heard the cry, “Here they are now, -the bloodhounds!” from the wagon at the Haymarket, and thought it was -Fielden who uttered it. “I saw Fielden,” said he, “pistol in hand, take -cover behind the wagon and fire at the police. I returned his fire -and was myself immediately shot in the knee-cap. I saw Fielden in the -crowd and shot at him again. He staggered, but did not fall, and I lost -him. There were no pistol-shots fired before the bomb exploded.” This -testimony was in every detail corroborated by John Wessler, another -police officer, the next witness, and by Peter Foley, an officer. - -LUTHER MOULTON, of Grand Rapids, Michigan, an officer of the Knights of -Labor, testified to a conversation which he had had with August Spies -when the latter went to Grand Rapids to deliver a lecture, on February -22, 1885. Spies told the witness that the only manner in which the -laborers could get a fair division of the product of their labor was -by force and arms. He said they had three thousand men organized in -Chicago, with superior weapons of warfare. There might be bloodshed, -Spies said to him, for that happened frequently in revolutions. If they -failed, it would be a punishable crime. If they succeeded, it would be -a revolution. George Washington would have been punished had he failed. -“I am quite certain,” Moulton said, “that the term ‘explosives’ was -used in connection with arms.” On cross-examination Moulton stated that -the Grand Rapids police had furnished him the means to come to Chicago. -All of Moulton’s material statements were repeated on the stand by Geo. -W. Shook, who had been present at the conversation referred to. - -JAMES BOWLER, Lieutenant of Police, in command of twenty-seven men, -testified that he did not recognize any one firing. - - “After the explosion I said to my men: ‘Fire and kill all you can.’ - I drew my own revolver; I had it in my breast coat side pocket. In - marching, I heard the words: ‘Here come the bloodhounds,’ said by - somebody close to the wagon. I fired nine shots myself. I reloaded. - While marching, the men had their arms in their pockets. I noticed - the lamp at Crane’s alley was out.” - -On cross-examination he stated that he heard the remark about -bloodhounds, but did not know who uttered it. He continued: - - “There was a kind of light on the wagon, a kind of a torch. I saw - firing close by the wagon after the explosion, but not from in the - wagon. I saw no one either in the wagon or getting out of the wagon do - any firing. I saw Mr. Fielden coming off of the wagon very plainly.” - -Several officers testified to the scene about the wagon, and Thomas -Greif, the occupant of the premises 54 West Lake Street, described -the basement where the “Ypsilon” meeting was held. Following him was -proffered more direct evidence that Fielden had fired the shot, and -then JAMES BONFIELD took the stand, and described the search that was -made in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office. Said he: - - “In Mr. Spies’ office I found a small piece of fuse, a fulminating - cap, and a large double-action revolver; about five inches of fuse. I - found the revolver under a wash-stand in the office; that dirk file - was along with them (indicating), with a paper doubled over them - loosely. The fuse is an ordinary fuse; the fulminate is in the end of - the cap. The fuse is inserted that way (indicating), and the cap is - pinched, and that is inserted in dynamite and the hole closed. I never - saw the cap used for anything except dynamite and nitro-glycerine. I - have used it in mines for that purpose. The power of the cap itself - don’t amount to anything. I found that ‘Revenge’ circular, as it is - called, in Spies’ office, where I arrested him. This box (indicating) - contains a great many empty shells, evidently for the Winchester - improved rifle; there are also some empty and some loaded sporting - cartridges. The pistol is a 44-caliber, I think. On the 5th, after - the arrest of Spies, that night I took down some reporters. I had - a conversation with Spies that night, and I think with Fielden. - The reporter carried on the major part of the conversation. Mr. - Spies stated there had been a meeting of the Central Labor Union - that evening previous to the Haymarket meeting. He mentioned a man - by the name of Brown, and a man by the name of Ducey that attended - that meeting, and when they adjourned there they went down to the - Haymarket. He spoke of the gathering of the crowd, how it threatened - to rain, how they went on the side street, and about Fielden speaking - at the time the police came. He said he was on the wagon at that time, - and a young Turner was there who had told him the police were coming, - told him to come down, took him by the hand and helped him down. He - afterwards gave his name as Legner; he claimed the police had opened - fire on them. He said when he got off the wagon he went in the east - alley and came out on Randolph Street. He approved of the method, but - thought it was a little premature; that the time had hardly arrived - to start the revolution or warfare. After that I took the reporters - around to Fielden. - - “Fielden said he was there when the police came up; he got wounded - in this alley. Then he got a car, and, I think, went around to the - corner of Twelfth and Halsted, or Van Buren and Halsted, and then he - got another car and went down to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office to see - if any of his friends had got back there; that from there he went over - to the Haymarket again to see if any more of his comrades were hurt. - I know Fischer. I was at his house. He was arrested at the same time, - or a few minutes after Spies and Schwab were arrested. His house is - 170 or 176 North Wood Street. I went there with Mr. Furthmann and, - I think, Officer Doane. It was about nine or ten o’clock. I made a - search of the house. In a closet, under the porch at the front door, I - found a piece of gas-pipe about three and a half feet long. There was - no gas connection in the house. The gas-pipe was an inch or an inch - and a quarter in diameter. I laid it down again. I searched around - and went back again, and couldn’t find it in a day after. I remember - a conversation with Fischer afterwards, in the office. He was asked - to explain how he came by a fulminating cap which was found in his - pocket at the time of the arrest. He said he got it from a Socialist - who used to visit Spies’ office about four months previous. He claimed - he didn’t know what it was, and had carried it in his pocket for four - months. After some conversation he acknowledged that he knew what it - was, and had read an account of it and the use of it in Herr Most’s - ‘Science of War.’ That conversation was at a detective’s office. The - fulminating cap looked to be perfectly new, and the fulminate was - fresh and bright in the inside. There was no fuse attached to it. He - told of being at the Haymarket meeting until a few minutes before the - explosion of the bomb, and he went from there to Zepf’s Hall, and - was there at the time of the explosion. He acknowledged that he had - gotten up the circular headed ‘Attention, Workingmen,’ and that it - was printed at Wehrer & Klein’s. I think their own office was closed, - and he went over to Wehrer & Klein’s and got it printed over there; I - think 2,500 copies—25,000 or 2,500.” - -On cross-examination witness testified as follows: - - “I am in the detective branch of the police force. I arrested Spies - and Schwab in the neighborhood of nine o’clock. I found Spies in - the front office. He was to the left of the door as I entered. My - recollection is, he was talking to somebody. Schwab was over to the - right, and was sitting down. That was on the second floor. I think - I went up two flights of stairs. There were three or four men in - the office besides those two. There was no resistance by either of - the gentlemen. Had no warrant for their arrest. I don’t know of any - complaint having been made against them before any magistrate. While - I was talking to Spies and Schwab Spies’ brother came in. I placed - him under arrest too. I took them with me. I took them to police - headquarters. We went on foot. It was in the back part of the room - that I found that revolver. The main part of the room in which I - arrested them was perhaps twelve feet deep, and then there was a wing - that ran back further. The box I mentioned was on the floor, and - against the south wall. One could see it readily on entering the room. - I found that box on my third visit. I don’t remember having seen it - on my first visit. That third visit was some time in the afternoon, - perhaps two or three o’clock. On my second visit I went over to the - printer, to pick out the type similar to the one in the ‘Revenge’ - circular. I went to the composing room. The printer’s name is John - Conway. That was near twelve o’clock. On my fourth visit I took away - a lot of red flags and such stuff as that. When I made the arrest of - Spies and Schwab that morning Mrs. Schwab was present. I should think, - by the looks of things, they were transacting business, or ready for - it. When I was in the composing-room there were several men there. - I found the red flags principally in what they termed the library - in that building. It was, I think, in the rear part, on the second - floor. Twenty or twenty-one compositors of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ were - arrested during that day. I was not present at the time. I found that - copy of the ‘Revenge’ circular on one of the desks in the front room. - I was there when the form and the type of the circular were found. We - had no search warrant at the time any of them were taken. I do not - know to whom that revolver belongs. I took Spies and Schwab into the - front room of the Central Station. Lieutenant Shea sent out for the - key. In the meantime we searched Spies and took the personal effects - away from him. I took Mr. Spies’ keys out of his pocket—everything - I found, little slips of paper and the like. I literally went - through him. I had no warrant for anything of that kind. I took - those reporters to see Spies down to the cell-house in the basement - of the Central Station. The cell-house is very near the center of - the building, and fronts on the inside court between the county and - city building. I went down with the reporters about eight or nine - o’clock. Spies, Schwab and Fielden were in separate cells. Spies said - the action taken at the Haymarket was premature. It was done by a - hot-head that could not wait long enough. I cannot use the words. That - is the sentiment, and perhaps the words. Fielden said the police came - up there to disperse them, and they had no business to. He claimed - that they had a right to talk and say what they pleased, under the - Constitution, and they should not be interfered with. I don’t think - it was ever questioned whether the meeting was a peaceable and quiet - meeting. I don’t think that he ever claimed that it was either quiet - or disorderly. The fulminating cap which I found in that box did not - look fresh and bright. It looked as though it might have lain there - a good while. When Chief Ebersold came into the office at Central - Station he was quite excited, and talked to Spies and Schwab in German - and made motions, and I got between them, and I told him this was not - the time or place to act that way. I took the liberty to quiet him - down a little. He used a word which I understood to compare a man to a - dog or something lower.” - -The incendiary speeches that were made by some of the defendants at -the riot at McCormick’s were testified to by different newspaper men, -and the scenes at the riot described by officers and others, the -whole showing very distinctly the direct connection of Spies with the -outrage, and the manner in which he incited the mob to violence. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. - - “We are Peaceable”—Capt. Ward’s Memories of the Massacre—A Nest of - Anarchists—Scenes in the Court—Seliger’s Revelations—Lingg, the - Bomb-maker—How he cast his Shells—A Dynamite Romance—Inside History - of the Conspiracy—The Shadow of the Gallows—Mrs. Seliger and the - Anarchists—Tightening the Coils—An Explosive Arsenal—The Schnaubelt - Blunder—Harry Wilkinson and Spies—A Threat in Toothpicks—The Bomb - Factory—The Board of Trade Demonstration. - - -DURING the progress of the trial the court-room was thronged daily. -The prisoners sat radiantly throughout the whole proceedings as if -supremely certain of acquittal, and they manifested great pride in the -boutonnieres which were handed in every morning by admiring friends. -As the testimony of the State’s witnesses proceeded, the defense -raised innumerable objections to the admission of parts particularly -criminative, and at times hours were consumed in arguments on the -points involved. The objections were almost invariably overruled, -and exceptions taken. Having finished the evidence then at hand with -reference to the McCormick riot, the State resumed the Haymarket -massacre. - -WILLIAM WARD, Captain of Police at the Desplaines Street Station, a -member of the force since 1870, a resident of Chicago for thirty-six -years and a veteran of the Rebellion, was subjected to a long and -interesting examination. He first stated the facts with reference to -marching to the Haymarket and his order to the meeting to disperse, -corroborating the testimony of Inspector Bonfield in every particular, -and then concluded as follows: - - “As the speaker was getting from the wagon he said, ‘We are - peaceable.’ That was this gentleman (indicating Fielden). I heard - some utterances of the speaker before I addressed him, but could not - understand them—quite a noise there. Our men had their clubs in their - belts, pistols in their pockets. A few seconds after Fielden said, - ‘We are peaceable,’ I heard the explosion in my rear. I turned to - look and see, and pistol-firing began from the front and both sides - of the street by the crowd. I did not recognize anybody firing. Then - the police began firing, and we charged into the alley, Crane’s alley, - and north on Desplaines Street. Seven policemen died from the effects - of wounds; one was brought dead into the station—Mathias J. Degan. - There were in all killed and wounded sixty-six or sixty-seven—about - twenty-one or twenty-two out of Desplaines Street Station; forty-two - in all out of my precinct. It was only several seconds from the time - that Fielden said, ‘We are peaceable,’ and the time the police charged - down the alley and up Desplaines Street.” - -The cross-examination resulted as follows: - - “I had a detail there that night from the Central Police Station under - command of Lieut. Hubbard. At the time I gave the command to disperse - I was right close to the rear part of the wagon, close to the outside - wheel, southwest of the wheel. I could almost touch it; could have - touched it with my club. Some of the men carried their pistols in the - breast pocket of the coat, some the hip pocket. At the time I gave the - command, Inspector Bonfield stood at my left; Lieut. Steele was in the - rear of me, might have been a little to the right. There were four to - six persons on the wagon. Fielden was standing on the south end of - the truck, facing southwest, facing me, when I commenced to speak, - until I was through. Then he got off the truck, on the southeast end - of it, on the corner toward the sidewalk. All I could understand of - what Mr. Fielden said was: ‘We are peaceable.’ I did not see Fielden - after that. There was no pistol-firing of any kind by anybody before - the explosion of the bomb. I was several feet in advance of the front - rank of the police in marching down, sometimes eight or ten feet in - advance; sometimes not so far. The only utterance from any source - that I can recall that was heard by me, before the bomb exploded, was - that of Fielden, ‘We are peaceable,’ that he spoke to me, or looking - right at me when he spoke. It was a little louder than ordinary, - than if he was addressing me. I think the accent was on the last - word, ‘We are _peaceable_.’ I don’t remember whether I related this - utterance of Fielden on the occasion of the Coroner’s inquest when I - testified there. I think Steele’s line was about on a line with the - center of the alley. Quinn’s line had swung a little further forward. - A block and a half south of there, there were eight or ten electric - lights on the front of the Lyceum Theater, and they lit up the street - considerably. I don’t remember whether there was a torch-light or any - other light on the truck.” - -MICHAEL HAHN, a tailor working on Halsted Street, stated that he was at -the Haymarket and received an injury in his back, one in his thigh, and -one in the leg: - - “I went to the hospital that same night. Dr. Newman removed something - from my person that night; that is what he said; he showed it to - me. It was some kind of a nut. (Witness is handed an ordinary - iron-threaded nut.) I guess that was about the size. I left the - hospital two weeks after. I think that is the same nut.” - -REUBEN SLAYTON, a policeman on the force fourteen years, testified that -he arrested Fischer: - - “I searched him and found that gun (producing and exhibiting - a revolver). It is a 44-caliber; was loaded when I found it; - self-acting, I found this file ground sharp on three edges (producing - it), and that belt and sheath (producing same). The belt and sheath - were buckled on him; the file in the sheath, revolver stuck into the - slit in the belt, and he had ten cartridges in his pocket. He also had - this fulminating cap in his pocket. It was brighter when I found it. - He said he carried that revolver because he carried money, and going - home nights to protect himself. I took him to the Central Station. - He said he had worked at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ as a compositor for - two years. When I arrested him he was coming down the stairs. I was - going up into the building. I felt this revolver and took him back - up, and searched him and took these things from him. The belt was - under his coat. You could not see the pistol and this stuff. I also - arrested Fielden at his house the same day, May 5th, in the morning, - at No. 110 West Polk Street. When I locked him up at the Central - Station, he took the bandage off his knee and put it on. I asked him - where he got it dressed. He told me when he got shot he came down the - alley and took a car and went to, I think he said, Twelfth and Canal - Streets—had his knee dressed there that night.” - -On cross-examination, Officer Slayton stated that he met with no -resistance from Fischer or Fielden and that he found no munitions of -war at the latter’s house. He had no warrant, he said, for their arrest. - -THEODORE FRICKE, business superintendent of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, -once its book-keeper, testified to Spies’ handwriting on the manuscript -containing the word “Ruhe,” and identified several other documents as -in Spies’ handwriting. He continued: - -[Illustration: SPIES’ MANUSCRIPT OF THE FAMOUS “RUHE” SIGNAL. - -Engraved direct from the Original.] - - “The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ is the property of a corporation. Fischer was - a stockholder, so was I, so is Spies and Schwab. I was employed by - this corporation. Parsons is not a stockholder. Neebe belongs to this - corporation. I have known Neebe about two years; I saw him at picnics - and in our office. There was a library in the building belonging - to the International Working People’s Association—a Socialistic - association composed of groups, known by names. I belonged to the - group ‘Karl Marx,’ which met at No. 63 Emma Street. Before that I - belonged to the Northwest Side group, which met at Thalia Hall, No. - 633 Milwaukee Avenue. Hirschberger was the librarian. I know Fischer; - he belonged to the Northwest Side group. Engel belonged to the same. - Spies formerly belonged to the Northwest Side group, later to the - American group. Parsons belonged to the American group. Schwab, I - guess, to the North Side group, I don’t know for sure. I don’t know - about Lingg. I guess Neebe belonged to the North Side group. These - groups, except the Northwest Side group, had a central committee, - which met at No. 107 Fifth Avenue. The Northwest Side group was not - represented. They had strong Anarchistic principles. Fielden, I guess, - belonged to the American group. This book here (Johann Most’s book) - I saw at the library in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ building. I have seen - that book sold at picnics by Hirschberger, at Socialistic picnics and - mass-meetings. At some of those meetings Spies, Parsons and Fielden - were present; sometimes Neebe, sometimes Schwab, maybe Fischer.” - -Counsel for defendants objected to this line of inquiry, because, -as they said, it is not shown that any of the defendants knew or -participated in the selling, or that they had anything to do with, or -that they saw the selling. This led to some words between court and -counsel: - - _The Court_—“If men are teaching the public how to commit murder, it - is admissible to prove it if it can be proved by items.” - - _Mr. Black_—“Well, does your Honor know what this teaches?” - - _The Court_—“I do not know what the contents of the book are. I asked - what the book was and I was told that it was Herr Most’s ‘Science of - Revolutionary Warfare,’ and taught the preparing of deadly weapons and - missiles, and that was accepted by the other side.” - - _Mr. Black_—“Does that justify your Honor in the construction that it - teaches how to commit murder, or of stating that in the presence of - the jury?” - -[Illustration: “Y—COME MONDAY EVENING.” - -Reduced _Fac-simile_, engraved direct from the Original Manuscript.] - - _The Court_—“.... I inquired what sort of book it was, and it was - stated by the other side what sort of book it was, and you said - nothing about it, so that in ruling upon the question whether it may - be shown where it was to be found, where it had been seen, I must take - the character of the book into consideration in determining whether it - is admissible; whether it is of that character or not we will see when - it is translated, I suppose. I suppose the book is not in the English - language.” - - “Where were the picnics at which you have seen this book sold?” asked - the State’s Attorney. - - “I saw this book sold at a picnic at Ogden’s Grove, on Willow Street, - on the North Side, in July of last year. There were present Spies, - Neebe, Parsons and Fielden. Also at a picnic at Sheffield, Indiana, - last September, where were present Spies, Neebe, Parsons and, I guess, - Fischer.” - -Fricke then identified copies of the _Alarm_, Parsons’ paper, the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_, the _Fackel_, the Sunday edition of that paper, and -the _Vorbote_, its weekly edition, of various dates from May 1st to May -5th. - -On cross-examination, he testified that he had never seen any of the -defendants sell Most’s books anywhere, not even at the Sheffield, -Indiana, picnic, where there were 2,000 people, and that all -communications to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ went through the hands of the -editor, Spies. - -EDMUND FURTHMANN testified as follows: - - “I am assistant in the State’s Attorney’s office. I was in the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office between eleven and twelve o’clock on the - 5th of May. All the matter shown to Mr. Fricke was obtained by me in - the typesetting-room of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, and has been in my - possession since then. The typesetting-room was full of desks and - cases of type, and there were several tables covered with stone, - and at every case there was a hook containing a lot of manuscript, - which I took away. I found the doors locked. I found some twenty or - twenty-five of the ‘Revenge’ circulars there.” - -On cross-examination he said: - - “A locksmith opened the door. We had no search warrant. We also - carried away two mail-bags from there. We placed all this manuscript - into them. Mr. Grinnell, the State’s Attorney, Officer Haas, Lieut. - Kipley and myself were in the party.” - -EUGENE SEEGER translated a paragraph in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of March -15 and testified that it read as follows: - - “‘Revolutionary Warfare has arrived, and is to be had through the - librarian, 107 Fifth Avenue, at the price of 10 cents.’ - -[Illustration: REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF HEADING OF THE FACKEL.] - - “This appears among what I would call, as a newspaper man, editorial - notices in the local column. These translations here (holding - typewriter copy, purporting to be the translation of certain - articles), are correct translations. There is an editorial here in the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of May 4 headed ‘Editorial.’ ‘Blood has flowed’ is - the first phrase of it. There is another article on the fourth page of - May 3, headed ‘A Hot Conflict.’ In the local column of May 4 a report - headed, ‘Lead and Powder is a Cure for Dissatisfied Workingmen.’ All - these articles were also translated by Professor Olson, of the Chicago - University. We compared notes and found the translations correct.” - -Assistant State’s Attorney Furthmann then read the translation of -Most’s volume. - -WILLIAM SELIGER testified: - - “I am a carpenter. Have lived in Chicago three years and a half. - Before that I lived at Charlottenburg, Germany. I was born at Eilau, - near Reichenbach, in Silesia. On May 4th last I lived at 442 Sedgwick - Street, in the rear of the lot. I occupied the second floor. Louis - Lingg, the defendant, boarded with me. On Monday, May 3, I worked - for Mr. Meyer. Quit work at half-past 4 P.M. In the evening of that - day I was at Zepf’s Hall, at a meeting of the Carpenters’ Union. I - was recording secretary of the union. I stayed there until half-past - eleven. I was not at the meeting at 54 West Lake Street that night. - I heard somebody call upon us, that all that knew should come to 54 - West Lake Street. This here (holding paper), ‘Y—Komme Montag Abend,’ - means that all the armed men should come to the meeting at 54 West - Lake Street. The armed men were divers ones—all the Socialistic - organizations. There were several organizations in existence which - were drilled in the use of arms. After I left Zepf’s Hall I took a - glass of beer in the saloon and then went to 71 West Lake Street - and took another glass of beer. Then I went home with several other - parties. I saw a copy of the ‘Revenge’ circular at Zepf’s Hall. - Balthasar Rau brought it to the meeting about nine o’clock. - - “On Tuesday I did not work at my trade. I got up at half-past seven, - and after I got up Lingg came. I had previously told him that I wanted - those things removed from my dwelling. He told me to work diligently - at these bombs, and they would be taken away that day. I took some - coffee, and after a time I worked at some shells, at some loaded - shells. I drilled holes through which the bolt went. A shell like this - (indicating shell introduced in evidence). I worked on the shells half - an hour. Lingg went to the West Side to a meeting. Got back probably - after one o’clock. He said: ‘I didn’t do much. I ought to have worked - more diligently.’ I said I hadn’t any pleasure at the work.” - - “What did Lingg reply?” - - “Lingg said, ‘Well, we will have to work very diligently this - afternoon.’ During the afternoon I did different work at the shells. - In the morning I had a conversation about the bolts. He told me he - had not enough of them. He gave me one and told me to go to Clybourn - Avenue and get some that he had already spoken to the man about. - I got about fifty. I worked at the bombs during the whole of the - afternoon at different times. Hubner, Muntzenberg, Heuman, were - helping. I worked in the front room, also in Lingg’s room and the - rear room. Lingg first worked at gas or water pipes, such as these - (indicating). There were probably thirty or forty or fifty bombs made - that afternoon. The round bombs had been cast once before by Lingg, - in the rear room, on my stove, probably six weeks previous to the 4th - of May. The first bomb I ever saw was in Lingg’s room. That was still - before that. At that time he told me he was going to make bombs. I saw - dynamite for the first time in Lingg’s room, about five or six weeks - previous to the 4th of May. Lingg said every workingman should get - some dynamite; that there should be considerable agitation; that every - workingman would learn to handle these things. During that Tuesday - afternoon Lingg said those bombs were going to be good fodder for the - capitalists and the police, when they came to protect the capitalists. - Nothing was said about when they wanted the bombs completed or ready. - I only told him that I wanted those things out of my room. There was - only a remark that they were to be used that evening, but nothing - positive as to time. I left the house at half-past eight that evening. - Hubner was at the house probably from four to six o’clock. I did not - see what he did. He worked in the front room with Lingg. I was in - Lingg’s room. Muntzenberg was there as long as Hubner. Thielen was - there half an hour—quite that. I did not see what he was doing. - - [Illustration: PLAN OF THE SELIGER RESIDENCE, USED IN EVIDENCE.] - - “The Lehmans were at the house for a little while. I did not see - what they were doing. They were in the front room. Heuman also - worked at the bombs. I left the house in the evening with Lingg. We - had a little trunk with bombs in. The trunk was probably two feet - long, one foot high and one foot wide. It was covered with coarse - linen. There were round and pipe bombs in it. They were loaded with - dynamite and caps fixed to them. I don’t know how many there were. - The trunk might have weighed from thirty to fifty pounds. We pulled - a stick, which Lingg had broken, through the handle. That is the way - we carried the trunk, which was taken to Neff’s Hall, 58 Clybourn - Avenue. On the way to Neff’s Hall, Muntzenberg met us. He took the - package into the building through the saloon on the side into the - hallway that led to the rear. After the bombs were put down into that - passageway, there were different ones there, three or four, who took - bombs out for themselves. I took two pipe bombs myself; carried them - in my pocket. We went away from Neff’s Hall and left the package in - that passage. The back of Neff’s Hall is known under the name of the - Communisten-Bude. Different Socialistic and Anarchistic organizations - met there. The North Side group met there. I heard that the Saxon Bund - met there. I don’t know any others that met there. When I left Neff’s - Hall, Thielen and Gustav Lehman were with me. Later two large men of - the L. u. W. V. came to us. I believe they all had bombs. We went on - Clybourn Avenue north towards Lincoln Avenue, to the Larrabee Street - Station, where we halted. Lingg and myself halted there. I don’t know - what had become of the others. Some went ahead of us. Lingg and I had - a conversation, that there should be made a disturbance everywhere - on the North Side to keep the police from going over to the West - Side. In front of the Larrabee Street Station Lingg said it might be - a beautiful thing if we would walk over and throw one or two bombs - into the station. There were two policemen sitting in front of the - station, and Lingg said if the others came out these two couldn’t do - much. We would shoot these two down. Then we went further north to - Lincoln Avenue and Larrabee Street, where we took a glass of beer. - Webster Avenue Station is near there. After we left the saloon we went - a few blocks north, then turned about and came back to North Avenue - and Larrabee Street. While we stood there a patrol wagon passed. We - were standing south of North Avenue and Larrabee Street. Lingg said - that he was going to throw a bomb—that was the best opportunity to - throw the bomb—and I said it would not have any purpose. Then he - became quite wild, excited; said I should give him a light. I was - smoking a cigar, and I jumped into a front opening before a store and - lighted a match, as if I intended to light a cigar, so I could not - give him a light. When I had lighted my cigar the patrol wagon was - just passing. Lingg said he was going to go after the wagon to see - what had happened, saying that something had certainly happened on - the West Side—some trouble. The patrol wagon was completely manned, - going south on Larrabee Street. We were four or five houses distant - from the station. Then I went into a boarding-house between Mohawk and - Larrabee Streets and lighted a cigar; then we went towards home. First - Lingg wanted to wait until the patrol wagon would come back, but I - importuned him to go home with me. We got home probably shortly before - eleven; I cannot tell exactly. On the way home Lingg asked me whether - I had seen a notice that a meeting of the armed men should be held on - the West Side. I said I had seen nothing. Lingg wanted to go out. I - took the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_; tore it into two parts. He took one, and - I one. Thereupon he said, ‘Here it is,’ and called my attention to the - word ‘Ruhe.’ This here is the same that I saw in my house. I did not - know the meaning of the word ‘Ruhe’ until the time I saw it. Lingg - said there was to have been a meeting on the West Side that night, and - he was going to go at once to it. ‘Ruhe’ meant that everything was to - go topsy-turvy; that there was to be trouble. He said that a meeting - had been held at which it was determined that the word ‘Ruhe’ should - go into the paper, when all armed men should appear at 54 West Lake - Street; that there should be trouble. After that talk we went away. - Lingg wanted to go to the West Side, and I talked with him to go with - me to 58 Clybourn Avenue. Lingg and I went there. There were several - persons present at Neff’s Hall. I did not speak with Lingg at Neff’s - Hall. A certain Hermann said to him, in an energetic tone of voice, - ‘You are the fault of it all.’ I did not hear what Lingg said to that. - They spoke in a subdued tone. Somebody said a bomb had fallen, which - had killed many and wounded many. I did not hear what Lingg said - to that. On the way home Lingg said that he was even now scolded, - chided for the work he had done. He got home shortly after twelve. - We laid the bombs off on our way on Sigel Street, between Sedgwick - and Hurlbut, under an elevated sidewalk. I laid two pipe bombs there. - I saw Lingg put some bombs there. I don’t know what kind. The next - morning I got up about six o’clock. I don’t know when Lingg got up. On - Wednesday evening, when Lingg got home, we spoke about the Haymarket - meeting. He said if the workingmen only had had the advantage of it - they would have gained the victory. Then we went together to a meeting - on Fifth Avenue, at Seamen’s Hall. - - ‘On Friday, I believe, before that Tuesday, the 4th of May, Lingg - brought some dynamite to the house in a wooden box about three feet - in length, about sixteen to eighteen inches in height, and about the - same width. Inside this box there was another box. The dynamite with - which we filled the bombs on Tuesday was in that large wooden box. - We handled the dynamite with our hands and with a flat piece of wood - which Lingg had made for more convenience. This here (indicating) is - the pan to cast those shells in. (Same offered in evidence.) Lingg - used to cast shells in them. Lingg once told me he had made eighty to - one hundred bombs in all. The bolts which I got on that Tuesday were - something like this (referring to bolt about two and one-half inches - long). - - “I am a member of the North Side group of the International - Workingmen’s Association. During the last year I was financial - secretary. My number was, at last, 72. Two years ago the members - began to be given numbers. I heard Engel make a speech to the North - Side group last winter at Neff’s Hall. He said that every one could - manufacture those bombs for themselves; that these pipes could be - found everywhere without cost; that they were to be closed up with - wooden plugs fore and aft, and that in one of the plugs was to be - drilled a hole for the fuse and cap. He said they were the best means - against the police and capitalists. I never heard him make any other - speech. - - “I saw two bombs at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ last year at the time of - the car-drivers’ strike. Rau showed them to some one. I don’t know - precisely who were present. Spies was there. It was in the evening. - There was one round bomb and one long one—not very long. I was at - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ as a delegate from the North Side group to the - meeting of the general committee of all the groups of Chicago. - - “I know Schwab and Neebe. They were members of the North Side group of - the Internationale. I know Fischer. He is a member of some group, but - I don’t know positively. Lingg belonged to the North Side group. Engel - belonged to a group, I cannot tell to which one. The North Side group - met every Monday evening. There were speeches made, or a review of - what had happened during the week. On Sundays some members exercised - with rifles. I don’t know how many members had rifles. Every one took - his own rifle home with him. I had a rifle. I kept it at my dwelling. - This book here (Herr Most’s book) I saw at public meetings of the - North Side group. Hubner had charge of them latterly. The North Side - group bought them and sold them. Hubner was the librarian. This here - (indicating photograph) is Rudolph Schnaubelt.” - -On cross-examination he gave the following testimony: - - “I was arrested after the 4th of May. I was kept at the Chicago - Avenue Station. The first time fully a week. Then I was on the West - Side three weeks and one day; then I went back to the station of - my own accord and stayed there voluntarily. Was locked up there - ever since. When first arrested I made a statement, but not of all - that I have testified to-day. I made a full statement of all that - I testified to here, at the Chicago Avenue Station. Capt. Schaack, - Mr. Furthmann and some detectives were present. That was after I had - been in prison seven days. The day after and the second day after. I - have made statements in writing, signed by me, three times. In the - first statement I had not said much. I have done no work, earned no - money, during the time I have been in jail. I received money from - Capt. Schaack; once a dollar and a half, at another time five dollars. - While I was at liberty I read in the paper that I was indicted for the - murder of Degan. I did not know before this case was begun that I was - not to be tried. I did not know whether I was going to be tried for - the murder of Degan along with Mr. Spies and the other defendants. - When the trial was commenced I did not inquire of any of the officers - why I was not brought out for trial. I did not know I was to be used - as a witness instead of being a defendant at this trial. Capt. Schaack - did not tell me anything about my trial. If I would come in and tell - the story which was in the written statement that I have signed—he - only told me that it would be the best if I would tell the truth, and - asked me whether I would tell the truth before the court, and I said - yes.” - -Seliger was then given a breathing-spell, and Mr. Buschick was -recalled. Buschick testified with regard to a map of the rear building -of No. 442 Sedgwick Street, and was excused. - -Seliger, continuing on cross-examination, said: - - “Lingg, I think, is twenty-one or twenty-two years old. He is not a - man of family. He has boarded with me since Christmas last. My house - where I lived on May 4th is about three-quarters of a mile distant - from the Haymarket. When Lingg and I, on Tuesday night at eleven - o’clock, after we had seen the word ‘Ruhe’ in the paper, spoke about - going over to the West Side, we meant Zepf’s Hall, or Greif’s Hall, - or Florus’ Hall. One of those halls was certainly meant, for there - is no other place. It was not understood or agreed between me and - any other men who had the bombs that night at Clybourn Avenue, that - any one of us was to go to the Haymarket meeting. I know that Capt. - Schaack paid my wife money at different times since my arrest. I don’t - know how much. I think $20 or $25. Lingg had made the same remark - about bombs being the best food for capitalists and police before - that Tuesday afternoon. When he brought the first bomb into the house - he said they were to be applied on occasions of strikes, and where - there were meetings of workingmen and were disturbed by the police. On - that Tuesday afternoon we agreed to go to Clybourn Avenue that night, - before the bombs were done. It was said that the bombs were to be - taken to Clybourn Avenue that evening. I don’t believe it was agreed - that the bombs were to be taken anywhere else than Clybourn Avenue. - When they were taken to Clybourn Avenue, I don’t know whether they - were to remain there, or were to be taken to further places. There was - no agreement as to where the bombs should be taken after they got to - Clybourn Avenue. I did not hear anything about an agreement that any - of the bombs manufactured on the afternoon of May 4th were to be taken - by anybody to the Haymarket; we were not making bombs to take to the - Haymarket and destroy the police. They were to be taken to Clybourn - Avenue for use on that evening. I can not say that one single bomb was - made for use at the Haymarket meeting. They were made everywhere to - be used against capitalists and the police. I cannot say who had the - bomb at the Haymarket on the night of May 4th. I don’t know anybody - who was expected to be at the Haymarket. I became acquainted with - Lingg in August of last year. I saw Engel once last year in the office - of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, and again at the meeting of the North Side - group. I did not see whether the bombs which I saw last summer at the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ building were loaded. The room where I saw them - was the library-room that belonged to the International Workingmen’s - Association. The bombs were below the counter. I never saw any bombs - in the office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, neither in the editorial room - nor the printing-room, nor in the office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. - The office is the front room. This library-room is in the rear. I saw - those bombs in the rear room. I don’t know precisely whether that - library-room is a part of the office, or whether it is rented as a - library-room. I believe that it belonged to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. - Those drills on Sunday, of which I spoke, were in the daytime. We - kept our guns at home, in broad daylight, and in the presence of our - neighbors, or any one who might be on the streets, walked to the hall - on Sunday and drilled. We had a shooting society. We went to the - Sharpshooters’ Park or to the prairie to exercise. We used to meet and - march publicly on the streets with our guns exposed. We didn’t try to - keep it away from the police force that we had arms and drilled and - marched. I knew that I was indicted for conspiracy and for murder. I - did not employ the services of any lawyer. The only lawyers that I - talked with were Mr. Grinnell and Mr. Furthmann.” - -On re-direct examination witness stated: - - “During the time I was at liberty I went to the West Side to the house - of Mr. Gloom, on Twenty-second Street. I stayed with him two weeks and - one day. He is not a Socialist. I went there from fear of revenge by - the Socialists.” - -MRS. BERTHA SELIGER testified as follows: - - “I have lived in this country two years. Am the wife of William - Seliger. We lived at 442 Sedgwick Street from the 12th of October - to the 19th of May. I have known Louis Lingg since two weeks before - Christmas. He came to us to board with us. He boarded with us until - May. He took his meals with us and slept in the house. We occupied - the middle floor of that house. His room was next to the front room, - and there was a door opening into a clothes closet. Shortly before - May 1st I saw some bombs as Lingg was about to hide them—about half - a dozen lying on the bed. They were round bombs and long ones. After - Lingg had left the house I did not see any more of them; they were all - gone. On the Tuesday on which the bomb was thrown at the Haymarket - there were several men at our house. About six or eight. Perhaps more. - Those I knew were Hubner, Heuman, Thielen, Lingg and my husband. I - think they were there until past seven o’clock. They were going and - coming during most of the afternoon. They were in the front room and - in Lingg’s room, working at bombs. I saw Heuman working and filling at - them. What the others were doing I don’t know. I was in the kitchen, - and when supper was ready I went into the bed-room. I was so mad I - could have thrown them all out. I frequently saw Lingg make bombs. I - always saw him cast. I did not pay any particular attention. I simply - saw him melt lead on the cooking-stove in my house—twice with Heuman, - once with my husband and Thielen, and frequently he worked by himself. - He said to us: ‘Don’t act so foolishly. You might do something too.’ - On Monday, the day before the bomb was thrown, Lingg was away. In the - morning some young fellows had come and had their names entered on the - list of the union, and then he was writing pretty much all day. - - “On Wednesday, the day after the bomb was thrown, Lingg was at home in - the forenoon. That was the day on which he wanted to hide those bombs - in the clothes closet, and Lehman was with him. I heard some knocking, - and I went in, and I said to him: ‘Mr. Lingg, what are you doing - there? I will not suffer that,’—and he was tearing everything loose - below, and he sent that man Lehman after wall-paper, and he wanted - to cover up everything afterwards—nail up everything afterwards. He - had the wall-paper already there, and he said to me: ‘I suppose you - are crazy. You ought to have said before you wouldn’t suffer that, - that I would have looked for a place where I am allowed to do that.’ - He was tearing up things all around about in the closet, and he had - loosened the baseboards and taken out the mortar. He said if he needed - something he couldn’t first go to the West Side to get it. On the - Friday following, on the 7th of May, he left my house. Lingg had a - trunk which he kept in his bed-room. This instrument (referring to - ladle identified by William Seliger) Lingg was always casting with.” - -On cross-examination Mrs. Seliger stated: - - “I have been locked up on account of this bomb business—on account of - Lingg—by Capt. Schaack. The first time I was there from Saturday to - Tuesday. Of course it was Lingg’s fault that I got locked up. I talked - with Capt. Schaack about this matter several times. I was locked up - twice. Capt. Schaack paid my rent. I made no memoranda of the money I - received from Capt. Schaack. He gave me money at different times, from - the time I made my statement down to the present time. He paid my rent - and gave me so much money with which to live. When I said to Lingg - that I wouldn’t allow that wall-paper to be put into the closet, and - ‘what would the landlord say when he comes,’ Lingg said, ‘Well, then, - I will say to him that I will not dirty my clothes.’ Those boards were - about a foot high from the floor. The closet did not reach up as far - as the ceiling. He intended to put those things in the wall. There was - nothing in at that time. I stopped him at that juncture. I don’t like - Mr. Lingg very well, because he always had wrong things in his head. I - blame him for me and my husband having been locked up. My husband and - myself talked this thing over together. I said to my husband, ‘I will - tell the truth, and you tell it also.’ Capt. Schaack told us we had - better tell it. I am forty years old. - - “I was locked up in the Larrabee Street Station, and my husband was - in the Chicago Avenue Station. I never occupied the same cell with my - husband while under arrest. I only heard after I came out again that - my husband was arrested in another station. While I was arrested I - didn’t see my husband. No one came to see me. I told that story, and - then they turned me out. When arrested the second time they kept me - from Monday until Friday. I made the same statement as at first and - signed it, and then they turned me out again. The second time I was - arrested they brought a statement, which they said my husband had - made, and asked me to sign it, and I put my name below that of my - husband’s, and then they turned me out. My husband was a Socialist - before he got acquainted with Lingg.” - -MARSHALL H. WILLIAMSON, reporter for the _Daily News_, witnessed -the procession of the Socialists in 1885 at the time of the opening -of the Board of Trade building, and was also present at No. 107 -Fifth Avenue, from which place they started, and where they finally -separated. He heard Parsons and Fielden speak from the windows of the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office. Said the witness: - - “Parsons spoke of the police interfering with them in marching on - the Board of Trade that night. He called the police bloodhounds and - called on the mob to follow him in an assault on Marshall Field’s dry - goods house and various clothing-houses, and take from there what he - called the necessities of life. They spoke from the second floor. - There were about 1,000 people in front of the building. Fielden in - his speech also called upon the mob to follow them, and he agreed to - lead them to rob these places or go into them and take from them what - they needed in the way of clothing and dry goods. They both said that - the new Board of Trade was built out of money of which they had been - robbed; that all the men who transacted business there were robbers - and thieves, and that they ought to be killed. Nothing was said in the - speeches as to the means or mode of killing. Later I went up-stairs. - I saw Fielden and Parsons and some others whose names I didn’t know. - I didn’t know Spies at that time, but remember of seeing him there. I - asked Parsons why they didn’t march upon the Board of Trade and blow - it up. He said because the police had interfered, and they had not - expected that and were not prepared for them. I told him I had seen - revolvers exhibited by some in the procession. He told me when they - met the police they would be prepared with bombs and dynamite. Mr. - Fielden was standing at his elbow at the time. He said the next time - the police attempted to interfere with them, they would be prepared - for them. That would be in the course of a year or so. Spies was in - the room. It was the front room of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office. - Spies was not standing immediately with the party. I was shown what - they told me was a dynamite cartridge. The package was about six or - seven inches long, and an inch and a half or two inches in diameter. - It was wrapped in a piece of paper. The paper was broken. After I had - conversed with Mr. Parsons a while, he took out of the broken place a - small portion of the contents. It was of a slightly reddish color, and - he again said it was dynamite, and that was what they would use when - they went against the police; he also said he had enough of that where - he could put his hands on it to blow up the business center of the - city. I was shown a coil of fuse about fifteen or twenty feet; also a - fulminating cap by which they said dynamite bombs were exploded. The - cap was exploded in the room while I was there. It made quite a noise - and filled the room with smoke. It was copper and about an inch long - and perhaps one-eighth of an inch in diameter—about the size of a No. - 22 cartridge cap. Mr. Parsons called for these articles. They were in - a drawer in a desk, and Mr. Spies handed them to him to be shown to - me. Parsons told me they were preparing for a fight for their rights; - that they believed they were being robbed every day by capitalists - and the thieving Board of Trade men. He said it must stop. He told me - that they had bombs, dynamite and plenty of rifles and revolvers, and - he said their manner of warfare would be to throw their bombs from - the tops of houses and stores, and in that way they could annihilate - any force of militia or police brought against them without any harm - to themselves. After this conversation I went down-stairs, where I - met Detectives Trehorn and Sullivan. I was acquainted with them. I - took them up-stairs and renewed the conversation with Mr. Parsons, - and left him talking with the police officers. The conversation I had - had with Mr. Parsons was in effect repeated with the police officers - in my presence. The officers were in citizens’ clothes. The red flags - in that procession were carried by some women. I was at 54 West Lake - Street, in some of the halls there, on several occasions, within a - year before the opening of the Board of Trade. That is where I got - acquainted with Parsons and Fielden. I heard them speak there. That - was during the winter months of 1884 and 1885. Mr. Fielden, on one - occasion, wanted them to follow him to those clothing stores and - grocery stores and some other places and get what they needed to - support their families. He told them to purchase dynamite. He said - that five cents’ worth of dynamite carried around in the vest pocket - would do more good than all the revolvers and pistols in the world. - Mr. Parsons also told them they were being robbed, and offered to lead - them to the grocery stores and other places to get what they wanted. - That is all I remember of those speeches. I heard them some eight or - ten times. There were never over between ten and twenty-five people - present.” - -On cross-examination witness stated: - - “The first of these meetings I attended was about two years ago. I - wrote reports of those meetings, which I think were published in - the _Daily News_ in each instance the day following, in the morning - edition. The circulation of the _Daily News_, about a year and a half - and two years ago, was, I think, 121,000 per day, as claimed by the - paper. - - “When I went to the meetings at 54 West Lake Street I had no trouble - to get in. The meetings were held in the front rooms on the top floor. - There were no guards at the door. I simply went in and sat down and - took my notes publicly. Fielden and Parsons learned very soon that - I was a reporter on the _Daily News_. Those speeches of Parsons and - Fielden which I related were made at the first meeting I attended. - When Fielden suggested the five cents’ worth of dynamite carried in - the vest pocket, he gave no instructions whatever on the subject of - how to carry or use it. The proposal to go out to Marshall Field’s - and some clothing store was a proposal for immediate action. He did - not start, however. After he got through with his talk and proposal, - he sat down until the meeting was over. The meeting quietly dispersed - and went home. I did not see that army of less than twenty-five men - start for Field’s that night, or upon any subsequent occasion. I heard - that same proposal at every single meeting I attended at 54 West - Lake Street and 700 and something West Indiana Street, and various - other places. I do not think there was ever over twenty-five present - at their meetings in halls. I have seen larger numbers of people at - open-air meetings. Sometimes the attendance did not exceed about ten - men. The same proposition was made when there were only ten persons - present. - - “In that procession on the night of the opening of the Board of Trade - I marched at the head. After Mr. Parsons had finished his speech from - the window of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office that night, in which - he proposed to lead the multitude against those stores, he quietly - went back into the room, and I entered into a conversation with - him. Mr. Fielden, after he had got through proposing, joined in the - conversation with Mr. Parsons and myself. He didn’t go down to the - street and lead anybody anywhere, either. The proposals that night, - both by Fielden and Parsons, were proposals for immediate action, - but they simply proposed to, and then gracefully retired from the - window. There were about twenty people in the room. Among them, I - think, was Mr. Spies. There were two reporters besides myself there. - I think both Fielden and Parsons knew me as a reporter at the time. I - presume they knew I was connected with the _Daily News_. Parsons never - manifested any reluctance in detailing to me what he did; but in one - conversation he refused to reveal the remainder of their plans. I saw - some three or four revolvers in that procession. I don’t know who had - them. There were not to exceed five hundred people in the procession. - I saw two revolvers in the right-hand side coat pocket, and two more - in the hip pocket, carried by four persons. I have informed various - police officers of what I have seen and heard regarding these people. - I had frequent conversations with police officers of Chicago. I think - there were about four women in that procession carrying banners. There - were about half a dozen women in the room while they spoke from the - windows. I think some women spoke from the same windows to the same - mob. I think the meetings which I attended were regularly advertised - in the _Daily News_.” - -On re-direct examination, Williamson was asked by the State’s Attorney: -“You were about to say something about some interview that you had with -Parsons in regard to the plans, also in regard to leaders and privates -in their army. Will you please state what that was?” - - “Parsons told me there were some 3,000 armed Socialists in the city of - Chicago, well armed with rifles and revolvers, and would have dynamite - and bombs when they got ready to use them; that they were meeting and - drilling at various halls in the city. He refused to give me a list of - those halls. He refused to tell me where they bought rifles. He said - the society was divided into groups, and that they knew each other - by twos and threes. He showed me an article in the _Alarm_, I think, - about street warfare. In that connection I think he told me it was - their intention to occupy the Market Place and the Washington Street - tunnel, and in that position they could successfully encounter any - force that could be brought against them.” - -On re-cross-examination witness related: - - “There was nobody present when I had that conversation with Mr. - Parsons. I think it was after New Year’s day of 1885, in the winter. I - did not ask him how they managed to drill if they only knew each other - by twos and threes. He said that in that organization of 3,000 no man - knew more than two or three others.” - -JOHN SHEA, Lieutenant of Police, and at the head of the detective -force, testified about the search of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office and -proceeded: - - “I know a man that is called Rudolph Schnaubelt. He was in the station - a couple of days after the arrest of those other gentlemen. This here - (indicating photograph) I recognize as Schnaubelt’s picture. When I - saw him he had a mustache. I had a conversation with Mr. Spies at - police headquarters, in my office, after he was arrested. We had a - conversation about that manuscript referred to by me. I asked Spies - if he was at the meeting at the Haymarket. He said he was; that he - opened the meeting; that Schwab was there, but that he understood - he went to Deering. He said Parsons was there, and Fielden; that - both spoke there—Fielden at the time the police came. He said he - spoke at a meeting on May 3, near McCormick’s factory, and some of - the parties there in the rear had commenced to halloa, and said, - ‘Let’s go to McCormick’s,’ and they had started, and most of the - crowd had started with them. Spies said he had heard later what had - happened at McCormick’s; that he had got on a street car and come down - town. I asked him if he knew anything about that circular that was - circulated on the street. I don’t remember that I had present with me - the circular which I referred to during that conversation. He said - he did not know anything about the circular, but heard that it had - been circulated. I asked him if he wrote this manuscript (indicating - manuscript previously produced). Mr. Grinnell was sitting in the - office at the time. Spies said, ‘I refuse to answer.’ Then Mr. Spies - said he was the editor there. I said, ‘Now, would not anything of that - kind be likely to go through your hands before it would go to print?’ - He said, ‘I refuse to answer.’ - - “I had a conversation with Fischer the next day. He said that on - the night of May 4 he and several others, Schwab, Fielden, were at - a meeting in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office; that Rau brought word - to the meeting that there was a large crowd at the Haymarket, that - Spies was there and very few speakers; and they immediately started - to the Haymarket. He said he didn’t hear Spies, but heard Fielden and - Parsons. That pistol and dagger he had had to protect himself. He - had not had it with him that night. It was in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - office. On Wednesday morning he had put it on because he didn’t intend - to stay. He was going away. That fulminating cap he had got from a man - in front of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office some three months before - that. He had never paid any attention to it. He had made the sharpened - dagger himself for his own protection. - - “In the conversation with Spies, my recollection is that he said he - got on the wagon, and said something to Parsons or Fielden about its - going to rain, and left the wagon. I don’t recollect where he said - he went to. Fischer said he was at Zepf’s Hall at the time of the - explosion.” - -FRED. L. BUCK was called to testify with reference to some experiments -he had made with dynamite which he had received from the detectives’ -office. He had gone to the lake front with Officer McKeough and another -officer and a newspaper reporter and there made several tests, all of -which demonstrated the immense force of the dynamite. - -Lieut. GEORGE W. HUBBARD, now Superintendent of the force, had charge -of the company that composed the third division at the Haymarket. Being -a large company, it was divided into two, he himself commanding one -wing and Sergt. (now Capt.) Fitzpatrick, who was drill master, being in -command of the other. - - “I was about four feet behind Stanton’s and Bowler’s companies. My - company was about six feet behind me. I could hear the sound of the - voices at the wagon, but couldn’t hear exactly what was said. I saw - the bomb when it was about six feet from the ground—a little tail - of fire quivering as it fell not more than six feet in front of me. - The bomb immediately exploded, and as far as I could see the entire - division in front of me disappeared, except the two ends; but a great - many of them got up again in a kind of disorder, and then I flanked - the left of the division. There was no firing before the explosion of - that bomb. The firing began almost immediately on both sides of the - street and north of me. I, being on the left, rushed my division of - the company right around toward the sidewalk, and commenced answering - the charge from that quarter, and Fitzpatrick went the other way, - to the east, and he commenced shooting right into the crowd on the - sidewalk, faced them right and left. In our company we had our regular - revolvers in our pockets, and we had a larger revolver in the sockets - attached to our belts, on the outside. The club in the socket and the - revolver in the socket were both hanging to the left side of each - officer. Pistols and clubs were all in the pockets until the explosion - of the bomb.” - -S. J. WERNEKE, police officer, who was hit with a bullet in the head -at the Haymarket, testified that he heard Engel at 703 Milwaukee -Avenue in February, 1886, “advise every man in the audience to join -them, and urged the people to save up three or four dollars to buy a -revolver that was good enough to shoot these policemen down. I was at -the Haymarket in Lieut. Steele’s company. Got hit with a bullet in the -head.” - -JOHN J. RYAN next took the witness-stand. He testified: - - “I am a retired officer of the United States navy. Live at 274 - North Clark Street. Lived in Chicago for three years. Have seen the - defendants Spies, Neebe, Parsons, Fielden and Schwab on the occasion - of their Sunday afternoon meetings during the summer of last year and - the year previous. I heard some of them speak there, namely, Spies, - Parsons and Fielden, in the English language. I can only designate - particularly two meetings, one previous to the picnic they had last - year, and one on the Sunday directly after it. That was in July of - last year, I think. I cannot say that I saw Mr. Spies at either of - those meetings. Mr. Parsons I remember at one of them.” - - “State what he said,” put in the State’s Attorney. - - “He was speaking in a general way,” said the witness, “about trouble - with the workingmen and the people, what he called the proletariat - class, and spoke about their enemies, the police and the constituted - authorities; that the authorities would use the police and militia and - they would have to use force against them. He advised them to purchase - rifles. If they had not money enough for that, then to buy pistols, - and if they couldn’t buy pistols they could buy sufficient dynamite - for twenty-five cents to blow up a building the size of the Pullman - building?” - - “What, if anything, did you hear Fielden say at that meeting?” - - “The speeches were very nearly alike; they spoke about dynamite and - fire-arms to be used against the police, and any one who opposed - them in their designs; they wanted things their way and to regulate - society. The speeches were alike Sunday after Sunday. I heard Spies - speak on the lake front before and after the meetings I mention; - he represented, as he said, the oppressed class, the workingmen, - as opposed to the capitalists and property-owners; the latter were - the enemy of the workingmen; if they couldn’t get their rights in - a peaceable manner they must get them in a forcible way. I heard - that talk about ten or fifteen times; the meetings were held there - every Sunday until late in the fall. After the picnic, Mr. Parsons, - I think—I won’t be sure of that—spoke about the young German - experimenting with dynamite at this picnic; that this young German - had a small quantity of dynamite in a tomato-can; it was thrown into - a pond or lake, and he spoke of the force this amount of dynamite - exerted, and what could be done with it in destroying buildings and - property in the city.” - -On cross-examination Mr. Ryan stated: - - “Those lake front meetings were held publicly in plain view to - everybody in every instance. The largest number of persons I ever saw - attend one of these meetings was not more than 150. The meetings that - I attended usually lasted two or three hours. I heard two or three - other persons speak on the lake front at those meetings—Mr. Henry, - Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Holmes, and, one Sunday, a young Englishman whose - name I did not hear; also an Irishman whose name I never heard. The - meetings were held about half past two. The speeches were made in a - loud, clear tone, sometimes very loud when they would get excited. - A policeman who evidently had charge of the park was usually around - there. It was a general propagation of ideas and doctrines, down there - on the lake front. Once I heard Mr. Parsons say that now was the time - to do it. I heard the opinion expressed there that the workingmen - would have to secure their rights by force, and therefore should be - prepared for it.” - -[Illustration: Fig. 1. - -Fig. 2. - -1. Package left at Judge Tree’s house. - -2. Package left at C. B. & Q. offices.] - -HARRY WILKINSON, a reporter for the _Daily News_, testified as follows: - - “On Thanksgiving Day, last year, I heard Mr. Parsons speak on the - Market Square. He advised the workingmen who were present (there - were several hundred there), to stand together, and to use force in - procuring their rights. He told them that they were slaves; that out - of a certain sum of money the per cent. they got was too small; it - ought to be more evenly divided with the man who employed them. I - don’t recollect that he said at that time anything as to the means or - manner of force to be used, or against whom. - - “Last January I had several conversations with Mr. Spies, probably - half a dozen. I first saw Mr. Spies a few days after the 1st of - January of this year in regard to the matter published in this paper - (indicating copy of Chicago _Daily News_ of January 13, 1886). I wrote - up the result of my talk with Mr. Spies for that paper; it was not - all published. I inquired of Spies about an explosive which had been - placed on Judge Lambert Tree’s steps, and one that was placed in the - Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad offices, and he emphatically - denied that those machines were either made or placed by Socialists - or Anarchists, and proved it by showing me that they were entirely - different in character to those used by the Socialists. He showed me - this bomb (indicating), which he described as the Czar; I took it with - me. He spoke of the wonderful destructive power of the Czar bomb; said - it was the same kind that had been used by Nihilists in destroying - the Czar. I told him that I thought it was a pretty tall story, and - he became somewhat excited and produced this, and said that there - were others, larger than that, run by mechanical power—clock-work - bombs—and he gave me that in a small room adjoining the counting-room - office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. He denied that those things were - made at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office; he said they were made by - other persons and that there were several thousand of them in Chicago - distributed, and that at some times they were distributed through the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office; that those who could make bombs made more - than they could use, and those that could make them gave them to those - that could not; that that one was one of the samples. I asked Mr. - Spies if I could take that (the bomb) and show it to Mr. Stone, and I - took it over there and didn’t bring it back. On another occasion, Mr. - Spies and Mr. Gruenhut and myself went to dinner together, and he told - us there about the organization of their people in a rather boastful - manner; how they had gone out on excursions on nice summer mornings, - some miles out of the city, and practiced throwing these bombs; the - manner of exploding them; that they had demonstrated that bombs made - of compound metal were much better than the other kind, and that a - fuse bomb with a detonating cap inside was by far the best; and how - at one attempt made in his presence one of their machines had been - exploded in the midst of a little grove, and that it had entirely - demolished the scenery; blown down four or five trees. - - [Illustration: SOCIALISTIC BOMBS, - - As illustrated in _Daily News_ of Jan. 14, 1886, from specimens shown - and description given by August Spies.] - - He further described to me some very tall and very strong men, who - could throw a large-size bomb weighing five pounds, fifty paces; and - stated how, in case of a conflict with the police or militia, when - the latter would come marching up a street, they would be received - by the throwers formed in the shape of the letter V in the mouth - of the street just crossing the intersection, illustrating this by - taking some little toothpicks out of a vase on the table, laying them - down and making a street intersection. He stated the militia would - probably not stay to see a second or a third bomb go off. If the - conflict should occur at any of the principal street intersections in - the city, some of those organized men would be on the tops of houses - ready to throw bombs overboard among the advancing troops or police. - All these matters had been investigated; the men were all thoroughly - trained and organized. The means of access to the house-tops of - street intersections was a matter of common information among their - adherents. He said they had no leaders; one was instructed as well as - another, and when the great day came each one would know his duty and - do it. I tried to find out when this would probably occur, and he did - not fix the date precisely or approximately at that time. At another - of those interviews he said it would probably occur in the first - conflict between the police and the strikers; that if there would be a - universal strike for this eight-hour system there would probably be a - conflict of some sort brought about in some way between the First and - Second Regiment of the Illinois National Guards and the police, and - the dynamite upon the other hand. In trying to get at the probable - number of them, I understood him that there were probably eight or ten - thousand. - - “He spoke of other larger bombs, as large as a cigar-box, to be - exploded by electricity, which would be placed under a street in case - they decided to barricade any section of the city, that they had - experimented with. That certain members of the organization had in - their possession a complete detail, maps and plans of the underground - system of the city. That these machines would either destroy everybody - that was above them when they went off, or so tear up the street - as to make it impassable. He told me that the ordinary dynamite of - commerce was about a 60 or 66 per cent. dynamite; that they made a - finer quality by importing infusorial earth and mixing it themselves; - that was about a 90 per cent. quality. He showed me no dynamite. I - don’t think he gave me any information about Herr Most’s ‘Science of - Revolutionary Warfare.’ I understood that the object of all this was - the bettering of the workingmen’s condition by the demolition of their - oppressors. He vaguely spoke of a list of prominent citizens who might - suddenly be blown up one at a time or all at once. I frequently said - that I didn’t believe much in the story he told me. He simply uttered - the renewed declarations. - -[Illustration: CHART OF STREET WARFARE. - -As published in _Daily News_, Jan. 14, 1886.] - - “I had this conversation with Spies in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ at - his own desk, on the left-hand side as you entered the door in the - editorial room. Mr. Schwab was there once or twice when I was in. I - was not acquainted with him personally. The conversations which I have - chiefly detailed here took place in the Chicago Oyster House and in - a little room detached from the counting-room down-stairs where he - kept those specimen bombs. He got this bomb from one of those little - pigeonholes in that room. - - “He particularly mentioned the Market Square, and that it would take - a very few men to fortify that street against all the police and - militia in Chicago, and that they would have the tunnel at their back - for a convenient place of retreat for those who were not engaged in - throwing the shells, or for women and children whom they might care - to take there. They were to receive the police or militia with their - line formed in the shape of a letter V, the open end of the letter V - facing toward the street intersection. Then there were to be others to - reinforce them, as it were, on the tops of houses, at those corners. - The plan here in this copy of the _Daily News_ of January 14th, I drew - from one that he made right on the table cloth as we sat at dinner - together, except that he did not put in these little squares, but - explained to me where these would be, and laid toothpicks to make - these lines. Those dotted lines and the other dotted lines are to - represent the dynamiters on tops of houses.” - -On cross-examination Mr. Wilkinson testified: - - “I got leave of Mr. Spies to carry the bomb off and show it to Mr. - Stone. I am now twenty-six years old. Have been in the newspaper - business about four years. I came to Chicago in September of last - year. I was assigned to this work with Mr. Spies by Mr. Stone - personally. I advised Mr. Spies of that fact. The circulation of the - _Daily News_, according to its official statistics, was about 165,000. - After that conversation in the presence of Joe Gruenhut, I had also an - interview with Gruenhut. Mr. Gruenhut said that the conflict to which - our conversation referred at the table would occur probably on the - 1st of May, or within a few days thereafter, and that it might extend - all over the country. He spoke of the conflict between the workingmen - who were to strike for eight hours and their natural enemies, the - police and militia. I don’t remember that anything was said about the - capitalists. The Haymarket was not mentioned. - - “I did not take any notes while the conversation with Mr. Spies was - going on. I wrote them up the first opportunity I afterwards had. - Spies said, as near as I could calculate, that they had about 9,000 - bombs. As to those tall men who could throw a five-pound bomb fifty - paces, my recollection is that it was a company referred to, without - number. There were four or five only of that company, as I understood, - who could throw a five-pound bomb—that is a large-sized shell—and - fifty yards is a long distance to throw a shell. He described the - character of the organizations; that if there were three the first - would know the second and the second the third, but not the third the - first; that it was Nihilistic in its character, and that they were - known by other means than names. I don’t think I asked Spies about - how many men were interested in this project that were drilling and - getting ready. I don’t recollect his saying anything about that, but - I concluded that there were as many men as there were bombs, or more. - There was some delay of about three or four days in the publication of - my article after it was prepared. - - “I did not believe all Spies said. I believed about half of it. The - article written by me is wound up by the suggestion that when dressed - to cold facts it was like a scarecrow flapping in the corn-field. I - did not write that. That was edited by some one who told me he didn’t - believe as much of the matter as I did. I remember a communication - from Mr. Spies in the _Daily News_, after this article. I think I - helped ‘fix it up,’ put a head-line on it. The original was then used - as copy. I never saw it afterwards. Joe Gruenhut is a Socialist.” - -GUSTAV LEHMAN gave his testimony as follows: - - “I am a carpenter. On May 4th I lived at 41 Freeman Street. I lived - there six months. Have been in this country and in this city four - years. I was born in Prussia. I attended a meeting at 54 West Lake - Street on the evening of May 3d. Got there a quarter of nine. I went - there from my home by myself. I was about to go to a carpenters’ - meeting at Zepf’s Hall, but I met several persons who were going to 54 - West Lake Street. I saw a copy of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ containing - the notice ‘Y—Komme Montag Abend.’ It meant that the armed ones - should attend the meeting at 54 West Lake Street. When I got there the - meeting was in session. Somebody made a motion to post somebody at the - door, and then I went out to the sidewalk, by the door, that no one - who was going to the water-closet could remain there and listen. I was - stationed on the sidewalk, where the steps were leading down, maybe a - good half hour. I went into the meeting twice. I heard that large man, - with the blonde mustache, say he was going to have hand-bills printed - and distributed. There were present at the meeting Seliger, Thielen, - myself, my brother, Fischer, Breitenfeld and the Hermanns. That is - about all I remember. I don’t know how Engel looks. - - [Illustration: INTERIOR PLAN OF GREIF’S HALL.] - - “I cannot tell whether Lingg was in the basement, but he went home - with me. We had a little quarrel. Lingg came up to us from behind, on - the sidewalk, and said to us, ‘You are all oxen, fools.’ I asked him - what had taken place at the meeting, where we were just coming from. - Lingg told me that if I wanted to know something I should come to - 58 Clybourn Avenue the next evening. There were present Seliger, my - brother, and one other man. The next day I worked on Sedgwick Street. - After I quit work, at three o’clock, I met a gentleman, Schneideke, - and we went to Lingg’s. Got there about five o’clock. I saw there - Lingg, Seliger, and a blacksmith, whose name I don’t know, and - Hubner. I stayed there about ten minutes. They did some work in the - bed-room. I couldn’t understand what they were doing. I did not work - at anything. Lingg and Huebner had a cloth tied around their faces. I - had gone there because my countryman wanted to buy a revolver. After - I left I went home with my countryman. At about seven o’clock I went - back to Lingg’s, and stayed there perhaps ten minutes. They were still - busy in the bed-room. Hubner was cutting a fuse, or a coil of fuse, - into pieces. I saw something like that fuse (indicating a coil of - fuse) and caps. I didn’t do anything there. They were making these - fuse and caps in the front room. That afternoon Lingg gave me a small - hand satchel, with a tin box in it, and three round bombs, and two - coils of fuse and some caps. This here (indicating) is the box which - he gave me. It was said that dynamite was in it. It was nearly full. - This box of caps (indicating) I found afterwards in the satchel. - Lingg said to me he wanted me to keep these things so that no one - could find them. I took them home with me, to the wood-shed; got up at - three o’clock that night and carried them away to the prairie, about - Clybourn Avenue, behind Ogden’s Grove. - - “After supper on that Tuesday evening I was about to go to Uhlich’s - Hall, but there was no carpenters’ meeting there. Then I was about to - go home, but we went to 58 Clybourn Avenue, Neff’s Hall, because of - what Lingg had told us Monday night. Schneideke was with me. We stayed - at Neff’s Hall about ten minutes. We got there about half past nine. I - did not see anybody there whom I knew but the barkeeper. After leaving - Neff’s Hall we went up Clybourn Avenue to Larrabee Street. We had no - special place in view. I got home about eleven o’clock. We met Seliger - and Lingg standing together on the sidewalk on Larrabee Street, near - Clybourn Avenue. We stood there with them, but one—I don’t know - whether it was Seliger or Lingg—remarked: ‘We four should not keep - together.’ Then we went towards North Avenue, along Larrabee Street. - Near North Avenue we met Thielen. I afterwards went to the prairie - with a detective, about May 19th or 20th, to find the things that - Lingg had given me. The bombs and the dynamite, the fuse and the caps - were still there.” - - “Have you ever been a member of any Socialistic organization?” - - “I have been a member of the North Side Group of the International - Workingmen’s Association. I belonged to the group about three months - prior to the 4th of May. The group met at 58 Clybourn Avenue, - regularly, every Monday evening. We talked together there, advised - together, and reviewed what had happened among the workingmen during - the week. We had hunting-guns and shot-guns with which we drilled. I - kept my gun at my house.” - - “Did you ever attend a dance at Florus’ Hall?” - - “Yes, about March of this year. It was a ball of the Carpenters’ - Union. Lingg was present there. There was about ten or ten and a half - dollars’ profit on the beer. The money, according to a resolution - passed at the next meeting of the Carpenters’ Union, at 71 West Lake - Street, was handed over to Lingg, with the instruction to buy dynamite - with it, and experiment with it to find out how it was used. I heard - Engel make a speech at 58 Clybourn Avenue, about January or February - of this year, before the assembled workingmen of the North Side. He - said those who could not buy revolvers should buy dynamite. It was - cheap and easily handled. A gas-pipe was to be taken and a wooden - plug put into the ends, and it was to be filled with dynamite. Then - the other end is also closed up with a wooden plug, and old nails are - tied around the pipe by means of wire. Then a hole is bored into one - end of it, and a fuse with a cap is put into that hole. I was chairman - at that meeting. Engel said some gas-pipe was to be found on the West - Side, near the river, near the bridge.” - -On cross-examination Lehman stated: - - “The meeting at which Engel spoke was a public, open-door meeting. A - notice under the signal ‘Y,’ which was understood to be the call for - a meeting at 54 West Lake Street, I have seen once before. I belonged - to the armed section for about three or four months. The meetings of - the armed section at 54 West Lake Street were irregular, governed by - such a notice in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. I did not see Lingg at 54 - West Lake Street that Monday night. I don’t know that he was there. As - we went home he came up to us from behind on the sidewalk. Whether - he was there or not I cannot say. When I went to Clybourn Avenue - Tuesday night, Lingg was not there. Seliger went down in the basement - at the meeting at 54 Lake Street Monday night. He was there for some - time, but I cannot tell how long. I am sure about that. We went there - together from where the carpenters’ meeting was to have taken place. - I, my brother, he and several others went down together. I am as sure - of Seliger’s having been down there in the basement that night as of - any fact that I have testified to.” - -JEREMIAH SULLIVAN, a detective, testified: - - “I was on the Market Square on the night of the inauguration of the - Board of Trade with Officer Trehorn. When we got down there, there - was quite a large crowd. One or two people were talking in German and - trying to hold the crowd until the speakers came. Mr. Schwab came - there first, and Parsons and Fielden came, and I believe this man - (indicating Lingg). Parsons spoke about the Board of Trade, and showed - some figures how the poor man was robbed. Then he denounced the police - as bloodhounds, the militia as servants of the capitalists, robbing - the laboring classes, and invited them all in a body to go there and - partake of some of those twenty-dollar dishes that they had up at the - Board of Trade building. They were to get there by force. Mr. Fielden - spoke after him. He denounced the police and militia as bloodhounds. - At that time there was a company of militia on Market Square for the - purpose of drilling. Mr. Schwab was there at the time, and called - the attention of the crowd to the militia, and they all started off - toward the militia. Schwab spoke in German. Officer Trehorn and I - went over there and asked the militia to disperse, and they marched - up Water Street. Then I came back and listened to Mr. Fielden, who - urged the crowd to force themselves in a body and partake of those - dishes. Then they all marched in a body, some carrying red flags. I - saw in the procession Schwab, Parsons, Fielden, and I am not positive - as to that young fellow (Lingg). There was no United States flag in - the procession. There was a platoon of police at every crossing. The - procession stopped at 107 Fifth Avenue. Parsons went in and spoke - from the window. He denounced the policemen as bloodhounds, and the - militia also, and stated how they stopped them from going in there and - partaking of the food; that a good many of his audience did not have - clothes and could not afford to pay twenty cents for a meal, let alone - twenty dollars, and wanted them to go and follow him, and he would - make a raid on those different places, mentioning Marshall Field’s - and one or two other places. After him Fielden spoke, and wanted - them all to go down with him in a body and he would lead them. I met - Williamson, the reporter, just as he was coming down-stairs, that - evening. We went up-stairs with him. I shook hands with Mr. Fielden - and spoke to him. They did not know me as a policeman. Fielden, - Parsons and Schwab were there. Spies was at the desk. Parsons asked - Spies for this dynamite. He brought it over, and Parsons told how it - could be used; that if it was thrown into a line of police or militia - it would take the whole platoon. He also exhibited a coil of fuse. - I said: ‘You can get that in any quarry. They use that in blasting - powder.’ He said: ‘It comes in good to load these with—to touch these - off with,’ referring to dynamite shells. I saw some caps there about - the size of a 22-caliber cartridge. The substance which he showed - was dynamite. It looked like red sand. It was shaped about a foot - long, and about an inch and a half in diameter. I asked one of them - why they didn’t go into the Board of Trade building. They said that - they were not prepared that night; that there were too many of the - bloodhounds before them on the street, but the next time they would - turn out they would meet them with their own weapons and worse.” - -MORITZ NEFF testified: - -[Illustration: INTERIOR PLAN OF NEFF’S HALL.] - - “I live at 58 Clybourn Avenue, known as Thüringer Hall, also as Neff’s - Hall, since seven years. I keep a saloon there. Back of the saloon - is a hall. The North Side group used to meet there. I know all the - defendants. On the night when the bomb was thrown I was at my saloon. - Louis Lingg came in, in company with Seliger and another man whom - I had not seen before. This stranger carried the satchel. It was a - common bag, probably about a foot and a half long and six inches wide. - He put it on the counter, after that on the floor. Lingg and Seliger - were standing by, and Lingg asked me if some one had asked for him. - That stranger, whose name I afterwards found out to be Muntzenberg, - carried the satchel on his shoulder; that was ten or fifteen minutes - after eight. I told Lingg that nobody had inquired for him. Then - Muntzenberg picked up the bag and went out the side door, in the rear - of the room, followed by Lingg and Seliger. I have not seen the bag - since. There was a large meeting of painters, probably two hundred, - in the hall that evening. For this reason I opened this door in the - rear of the saloon, so that people going to that meeting would not - be compelled to go through the saloon. I saw Lingg and Seliger again - that night about eleven o’clock. Nobody had inquired in the meantime - for Lingg. I saw Hubner there before Lingg came. I saw Thielen on - the sidewalk in front of the saloon, but not inside. The two Lehmans - were there after Lingg had left. They were out on the sidewalk, not - inside. The first time Lingg stayed about five or ten minutes. He - went out through the saloon. I did not see Seliger and Muntzenberg go - out through the saloon. Before Lingg and Seliger came back, at about - eleven o’clock, several individuals had come into the saloon, among - them the Hermanns, the two Lehmans, the two Hagemans and Hirschberger. - Lingg and Seliger dropped in a little later. They were all talking - together. I didn’t pay much attention to it. I heard one of them - halloa out very loud, ‘That is all your fault.’ I heard them also say - that the bomb had been thrown among the police and some of them had - been killed. They came from the meeting. - - “Engel addressed the North Side group in my hall in February last - winter. It was a public agitation meeting of the North Side group, - advertised in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_.” - - “What did Engel say?” - - “He wanted money for a new paper, the _Anarchist_, started by the - Northwest Side group and two of the South Side groups. He said the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ was not outspoken enough in those Anarchistic - principles; therefore they started this paper. They distributed some - of these papers. Later on he gave a kind of history of revolutions in - the old country, stated that the nobility of France were only forced - to give up their privileges by brute force; that the slaveholders in - the South were compelled by force to liberate their slaves, and the - present wage-slavery would be done away with only by force also. And - he advised them to arm themselves, and if guns were too dear for them - they should use cheaper weapons—dynamite or anything they could get - hold of to fight the enemy. To make bombs, anything that was hollow in - the shape of gas-pipes would do. That is all I heard him say. I wasn’t - present all the time. I bought a copy of the _Anarchist_ that night - for five cents. This here (indicating) is one of the copies, dated - January 1, 1886. This is one of the copies distributed that night. - Engel did not distribute it himself. Two other gentlemen who were - there did that.” - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII. - - A Pinkerton Operative’s Adventures—How the Leading Anarchists Vouched - for a Detective—An Interesting Scene—An Enemy in the Camp—Getting - into the Armed Group—No. 16’s Experience—Paul Hull and the Dynamite - Bomb—A Safe Corner Where the Bullets were Thick—A Revolver - Tattoo—“Shoot the Devils”—A Reformed Internationalist. - - -THE examination of witnesses continued from day to day before a crowded -court-room. At times tilts between the attorneys and long arguments on -knotty legal points varied the proceedings. Every coigne of vantage -occupied by the State was stubbornly contested by counsel for the -defendants. But the prosecution maintained its position and brought -out all the material evidence it had accumulated. The theory of the -State with reference to conspiracy, murder and “accessory before the -fact” was gradually being developed with force and effect. Newspaper -reporters proved important witnesses and rendered the State great -service. - -The greatest interest at this stage of the trial was taken in the -testimony of ANDREW C. JOHNSON, a Pinkerton detective, who became a -member of the International Workingmen’s Association February 22, 1885, -or rather on March 1, 1885, a few days later, for it was on that day -that he got his red card of membership, bearing his number, and began -his series of reports to the agency. - -Among a number of minor particulars, Johnson told how the blowing up of -the Board of Trade was proposed on March 29 by Fielden, and indorsed -by others. The most interesting part of his story, however, is the -description of his admission into the armed group. This took place on -August 24, at Greif’s Hall. Said Johnson: - - “There were twenty or twenty-three men and two women present. It was - Monday night. Among them Parsons, Fielden, besides Walters, Bodendick, - Boyd and Larson, Parker, Franklin and Snyder. After having been there - a short time, a man armed with a long cavalry sword, dressed in a blue - blouse, wearing a slouch hat, came into the room. He ordered all those - present to fall in. He then called off certain names, and all those - present answered to their names. He then inquired whether there were - any new members who wished to join the military company. Those who - did should step to the front. Myself and two others did so. We were - asked separately to give our names. My name was put down in a book, - and I was told my number was 16. Previous to my name being put down - the man asked whether any one present could vouch for me as a true - man. Parsons and Bodendick vouched for me. The same process was gone - through in regard to the other two. The man then inquired of two other - men in the room, whether they were members of the American group, and - asked to see their cards, and as they were unable to produce their - cards he told them to leave the room. Two others were expelled. The - doors were closed and the remainder were asked to fall in line. For - about half an hour or three-quarters we were put through the regular - manual drill, marching, counter-marching, turning, forming fours, - wheeling, etc. That man with a sword drilled us. He was evidently - a German. After that he stated he would now introduce some of the - members of the first company of the German organization. He went out - and in a few minutes returned with ten other men dressed like himself, - each one armed with a Springfield rifle. He placed them in line in - front of us and introduced them as members of the first company of - the L. u. W. V., and proceeded to drill them about ten minutes. After - that a man whose name I do not know—he was employed by the proprietor - of the saloon at 54 West Lake Street—came into the room with two - tin boxes, which he placed on a table. The drill instructor asked - us to examine them, as they were the latest improved dynamite bomb. - They had the appearance of ordinary preserve fruit cans, the top - part unscrewed. The inside of the cans was filled with a light brown - mixture. There was also a small glass tube inserted in the center of - the can. The tube was in connection with a screw, and it was explained - that when the can was thrown against any hard substance it would - explode. Inside of the glass tube was a liquid. Around the glass tube - was a brownish mixture which looked like fine saw-dust. The drill - instructor told us we ought to be very careful in the selection of new - members of the company, otherwise there was no telling who might get - into our midst. After that a man named Walters was chosen as captain, - and defendant Parsons for lieutenant. We decided to call ourselves - the International Rifles. The drill instructor then suggested that we - ought to choose some other hall, as we were not quite safe there, and - added, ‘We have a fine place at 636 Milwaukee Avenue. We have a short - range in the basement, where we practice shooting regularly.’ Parsons - inquired whether we couldn’t rent the same place, and the drill - instructor said he didn’t know. Then the time for the next meeting - of the armed section was fixed for the following Monday. Parsons and - Fielden drilled with us that evening. They were present also with a - number of others at the next meeting, on August 31, at 54 West Lake - Street. Capt. Walters drilled us for about an hour and a half. Then - we had a discussion as to the best way of procuring arms. Some one - suggested that each member pay a weekly amount until he had enough to - purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Parsons suggested: - ‘Look here, boys; why can’t we make a raid some night on the militia - armory? There are only two or three men on guard there, and it is - easily done.’ This suggestion was favored by some members, but after - some more discussion the matter of the raid on the armory was put off - until the nights got a little bit longer.” - -The witness, whose testimony was very lengthy, refreshed his -memory from copies of reports which he had made at the time. On -cross-examination he was asked why the reports were countersigned -by L. J. Gage. He replied that he did not know why they were so -countersigned, but he found that they were. The history he had to tell -bore chiefly upon the facts leading up to the riot at the Haymarket. - -JOSEPH GRUENHUT, a factory and tenement-house inspector of the Health -Department of the city, had known Spies for six years, Parsons about -ten years, Fielden and Schwab about two years, more or less. - - “I have known Neebe perhaps fifteen or twenty years. I was in the - habit of meeting some of them daily, at labor meetings or at the - office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. I am myself interested in labor - movements, formerly the Labor Party of the United States. It changed - its name into the Socialistic Labor Party. I am a Socialist. I don’t - consider myself an Anarchist. I am not a member of any group of the - Internationals in the city, nor of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. I was - present at interviews between the reporter Wilkinson and Mr. Spies. I - introduced Mr. Wilkinson to Mr. Spies at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office - in the forenoon, and on the evening of the same day, I believe, I was - present at a conversation between them at a restaurant on Madison - Street. We took supper there together.” - - “State the conversation which took place there between Spies and the - reporter.” - - “Mr. Wilkinson asked him how many members belonged to the military - societies of organized trade and labor unions. Spies said that there - were many thousand; that these organizations were open to everybody, - and at meetings people were asked to become members, but their names - would not be known, because they would be numbered, and they didn’t - keep any record of names. Mr. Spies laid some toothpicks on the table - so as to show the position of armed men on tops of houses, on street - corners, and how they could keep a company of militia or police in - check by the use of dynamite bombs. The conversation was carried on - in a conversational tone, half joking, etc., and it lasted perhaps a - quarter of an hour, while we were taking our supper.” - -On cross-examination Mr. Gruenhut stated that he had heard no reference -to any attack to be made on the first of May, and in the re-direct -examination he said, with reference to Spies’ attitude on the -eight-hour movement: - - “At the start he said he did not believe they would get it, and then - it would not amount to anything anyhow; it was only a palliative - measure—not radical enough. As I recollect, I brought him a list of - the different organizations in Chicago, and we were trying to pick - out those which needed organization, and the packers and a great - many others were directly organized by these men for the eight-hour - movement. We were in constant consultation about organizing those - trades which had not been organized before. I don’t suppose he - ever said that he was in favor of the eight-hour movement. I don’t - know that he was ever enthusiastically in favor of the eight-hour - movement, but he was enthusiastically in favor of the eight-hour - movement that we had talked about on Monday. There never had been - a general eight-hour mass-meeting. There had been a mass-meeting - representing the great assemblies, at the Armory, but not the - Central Labor Union. It was a Socialistic organization; was not - represented there. In October, 1885, there had been a mass-meeting - of the Socialistic organizations in favor of the eight-hour movement - at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. I was not there. At the time I - had that conversation with Mr. Spies and the others present about a - mass-meeting to be held, we did not know where the meeting was to - be held at all. We only considered the advisability of holding a - mass-meeting on the question of the eight-hour movement in the open - air. There are only three or four places where you can hold such a - meeting; either the lake front or Market Square or the Haymarket. At - that time I am sure I saw Spies, Rau and Neebe almost every day, but - I could not tell whether the meeting was agreed upon on Saturday or - Monday, night or day; but there was a general agreement upon having - one general mass-meeting in the open air. It was not sure whether the - meeting was to be in the forenoon, afternoon or night, but at last - we came to the conclusion it ought to be at night. My recollection - is that Spies said to Wilkinson, at the time of that conversation, - that the military associations were open and free to everybody; that - they meet, advertise their meetings, have picnics and advertise them, - and meet in halls, even in open ground, at Sheffield, or out on the - prairie. That proposed mass-meeting was to be an eight-hour meeting - and an indignation meeting over the killing of men at McCormick’s at - the same time. Parsons and Spies, during conversations within the - twelve months before the bomb was thrown, said that arming meant the - use of dynamite bombs by individuals; all men should individually - self-help, as against a squad of policeman or company of militia, so - that they need not be an army.” - -F. H. NEWMAN, a physician, attended some of the officers wounded at -the Haymarket, and identified an iron nut extracted from Hahn. He had -also examined some ten or twelve officers, and had found some bullets -and fragments of a combination of metals much lighter than lead. “The -fragments were also much lighter,” he said, “than the bullets, varying -very much in size, from perhaps what we would call 22-caliber up to -45-caliber. The bullets also varied in size. This piece of metal I took -from the heel of Officer Barber. It made a ragged wound and was buried -in the bone; crushed the bone considerably, fractured it in several -places. I examined the wounds of one officer who had a large ragged -wound in the liver. He died within a few hours. It could have been a -wound produced by a bullet, if the bullet was very ragged, spread out -considerably, as they do sometimes.” - -MAXWELL E. DICKSON, a newspaper reporter, had had several interviews -with Parsons. He said: - - “The last time I met Mr. Parsons, either the latter part of last year - or the commencement of this year, he gave me two or three papers, and - one of them contained one or two diagrams, a plan of warfare. Parsons - stated that the social revolution would be brought about in the way - that paper would describe. In November of last year, some time after - that demonstration on the Market Square, I remarked to Parsons, in a - sort of joking way, ‘You are not going to blow up anybody, are you?’ - He said: ‘I don’t say that we won’t, I don’t know that we won’t, but - you will see the revolution brought about, and sooner than you think - for.’ I attended a number of meetings at which some of the defendants - spoke. - - “The Twelfth Street Turner Hall meeting was a meeting called for - the purpose of discussing the Socialistic platform. A circular had - been issued, in which public men, clergy, employers and others who - were interested in the social question were invited to be present to - discuss the question of the social movement. The hall was crowded. - During the meeting Mr. Parsons made a speech, during which he said - that the degradation of labor was brought about by what was known as - the rights of private property; he quoted a long line of statistics, - showing that an average man with a capital of five thousand dollars - was enabled to make four thousand dollars a year, and thus get rich, - while his employé, who made the money for him, obtained but $340, and - there were upwards of two million heads of families who were in want, - or bordering on want, making their living either by theft, robbery or - any such occupation as they could get work in; and he said that, while - they were the champions of free speech and social order, it would - be hard for the man who stood in the way of liberty, fraternity and - equality to all. Later on Fielden spoke and said that the majority - of men were starving because of over-production, and went on to show - that overcoats were being sent to Africa, to the Congo states, which - were needed at home, and he could not understand how that was. As a - Socialist, he believed in the equal rights of every man to live. The - present condition of the laboring man was due to the domination of - capital, and they could expect no remedy from legislatures, and there - were enough present in the hall to take Chicago from the grasp of the - capitalists; that capital must divide with labor; that the time was - coming when a contest would arise between capital and labor. He was no - alarmist, but the Socialist should be prepared for the victory when it - did come. Several other persons spoke after that. Then Spies spoke in - German, advising the workingmen to organize in order to obtain their - rights, and that they might be prepared for the emergency. Then there - were resolutions adopted denouncing the capitalists, the editors and - clergymen, and those who had refused to come to hear the truth spoken - and discuss the question, whereupon the meeting adjourned. - - [Illustration: ADOLPH LIESKE. - - BEHEADED NOV. 17, 1885.—From Photograph found in the possession of - Anarchist Bodendick, on back of which was written: “Revenge is Sweet.”] - - “At the meeting at Mueller’s Hall Fielden presided and Mr. Griffin - spoke first, advocating the use of force to right social wrongs. A - young man named Lichtner said he was in favor of Socialistic ideas, - but opposed to the use of force. Schwab, in German, said that the - gap between the rich and the poor was growing wider; that, although - despotism in Russia had endeavored to suppress Nihilism by executing - some and sending others to Siberia, Nihilism was still growing. And he - praised Reinsdorf, who had then been recently executed in Europe, but - stated that his death had been avenged by the killing of Rumpf, the - Chief of Police of Frankfort, who had been industrious in endeavoring - to crush out Socialism; that murder was forced on many a man through - the misery brought on him by capital; that freedom in the United - States was a farce, and in Illinois was literally unknown; that both - of the political parties were corrupt, and what was needed here was a - bloody revolution which would right their wrongs. - - “A young man named Gorsuch was against all government, which was made - for slaves. The only way the workingmen could get their rights was by - the Gatling gun, by absolute brute force. Then Mr. Fielden called upon - the capitalists to answer these arguments and to save their property, - for when the Socialists decided to appropriate the property of the - capitalists it would be too late for the capitalists to save anything. - - “Then Spies said in German that the workingmen should revolt at once. - He had been accused of giving this advice before, it was true, and he - was proud of it. That wage slavery could only be abolished through - powder and ball. The ballot was a sort of skin game. He compared it to - a deck of cards in which there was a marked deck put in the place of - the genuine, and in which the poor man got all of the skin cards, so - that, when the dealer laid down the cards, his money was taken from - him. Then Spies offered these resolutions, which were adopted: - - “‘Whereas, our comrades in Germany have slain one of the dirtiest - dogs of his Majesty Lehmann, the greatest disgrace of the present - time—namely, the spy Rumpf. - - “‘_Resolved_, That we rejoice over and applaud the noble and heroic - act.’ - - “Then Parsons offered some resolutions favoring the abolition of the - present social system, and the formation of a new social coöperative - system that would bring about an equality between capital and labor. - - “The next meeting I attended was on the Market Square, on Thanksgiving - day. Mr. Parsons asked what they had to be thankful for, whether it - was for their poverty, their lack of sufficient food and clothing, - etc., and argued that the capitalists on the avenue spent more money - for wine at one meal than some of them received pay in a month. - Fielden said they would be justified in going over to Marshall Field’s - and taking out from there that which belonged to them. A series of - resolutions were adopted, offered, I believe, by Parsons, denouncing - the President for having set apart Thanksgiving day—that it was a - fallacy and a fraud; that the workingmen had nothing to be thankful - for; that only a few obtained the riches that were produced, while the - many had to starve.” - -On cross-examination Mr. Dickson said: - - “Parsons said to me that when the social revolution came, it would - be better for all men; it would place every man on an equality. He - pictured me personally as a wage slave, referring to my position as - a newspaper reporter, and that all reforms had to be brought about - through revolution, and bloodshed could not be avoided. I frequently - heard him give expression to such ideas in friendly conversation, in - which the social outlook of the country was talked over, and Parsons - frequently insisted that any method would be justifiable to accomplish - the object which he advocated as the intended result of a social - revolution. Parsons once stated to me that if it became necessary - they would use dynamite, and it might become necessary. Parsons never - expressed any distinct proposal to inaugurate the revolution at any - particular time, or by the use of any particular force. He simply - spoke of the social revolution as the inevitable future. I am not - certain as to whether the paper which Parsons gave me, which contained - those diagrams, was a copy of the _Alarm_ or of some other paper. This - article here in the _Alarm_ of July 25, 1885 (indicating), under the - title, ‘Street Fighting—How to Meet the Enemy,’ is, to the best of - my recollection, the article to which my attention was called by Mr. - Parsons at the time. I am positive these diagrams here (indicating) - are the same as in the article given me by Parsons. - - “The position of these parties in meetings that I have attended, since - January 18, 1885, when they spoke of the industrial condition, was - that they predicted a social revolution, and they also advised the - workingmen to bring about that revolution. It was Mr. Fielden on the - lake front—I cannot fix the date—who used language of that import, - advised the men to go forward and get that which did belong to them by - force.” - -PAUL C. HULL, a reporter of the _Daily News_, attended the Haymarket -meeting and heard Fielden speak. He testified as follows: - -[Illustration: PARSONS’ HANDWRITING. - -The Manuscript of an Advertisement calling a Meeting of the “American -Group.”] - - “When the bomb exploded I was on the iron stairway, about four steps - from the top landing. After the bomb exploded the firing began from - the crowd before the police fired. I saw the bomb in the air. My head - was probably within twelve or fifteen feet above the crowd. It was - quite dark. Directly opposite me was a pile of boxes on the sidewalk, - and an area-way surrounded by an iron railing. My eyes were directed - toward the speakers’ wagon. As the words were in his mouth, I saw - arching through the air the sparks of the burning fuse. According to - my recollection it seemed to come from about fifteen or twenty feet - south of Crane’s alley, flying over the third division of police and - falling between the second and third. It seemed to throw to the ground - the second and third divisions of police. At almost the same instant - there was a rattling of shots that came from both sides of the street - and not from the police. The meeting was noisy and turbulent. When the - speaking began there were about eight hundred to one thousand people - in the crowd. At the time the police came it had dwindled away a third - from what it was at its largest number. About a quarter of the crowd, - that part which clustered about the wagon, were enthusiasts, loudly - applauded the speakers and cheered them on by remarks. The outskirts - of the crowd seemed to regard the speakers with indifference, often - laughed at them and hooted them. - - “Spies told his version of the McCormick riot. He had been charged - with being responsible for the riot and the death of those men, by - Mr. McCormick. He said Mr. McCormick was a liar and was himself - responsible for the death of the six men which he claimed were killed - at that time; that he had addressed a meeting on the prairie, and when - the factory bell rang a body of the meeting which he was addressing - detached themselves and went toward the factory, and that there the - riot occurred. He then touched upon the dominating question of labor - and capital and their relations very briefly, and asked what meant - this array of Gatling guns, infantry ready to arms, patrol wagons - and policemen, and deduced from that that it was the Government or - capitalists preparing to crush them, should they try to right their - wrongs. I don’t remember that he said anything in his speech about the - means to be employed against that capitalistic force. - - “Parsons dealt considerably in labor statistics. He drew the - conclusion that the capitalists got eighty-five cents out of the - dollar, and the laboring man fifteen cents, and that the eight-hour - agitation and the agitation of the social question was a still hunt - after the other eighty-five cents. He advised the using of violent - means by the workingmen to right their wrongs. Said that law and - government was the tool of the wealthy to oppress the poor; that the - ballot was no way in which to right their wrongs. That could only be - done by physical force. - - “I only heard a part of Fielden’s speech. He said Martin Foran had - been sent to Congress to represent the Labor Party, and he did not - do it satisfactorily. When McCormick’s name was mentioned during - the speeches there were exclamations like ‘Hang him,’ or ‘Throw him - into the lake.’ Some such a remark would be made when any prominent - Chicago capitalist’s name was used. When some one in the crowd cried - ‘Let’s hang him now,’ when some man’s name was mentioned, one of the - speakers, either Spies or Parsons, said, ‘No, we are not ready yet.’” - -On cross-examination Mr. Hull said: - - “The firing of the revolvers startled me. I considered my position - dangerous and tried to get around the corner. A few moments before - the explosion of the bomb a threatening cloud came up, and Mr. Spies - said the meeting would adjourn to 54 West Lake Street, I believe. At - no time during the meeting was I as near as eight or ten feet from - the speaker. I don’t believe I heard Fielden say, in a loud voice, - ‘There come the bloodhounds! Now you do your duty and I’ll do mine,’ - when the police were coming up. I remember that Mr. Fielden said ‘in - conclusion,’ after I got my position on the stairs again, and when the - police were forming and marching below. I was confused at the time - I wrote my reports. (After examining his report in a copy of _Daily - News_ of May 5th, 1886:) I have said nowhere in this report that the - crowd fired upon the police. I did say that the police required no - orders before firing upon the crowd. I wrote this up about an hour - after the occurrence. After describing the explosion of the bomb, I - used this language in my report: ‘For an instant after the explosion - the crowd seemed paralyzed, but, with the revolver shots cracking like - a tattoo on a mighty drum, and the bullets flying in the air, the - mob plunged away into the darkness with a yell of rage and fear.’ My - recollection is that the bomb struck the ground about on a line with - the south line of the alley. The bomb apparently fell north from the - point where I first saw it in the air. I judge it came from the south, - going west-northwest.” - -[Illustration: A PICNIC OF THE “REDS” AT SHEFFIELD. - -1. Experimenting with Dynamite. 2. Getting Inspiration. 3. Engel on the -Stump. 4. “Hoch die Anarchie!” 5. Mrs. Parsons addressing the Crowd. 6. -Children peddling Most’s Literature. 7. A Family Feast.] - -WHITING ALLEN, another reporter, was present at the Haymarket meeting -in company with Mr. Tuttle, another newspaper man, and heard some of -the speeches. Said the witness: - - “Parsons was speaking when we got there. About the only thing that - I could quote from his speech is this: ‘What good are these strikes - going to do? Do you think that anything will be accomplished by - them? Do you think the workingmen are going to gain their point? No, - no; they will not. The result of them will be that you will have to - go back to work for less money than you are getting.’ That is his - language in effect. At one time he mentioned the name of Jay Gould. - There were cries from the crowd, ‘Hang Jay Gould!’ ‘Throw him into - the lake!’ and so on. He said, ‘No, no; that would not do any good. - If you would hang Jay Gould now, there would be another, and perhaps - a hundred, up to-morrow. It don’t do any good to hang one man; you - have to kill them all, or get rid of them all.’ Then he went on to say - that it was not the individual, but the system; that the government - should be destroyed. It was the wrong government, and these people - who supported it had to be destroyed. I heard him cry, ‘To arms!’ I - cannot tell in what connection. The crowd was extremely turbulent. It - seemed to be thoroughly in sympathy with the speakers; was extremely - excited, and applauded almost every utterance. I staid there some ten - or fifteen minutes. I then left and went to Zepf’s Hall. Later I came - back again, when Fielden was speaking. When the bomb was thrown I was - in the saloon of Zepf’s Hall, standing about the middle of the room - at the time. I did not see any of the defendants there. They were not - there to my knowledge. When I was down at the meeting, I pointed out - to Mr. Tuttle Mr. Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and a man that I presume - was Mr. Schwab, but was not certain. The general outline was that of - Mr. Schwab. I could not get a full view of his face. That must have - been half past nine.” - -CHARLES R. TUTTLE said he did not remember much of what Parsons spoke: - - “Parsons made a series of references to existing strikes—one was - the Southwestern strike—and to Jay Gould, the head of that system - of railways, and the winding up of the peroration in connection with - that created a great deal of excitement and many responses from the - audience. He then spoke of the strike at McCormick’s, and detailed - the suffering of the people who had wives and children, and who were - being robbed by one whom I took to be Mr. McCormick, although I cannot - say that was the idea; who were being robbed, anyway, by capitalists. - And he said it was no wonder that these persons were struggling for - their rights, and then said that the police had been called on by the - capitalists to suppress the first indications of any movement on the - part of the working people to stand up for rights, and he asked what - they are going to do. One man—I believe the same one who had spoken - when he referred to Gould—stuck up his hand with a revolver in it, - and said, ‘We will shoot the devils,’ or some such expression, and I - saw two others sticking up their hands, near to him, who made similar - expressions, and had what I took to be at the time revolvers.” - -EDWARD COSGROVE, a detective connected with the Central Station, was on -duty at the Haymarket. He gave the substance of some of the speeches, -and, referring to Spies, said: - - “Then he talked about the police, the bloodhounds of the law, shooting - down six of their brothers, and he said: ‘When you are ready to do - something, do it, and don’t tell anybody you are going to.’ A great - number of the crowd cheered him loudly. The enthusiastic part of - the crowd was close to the wagon. Sometimes there would be some on - the outskirts. I did not hear all of Spies’ speech and only part of - Parsons’. Parsons talked of statistics—about the price laboring men - received. He said they got fifteen cents out of a dollar, and they - were still on the hunt for the other eighty-five. He talked of the - police and capitalists and Pinkertons. He said he was down in the - Hocking Valley region, and they were only getting twenty-four cents - a day, and that was less than Chinamen got. And he said his hearers - would be worse than Chinamen if they didn’t arm themselves, and they - would be held responsible for blood that would flow in the near - future. There was a great deal of cheering close to the wagon during - his speech. I was in Capt. Ward’s office when the police were called - out. I came down the street at the time the police did. When the - police came to a halt, I was on the northwest corner of Randolph and - Desplaines. I heard no firing of any kind before the explosion of the - bomb, but immediately after that. I can’t tell from what source the - pistol shots came, whether the police fired first or the other side. - I reported at the station from time to time what was going on at the - meeting.” - -On cross-examination Cosgrove said: - - “I was twice at the station reporting. My second report was that Mr. - Parsons said they would be held responsible for the blood that would - flow in the streets of America in the near future. The police remained - at the station after this report. I didn’t hear any part of Fielden’s - speech. When I came out before the police quite a number of the crowd - had gone away. When I saw Schwab he was about forty feet south of the - south sidewalk of Randolph Street, on Desplaines. I saw Schwab about - half past eight, or a little later, at the wagon. My impression is - that I saw Mr. Schwab near the close of Parsons’ speech, but I am not - sure. When I saw him at the wagon it was about the time Mr. Spies came - back the second time to speak.” - -TIMOTHY MCKEOUGH, a detective, was present when the meeting opened. - - “Spies got on the wagon and called out twice: ‘Is Mr. Parsons here?’ - He received no answer, and said: ‘Never mind, I will go and find him - myself.’ Somebody said: ‘Let us pull the wagon around on Randolph - Street and hold the meeting there.’ Mr. Spies said: ‘No, that might - stop the street-cars.’ He started away then, and Officer Myers and - myself followed him as far as the corner. There was a man with him - who, I think, was Schwab, but I am not very sure about that, and - in about fifteen minutes he returned, and when I got back he was - addressing the meeting, talking about what happened to their brethren - the day before at McCormick’s. He had been down to McCormick’s and - addressed a meeting, and they wanted to stop him; tried to pull him - off the car because he was a Socialist; that while he was talking - a portion of the crowd started toward McCormick’s and commenced to - throw stones, the most harmless amusement they could have; how wagons - loaded with police came down the Black Road and commenced firing - into the crowd. Somebody halloaed out: ‘Let us hang him,’ and he - said: ‘My friends, when you get ready to do anything, go and do it, - and say nothing about it.’ About that time Parsons arrived and Spies - introduced him, saying Parsons could talk better English than he, and - would probably entertain them better. The crowd in the neighborhood - of the wagon appeared very much excited when Spies spoke about the - shooting down of workingmen at McCormick’s. Parsons quoted from some - book on labor statistics, which he thought his hearers probably had - not read, because they didn’t have the money to buy it or leisure to - read it, as they had to work too much. He said out of every dollar the - laboring man makes for capitalists he only gets fifteen cents, and - they are on a still hunt for the other eighty-five. He had been down - to the coal mines, and, according to labor statistics, they received - 24½ cents for their daily labor on the average during a year. That - was just half as much as the Chinaman would get, and he said: ‘If we - keep on we will be a great deal worse than Chinamen. I am a tenant and - I pay rent to a landlord.’ Somebody asked, ‘What does the landlord - do with it?’ Parsons said the landlord pays taxes, the taxes pay the - sheriff, the police, the Pinkertonites and the militia, who are ready - to shoot them down when they are looking for their rights. He said: ‘I - am a Socialist from the top of my head to the soles of my feet, and I - will express my sentiments if I die before morning.’ The crowd near - the wagon loudly cheered him. Later I heard Mr. Parsons say, taking - off his hat in one hand: ‘To arms! to arms! to arms!’ Then I went over - to Desplaines Street Station and reported to Inspector Bonfield. When - I came back Fielden was speaking. He criticised Martin Foran, the - Congressman that was elected by the working people. Speaking about the - law, he said the law was for the capitalists. ‘Yesterday, when their - brothers demanded their rights at McCormick’s, the law came out and - shot them down. When Mr. McCormick closed his door against them for - demanding their rights, the law did not protect them.’ If they loved - their wives, their children, they should take the law, kill it, stab - it, throttle it, or it would throttle them. That appeared to make - the crowd near the wagon more excited, and I made another report to - Inspector Bonfield. I saw Spies, Parsons and Fielden on the wagon. I - saw Schwab on the wagon in the early part of the evening, and a man - named Schnaubelt.” - -HENRY E. O. HEINEMAN, a reporter of the Chicago _Tribune_, testified: - - “I saw the bomb, that is the burning fuse, rise out of the crowd and - fall among the police. It rose from very nearly the southeast corner - of the alley. I didn’t hear any shots before the bomb exploded. Almost - instantly after it shots were heard. I could not say whether the first - shots came from the police or the crowd. It seems to me as if I heard - some bullets close to myself, whizzing from the north as I was going - south. - - “Spies started out by saying that the meeting was intended to be a - peaceable one—it was not called to raise a disturbance—and then gave - his version of the affair at McCormick’s, the day before. The crowd - near the speaker’s wagon was in sympathy with the speakers. There was - occasionally applause. I heard a few Germans talk with one another. I - heard Parsons call out toward the close of his speech, ‘To arms! to - arms! to arms!’ Fielden, towards the end of his speech, told the crowd - to kill the law, to stab it, to throttle it, or else it would throttle - them. I was formerly an Internationalist. I ceased my connection with - them about two years ago. At that time the defendant Neebe belonged to - the same group I belonged to. It is not in existence now. I met Spies - and Schwab occasionally in the groups. I ceased my connection with - the Internationale immediately after, and on account of the lectures - Herr Most delivered in this city. I saw on the wagon at the Haymarket - meeting Spies, Parsons, Fielden, and at one time Rudolph Schnaubelt.” - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV. - - Reporting under Difficulties—Shorthand in an Overcoat Pocket—An - Incriminating Conversation—Spies and Schwab in Danger—Gilmer’s - Story—The Man in the Alley—Schnaubelt the Bomb-thrower—Fixing - the Guilt—Spies Lit the Fuse—A Searching Cross-Examination—The - Anarchists Alarmed—Engel and the Shell Machine—The Find at - Lingg’s House—The Author on the Witness-stand—Talks with the - Prisoners—Dynamite Experiments—The False Bottom of Lingg’s - Trunk—The Material in the Shells—Expert Testimony—Incendiary - Banners—The Prosecution Rests—A Fruitless Attempt to have Neebe - Discharged. - - -WHEN the public began to see the character of the evidence against the -Anarchists, sentiment crystalized into a feeling that no fair-minded -juror could be led astray by specious pleas or sophistical arguments -into voting for an acquittal of any one of the defendants. The facts -of the conspiracy had been brought out with startling boldness, and -with every witness the points against the prisoners were fortified -with added effect. One of the strongest witnesses as to the incendiary -utterances of the speakers at the Haymarket meeting was G. P. English, -then a reporter for the Chicago _Tribune_, but at present private -secretary of Mayor Roche. Another was M. M. Thompson, who testified as -to a conversation between Spies and Schwab. - -MR. ENGLISH testified as follows: - - “I am a reporter for the _Tribune_, and have been for seventeen years. - I am also a shorthand reporter. I got to the Haymarket meeting, on the - 4th of May, about half-past seven. I went all around the Haymarket - Square from Desplaines to Halsted, saw a few people on the street, - but no meeting. Later on I saw some people going north on Desplaines - beyond Randolph. I went over there, and in a little while Mr. Spies - got up on the wagon and said Mr. Fielden and Mr. Parsons were to make - a speech, but they hadn’t come. Spies got down off the wagon and went - toward Randolph Street. He was gone perhaps five or ten minutes. As - he passed me in coming back, I asked him if Parsons was going to - speak. I understood him to say yes. Then he got up on the wagon and - said: ‘Gentlemen, please come to order.’ I took shorthand notes of his - speech, as much as I could. I had a notebook and a short pencil in my - overcoat pocket and made notes in the pocket. My notes are correct. - Some of them I can read, some I can’t. I don’t recollect what he or - the others said without my notes. - - “Before Spies commenced to speak somebody in the crowd suggested that - the meeting should go over to the Haymarket, but Spies said no, that - the crowd would interfere with the street-cars. Here is what I have of - Spies’ speech: - - “‘Gentlemen and fellow workmen: Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fielden will be - here in a very short time to address you. I will say, however, first, - this meeting was called for the purpose of discussing the general - situation of the eight-hour strike, and the events which have taken - place during the last forty-eight hours. It seems to have been the - opinion of the authorities that this meeting has been called for - the purpose of raising a little row and disturbance. This, however, - was not the intention of the committee that called the meeting. The - committee that called the meeting wanted to tell you certain facts - of which you are probably aware. The capitalistic press has been - misleading—misrepresenting the cause of labor for the last few weeks, - so much so’—there is something here unintelligible that I can’t read; - some of it went off on the side of my pocket. The next is: ‘Whenever - strikes have taken place; whenever people have been driven to violence - by the oppression of their’—something unintelligible here—‘Then the - police’—a few unintelligible words, then there were cheers—‘But - I want to tell you, gentlemen, that these acts of violence are the - natural outcome of the degradation and subjection to which working - people are subjected. I was addressing a meeting of ten thousand wage - slaves yesterday afternoon in the neighborhood of McCormick’s. They - did not want me to speak. The most of them were good church-going - people. They didn’t want me to speak because I was a Socialist. They - wanted to tear me down from the cars, but I spoke to them and told - them they must stick together’—some more that is unintelligible—‘and - he would have to submit to them if they would stick together.’ The - next I have is: ‘They were not Anarchists, but good church-going - people—they were good Christians. The patrol wagons came, and blood - was shed.’ - - “Some one in the crowd said, ‘Shame on them.’ The next thing I have - is: ‘Throwing stones at the factory; most harmless sport.’ Then Spies - said, ‘What did the police do?’ Some one in the crowd said, ‘Murdered - them.’ Then he went on: ‘They only came to the meeting there as if - attending church.’ ... ‘Such things tell you of the agitation.’ ... - ‘Couldn’t help themselves any more.’ ‘It was then when they resorted - to violence.’ ... ‘Before you starve.’ ... ‘This fight that is going - on now is simply a struggle for the existence of the oppressed - classes.’ - - “My pocket got fuller and fuller of paper; my notes got more - unintelligible. The meeting seemed to be orderly. I took another - position in the face of the speaker, took out my paper and reported - openly during all the rest of the meeting. The balance of my notes I - have not got. From what appears in my report in the _Tribune_, I can - give you part of what Spies, Fielden and Parsons said. It is, however, - only an abstract of what they said. So far as it goes it is verbatim, - except the pronouns and the verbs are changed. - - “The balance of Spies’ speech is as follows (reading): ‘It was said - that I inspired the attack on McCormick’s. That is a lie. The fight - is going on. Now is the chance to strike for the existence of the - oppressed classes. The oppressors want us to be content. They will - kill us. The thought of liberty which inspired your sires to fight for - their freedom ought to animate you to-day. The day is not far distant - when we will resort to hanging these men. (Applause and cries of ‘Hang - them now.’) McCormick is the man who created the row Monday, and he - must be held responsible for the murder of our brothers. (Cries of - ‘Hang him.’) Don’t make any threats, they are of no avail. Whenever - you get ready to do something, do it, and don’t make any threats - beforehand. There are in the city to-day between forty and fifty - thousand men locked out because they refuse to obey the supreme will - or dictation of a small number of men. The families of twenty-five or - thirty thousand men are starving because their husbands and fathers - are not men enough to withstand and resist the dictation of a few - thieves on a grand scale, to put it out of the power of the few men - to say whether they should work or not. You place your lives, your - happiness, everything, out of the arbitrary power of a few rascals who - have been raised in idleness and luxury upon the fruits of your labor. - Will you stand that? (Cries of ‘No.’) The press say we are Bohemians, - Poles, Russians, Germans—that there are no Americans among us. That - is a lie. Every honest American is with us; those who are not are - unworthy of their traditions and their forefathers.’ - - “Spies spoke fifteen or twenty minutes. What I have given here would - not represent more than five or six minutes of actual talking. - - “Parsons stated first that the remedy for the wrongs of the workingmen - was in Socialism; otherwise they would soon become Chinamen. ‘It is - time to raise a note of warning. There is nothing in the eight-hour - movement to excite the capitalists. Do you know that the military - are under arms, and a Gatling gun is ready to mow you down? Is this - Germany, Russia or Spain? (A voice: ‘It looks like it.’) Whenever you - make a demand for eight hours’ pay, an increase of pay, the militia - and the deputy sheriffs and the Pinkerton men are called out, and you - are shot and clubbed and murdered in the streets. I am not here for - the purpose of inciting anybody, but to speak out, to tell the facts - as they exist, even though it shall cost me my life before morning.’ - Then he spoke about the Cincinnati demonstration, and about the rifle - guard being needed. Then the report continues: ‘It behooves you, as - you love your wives and children, if you don’t want to see them perish - with hunger, killed, or cut down like dogs on the street, Americans, - in the interest of your liberty and your independence, to arm, to - arm yourselves. (Applause and cries of ‘We will do it, we are ready - now.’) You are not.’ Then the rest of it is the wind-up. Besides - what I have stated above he spoke for a long while about the fact - that out of every dollar the workingman got fifteen cents, and the - capitalists—the employers—got eighty-five cents. When he said, ‘To - arms, to arms,’ he said that in his ordinary way of talking. I did not - notice any difference in him when he said that. - - “The first that I have written out of Fielden’s speech is: ‘There are - premonitions of danger—all know it. The press say the Anarchists will - sneak away; we are not going to. If we continue to be robbed it will - not be long before we will be murdered. There is no security for the - working classes under the present social system. A few individuals - control the means of living and hold the workingmen in a vise. - Everybody does not know that. Those who know it are tired of it, and - know the others will get tired of it, too. They are determined to - end it and will end it, and there is no power in the land that will - prevent them. Congressman Foran says the laborer can get nothing from - legislation. He also said that the laborers can get some relief from - their present condition when the rich man knew it was unsafe for - him to live in a community where there are dissatisfied workingmen, - for they would solve the labor problem. I don’t know whether you - are Democrats or Republicans, but whichever you are, you worship at - the shrine of heaven. John Brown, Jefferson, Washington, Patrick - Henry and Hopkins said to the people, “The law is your enemy.” We - are rebels against it. The law is only framed for those that are - your enslavers. (A voice: ‘That is true.’) Men in their blind rage - attacked McCormick’s factory and were shot down by the law in cold - blood, in the city of Chicago, in the protection of property. Those - men were going to do some damage to a certain person’s interest who - was a large property-owner; therefore the law came to his defense; - and when McCormick undertook to do some injury to the interest of - those who had no property, the law also came to his defense and not - to the workingman’s defense, when he, McCormick, attacked him and his - living. (Cries of ‘No.’) There is the difference. The law makes no - distinctions. A million men hold all the property in this country. The - law has no use for the other fifty-four millions. (A voice: ‘Right - enough.’) You have nothing more to do with the law except to lay - hands on it and throttle it until it makes its last kick. It turns - your brothers out on the wayside, and has degraded them until they - have lost the last vestige of humanity, and they are mere things and - animals. Keep your eye upon it, throttle it, kill it, stab it, do - everything you can to wound it—to impede its progress. Remember, - before trusting them to do anything for yourself, prepare to do it - yourself. Don’t turn over your business to anybody else. No man - deserves anything unless he is man enough to make an effort to lift - himself from oppression.’ - - “Then there was an interruption on account of some storm-clouds. - Everybody started to go away. Mr. Parsons suggested that they adjourn - over to Zepf’s Hall. Fielden said no, the people were trying to get - information, and he would go on. And he went on: ‘Is it not a fact - that we have no choice as to our existence, for we can’t dictate what - our labor is worth? He that has to obey the will of another is a - slave. Can we do anything except by the strong arm of resistance? The - Socialists are not going to declare war, but I tell you war has been - declared upon us; and I ask you to get hold of anything that will help - to resist the onslaught of the enemy and the usurper. The skirmish - lines have met. People have been shot. Men, women and children have - not been spared by the capitalists and minions of private capital. It - has no mercy—so ought you. You are called upon to defend yourselves, - your lives, your future. What matters it whether you kill yourselves - with work to get a little relief, or die on the battle-field resisting - the enemy? What is the difference? Any animal, however loathsome, - will resist when stepped upon. Are men less than snails or worms? I - have some resistance in me; I know that you have, too. You have been - robbed, and you will be starved into a worse condition.’ - - “That is all I have. At that time some one alongside of me asked - if the police were coming. I was facing northeast, looked down - the street, and saw a file of police about the middle of Randolph - Street. At once I put my paper in my pocket and ran right over to the - northwest corner of Randolph and Desplaines. Just when I reached the - sidewalk, the front rank of the police got to the southwest corner - of Randolph and Desplaines. I stood there until some of the police - marched by, and the first thing I knew I heard an explosion; and the - next thing there was a volley of fifteen or twenty or thirty shots, - and I thought it was about time to leave, so I skinned down Randolph - Street. While I was running I heard a great lot of shots, and somebody - tumbled right in front of me, but I didn’t stop to see whether he was - hurt. I didn’t see who shot first. As to the temper of the crowd, it - was just an ordinary meeting.” - -On cross-examination Mr. English said: - - “It was a peaceable and quiet meeting for an out-door meeting. I - didn’t see any turbulence. I was there all the time. I thought the - speeches they made that night were a little milder than I had heard - them make for years. They were all set speeches, about the same thing. - I didn’t hear any of them say or advise that they were going to use - force that night. Before I went to the meeting my instructions from - the _Tribune_ office were to take only the most incendiary part of the - speeches. I think when Mr. Parsons spoke about the Cincinnati meeting - he said he had been at Cincinnati and seen the procession. I heard the - announcement to the crowd to disperse, distinctly. I did not hear Mr. - Fielden say: ‘There come the bloodhounds now; you do your duty and - I’ll do mine.’ I heard nothing of that import at all.” - -M. M. THOMPSON testified: - - “I am at present employed in the dry-goods business of Marshall Field - & Co. Prior to the 4th of May last I was running a grocery store at - 108 South Desplaines. I was at the Haymarket Square on the evening - of May 4th. I walked west on Randolph Street about half past seven - o’clock, and somebody handed me a circular headed ‘Revenge,’ and - signed ‘Your Brothers.’ About twenty-five minutes to eight I got to - the corner of Desplaines and Randolph. I met Mr. Brazleton of the - _Inter-Ocean_. We talked about fifteen minutes. I asked the time. It - was ten minutes of eight. Brazleton pointed out to me Mr. Schwab, who - came rushing along Desplaines Street in a great hurry. I then went - over to the east side of Desplaines Street. I walked up Desplaines - Street near the corner of Lake, and came back again to the alley back - of Crane Bros’. and stood just back of that alley. Then I saw Spies - get up on the wagon and he asked for Parsons. Parsons didn’t respond. - He then got down, and Schwab and Spies walked into that alley at Crane - Bros’., near which the wagon was situated. The first word I heard - between Schwab and Spies was ‘pistols;’ the next word was ‘police.’ - I think I heard ‘police’ twice, or ‘pistols’ twice. I then walked - just a little nearer the edge of the alley, and just then Spies said: - ‘Do you think one is enough, or hadn’t we better go and get more?’ I - could hear no answer to that. They then walked out of the alley and - south on Desplaines Street, and west on the north side of Randolph - to Halsted, and cut across the street and went over to the southwest - corner; they were there about three minutes, came out of that crowd - again and came back. On the way back, as they neared Union Street, I - heard the word ‘police’ again. Just then I went past them, and Schwab - said: ‘Now, if they come, we will give it to them.’ Spies replied he - thought they were afraid to bother with them. They came on, and before - they got up near the wagon they met a third party, and they bunched - right together there, south of the alley, and appeared to get right - in a huddle; and there was something passed between Spies and the - third man—what it was I could not say. This here (indicating picture - of Schnaubelt, heretofore identified) is, I think, the third man; I - think his beard was a little longer than in this picture; this is the - picture of the third man. I saw the third man on the wagon afterwards. - Whatever it was that Spies gave him, he stuck it in his pocket on the - right-hand side. Spies got up on the wagon, and I think that third man - got up right after him. I noticed him afterwards sitting on the wagon, - and that he kept his hands in his pockets. I stayed there until Mr. - Fielden commenced to speak; then I left. - -On cross-examination Thompson said: - - “My grocery store was closed by the Sheriff under an execution. - I worked for Marshall Field before. I had never seen any of the - defendants, to my knowledge, before that night, in my life. When I - saw Spies and Schwab go into the alley, there was a crowd there. I was - standing right near the alley, or alongside north of it, up against - the building. I couldn’t see down the alley unless I turned my face - to it. The first time I had ever seen Spies was when he got up on the - wagon. Spies got out of the wagon and went into Crane’s alley with - Schwab. I was right around the corner of the alley within three feet - probably at the farthest, and I moved down to within half a foot. I - did not look down the alley, only when they came out of the alley I - did look. The conversation between Spies and Schwab was in English. I - don’t understand German. I didn’t hear any words between ‘police’ and - ‘pistols.’ They were in there probably two or three minutes. When I - drew up within a foot of the alley, I heard: ‘Do you think one enough, - or had we better go for more?’ Going up Randolph Street, I heard some - words spoken in German between them, but not in the conversation at - the alley. I cannot say that I knew Mr. Schwab’s voice at that time. - I only knew Mr. Spies’ voice from what I heard him ask on the wagon. - Spies was the one who used the words ‘pistols’ and ‘police.’ I did - not see him when he said it. I could not see him without putting my - head around the corner. They went out of my sight when they went - into the alley. The whole conversation was done in three minutes, I - should judge. The first remark that I heard was about a minute and a - half after they went into the alley and went out of sight. When they - came out and walked south on Desplaines I followed them within a few - feet. It was then about a quarter past eight. They walked west on - Randolph Street to Halsted, and I trailed after them all the time, - part of the time beside them, part of the time ahead, and past them, - but all the time close to them. When they came to Halsted there were - a few people there, not much of a crowd. I was still tagging after - them with no other object than looking for the meeting, to find where - the audience was assembled. I don’t know whether they saw me; there - was nothing whatever to prevent their seeing me. When they were going - west I couldn’t hear a word of what they did say. The street lamps - were lighted. When they got down on Halsted there was a crowd, of - about twenty-five people. They were right in the thickest of the - crowd, and I stood on the sidewalk, about ten feet from them. I didn’t - hear either of them say a word. Then they went back east on Randolph - Street. I was about six feet behind them. They said nothing. There was - nobody else following them besides me. I couldn’t hear what they said - until they came to Union Street. Then I got past them. It was light at - the time; they could see me. Near Union Street Schwab said: ‘Now, if - they come, we will give it to them,’ and Spies said he did not think - they would bother them, because they were afraid. This conversation - was carried on in the English language. I was behind them when I heard - the first of it, but they kind of slackened, and I got by them. I was - making my gait quicker to get by them. Schwab finished his remark when - I got about three feet by them. Schwab made his remark in an ordinary - tone of street conversation, loud enough for me to hear. I heard no - more conversation between Schwab and Spies. I testified before the - Coroner’s jury. I testified to this conversation at Union Street. If I - didn’t, it was an oversight on my part, or it was because nobody asked - me any question, but I say that I did say that before the Coroner’s - inquest. - - “Coming back, I stopped on the northwest corner of Randolph and - Desplaines. I was then about ten or fifteen feet ahead of Spies and - Schwab. They came up. I can’t say that they were talking. They went - right through the street, moving diagonally to the wagon. I staid at - the corner. I did not go after them until they got onto the wagon. - That was the last time that I saw Schwab. I saw Spies when he got up - to make a speech. Oh, no, that wasn’t the last time that I saw Schwab - that night. That was the last time that I saw him until they were out - of sight and the third man met them. When they started from the corner - northeast across the street, I stood at the corner just to let them - cross the street. Then I started after them. They did not get out of - my sight. I didn’t catch up with them at all. When I got within eight - or ten feet of them they were standing on the sidewalk. They stopped - right there, about five feet south of the south line of Crane’s alley. - There wasn’t probably more than half a dozen people on the east side - of the street. There were a good many people on the West Side. It - was then about twenty or twenty-five minutes past eight. When I got - up within eight or ten feet of them and they stopped, I stopped too, - and looked at them. They were in plain view of me. I don’t think they - did see me, though they could see me if they looked up. I think there - are some electric lights near there, on the Lyceum building. I was - between them and the electric light. When they stopped there, the next - thing was that they met that third man. I had never seen that third - man before. I have seen this picture of Schnaubelt before; I think - Mr. Furthmann showed it to me about a week ago. That third party came - from the east. He must have been standing up against the house, and he - walked west to the front of the sidewalk. Schnaubelt was not facing - me; he had his back to me. They did not go into the alley. One had his - back south, one east, and Spies had his back north. I didn’t hear what - they were talking about. I was on the sidewalk near the curb-stone, - partly south, not directly south of them. Spies stood directly to the - north, which would bring his back to me. I don’t know but what he did - see me. They stood there about thirty seconds. I didn’t hear a word. - Spies handed that third man something, who put it into his pocket, and - Spies got up on the wagon and made a speech. I did not see Schwab on - the wagon. Spies got right up on the wagon and commenced to speak, but - one or two minutes elapsed in the time.” - -AUGUST HUEN, a printer in the employ of Wehrer & Klein, set up the -German part of the circular headed “Attention, Workingmen!” and -testified that the last line read, “Workingmen, arm yourselves and -appear in full force.” Mr. Fischer wrote it. On cross-examination, he -testified that an hour after the form had been given to the pressman -the last line was taken out. - -HUGH HUME, a reporter for the _Inter-Ocean_, testified: - - “I saw Mr. Fielden and other defendants in the sweat-box—that is, the - cells down-stairs—at the Central Station, about midnight, between the - 5th and 6th of May last. I had a conversation with Spies. He said he - had been at the Haymarket meeting. He had gone up there to refute the - statements of the capitalistic press in regard to what he had said at - McCormick’s. Up at McCormick’s he had been talking to a lot of people - whom he could not influence—all good Catholics. During his speech on - the Haymarket, some people had shown a disposition to hang McCormick. - He had told them not to make any threats of that kind. He had said, - ‘When you want to do a thing of that kind, don’t talk so much about - it, but go out and do it.’ He then said to me that the people had - reached a condition where they were willing to do any violence, and he - had advocated violence of that kind. It was necessary to bring about - the revolution that the Socialists wanted. He said he had advocated - the use of dynamite. I asked him if he was in favor of killing police - officers with dynamite. He hesitated a little, and then said the - police represented the capitalists and were enemies of theirs, and - when you have an enemy he has got to be removed. That is the gist of - what he said. Spies said he didn’t know anything about the bomb being - exploded until afterwards. He had heard a noise that resembled the - sound of a cannon, and thought the police were firing over the heads - of the people to frighten them. He said he considered all laws as - things you could get along without; they were inimical to the best - interests of the people and of the social growth. He did not think - that dynamite was in his office when he left it, and had an idea that - the police put that dynamite there to get a case on him. - - “I had a little talk with Mr. Fielden. He was suffering somewhat from - his wound. When I asked him how the Haymarket affair accorded with - his ideas of Socialism, he said, ‘You are on dangerous ground now. - There is an argument, though, that we have, that is to the effect that - if you cannot do a thing peaceably, it has got to be done by force.’ - Something to that effect; I don’t remember the language. Fielden said, - as to the number of Socialists in Chicago, that there were a number of - groups here, containing 250 men. Those were recognized Socialists, but - they had people from all over the city, from nearly every wholesale - house; but those people are afraid to come out yet, only awaiting - an opportunity. He spoke about the decision of the Supreme Court - prohibiting military companies from marching around with arms. He was - inclined to think that the decision was not right. - - “I had a short interview with Schwab. All he had to say was that - Socialism was right, even with the blood shed at the Haymarket.” - -On cross-examination Mr. Hume said that Spies saw him write down -answers to the questions and knew that he wanted the interview for -publication. - -HARRY L. GILMER proved a strong witness and testified as follows: - - “I am a painter by trade. Reside at 50 North Ann Street. On the - evening of May 4 last, I was at the Haymarket meeting on Desplaines - Street. I got there about a quarter to ten o’clock. In going home, - when I got to the corner of Randolph and Desplaines Streets, I saw - a crowd over there, and went up to where the speaking was going on, - on the east side of Desplaines Street. I saw the wagon; did not pay - particular attention to the speaking. I stood near the lamp-post on - the corner of Crane Bros’. alley, between the lamp-post and the wagon, - and up near the east end of the wagon for a few minutes. The gentleman - here (pointing to Fielden) was speaking when I came there. I staid - around there a few minutes, was looking for a party whom I expected - to find there, and stepped back into the alley between Crane Bros’. - building and the building immediately south of it. The alley was south - of the wagon. I was standing in the alley looking around for a few - minutes; noticed parties in conversation, right across the alley, on - the south side of the alley. Somebody in front of me on the edge of - the sidewalk said, ‘Here comes the police.’ There was a sort of rush - to see the police come up. There was a man came from the wagon down to - the parties that were standing on the south side of the alley. He lit - a match and touched it off, something or another—the fuse commenced - to fizzle, and he give a couple of steps forward, and tossed it over - into the street. He was standing in this direction (illustrating). The - man that lit the match on this side of him, and two or three of them - stood together, and he turned around with it in his hand, took two or - three steps that way, and tossed it that way, over into the street. I - knew the man by sight who threw that fizzing thing into the street. I - have seen him several times at meetings at one place and another in - the city. I do not know his name. He was a man about five feet ten - inches high, somewhat full-chested, and had a light sandy beard, not - very long. He was full-faced, his eyes set somewhat back in his head. - Judging from his appearance, he would probably weigh 180 pounds. My - impression is his hat was dark brown or black; I don’t know whether - it was a soft hat, a felt hat or a stiff hat. This here (indicating - photograph of Schnaubelt heretofore identified) is the man that threw - the bomb out of the alley. There were four or five standing together - in the group. This here (pointing to Spies) is the man who came from - the wagon toward the group. - - “I did not see the police myself, there were so many people between - me and them. I don’t recollect any declaration from any of the police - officers about this person—nothing distinctly, anyway. That man over - there (pointing at defendant Fischer) was one of the parties. After - the bomb was thrown these parties immediately left through the alley. - I stood there. The firing commenced immediately afterwards, and my - attention was attracted by the firing, and I paid more attention to - that than anything else.” - -On cross-examination Gilmer testified to having resided formerly in -Des Moines, Iowa, Fort Dodge, Iowa, Kansas City, Mo., and in various -localities in Chicago. He then proceeded as follows: - - “I know the Coroner’s jury was investigating the matter. I saw an - account of the investigation of the grand jury in the paper. I first - told a man by the name of Allen and another party whom I don’t know, - and a reporter of the _Times_, that I saw the match lighted, and saw - the man who threw the bomb. I think that it was two or three days - after the 4th of May. A number of people were talking the matter over - on the west side of the City Hall, on La Salle Street, and I made the - remark that I believed if I ever saw the party who threw the bomb I - could identify him. They didn’t ask me why I made that remark. I don’t - think they asked me any questions, what I knew about the matter. The - reporter afterwards told me he had heard the remark. I think that - was on the 6th of May. On May 5th, I was working on the corner of - Twentieth Street and Wabash Avenue. On the 6th of May I went down to - 88 La Salle Street to collect a bill. I went across the street, and - there had the conversation with the reporter and the others. That - night I had a note left at my room for me to come down to the Central - Station. The name of James Bonfield was signed to the note. I went to - the Central Station and had a conversation with Mr. Bonfield the next - day; I couldn’t tell exactly whether on the 6th or the 7th. I made my - statement to Mr. Bonfield. I never appeared before a Coroner’s jury; - was never subpoenaed to appear before any Coroner’s jury that examined - any of the dead policemen. I was at the Haymarket meeting about - fifteen minutes from the time I got there to the explosion of the - bomb. I was looking for a person who had told me he was going to the - meeting. I kept looking through the crowd to see if I could find him. - Fielden was speaking then. I don’t remember anything of his speech, - except that he made use of the word McCormick. Before I went down-town - I had read in the paper that there had been a riot at McCormick’s - the day before, and that the police had shot some men. I was in the - neighborhood of where Fielden talked for about fifteen minutes. I - don’t remember anything about the connection in which Fielden spoke - of McCormick. I was looking for a gentleman by the name of Richard - Roe, and didn’t pay any attention to what Fielden said. When I stepped - into the alley I think I was on the north side of the alley, about - eight feet from the corner of Crane’s building. That group of men - was right across the alley on the south side. The lamp was burning - on the corner of the alley at that time, and it shone right down. - I could see the persons in that party distinctly; could see their - countenances; they could see myself. They were also about eight or - nine feet from the mouth of the alley. I could hear them talk. They - spoke German. I didn’t understand them. Before the man came from the - wagon I stepped across the alley and was standing on the north side - of the alley, perhaps three or four feet to the east of that group, - so that I was standing about twelve or fourteen feet from the mouth - of Crane’s alley. I did not say that I saw the wagon from that point. - I could just see the hind end of the wagon from where I stood when - I went through the alley. I think there was a tail-board. The edges - of the box of the wagon were perhaps ten inches high. I don’t know - whether there were side-boards on that wagon or not; I could not say - positively as to the width of the side-boards on the wagon. They might - have been higher than ten inches. I am sure there was a box of some - kind on the wagon. My impression is it was a wagon about twelve or - thirteen feet long, with low side-boards on. I didn’t see anybody get - off of the wagon after I went in the alley. I did not say Mr. Spies - got down off the wagon. I said he came from towards the wagon. I saw - him standing on the sidewalk before I went in the alley. I did not say - I saw Spies in the wagon at all. Mr. Spies is the man that came down - in the alley and lighted the bomb, to the best of my recollection. - When I saw him standing on the sidewalk he was talking with somebody. - I would be inclined to think it was this gentleman here (indicating - Schwab). I could not say for sure. I think it was a dark-complexioned - man. My impression is it might be him. I have very little doubt but - Fischer is the man I saw in the group. I am very nearly as positive - that Fischer is the man as I am that the picture is the picture of - the man who threw the bomb. I am sure Fischer is the man. I think I - saw Mr. Parsons there that night talking to some ladies. I had been - down to the Palmer House that evening to see some gentlemen from Des - Moines that I understood were in the city. One of them was Judge Cole, - another was ex-Gov. Samuel Merrill. I didn’t find either of them - there. I went to the meeting, as I thought I would meet Mr. Roe, and - we would go home together. That was the only business I had with Mr. - Roe. It would have been eight or nine blocks from the Haymarket to - where I lived. - - “I did not run at the time of the shooting. I did not move at all. I - stood right at the mouth of the alley. After it was all over I backed - out the alley, took a car and went home. There were no bullets coming - in around my locality in the alley. On the street-car on my way home - I didn’t talk with anybody about the occurrence. There were quite a - number of people in the car talking about the Haymarket occurrence, - and there was considerable excitement in the car on account of it. The - next morning I went down on the Wabash Avenue car to the corner of - Twentieth Street and Wabash Avenue. - - “I heard people speak about the Haymarket affair in the restaurant, - on Madison Street, where I took my breakfast. I did not say to them - anything about my seeing the match lighted and the bomb thrown. I - bought the _News_ on the car. I think I was working for Frank Crandle - that day; to the best of my recollection, there was only one man - working with me on the job. We worked alongside of each other some - time. Talked about different things, about our business. I did not - say to him that I saw the bomb thrown, nor that I saw the man light - the match that lit the bomb. I told him I had been at the Haymarket - and spoke of the Haymarket riot, and I think I said there were a - number killed or wounded. In the evening I went home on the Wabash - Avenue car. People were speaking about the Haymarket meeting in the - car. I didn’t tell them I knew anything about it. I think I got home - about half past six. I had no conversation with the landlady. After - my supper, my impression is I went to Mr. Roe’s house. He was not at - home. I stayed there about fifteen minutes talking with Mrs. Roe. Her - daughter, about twelve or thirteen years old, was present during the - conversation. We talked about the Haymarket meeting. I told her I was - there. She said she would not let Mr. Roe go to the meeting. I did not - tell her nor anybody on that occasion that I saw the bomb lighted and - thrown. Since noon adjournment I had no talk with James Bonfield.” - - “Were not you just now walking back and forth in the corridor with - him?” - - “I did not have no—“ - - “Didn’t you walk back and forth?” - - “Yes, sir.” - - “You were talking to him?” - - “Yes, sir.” - - “When I was at Central Station, I think, both Inspector Bonfield and - Lieut. Kipley were present when I made the statement that I could - recognize the man, if I ever saw him again, who threw the bomb. - Afterwards I told all the details to Mr. Grinnell. I explained matters - more to him than to anybody else. I would not be positive that I told - Mr. Bonfield I saw the man light the match. I gave a description of - the man that I saw throw the bomb. I think the man had a black or blue - sack coat on. I think he had black eyes, and somewhat light whiskers. - The bomb went in a westerly direction. I have seen Mr. Spies the last - year and a half, and knew him by sight, not by name. I heard him speak - at public meetings, seen him very frequently, but never knew his name. - I heard him once on Market Street, a year ago last spring. I did not - inquire who it was that spoke. I knew from hearing him and reading the - papers that Spies was one of the speakers. I frequently heard the name - of August Spies. At the time I had the conversation with Bonfield I - described to him as well as I could the man that struck the match and - lighted the fuse. It was either Bonfield or one of the officers in the - Central Station. They were all together. I was twice over at police - headquarters. This picture here (photograph of Schnaubelt) was shown - to me first some time last week, at the State’s Attorney’s office. I - was in the city during the time the Coroner’s jury was examining into - the cause of the death of different policemen, and at the time the - grand jury was examining into this case. The officers knew my name and - address. They never called on me to go before the grand jury or the - Coroner’s jury. - - “The man who threw the bomb was about five feet and eight, ten or nine - inches high. I don’t think he was a man over six feet tall. The first - time I told Mr. Grinnell of my experience at the Haymarket was when - I made my second visit to the Central Station, on Sunday after the - Haymarket meeting. I think at that time I only told Mr. Grinnell that - I could identify the person that threw the bomb, if I saw him. I think - I told him at that time that I saw one man strike a match and light - the fuse, and another man throw the bomb. Mr. Fischer was brought in - while we had the conversation at the Central Station. I looked at him. - I said nothing about his being the man that struck the match. I knew - him by sight. I identified him as being one of the men who composed - the group in the alley. - - “I received some money two or three times when I have been over here - from Mr. James Bonfield—ten or fifteen cents, sometimes a quarter. At - the conversation at Central Station I was not told that I was wanted - as a witness before the grand jury. I saw the picture of Rudolph - Schnaubelt about six weeks ago, when Mr. Grinnell sent for me. I did - not tell any person at any time, except the officers that I mentioned, - that I saw the act of lighting the bomb accomplished. Neither Mr. - Grinnell nor Bonfield, nor any other officer, told me to keep silent - in regard to the matter. - - “I am six feet three in height. I could pretty near see right over - the head of the fellow who threw the bomb. When I gave a description - of the man who came from the wagon and lighted the match that lit the - fuse they did not bring out Mr. Spies for me to look at. Spies had - kind of dark clothes on that night. His hat was black or brown. My - impression is it was a limber-rimmed hat. I first told Mr. Grinnell - one day last week that this is the man that struck the match, when - I saw him sitting here in court. I think Mr. Fischer had on a blue - sack-coat that night. I think he had a black necktie. If Schnaubelt - had any necktie that night it was a very light one. Spies had a - turn-down collar that night and not any necktie. I think the upper - buttons of Mr. Schnaubelt’s coat were buttoned. I think Spies had one - or two buttons of his coat buttoned up when he came from the wagon - into the alley.” - -MARTIN QUINN was recalled and testified to finding, at Engel’s house, a -machine for making bombs. - - “Engel said it had been left there by some man about four or five - months previous to that time. Mrs. Engel gave a description of the man - who left the machine down at the basement door, as a man with long - black whiskers and pretty tall. Mr. Engel said he thought he knew the - man, and he thought the machine was made for the purpose of making - bombs. There had been a meeting at Turner Hall, where this man had - made a speech about the manufacture of bombs, and the next thing was, - this machine was brought over, and Engel had said to him he wouldn’t - allow him to make any bombs in his basement; so the man went away. - Engel didn’t know where he was.” - -JOHN BONFIELD was recalled and testified to being at the Central -Station when Officer Quinn brought Engel and the machine there. -Bonfield, being asked by State’s Attorney Grinnell to explain the -purpose of the apparatus, said: - - “This is a blast furnace in miniature—a home-made one. This upright - part could be lined with fire-clay. This shoulder, some two and a half - inches from the bottom, could be filled in around with clay, leaving - the holes open. This, in a blasting furnace, would be known as a - tweer. It is filled up to a considerable height with clay to protect - it from the hot fire inside, and the pressure of air is applied - through those pipes, one or both of them, as may be necessary. When - the fire is extinguished or removed, the debris or slag that comes - from the metal, and the ashes and cinders from the material used for - fuel, can be taken out through the trap at the bottom. The spout is - for the purpose of passing out the melted metal. It is stopped with a - plug of clay, and when the plug is removed the metal is poured through - that tube.” - -[Illustration: ENGEL’S BLAST FURNACE. - -From a Photograph.] - -LOUIS MAHLENDORF testified as follows: - - “I am a tinner by trade, at 292 Milwaukee Avenue, since two years. I - know the defendant Engel since about eight years. I made this machine - (referring to blasting-machine) for Engel over a year ago. I cut off - the iron and formed it up. Another gentleman, a kind of heavy-set man - with long beard, was with him when he ordered it. Mr. Engel waited for - it. He took it away with him.” - -HERMANN SCHUETTLER, a detective connected with the East Chicago Avenue -Station, gave the facts with reference to his arrest of Lingg, and his -search of the room on Sedgwick Street, with Officers Stift, Loewenstein -and Whalen: - - “We searched a trunk and found a round lead bomb in a stocking. The - trunk was in the southeast room. In another stocking I found a large - navy revolver. Both revolver and bomb were loaded. I turned them over - to Capt. Schaack. We found a ladle and some tools, a cold chisel - and other articles. This here (indicating) is the trunk I found in - the room. The letters ‘L. L.’ were on it at the time. I recollect a - round porcelain-lined blue cup made out of china that I found, and I - believe a file. In the closet underneath the baseboard we found a lot - of torn-off plaster. The lathing was sawed so you could get your hand - between the floor and the bottom of the laths underneath. I saw those - lead pipes (indicating) lying between the house Lingg lived in and the - next house to it, in a small gangway. On the way to the Chicago Avenue - Station I asked Lingg why he wanted to kill me. He said: ‘Personally, - I have nothing against you, but if I had killed you and your partner - I would have been satisfied. I would have killed myself if I had got - away with you and your partner.” - -On cross-examination witness stated that he had had no search warrant -for going through Lingg’s trunk. - -JACOB LOEWENSTEIN, another detective connected with the same station, -testified to assisting Schuettler in arresting Lingg and that after -they had vanquished him Lingg said several times: “Shoot me right here, -before I will go with you. Kill me!” Witness further stated: - - “I was with Officers Whalen, Stift, Schuettler, Cushman and McCormick, - at Lingg’s room, on May 7, between ten and eleven o’clock. Nobody was - in the house. The door was locked. Finally we pushed in the door and - went in. In a little bed-room in the southeast corner of the house - there was a bed and a wash-stand and a trunk, and a little shelf up - in the corner with some bottles on it. In the closet there were some - shells, and some loaded cartridges, and on the floor some metal and - some lead. Those here (indicating box containing shells) are the - shells I found in the closet of Lingg’s room. I found those bolts - (indicating) in the wash-stand. This metal here (indicating) I found - in a dinner-box with some loaded dynamite bombs in the trunk. There - were four bombs in this box (indicating), gas-pipe bombs. The two - in the bottom were loaded. When I first opened the trunk this cover - (indicating) dropped down, and with this Remington rifle (indicating), - which was loaded, fell down. I found a lot of papers and books in the - top of the trunk. In a gray stocking I found this round dynamite bomb, - loaded (indicating). I found two pieces of solder in that dinner-box. - I found a blast hammer and one smaller hammer, a couple of iron bits - and drills, a two-quart pail, with a little substance looking like - saw-dust in the bottom of it, which I found out to be dynamite. I - found a little tin quart basin under the bed with a little piece of - fuse in it. In the bottom of the trunk I found two or three pieces of - fuse. In the closet we tore off the baseboard, which had been freshly - nailed down—the nails were projecting out a little bit—and found the - plaster was torn out all the way around on the baseboard, and there - were holes there.” - -JOSEPH B. CASAGRANDE, telephone operator at the East Chicago Avenue -Station, but on duty at the Larrabee Street Station on the night of -May 4, and John K. Soller, a police officer at the last-named station, -testified to a call for a patrol wagon and its leaving at 10:40 o’clock -for Desplaines and Randolph Streets with a full load of officers. - -JOHN B. MURPHY, a physician and surgeon, was called to the Desplaines -Street Station after the Haymarket explosion and remained until three -o’clock in the morning. He was a surgeon at the Cook County Hospital, -and when he left the station he proceeded direct to that institution. -At the station Dr. Murphy said that he first dressed Barrett, who was -complaining and crying with severe pain. - - “He had a very large wound in his side, large enough to admit two - fingers right into his liver, and severely bleeding. I could not reach - with my finger the piece of shell that caused the injury. It was a - lacerated wound, much larger than could be made by an ordinary pistol - bullet. I tampened the liver with gauze to prevent his bleeding to - death at the station, and I went on to other officers in that way - until I dressed in all between twenty-six and thirty at the station. - When we got through with that, at three o’clock, Dr. Lee remained at - the station while I went to the hospital to take care of those injured - most severely, who were to be sent to the hospital. Officers Muller, - Whitney, Keller, Barrett, Flavin and Redden are the principal men that - I ordered him to send first to the hospital.” - -Dr. Murphy then gave a list of the men and specified the particular -character of their wounds. - -E. G. EPLER, a physician and surgeon practicing at No. 505 South Canal -Street, testified to having dressed a wound of Fielden between eleven -and twelve at night on May 4. - - “The wound was on the left side of the left knee joint, the bullet - having passed in underneath the skin and passed out again five inches - from the point of entry. He said he was crawling on the pavement - trying to get away from the crowd when he received the injury, and the - bullet glanced off from the pavement and struck him in that position.” - -MICHAEL HOFFMAN, a detective connected with the Larrabee Street -Station, gave evidence as to finding nine round bombs and four long -ones. - - “These two bombs (indicating) I found at the corner of Clyde and - Clybourn Avenue, near Ogden’s Grove, under the sidewalk. They were - empty. I found another one there which was loaded, and which I gave to - Capt. Schaack. Gustav Lehman, who was a witness in this case, was with - me when I found them. I got two coils of fuse, a can of dynamite and - a box of caps at the same time. I found these two pieces of gas-pipe - (indicating) at 509 North Halsted Street, under the house of John - Thielen, who was arrested, with two cigar-boxes full of dynamite and - two boxes of cartridges, one rifle, one revolver. The revolver and - one box of cartridges were buried under the floor of the coal-shed, - and two bombs which were loaded, the dynamite and rifle and other - box of cartridges were buried under the house in the ground. The can - of dynamite which Lehman pointed out to me, and which I found near - Ogden’s Grove, held about a gallon. This can and the box of caps were - on the stone of the pavement; the bombs were buried in the ground.” - -At this stage of the proceedings I was myself put on the stand. My -testimony, as taken by the stenographers, was as follows: - - “I am police captain of the Fifth Precinct. My headquarters are at - East Chicago Avenue Station. I have charge of two other stations - besides. Have been connected with the force for eighteen years. Have - been captain one year. I have seen Spies, Schwab, Neebe and Fischer. - Had no personal acquaintance with them. The defendants Engel and Lingg - were arrested and confined in my station. Lingg was arrested on May - 14th; Engel about the 18th. I had my first conversation with Lingg - about this case about three o’clock on the afternoon of May 14th. - Lingg told me his name, and that he had lived at 442 Sedgwick Street. - He had been out of work for about four weeks. I asked him whether - he was at the meeting held in the basement of 54 West Lake Street - on Monday night, and he said, ‘Yes.’ On Tuesday night, May 4th, he - said, he was at home—not all the evening. He and Seliger had been - on Larrabee Street, quite a ways north; had had several glasses of - beer, and from there he went home. He said he had made some bombs - to use them himself. He said he had reason for being down on the - police; they had clubbed him out at McCormick’s. He said he was down - on capitalists, and found fault with the police for taking the part - of the capitalists. If the capitalists turned out the militia and the - police force with their Gatling guns, they couldn’t do anything with - revolvers, and therefore they had adopted these bombs and dynamite. - He said he had learned to make bombs in scientific books of warfare - published by Most, of New York. He had got his dynamite on Lake - Street, somewhere near Dearborn, and had bought some fuse and caps, - and told me what he paid for it. He had not used up all his dynamite. - He said he had made bombs of gas-pipe, and also of metal and lead - mixed. He found the gas-pipe on the street sometimes. The lead he got - about the same way. He said the bombs they found in his place were all - he made. We put Mrs. Seliger face to face with him, and she accused - him that he had commenced making bombs a few weeks after he came to - their house. He looked at the woman, but didn’t say anything. John - Thielen, who was arrested at the time, faced him too. Lingg admitted - he had given to Thielen the two cigar-boxes full of dynamite and the - two bombs which Officer Hoffman brought to me; at the same time Lingg - looked right square at Thielen and shook his head for him to keep - still. Thielen said to him, ‘Never mind, you might as well tell it. - They know it all, anyhow.’ - - “In Lingg’s trunk I discovered a false bottom, and in there I found - two long cartridges of dynamite, and some fuse four inches long, - with caps on, and a big coil of fuse. I asked Lingg if that was the - dynamite he used in his bombs, and he said yes. The dynamite in the - package is lighter in quality than what was found in his bombs, - except one that was black. I got three kinds of dynamite. That in - the gallon-box that Lehman testified was given to him by Lingg - looked like charcoal; the dynamite in the trunk was white, and the - dynamite in most of those bombs is dark-colored. Lingg said he had - tried a round bomb and a long one in the open air somewhere, and - they worked well. He put one right in the crotch of a tree and split - it all up. He said he had known Spies for some time. He had been at - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office about five times, bringing reports of - Socialistic and Anarchistic meetings to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. He - stated he had been financial secretary of a branch of the Carpenters’ - Union. He had been a Socialist ever since he could think. He told me - he had been in this country since last July or August; he had been a - Socialist in Europe.” - - “Now give the conversation which you had with Engel.” - - “Engel said, in the first conversation that I had with him, that on - Monday, 3d of May, he was doing some fresco work for a friend by the - name of Koch, somewhere out west. He had been for a little while at - the 54 West Lake Street meeting that night, but made no speech there. - - “Several days afterwards I had another conversation, when his wife and - daughter came. Engel complained that his cell was dark and no water - running in it, and I told him we would give him another cell if we - had it. The cells were crowded right along that night. And his wife - said, ‘Do you see now what trouble you got yourself into?’ and Engel - answered, ‘Mamma, I can’t help it.’ I asked him why he didn’t stop - that nonsense, and he said: ‘I promised my wife so many times that I - would stop this business, but I can’t stop it. What is in me has got - to come out. I can’t help it that I am so gifted with eloquence. It is - a curse. It has been a curse to a good many other men. A good many men - have suffered already for the same cause, and I am willing to suffer - and will stand it like a man.’ And I think he mentioned Louise Michel - as having taken a leading part in the Anarchist business. Engel said - on the evening of May 4th he was at home tying on the lounge. - - “I have experimented with all dynamite that was brought me; also the - bombs. I gave a portion of the lead bomb which Officer Schuettler - testified he found in Lingg’s room to Professor Haines. I took the - dynamite from that bomb and put the dynamite in a piece of gas-pipe, - about five inches long, with ends screwed on. I had a box made two - feet square, of inch boards, pretty well nailed together, and we dug - a hole three feet deep out at Lake View, in the bushes, put the box - into the hole, cut a hole in the top of the box, let the bomb into it, - put a fuse and cap to it, and touched it off. This was found as the - result of the explosion (indicating fragments). The box was blown all - to pieces, and some of the pieces flew up in the trees. Everything in - that box was smashed to pieces. This bomb here (indicating) I have - made in the same way, and filled it with some black dynamite from that - gallon can which was given by Lingg to Lehman, as stated here. This - here (indicating fragments of the exploded bomb) was the result of the - examination. I put some dynamite also in a beer keg. It smashed the - keg all to pieces. - - “Now here are the fragments from a lead bomb which Lehman gave to - Hoffman and Hoffman to me. We got a piece of boiler-iron a quarter of - an inch thick, nineteen inches high, and thirty-four inches wide. Then - we had a steel top weighing 140 pounds. On the ground I put two-inch - plank. On top of the plank I put four large metal sheets. I put the - bomb right in the center, and a big stone weighing about 125 pounds - on top, and the inside of the boiler-iron, the tub, I had painted so - we could see where the lead would strike. I touched it off myself. It - knocked the tub away up in the air, and the stone on top was crushed - all to pieces. This is the result of the lead after we picked it up on - top of the boards (indicating fragments of the tub). Here is the bolt - (indicating) that was on the bomb. The nut we did not find. I counted - 195 places where the lead struck the painted boiler-iron. There is - a crack clear through the boiler-iron. In six places it is bulged - out. Professor Haines has got a piece of this bomb (indicating), and - Professor Patton another piece. I gave to the professors pieces of - metal from other bombs. - - “Lingg in his conversations with me said there would likely be a - revolution through this workingmen’s trouble. There was a satchel - brought from Neff’s place. The satchel was filled with bombs. Thielen - was present. I asked him if he brought the satchel there. He said he - saw the satchel there, saw it stand there when he left, and that was - the last he saw of it. Lingg said he made the molds to make these - bombs himself. He made them of clay, and that they could be used to - cast in only about twice. He said he saw the ‘Revenge’ circular on the - West Side, I believe at 71 West Lake Street. I asked him when he had - had his hair trimmed and his chin beard shaved. He said on or about - the 7th of May. He said there had been several persons in his room on - the afternoon of May 4th, among them the two Lehmans. - - “I experimented with fuse. I cut a fuse four inches long and set it - on fire, and you could count just six until it struck the cap within. - I experimented with dynamite cartridges. I drilled a hole in one end - about an inch and a half deep, shoved a percussion cap in, put a fuse - on, and exploded it. I had it stand free up in the air in a stone - weighing about twenty or thirty pounds. When it went off it broke the - stone all up. I put one right in the center of a lot of shrubs and - bushes, and it broke everything up—took around about four feet each - way.” - -On cross-examination I stated that I had never taken Lingg before any -magistrate for examination. There was no complaint entered against him. - -FREDERICK DREWS saw some cans underneath the sidewalk at his home, No. -351 North Paulina Street, about three miles from the Haymarket, and -testified to having turned them over to me. His residence was about a -mile and a half from Wicker Park. - -MICHAEL WHALEN, a detective connected with the Chicago Avenue Station, -testified to having seen the cans referred to by the preceding witness -in the yard at No. 351 North Paulina Street, and that there were four -of those cans, one of which they emptied. - -DANIEL COUGHLIN, a police officer, testified as to the explosive -character of one of the cans found at North Paulina Street, with a -fulminating cap and fuse about eight inches long. After igniting the -fuse an explosion was caused which shattered the can, throwing the -contents, some kind of vitriol, four or five feet around. - -CHARLES E. PROUTY, manager of a gun-store at No. 53 State Street, -recalled a visit of Mr. and Mrs. Engel at the store the previous fall. - - “They made some inquiries in regard to some large revolvers. They - found one there that seemed to be satisfactory, and wanted to know - at what price they could get a quantity of them, perhaps one or two - hundred, and wanted to buy that one and pay for it and present it at - some meeting of some society. They took the pistol and paid for it. - A week or two after they returned, said the pistol was satisfactory, - and wanted to know if I could get them a lot. I said I knew of one - lot in the East, and would inquire. I wrote East, and found the lot - had been disposed of. They were somewhat disappointed, but said they - had found something else for a little less money that would answer - the purpose, and with that they left our store. Mrs. Engel comes - frequently to our store. She has a little store on the West Side, and - buys fishing-tackle and other things in our line. I sold cartridges to - them in a small way, as she might want them in her store. When I spoke - of guns I meant large revolvers, something about seven-inch barrel—I - think 44 or 45-caliber, at $5.50 apiece. When I stated the price was - very cheap they replied they didn’t care to make profit on them, it - was for a society. I remember seeing Mr. Parsons’ face in the store. - Never had any dealings with him.” - -WILLIAM J. REYNOLDS, in the employ of D. H. Lamberson & Co., gun -business at No. 76 State Street, testified: - - “I think about February or March of this year Mr. Parsons came to - our store. He said he wanted to buy a quantity of revolvers—I think - forty or fifty. He wanted what is called an old remodeled Remington - revolver, 44 or 45-caliber. I agreed to write and get a quotation of - the revolver. He came in again, and I quoted him a price upon it. He - did not purchase any revolvers, and was in once or twice after that. - He seemed undecided about it.” - -THOMAS MCNAMARA, a police officer, testified: - - “I found thirty loaded and one empty gas-pipe bombs under the sidewalk - on Bloomingdale Road and Robey Street. The loaded bombs were fixed - with caps and fuse. They were in an oil-cloth. The corner where I - found them is about four blocks from Wicker Park. Found them on the - afternoon of May 23 last. Three coils of fuse in a tin can and two - boxes of dynamite caps—probably about two hundred caps—were also in - the package.” - -Prof. WALTER S. HAINES examined a number of bomb fragments and -testified as follows: - - “I am professor of chemistry in Rush Medical College in this city. I - devote most of my time to practical chemistry. I have examined several - pieces of metal at the request of the State’s Attorney. I received - from Capt. Schaack, on June 24 this year, a piece of bomb said to have - been connected with Lingg. I call it ‘Lingg bomb No. 1.’ I received - from Dr. J. B. Murphy, on the same day, a piece of metal said to have - been taken from Officer Murphy. I designate it ‘Murphy bomb.’ On July - 22 I received a piece of metal said to have been taken from Officer - Degan. I designate it ‘Degan bomb.’ The last piece I received from Mr. - Furthmann. I subsequently received from Officer Whalen a piece of bomb - said to have been connected with Lingg. I designate it ‘Lingg bomb No. - 2,’ The next day I received from Capt. Schaack pieces of two other - bombs also said to have been connected with Lingg. I designate as - ‘Lingg bombs Nos. 3 and 4.’ I received from Mr. Furthmann a portion of - a bomb said to have been connected with Mr. Spies, which I designate - as ‘Spies bomb.’ These were all subjected to chemical examination. - Lingg bombs Nos. 1, 3 and 4 were found to consist chiefly of lead, - with a small percentage of tin and traces of antimony, iron and zinc. - The amount of tin in these three bombs differs slightly. One of them - contained about 1.9 per cent., another about 2.4 per cent., the third - about 2½ per cent. of tin. Lingg bomb No. 2 contained more tin, - consequently less lead; also a little more antimony and a little more - zinc. The amount of tin in this bomb was very nearly seven per cent. - The Murphy bomb was composed of a small proportion of tin, chiefly - lead and traces of antimony, iron and zinc. The amount of tin was in - round numbers 1.6 per cent. The Degan bomb contained in round numbers - 1.6 or 1.7 per cent. The remainder was lead, with traces of antimony, - iron and zinc. The Spies bomb consisted chiefly of lead with a small - quantity of tin, about 1.1 per cent., in round numbers, with traces - of antimony, iron and zinc. The different pieces of the same bomb - differed slightly in the proportions of the metals present. The Degan - bomb contained slightly more tin than what I call the Murphy bomb. - There is no commercial substance with which I am acquainted that has - such a composition as these bombs. Commercial lead frequently contains - traces of other substances, but, as far as I know, never tin. Solder - is composed of from a third to a half tin and the remainder lead. Lead - must have been the basis for the preparation of the various articles - which I examined, and this must have been mixed either with tin or - some substance containing tin, as for instance solder. - - “Lingg bomb No. 2 had a minute trace of copper. This piece of - candlestick (indicating) is composed of tin and lead, with a certain - amount of antimony and zinc and a little copper. Professor Patton has - been sick for about two weeks. I worked in connection with Professor - Delafontaine instead of working with Patton.” (The Spies bomb is the - one which the witness Wilkinson identified.) - -Prof. MARK DELAFONTAINE testified as follows: - - “I am a chemist, teacher of chemistry in the High School in this city. - Have been a chemist for over thirty years. I made an examination - of the substances described by Prof. Haines, compared results with - him, and they agreed as closely as they can. I found the piece of - candlestick to be a mixture of antimony, tin, lead, zinc and a trace - of copper. I made experiments with old lead pipes upon which there - was solder. I took a piece of old lead pipe that had been very much - mended, had much solder put on; I melted it, analyzed it, and the - amount of tin contained in the mixture was about seven-tenths of one - per cent. I don’t know of any one commercial product of which the - pieces of bomb that I examined could be composed. I never found a - sample of lead containing the least traces of tin.” - -MICHAEL WHALEN, recalled, testified that he gave to Prof. Haines two -pieces of lead which I had given to him. - -EDMUND FURTHMANN, Assistant State’s Attorney, stated that the piece of -lead he gave to Prof. Haines he had received from Dr. Bluthardt, and -designated the various halls and places spoken of by various witnesses -as being all located in Cook County and the State of Illinois. - -THEODORE J. BLUTHARDT was then called and gave the following evidence: - - “I am County Physician. I made a _post-mortem_ examination upon the - body of Mathias J. Degan, on the 5th day of May last, before the - Coroner’s inquest, at the Cook County Hospital. I found a deep cut - upon his forehead, another cut over the right eye and another deep - cut, about two inches in length, on the left side. I found a large - wound, apparently a gun-shot wound—a hole in the middle of the - left thigh. I found seven explosive marks on his right leg and two - on the left leg. The large hole in the middle of the left thigh was - the mortal wound caused by an explosive, a piece of lead that had - penetrated the skin, destroyed the inside muscles and lacerated the - femoral artery, which caused bleeding to death. Besides that he had a - wound on the dorsum of the left foot, also caused by a piece of lead, - which forced its way through the bones of the ankle joint. I found a - piece behind the inside ankle of the left foot. Both pieces I gave - to Mr. Furthmann. The external appearance of that wound on that left - thigh was that of a rifle ball. It was round and not very ragged; it - was clean cut through the skin, but the muscles of the thigh were all - contused and torn—formed a kind of pulpy cavity as large as a goose - egg on the inside. The missile was lodged in the upper part of the - thigh, about four inches above the place where it entered. Mathias J. - Degan died of hemorrhage of the femoral artery, caused by this wound - that I described. - - “I made a _post-mortem_ examination on the body of John Barrett on the - 7th of May, at 171 East Chicago Avenue. A missile had passed through - the eleventh rib into the upper part of the liver, about three inches - deep. There I found a piece of lead and a piece of blue cloth with - lining in. The right lung was collapsed. From the opening into the - diaphragm the air rushed into the cavity of the chest and compressed - the lung. In consequence of the wound in the liver there was a good - deal of hemorrhage into the chest as well as into the abdomen. This - wound, by this explosive piece of material, was the cause of his - death. He had several other wounds. - - “On the same day I made a _post-mortem_ examination on the body of - George F. Muller, at the Cook County Hospital. This man died, in my - opinion, from the effects of a pistol ball which wounded the small - intestines and caused inflammation of the bowels. - - “On May 8th I made a _post-mortem_ examination on the body of Tim - Flavin. He had a small wound in the back four inches to the left of - the spine. The missile, which was not a pistol ball, passed into the - abdomen below the twelfth rib. I found much blood in both cavities, - and the cause of his death was internal hemorrhage. - - “On May 10th I made a _post-mortem_ examination on the body of Michael - Sheehan. He died from exhaustion caused by a pistol shot wound upon - the right side of the abdomen, three inches to the right and four - inches above the umbilicus. The ball passed through the mesentary and - lower part of the liver into the muscles of the abdomen. There was - considerable blood in the abdomen and the liver. The surroundings were - very much inflamed. - - “On May 17th I made a _post-mortem_ examination on the body of Thomas - Redden, at the Cook County Hospital. I found an abrasion over the - right eye, a slight lacerated wound upon the lower part of the left - hip, a large lacerated wound perforating the right forearm, a compound - fracture of the left tibia, a large lacerated wound upon the posterior - part of the left leg, a circular wound upon the right leg two inches - below the knee joint, extending to the bone, another wound upon the - right leg about seven inches above the ankle, a large lacerated wound - upon the left side of the back. I found the lungs badly inflamed and - the blood valves enlarged above the kidneys, and the liver somewhat - inflamed with so-called cloudy swelling. In my opinion he died from - the effects of these wounds bringing about blood-poisoning.” - -JAMES BONFIELD, being recalled, stated: - - “I found a number of banners at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. I found, - altogether, about forty banners. I can identify only a few of them as - found at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_.” - -State’s Attorney Grinnell here announced that the prosecution rested -its case. Thereupon counsel for the defendants moved that the jury be -sent from the court-room while they would present and argue, on behalf -of Neebe, a motion that the jury be instructed to find a verdict of not -guilty as to Neebe. Judge Gary refused the motion. - -A like motion on behalf of the other defendants, except August Spies -and Adolph Fischer, was also overruled by the court. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV. - - The Programme of the Defense—Mayor Harrison’s Memories—Simonson’s - Story—A Graphic Account—A Bird’s-eye View of Dynamite—Ferguson - and the Bomb—“As Big as a Base Ball”—The Defense Theory of the - Riot—Claiming the Police were the Aggressors—Dr. Taylor and the - Bullet-marks—The Attack on Gilmer’s Veracity—Varying Testimony—The - Witnesses who Appeared. - - -MR. MOSES SALOMON opened the case for the Anarchists on Saturday, July -31. He proceeded to state that the defendants had steadily refused to -believe that any man on the jury would be willing to convict any of the -defendants because of being an Anarchist or a Socialist. - -“Mr. Grinnell,” said Mr. Salomon, “failed to state to you that he had a -person by whom he could prove who threw the bomb, and he never expected -to make this proof until he found that without this proof he was unable -to maintain this prosecution against these defendants; and it was as -this case neared the prosecution end of it that the State suddenly -changed front and produced a professional tramp and a professional -liar, as we will show you, to prove that one of these defendants was -connected with the throwing of it. They then recognized, as we claimed -and now claim, that that is the only way they can maintain their case -here.” - -Mr. Salomon next directed the attention of the jury to the charge -against the defendants and said: - - “As I told you a moment ago, they are not charged with Anarchy; - they are not charged with Socialism; they are not charged with the - fact that Anarchy and Socialism is dangerous or beneficial to the - community; but, according to the law under which we are now acting, - a charge specific in its nature must be made against them, and that - alone must be sustained, and it is the duty of the jury to weigh - the evidence as it bears upon that charge; and upon no other point - can they pay attention to it. Now, gentlemen, the charge here is - shown by this indictment. This is the accusation. This is what the - case involves, and upon this the defendants and the prosecution must - either stand or fall. This indictment is for the murder of Mathias - J. Degan. It is charged that each one of these defendants committed - the crime, each defendant individually; and it is charged in a number - of different ways. Now, I desire to call your attention to the law - governing this indictment and to read it to you; and I am presenting - the law to you now, gentlemen, so that you can understand how we view - this case and how the evidence is affected by what the law is.” - -Mr. Salomon then read the law touching murder and the statute on -accessories and explained: - - “The law says, no matter whether these defendants advised generally - the use of dynamite in the purpose which they claimed to carry out, - and sought to carry out, yet if none of these defendants advised - the throwing of that bomb at the Haymarket, they cannot be held - responsible for the action of others at other times and other places. - What does the evidence introduced here tend to show? It may occur to - some of you, gentlemen, to ask: ‘What, then, can these defendants - preach the use of dynamite? May they be allowed to go on and urge - people to overturn the present government and the present condition of - society without being held responsible for it and without punishment? - Is there no law to which these people can be subjected and punished - if they do this thing?’ There is, gentlemen, but it is not and never - has been murder, and if they are amenable, as the evidence introduced - by the prosecution tends to show, it is under another and a different - law, and no attempt on the part of the prosecution to jump the wide - chasm which separates these two offenses can be successful unless it - is done out of pure hatred, malice, ill-will, or because of prejudice. - The law protects every citizen. It punishes every guilty man, and - according to the measure of his crime; no more and no less. If a man - be guilty of conspiracy, or if he be guilty of treason, he is liable - to punishment for that offense, and not for a higher one. This is what - the people of the State of Illinois have said, and that is their law. - That is what they want enforced, and that is what I stand here for as - the advocate of these defendants. I claim for them, and for the entire - people of this State, that the law shall be applied as it is found, - and as they have directed it to be enforced. Now, what is the statute - on conspiracy, of which these defendants may be guilty, if they are - guilty of anything?” - -[Illustration: MOSES SALOMON. - -From a Photograph.] - -He next read the law with reference to conspiracy and proceeded: - - “The proof in this case, with the exception of Gilmer’s testimony, - showed and shows only that the State has a case within those sections - which I have last read to you, and no other, if they have a case - against them at all. Now, gentlemen, I have read to you the section of - the statute relating to accessories. As I have told you before, it is - only the perpetrator and abettor in the perpetration of a crime who, - under the decision of almost every supreme court in the United States - and England, can be held.” - - -Mr. Salomon touched on one or two minor points and concluded as follows: - - “That view of the law, that they must be proven to be accessories - to the crime, is the one point only upon which the prosecution - can sustain their case, and is the only one upon which this case - must proceed, according to our view. Now, these defendants are not - criminals; they are not robbers; they are not burglars; they are - not common thieves; they descend to no small criminal act. On the - contrary, this evidence shows conclusively that they are men of broad - feelings of humanity, that their only desire has been, and their - lives have been consecrated to, the betterment of their fellow-men. - They have not sought to take the life of any man, of any individual, - to maliciously kill or destroy any person, nor have they sought to - deprive any man of his property for their own benefit. They have - not sought to get McCormick’s property for themselves; they have - not sought to get Marshall Field’s property for themselves, and to - deprive Marshall Field of it feloniously, but they have endeavored and - labored to establish a different social system. It is true they have - adopted means, or _wanted_ to adopt means that were not approved of by - all mankind. It is true that their methods were dangerous, perhaps; - but then they should have been stopped at their inception. We shall - expect to prove to you, gentlemen, that these men have stood by the - man who has the least friends; that they have endeavored to better - the condition of the laboring man. The laboring men have few friends - enough. They have no means, without the combination and assistance of - their fellow-men, to better their condition, and it was to further - that purpose and to raise them above constant labor and constant toil - and constant worry and constant fret, and to have their fellow-men - act and be as human beings and not as animals, that these defendants - have consecrated their lives and energies. If it was in pursuance - of that, wrought up, perhaps, through frequent failures and through - the constant force exercised against them, that they came to the - conclusion that it was necessary to use force against force, we know - not, and we do not expect to prove nor to deny that these defendants - advocated the use of force, nor do we now intend to apologize for - anything they have said, nor to excuse their acts. It is neither the - place nor the time for counsel in this case, nor of the gentlemen - of the jury, to either excuse the acts of these defendants nor to - encourage them. With that we have here nothing to do. Our object is - simply to show that these defendants are not guilty of the murder - with which they are charged in this indictment. But the issue is - forced upon us to say whether it was right or wrong, and whether they - had the right to advocate the bettering of their fellow-men. As Mr. - Grinnell said, he wanted to hang Socialism and Anarchy; but twelve - men nor twelve hundred nor twelve thousand can stamp out Anarchy nor - root out Socialism, no more than they can Democracy or Republicanism, - that lie within the heart and within the head. Under our forms of - government every man has the right to believe and the right to express - his thoughts, whether they be inimical to the present institutions or - whether they favor them; but if that man, no matter what he advocates - or who he be, whether Democrat, Republican, Socialist or Anarchist, - kill and destroy human life deliberately and feloniously, that man, - whether high or low, is amenable to criminal justice, and must be - punished for his crime, and for no other. - - “Now, what was the object of these defendants, as they are charged, in - being so bloodthirsty? Their purpose was to change society, to bring - into force and effect their Socialistic and Anarchistic ideas. Were - they right or were they wrong, or have we nothing to do with it? As - I told you, they had the right to express their ideas. They had the - right. They had the right to gain converts, to make Anarchists and - Socialists, but whether Socialism or Anarchy shall ever be established - never rested with these defendants, never rested in a can of dynamite - or in a dynamite bomb. It rests with the great mass of people, with - the people of Chicago, of Illinois, of the United States, of the - world. If they, the people, want Anarchy, want Socialism, if they want - Democracy or Republicanism, they can and they will inaugurate it. - But the people, also, will allow a little toleration of views. Now, - these defendants claim that Socialism is a progressive social science, - and it will be a part of the proof which you will have to determine. - Must the world stand as we found it when we were born, or have we a - right to show our fellow-men a better way, a nobler life, a better - condition? That is what these defendants claim, if they are forced - beyond the issue in this case.... In furtherance of that plan, what - have these defendants done? Have they murdered many people? What was - their plan when they counseled dynamite? They intended to use dynamite - in furtherance of the general revolution; never, never against any - individual. We will show you that it was their purpose, as the proof, - I think, partly shows already, that when a general revolution or a - general strike was inaugurated, when they were attacked, that then, - in fact, while carrying out the purposes of that strike or that - revolution, that then they should use dynamite, and not until then. - If it is unlawful to conspire to carry out that thing, these men - must be held for that thing. We shall show you that these men, in - carrying out their plan for the bettering of the condition of the - workingmen, inaugurated the eight-hour movement. They inaugurated the - early-closing movement. They inaugurated every movement that tended to - alleviate the condition of the workingman and allow him a greater time - to his family, for mutual benefit. That is what these defendants set - up for a defense. That is what they claim was their right to do, and - that is what they claim they did do, and they did nothing more. - - “Now, gentlemen, we don’t say that we desire to go into this proof, - because we think it has nothing to do with this case, if our theory - is correct; but if we are forced to show why they did these things it - is simply to convince you that their objects were not for robbery, - not for stealing, not to gain property for themselves, and not to - maliciously or willfully destroy any man’s good name or his property - interests. - - “We expect to show you, further, that these defendants never - conspired, nor any one of them, to take the life of any single - individual at any time or place; that they never conspired or plotted - to take, at this time or at any other time, the life of Mathias Degan - or any number of policemen, except in self-defense while carrying out - their original purpose. We expect, further, to show you that on the - night of the 4th of May these defendants had assembled peaceably, - that the purpose of the meeting was peaceable, that its objects were - peaceable, that they delivered the same harangue as before, that the - crowd listened, and that not a single act transpired there, previous - to the coming of the policemen, by which any man in the audience could - be held amenable to law. They assembled there, gentlemen, under the - provision of our Constitution, to exercise the right of free speech, - to discuss the situation of the workingmen, to discuss the eight-hour - question. They assembled there to incidentally discuss what they - deemed outrages at McCormick’s. No man expected that a bomb would be - thrown; no man expected that any one would be injured at that meeting; - but while some of these defendants were there and while this meeting - was peaceably in progress, the police, with a devilish design, as we - expect to prove, came down upon that body with their revolvers in - their hands and pockets, ready for immediate use, intending to destroy - the life of every man that stood upon that market square. That seems - terrible, gentlemen, but that is the information which we have and - which we expect to show you. We expect to show you further, gentlemen, - that the crowd did not fire, that not a single person fired a single - shot at the police officers. We expect to show you that Mr. Fielden - did not have on that night, and never had in his life, a revolver; - that he did not fire, and that that portion of the testimony here is - wrong. We expect to show you further, gentlemen, that the witness - Gilmer, who testified to having seen Spies light the match which - caused the destruction coming from the bomb, is a professional and - constitutional liar; that no man in the city of Chicago who knows him - will believe him under oath, and, indeed, I might almost say that - it would scarcely need even a witness to show the falsity of his - testimony, because it seems to me that it must fall of its own weight. - We expect to show you, gentlemen, that Thompson was greatly mistaken; - that on that night Schwab never saw or talked with Mr. Spies; that he - was at the Haymarket early in the evening, but that he left before the - meeting began and before he saw Mr. Spies on that evening at all. We - expect to show that Mr. Parsons, so far from thinking anything wrong, - and Fischer, were quietly seated at Zepf’s Hall, drinking, perhaps, - a glass of beer at the time the bomb exploded, and that it was as - great a surprise to them as it was to any of you. We expect to show - you that Engel was at home at the time the bomb exploded, and that he - knew nothing about it. With the whereabouts of Lingg you are already - familiar. It may seem strange why he was manufacturing bombs. The - answer to that is, he had a right to have his house full of dynamite. - He had a right to have weapons of all descriptions upon his premises, - and until he used them, or advised their use, and they were used in - pursuance of his advice, he is not liable any more than the man who - commits numerous burglaries, the man who commits numerous thefts, who - walks the streets, is liable to arrest and punishment only when he - commits an act which makes him amenable to law. - - “I did not expect to address you concerning Mr. Neebe, and it is - unnecessary for me to make much comment on that, but we will show - you that Mr. Neebe did not know of this meeting, that he was not - present, that he was in no manner connected with it, and there is no - proof to show that he was. We will also prove to you, gentlemen, that - Mr. Fielden did not go down the alley, as some of the witnesses for - the State have testified, but that he went down Desplaines Street to - Randolph, and up Randolph, as, indeed, if my memory serves me right, - the statements made by Mr. Fielden immediately after the occurrence - already sufficiently show. - - “Now, gentlemen, in conclusion, as I stated to you a moment ago, - we do not intend to defend against Socialism, we do not intend to - defend against Anarchism; we expect to be held responsible for that - only which we have done, and to be held in the manner pointed out - by law. Under the charge upon which these defendants are held under - this indictment, we shall prove to you, and I hope to your entire - satisfaction, that a case has not been made out against them. Whether - they be Socialists or whether they be Anarchists we hope will not - influence any one of you, gentlemen. Whatever they may have preached, - or whatever they may have said, or whatever may have been their - object, if it was not connected with the throwing of the bomb it is - your sworn testimony to acquit them. We expect to make all this proof, - and we expect such a result.” - -On the Monday following, being the 2d of August, the defense began its -testimony. The first witness introduced was CARTER H. HARRISON, then -Mayor of Chicago. His evidence was as follows: - - “I am Mayor of the city of Chicago since over seven years. On the - 4th of May last I was present during a part of the Haymarket meeting - so-called. On the day before there was a riot at McCormick’s factory, - which was represented to me to have grown out of a speech made by - Mr. Spies. During the morning of the 4th I received information of - the issuance of a circular of a peculiar character and calling for a - meeting at the Haymarket that night. I directed the Chief of Police - that if anything should be said at that meeting that might call out a - recurrence of such proceedings as at McCormick’s factory, the meeting - should be dispersed. I believed that it was better for myself to be - there and disperse the meeting myself instead of leaving it to any - policeman. I went to the meeting for the purpose of dispersing it in - case I should feel it necessary for the safety of the city. I arrived - there about five minutes before eight. There was a large concourse of - people about the Haymarket, but it was so long before any speaking - commenced that probably two-thirds of the people there assembled left, - as it seemed to me. It was about half-past eight when the speaking - commenced and the meeting congregated around Crane’s building, or the - alley near it. - - “Mr. Spies may have been speaking one or two minutes before I got near - enough to hear distinctly what he said. I judge I left the meeting - between 10 and 10:05 o’clock that night. I staid to hear Mr. Spies’ - speech, and I heard all of Mr. Parsons’ up to the time I left, with - the exception of five or ten minutes, during which I went over to the - station. When I judged that Mr. Parsons was looking towards the close - of his speech I went over to the station, spoke to Capt. Bonfield, - and determined to go home, but instead of going immediately I went - back to hear a little more; staid there about five minutes longer and - then left. Within about twenty minutes from the time that I left the - meeting I heard the sound of the explosion of the bomb at my house. - While at the meeting I noticed that I was observed when I struck a - match to light my cigar and the full blaze showed my face. I thought - Mr. Spies had observed me, as the tone of his speech suddenly changed, - but that is mere conjecture. Prior to that change in the tone of Mr. - Spies’ speech I feared his remarks would force me to disperse the - meeting. I was there for that purpose; that is to say, it was my own - determination to do it against the will of the police. After that - occurrence the general tenor of Spies’ speech was such that I remarked - to Capt. Bonfield that it was tame.” - - “Did anything transpire in the address of either Spies or Parsons, - after the incident of the lighting of your cigar to which you have - referred, that led you to conclude to take any action in reference to - the dispersing of the meeting?” - - The State objected to an answer, and the objection was sustained. - - “I did in fact take no action at the meeting about dispersing it. - There were occasional replies from the audience, as ‘Shoot him,’ - ‘Hang him’ or the like, but I do not think, from the directions in - which they came, here and there and around, that there were more - than two or three hundred actual sympathizers with the speakers. - Several times cries of ‘Hang him’ would come from a boy in the - outskirts, and the crowd would laugh. I felt that a majority of the - crowd were idle spectators, and the replies nearly as much what might - be called ‘guying’ as absolute applause. Some of the replies were - evidently bitter; they came from immediately around the stand. The - audience numbered from eight hundred to one thousand. The people in - attendance, so far as I could see during the half hour before the - speaking commenced, were apparently laborers or mechanics, and the - majority of them not English-speaking people—mostly Germans. There - was no suggestion made by either of the speakers looking toward - calling for the immediate use of force or violence toward any person - that night; if there had been I should have dispersed them at once. - After I came back from the station Parsons was still speaking, but - evidently approaching a close. It was becoming cloudy and looked like - threatening rain, and I thought the thing was about over. There was - not one-fourth of the crowd that had been there during the evening - listening to the speakers at that time. In the crowd I heard a great - many Germans use expressions of their being dissatisfied with bringing - them there and having this speaking. When I went to the station - during Parsons’ speech, I stated to Capt. Bonfield that I thought the - speeches were about over; that nothing had occurred yet or looked - likely to occur to require interference, and that he had better issue - orders to his reserves at the other stations to go home. Bonfield - replied that he had reached the same conclusion from reports brought - to him, but he thought it would be best to retain the men in the - station until the meeting broke up, and then referred to a rumor that - he had heard that night which he thought would make it necessary for - him to keep his men there, which I concurred in. During my attendance - of the meeting I saw no weapons at all upon any person.” - -On cross-examination Mr. Harrison stated: - - “The rumor that I referred to was related to me by Capt. Bonfield - immediately after my reaching the station. Bonfield told me he had - just received information that the Haymarket meeting, or a part of - it, would go over to the Milwaukee and St. Paul freight-houses, then - filled with ‘scabs,’ and blow it up. There was also an intimation that - this meeting might be held merely to attract the attention of the - police to the Haymarket, while the real attack, if any, should be made - that night on McCormick’s. Those were the contingencies in regard to - which I was listening to those speeches. In listening to the speeches, - I concluded it was not an organization to destroy property that night, - and went home. My order to Bonfield was that the reserves held at the - other stations might be sent home, because I learned that all was - quiet in the district where McCormick’s factory is situated. Bonfield - replied he had already ordered the reserves in the other stations to - go in their regular order. - - “Bonfield was there, detailed by the Chief of Police, in control of - that meeting, together with Capt. Ward. I don’t remember of hearing - Parsons call ‘To arms! To arms! To arms!’ When I speak of a rumor in - regard to a possible attack upon McCormick’s, the fact is it was not a - rumor that came from others, but rather a fear or apprehension on my - own part, and it was suggested first by myself that this might be the - aim of this meeting. There was a direct statement by Mr. Bonfield to - me that he had heard the rumor about the freight-houses.” - -BARTON SIMONSON, a traveling salesman for E. Rothschild & Bros., -wholesale clothing, concluded, after taking supper at his mother’s -house, No. 50 West Ohio Street, to take in the Haymarket meeting, -and he went there and remained throughout the proceedings, until the -explosion of the bomb. He testified: - - “The speakers were northeast from me, in front of Crane Bros’. - building, a few feet north of the alley. I remember the alley - particularly. As far as I remember Spies’ speech, he said: ‘Please - come to order. This meeting is not called to incite any riot.’ He then - said that McCormick had charged him with the murder of the people at - the meeting the night before; that Mr. McCormick was a liar. McCormick - was himself responsible. Somebody had opposed his speaking at the - meeting near McCormick’s because he was a Socialist. The people he - spoke to were good Christian, church-going people. While he was - speaking, McCormick’s people had come out. Some of the men and boys - had started for them, and had had some harmless sport throwing stones - into the windows, etc. Then he said that some workingmen were shot at - and killed by the police. That is as far as my memory goes. - - “Parsons illustrated that the capitalists got the great bulk of the - profit out of everything done. I remember in his speech he said: ‘To - arms! To arms! To arms!’ but in what connection I cannot remember. - Somebody in the crowd said, ‘Shoot’ or ‘Hang Gould,’ and he says, ‘No, - a great many will jump up and take his place. What Socialism aims at - is not the death of individuals, but of the system.’ - - “Fielden spoke very loud, and as I had never attended a Socialistic - meeting before in my life, I thought they were a little wild. Fielden - spoke about a Congressman from Ohio who had been elected by the - workingmen and confessed that no legislation could be enacted in favor - of the workingmen; consequently he said there was no use trying to - do anything by legislation. After he had talked awhile a dark cloud - with cold wind came from the north. Many people had left before, but - when the cloud came a great many people left. Somebody said, ‘Let’s - adjourn,’—to some place, I can’t remember the name of the place. - Fielden said he was about through, there was no need of adjourning. - He said two or three times, ‘Now, in conclusion,’ or something like - that, and I became impatient. Then I heard a commotion and a good deal - of noise in the audience, and somebody said, ‘Police.’ I looked south - and saw a line of police when it was at about the Randolph Street - car-tracks. The police moved along until the front of the column got - about up to the speakers’ wagon. I heard somebody near the wagon say - something about dispersing. I saw some persons upon the wagon. I could - not tell who they were. About the time that somebody was giving that - command to disperse, I distinctly heard two words coming from the - vicinity of the wagon or from the wagon. I don’t know who uttered - them. The words were ‘peaceable meeting.’ That was a few seconds - before the explosion of the bomb. As the police marched through the - crowd the latter went to the sidewalks on either side, some went - north, some few went on Randolph Street east, and some west. I did not - hear any such exclamation as ‘Here come the bloodhounds of the police; - you do your duty and I’ll do mine,’ from the locality of the wagon - or from Mr. Fielden. I heard nothing of that sort that night. At the - time the bomb exploded I was still in my position upon the stairs. - A reporter talked to me while I was on those stairs. I remember he - went down, and just before the police came he ran up past me again. - There was no pistol fired by any person upon the wagon before the bomb - exploded. No pistol shots anywhere before the explosion of the bomb. - Just after the command to disperse had been given, I saw a lighted - fuse or something—I didn’t know what it was at the time—come up from - a point nearly twenty feet south of the south line of Crane’s alley, - from about the center of the sidewalk on the east side of the street, - from behind some boxes. I am positive it was not thrown from the - alley. I first noticed it about six or seven feet in the air, a little - above a man’s head. It went in a northwest course and up about fifteen - feet from the ground, and fell about the middle of the street. The - explosion followed almost immediately, possibly within two or three - seconds. Something of a cloud of smoke followed the explosion. After - the bomb exploded there was pistol-shooting. From my position I could - distinctly see the flashes of the pistols. My head was about fifteen - feet from the ground. There might have been fifty to one hundred and - fifty pistol shots. They proceeded from about the center of where the - police were. I did not observe either the flashes of pistol shots or - hear the report of any shots from the crowd upon the police prior to - the firing by the police. I staid in my position from five to twenty - seconds. There was shooting going on in every direction, as well up - as down. I could see from the flashes of the pistols that the police - were shooting up. The police were not only shooting at the crowd, but - I noticed several of them shoot just as they happened to throw their - arms. I concluded that my position was possibly more dangerous than - down in the crowd, and then I ran down to the foot of the stairs, ran - west on the sidewalk on Randolph Street a short distance, and then on - the road. A crowd was running in the same direction. I had to jump - over a man lying down, and I saw another man fall in front of me about - one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet west of Desplaines Street. - I took hold of his arm and wanted to help him, but the firing was so - lively behind me that I just let go and ran. I was to the rear of the - crowd running west, the police still behind us. There were no shots - from the direction to which I was running. - - “I am not and have never been a member of any Socialistic party or - association. Walking through the crowd before the meeting, I noticed - from their appearance that the meeting was composed principally of - ordinary workingmen, mechanics, etc. The audience listened, and once - in awhile there would be yells of ‘Shoot him!’ ‘Hang him!’ from the - audience. I didn’t find any difference in the bearing of the crowd - during Fielden’s speech from what it was during Parsons’ or Spies’. - In the course of the conversation which I had with Capt. Bonfield - at the station before the meeting that night, I asked him about the - trouble in the southwestern part of the city. He says, ‘The trouble - there is that these’—whether he used the word Socialists or strikers, - I don’t know—‘get their women and children mixed up with them and - around them and in front of them, and we can’t get at them. I would - like to get three thousand of them in a crowd, without their women and - children’—and to the best of my recollection he added, ‘and I will - make short work of them.’ I noticed a few women and children at the - bottom of the steps where I was. I don’t think there were any in the - body of the crowd around the wagon. At the time the police came up - there, I did not observe any women or children.” - -On cross-examination Mr. Simonson said: - - “I have several times visited police stations in the city. I attended - a Salvation Army meeting on East Chicago Avenue, and I thought the - roughs there interrupted the meeting. I went across to see Capt. - Schaack two or three times about it. I was once at the Desplaines - Street Station and made complaint against a policeman for abusing - an old man, and one evening I brought there a fellow who asked me - for something to get him a lodging on the West Side, and I asked the - police to take care of him. And another time, when I heard about the - way people who had received lodging at the station were treated there, - I went to the station to satisfy myself what was the fact about the - matter, and Capt. Ward told me a different story. - - “I went to the Haymarket meeting out of curiosity to know what kind - of meetings they held, believing that the newspapers ordinarily - misrepresented such things. I had my impression that the papers had - misrepresented the meetings of workingmen, not from anything definite - I had, but from having seen reports in papers of occurrences I had - seen, and, as a rule, they were one-sided. I went to the meeting to - satisfy myself—to prove or disprove my impression. That was one of my - reasons for going there. At that conversation with Mr. Bonfield that - I testified to, nobody else was present. It was in the main office of - Desplaines Street Station. Capt. Ward, I believe, was walking around - at the time. There was a good deal of noise in the police station, and - we talked quietly. I believe no one else could hear it. I believe it - was last fall that I visited the North Side police station in regard - to the Salvation Army again. I visited about a half dozen of their - meetings. I saw Capt. Schaack at the station. I did not ask him to - arrest any people who had disturbed the meeting, nor to arrest the - Salvation Army people. I told him that in going to the meeting I - heard somebody swear a very vicious oath and curse the Salvation Army - people. The police were standing within hearing, and the crowd joined - in the laugh. I told him it seemed to me that the police ought not to - allow anything of that kind. The windows of the Salvation Army were - filled with boards. I told Capt. Schaack that it seemed not right that - in front of the police station they should do any such thing. He said - he would order the boards taken down, and if they wanted protection - they could get it. I went another time to Capt. Schaack when some - of the Salvation Army people were confined in the Bridewell. Mayor - Harrison had given me a note to Mr. Felton, telling him to let them - go, and I went to Capt. Schaack to tell him that. - - “My recollection is that Fielden said: ‘The law is your enemy. Kill - it, stab it, throttle it, or it will throttle you.’ When the police - came, I looked at them and at the crowd. I watched both to some - extent. I don’t know how many lines of police there were. When I saw - them at the Randolph Street tracks, I saw a straight line of police - filling the whole street. There was more than one column, but I - don’t know how many. I was at that time contemplating the question - of my own safety. I was looking in the direction of the wagon at - the time the bomb was thrown. I didn’t see the officer command the - meeting to disperse, but heard somebody, in some form, tell the - meeting to disperse. The only words I remember to have heard were: - ‘Command—meeting—to disperse.’ During the delivery of that, or right - after it, I heard somebody say something, of which I caught the two - words, ‘Peaceable meeting.’ The first column of police were standing - on about a line with the north line of the alley. I don’t know where - the other columns were with reference to where the bomb exploded. I - only saw the police in a large body march out. It looked to me at - the time as if the bomb struck the ground and exploded just a little - behind the front line of police. I saw policemen behind the first line - of police, but I did not distinguish the columns. I don’t know whether - the bomb exploded directly behind the front line, or between the - second and the third or third and fourth lines. - - “The firing began from the police, right in the center of the street. - I did not see a single shot fired from the crowd on either side of the - street. I didn’t know what became of the men in the wagon. I don’t - think there were any shots fired in the neighborhood of the wagon. - I was not looking at the wagon all the time, but was looking over - the scene in general. If you got up on a place as high as I was, and - it was dark, you could see every flash; the flashes show themselves - immediately when they are out of the revolver, on a dark night. The - scene impressed itself so upon me that now, looking back, I see it - as I did then. Looking at where the bomb exploded, I could not help - looking toward the wagon, too. My impression is, the boxes on the - opposite side of the street were from two to four feet high. I have - been at the Haymarket to look over the ground, several times since - the 4th of May, so as to get an idea of the dimensions of the thing. - I went there of my own volition; nobody asked me to go there. It was - on my way to mother’s house. I am employed by Rothschild Brothers, on - commission.” - -When this witness returned to the store, the firm by whom he was -employed at once discharged him, saying that he was one of the worst -Anarchists in the city and they had no use for him. - -JOHN FERGUSON, a resident of Chicago for seventeen years, and in -the cloak business, passed the Haymarket, and, noticing a crowd -there, stopped to listen to the speeches. He was accompanied by an -acquaintance. They stood at the Randolph Street crossing and listened -about fifteen minutes to Parsons’ speech. Said the witness: - - “We could hear all of the speaking plainly, from where we stood, as - the speakers were facing Randolph Street. During his speech, when he - mentioned Jay Gould’s name, somebody said: ‘Throw him in the lake;’ - and a man standing almost in front of me took his pipe from his mouth - and halloaed out: ‘Hang him.’ Parsons replied that would do no good; - a dozen more Jay Goulds would spring up in his place. ‘Socialism aims - not at the life of individuals, but at the system.’ I didn’t hear - any other responses from the crowd than those I mentioned. After - Parsons concluded, another gentleman got up and began speaking about - Congressman Foran. After a few minutes I saw quite a storm cloud come - up. Some one interrupted the speaker with the remark: ‘There is a - prospect of immediate storm, and those of you who wish to continue - the meeting can adjourn to’—some hall, I don’t remember the name - of it; but the speaker, resuming, said: ‘I haven’t but two or three - words more to say, and then you can go home.’ I walked away from the - meeting, across Randolph Street to the southwest corner. There I saw - the police rush out from the station in a body. They whirled into the - street and came down very rapidly toward us. The gentleman in command - of the police was swinging his arm and told them to hurry up. After - they had passed us we turned to walk south toward the station, and - we heard a slight report, something like breaking boards, or like - slapping a brick down on the pavement. We turned, and we had just - about faced around, looking at the crowd, when we saw a fire flying - out about six or eight feet above the heads of the crowd and falling - down pretty near the center of the street. It was all dark for almost - a second, perhaps, then there was a deafening roar. Then almost - instantly we saw flashes from toward the middle of the street, south - of Randolph on Desplaines, and heard reports. That side of the street - where the crowd was was dark. At that time there did not appear to be - any light there. Then we hurried away. I did not see any flashes from - either side of the street. The majority of the crowd had gone away on - the appearance of the approaching storm. The crowd was very orderly, - as orderly a meeting as I ever saw anywhere in the street. - - “It could not have been longer than five minutes from the time that - Fielden said, ‘We will be through in a short time,’ that the police - marched down the street. I am not a Socialist, nor an Anarchist, nor a - Communist; I don’t know anything about what those terms mean.” - -LUDWIG ZELLER went to the meeting about a quarter past ten, and took a -position at a lamp-post near Crane’s alley. A few minutes thereafter -the police came, and when they passed him he heard the command of the -Captain, but heard no reply from anybody on the wagon or near the wagon. - - “I turned and went south to Randolph Street, and in turning I saw a - light go through the air about six, or eight, or ten feet south of the - lamp. It went in a northwesterly direction, right into the middle of - the street and in the middle of the police; then I heard an explosion - and shooting, and I tried to get out, because there were a great many - men falling around me, and a few were crying. I turned the corner on - Randolph Street east toward Clinton. A great many people were running - in the same direction; men were falling before me and on the side of - me. I heard shooting immediately upon the explosion of the bomb. The - shots came from behind me while I ran. The shots came from the center - of the street, from north and northwest of me. - - “On Sunday, May 2d, I was present at a meeting of the Central Labor - Union as a delegate from the Cigar-makers’ Union, No. 15. The - delegates of the Lumber-shovers’ Union at that meeting requested me, - as a member of the agitation committee, to send a speaker to a meeting - of the Lumber-shovers’ Union to be held on Monday, May 3d, at the - Black Road. They wanted a good speaker, who could keep the meeting - quiet and orderly. In the afternoon of the same day we had another - meeting of the Central Labor Union, at which Mr. Spies was present as - a reporter of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, and I told him personally to - go out to the meeting of the Lumber-shovers’ Union and speak in the - name of the Central Labor Union. The Central Labor Union is a body - composed of delegates from about twenty-five or thirty different labor - unions of the city. The Lumber-shovers’ Union is represented in the - Central Labor Union by delegates. There are from fifteen to sixteen - thousand laborers represented by those unions. The agitation committee - to which I belonged was for the purpose of organizing different - branches of trade who had no eight-hour organization at that time. I - did not notice any firing back from the crowd at the police, either on - Desplaines Street or Randolph Street.” - -On cross-examination Mr. Zeller stated: - - “Since last December, I don’t belong to any group. Prior to that I - was a member of the group ‘Freiheit,’ which used to meet on Sherman - Street. I only attended three meetings of that group. We had no - numbers. I am not an Anarchist. I am a Socialist. - - “I was standing about five or six feet south of that alley. I saw the - fuse about eight or ten feet south of me. I didn’t know what it was. - I saw behind that fuse something dark, but I couldn’t distinguish - what it was. I was only looking where it was going. I cannot say what - kind of looking thing it was; it seems to me it was more round, and - about as big as a baseball. I cannot say who fired first after the - bomb went off. I can’t say exactly whether the police fired—I didn’t - see. On the wagon I only recognized Fielden. I was too far away from - the wagon, and it was dark. The gas-light was lighted. I didn’t see - anybody put it out.” - -Carl Richter and F. Liebel gave practically similar stories of the -riot. The point which the defense seemed to wish to bring out in their -testimony was that the _gravamen_ lay rather with the police than with -the Anarchists. They swore that, although standing close to the famous -wagon, they had heard nothing about “bloodhounds.” - -Along this line, also, was the evidence of Dr. James D. Taylor, who -gave a practically identical account of the explosion. This gentleman, -however, seemed to be certain that the police had attacked the crowd. -He had examined the scene of the riot on the next day and found that -the bullet marks on the buildings came chiefly from the direction from -which the police had charged. Quite a point was made by the Anarchists -upon the fact that a telegraph pole, which was said to have thoroughly -borne out Dr. Taylor’s testimony, had disappeared from the Haymarket. -It was insinuated that the prosecution had made away with this pole. -The fact was that the pole had been very prosaically, and in the common -course of business, removed by the telegraph company. - -Frank Stenner, Joseph Gutscher and Frank Raab gave their memories -of the riot, all agreeing closely with the theory of the defense. -Wm. Urban, a compositor on the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, after telling the -same story, swore that he saw something shining—which he believed -were revolvers—in the hands of the police as they came up toward the -meeting. The story of the explosion and the murder of the police, -from the Anarchists’ point of view, was also detailed by Wm. Gleason, -Wm. Sahl, Eberhard Hierzemenzel, Conrad Messer and August Krumm. This -last witness, Krumm, also testified that he was lighting his pipe, in -company with another man, in Crane’s alley, at the time that the bomb -was thrown, which, it will be remembered, Gilmer swore had been fired -in this alley by Spies and Schnaubelt—and Krumm declared that there -was nobody in that little thoroughfare then save his friend and himself. - -This was not the only attack on Gilmer’s veracity. Lucius M. Moses had -known Harry Gilmer six or seven years and would not believe him on -oath. John O. Brixey stated on the stand that Gilmer’s reputation was -bad and that he was not worthy of belief. John Garrick, an ex-deputy -sheriff, knew Gilmer and would not believe him on oath. Mrs. B. P. Lee -was another who had no confidence in Gilmer’s truth and veracity. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI. - - Malkoff’s Testimony—A Nihilist’s Correspondence—More about the - Wagon—Spies’ Brother—A Witness who Contradicts Himself—Printing - the Revenge Circular—Lizzie Holmes’ Inflammatory Essay—“Have - You a Match About You?”—The Prisoner Fielden Takes the Stand—An - Anarchist’s Autobiography—The Red Flag the Symbol of Freedom—The - “Peaceable” Meeting—Fielden’s Opinion of the Alarm—“Throttling the - Law”—Expecting Arrest—More about Gilmer. - - -THE evidence so far produced for the defendants showed that their -counsel had done everything possible in their efforts to offset the -damaging testimony of the State. They proved themselves not only -fertile in resources, but ingenious in the selection of witnesses and -in the manner of presenting their points before the jury. It was no -fault of theirs that they failed to make “the worse appear the better -reason.” They labored incessantly for the cause of their clients, and -they certainly called the best witnesses that could be found among the -Anarchists and their sympathizers. - -ROBERT LINDINGER lived with Carl Richter and accompanied him to the -Haymarket meeting. He stood at the mouth of the alley and saw at the -meeting Spies, Parsons and Fielden. He did not see the gentleman on -trial (indicating Schwab); had never seen him before in his life, and -he (Schwab) was not on the wagon when Spies was there. He did not hear -anybody say, “Here come the bloodhounds,” etc., saw no one in the crowd -fire any shots, and saw no pistol in Fielden’s hand. Witness was a -cornice-maker, and had been in the country about three years. He was -not a Socialist, but read the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. - -WILLIAM ALBRIGHT, who stood in the alley with Krumm, stated -substantially the same facts as given by his companion. - -M. D. MALKOFF, a reporter for the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, up to the 5th of -May, saw Parsons at Zepf’s Hall from five to ten minutes before the -explosion of the bomb. Said he: - - “He was sitting at the window, north of the entrance door, in company - with Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. The saloon was pretty crowded at - that time. I spoke with Mr. Allen about these parties. I think Mrs. - Holmes was standing and Mrs. Parsons was sitting on the window-sill - right on the side of Mr. Parsons. I saw them there when I heard the - explosion of the bomb.” - -On cross-examination Mr. Malkoff said: - - “I have been five years in the country; in Chicago about two years - and a half. When I first came to the country, I was private teacher - of the Russian language in Brooklyn. I taught Paesig, the editor of - the Brooklyn _Freie Presse_. He is not a revolutionist; his paper is - not a revolutionary one. Then I went to Little Rock for about half a - year, working as a printer for the _Arkansas Staats-Zeitung_. Then - I went to St. Louis for about three months, found no work there, - and came to Chicago. I had no letter of introduction to Spies when I - came here. I had obtained my position at Little Rock through a letter - of introduction from Mr. Spies, whom I knew by some correspondence - in regard to a novel which Mr. Paesig and I translated and sold to - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. It was not a revolutionary novel. I did not - get that letter of introduction from Mr. Spies through Herr Most. I - have seen Most, but don’t know him personally. I know Justus Schwab. - I did not live with him, but had letters directed to his care. When - I came to Chicago I went directly to Spies. For about half a year I - was without employment; then, for a year and a half, up to May 4th, - I was reporter on the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. I roomed with Balthasar - Rau for about four months; part of that time was after the Haymarket - meeting. I had been at Zepf’s Hall for more than an hour before I - heard the bomb explode, part of the time in the saloon, part of the - time attending the meeting up-stairs. When I came down again in the - saloon it was a good half hour before the bomb exploded. I was there - alone, standing near the counter, where I had one glass of beer. When - I was talking with Mr. Allen, we stood on the floor between the stove - and the bar. - - “When the bomb exploded we made a few steps toward the rear. Mr. Allen - thought it was a Gatling gun; it sounded like a Gatling gun. A few - seconds after that the shooting began, and a good many people came to - the hall. A good many had been there before that. When the crowd came, - we rushed out the back door. - - “I did not belong to any Nihilistic organization in Russia. I was not - a Nihilist in Russia. I am not in this country as the agent of the - Nihilists, or any other society in Russia. The reporters used to call - me a Nihilist because I was a Russian, that is all. This letter here - (indicating) is in my handwriting, and has my signature at the bottom. - I don’t remember to whom I wrote it. I am now working for the _Moscow - Gazette_, an illustrated paper.” - -A translation of the letter heretofore referred to was introduced in -evidence, as follows: - - DEAR MR. EDITOR:—The articles I send you herewith you may read, put - them into proper form, and, if you consider them competent, reprint - them in one of your papers. I have also nearly completed a very - interesting article treating of the secret revolutionary societies of - Russia, in the so-called Dekabrists—that is, of 1820 to 1830. I have - also another one in my thoughts, but, being out of work, and having - no dwelling-place, it is entirely impossible to give even a few hours - daily to writing. You see, I am writing in German, which I can do—_i. - e._, I translate every sentence, word for word, from the Russian. You - have in this connection the not easy task to set the corrupted German - right. I hope you will pardon me for this. At the time I came over - here I did not understand one German word. Thanks to Wassilisson, - which I translated with the help of a dictionary, I have learned - this little. For your letter I am very thankful to you. I would, of - course, follow your accommodating invitation, and would have left New - York long ago, but unfortunately it does not depend upon me. I am a - proletarian in the fullest sense of the word, and a proletarian is not - favored to put his ideas into execution. - - Respectfully, - MICHAEL MALKOFF. - - Care of J. H. Schwab, 50 First Street, New York. Written on the 22d of - October, 1883. - -WILLIAM A. PATTERSON, a printer, attended the meeting at No. 107 Fifth -Avenue, on the evening of May 4, in response to an advertisement in -the _Daily News_, and said it was for the purpose of organizing the -working women of Chicago. While there, a telephone message came for a -speaker at Deering, and a clerk in the office answered it. That was a -little after eight o’clock. They wanted a German speaker, and Schwab’s -name was mentioned. After that, witness said, he did not see Schwab. -There was also a call for speakers at the Haymarket. Those present at -the Fifth Avenue meeting were Parsons, Fielden, Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. -Holmes, Schwab, Waldo, Brown, Snyder and some others. - -HENRY LINDEMEYER, a mason, testified through an interpreter. He -occasionally did calcimining, and, while working at that in the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_, had occasion to place some things on a shelf in the -closet off the editorial room. He missed a brush, and looked for it on -a shelf in that closet. He found some papers, which he took down, but -he did not find his brush. “I found,” said he, “no bundle, no large -package, no dynamite on the shelf. Saw no indication of greasiness -there.” - -On cross-examination he testified: - - “I have known Spies for seven or eight years. I am on the bond of his - brother, who is charged with conspiracy growing out of the Haymarket - trouble. I have known Schwab three or four years. Saw him at public - meetings, at Turner Hall and other halls. I saw Spies nearly every - day. He lives in my neighborhood since quite a time. I have been a - subscriber to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ since it is in existence. The - closet was in the southeast part of the room, about four or five feet - square, and about eleven or twelve feet high, as high as the room. - There was only one shelf in the closet. There was a wash-stand in - there, under which I kept some things. I had calcimined that room - a few weeks before. On the 2d of May I calcimined the upper floor. - On the 5th of May I calcimined the library. I left my things in the - closet from the 2d to the forenoon of the 5th of May. When the police - came I took them to some other place. The things I left in that closet - were my working-clothes and my tools. My hat and my vest I had on the - upper part of the shelf, and the rest on the floor. When I examined - the shelf, I found nothing but a small package of papers, covering as - much space as the size of an open paper, occupying about one-quarter - of the shelf. I didn’t feel on the bottom of the shelf to see if there - was any grease on it. There was no grease on there; else I wouldn’t - have put my clothes there. The shelf was about six feet from the - ground.” - -EDWARD LEHNERT, testifying through an interpreter, said: - - “I know Schnaubelt, and saw him at the Haymarket that night about ten - o’clock. I was standing on the west side of Desplaines Street, about - thirty paces from Randolph, about twenty paces south of the wagon. I - saw Schnaubelt about the time when it grew dark and cloudy. I had a - conversation with him at that time, at the place where I stood. The - speaking was still going on. It was before the bomb exploded. August - Krueger was present. I mean Rudolph Schnaubelt, this man (indicating - photograph of Schnaubelt).” - -“What was the conversation?” - -The State objected. - - _Mr. Zeisler_—“We offer to show by this witness that Schnaubelt - stated to Lehnert that he did not understand English; that he had - expected a German speaker would be present; that no one was present - who spoke German except Spies; that Spies had already made an English - speech, and that he did not want to stay any longer, and asked Lehnert - if he would go along; that Lehnert thereupon said he did not go in the - same direction; and that then Schnaubelt went away with another party. - We have been able to trace Schnaubelt only for a short distance on his - way home. We offer this conversation with Lehnert for the purpose of - explaining Mr. Schnaubelt’s movements after meeting Lehnert.” - -The objection was sustained. - -WILLIAM SNYDER, indicted for conspiracy in connection with the -Haymarket riot, and in jail since the 8th of May, said: - - “I am a Socialist, a member of the American group of the - Internationale since it was organized. I am acquainted with all the - defendants except Lingg. I saw Parsons and Fielden on Tuesday night, - May 4 last, at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ building on Fifth Avenue. I had - gone there pursuant to a notice of a meeting of the American group - in the paper. I knew nothing of this meeting of the group before I - read the notice in the paper. The meeting was called to order about - half-past eight. Before that we had waited for some time for Mr. and - Mrs. Parsons. They finally came about half-past eight. I was elected - chairman. I asked the purpose for which the meeting was called. The - general topic of consideration was to get money from the treasury for - the purpose of furthering the organization of the sewing girls of - this city through Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. The meeting lasted - about half an hour; then nearly all of us went over to the Haymarket - meeting. I don’t remember seeing Schwab at that meeting. We walked - over.” Witness got on the wagon and when the police came, he said, he - got down first in front of Fielden. “Fielden did not shoot; he would - have killed me if he had shot; I was south of him.” They both started - for the alley, and there witness lost sight of Fielden. He heard no - reference to bloodhounds and saw no one shooting except the police. - -On cross-examination Snyder said: - - “I used to make addresses to the working people. Never missed an - opportunity to show the injustice which they are laboring under. I - have been chairman of the American group; addressed meetings of the - group from time to time. I never talked to people on the lake front. I - read the _Alarm_ every time it came out.” - - “How long have you been a Socialist?” - - “Well, I was born one.” - -THOMAS BROWN, arrested for conspiracy, belonged to the Internationale -for about a year and a half, and after Parsons had spoken at the -Haymarket he and Parsons went to Zepf’s saloon. When the bomb exploded, -they were sitting there at a table. Fischer was there at the time. On -cross-examination Brown said: - - “I was born in Ireland; came to this country some thirty-four years - ago. The first organization of Socialists I joined was in the city of - Chicago, about 1881. I did not know Parsons at that time. I became - acquainted with Parsons about two or two and a half years ago. When - the bomb exploded, Parsons and I jumped up. I did not go out with - Parsons from the rear door. I did not go out until some time after the - explosion. I next saw Parsons on the corner of Kinzie and Desplaines - Streets, when he was with Mrs. Parsons and Mrs. Holmes. Parsons asked - me what I would do in his case. We separated on the corner. I went - north, and I think Parsons went east.” - - “What was the conversation you had with Parsons?” - - “I told him I would leave for a while, under the circumstances. He - said: ‘What do you think I had better do?’ I told him: ‘Suit yourself, - you are your own boss. You must use your own judgment.’ I then loaned - him five dollars. Parsons did not say to me that he could not get - away because he had no money. He simply asked me for five dollars, - and I lent it to him. I did not state to the State’s Attorney, at the - Central Station, in the presence of Mr. Furthmann, James Bonfield, - Lieut. Shea and others, that Parsons had said he had no money to get - away with; that I advised him to go, and that I would lend him five - dollars. I used to buy the _Alarm_ every time it came out, and used to - read it. I had stock in the paper.” - -HENRY W. SPIES, a cigar manufacturer, brother of the defendant, went -to the Haymarket with his brother. When his brother got off the wagon -to hunt for Parsons, they went in a northwesterly direction from the -wagon, but Schwab was not there. - - “Schnaubelt and my brother went together, and I and Legner followed - right behind them. After asking, ‘Is Parsons here?’ and descending - from the wagon, August did not go in the direction of Crane’s Alley, - nor into Crane’s Alley. He went as far as Union Street, and in fact - got down on the side of the wagon, pretty near the middle of it. Just - at that time the explosion took place. I asked him what it was. He - said, ‘They have got a Gatling gun down there,’ and at the same time, - as he jumped, somebody jumped behind him with a weapon, right by his - back, and I grabbed it, and in warding off the pistol from my brother - I was shot. I don’t know who did the shooting. I didn’t see August any - more until I went home. I went to Zepf’s Hall, though, and inquired - for him. August did not leave the wagon about the time the police - came, or at any time, and go into the alley. Legner and myself helped - him off the wagon just as the explosion came. The firing came from the - street.” - -On cross-examination the witness testified: - - “On the 6th of May I was arrested at my house by Officers Whalen - and Loewenstein. I told them when the bomb exploded I was at Zepf’s - Hall, walked out and was shot in the door. I told them I was not at - the Haymarket at all, from beginning to end. That was not true when - I told it to them. I lied to them. I have told the truth now, when I - was under oath. I was afterwards brought down to the Central Station, - about the 9th or 10th of May. I was there interrogated by either Mr. - Grinnell or Mr. Furthmann, in the presence of Lieuts. Shea and Kipley. - I was asked whether I was a Socialist. I don’t believe I said I was - not. I asked whether you could tell me what a Socialist was. I said - I had been on business at Zepf’s saloon, which is a fact. I told you - that I was down there for the purpose of collecting a bill. That was - true when I said it. I also told you I was down there and did a large - dealing in cigars. I also stated at that time and place that I was - not at the Haymarket from the beginning, but was in Zepf’s saloon, and - was shot when I came out of the door at Zepf’s. I also said that I did - not see my brother that evening until he called at the house and asked - me if I had a good physician. I now state that what I then said about - that was not the truth. I was not under oath then, and I knew the - treatment which my brothers had found.” - -AUGUST KRUEGER said: - - “I saw there the man represented on this picture (Schnaubelt). When I - saw him I was standing with Mr. Lehnert on the west side of Desplaines - Street, about thirty to forty feet north of Randolph. I saw that man - about ten o’clock; he came from the northeast. I didn’t know at the - time what his name was, although I knew him well. Mr. Furthmann since - told me his name is Schnaubelt. Schnaubelt stayed there about five - minutes. He wanted to go home, and wanted me to go along, and I went - with him down on Randolph Street to Clinton. There I left him; he - went further east on Randolph Street, and I turned north on Clinton - Street. This is the last I saw of Schnaubelt. I walked down Milwaukee - Avenue and went to Engel’s house. I reached it about fifteen minutes - past ten—I don’t remember exactly. Mr. and Mrs. Engel were there. I - stayed there and drank a pint of beer. Later Gottfried Waller came - in and said he came from the Haymarket, and that 300 men were shot - by the police, and we ought to go down there and do something. Engel - said whoever threw that bomb did a foolish thing; it was nonsense, and - he didn’t sympathize with such a butchery, and he told Waller he had - better go home as quick as possible.” - -On cross-examination Krueger said he was known as “Little Krueger.” - - “I am an Anarchist. I was arrested for a day at the North Side - station. I had a conversation there with Capt. Schaack and Mr. - Furthmann. I was shown a picture of Schnaubelt at that time. I - was asked whether I had ever seen that man. I don’t know whether - I answered, ‘I might have seen him,’ or what I answered. I know - I had seen him. There were several other officers present at the - conversation; I don’t know their names. I told Mr. Furthmann there - that I was not at the Haymarket; I told him I was at Engel’s house. - I don’t remember what I stated in regard to the time when I got to - Engel’s house. It may be that I told him that I got to Engel’s house - at nine o’clock and staid there until eleven, but I don’t remember.” - -ALBERT PRUESSER stated that he telephoned three times to the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ for a speaker for the meeting at Lake View. The -committee from the Deering factory wanted Spies. Witness was told -that Spies could not come, and he said it would make no difference -if they sent some one else. A quarter of an hour later he telephoned -again and received a reply that Schwab was on the way. He went to meet -Schwab at the Clybourn Avenue car. He met him on the rear platform of -the car. That was half past nine o’clock, or twenty minutes to ten. -They went to Radtke’s saloon, 888 Clybourn Avenue, remained there -ten minutes, and then Schwab went to the prairie and spoke. He spoke -about twenty minutes. When he got through they went and had lunch and -beer at Schilling’s saloon. Schwab then took a car for the city. It -takes forty-five minutes to reach the corner of Clark and Washington -Streets, and ten minutes to the Haymarket if there is no interruption. -On cross-examination Pruesser stated that he had been a carrier for the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ for a time. - -JOHANN GRUENEBERG testified that he was an intimate friend of -Fischer’s. He went to the printing establishment of Wehrer & Klein at -Fischer’s request and got some circulars with the line: “Workingmen, -arm yourselves and come in full force.” He took them to the -compositors’ room in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and then took some down to -Spies. Fischer, Spies and witness had some conversation, and then he -took an order from Fischer to Wehrer & Klein to leave out that line. On -cross-examination Grueneberg stated: - - “I came to this country from Germany four years ago. I have lived in - Chicago two years. I am a carpenter.” - - “Where did the armed section of the Northwest group drill?” - - “I don’t know an armed section of the Northwest group. I don’t know - of a single time that the Northwest group drilled. I know of a paper - called the _Anarchist_. I distributed it three or four times. I saw - Fischer on Monday, May 3, between five and half-past five, at the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, in the compositors’ room. I did not see Fischer at - any other place on Monday. I saw him on Sunday afternoon at my house, - 570 West Superior Street. I did not see him Sunday morning at any - place.” - - “Were you at home all the morning yourself?” - - The defense objected to this question. - - _The Court_—“You have put this witness on the stand for the purpose - of showing a thing was taken out, a particular circular. Whether he - has told that thing as it occurred depends in some degree upon what - his associations, feelings, inclinations, biases are in reference to - the whole business.” - - _Mr. Black_—“Whether he has told the truth in regard to that depends - upon his bias and inclinations?” - - _The Court_—“Whether it is to be believed—I don’t mean whether he - has told the truth.” - - “I don’t remember whether I was home on that Sunday morning,” - continued the witness. “I was not on Emma Street that Sunday - morning. I have known Spies a year and a half; saw him at the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and at several Socialistic meetings; once at our - group, the other times I don’t remember where. I have known Neebe for - a short time by sight. I have known Schwab as long as Spies; saw him - at our group. He did not belong to the group. He made a speech once - every few months. I know Lingg since the 1st of May. I met him at the - Carpenters’ Union, not any other place.” - -MRS. LIZZIE MAY HOLMES, assistant editor of the _Alarm_ for about a -year, detailed what transpired at the meeting of the American group -on Tuesday evening, May 4th, and stated that she, in company with Mr. -and Mrs. Parsons and Mr. Brown, went to the Haymarket. Subsequently -they went to Zepf’s Hall. She could not say just where Parsons was in -the saloon when the explosion occurred. She had not heard of the word -“Ruhe” at the meeting Tuesday evening. - -On cross-examination she said: - - “My name has been Holmes since November 26th last. Before that my name - was Swank. All articles in the _Alarm_ under which the initials L. - M. S. appear are my articles. I wrote an article under date of April - 23d, 1886, headed, ‘It is Coming.’ I meant it in the same way that - any prophet means anything, judging from events of past history. I - was a member of the American group of the Internationale. That night - I went home with Mrs. Parsons and staid there over night. Mr. Parsons - did not go home that night. I left him on the corner of Kinzie. I am - an Anarchist as I understand Anarchy. I have known Spies about three - years, Fielden about four years. The latter was a stockholder in the - paper, and I believe complaints were directed to him. I was sometimes - absent for a whole week from the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ building. I - wrote my articles at home and at various places. I don’t think I - have ever been at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ building more than six or - eight times. I can’t remember where the Bureau of Information for the - Internationale was. I suppose it was in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. - - “I never advocated arson, or advised persons to commit arson in my - life. I wrote the article entitled ‘Notice to Tramps,’ in the April - 24th number of the _Alarm_, which reads: - - “In a beautiful town, not far from Chicago, lives a large class of - cultivated, well-informed people. They have Shakespeare, Lowell, - Longfellow and Whittier at their tongues’ ends, and are posted in - history and grow enthusiastic over the wickedness of the safely - abolished institutions of the past. They say eloquent things about old - fugitive slave laws, etc., which made it criminal to feed and shelter - a starving human being if he were black. Posted at the roadside, in - the hotels and stores, is a ‘Notice to Tramps,’ an abominable document - which compares well with the old notices to runaway negroes which - used to deface similar buildings. It is against the law to feed a - tramp. You are liable to a fine if you give a cup of coffee and a - piece of bread to a fellow-man who needs it and asks you for it. This - is a Christian community, under the flag of the free. Look out, you - wretched slaves. If, after toiling through your best years, you are - suddenly thrown out of a job along with thousands of others, do not - start out to hunt for work, for you will strike plenty of such towns - as this. You must not walk from town to town. You must not stay where - you are in idleness—you must move on. You must not ride—you have no - money, and those tracks and cars you helped to build are not for such - as you. You must not ask for anything to eat, or a place to sleep. You - must not lie down and die, for then you would shock people’s morals. - What are you to do? Great heavens! Jump into the lake? Fly up into the - air? Or stay—have you a match about you?” - -“I wrote that article deliberately; it speaks for itself. I don’t think -it needs any explanation from me.” - -SAMUEL FIELDEN was then put on the witness-stand and testified in his -own behalf as follows: - - “On May 4th last I took a load of stone to Waldheim Cemetery. I had - engaged to speak that night at 268 Twelfth Street, and intended to go - there. When I got home in the evening I bought a copy of the _Daily - News_ and there saw the announcement of a meeting of the American - group to be held at 107 Fifth Avenue, that night. I believe it said - important business. I was the treasurer of the American group, and - as such had all the money it was worth. We should have had our - semi-annual election the Sunday previous; besides, I thought that - some money would be wanted, as important business was announced, - so I determined to go to that meeting instead of to the meeting at - which I had engaged to speak. I arrived at 107 Fifth Avenue about ten - minutes before eight. I was there when some telephoning was done with - reference to the Deering meeting. The witnesses who have detailed - that occurrence are substantially correct. After I had entered the - room I asked what the meeting was called for, and a gentleman named - Patterson, who was not a member of our organization, showed me a - hand-bill, which did not call that meeting, but had reference to the - organization of the sewing women. I paid, as treasurer, five dollars - to those who had laid out the costs of printing those hand-bills, - and who might need a little money for car-fare in going around to - hire halls, and other incidental expenses. Schwab must have left - there about ten or fifteen minutes past eight. During the progress - of the meeting a request was received from the Haymarket meeting for - speakers, in response to which Parsons and I went over. Mr. Parsons, I - believe, brought his two children down-stairs and gave them a drink of - water in the saloon; then we walked together through the tunnel, and - from about the west end of the tunnel I walked with Mr. Snyder, with - whom I had a conversation. Spies spoke about five minutes longer after - we had arrived there; then he introduced Mr. Parsons. During Parsons’ - speech I was on the wagon. After he concluded I was introduced by Mr. - Spies to make a short speech. I did not wish to speak, but Mr. Spies - urged me, and I did speak about twenty minutes. I referred to some - adverse criticism of the Socialists by an evening paper, which had - called the Socialists cowards and other uncomplimentary names, and I - told the audience that that was not true; that the Socialists were - true to the interests of the laboring classes and would continue to - advocate the rights of labor. I then spoke briefly of the condition - of labor. I referred to the classes of people who were continually - posing as labor reformers for their own benefit, and who had never - done anything to benefit the laboring classes, but had at all times - approved the cause of labor, in order to get themselves into office. - To substantiate this, I cited the case of Martin Foran, who, in a - speech in Congress on the arbitration bill that was brought in by the - labor committee, had stated that the working classes of this country - could get nothing through legislation in Congress, and that only when - the rich men of this country understood that it was dangerous to live - in a community where there were dissatisfied people would the labor - problem be solved. Somebody in the audience cried out, ‘That is not - true,’ or ‘That is a lie.’ Then I went over it again, adding words - like these: That here was a man who had been on the spot for years, - had experience, and knew what could be done there, and this was his - testimony. It was not the testimony of a Socialist. Then I went on to - state that under such circumstances the only way in which the working - people could get any satisfaction from the gradually decreasing - opportunities for their living—the only thing they could do with the - law would be to throttle it. I used that word in a figurative sense. I - said they should throttle it, because it was an expensive article to - them and could do them no good. I then stated that men were working - all their lifetime, their love for their families influencing them to - put forth all their efforts, that their children might have a better - opportunity of starting in the world than they had had. And the facts, - the statistics of Great Britain and the United States, would prove - that every year it was becoming utterly impossible for the younger - generation, under the present system, to have as good an opportunity - as the former ones had had. - - “Mr. Spies asked me, before I commenced, to mention that the Chicago - _Herald_ had advised the labor organizations of this city to boycott - the red flag. I briefly touched on that, and told them not to boycott - the red flag, because it was the symbol of universal freedom and - universal liberty. - - “I was just closing my remarks about that point, when some one said - it was going to rain. There was a dark, heavy cloud which seemed to - be rolling over a little to the northwest of me. I looked at it, and - some one proposed to adjourn the meeting to Zepf’s Hall. Somebody else - said: ‘No, there is a meeting there,’ and I said: ‘Never mind; I will - not talk very long; I will close in a few minutes, and then we will - all go home.’ Then I advised them to organize as laboring men for - their own protection—not to trust to any one else, but to organize - among themselves and depend only upon themselves to advance their - condition. I do not think I spoke one minute longer when I saw the - police. I stopped speaking, and Capt. Ward came up to me and raised - his hand—I do not remember whether he had anything in his hand or - not—and said: ‘I command this meeting, in the name of the people of - the State of Illinois, to peaceably disperse.’ I was standing up, - and I said: ‘Why, Captain, this is a peaceable meeting,’ in a very - conciliatory tone of voice, and he very angrily and defiantly retorted - that he commanded it to disperse, and called, as I understood, upon - the police to disperse it. Just as he turned around in that angry - mood, I said: ‘All right, we will go,’ and jumped from the wagon, and - jumped to the sidewalk. This is my impression, after being in jail now - for over three months, and I am telling, as near as I can remember, - every incident of it. Then the explosion came. I think I went in a - somewhat southeasterly direction from the time that I struck the - street. It was only a couple of steps to the sidewalk. I had just, I - think, got onto the sidewalk when the explosion came, and, being in - a diagonal position on the street, I saw the flash. The people began - to rush past me. I was not decided in my own mind what it was, but - I heard some one say ‘dynamite,’ and then in my own mind I assented - that that was the cause of the explosion, and I rushed and was crowded - with the crowd. There were some of them falling down, others calling - out in agony, and the police were pouring shots into them. We tried - to get behind some protection, but there were so many trying to get - there that little protection was afforded. I then made a dash for the - northeast corner of Randolph and Desplaines Streets, turned the corner - and ran until I got to about Jefferson Street. Seeing there was no - pursuit, I dropped into a fast walk. I turned on Clinton, intending at - that time to go home. - - “Immediately after the explosion of the bomb—I had possibly gone - three or four steps—I was struck with a ball. I didn’t feel much pain - at the time, in the excitement, but as I dropped into a walk down on - Randolph Street I felt the pain, put my finger in the hole of my pants - and felt my knee was wet. Then I concluded I had been shot. Walking - down Clinton Street and intending to go home, I began to think about - those that had been with me. Remembering about Mr. Spies being on - the wagon at the time the police came up, I thought surely that some - one of these men must have been killed from all of that shooting. - I concluded to take a Van Buren Street car and ride down past the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ building and see if any one was there. I caught - the car on the corner of Canal, but found that it was a car that runs - directly east to State Street. I left the car on Fifth Avenue and - walked down Fifth Avenue to Monroe Street. Of course, I was near the - place and could have walked there, but I thought I was so well known - in Newspaper Row by the reporters that if I should walk I should be - known. So I jumped on the car and stood in front of it. I intended - to go up to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ building if I saw a light there; - but there wasn’t any. I alighted near the corner of Randolph Street. - Intending to go up to Parsons’ house, I took an Indiana Street car. - When we got to Clinton Street the driver said: ‘Why, there is firing - going on up there yet,’ and I saw a couple of flashes up near where I - thought the Haymarket was, and I said, ‘If there is, I am not going up - there.’ I then walked over on Jefferson Street north to Lake Street, - and I saw a terrible crowd of people around there, and thought there - might be a good many detectives there. So I turned back again, caught - a Canalport Avenue car and rode down to the corner of Canal and - Twelfth Streets. There I got my knee dressed by a young doctor who was - on the stand here, as it was becoming very painful at that time. - - “I feel sure that Mr. Spies was at my side when Capt. Ward was - talking. I did not see him after I had spoken to Capt. Ward; I did not - see him leave the wagon. I jumped off at the south end of the wagon - into the street. While I was speaking I did not pay any attention to - the people in the wagon, but I think I noticed four or five there a - little previous to the police coming up. Mr. Snyder assisted me in - getting on the wagon. He got on before I did. When I got down from - the wagon Snyder was on the ground. I think I saw him on the sidewalk - there. Of course I don’t remember everything as distinctly now as I - did the next day. I had no revolver with me on the night of May 4th. I - never had a revolver in my life. I did not fire at any person at the - Haymarket meeting. I never fired at any person in my life. I did not, - after leaving the wagon, step back between the wheels of the wagon and - fire behind the cover of the wagon; I did not stay there. My whole - course was from the wagon south, without stopping, except, perhaps, - for the smallest perceptible space of time, when I was startled by the - explosion. - - “I first heard of the word ‘Ruhe’ having been published in the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, and about any significance of that word, when I - had been in the County Jail for some days. I never had seen or heard - of the word before, and did not hear of it on May 4th at any time, - and, as I understand it is a German word, I would not have known - what it meant if I had seen it. I do not read German. There was no - understanding or agreement to which I was a party, or of which I had - knowledge, that violence should be used at the Haymarket meeting, or - that arms or dynamite should be used there. I anticipated no trouble - of that character. I did not use, upon the approach of the police, and - did not hear from any person that night any such expression as: ‘There - come the bloodhounds; you do your duty and I’ll do mine.’ - - “The first I heard of the Haymarket meeting was after I got to the - American group meeting on the night of May 4th. I heard, for the first - time, about a meeting held by certain persons on Monday night at 54 - Lake Street, after I had been from ten to fourteen days in the County - Jail, when I read a paper that the police had got track of some such a - meeting. I wish to say, however, that I spoke to the wagon-makers on - the upper floor of 54 Lake Street on that Monday night. I was never in - the basement of that building, except to the water-closet under the - sidewalk. I did not go down-stairs there at all on that Monday night, - and did not hear of any meeting being held there until much later, - when I read about it, as stated before. - - “We drilled not over six times at 54 Lake Street, but nobody ever - had arms there. I think it was proposed to call the organization the - International Rifles, but I don’t think it was ever decided to call - it so, as the organization was never perfected, never became an armed - organization. We began to meet in August, and the last meetings must - have been very near the end of September, 1885. There was no drilling - during the winter and spring of 1885-’86. Once a few men belonging to - the L. u. W. V. came in with their guns and shouldered arms, but they - did not belong to the American group, and that is the only time that I - ever saw any arms at any meeting of our organization. - - “The shots that were pouring in thick and fast after the explosion of - the bomb came from the street—I should judge from the police. I did - not hear the explosion of anything before the explosion of the bomb. - As I was rushing down the sidewalk, I heard no explosion of any arms - among any of the citizens who had attended the meeting. - - “I remember the testimony of the detective Johnson. I did not have - the conversation which he testified to as having had with me in the - presence of the older Mr. Boyd at Twelfth Street Turner Hall, nor at - any other place, nor at any other time. I knew that he was a detective - long before that, and I would not be fool enough to advocate anything - of that kind, if I was a dynamiter, to him. The American group was - open to everybody. It was not even necessary to have ten cents - admission fee, but the fee was set at ten cents per month to cover the - expense of paying for hall rent and advertising. On May 4th I returned - home from my work about half past five. I bought the _Evening News_ on - the sidewalk just before I went into the house. - - “On May 3d I took several loads of stone from Bodenschatz & Earnshaw’s - stone dock, Harrison Street and the river, to different places in the - city. I have worked for that firm three or four years. I owned my team - and wagon, and they hired those and my services, and paid me by the - day. I only worked three-quarters of a day on May 3d. Business was not - brisk at that time. I have been a teamster for at least six years. - I was arrested at my home at ten o’clock on the morning of May 5th. - I was never before arrested in my life. I was taken to the Central - Station by four or five detectives in citizens’ clothes, and have been - confined ever since. - - “I had no examination except that I was brought before the Coroner’s - jury on the evening of May 5th. I did not state to Officer James - Bonfield or anybody else, after my arrest at the station, or at any - other time or place, that I escaped through Crane’s alley on the night - of May 4th.” - -On cross-examination Fielden said: - - “I worked in a cotton-mill in England at eight years of age, and - continued to work in the same mill until I came to the United States. - I worked my way up until I became a weaver, and when I left the mill I - was what is called a binder; that is, binding the warps on the beams. - I joined the International Working People’s Association in July, 1884, - by joining the American group. I suppose I was an Anarchist soon - after, as soon as I began to study it. I suppose that I have been - a revolutionist, in the sense of evolutionary revolution, for some - years. I don’t know that I have ever been positively of the belief - that the existing order of things should be overthrown by force. I - have always been of the belief, and am yet, that the existing order of - things will have to be overthrown, either peaceably or by force. When - I had the books of the American group it had about 175 members—that - was last November. I don’t know how many have been added since. There - were probably fifteen or twenty ladies among the members. It was - called the American group because the English language was used in it. - It was not confined to born Americans. - - “We tried to found an English-speaking group a year ago last winter, - on West Indiana Street. I think we had only two meetings and then - abandoned it. I have been making speeches for the last two or three - years. They were labor speeches—not always Socialistic and not always - Anarchistic; that is, sometimes I have touched on Socialism and - Anarchy; sometimes they were delivered from an ordinary trades-union - standpoint. I have made a great many speeches on the lake front, some - on Market Square, some at West Twelfth Street Turner Hall, some at 106 - Randolph Street, some at 54 West Lake. The meetings on the lake front - were on Sunday afternoons.” - - “Did you make a speech on the night of the opening of the new Board of - Trade?” - - “I did. I have two dollars’ worth of stock in the _Alarm_. I was part - of the committee to see what should be done about the _Alarm_ when it - began to get in deep water, and my name was proposed to be put on the - paper as the recipient of communications as to its management. - - “There were possibly twelve or fifteen members of the American group - present at the meeting at 107 Fifth Avenue on May 4th. There were Mr. - and Mrs. Parsons, Mr. and Mrs. Timmons, Mrs. Holmes, Snyder, Brown and - some others. I am not positive whether Walters and Ducy were there. - I think we staid there until nearly nine o’clock. Balthasar Rau came - over from the Haymarket and said Spies was there and a large meeting, - and no one else to speak. Some four or five of us went over together. - I know that Rau, Parsons, myself and Snyder went about together. - Schwab left the _Zeitung_ office before us. I had promised, on Sunday - night at Greif’s Hall, a man who had been to my house before, to - speak at a labor meeting at either 368 or 378 West Twelfth Street - that Tuesday night. Of those that were on the speakers’ wagon, I only - remember Parsons, Spies and Snyder. There were some others there - who were strangers to me. A boy about sixteen years of age came up - on the wagon and rather crowded me to one side, and I told him he - might as well stand down. I spoke because Mr. Spies requested me to - make a short speech. Mr. Parsons had spoken longer than I thought - he would, and I thought it was late enough to close. I don’t now - remember whether or not I used this language: ‘There are premonitions - of danger. All know it. The press say the Anarchists will sneak away. - We are not going to.’ I have no desire to deny that I did use that - language. If I used it—and I don’t know whether I did—if I had any - idea in my mind at any time which would be expressed in that language, - I know for what reasons I would have that idea. I used substantially - all that language which Mr. English, the reporter, who was on the - stand here, testified as having been used by me in my speech at - the Haymarket meeting. I did not say that John Brown, Jefferson, - Washington, Patrick Henry and Hopkins said to the people: ‘The law is - your enemy.’ If I used the language, ‘We are rebels against it,’—and - I possibly did,—I referred to the present social system. I don’t - remember that I said: ‘It had no mercy; so ought you.’ There is not - much sense in it, and I will not father it. The report of my speech, - as given by Mr. English, has been garbled, and it does not give the - connection. I don’t accept that as my speech at all. I think I used - the language, but you haven’t got the sense of it at all, in quoting - it in that way. - - “After I left the Haymarket meeting, my first intention was to go - home. I cannot tell now why I changed my mind about that. Impressions - sometimes come on a person’s mind which he cannot explain why they - come there. I rode on the car in passing the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - office, instead of walking, and I avoided the crowd on Lake Street, in - which I thought there would be lots of detectives, because I certainly - didn’t wish to be arrested that night. Of course, I thought I would be - arrested after the trouble; it was only natural to suppose I would. - I did not think there was anything inflammatory or incendiary in my - speech. I did not incite anybody to do any overt act to anybody or - anything. I spoke generally, from a general standpoint. I meant to say - they should resist the present social system, which degraded them and - turned them out of employment, and gave them no opportunity to get a - living. Somebody threw a bomb. I did not know and do not know now who - it was, or anything about it. Still I know, from reading of criminal - proceedings, that in cases of that kind they arrest everybody in order - to find out who is responsible. I supposed that I, being one of the - participants of the meeting, would be arrested—for some time, at - least. Knowing my innocence, I made a statement before the Coroner’s - jury, expecting that when they examined into the truth of my statement - I should be released.” - -On re-direct examination Fielden said: - - “If I did make the remark about premonitions of danger in my Haymarket - speech, I must have meant that there were so many men striking just - then for the eight-hour movement that some trouble might possibly - originate between the strikers and their employers, as had been the - case in former strikes, and, knowing that all men are not very cool, - and some men become aggravated—their condition may have a good deal - to do with it—they sometimes commit acts which the officers of the - law, in their capacity as such, are compelled to interfere with. I - was speaking of the general labor question and the issue that was up - for settlement during the eight-hour movement. I had no reference - to the presence of dynamite at the meeting. I did not say that John - Brown, Jefferson, etc., said that the law was their enemy. What I said - in regard to them was, that we occupied, in relation to the present - social system, which no longer provided security for the masses, just - about the position that John Brown, Jefferson, Hopkins, Patrick Henry - occupied in relation to the government and dictation of Great Britain - over the Colonies; that they repeatedly appealed to Great Britain to - peaceably settle the differences in regard to the port duties, the - stamp act, etc., but when it could not be peaceably settled, they - could not submit to it any longer, and were compelled to do something - else; and it was always the element of tyranny which incited strife, - and as it was in that case, so it would be in this. As to the use of - the expressions about killing, stabbing, throttling the law, I used - them just as a Republican orator, in denouncing the Democratic party, - might say, ‘We will kill it,’ or ‘We will throttle it,’ or ‘defeat - it,’ or as one might speak of a candidate for office—‘We will knife - him.’ I used those adjectives, as any speaker would, in rushing along, - throw in adjectives without thinking much of what their full import - might be. My remarks that night were intended to call upon the people - to resist the present social system—not by force, I had no such idea - in my mind that night—so that they would be enabled to live; to call - their attention to the fact that by the introduction of labor-saving - machinery and the subdivision of labor less men were continually - needed, more productions produced, and their chance to work decreased, - and that by their organizing together they might become partakers - in the benefits of civilization, more advantageous and quicker - productions.” - -Together with the testimony given above, of which, of course, the most -important was that of the prisoner Samuel Fielden, were the stories of -a number of other witnesses whose names have been here omitted. The -reason for this is, that while the statements of these persons were -of much importance in the trial of the case, to print them all would -stretch this book of mine out to unconscionable length. It will suffice -to say that several witnesses testified strongly in support of the -Anarchist theory of the episodes which occurred about the famous wagon -at the Haymarket. Half a dozen others declared that they would not -believe Harry W. Gilmer on oath. This statement of the evidence offered -is made necessary by the space at my disposal. I have tried throughout -this work to be wholly fair to the defense, and the reader will of -course understand that these witnesses corroborated the testimony of -others which has been previously given in full in these pages. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII. - - The Close of the Defense—Working on the Jury—The Man who Threw - the Bomb—Conflicting Testimony—Michael Schwab on the Stand—An - Agitator’s Adventures—Spies in his Own Defense—The Fight at - McCormick’s—The Desplaines Street Wagon—Bombs and Beer—The - Wilkinson Interview—The Weapon of the Future—Spies the Reporter’s - Friend—Bad Treatment by Ebersold—The Hocking Valley Letter—Albert - R. Parsons in his Own Behalf—His Memories of the Haymarket—The - Evidence in Rebuttal. - - -THROUGHOUT the trial the defendants maintained an air of careless -indifference. Occasionally during the presentation of particularly -striking and damaging evidence—notably that of Thompson and -Gilmer—they were noticed to wince, but the flush was only momentary. -It was apparent that the prisoners expected in some manner to extricate -themselves from their perilous position, and the casual observer would -have supposed them involved simply in an ordinary trial. Whatever may -have been their real feelings, they did not betray them. After they -had begun to place evidence on their own behalf before the jury, they -even wore a certain air of cheerfulness; and whereas previously a sort -of stolidity had marked their demeanor, their general bearing now was -that of supreme confidence. They evidently felt confident of having -made a favorable impression upon the jury. They possibly calculated -upon their having successfully impeached the evidence of Gilmer and -having proven to some extent their own disconnection with the Haymarket -explosion. Fielden’s plausible explanations also, no doubt, added to -their confidence. - -Taking the evidence of the State as a complete exposition of the -conspiracy, there seemed to be no consolation in that direction; but -their hope rested in winning over the jury by raising a reasonable -doubt through the preponderance of offsetting testimony on their own -side, and by making the jury believe, by the manner of their conduct -under the severe fire of the prosecution, that they sincerely felt -themselves innocent of all “guilty knowledge.” - -They played their part well, and their attitude is not at all -surprising when their former bloodthirsty propensities are taken -into consideration. In an ordinary murder or conspiracy trial -Fielden’s statements might have had some influence in mitigation -of extreme punishment, but, overshadowed as it was by overwhelming -counter-evidence of complicity in a stupendous crime, the jury -subsequently determined that it saw no way of disconnecting him from -the other conspirators. - -The defendants pretended they had a host of witnesses beyond those that -they really required to prove that they had never dreamed there would -be a bomb thrown at the Haymarket, but that they only needed to use a -few of these witnesses to establish their innocence. Still, they put a -very large number on the stand. The testimony of all these pretended to -show what a harmless set of men the State had arrested and put on trial -for their lives. - -The trend of much of the evidence for the defense seemed directed -toward proving the police responsible for the massacre, by having -opened fire on a “peaceable gathering;” and, through a brother of -the defendant Spies, it was attempted to prove that the enmity of -the police toward Anarchists was so great that one of them tried to -shoot the defendant in the back while at the Haymarket. This brother -of Spies—Henry—had been wounded in the abdomen, and he endeavored, -on the witness-stand, to show that he had received the injury while -suddenly pressing down the revolver that was aimed at his brother. The -explanation was too lame to be serviceable. - -At this point several witnesses testified to Lingg’s presence at Zepf’s -Hall early on the night of May 3d. Others strengthened the Anarchistic -theory of an alleged police attack at the Haymarket. Still others -impeached the witness Gilmer’s veracity. Inasmuch as I have previously -given in full all the evidence which these people merely corroborated, -I have not thought it necessary to give here their statements at length. - -JOHN BERNETT, a candy-maker, said he saw the man who threw the bomb. -The thrower was right in front of him. The bomb “went west and a little -bit north.” - - “The man who threw it was about my size, maybe a little bit bigger, - and I think he had a mustache. I think he had no chin beard, and his - clothes were dark.” - - “Did you ever see that picture before?” (handing witness photograph of - Schnaubelt). - - “Yes, sir; Mr. Furthmann showed it to me about two weeks ago.” - - “Do you recognize that as being the man who threw the bomb?” - - “I guess not.” - - “Did you tell Mr. Furthmann so at the time?” - - “Yes, sir.” - -On cross-examination Bernett said; - - “I never could recognize anybody. I told Capt. Schaack and Mr. - Grinnell that the man who threw the bomb was in front of me, and I - could not tell how he did look. When the police came up first I stood - right in the middle of the alley. When the captain of the police - ordered them to leave that place, I heard somebody say: ‘Stand; don’t - run,’ and there were about three or four men, about the middle of the - street, west of the wagon, who halloaed out: ‘No; we won’t do it.’ - That was said in English. I heard Fielden say something to the officer - who spoke to him, but I could not hear it. The crowd began to rush, - and rushed me, and I hurried out as fast as I could. I got shot and - fell on the sidewalk. I told Mr. Furthmann that I thought the bomb - was fired from about fifteen steps south of the alley—I count my - steps about two feet and a half. I don’t think it came right from - behind the boxes. From the place the bomb was thrown up to the other - corner—the house goes up a little further on the other side—the - distance is forty-five feet. The bomb was thrown forty-five feet south - of the corner of the alley. I cannot remember how far the boxes were - south of the alley that night—there was a lamp-post, and then the - boxes came. I remember coming to the Central Station on the 7th of - May and talking to Officer Bonfield in the presence of Mr. Grinnell. - I don’t know that I said at that time that the bomb was thrown - from behind the boxes, but I think I am right now. I don’t think I - stated afterwards, some weeks ago, that it was thrown some twenty or - twenty-five feet south of the alley. I can’t remember now how many - feet I stated the distance was, but I think I have got it right now. - On the 7th of May I was brought over here by Officer Bonfield and - Officer Haas, so that I could see the defendants. I was asked if I had - ever seen them before, and I said I had seen them all before on the - lake front and the Haymarket. I told Capt. Schaack that I could not - describe the man and would not know him if I saw him, and that the - man’s back was toward me.” - -MICHAEL SCHWAB was then called in his own behalf, and he made the -following statement: - - “Up to the 4th of May I lived at 51 Florimond Street. I was co-editor - of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. On the evening of May 4th I left home - twenty minutes to eight, went to the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and reached - there about eight o’clock. I left about ten minutes later. While I - was there a telephone message was received asking Mr. Spies to speak - at Deering. After that I went over to the Haymarket to see whether - I could find Mr. Spies. I didn’t stop long over there. I just went - through the crowd, as the men out at Deering had been waiting for an - hour already. I went over on Washington Street, turned north down - Desplaines Street and went across Randolph Street, and north of - Randolph on Desplaines I met my brother-in-law, Rudolph Schnaubelt, - and talked to him about the matter; then took a car going in an - easterly direction and rode up to the Court-house. At the Court-house - I took a Clybourn Avenue car and went to Deering’s factory. Near the - car stables I was met by a man and asked whether I was Mr. Schwab. - The man testified here on the witness-stand. I think his name is - Preusser, as he told me that night. I should judge it takes about - ten minutes from the Haymarket to the Court-house and about forty or - forty-five minutes from there to Fullerton Avenue. I stepped from the - car with that man; went up to the saloon, 888 Clybourn Avenue, to see - the committee, but the committee was not there; so we went directly - to the prairie, corner of Fullerton and Clybourn Avenues, and there I - met some men who told me that they were the committee. I talked with - them some minutes, then mounted the stand and made a speech, twenty or - twenty-five minutes long, about the eight-hour movement, to the men - who had struck that same day and demanded eight hours’ work and ten - hours’ pay. I returned home about eleven o’clock at night. I didn’t - pay any attention to the time. After the meeting was over I went with - Preusser to a saloon, took a glass of beer and had some lunch, and - then I took the next car going south. I left the car on Willow Street, - which is not far north from North Avenue, and walked home, which is a - distance of about twenty minutes’ walk. - - “I did not at any time while I was at the Haymarket enter Crane’s - alley or any alley with Mr. Spies. I had no conversation with him - near the mouth of the alley. I did not walk at any time that night - in company with Mr. Spies on the north side of Randolph Street from - the corner of Desplaines down past Union Street and return to where - the wagon stood. I did not, in company with Mr. Spies, meet Schnaubelt - when Spies handed to Schnaubelt any package or anything. I did not see - Spies and did not speak to him at all that night at the Haymarket. I - did not say anything to Spies or anybody else in the mouth of Crane’s - alley about pistols or police, or whether one would be enough. I had - no such conversation with anybody at the Haymarket or anywhere. I did - not say to Mr. Spies or anybody else at any time before the meeting - began or at any other time that if the police came we were ready for - them or we would give it to them, or any words to that effect. - - “When I left the Haymarket the meeting had not begun; men were - standing around on all four corners. I had seen Mr. Spies last that - day in the afternoon. I did not see him again until the next day in - the morning, when I came to the office.” - -On cross-examination Schwab said: - - “I was a member of the North Side group of the International - Workingmen’s Association from the time it started, some years ago, - until up to the 4th of May last. I walked over to the Haymarket from - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ that night through the Washington Street tunnel - with Balthasar Rau. He left me on Desplaines and Randolph; there I - lost him. Then I crossed Randolph Street, and about the middle of - Randolph Street met Mr. Heineman. I inquired of some persons whom I - knew by sight whether they had seen Spies. I staid there not more than - five minutes, then took a car and went east. I went alone. I should - judge it was about half-past eight when I took the car on Randolph - Street and about twenty minutes of nine when I took the Clybourn - Avenue car and went north. I was alone on that way. I don’t know - what time it was when I got to the saloon at 888 Clybourn Avenue. - From there it is about a block or a little more to the prairie where - the meeting was held. When I got there I spoke first to some of the - members of the committee to find out what they wanted me to speak - about. That took about five minutes. After I had spoken to the meeting - I went with Preusser to a saloon, corner of Clybourn and Ashland - Avenues, not the same saloon I went into the first time. I did not see - Balthasar Rau again that night.” - - “Are you an Anarchist?” - - “That depends upon what you mean by that. There are several divisions - of the Anarchists.” - - “Are you an Anarchist?” - - “Well, I can’t answer that.” - -AUGUST VINCENT THEODORE SPIES was next put on the stand to testify in -his own behalf. He said: - - “May 4th last I was one of the editors of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. I - occupied that position since 1880. Prior to that I was engaged in - this country principally in the furniture business. I am a member of - the Socialistic Publishing Society, which is organized under the laws - of the State of Illinois, and by which the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ was - published. I was an employé of that society in my position as editor, - and as such was subject to their control as to the general policy of - the paper. - - “At a meeting of the Central Labor Union in the evening of Sunday, - May 2, at 54 West Lake Street, which I attended in the capacity of a - reporter, I was invited by one or two delegates to address a meeting - of the Lumber-shovers’ Union on the afternoon of May 3, on the corner - of Twenty-second or Twentieth and Blue Island Avenue. As there were - no other speakers, I went out. When I came there was a crowd of 6,000 - to 7,000 people assembled on the prairie. When I was invited, which - was the first information I received of the meeting, nothing was said - to me about any relationship of Mr. McCormick’s employés to that - meeting. I did not know that the locality of the meeting was in the - immediate neighborhood of McCormick’s. I arrived there, as near as I - can judge, a little after three o’clock. Several men were speaking - from a car in the Bohemian or Polish language; they were very poor - speakers, and small crowds of those assembled detached themselves - to the side and talked together. Balthasar Rau introduced me to the - chairman of the meeting. I don’t remember his name; he testified here. - I asked him if I was to speak there, and he said yes. I waited for - about ten minutes while reports came in from the different owners - of the lumber-yards as to the demand made by the union, which was - eight hours’ work at twenty-two cents per hour. They then elected a - committee to wait upon the bosses to find out what concessions they - would make, if any. Thereupon I was introduced to address the meeting, - and spoke from fifteen to twenty minutes. Having spoken two or three - times almost every day for the preceding two or three weeks, I was - almost prostrated, and spoke very calmly, and told the people, who - in my judgment were not of a very high intellectual grade, to stand - together and to enforce their demands at all hazards; otherwise the - single bosses would one by one defeat them. While I was speaking I - heard somebody in the rear, probably a hundred feet away from me, - cry out something in a language which I didn’t understand—perhaps - Bohemian or Polish. After the meeting I was told that this man had - called upon them to follow him up to McCormick’s. I should judge about - two hundred persons, standing a little ways apart from the main body, - detached themselves and went away. I didn’t know where they were going - until probably five minutes later I heard firing, and about that time - I stopped speaking and inquired where the pistol shots came from, - and was told that some men had gone up there to stone McCormick’s - ‘scabs’ and that the police had fired upon them. I stopped there - probably another five or six minutes, during which time I was elected - a member of the committee to visit the bosses, when two patrol wagons - came up in great haste on the Black Road, so-called, driving towards - McCormick’s, followed immediately by about seventy-five policemen on - foot, and then other patrol wagons came. I jumped from the car and - went up to McCormick’s. They were shooting all the while. I thought it - must be quite a battle. In front of McCormick’s factory there are some - railroad tracks, on which a number of freight-cars were standing. The - people were running away and hiding behind these freight-cars as much - as they could, to keep out of the way of the pistol-firing. The fight - was going on behind the cars. When I came up there on this prairie, - right in front of McCormick’s, I saw a policeman run after and fire at - people who were fleeing, running away. - - [Illustration: SPIES ADDRESSING THE STRIKERS AT MCCORMICK’S.] - - My blood was boiling, and, seeing unarmed men, women and children, who - were running away, fired upon, I think in that moment I could have - done almost anything. At that moment a young Irishman, who probably - knew me or had seen me at the meeting, came running from behind the - cars and said: ‘What kind of a—— —— business is this? What h——l - of a union is that? What people are these who will let those men be - shot down here like dogs? I just come from there; we have carried away - two men dead, and there are a number of others lying on the ground - who will most likely die. At least twenty or twenty-five must have - been shot who ran away or were carried away by friends.’ Of course - I could not do anything there. I went back to where the meeting had - been, which was about three blocks away. I told some of them what was - going on at McCormick’s, but they were unconcerned and went home. I - took a car and went down town. The same evening I wrote the report - of the meeting which appeared in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of the next - day. Immediately after I came to the office I wrote the so-called - Revenge circular, except the heading, ‘Revenge.’ At the time I wrote - it I believed the statement that six workingmen had been killed that - afternoon at McCormick’s. I wrote at first that two had been killed, - and after seeing the report in the five o’clock _News_ I changed the - two to six, based upon the information contained in the _News_. I - believe 2,500 copies of that circular were printed, but not more than - half of them distributed, for I saw quite a lot of them in the office - of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ on the morning I was arrested. At the time - I wrote it I was still laboring under the excitement of the scene and - the hour. I was very indignant. - - “On May 4th I was performing my regular duties at the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. A little before nine in the forenoon I was invited - to address a meeting on the Haymarket that evening. That was the - first I heard of it. I had no part in calling the meeting. I put - the announcement of the meeting into the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ at the - request of a man who invited me to speak. The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ is an - afternoon daily paper, and appears at 2 P. M. About eleven o’clock a - circular calling the Haymarket meeting was handed to me to be inserted - in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, containing the line, ‘Workingmen, arm - yourselves and appear in full force.’ I said to the man who brought - the circular that, if that was the meeting which I had been invited - to address, I should certainly not speak there, on account of that - line. He stated that the circulars had not been distributed, and I - told him if that was the case, and if he would take out that line, it - would be all right. Mr. Fischer was called down at that time, and he - sent the man back to the printing-office to have the line taken out. - I struck out the line myself before I handed it to the compositor to - put it in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. The man who brought the circular - to me and took it back with the line stricken out was on the stand - here—Grueneberg I believe is his name. - - “I left home that evening about half-past seven o’clock and walked - down with my brother Henry, arriving at the Haymarket about twenty or - twenty-five minutes after eight. I had understood from the invitation - that I should address the meeting in German; and, knowing that the - English speeches would come first, I did not go there in time to reach - the opening of the meeting. When I got there, there was no meeting - in progress, however; simply crowds were standing around the corners - here and there, talking together. I called them together. After having - looked around for a speakers’ stand—we generally had very primitive - platforms—I saw this wagon on Desplaines Street; and being right - near the corner, I thought it was a good place to choose and told the - people that the meeting would take place there. There was no light - upon the wagon. Early in the meeting I think the sky was bright. I - cannot tell whether the lamp at the alley was burning or not; my - impression is that it was. I could not say about any other light. I - found the wagon just where we used it. It was not an ordinary truck - wagon; it was a half truck and half express wagon, the truck with the - box on. I don’t know that there were any stakes on it; it was a large, - long express wagon. I believe I spoke with my brother Henry as to the - advisability of choosing that place. Henry was with me during the - entire evening. After the audience got together, somebody suggested to - draw the wagon into the Haymarket. I replied that that might interfere - with the street traffic, and that the cars would make a good deal - of noise. Then I asked if Mr. Parsons was present. I thought he had - been invited to address the meeting. I was not on the arrangement - committee; but seeing the crowd and seeing that the meeting had been - very poorly arranged, I took the initiative. When I asked for Parsons, - one of the editors of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, one Schroeder, stepped - up and said: ‘Parsons is speaking up on the corner of Halsted and - Randolph Streets; I just saw him there.’ I told him to go and call - him. He left, but staid quite a while, and I left the wagon myself, - and, in the company of my brother Henry, one Legner and Schnaubelt, - whom I had just met, went up the street to find Parsons. Schwab was - not with me at that time or at any time that evening. Schnaubelt - told me I had been wanted at Deering, but as I had not been at hand - Schwab had gone out there. After I left the wagon I did not go to the - mouth of Crane’s alley. I did not even know at the time that there - was an alley there at all. I did not enter the alley with Schwab, had - no conversation with him there in which I referred to pistols and - police, and in which Schwab asked whether one would be enough, etc., - nor anything of that kind. Neither did I have that conversation with - anybody else. I left the wagon and moved in a southwesterly direction - obliquely across the street to the corner of the Haymarket. From there - I went, in company with those I mentioned, up on Randolph Street, - beyond Union and pretty near Halsted Street, but, seeing only a few - people, probably twenty or twenty-five, standing there scattered, and - not seeing Parsons, we returned, walking on the north side of Randolph - Street, as we had in going down. I went on the wagon and addressed the - meeting. I had no conversation with Schwab, at or about the crossing - of Union Street, in which we spoke about being ready for them and that - they were afraid to come. I had no such conversation with any one. I - don’t remember exactly of what we were speaking, but Schnaubelt and I, - as we walked along, were conversing in German. I have known Schnaubelt - for about two years. I think he has not been in the country more than - two years. He cannot speak English at all. He wore a light gray suit - that night. In returning to the wagon I went from the corner of the - Haymarket right straight to the wagon, in a northeasterly direction. I - did not, on my return, or at any time that evening, walk with Schwab - across Desplaines Street to the center of the sidewalk, some fifteen - feet south of Crane’s alley, and at that point meet Schnaubelt, and - there take anything out of my pocket, or otherwise, and give it to - Schnaubelt, or anybody else, at that location. - - “I spoke about fifteen or twenty minutes. I began by stating that - I heard a large number of patrol wagons had gone to Desplaines - Street Station; that great preparations had been made for a possible - outbreak; that the militia had been called under arms, and that I - would state at the beginning that this meeting had not been called for - the purpose of inciting a riot, but simply to discuss the situation - of the eight-hour movement and the atrocities of the police on the - preceding day. Then I referred to one of the morning papers of the - city, in which Mr. McCormick said that I was responsible for the - affair near his factory; that I had incited the people to commit - violence, etc., and I stated that such misrepresentations were made in - order to discredit the men who took an active part in the movement. - I stated that such outbreaks as had occurred at McCormick’s, in East - St. Louis, in Philadelphia, Cleveland and other places, were not the - work of a band of conspirators, of a few Anarchists or Socialists, - but the unconscious struggle of a class for emancipation; that such - outbreaks might be expected at any minute and were not the arbitrary - work of individuals. I then pointed to the fact that the people who - committed violence had never been Socialists or Anarchists, but in - most instances had been up to that time the most lawful citizens, - good Christians, the exemplary so-called honest workmen, who were - contrasted by the capitalists with the Anarchists. I stated that the - meeting at McCormick’s was composed mostly of humble, church-going - good Christians, and not by any means atheists, or materialists, - or Anarchists. I then stated that for the past twenty years the - wage-workers had asked their employers for a reduction of the hours - of labor; that, according to the statement of the secretary of the - National Bureau of Labor Statistics, about two millions of physically - strong men were out of employment; that the productive capacity had, - by the development of machines, so immensely increased that all that - any rationally organized society required could be produced in a few - hours, and that the mechanical working of men for ten hours a day - was simply another method of murdering them. Though every student of - social phenomena admitted the fact that society was, under the present - condition of overwork, almost retrograding and the masses sinking into - degradation, still their demands have been refused. I proceeded to - state that the legislators had different interests at stake than those - involved in this question, and did not care so much about the welfare - of any class of society as for their own interests, and that at last - the workingmen had conceived, consciously or unconsciously, the idea - to take the matter in their own hands; that it was not a political - question, but an economic question; that neither legislatures nor - Congress could do anything in the premises, but the workingmen could - only achieve a normal day’s work of eight hours or less by their own - efforts. - - “I believe when I had gone so far somebody told me that Mr. Parsons - had arrived. Turning around, I saw Parsons; and as I was fatigued, - worn out, I broke off and introduced Parsons. I spoke in English. - After introducing Parsons I staid on the wagon. When I stopped and - Parsons began, I believe there were pretty nearly 2,000 people there; - it was an ordinarily packed crowd. The people who wanted to listen - would crowd to the wagon, others would stand on the opposite sidewalk, - but I did not see any very packed crowd, exactly. While I spoke, I - was facing, I believe, in a southwesterly direction; the bulk of the - audience stood around the wagon south and southwesterly toward the - Haymarket. Parsons spoke forty-five minutes to an hour. He stopped - about ten o’clock. I had been requested by several persons to make - a German speech, but Parsons had spoken longer than I expected, - it was too late, and I didn’t feel much like speaking; so I asked - Mr. Fielden to say a few words in conclusion and then adjourn. I - introduced Fielden to the audience and remained on the wagon until - the command was given by Capt. Ward to disperse. I did not see the - police until they formed in columns on the corner of Desplaines and - Randolph Streets. Somebody behind me, I think, said: ‘The police are - coming.’ I could not understand that. I did not think even when I - saw them that they were marching toward the meeting. The meeting was - almost as well as adjourned. There were not over two hundred on the - spot. About five minutes previous to that a dark cloud came moving - from the north, and it looked so threateningly that most of the people - ran away, and some people suggested an adjournment to Zepf’s Hall; - more than two-thirds of the attendants left at that time. The police - halted three or four feet south of the wagon. Capt. Ward walked up to - the wagon. Fielden was standing in front of me, in the rear of the - wagon. I was standing in the middle of the wagon. Ward held something - in his hand, a cane or a club, and said: ‘In the name of the people - of the State of Illinois, I command you to disperse,’ and Fielden - said: ‘Why, Captain, this is a peaceable meeting.’ And Ward repeated, - I think, that command, and then turned around to his men, and while - I didn’t understand what he said to them, I thought he said, ‘Charge - upon the crowd,’ or something to that effect. I did not hear him say: - ‘I call upon you and you to assist;’ he may have said that and I may - have misunderstood him. My brother and one Legner and several others - that I did not know stood at the side of the wagon; they reached out - their hands and helped me off the wagon. I felt very indignant over - the coming of the police, and intended to ask them what right they - had to break up the meeting, but I jumped down from the wagon. When - I reached the sidewalk I heard a terrible detonation; I thought the - city authority had brought a cannon there to scare the people from the - street. I did not think they would shoot upon the people, nor did I - think in the least, at that time, of a bomb. Then I was pushed along; - there was a throng of people rushing up, and I was just carried away - with them. I went into Zepf’s Hall. The firing began immediately, - simultaneously with the explosion. I did not see any firing from the - crowd upon the police. I did not hear, as I stood upon the wagon, - either by Fielden or anybody else, any such exclamation as ‘Here come - the bloodhounds; men, do your duty and I will do mine.’ Fielden did - not draw a revolver and fire from the wagon upon the police or in - their direction. I did not, before the explosion of the bomb, leave - my position upon the wagon, go into the alley, strike a match and - light a bomb in the hands of Rudolph Schnaubelt. I did not see Rudolph - Schnaubelt in the mouth of the alley then or at any time that evening - with a bomb. I did not at that time or any other time that evening go - into the mouth of the alley and join there Fischer and Schnaubelt and - strike a match for any purpose. Schnaubelt is about six feet three - inches tall, I should judge, of large frame and large body. - - “I remember the witness Wilkinson, a reporter of the _News_. He was - up at the office several times, but I only had one conversation with - him as far as I remember. He made an interview out of it. He was - introduced to me by Joe Gruenhut, who told me that the _News_ wanted - to have an article. Wilkinson inquired as to the report of some paper - that the Anarchists had placed an infernal machine at the door of - the house of Lambert Tree, and I told him that, in my opinion, the - Pinkertons were doing such things to force people to engage them and - to advertise themselves. He then asked whether I had ever seen or - possessed any bombs? I said yes. I had had at the office for probably - three years four bombshells. Two of them had been left at the office - in my absence, by a man who wanted to find out if it was a good - construction. The other two were left with me one day by some man - who came, I think, from Cleveland or New York, and was going to New - Zealand from here. I used to show those shells to newspaper reporters, - and I showed one to Mr. Wilkinson and allowed him to take it along and - show it to Mr. Stone. I never asked him for it since. That part of the - conversation was at noon, while I was in a hurry. Wilkinson came in - the evening again with Joe Gruenhut, and invited me to dine with him. - I had just about half an hour to spend. At the table we talked about - an infernal machine which had been placed a few days previous into - an office of the Burlington and Quincy Railroad, and about another - placed in front of Lambert Tree’s house, and I gave the explanation - which I have already stated. Talking about the riot drill that had - shortly before been held on the lake front, and about the sensational - reports published by the papers in regard to the armed organizations - of Socialists, I told him that it was an open secret that some three - thousand Socialists in the city of Chicago were armed. I told him - that the arming of these people, meaning not only Socialists but - workingmen in general, began right after the strike of 1877, when the - police attacked workingmen at their meetings, killed some and wounded - others; that they were of the opinion that if they would enjoy the - rights of the Constitution, they should prepare to defend them too, - if necessary; that it was a known fact that these men had paraded the - streets, as many as 1,500 strong at a time, with their rifles; that - there was nothing new in that, and I could not see why they talked so - much about it. And I said I thought that they were still arming and I - wished that every workingman was well armed. - - “Then we spoke generally on modern warfare. Wilkinson was of the - opinion that the militia and the police could easily defeat any effort - on the part of the populace by force, could easily quell a riot. I - differed from him. I told him that the views which the bourgeoise took - of their military and police was exactly the same as the nobility - took, some centuries ago, as to their own armament, and that gunpowder - had come to the relief of the oppressed masses and had done away with - the aristocracy very quickly; that the iron armor of the nobility was - penetrated by a leaden bullet just as easily as the blouse of the - peasant; that dynamite, like gunpowder, had an equalizing, leveling - tendency; that the two were children of the same parent; that dynamite - would eventually break down the aristocracy of this age and make - the principles of democracy a reality. I stated that it had been - attempted by such men as General Sheridan and others to play havoc - with an organized body of military or police by the use of dynamite, - and it would be an easy thing to do it. He asked me if I anticipated - any trouble, and I said I did. He asked me if the Anarchists and - Socialists were going to make a revolution. Of course I made fun - of that; told him that revolutions were not made by individuals or - conspirators, but were simply the logic of events resting in the - conditions of things. On the subject of street warfare I illustrated - with toothpicks the diagram which had appeared in one of the numbers - of the _Alarm_, introduced in evidence here. I said to him that I - wasn’t much of a warrior, but had read a good deal on the subject, and - I particularly referred to that article in the _Alarm_. I said that - if, for instance, a military body would march up a street, they would - have men on the house-tops on both sides of the street protecting and - guarding the main body from possible onslaught, possibly by shooting, - firing or throwing of bombs. Now, if the revolutionists or civilians, - men not belonging to the privileged military bodies, would form an - oblique line on each side of the street at a crossing, they could - then very successfully combat the on-marching militia and police, by - attacking them with fire-arms or dynamite. And I used Market Square - for illustration. I said there was a system of canalization in large - cities. Now, supposing they expected an attack, they could, by the - use of a battery and dynamite, blow up whole regiments very easily. - I don’t think that I said what Wilkinson testified to here in regard - to the tunnel, but I may have given the talk a little color. I knew - he wanted a sensational article for publication in the _News_, but - there was no particular reference to Chicago, or any fighting on our - part. The topic of the conversation was that a fight was inevitable, - and that it might take place in the near future, and what might and - could be done in such an event. It was a general discussion of the - possibilities of street warfare under modern science. - - “I wrote the word ‘Ruhe’ for insertion in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ on - May 4th. It happened just the same as with any other announcement - that would come in. I received a batch of announcements from a number - of labor organizations and societies a little after eleven o’clock, - in my editorial room, and went over them. Among them was one which - read: ‘Mr. Editor, please insert in the letter-box the word ‘Ruhe,’ - in prominent letters.’ This was in German. There is an announcement - column of meetings in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, but a single word or - something like that would be lost sight of under the announcements. - In such cases people generally ask to have that inserted under the - head of ‘Letter-box.’ Upon reading that request, I just took a piece - of paper and marked on it ‘Briefkasten’ (Letter-box), and the word - ‘Ruhe.’ The manuscript which is in evidence is in my handwriting. At - the time I wrote that word and sent it up to be put in the paper, - I did not know of any import whatever attached to it. My attention - was next called to it a little after three o’clock in the afternoon. - Balthasar Rau, an advertising agent of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, came - and asked me if the word ‘Ruhe’ was in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. I had - myself forgotten about it, and took a copy of the paper and found it - there. He asked me if I knew what it meant, and I said I did not. He - said there was a rumor that the armed sections had held a meeting the - night before, and had resolved to put in that word as a signal for - the armed sections to keep themselves in readiness in case the police - should precipitate a riot, to come to the assistance of the attacked. - I sent for Fischer, who had invited me to speak at the meeting - that evening, and asked him if that word had any reference to that - meeting. He said, ‘None whatever;’ that it was merely a signal for the - boys—for those who were armed to keep their powder dry, in case they - might be called upon to fight within the next days. I told Rau it was - a very silly thing, or at least that there was not much rational sense - in that, and asked him if he knew how it could be managed that this - nonsense would be stopped; how it could be undone. Rau said he knew - some persons who had something to say in the armed organizations, and - I told him to go and tell them that the word was put in by mistake. - Rau went pursuant to that suggestion, and returned to me at five - o’clock. - - “I was not a member of any armed section. I have not been for - six years. I have had in my desk for two years two giant-powder - cartridges, a roll of fuse and some detonating caps. Originally - I bought them to experiment with them, as I had read a good deal - about dynamite and wanted to get acquainted with it, but I never had - occasion to go out for that purpose, as I was too much occupied. The - reporters used to bother me a good deal, and when they would come to - the office for something sensational I would show them these giant - cartridges. They are the same that were referred to here by certain - witnesses as having been shown on the evening of the Board of Trade - demonstration. One of them will yet show a little hole in which I - put that evening one of those caps, to explain to the reporter how - terrible a thing it was. In fact, if that cartridge, as it is, were - exploded in a free place, it would just give a detonation, and the - concussion of the air might throw one on the floor, but it could - do no harm to anybody. I know absolutely nothing about the package - of dynamite which was exhibited here in court, and was claimed to - have been found on a shelf in a closet in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - building. I never saw it before it was produced here in court. I don’t - know anything about a revolver claimed to have been found in the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. That was not my revolver, but I always carried a - revolver. I had a very good revolver. I was out late at night, and I - always considered it a very good thing to be in a position to defend - myself. Strangely, I did not have that pistol with me on the night of - the Haymarket. It was too heavy for me, and, while I took it along - first, I left it with ex-Alderman Stauber on my way. I guess it is - there now. - - “I was arrested on Wednesday morning after the Haymarket meeting, - about half-past eight o’clock, at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ editorial - room. I had begun writing. I had come to the office a little after - seven o’clock, as usual. A man who afterwards told me he was an - officer, James Bonfield, asked Mr. Schwab and myself to come over - to police headquarters; that Superintendent Ebersold wanted to have - a talk with us on the affair of the previous night. I was very busy - and asked him if it could not be delayed until after the issue of - the paper. He said he would rather have me come along then, and I, - unsuspectingly, went along to the station. The Superintendent received - us by saying: ‘You dirty Dutch —— ——, you dirty hounds, you rascals, - we will choke you; we will kill you.’ And then they jumped upon us, - tore us from one end to the other, went through our pockets, took - my money and everything I had. I never said anything. They finally - concluded to put us in a cell, and then Mr. Ebersold said: ‘Well, - boys, let’s be cool.’ I think Mr. James Bonfield interfered during the - assault made upon us by Mr. Ebersold, and suggested to him that that - was not the proper way nor the proper place. I have been continuously - confined from then until now.” - -On cross-examination Spies stated: - - “There was in fact no editor-in-chief of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_; there - was a kind of autonomous editorial arrangement, but I was looked to - as the editor-in-chief. I mean in the editorial department every one - wrote what he pleased, and it was published without my looking at - it. I never assumed any responsibility for the editorials. I never - was made responsible by the company for the management of the paper. - Schwab’s salary was the same as mine; our positions were coördinate. - The management of the paper was left with the board of trustees; - the editors had very little to say about it. Nobody looked over the - editorials before they were inserted. Contributed articles were - looked over sometimes by one of the reporters, sometimes by Schwab or - Schroeder, or myself. Schroeder was editor for four months. I usually - glanced at the paper to keep track of what it contained. Fischer was - merely a compositor of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_; he had nothing to do - with the editorials or management of the paper. I had nothing to do - with the _Alarm_, except for four or five weeks, when I edited it in - the absence of Mr. Parsons.” - - “Was money ever sent you for the _Alarm_?” - - “There was. I also paid the bills for the printing of the _Alarm_.” - - “Did you ever write contributions for the _Alarm_?” - - “I have occasionally, whenever they were in need of manuscript. Of - the bombs I had I received the two iron cast ones first. That was - about three years ago. A man who gave his name as Schwape or Schwoep - brought them to me. I only saw him once. I think he was a shoemaker, - came from Cleveland, and left for New Zealand. He asked me if my name - was Spies. I told him yes; and he asked me if I had seen any of the - bombs that they were making, or something like that. I don’t know to - whom he referred by ‘they.’ He spoke of people in Cleveland with whom - he had associated; I didn’t ask him and didn’t know what class of - people. I said I hadn’t seen any of them. I don’t remember anything - more about the conversation I had with him. I would have twelve or - fifteen conversations every day; this one was out of the order of - my regular conversations; my recollection is, I got rid of him as - soon as he would leave. He left those there; he said he would not - take them along. I didn’t ask him if he had any more with him. They - were bombs exploding by percussion, heavier on one side than on the - other, so that when they were thrown the cap would always come down. - I think they were at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ on May 4. I never saw the - man before or after that. The other two bombs which Wilkinson called - ‘Czar bombs,’ a term which I never used to him, were left one day, in - my absence, in the office. When I came from dinner I saw them on my - desk and was told that a man had brought them there to inquire whether - they were bombs of a good construction, and the man never called for - them. That was about a year and a half or two years ago. One I gave to - Wilkinson; the other one, I suppose, was at the office ever since. I - don’t know what became of it and of the two iron bombs. I had not seen - them for some time, but I thought they were at the office. I got the - dynamite about two years ago from the Ætna Powder Company. I got two - of those bars. My intention at first was to experiment with them.” - - “What object did you have in experimenting with the dynamite?” - - “I had read a great deal about dynamite and thought it would be a - good thing to get acquainted with its use, just the same as I would - take a revolver and go out and practice with it. I don’t want to say, - however, that it was merely for curiosity. I can give no further - explanation. I got the caps and the fuse, because I would need them to - experiment with. I was never present, to the best of my recollection, - when experiments were made with dynamite. Neither bombs nor dynamite - were ever distributed through the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office. I did - not tell Mr. Wilkinson that they were. I never handled any dynamite - outside of the two cartridges; never had anything to do with the - distribution of dynamite. I know Herr Most; I guess I have known him - for three years. This letter here is from Most. I do not know whether - I answered that letter. I cannot remember.” - - “In whose handwriting is this postal card?” - - “It is Most’s handwriting. I suppose I received it—I see my address - on it. I do not remember having read that postal or this letter at - this date. I don’t remember the contents of that letter. I have - undoubtedly received and read it, but don’t recollect anything about - it now. I never carried on any correspondence with Most. I don’t - remember whether I answered the postal card, and whether I said or - wrote to Most anything in regard to the inquiries made of me in this - letter. I know positively I did not give him the directions where - to ship the material mentioned in the letter. There may have been a - letter addressed in my care which I may have sent to Most, but I know - absolutely nothing outside of that. - - “As to the phrase, ‘The social revolution,’ which occurs in my - writings, I mean by it the evolutionary process, or changes from one - system to another, which take place in society; I meant a change from - a wage system, from the present relations between labor and capital, - to some other system. By the abolition of the wage system I mean the - doing away with the spoliation of labor, making the worker the owner - of his own product. - - “I was invited to go to the Haymarket meeting at nine o’clock on - Tuesday, by Mr. Fischer. It was about eleven o’clock when I objected - to that last line in the circular. I objected to that principally - because I thought it was ridiculous to put a phrase in which would - prevent people from attending the meeting. Another reason was that - there was some excitement at that time, and a call for arms like that - might have caused trouble between the police and the attendants of - that meeting. I did not anticipate anything of the kind, but I thought - it was not a proper thing to put that line in. I wrote the ‘Revenge’ - circular, everything except the word ‘Revenge.’ I wrote the words, - ‘Workingmen, to arms!’ When I wrote it I thought it was proper; I - don’t think so now. I wrote it to arouse the working people, who are - stupid and ignorant, to a consciousness of the condition that they - were in, not to submit to such brutal treatment as that by which they - had been shot down at McCormick’s on the previous day. I wanted them - not to attend meetings under such circumstances, unless they could - resist. I did not want them to do anything in particular—I did not - want to do anything. That I called them to arms is a phrase, probably - an extravagance. I did intend that they should arm themselves. I have - called upon the workingmen for years and years, and others have done - the same thing before me, to arm themselves. They have a right, under - the Constitution, to arm themselves, and it would be well for them - if they were all armed. I called on them to arm themselves, not for - the purpose of resisting the lawfully constituted authorities of the - city and county, in case they should meet with opposition from them, - but for the purpose of resisting the unlawful attacks of the police - or the unconstitutional and unlawful demands of any organization, - whether police, militia or any other. I have not urged them in my - speeches and editorials to arm themselves in order to bring about a - social revolution or in order to overthrow the lawful authority of the - country.” - -The letter referred to as that of Most, which was in German, and which -was dated 1884, was then put in evidence and read, as follows: - - “_Dear Spies_:—Are you sure that the letter from the Hocking Valley - was not written by a detective? In a week I will go to Pittsburg, - and I have an inclination to go also to the Hocking Valley. For the - present I send you some printed matter. There Sch. ‘H.’ also existed - but on paper. I told you this some months ago. On the other hand I am - in a condition to furnish ‘medicine,’ and the ‘genuine’ article at - that. Directions for use are perhaps not needed with these people. - Moreover they were recently published in the ‘Fr.’ The appliances I - can also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell thoroughly - reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five pounds. But how? Is there - an express line to the place, or is there another way possible? - Paulus, the Great, seems to delight in hopping around in the swamps of - the N. Y. V. Z. like a blown-up (bloated) frog. His tirades excite - general detestation. He has made himself immensely ridiculous. The - main thing is only that the fellow cannot smuggle any more rotten - elements into the newspaper company than are already in it. In this - regard, the caution is important to be on the minute. The organization - here is no better nor worse than formerly. Our group has about the - strength of the North Side group in Chicago; and then, besides this, - we have also the Soc. Rev. § 1, the Austrian League and the Bohemian - League, so to say three more groups. Finally, it is easily seen that - our influence with the trade organizations is steadily growing. We - insert our meetings in the Fr., and cannot notice that they are worse - attended than at the time when we got through weekly $1.50 to $2.00 - into the mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don’t forget to put yourself into - communication with Drury in reference to the English organ. He will - surely work with you much and well. Such a paper is more necessary as - to the truth. This, indeed, is getting more miserable and confused - from issue to issue, and in general is whistling from the last hole. - Enclosed is a fly-leaf which recently appeared at Emden, and is - perhaps adapted for reprint. Greeting to Schwab, Rau and to you. Yours, - - “JOHANN MOST. - - “P. S.—To Buchtell I will, of course, write for the present only in - general terms. - - “A. SPIES, No. 107 Fifth Avenue, Chicago, Illinois.” - -The postal card referred to was also put in evidence and read, as -follows: - - “L. S. (_Dear Spies_:) I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday when - the telegraph brought news from H. M. One does not know whether to - rejoice over that or not. The advance is in itself elevating. Sad is - the circumstance that it will remain local, and, therefore, might not - have a result. At any rate, these people make a better impression than - the foolish voters on this and the other side of the ocean. Greetings - and a shake. - - “Yours, - J. M.” - -ALBERT R. PARSONS made the following statement in his own behalf: - - “I have resided in Chicago for thirteen years. I was born June 20, - 1848. On Sunday, May 2, I was in the city of Cincinnati, Ohio. Came - back from there to Chicago on Tuesday morning, May 4th, between seven - and eight o’clock. I caused a notice calling for a meeting of the - American group at 107 Fifth Avenue, on the evening of May 4th, to - be inserted in the _Daily News_ of that evening. In the evening I - left my house in company with Mrs. Holmes, my wife and two children, - about eight o’clock. We walked from home until we got to Randolph and - Halsted Streets. There I met two reporters that I have seen frequently - at workingmen’s meetings. One of them was a reporter whose name I - don’t know; the other was Mr. Heineman of the _Tribune_. There Mrs. - Holmes, my wife and children and myself took a car and rode directly - to the meeting at 107 Fifth Avenue. We arrived there about half-past - eight and remained about half an hour. After the business for which - the meeting had been called was about through, some one, I understood - it was a committee, came over from the Haymarket and said that there - was a large body of people and no speakers there except Mr. Spies, - and myself and Mr. Fielden were urged to come over to address the - mass-meeting. After finishing up the work, we adjourned and walked - over. Fielden and myself crossed the river through the tunnel. - There were three or four others present, but I don’t remember their - names. I think it was after nine o’clock when I reached the meeting - on Desplaines Street near the Haymarket. Mr. Spies was speaking. I - managed to squeeze through the crowd, was assisted upon the wagon at - once by some gentlemen standing about, and within a minute or two - Mr. Spies concluded, stated that I had arrived and would address the - meeting, and asked their attention while I was talking. I suppose I - spoke about three-quarters of an hour. At the close of my speech I - got down from the wagon. I think I was assisted by Henry Spies, who - was standing by the wagon. Then I went to the wagon which stood about - fifteen or twenty feet north of the speakers’ wagon, on which my wife - and Mrs. Holmes were seated, listening to us. I got into that wagon, - asked them how they were enjoying themselves, etc., and while talking - with them, about ten minutes later, a coolness in the atmosphere - attracted my attention. I looked up and observed white clouds rolling - over from the north, and as I didn’t want the ladies to get wet, I - went on to the speakers’ wagon and said: ‘Mr. Fielden, permit me to - interrupt you a moment.’ ‘Certainly,’ he said. And I said: ‘Gentlemen, - it appears as though it would rain. It is getting late. We might as - well adjourn anyway, but if you desire to continue the meeting longer, - we can adjourn to Zepf’s Hall, on the corner near by.’ Some one in - the crowd said: ‘No, we can’t; it is occupied by a meeting of the - furniture workers.’ With that I looked and saw the lights through the - windows of the hall, and said nothing further. Mr. Fielden remarked - that it did not matter; he had only a few words more to say. I went - over again to where the ladies were, helped them off the wagon and - told them to go down to this corner place, and we would all get - together and go home. They walked off, and some one detained me for - a moment; then I followed them and met near the edge of the crowd a - man whom I knew very familiarly—Mr. Brown. I asked him to have a - drink with me, as the speaking had made me hoarse, and we moved off - a little in the rear of the ladies, to the saloon. There had been no - appearance of the police, no explosion or any disturbance up to that - time. As I entered the saloon I noticed some four or five gentlemen - standing at the bar. There were possibly as many as ten people sitting - at tables on the other side next the wall, and about five or six men - standing in the center of the floor talking to each other, among whom - I noticed Mr. Malkoff, talking to a gentleman whom I did not know, - but I supposed he was a reporter. He was upon the witness-stand in - this trial. I believe it was Mr. Allen. The ladies took seats about - ten feet from the door, in the saloon, at the end of the first table, - with their backs to it, looking into the street. I said something to - them, and I believe just then I introduced some one to Mrs. Parsons. - Afterwards I went to the bar with Brown, and we had a glass of beer - and a cigar. Then I turned around and noticed Mr. Fischer sitting at - one of the tables and said a few words to him and sat down at the - table for a few moments. Then I think I went around to where the - ladies were, and I was standing near them looking out and wondering - if the meeting would not close, anxious to go home. All at once I - saw an illumination. It lit up the whole street, followed instantly - by a deafening roar, and almost simultaneously volleys of shots - followed, every flash of which, it seemed to me, I could see. The best - comparison I can make in my mind is that it was as though a hundred - men held in their hands repeating revolvers and fired them as rapidly - as possible until they were all gone. That was the first volley. Then - there were occasional shots, and one or two bullets whistled near - the door and struck the sign. I was transfixed. Mrs. Parsons did not - move. In a moment two or three men rushed breathlessly in at the door. - That broke the apparent charm that was on us by the occurrence in the - street, and with that I called upon my wife and Mrs. Holmes to come - with me to the rear of the saloon. We remained there, possibly, twenty - minutes or so.” - -On cross-examination Parsons said: - - “I was born in Montgomery, Alabama. Since I came to Chicago I worked - as a type-setter for the first eight or nine years; then for a year - and a half myself and wife had a suit business on Larrabee street; - then for about a year and a half myself and wife made ladies’ wrappers - and suits, and I went out soliciting orders. For the last two years, - since October, 1884, I was editor of the _Alarm_. It was a weekly - paper for about a year, and then a semi-monthly. I wrote down the - memorandum of my utterances on the night of May 4th, which I used - in giving my testimony as to my speech, from time to time, as they - occurred to me, and in looking over Mr. English’s report. When I - referred to the methods which the Chicago _Times_ and the Chicago - _Tribune_ and Tom Scott advised against striking workingmen, I told - them they should defend themselves against such things in any way they - could, by arming, if necessary. I did not mention dynamite at that - meeting. I possibly mentioned it at other meetings. I said nothing - about bombs that night, neither as a defensive means, or something - to use against them. I did not, when I said that the present social - system must be changed in the interest of humanity, explain to them - how the social change should be brought about, because I did not know - myself. I think I told the audience that the existing order of things - was founded upon and maintained by force, and that the actions of the - monopolists and corporations would drive the people into the use of - force before they could obtain redress. I might have stated that—I - am not sure. I did not tell them that the ballot was useless for - them because the majority was against them. That is not correct; the - workingmen are vastly in the majority. I did not tell them that night - that the only way they could obtain their rights was by overturning - the existing order of things by force. I could not tell whether there - were any strikers present that night. There were very few Socialists - present. I am a Socialist. I am an Anarchist, as I understand it.” - -W. A. S. GRAHAM, a reporter with no Anarchistic tendencies, had -interviewed Harry Gilmer at the City Hall as to what he had seen at the -Haymarket and who threw the bomb. - -HARRY GILMER was then recalled by the defendants and stated that he had -seen the gentleman (pointing to Graham) at the Central Station, and -that he (Graham) asked him if he could identify the man who threw the -bomb. Gilmer had answered that he could if he saw him. Witness did not -say during the conversation that he saw the man throw the bomb, but -that the man had his back to him and had whiskers. Witness did not say -that the man was of medium size with dark clothes, and that he saw him -light the fuse and throw the bomb. - -Mr. Graham was recalled and stated that the man (Gilmer) just on -the stand had told him that he saw the man light the fuse and throw -the bomb, and that he could identify him if he saw him. Gilmer told -him that the man was of medium height, and thought he had whiskers -and wore a soft black hat, but had his back turned toward him. On -cross-examination witness said: - - “I had this conversation about four o’clock in the afternoon of May - 5th. I talked with him about three or four minutes. He said nothing - about there being more than one man at that location, a knot of men, - or anything of that kind. He said that one man lighted the fuse and - threw the bomb; he did not say anything about how it was lighted, - whether with a match or a cigar, I did not ask him that. He said he - was standing in Crane’s alley when it was done. - -This closed the evidence for the defense, and by agreement several -newspaper articles and an address of Victor Hugo to the “Rich and Poor” -were introduced. The State then proceeded to put in rebutting testimony. - -DANIEL SCULLY, a justice of the peace, was first examined. He stated -that at the preliminary examination, held on the 25th of May, Officer -Wessler had not stated in his testimony that Stenner was the man who -fired the shot from the wagon; neither had Officer Foley so stated. - - “Did he, at that time, give a description of the man who fired the - shot over the wagon that night as a stout man with heavy whiskers, - saying at the same time that if he ever saw him again he thought he - could identify him?” “Yes, sir. Stenner was discharged upon that - examination.” - -INSPECTOR JOHN BONFIELD met Mr. Simonson, a witness in this case, -at the police station on the night of the Haymarket riot. The man -was introduced to him by Capt. Ward as a member of the firm of J. V. -Farwell & Co. - - “We three stood together outside of the railing. Mr. Simonson opened - the conversation by remarking to me that he understood that the horses - belonging to the Police Department were getting used up with the - constant work they had, and that either Mr. Farwell or the firm—I - understood him to say Mr. Farwell—that their horses were at our - service in case we needed any horses. I told him that our teams had - stood the work so far very well, but that if the troubles continued - for any length of time we would likely need assistance and would call - upon him if occasion demanded it, thanking him for his offer. He - then spoke about the trouble at McCormick’s and on Centre Avenue and - Eighteenth Street that afternoon, and said the police ought to have - dispersed those crowds; not to have allowed them to collect. I did - not, in the course of that conversation, tell him that I would like to - get a crowd of 3,000 without any women and children, and in that case - would make short work of them, or anything to that effect.” - -The most important part of the work done by the State at this phase -of the proceedings was the strong indorsement of Harry W. Gilmer’s -veracity which was produced before the jury. To the credibility of -this witness, and to their acquaintance with, and respect for him, the -following persons testified: Judge Tuthill of the Superior Court, Chas. -A. Dibble, John Steele, Michael Smith, Benjamin F. Knowles, Chester C. -Cole, ex-Judge of the Supreme Court of Iowa, Edward R. Mason, Clerk of -the U. S. Circuit Court at Des Moines, Samuel Merrill, President of -the Citizens’ National Bank of Des Moines, Canute R. Matson, Sheriff -of Cook County, Sylvanus Edinburn, W. P. Hardy, John L. Manning, an -attorney, and many others. Many of these witnesses had known Gilmer in -Iowa for many years; others were old acquaintances of his in Chicago; -all of them swore that he was worthy of belief. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII. - - Opening of the Argument—Mr. Walker’s Speech—The Law of the - Case—Was there a Conspiracy?—The Caliber of the Bullets—Tightening - the Chain—A Propaganda on the Witness-stand—The Eight-hour - Movement—“One Single Bomb”—The Cry of the Revolutionist—Avoiding - the Mouse-trap—Parsons and the Murder—Studying “Revolutionary - War”—Lingg and his Bomb Factory—The Alibi Idea. - - -THE evidence being now all in, Francis W. Walker, Assistant State’s -Attorney, on the morning of August 11th, began his address to the -jury. Although his argument was an exceedingly lengthy one, he held -his audience and the jury to the closest attention from the first word -to the last. Mr. Walker began by an examination of the law, defining -what is meant by the term “reasonable doubt,” which he believed would -be one of the arguments used by the defense. Following this he read -the statutes showing what murder is, and what an accessory, under the -laws of Illinois. Under the statute, as he proved, an accessory is -to be held as a principal. Following this he reviewed at some length -Mr. Salomon’s statement, in that gentleman’s opening speech, that the -prisoners had been guilty, if they were guilty at all, of no crime more -serious than conspiracy. Mr. Walker held that the fact that murder had -followed the conspiracy proved the conspirators murderers. His logic -was clear, cogent and unanswerable. Its effect could be seen in the -gloomy attention which the doomed Anarchists paid to his fatal chain of -reasoning. - -Leaving the authorities to one side, Mr. Walker addressed himself to -the facts made manifest by the evidence. He said: - - “We start out first upon the analysis of the facts of this case - in this way: Was there an unlawful combination, a conspiracy, to - overthrow the systems of this Government upon the 1st day of May, - 1886? Was the bomb thrown on the 4th of May in pursuance of the common - design? Are these defendants members of that conspiracy? When those - questions are answered in the affirmative the guilt of each and every - one of these defendants of murder is proven beyond a reasonable doubt. - But, if we go further than that, the argument would embrace the topic: - Was there a murder committed at the Haymarket? Did the defendants - aid, abet and assist the commission of that act? Or, if they were not - present aiding, abetting and assisting, had they advised, encouraged, - aided and abetted the perpetration of the crime? Under either aspect - of this case, the defendants are guilty of murder with malice - aforethought. - - “Was there a conspiracy? Was there a conspiracy to culminate on - or about the 1st day of May? Were the defendants members of that - conspiracy? Was the conspiracy unlawful? Was the bomb thrown in - pursuance of the common design? Let us investigate the facts and - answer each proposition.” - -Mr. Walker went into the peculiar fact that the bullets found in the -bodies of the officers were 22 and 44-caliber; the officers carried -38-caliber. The witnesses who had appeared for the defense in this case -were armed with pistols of the first-named sizes. - -He read to the jury many remarkable extracts from Most’s writings, -pointing out the peculiar and criminal teachings of that Anarchist -leader, and showing how Spies and the others had in every detail of -their connection with the police, after the Haymarket murders, followed -the printed advice given. - -[Illustration: FRANCIS W. WALKER. - -From a Photograph.] - - Following is one of the extracts from Most’s book: - - “Shield your person as long as there is a possibility to preserve it - for future deeds, but when you see that you are irredeemably lost, - then use the short respite to make the most of it for the propaganda - of your principles. We have regarded it our duty to give you these - instructions, the more so as we see from day to day even people who - are expert in revolutionary matters violating even the plainest rules. - May their lives be the last which are necessary in this regard. - -“I read you, gentlemen, this, so that we may start out from the proper -standpoint and position, before we argue as to the merits of the -testimony of the defendants’ witnesses in this case. Who are they? Who -is their advisor? Why, they have started out in social life agreeing -to swear to perjury. They belong to the Social Revolution. There is -not one of them, gentlemen, that bears upon his face the stamp of -sensibility or of heart, and there can be no argument made when they -talk about the motive to justify murder and the advice of murder, only -from the malignant heart. Here they picture murder and gloat over it. -They feast over the description of how to poison easiest, as the hyena -does over the corpse of the dead. - -“Most laughs in his own book. He tells to the ‘mere compositor’: ‘Use -a dagger with grooves in it; the poison will stay on it the more -readily.’ And a file is adopted for the purpose. - -“Gentlemen, we have found without any further analysis the reason why -the defendant Parsons converted the witness-stand into a propaganda. -It took him an hour by the clock here to repeat the substance of the -speech that he delivered in less than three-quarters of an hour upon -the Market Square. He endeavored to deny the conspiracy by an alibi; -and I mean by that the conspiracy upon the night of May 4th. He only -said he was in Cincinnati on Sunday, and did not get back until Tuesday -morning. They never asked him if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant. They did -not ask Schwab if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant. The only defendant that -they have asked as to his personal knowledge of ‘Ruhe’ is the defendant -Fielden—the only one, the only one from the beginning to the close of -this case. - -“Was there a conspiracy? There has been a conspiracy existing in this -community to overthrow the law of the State of Illinois by force, for -years and years. In 1885, upon the anniversary of the birth of George -Washington, in the city of Grand Rapids, the arch-conspirator in this -case—because he is the one that is the most contemptible—said in the -city of Grand Rapids—I refer you now to the testimony of Mr. Moulton -and George Schook: ‘There are three thousand men, armed, in the city -of Chicago, secretly drilled. They are known by numbers and not by -names. Whoever wishes to join may join, but before you have joined you -cannot know their secrets, Mr. Moulton. There will be a revolution when -the eight-hour movement takes place. We will favor the eight-hour not -because we believe in it, but because it will assist us in the social -revolution, and the eight-hour movement will occur on or about the 1st -of May, 1886. If I fail, I shall be hanged.’ And then the man that -puts the word ‘Ruhe’ for the purpose of this case on the shoulder of -Fischer, compares himself to George Washington, and in his grotesque -and horrible vanity says: ‘I am a rebel, and if I don’t succeed I shall -be hanged.’ - -“On October, 17, 1885, in the city of Chicago, at the West Twelfth -Street Turner Hall, August Spies again, in a public meeting, admitted -the great conspiracy and again foreshadowed the coming revolution on -the first of May; and this was published by his coördinate editor in -the _Alarm_, at the same office, 107 Fifth Avenue, Mr. Parsons. - -“The defendant Spies has been upon the stand. He only denied as to a -conspiracy, and never whispered a word of denial except when he got to -the word ‘Ruhe.’ Without explanation he could never escape the effect -of that word, and his explanation is the evidence of his guilt; he -tried to put that on Fischer. - - “August Spies was introduced at this point and offered the following - resolutions: Whereas, a general move has been started among the - organized wage-workers of this country for the establishment of an - eight-hour work-day, to begin on May 1, 1886; whereas, it is to - be expected that the class of professional idlers, the governing - class who prey upon the bone and marrow of the useful members of - society, will resist this attempt by calling to their assistance the - Pinkertons, the police and State militia: Therefore, be it - - “_Resolved_, That we urge upon all wage-workers the necessity of - procuring arms before the inauguration of the proposed eight-hour - strike, in order to be in a position of meeting our foe with their own - argument, force. - -“Here is shown the sincerity of these men in their endeavor to -ameliorate the laborer—as they call it, the wage-worker. - - “Resolved, That while we are skeptical in regard to the benefits - that will accrue to the wage-worker from the introduction of the - eight-hour work-day, we nevertheless pledge ourselves to aid and - assist our brethren of this class with all that lies in our power as - long as they show an open and defiant front to our common enemy, the - labor-devouring class of aristocratic vagabonds, the brutal murderers - of our comrades in St. Louis, Chicago and Philadelphia and other - places. Our war-cry is, ‘Death to the enemy of the human race, our - despoilers.’ - -“What does that mean? It was published in the _Alarm_. Was there a -conspiracy, gentlemen, against the police on the first day of May, -1886? After the reading, these resolutions were received with round -after round of applause, and the chair was about to put a vote, when -Mr. J. K. Magie arose and said that he understood a discussion of -them to be in order. He denounced the revolutionary character of the -resolutions. He believed that six hours of labor was enough! This man -was a labor agitator and believes in the amelioration of labor. ‘This -is the best form of government that ever existed,’ he said of this -Republic. He is an American citizen and believes in the institutions -of his country. ‘If there are abuses, there is a proper way to correct -them. Eighty per cent. of the voting population are working people; -they should strike with the ballot and not with the bullet.’ Then this -ameliorator of labor, August Spies, supposed that Mr. Magie did not -like the terms in which the members of the Government were referred -to. The reason of this was that Mr. Magie was one of those political -vagabonds himself. There were nine millions of the best people engaged -in the industrial trades of this country. There were but one million of -them as yet organized—one million, and by the way, that is significant -in the fact that these men fought to achieve this result all over the -country. Schnaubelt had said at 54 West Lake Street the night before, -the 3d of May, ‘We must telegraph our success to all the other cities -throughout the country.’ - -“To make the movement in which they were engaged—the eight-hour -movement for the 1st of May—a successful one, it must be a -revolutionary one. ‘Don’t let us,’ he exclaimed, ‘forget the most -forcible argument, the gun and dynamite.’ - -“Was there a conspiracy? Turn to the cross-examination of Wilkinson -by Capt. Black, and find that part where Wilkinson said he had heard -Joe Gruenhut say that the revolution that Spies spoke of was to occur, -the conflict was actually to occur on the 1st or after the 1st of May, -1886. This was brought out by Capt. Black himself on cross-examination -of this witness. In the first place you must remember that Lingg was -in this country before the Christmas of 1885, between the 1st day of -January and the 14th day of January. The Czar bomb, but six or eight -weeks after Lingg came here, was handed to Wilkinson by Spies—the -twin, the same bomb in general construction and general make-up as that -used at the Haymarket on that night, made by Lingg on the afternoon of -that day, or filled with dynamite on the afternoon of that day.” - -Following this Mr. Walker reviewed Parsons’ utterances in the _Alarm_, -quoting many of them. He argued that it was this sort of language and -the dynamite bomb at the Haymarket which accounted for the failure of -the eight-hour movement in the United States. - -Coming to August Spies, he read from the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ the -following characteristic _morceau_: - - “‘Six months ago, May 4th, when the eight-hour movement began’—this - is in Spies’ own handwriting—‘there were speakers and journals of - the I. A. A.’—that is the International Arbeiter Association—‘who - proclaimed and wrote: “Workingmen, if you want to see the eight-hour - system introduced, arm yourselves. If you don’t do this you will be - sent home with bloody heads, and the birds will sing May songs upon - your graves.” “That is nonsense,” was the reply. “If the workingmen - are organized they will gain the eight-hour in their Sunday clothes.” - Well, what do you say now? Were we right or wrong? Would the - occurrence of yesterday have been possible if our advice had been - followed? Wage-workers, yesterday the police of this city murdered - at McCormick’s factory four of your brothers, and wounded more or - less,’ etc. ‘If the brothers who defended themselves with stones (a - few of them had little snappers in the shape of revolvers) had been - provided with good weapons and one single dynamite bomb, not one of - the murderers would have escaped their well-merited fate.’ - - “The police went up there; they were nearly being murdered with - stones; the mob were throwing at them before they ever fired a shot; - and this man the next day writes: ‘Had they’—the mob—‘been provided - with good weapons and one single dynamite bomb, not one of the - murderers would have escaped his well-deserved fate.’ Then see: ‘As it - was, only four of them were disfigured. That is too bad.” - - “Here, here is a man that has no design upon the police, don’t believe - in force. ‘That is too bad. The massacre of yesterday took place in - order to fill the forty thousand workingmen of this city with fear and - terror; took place in order to force back,’ etc. ‘ Will they succeed - in this? Will they not find at last that they have miscalculated? The - near future will answer this question. We will not anticipate the - course of events with surmises.’ - - “That is what he himself said. If one single bomb had been used it - would have been different. He sees these eight thousand men at his - back, returns immediately to the office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - and writes out this, (indicating the Revenge circular). What did he - mean? What did he mean? ‘Revenge.’ He says he did not write the word - ‘Revenge’ in English. _Rache, Rache_, Revenge, Revenge—he never - denied that he wrote it in the German language, nor any witness for - him; but it makes no difference whether he wrote it, or whether he did - not write it. He wrote ‘To arms;’ he says, ‘To arms, workingmen, to - arms.’ What does that mean? Did anybody say at the Haymarket, ‘Here - come the bloodhounds; you do your duty and I will do mine’? Let us - see. ‘The bloodhounds’ was the common expression from the lips of - these defendants as the designation for the police. Spies says in - English—did he mean this or didn’t he?” - -Mr. Walker here read the text of the “Revenge” circular, both the -English and German versions, as given in a previous chapter, and -continued: - - “Is that meaningless? ‘To arms, we call you to arms.’ Why, it is the - cry of the revolutionist; it is the cry of the Communist; it is the - cry of the Anarchist; it is the cry of Spies and Parsons—‘To arms, - to arms!’ And yet the English was tame in comparison to the German - version. - - “Did they have no design upon individuals in this conspiracy? Why, - they had the most awful, damning malice against the police. It was - the motive-hunting of a motiveless malignity. Without reason and - without cause they had individualized the police; but Bonfield for the - second time stood in the way of the Social Revolution. Just see how it - forces up the blood of this social revolutionist: ‘The bloodhounds, - the police are at you, in order to cure you, with bullets, of your - dissatisfaction. Slaves, we ask, we conjure you by all that is sacred - and dear to you, avenge’—what does that mean? What difference does it - make whether he wrote revenge at the head of this circular or not? He - wrote it in it. What did it mean? What did those conspirators mean? - - “Avenge the atrocious murder which has been committed upon your - brothers to-day, and which will be likely to be committed upon you - to-morrow. Avenge, laboring men. Hercules, you have arrived at the - cross-way. Which way will you decide, for slavery and hunger, or for - freedom and bread? If you decide for the latter, then don’t delay - a moment. Then, people, to arms! Annihilation, annihilation to the - beasts in human form who call themselves your rulers. Uncompromising - annihilation to them. This must be your motto. Think of the heroes - whose blood has fertilized the road to progress, liberty and humanity, - and strive to become worthy of them. Your brothers. - -“Thousands of these were circulated throughout the city. Does that mean -that there was a conspiracy and no malice against individuals? - -“And then on Monday night a meeting at 54 West Lake Street took place, -which has not been denied, and there were Lingg and Engel and Fischer. -Engel’s plan was again reiterated; Lingg was to make the bombs, and -Lingg was there to say he could make the bombs. He may have been to the -Carpenters’ meeting before that. When he left the 54 West Lake Street -meeting, he met Lehman upon the way home—Gustav Lehman, who testified -he got the bombs from Lingg—and he said to Lehman, ‘If you want to -know anything, you come to 58 Clybourn Avenue to-morrow night.’ In -response to the question, ‘What has been going on in the meeting at 54 -West Lake Street, in the basement?’ - -“At that meeting at 54 West Lake Street were represented all the -different Socialistic and Anarchistic organizations. ‘Y, Come Monday -night,’ had brought delegates, according to Waller’s testimony, from -every group in the city. The West Side, the South Side, Southwest Side, -the North Side, every group was represented, and the Lehr und Wehr -Verein also had its delegates. The plan was arranged that on to-morrow, -if the revolution took place in the daytime, and the conflict had -occurred, the word ‘Ruhe’ should be published, all the men should be -at their outlying groups ready to annihilate the police, the fire -department, to cut the telegraph wires, and to prevent communication -with the central meeting at the Haymarket. Waller had suggested that -this meeting be at Market Square; Fischer says: ‘No; that is a mouse -trap; we will make it the Haymarket.’ And then Spies takes it up north -of the alley, north of the intersection of the street—and, by the way, -that block has more alleys than perhaps any other block in the city of -Chicago, and more means of escape—and locates that meeting just where -he had located the street battle in his description to Mr. Wilkinson, -and as Parsons had explained street warfare in the _Alarm_. - -“Who called the meeting at the Haymarket to order on Desplaines Street -beyond the alley? Spies. He had written with his own hand the word -‘Ruhe.’ He was after the social revolution. Why did he move the meeting -to that place if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant? Why was he there at all if -he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant? He has told. Why was he on the wagon if he -knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant? Why didn’t he notify the police, if he knew -what ‘Ruhe’ meant, not to come to that meeting? Why had he said upon -the wagon, ‘If you want to do anything, why don’t you do it and say -nothing?’ if he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant? Why did he leave his revolver -before he ever got to that meeting unless he knew what ‘Ruhe’ meant? -He follows out his own instructions in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, on that -subject, when some one wrote: - - “In the action itself one must be personally at the place to select - personally that point on the place of the action and that part of the - action which are the most important and are coupled with the greatest - danger, upon which depend chiefly the success or failure of the whole - affair. - -“And he selected the place himself. Fischer says: ‘No, the Market -Square is a mouse trap,’ and they named they Haymarket, and Spies -designates the place of meeting and publishes the word ‘Ruhe;’ and -then it is expected from twenty-five to forty thousand people will -be at the meeting on Haymarket Square. Eight thousand had rebelled -at McCormick’s; the skirmish lines had met, and it was expected that -there would be twenty-five thousand at the Haymarket on that night; but -there were not, and for that reason this mob was not dispersed. The -police could not see at any time a meeting so large as to be beyond -their control, but when this meeting became boisterous it was after ten -o’clock, two hours later than the meeting was called for. If the police -had been but two hours earlier in dispelling the meeting the flames -would have been lighted out at Wicker Park; the instrument of fire -described in Herr Most’s book, and found at Wicker Park, was for that -purpose. The Northwestern group was to meet at Wicker Park, and come -down past North Avenue Station. The North Side group was to annihilate -the North Side Station, and Lingg was at his post of duty for that -purpose. - -“Was there a conspiracy? They take the word and Spies publishes it. -He says in explanation: ‘Among the announcements it came to me by no -person of whom I am aware, no one about whom I know anything.’ No -questions were asked. In this way the mere editor, Spies, publishes in -the Briefkasten the word ‘Ruhe’ prominently. The Briefkasten is used -to answer private correspondence, personal letters and editorials, or -it is used to place the advertisements of secret meetings in, and for -no other purpose. ‘Y—Come Monday night,’ is found in the Letter-box -of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. That is a secret thing, and means that the -armed groups shall meet at 54 West Lake Street. ‘Ruhe’ was an answer to -no correspondent; the word ‘Ruhe’ could enlighten no ignorant man on -the subject alone; and the editor-in-chief of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ -picked up a piece of paper and wrote ‘Ruhe’ on it without ever knowing -what it meant or where it came from, and says it was handed him among -the labor announcements: ‘Mr. Editor, please publish the word “Ruhe” -in the Letter box prominently.’ What tells you that it was a labor -announcement? Who ever said it was a labor announcement? ‘Ruhe,’ -peace, rest, quiet—‘Ruhe’ a labor announcement! Why, who said so? It -would be lost if put in the announcements of labor organizations. ‘Mr. -Editor, publish the word “Ruhe” in the column where you put “Y—Come -Monday night,” the secret sign of the armed sections, and publish it -prominently.’ Without a word he did so, and he asks you to believe it. -Did he know what ‘Ruhe’ meant? Why, he sent for Fischer, and Fischer -told him it was harmless. ‘Why,’ he said, ‘that is foolish, Fischer; -don’t do that, don’t do that.’ Rau had only told him that it meant: -‘Workmen, be at your groups, keep yourselves armed and in preparation, -so that if you are attacked you can defend yourselves; workingmen, arm -yourselves and be at your groups.’ That is what Rau said ‘Ruhe’ meant, -and, when asked, Fischer says: ‘Why, that means, “Keep your powder -dry,” that is all.’ ‘Well,’ he says, ‘Fischer, that is foolish; that -is crazy; why, I cannot have that.’ What did he think was foolish and -crazy? To keep their powder dry, when this man had said the day before, -‘Workingmen, arm yourselves, arm yourselves!’ This is the explanation -of the word ‘Ruhe.’ - -“Did Parsons know of the conspiracy ‘Ruhe’? He was a party to the great -conspiracy, for he had cried about April 24th for the revolution upon -the 1st of May. That he has not denied; and to my mind he cuts one of -the worst figures in this case. He was born at least upon American -soil, and he stands here alone, alone amongst these vast hordes of -witnesses who are not citizens of our republic, and whose purpose is -her destruction. Albert R. Parsons is the only American, and he has no -right, no right to belong to that nationality. He never said he did not -know of the conspiracy, and he spoke of the 4th of May; it was said -that night he staid away—by the way, he left this out—‘I should be -accused of cowardice;’ but he did say, ‘I would come if I were to die -before morning.’ Did he know of the conspiracy? Why, he had been in it -for years. He published the order of street fighting in his _Alarm_, -foreshadowing the battle in his description; and not only did he do -that, but he made the alibi by calling at the American group on that -night, a group organized and holding a meeting for the sewing girls -when not a sewing girl was present, with no one there but a Nihilist, -a Communist, a Socialist and an Anarchist. Mrs. Parsons was there and -Mrs. Holmes. Where was any sewing girl? - -“And here I want to ask you if, after hearing all the proof in this -case; if, after reading Most’s ‘Revolutionary War,’ the instructions to -the Nihilists and Anarchists; if after reading the _Alarm_ here; if, -after hearing the testimony of the witnesses, you will here and to-day -say that the men lied who on that night stood when Captain Bonfield -said ‘Fall in’—stood there when the concussion had riven to the earth -sixty of Chicago’s noblest men because they had courage. When, out of -the hundred and eighty, sixty lay wounded on the ground, the other one -hundred and twenty killed the revolution with one blow. The men whose -lives were spared fell in, and not a man has lived to say there was a -coward in the whole one hundred and eighty.” - -In the same manner he went through the evidence proving the guilt of -Schwab, Fielden and Neebe. - - “Was Engel in the conspiracy? He proposed the plan at both meetings. - He said to Captain Schaack, at the Chicago Avenue Station, that ‘what - was in him had to come out,’ and he called it the dangerous power - of internal eloquence. He planned the conspiracy of the Emma Street - meeting, and has been an Anarchist for years, and instructor in the - use of weapons, and adviser in the making of bombs. He not only was - that, but he absolutely and unqualifiedly advised the Socialists to - buy weapons for the express purpose of killing the police, maiming - them, and then with all the cunning of a conspirator who has placed - his neck within the noose, on the morning of the 4th of May he finds - this infernal machine and takes it to the Chief of Police, and then - comes the exhibition between Captain Bonfield and the leading counsel - for the defense on that proposition. The counsel says: ‘He brought it - to you freely,’ and he emphasized it, and then the tinner came, and - the counsel says: ‘What is there about this piece of iron that makes - you identify it? You only made that sheet; is that all? You just cut - a piece of iron off for Mr. Engel.’ The witness says: ‘Please look at - the mark on the inside; that is my mark.’ Was Engel in the conspiracy? - - “Was Fischer, the lieutenant of Spies, in the conspiracy? Was Fischer, - the messenger of Spies to the meeting at 54 West Lake Street, in the - conspiracy? He was at the office on Monday afternoon between five - and six o’clock, when the ‘Revenge’ circular was printed, and from - there he went to 54 West Lake Street. Was he in the conspiracy—the - man with the revolver nearly two feet long, and with the file dagger - with grooves? What does that mean? Why, prussic acid evaporates; - it dries off the instrument. ‘Use something with grooves.’ And - the revolutionists must use files that are ground down, in order - to have an instrument that is capable of holding poison. If you - remember, there was another file dagger found in the office of - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ besides this one. Verdigris, which anyone - can easily produce by dipping copper or brass into vinegar, and - exposing it to the atmosphere, may also be mixed with gum arabic - and applied to weapons, but the weapons ought to be grooved, so that - the poison will remain on easier and in larger quantities. That is - the explanation of the file dagger and the revolver. Was Fischer in - the conspiracy, with the Lehr und Wehr Verein belt strapped upon his - person, and traveling in the streets of the city of Chicago with an - armament worse than any Western outlaw—because no outlaw ever carried - on his person a dagger grooved, the slightest scratch of which meant - death. It was conceived by nobody except the mind of the revolutionist - and lieutenant of Spies. - - “Was Lingg in the conspiracy? He made the very bomb that was used on - that night, and it was used on that night in furtherance of the common - design. Do you remember the analysis of that bomb? Do you remember - the nuts used to fasten the half-globes together, identical with the - one found in the wounded man upon the night of May 4? Do you remember - Neff’s testimony and Seliger’s testimony—that after the bomb had - been thrown, and Lingg was at 58 Clybourn Avenue, some one accused - him and said: ‘You are responsible for all this—see what you have - done’? Hubner said: ‘You are responsible for all this.’ This does not - come from the lips of any indicted man, but from the lips of Mr. Neff, - the proprietor at the place 58 Clybourn Avenue. Then Louis Lingg goes - home and complains because he has been upbraided for his good work in - this case, and then he flees, changes his appearance—and he is the - only living man that changes his appearance in this case except the - bomb-thrower. They are the two who shaved and cut their hair—Louis - Lingg and Rudolph Schnaubelt. Was Lingg in the conspiracy? He was not - only in the conspiracy, but he did everything in the world to carry - out his part of it that night. ‘Lehman, you come to 58 Clybourn Avenue - to-night, and you will find out what the meeting in the basement at 54 - meant.’ And Lehman came, and on the next day he was at Lingg’s house, - and bomb after bomb was distributed from that place before night. - Where was Lingg in the morning, between eight and one? Looking after - the revolution in the central part of the city. Men coming and going - all day after bombs and with bombs—as Mrs. Seliger says—all day - long, taking them away from that place. - - “‘Seliger, make haste!’ ‘Hubner, make haste!’ ‘Muntzenberg, make - haste!’ ‘Put the cloth over your heads so that you can’t get headache. - Make haste. These bombs must be done so as to be used to-night!’ - What a nice thing it would be, as he and Seliger stood at the - corner of North Avenue and Larrabee Street, to throw a bomb in that - station, Lingg says. Then it is 10:30, and the telephone has called - for assistance from the North Avenue Station, and the patrol wagon - goes out, and there stand Lingg and Seliger with bombs, and Lingg - says, ‘Seliger, give me a light; they are going to the assistance - of the others. It has happened; the revolution has come. Give me - a light’—and here I am reminded that when a man throws a bomb in - furtherance of the social revolution they do it by twos; one furnishes - the light and the other throws the bomb. And this shows that it was - not a solitary and single instance that occurred in the alley south - of Crane’s when a match was lighted and Schnaubelt threw the bomb. - The same thing was duplicated by Lingg and Seliger when Seliger was - to furnish the light and Lingg throw the bomb. It was only because - Seliger hesitated that those men were not killed by Lingg at North - Avenue. Was Lingg in this conspiracy then? Why, he fled the next day, - and he is the man who had the courage to give up all hope. You see, - Lingg is a practical annihilator. He don’t believe in preaching; he - believes in acting, and not only believes in it, but he will do it at - any time. He saw Schuettler come into the room and jumped upon him - the moment he passed the door, with one of those large revolvers. And - then you will remember the fight and struggle there. Most’s book says - when there is a possibility to annihilate an opposing party, or where - it becomes a question of life and death, that death or resistance, or - both, are advisable. - - “That is the advice that Lingg acted on and that Spies acted on, but: - ‘If you are sure that the arrest is made only on vague suspicion, - then submit to the inevitable. It is easier in such case to extract - yourself again. Prove an alibi.’ Was Lingg in this conspiracy? Was - it a Lingg bomb? Hubner, Neff and Seliger swear that Hubner said to - Lingg, ‘You are responsible for this, Louis Lingg,’ and they had a - dispute and a violent discussion when it was discovered there. After - he tries to throw the bomb at the station he goes home and he sees - ‘Ruhe,’ and he is almost crazy, and he wants to go to the Haymarket, - and he goes back to 58 Clybourn Avenue and finds that it is over - and that the revolution is not accomplished; and then he gets angry - because he is upraided as the one to blame for the whole thing. ‘You - have done this,’ Hubner tells him. Hubner was there all day and helped - to make bombs, and Muntzenberg and the Lehmans were in and out all - day. Was it Louis Lingg’s bomb?” - -Mr. Walker then made a close examination of the evidence in rebuttal, -and closed his magnificent address with a high tribute to the valor of -the police and their services to law and order. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX. - - The Argument for the Defendants—“Newspaper Evidence”—Bringing - about the Social Revolution—Arson and Murder—The Right to - Property—Evolution or Revolution—Dynamite as an Argument—The - Arsenal at 107 Fifth Avenue—Was it all Braggadocio?—An Open - Conspiracy—Secrets that were not Secrets—The Case Against the - State’s Attorney—A Good Word for Lingg—More About “Ruhe”—The - “Alleged” Conspiracy—Ingham’s Answer—The _Freiheit_ Articles—Lord - Coleridge on Anarchy—Did Fielden Shoot at the Police?—The Bombs - in the Seliger Family—Circumstantial Evidence in Metal—Chemical - Analysis of the Czar Bomb—The Crane’s Alley Enigma. - - -ON the morning of August 12, Mr. Sigismund Zeisler opened his argument -on behalf of the defendants. In view of the desperate condition of his -case Mr. Zeisler made an able and ingenious plea. His argument occupied -a whole day. - -During the morning hour, he elaborated at some length upon his theory -of the law, and claimed that it was not only necessary to establish -that the defendants were parties to a conspiracy, but it was also -necessary to show that somebody who was a party to that conspiracy -had committed an act in pursuance of that conspiracy. Besides that it -was essential that the State should identify the principal. This, he -held, was the law of the State and of the land and of the Constitution -of the United States. If the principal is not identified, then no one -could be held as accessory. Upon this theory the case should stand or -fall, and it was for this reason that the defense endeavored to impeach -the testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, as that testimony, he maintained, -was vital for the case. Mr. Walker, he said, had stated that there -was a conspiracy to inaugurate the social revolution on the 1st of -May, citing in support of the claim the conversation between Spies -and Moulton at Grand Rapids, a resolution adopted at the West Twelfth -Street Turner Hall in October, 1885, and a conversation between Spies -and Reporter Wilkinson; but after showing the general drift of those -conversations and the tenor of the resolutions, Mr. Zeisler contended -that the reports of these matters in the newspapers at the time could -not be accepted as evidence, as newspapers are frequently given to -misstatements. Then, referring to the testimony given by the parties -named, he said: - - “Now, what does that testimony amount to?—the testimony of Mr. - Moulton, the testimony of Mr. Wilkinson and the testimony in regard - to the resolutions adopted at the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall? - Nothing but the fact which is known to all Chicago, that the laboring - classes had combined to fight for an eight-hours’ work-day on and - after the 1st of May. That is one thing. And another thing, as far as - these resolutions are concerned, that it was resolved that, inasmuch - as the workingmen had to anticipate that the employers would call out - the police and militia against them, that they should arm themselves - to meet the employers by the same means that they, the employers, used. - - “Now, further than that, Mr. Spies has spoken with Mr. Moulton and - with Mr. Wilkinson about the coming social revolution; and when asked - by Mr. Moulton, ‘How can you ever accomplish such a result? How can - you ever bring about the social revolution? Under what circumstances - can it be done?’ he says it can be done at a time when the workingmen - will be unemployed. Substantially the same thing was said to Mr. - Wilkinson at the time of that interview last January. Now, the State’s - Attorney and his associates argue to you that Spies said himself the - social revolution is coming. When is it coming? On the 1st of May. Can - that be taken literally?” - -[Illustration: SIGISMUND ZEISLER. - -From a Photograph.] - -Mr. Zeisler held that in the progress of the civilized world a social -revolution was inevitable, not by the use of dynamite or force, but by -the peaceable forces at work among the people. - - “Now, the attorneys for the State talk to you about the social - revolution, and try to make you believe that the social revolution - means bombs and dynamite, and killing and arson and murder and all - crimes that we know of. Mr. Fielden on the stand gave the proper - expression. Asked whether he believed in the revolution, he said: - ‘Yes, in the evolutionary revolution.’ And I tell you, gentlemen of - the jury, this social revolution is coming—this social revolution in - the sense in which Webster defines the word Socialism.” - -Mr. Zeisler next said that they had not denied that the defendants had -declared that they would head a procession to go and sack Marshall -Field’s or Kellogg’s store, because it was a fact, but asked if after -such advice any one of them had taken the lead in any such procession. -“No, sir,” he said. “They went and armed themselves with beer. That is -what they did.” On the night of the Board of Trade opening, Parsons and -Fielden proposed to lead the crowd to attack the groceries and clothing -houses, but what did they do? They gracefully retired into the room of -the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office and were interviewed by a reporter about -the terrible effects of a fulminating cap. Did any one come up and -inquire why they had not led the procession to those places? They did -not, as everybody understood what was meant. Mr. Zeisler continued: - - “The listeners of these people are not very highly educated men. - They are laboring men who, raised in poor families, did not have the - benefits of a collegiate education; men who since that time worked at - manual labor from the early morning until the late evening. They could - not in the nature of things be very intelligent and highly cultivated - and educated. Now, Fielden and Parsons and Spies could not talk to - those men by stating to them abstract principles of social science; - but they told them: ‘Here, look at this state of things. There is a - man who owns three hundred million dollars; there is another man who - owns one hundred million. You starve, you get starvation wages. Is - that a just condition of things? Now, I tell you, Mr. Marshall Field, - who owns twenty-five millions of dollars, has no right to own them. - I tell you, you have a right to take from the property which he has - accumulated; part of it belongs to you. By natural, by equitable laws - this man is not entitled to live in a palace while you starve. I am - going to lead you down, if you want me, at once, and we will supply - our wants from there.’ What is that? Is that an offer to go there? - Is that an advice to go there? It is an illustration, as you give - it in school to a child which cannot understand abstract principles - of science. When they say to them: ‘You have a right to take from - Marshall Field and Kellogg,’ that means simply in the present state - of society that is allowed, but this is not a just and equitable - condition of affairs, and if it were as it ought to be you would - have a right to share with Marshall Field what he owns. Take it in - this common-sense view and don’t allow yourselves to be deceived by - declamations on the part of the attorneys for the State. - - “Can a revolution be made? A revolution is a thing which develops - itself, but no single man nor a dozen of men can control the - inauguration of a revolution. The social revolution was fixed for the - 1st of May! Just think of it! The social revolution, the revolution - by which the present state of proprietary conditions should be - changed all over the world, was to be inaugurated by Mr. Spies and - by Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fielden on the first day of May! Has ever a - ridiculous statement like that been made to an intelligent jury? But - all that is told you not because they believe it, but because they - want to make you blind to the real issues in this case, by telling - you that the social revolution was coming on the 1st of May, and that - Inspector Bonfield by his cry, ‘Fall in, fall in,’ on the night of - May 4th, saved the country from the social revolution; by that they - want to deceive you, they want to scare you, they want to show you - the monstrosity of these defendants. The social revolution to be - brought about or inaugurated by the throwing of a bomb on the night - of May 4th! What do you take these men for? Are they fools? Are they - children? Don’t you see what their ideal is, and the last aim and - end of theirs? It is the social revolution, yes, but not the social - revolution brought about by the throwing of dynamite. It is the social - revolution which will give the poor man more rights and which will do - away with pauperism. And the means are left to the future; but for the - present, in order that you may be strong and respected and be a power - in the land, arm yourselves, organize. That is the meaning of it.” - -Mr. Zeisler then touched on the preparation of bombs and dynamite for -that social revolution, referring to the evidence showing the finding -of dynamite and bombs in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office. He held that -Linnemeyer, who calcimined the closet in which the bag of dynamite was -found, had proven that there was nothing of the kind there when he -went in to search for a brush just immediately preceding the arrival -of the police. He also pointed to a contradiction in the testimony of -one of the officers that the dynamite was found on a floor below that -of the closet, in a room not used by Spies and not occupied by him at -the time of the police search, but in the counting-room, and then the -subsequent correction by the officer, on being recalled by the State, -that the package was found in Spies’ editorial room. In reference to -the bombs there was no secrecy, and Spies admitted that he had one more -bomb than the police had discovered. That information was volunteered -on the witness-stand, and the possession of those bombs explained. - - “That is the testimony in regard to the arsenal of dynamite and - bombs and weapons of destruction at 107 Fifth Avenue, and Mr. Spies - bragged about three thousand revolutionists ready to throw bombs and - to annihilate the police. What was it? Braggadocio; the same object - which all these people had in advocating the use of force, in calling - upon workingmen to arm themselves, to organize, to buy weapons and all - that sort of thing; and the purpose for which they did it openly and - publicly was the same purpose Mr. Spies had in bragging that there - were three thousand revolutionists—to scare the capitalists, to scare - them into yielding to the demands of the workingmen, to try to induce - them to make concessions to the laboring classes, as Mr. Fielden said - in his speech on the night of May the 4th. And remember, gentlemen of - the jury, that it has been testified to by all the witnesses who spoke - in regard to the speeches and articles of these men, that they always - made the same argument. Now, Mr. Fielden made the same argument a - hundred times before. ‘The employers will not like to see dissatisfied - workingmen in the community, and the laborer can get some relief if - the employers find that there are dissatisfied workingmen in the - city.’ That was the reason why they told them, ‘Arm yourselves and - organize.’ That was the reason why Mr. Spies bragged about the three - thousand revolutionists and about the bombs ready to be thrown; that - was the reason why he told Mr. Wilkinson all about their plans.” - -Mr. Zeisler ridiculed the idea that a social revolution was to have -been inaugurated with the dozens of bombs made by Lingg, and held there -had been no preparation for it. Coming to the question of conspiracy, -he said: - - “What is a conspiracy? What were you used to understand by the word - conspiracy all your lifetime? Isn’t in the first place secrecy the - test of a conspiracy? Was there anything secret about the doings of - these men, or about their teachings and writings? When they vented - their feelings at 54 West Lake Street at the meeting of the American - group and told the people to go to Marshall Field’s and Kellogg’s, and - offered to head the procession, told them about their rights, told - them to use force, told them to arm themselves and to organize, the - next morning the daily press of the city of Chicago, which reaches - five hundred thousand people, and the State’s Attorney’s office, and - the Mayor’s office, and the office of every authority in the city of - Chicago, were informed of it.” - -The speaker then proceeded to define conspiracy, and said that to -constitute a conspiracy “they must agree with one another to do an -unlawful act; one must have communicated the purpose to another, and -the others must have consented to it.” Nothing of this kind had been -done. They had simply propounded principles and expressed truths from -their standpoint. - - “You remember the testimony of Officer Trehorn, who saw the dynamite - and the caps and the fuse on the night of the inauguration of the - Board of Trade building, and who the next morning says he went to - Lieutenant Bedell of the Cottage Grove Avenue Station and told him all - about it. If that was a conspiracy, and that conspiracy has existed - for three years, why has the State’s Attorney, or his predecessor in - office, yet not prosecuted those who are parties to that conspiracy? - The law of the State of Illinois makes it his duty to prosecute every - crime which comes to his knowledge. He may plead that he has not known - of it. If he did not, then it was culpable negligence that he did not - know it. If he will answer to you that as long as those people did - not do any overt act there was no reason for him to interfere, then I - say as long as these people have not done any overt act there was no - conspiracy. There is no way of escaping this consequence, gentlemen - of the jury; to every logical mind it is clear. Either the State’s - Attorney himself must plead guilty to the charge of the murder of - Mathias J. Degan, or every one of these defendants who cannot be shown - to have actually thrown or lighted the bomb must be acquitted. If it - was not conspiracy then, if they had committed a crime up to the 4th - of May for which it was the duty of the State’s Attorney to prosecute - them, then what have they added to make their doings murder—to make - them amenable to the law on a charge for the highest and gravest - offense, the most heinous crime known to law?” - -Mr. Zeisler next turned his attention to the special conspiracy entered -into by a number of persons at No. 54 West Lake Street and held that -of all the defendants it had only been shown that Engel and Fischer -were present. He denied that Lingg was there or that any evidence had -been introduced to prove it. He scored Waller and reviewed some of -his testimony, taking occasion to call the attention of the jury to -the fact that the man testified that the signal word “Ruhe” was not -mentioned in connection with the Haymarket meeting. Next he alluded -to the places where some of the witnesses for the State and some of -those present at 54 West Lake Street had been on the night of May 4, -and spoke of Engel being at home enjoying a social glass of beer, -and the others widely scattered. “The only evidence of a conspiracy -was that of Seliger, who testified that Lingg had asked him if he -should throw a bomb. Fischer and others who saw the word ‘Ruhe’ in the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ did not go to Wicker Park, but went elsewhere. What -does Waller’s testimony say? It says that on the appearance of the -word ‘Ruhe’ all should go to their meeting-places in the outskirts of -the city, and that none of them were to be at the Haymarket except the -observation committee.” - - “Has ‘Ruhe’ any reference to the Haymarket meeting? Does it not rather - show that the parties who conspired there were not to take part in - the Haymarket meeting at all? What, then, has the evidence in regard - to that meeting got to do with the case? That much (illustrating by - snapping the fingers). - - “Now, to return for a moment to Lingg’s alleged attempt to throw a - bomb. Has there ever been heard such a ridiculous story as that? It - is an absolute falsehood upon its face. A revolutionist, a true - disciple of Herr Most, goes out with bombs in his pocket, next to - his friends, and takes a walk, and when he goes to the station and - wants to throw a bomb into the station he isn’t even provided with a - light to ignite the fuse; he has to ask his friend, ‘Have you got a - light?’ And the other one says he hasn’t got it or makes some kind of - excuse. Don’t you see that all that testimony is given in order to - show you, or in order that Mr. Seliger may show himself to you as a - highly moral person who has been the dupe of Lingg? He, the man who - has been an Anarchist for years and years—and his wife herself says - so—he has been persuaded by Lingg to make bombs, he has been misled - by Lingg, has been the dupe of Lingg. Seliger, the man with a full - beard (Seliger had a full beard at the time of the trial), a man of - over thirty years, has been the dupe of this innocent-looking fellow, - Lingg! If one was the dupe of the other, then Lingg surely was the - dupe of Seliger. Seliger is the one who was arrested first. In order - to save his own worthless neck, he betrays his friend and companion - and swears against him, and upon the testimony of these treacherous - lips you are asked to convict Lingg.” - -Mr. Zeisler maintained that he had shown that there was no conspiracy, -no general conspiracy, and insisted that the alleged conspiracy of May -3 had no reference whatever to the Haymarket meeting; that the throwing -of the bomb at the Haymarket meeting was in direct contradiction of the -agreement by the conspirators of May 3, and if one of them had done it, -he would have done contrary to the conspiracy. He then spoke of the -object of the Haymarket gathering and said: - - “It was called for the purpose of denouncing the atrocious act of - the police in shooting down their brethren at the McCormick factory. - That was the only purpose of the meeting, as Mr. Waller testified. Of - course his testimony is the one that the State relies upon mostly. - Now, what was the occasion of calling such a meeting to denounce the - act of the police? It was the meeting at McCormick’s factory.” - -The counsel then reviewed the testimony with reference to the -meeting near McCormick’s factory, pointing to the fact that no one -had testified to what Spies had actually said on that occasion, and -maintained that not a single witness had been produced to prove that -Spies had then and there incited men to riot. Witnesses for the State, -he said, had shown that Spies continued talking after many of the men -had started toward McCormick’s factory. Did any one suppose he would -thus quietly continue speaking there if he had precipitated that riot? -Mr. Zeisler did not excuse the men for stoning the factory—it was -wrong—but he did not believe that gave the right to the police to -shoot at those excited people. Coming back to the Haymarket, he read -some of the testimony on the side of the State to show that it was an -ordinary, peaceable meeting, and then said that on the day Spies wrote -the “Revenge” circular Parsons was on his way back from Cincinnati and -Fielden in a suburban town in a quarry. He next proceeded to show that -there was no connection with the printing of the “Revenge” circular -and the Monday night meeting, and said Spies knew nothing about the -call for that meeting. He closed by saying that the circular meant -simply the same thing that Fielden and Parsons meant in their speeches -on the evening of May 4, and that meaning, he said, he had made plain -in the earlier part of his address. - -MR. GEORGE C. INGHAM, special counsel for the State, followed next. -His argument was clear, concise and to the point. He opened by citing -the law in the case, reading numerous authorities with reference to -conspiracies and commenting thereon at some length. One authority he -read was “Russell on Crimes,” to show that it was simply putting in the -shape of a statute that which the common law already declares to be an -offense, and then cited a case which arose not many years ago upon that -very statute: - - “Johann Most, in the city of London, was indicted, because while there - he published a paper advocating the assassination of the crowned heads - of other countries. He was indicted under that statute, and he was - convicted by a jury. The case went to their highest court, and I wish - now to read you what the Justice of that court says as to what is - meant by a solicitation to murder.” - -The opinion of Lord Coleridge was read, and Mr. Ingham continued: - - “You, gentlemen, will remember that that paper (_Die Freiheit_) is - now published in the city of New York. The sentence is not given in - the report I read. The custom is in England that before a sentence is - pronounced, in case an appeal is taken, that is first passed upon, - and after that the sentence is pronounced. That case was decided in - 1881. Shortly after that John Most came to America. They probably - thought the best thing they could do with him was to pass upon him a - light sentence and ship him. At any rate they landed him here, and he - started his _Freiheit_ paper in New York.” - -Mr. Ingham next read the case of _Cox_ vs. _The People_, from the -Illinois Reports, and continued: - - “Now, apply the law which I have read to the facts of this case. It - appears in evidence in this case from the documents which I have read - to you that these men—Schwab, Fischer and Parsons—were from time - to time in this city publishing articles printed in papers which - they owned, for the publishing of which Spies paid, and which they - declared to be their own, in which they advised the destruction of the - police of this city by force, in which they advised workingmen from - time to time to arm themselves with dynamite and be ready whenever - a conflict came to destroy the police of this city by force. For - the publication of any one of those articles, if the law had been - correctly understood, those men could have been convicted and punished - for a misdemeanor; and when on that night Fielden, in the presence of - the crowd, told the people before him assembled that the war had come, - that war had been declared, that they must arm themselves to resist - what he knew never had taken place, he was making a seditious address, - and for that reason, if for no other, the police force of this city - had a right to appear and disperse the meeting. - - “Fielden took the stand at the Haymarket, and until he concluded every - sentence he uttered was a sentence seditious in its character, and - which, under the decisions of the Supreme Court, would alone subject - him to punishment for misdemeanor. A trap had been laid—Spies laid - it; Schwab laid it; Fischer laid it; Engel laid it. A trap had been - laid to bring out the police force of this city, and that trap was - baited by the speeches of Parsons and Fielden. When the bait grew - strong enough, the police did come. The moment they got there—the - moment they stood opposite that alley, the moment their marching - motion was stopped and they stood in that position where the bomb - could be thrown with unerring certainty, the bomb came. - -[Illustration: GEORGE C. INGHAM. - -From a Photograph.] - - “Now, who made that bomb? You, gentlemen, have heard the evidence in - this case, which is not disputed. I ask you, gentlemen, to remember - that so far I have not alluded to a single fact about which there is - or can be any dispute. It is uncontradicted in this case that Louis - Lingg for months had been making bombs of a certain construction. It - is uncontradicted that on the morning of Tuesday Louis Lingg said - to Seliger that he must work hard all day; that the bombs would be - needed and could be disposed of before night. It is in evidence in - this case that on that morning Louis Lingg left that house and was - gone all the morning, and nothing has been shown as to where he was. - It is in evidence that he came back at noon, and because Seliger had - filled only one bomb and had then laid down on the bed and gone to - sleep, that Lingg upbraided him and told him that this matter must be - hurried; and it is in evidence in this case that all that afternoon - after that time men were coming and going to and from that house and - working at that house on those bombs. Men came there whom Seliger - knew; men came there whom Seliger did not know; men came there whom - Mrs. Seliger knew; men came there whom Mrs. Seliger did not know. She - tells you that during the whole of that day—Tuesday—men were coming - and going to and from that house. What for? We put one man on the - stand who went to that house in the afternoon—the witness Lehman. - Lehman tells you that on Tuesday he was working at his trade; that he - quit his work at three o’clock in the afternoon, instead of working - until the afternoon was over; that he took a fellow-countryman of his, - whose name I have forgotten, and with him went to Lingg’s house to buy - a revolver; that they went to the house and dickered first about the - revolver, and then went back again, and when he went back the second - time Louis Lingg gave him dynamite—loaded bombs, fuse and detonating - caps; that during the day Louis Lingg was distributing these bombs to - different persons in the city. - - “I want to call your attention to those bombs of Lingg’s—admitted to - be his—bombs which he admitted to the officers that he himself made, - and which were found where he had sent them. Every one of those bombs - is about three inches in diameter, as nearly as they could be made - with the rough material which he had. I want to call your attention to - this bomb, called the ‘Czar’ bomb, obtained from Spies. That bomb in - its appearance is composed of the same sort of material that Lingg’s - bombs were. You can see that the only difference is in the bolts; that - the bolt in the ‘Czar’ bomb was smaller than the bolt in the Lingg - bomb. This bolt (exhibiting same) would not be large enough to fasten - together the three-inch bombs; it would not quite reach through. Now, - suppose that Louis Lingg had this bolt in his possession and wanted - to make a bomb for it, what would he do? He would file off the edges - here so as to make its diameter smaller. If you will look at this - bomb called the ‘Czar’ bomb, you will see that that is just what has - been done—the edges of it filed off, and it is just in the condition - it was, with the exception of this scraping here, when the reporter - Wilkinson got it. The result of that is that its diameter through - here would be shorter (indicating) than the diameter across there - (indicating). What else does that show? Of course, as this was filed - off, it would lessen the diameter of the bomb, and when you measure - this you will find that that only lacks the eighth of an inch of being - the same size as the bombs found in Lingg’s possession. In other - words, if that had not been filed off as it has been in order that - this shorter bolt could be used, these bombs would be identical in - size. - - “What else is there in evidence in this case in regard to bolts? - Seliger tells you that he was sent after bolts that day, that he - bought a lot of bolts. They have been introduced in evidence. You, - gentlemen, noticed it as soon as they were introduced in evidence, - that the nut found in the body of the Socialist, and which came out - of the bomb exploded at the Haymarket Square, is identically the same - sort of a nut as those found on the bombs in Lingg’s possession on - that day. - - “We have placed on the stand the two most eminent chemists in the - city of Chicago. Those gentlemen told you that they made examinations - of pieces of this ‘Czar’ bomb which they took from it themselves; - that they made examinations of pieces of the four bombs which came - from Lingg, and that they examined certain articles found in Lingg’s - possession. And what is the result? They told you that these bombs - were not made of lead alone; that they were not lead and solder alone; - that there is not in the city of Chicago or known to commerce any one - article of which those bombs could be made, but that they are made - of a mixture—not only the Lingg bombs, but the ‘Czar’ bomb. They - tell you that three of the Lingg bombs and the ‘Czar’ bomb contained - identically the same constituents, without any difference whatever - so far as the constituents themselves are concerned, and the only - difference is that between those bombs there was a slight difference - in the amount of the tin and the amount of the lead. They told you - that in the ‘Czar’ bomb one per cent. or one and one-tenth per cent. - is tin; that in one of the Lingg bombs one and five-tenths per cent. - was tin; that in another of them two per cent. was tin. The point of - it is this: that every bomb was composed of a mixture and not of any - one metal; that the mixture in the bombs was as nearly identical as it - could be made by any man using the materials which Louis Lingg used, - in the way in which he used them. You will remember that he told Capt. - Schaack that he made these bombs with a mold made of clay; that he - could only mold one or two bombs, when he had to make a new mold. If - you will look on the inside of these bombs you will find that they - were all made by a rough mold, just as you would expect from one made - with a mold of clay; the only difference being that in the case of the - ‘Czar’ bomb it had been filed off, as you can see, with a file, in - order to smooth it.” - -Mr. Ingham then read the testimony of Walter S. Haines, one of the -chemists, and proceeded: - - “One of these bombs which Louis Lingg admitted that he made differed - from the others in that it contained a trace of copper. In the trunk - of Louis Lingg was found this piece of metal, which he had undoubtedly - used in making that particular bomb, and which accounts for the trace - of copper in it, the point being that everything found in any one - of those bombs was found in some shape in Louis Lingg’s trunk and - possession. - - “The answer to all this is that the bomb, instead of being thrown from - the alley, was thrown thirty-five feet south of the alley. What of it? - What if they have proven that? What if they have satisfied your minds - clearly that the bomb came from thirty-five feet south of the alley? - Can there be any question in the minds of any reasonable man that he - who threw that bomb, whether he stood in the alley or thirty-five feet - south of the alley, was one of the Anarchists associated with these - men? - - “When that question is settled in your minds, that ends this case. We - have proven the conspiracy. It has not been denied. We have proven - that Degan died from the effects of that bomb; it has not been denied. - We have proven it by circumstances making it as clear as the daylight - that that bomb was thrown by one of the Anarchists, and when we have - done that we have proven this case—when we have done that we have - sealed the fate of these men, if jurors do their duty under the law as - it is written and declared. - - “There was a conspiracy. These men know it and have not denied it. - That bomb came from that conspiracy, and the moment it resulted in - the death of Degan the crime of conspiracy was merged in the crime of - murder, and every one of these men made amenable under the law. - - “The meeting came; the crowd did not. The Haymarket was covered with - little groups of people scattered around. Spies goes around and picks - out the place for the meeting, and, although he knew that the word - ‘Ruhe’ had been published, although he knew that these armed groups - were scattered all over this city, although he knew that Balthasar - Rau in an hour could not notify every man who knew of that plan, he - himself called it to order in the very place where the police force - could be massed together and the most enormous destruction done. He - told Wilkinson that it was discovered that bombs of composite metals - were best, and when on that fatal night the bomb was thrown seven men - were killed and sixty wounded, and to-day in a public hospital of this - county, while these men sit here decked with flowers, there is one man - with eighteen drainage tubes in his body. Was Spies right when he said - that bombs of composite metal were best?” - - - - -CHAPTER XXX. - - Foster and Black before the Jury—Making Anarchist History—The Eight - Leaders—A Skillful Defense—Alibis All Around—The Whereabouts - of the Conspirators—The “Peaceable Dispersion”—A Miscarriage of - Revolutionary War—Average Anarchist Credibility—“A Man will Lie - to Save his Life”—The Attack on Seliger—The Candy-man and the - Bomb-thrower—Conflicting Testimony—A Philippic against Gilmer—The - Liars of History—The Search for a Witness—The Man with the Missing - Link—The Last Word for the Prisoners—Captain Black’s Theory—High - Explosives and Civilization—The West Lake Street Meeting—Defensive - Armament—Engel and his Beer—Hiding the Bombs—The Right of - Revolution—Bonfield and Harrison—The Socialist of Judea. - - -MR. W. A. FOSTER was the next speaker, and he made a very strong case -for his clients—the strongest that could be made in face of the many -disadvantages under which he labored in view of the evidence against -the Anarchists. He is a fluent, easy and graceful talker and held his -facts well in hand. He began in a deliberate manner, and grew at times, -as he proceeded, quite eloquent in his exposition of the virtues of -the defendants. He was pointed and caustic sometimes, but he never -seemed to lose the purpose of making a strong impression on the jury. -The opening of his argument was largely devoted to showing that the -Haymarket meeting was not riotous or boisterous, but that it had been -called for a peaceable purpose. Then he said: - - “Take the theory just suggested by the prosecution in this case, that - the time had come now that was conceived of years and years ago; the - time had come now which was suggested by August Spies at Grand Rapids, - Michigan, the time had come now which was foreseen in conversation had - with the various defendants to various newspaper reporters at various - times and various places; the time had come now when the attack could - be made that was to be incited by the McCormick meeting and the - McCormick riot; the time had come now when by reason of the gathering - of the laboring people at the Haymarket Square the attempt was to be - made and the response was to be made effectual; now history was to - be written, now the point had come when bowie knives, when sharpened - files poisoned with acids, when all of these implements of modern - warfare, as we are told, were to be turned loose upon the world; when - property rights were to be destroyed, when the police were to be - killed, when any one aiding, assisting, abetting, standing up for or - protecting the law was to be ruthlessly slain. The time had come. The - men were there, the arrangements had been perfected, the police were - in line, halt was made, and they were commanded to disperse. The time, - the grand culmination of all the arrangements and conspiracies and - confederations for years back had arrived—the time when the blow was - to be struck which was to overturn civilization, which was to overturn - the country. - - “These eight men are the leaders, they tell us. They tell us that - there are hundreds more that ought to have been indicted, and should - be indicted—should be prosecuted, and should be convicted, and - should be destroyed. But the time had come, and the leaders and their - friends, having been preparing for years, were ready. They courted the - attack—they hailed the day. They had pleaded for the opportunity, - and the opportunity had now arrived. Where are these men? Where are - the men that were to take charge and carry on the warfare that had - been agreed upon for the last five or six years, or longer, in the - city of Chicago? Where were they? In the first place, Mr. Parsons and - Mr. Fischer are at Zepf’s Hall. Think of it! For six long years they - had been making their preparations for the attack; for days and weeks - and months they had sown and preached revolution; the skirmish lines - had met, and they were prepared; and still Parsons and Fischer were - quietly discussing matters between themselves over a glass of beer - at Zepf’s Hall. They were principals in this matter, leaders in the - overthrowing of the Government and the establishment of this idea. - They were at Zepf’s Hall, away from any scene of action. Where is - Engel? Engel, the great conspirator—Engel, who made the inflammatory - speeches at Clybourn Avenue? Quietly at home, engaged in a game of - cards with his friend—not there at all. There is no man that pretends - or claims that Mr. Engel, at the time the bomb was thrown, was at the - Haymarket meeting or near it. - - [Illustration: WILLIAM A. FOSTER. - - From a Photograph.] - - “Where was Schwab, one of the brainy men of this conspiracy, a man - whose pen had added to its formation, whose genius and whose brain - had been instrumental in bringing it about? An hour’s ride away, at - Deering, addressing a quiet meeting of laboring men. - - “Where was Neebe? Neebe, one of the leading conspirators, they tell - us. He is one of the eight heads, one of the chiefs in the overthrow - of the Government and of property rights, and he was quietly at home. - Lingg, the man who has prepared the implements of warfare, the man who - has taken the dynamite, who has prepared the shells and loaded them, - has inserted the caps and the fuse and made all the preparations for - the destruction of the police, for the destruction of the militia and - for the destruction of property everywhere—where is Lingg? Wandering - about upon Larrabee Street, in the neighborhood of Clybourn Avenue. - - “Where is Spies and where is Fielden? Spies and Fielden, the only - remaining ones of the eight, are upon the wagon, in the presence of - line after line of the police, armed to the teeth, having not only - the regulation revolvers in their coat-pockets, but those of larger - caliber, in some instances, so far as some of the companies were - concerned, in their belts. Those men were quietly standing upon the - wagon, right in sight and within the aim of all of these murderous - weapons, with the idea that an attack was to be made, with the idea - and knowledge that an assault was to take place, with the idea and - the knowledge that now the final blow was to strike which should - carry terror to the hearts of the capitalists and overturn society and - government. They were there, quietly arguing, arguing with the police - in command there, that the meeting was peaceable. - - “But they say, gentlemen, ‘Ruhe’ is a German word and means peace, - quiet, rest; that because it means quiet, therefore—this is what - they intend to have you believe—that because Fielden said, ‘This is - a quiet meeting,’ or that it was peaceable, or, ‘We are peaceable,’ - that that was the watchword which was to be an order in cipher to - commence immediately an attack. Now, gentlemen, I say that this is, - in my opinion, an unfair deduction; it is an unfair conclusion. The - testimony all agrees that Captain Ward appeared there and said: - ‘In the name of the people of the State of Illinois, I command you - to quietly and peaceably disperse.’ That was the expression—‘I - command you to peaceably disperse’—to which Mr. Fielden replied: - ‘We are peaceable,’ or ‘This is a peaceable meeting, Captain.’ Could - anything be more natural than that that reply should be made? Suppose, - gentlemen, now, that the theory of the prosecution is right; suppose - that it was the grand beginning of an uncertain end; suppose that - it was the culmination of the idea that had existed for years. Do - you believe that bombs would not have hailed from the top of every - building? Do you believe they would not have been thrown from every - sidewalk? Do you suppose they would not have been thrown from the - rear and from the front? In the nature of things, can you, in the - light of this testimony, say that because some man somewhere, on - account of some reason, which is not explained here, which never can - be explained, acting upon his own individual responsibility, lighted - a bomb and threw it, that therefore you must say that the grand - conspiracy, the arrangement for years and years had this result, - or rather that the throwing of that bomb was the result of that - conspiracy? - - “But there is one thing the gentlemen have lost sight of in this - case, it seems to me. Of course they haven’t, but in their argument - they have carefully avoided it. A Socialist is not to be believed, a - Communist is a liar, and an Anarchist is capable of committing any - crime. That is what they tell us in plain language—that we have - produced some witnesses here who are Socialists, Communists and - Anarchists, and because we have done so, their testimony, for that - reason alone, is to be discarded. Mr. Walker and Mr. Ingham both made - reference to the character of some of our witnesses upon the theory - and upon the ground that the evidence showed that they were Anarchists - or Communists. Well, they were Anarchists, Socialists and Communists, - some of them. - - “Although the gentlemen claim that a conviction might exist, leaving - out the testimony of Gilmer and of Thompson, they would never concede - that under any circumstances a conviction could be had were it not - for the testimony of Seliger and the testimony of Waller; they never - would concede that, and did the gentlemen ever think, while they were - presenting to you the case upon which they demanded a conviction, that - the very witnesses that they proved the facts by upon which they ask - you to hang these men are Socialists and Communists and Anarchists? - - “Not only, then, are Waller and Seliger Communists, Socialists and - Anarchists, but they are State’s witnesses, co-confederates and - conspirators, men whose testimony is regarded with disfavor and with - suspicion by the law. - - “They tell us that a man will lie to save his life. Said Mr. Walker, - ‘Do you believe Mr. Spies? Will he not lie to save his life?’ Then I - retort the argument of the gentleman upon his own head and say, ‘Would - not Seliger lie to save his own neck?’ - - “They take Mr. Seliger down and they examine him and they get his - statement and they reduce it to writing. The detective force is turned - loose upon him. His statement is not strong enough; that won’t do; - it is not enough; still there are missing links. ‘Mr. Seliger, this - statement won’t do; we want something stronger than that.’ I can - imagine—I am not giving the testimony now, but I can imagine how - those detectives would go to Seliger, carried away from his family as - he was, shut up in a dark dungeon, kept there day after day—‘Now, - Seliger, here are two propositions: here is a rope and here is a - statement; choose between them.’ He chose the lesser of the two - evils—the statement, as any man would, Mr. Walker says, to save his - own life. He makes the statement. He goes away. I can imagine, I say, - the conduct and the actions of the detective force as they ply him - with questions from day to day. ‘It won’t do, Mr. Seliger, it won’t - do. There are too many missing links. We want something more. Isn’t - this so, isn’t that so? Didn’t this happen, didn’t that happen?’ And - poor Seliger, frightened, weak-minded and timid, ignorant of the - laws of this country, ignorant of the rights which American citizens - have under the laws, sits down and makes the second statement. And - still the thing goes on, still he is kept in confinement, still he - is plied with questions, still he is examined and cross-examined: - ‘Mr. Seliger, the first statement won’t do, and the second statement - won’t do. Mr. Seliger, we want more from you than this.’ And, says Mr. - Walker, ‘Won’t a man lie to save his life?’ And Mr. Seliger makes the - third statement, and again he goes back to his dungeon, and after a - while again they go to Seliger and they say to Seliger, ‘This won’t - do. You have made a statement, you have made a second statement, you - have made a third statement, but still there are missing links. Isn’t - this so, isn’t that so?’ And, as Mr. Walker says, ‘Won’t any man lie - to save his life?’ And the fourth statement is made by Seliger. And - these statements are unrolled as he sits here quivering and trembling, - knowing perhaps that he is destroying the lives of these eight men, - his former friends and associates, and questions are pronounced after - questions, and the testimony is introduced before you, gentlemen, from - a Socialist, from a Communist, from an Anarchist, from a conspirator, - and from a man that will lie to save his own life; and upon that - testimony you are to act, and you are not to act upon any testimony - introduced by the defendants in this case. - - “You remember the candy-maker that was brought upon the stand by the - merest accident. You remember the circumstance that when his name was - called he responded from that corner of the room (indicating)—none - of us had ever seen him; we didn’t know it, and I don’t to-day hardly - know how we got any information in regard to the man at all. And when - he came forward here you will remember that this case was delayed - until Mr. Zeisler and myself took him into the other room to ascertain - if possible why he was here and to what facts he was going to testify. - He came upon the stand, and what does he tell you? He tells you that - on the night of the 4th of May he was at the Haymarket. He tells you - that he was south of the alley, and when it was rumored there that - the police were coming he started with others down. He tells you that - at the time he did not know how far it was south of the alley, but he - knows from the location and from the surroundings, and that since then - he has gone there with his tape-line and he has measured it, and that - it is thirty-eight feet south of the south line of Crane’s alley. He - tells you that as they were going down, when the police had come up he - saw a man with this motion, indicating a backward and upward motion - with the right hand—not with this motion that Frank Walker tells - about—cast a burning fuse, as it went hissing through the air; that - he followed it until it struck, that he looked at it until the whole - country around about was illuminated by the explosion and policemen - bit the dust. - - “Is he a reliable man, gentlemen? Is there anything wrong in his - character? If there was, why, as late as two weeks before the time - that he testified, was Mr. Furthmann placing before him the picture of - Rudolph Schnaubelt? If he was an unreliable man and they knew it, if - they did not believe his statement because of his unreliability, why, - I say, was Mr. Furthmann two weeks before—according to the testimony - of the witness which Mr. Furthmann has not undertaken to gainsay or - deny—presenting the photograph of Rudolph Schnaubelt to see whether - he could identify that man as being the man who threw the bomb? If he - was an unreliable man, he tells us where he has worked; he tells us - where he has lived; he tells us who his associates are; he tells us - all about it. If there is anything wrong, then Captain Schaack would - turn loose his detectives and his police and in less than an hour’s - time the character, the true character, the villainous character of - the man would have been exhibited before you. But nothing of that kind - is done. They ascertain the fact that he saw the bomb-thrower—they - know that he saw the bomb-thrower—at least, they believe that he saw - the bomb-thrower, and the question is, Who shall be used? Shall the - candy-maker be used, or shall Gilmer be used? Which shall it be—the - candy-man or Gilmer? - - “Now, you will remember that the State was two weeks putting in their - testimony, and you will remember that the defense was one week—a week - and one day more. You will remember the testimony of this witness was - that two weeks before that time, which was one week after the State - began to introduce their testimony, Mr. Furthmann presented before his - face the picture of Rudolph Schnaubelt and demanded to know whether he - could recognize the picture as being the man who threw the bomb. I say - then it seems, Mr. Gilmer to the contrary notwithstanding, that a week - after they had commenced the introduction of their testimony it was - still a doubtful, uncertain and mooted question as to where took place - the throwing of that bomb, and into whose hands to place it. - - “What does the candy-maker say? He says honestly to Mr. Furthmann: ‘I - cannot recognize that man as being the man; I don’t believe that that - man had whiskers; all I know is that I think he had a light mustache - and I think he was an ordinary-sized man; that is all I know about - him.’ - - “And, gentlemen, that is a reasonable story. Hurrying away as he was - in that crowd, supposing that the police had come there for a purpose, - seeing this thing take place and the disaster that resulted from it - and the excitement incident to it, would we expect that he would know - or would be able to see any more than that? He did not recognize - Schnaubelt as being the man; he did not recognize Fischer as being - present at the time the bomb was thrown; he did not recognize Spies - as being the man who lighted the fuse, and the prosecution did not - want him, and so they sent him back to the candy-shop in obscurity, - and there intended that he should remain. They did not want him. Why - didn’t they? They had found a conspiracy, they say, to use violence - for certain illegal purposes. They had established the fact of murder; - there was a missing link; that was what was troubling them, and that - is what has troubled them from the beginning of this trial down to the - present time—the missing link. Where is the man in all the face of - God’s green earth, where is the man that can identify one of these men - that we will show was in any conspiracy to do anything which we might - criticise or object to, that is in any way responsible for what was - done at the Haymarket that night? They must have the missing link, or - else they must fail in this prosecution. The candy-man won’t furnish - it. He tells his story, a consistent and reasonable story. They - believe his story because they take him up and they exhibit to him the - picture—‘Is that the man?’ Oh, if he had only said, ‘Yes, that is the - man, that is the man that was in company with him,’ how quickly the - candy-maker would have come before us as a witness. But no; the man - said honestly, ‘I cannot do that; I was in a crowd in the darkness; I - was in the bustle and the excitement; I cannot do that.’ They didn’t - want him; they sent him home. And still there is a missing link. Who - is going to furnish it? - - “Gilmer comes proudly to the front. He says, ‘Rather than have the - play stopped I will furnish the missing link.’ Gilmer—Harry L. - Gilmer—the old soldier that they tell us about. I don’t believe it. - I don’t believe he was ever in the army a day of his life, because I - believe if he had been that my brother Grinnell, of all witnesses that - had been called, would have asked him that very first question. Some - of you gentlemen bear upon your breasts the emblem of the Grand Army - of the Republic; some of you were in the war and marched at the peril - of your lives under the stars and stripes, and you would delight in - meeting a man, and delight in believing in his honor and integrity, if - you believed that he was engaged in the common cause with you in those - trying days; and still the shrewd counsel never asked the question. - A veteran! Yes, a veteran of Battery D, a veteran of Chicago, of - the Home Rangers, a man that never smelt burnt powder in his life - perhaps—he is the veteran soldier that is lauded before you gentlemen - in the argument of counsel who have addressed you on the part of the - prosecution in this case. - - “I undertake to say, gentlemen, that all history, ancient and modern, - has given to the world three of the grandest, the most consummate - and infernal liars that ever existed since Adam first was set in the - Garden of Eden—three names prominently that we find in the history - that we are making now, in modern history and in ancient, and in - importance they stand in the order in which I name them. First of all, - greater than all, above them all in infamy and falsehood, is Harry L. - Gilmer; next to him comes M. M. Thompson, and third is Ananias of old, - whose Christian name I never heard, if, in fact, he ever had one. All - history, ransacked, will furnish no three such men as the three names - that I have suggested.” - -Mr. Foster then adverted to some points in the management of the case, -and touched at some length on the fact that Gilmer had not testified -before the grand jury. He proceeded as follows: - - “Of all the testimony that has been introduced here, the testimony of - Harry Gilmer is paramount. Bind the rest of it together in a sheaf, - set it alongside of the testimony of Harry Gilmer, and it is as a - molehill compared to a mountain, if the testimony of Harry Gilmer is - true. If the testimony of Harry Gilmer is true, August Spies and Mr. - Fischer must die. If you believe him, they must be swept from the - face of the earth; and yet Mr. Grinnell, saying, ‘We have nothing to - conceal and nothing to hide,’ forgets to tell you that he has the - man who saw Mr. Spies, in the presence of Mr. Fischer, light the - fuse which was thrown by Mr. Schnaubelt, and which destroyed Officer - Degan. He never expected to prove it. If he did—if it is true that - he expected to, and if it is true that he had nothing to conceal and - nothing to hide, why, then, didn’t he say it? Why had it not been - published broadcast to the land by these newspaper gentlemen? Why was - it that Harry Gilmer’s face was not published and sent forth in every - paper that is published in the land? Why was it that it was not said: - ‘This is the man—this is the man who has the testimony within his - knowledge which will show the connection and establish the link which - fastens some of the defendants, at least, to the murder of Mathias J. - Degan?’ Not a word—not a word upon the subject of Harry L. Gilmer, - the veteran of the war, the old soldier, so eloquently discoursed upon - by my brother Walker. Where was Gilmer then? - - “I can imagine brother Grinnell, in his anxiety and his quandary in - determining what course to pursue here, discussing with himself and - his associates as to whether or not this case should be determined - upon the testimony of Thompson alone, or Thompson and Gilmer mixed. It - has been a serious consideration on the part of the gentlemen. There - can’t be any doubt about that. But the honest man who says, ‘No, I - can’t identify them,’ is sent home, and Harry Gilmer is brought to - the front. He will identify Schnaubelt—oh, yes; no question about - that. He will do more than that; he will identify Fischer—oh, yes; he - will do more than that. Fischer may prove an alibi; they do not know - whether Fischer was there, but there is one man that they do know was - there, and that he was there all that time upon that wagon, and that - was August Spies, and, if necessary, Harry Gilmer will identify Spies. - Now, do you believe that, gentlemen? Do you believe that? And I do not - charge my brother Grinnell with putting Harry Gilmer upon the stand - knowing that he was swearing to a pack of lies. Not at all; I do not - charge him with that. I charge him with placing no reliance upon the - man at all. I say that, if Mr. Grinnell knew at the time he made his - opening statement that Harry Gilmer was to come upon the stand and - swear to that fact, he did not do his duty as a lawyer and he did not - keep his pledge to the jury, and if he did not know it, it shows the - absolute unreliability of the testimony of Mr. Gilmer. - - “Now, I say to you, gentlemen, from all the surrounding circumstances - in this case—I say that Harry L. Gilmer—and I stated to you the - other day that I was not in the habit of calling witnesses liars; I - preferred to present their testimony under the suspicion of mistake - rather than the suspicion of falsehood—but I say as to Harry L. - Gilmer that he is a stupendous, colossal, a monumental liar, and - there is no escape from it. Now, just think of it for a moment. - The world was excited; every daily paper in the universe published - accounts—in Paris and in London, in Petersburg and Vienna, on the - morning following the 4th of May, citizens read of the disaster of the - Haymarket; the civilized world was shocked with the outrage that was - perpetrated there. Where was Harry Gilmer, the man who could identify - the man who threw the bomb, the man who could identify his companion, - and the man who could identify the person who lit the fuse? Where was - Harry Gilmer on the 5th day of May? He tells us he was in Crane’s - alley the night of the 4th; he was there in the alley; he saw Spies; - he says, ‘That is the man right over there; that is the man that threw - it;’ he saw that man right over there—Spies—strike a match and light - the fuse, and saw Fischer in his company. Schnaubelt threw it in the - ranks of the policemen. - - “There is the missing link, and if you believe that testimony as - to two of these defendants, the chain is complete. Darwin is dead, - but the missing link has been found. The man who furnished the - missing link went home. The man that has seen this meandered through - Crane’s alley and went quietly home to his roost, and he went to bed - undisturbed. It is true he had seen the man who threw the bomb; he - would know him anywhere. He would know him by his picture; he knows - how many buttons of his coat were buttoned. He saw the man that stood - by. He would know him anywhere. He knows what kind of clothing he had - on and how many buttons he had buttoned of his clothes. He knew the - kind of hat, the kind of clothes. He knew the man who lit the match, - who touched the fuse that exploded the bomb that Schnaubelt threw. He - knew him. He knew whether his coat was buttoned and how many buttons. - He knew all about it—everything that every man in the universe - demanded should be known by the officers of the law. And he went home - and went to bed and never said a word to any living soul about it. And - he got up in the morning, fresh upon his mind the fact of this great - outrage that was perpetrated and that everybody was talking about - everywhere—in restaurants, on the street and in street-cars—knowing - that he was the man that could recognize them all—he goes and buys - a paper on the street and sits down to read how terrible it was, - goes into a restaurant and there sits, where men were conversing of - the horror and of the outrage, and never opens his head in regard to - knowing anything about it—not a word. Then he goes, after he has had - his ‘meal,’ and gets upon the car—goes to the corner of Twenty-second - Street and Wabash Avenue, and there he meets a friend, a brother - painter, and they work all day, and from a third to half the time, - as he states, they were painting together and lapping each other’s - brushes as they painted upon the side of the building, and when noon - came they sat down to discuss matters and talk, over their lunch. They - speak, at times, about the Haymarket meeting and the great disaster, - and he never tells his friend that he had seen the bomb thrown, or - knew anything about it—not a word. The world was in flames, but Harry - Gilmer was cool.” - -Mr. Foster continued his attention to Gilmer at considerable length, -making, however, no new points against him, and then proceeded: - - “Now, Mr. Graham is not a Socialist. He is not a Communist nor an - Anarchist. He is a reporter, and I say that he is an honorable man. - His bearing showed it; his countenance indicated it; and the fact - that he is not attacked nor impeached, nor one word said against him, - either in argument or in testimony, in my mind establishes it. - - “Well, that didn’t amount to very much. There are always knowing ones - around, and Gilmer was one of them. He liked to loaf about police - stations. He remembered the time when he was collecting the dog tax in - Des Moines. He associated with men that wore uniforms, and he liked - it. He wanted to ingratiate himself into their good opinions, and he - says: ‘I believe I would know the fellow. I was there. I was right in - plain sight, and I saw him light the fuse and I saw him toss the bomb. - His back was to me, it is true, but I do believe I would know him.’ - Ah! where was Fischer then? Where was ‘that man sitting over there,’ - as Gilmer expresses it? Where was Spies and where was Fischer then? - Well, they hadn’t developed at that stage of the proceeding, that is - all. They were the afterbirth in his testimony.” - -Mr. Foster went into a long and searching examination of the evidence, -arguing out the more important facts developed, and closing with an -eloquent appeal to the sympathies of the jury. His speech was effective -and impressive. - -On the next morning—Tuesday—Capt. Black began his argument for the -defense, and was listened to by the jury with marked attention. He is -a forcible speaker and dwelt upon the testimony favorable to his side -with earnestness and emphasis. He traversed necessarily a good deal of -the ground covered by his colleagues, but he clothed his argument in -captivating language, and made a striking and effective appeal for his -clients. The following will show the points he made: - - “On the morning of the 5th of May, 1886, the good people of the city - of Chicago were startled and shocked at the event of the previous - night, frightened, many of them, not knowing whereunto this thing - might lead. Fear is the father of cruelty. It was no ordinary case. - Immediately after that first emotion came a feeling which has found - expression from many lips in the hearing of many, if not all of you: - ‘A great wrong has been done; somebody must be punished, somebody - ought to suffer for the suffering which has been wrought.’ Perhaps - it was that feeling—I know not—which led to the unusual and - extraordinary proceedings which were taken in connection with this - matter immediately following the 4th of May. Perhaps it was that - feeling, in a large measure, which led to the arrest and presentment - of these eight defendants. Perhaps it was something of that feeling - which will explain the conduct of the prosecution in this case. I am - not disposed to say that there has been any willful or deliberate - intent on the part of the representatives of the State to act - unfairly. I am not disposed to charge that there has been upon their - part any disposition to do an injustice to any man. But in their case, - as in the case of all, passion perverts the heart, prejudice corrupts - the judgment. - - “On the night of the 4th of May a dynamite bomb was thrown in the city - of Chicago and exploded. It was the first time that in our immediate - civilization, and immediately about us, this great destructive - agency was used in modern contests. I beg you to remember, in the - consideration of this case, that dynamite is not the invention of - Socialists; it is not their discovery. Science has turned it loose - upon the world—an agency of destruction, whether for defense or - offense, whether for attack or to build the bulwarks round the - beleaguered city. It has entered into modern warfare. We know from - what has already transpired in this case that dynamite is being - experimented with as a weapon of warfare by the great nations of the - world. What has been read in your hearing has given you the results - of experiments made under the direction of the Government of Austria, - and while you have sat in this jury-box considering the things which - have been deposed before you, with reference to reaching a final and - correct result, the Government of the United States has voted $350,000 - for the building of a dynamite cruiser. It is in the world by no - procurement of Socialism, with no necessary relationship thereto. It - is in the world to stay. It is manufactured freely; it is sold without - let, hindrance or restriction. You may go from this jury-box to the - leading powder companies of the country, or their depots, and buy - all the dynamite that you wish without question as to your purpose, - without interrogation as to your motive. It is here. Is it necessarily - a thing of evil? It has entered into the great industries, and we - know its results. It has cleared the path of commerce where the great - North River rolls on its way to the sea. It is here and there blasting - out rocks, digging out mines, and used for helpfulness in the great - industries of life. But there never came an explosive into the world, - cheap, simple of construction, easy of manufacture, that it did not - enter also into the world’s combats. - -[Illustration: CAPT. WILLIAM P. BLACK - -From a Photograph.] - - I beg you to remember also that hand-bombs are not things of - Socialistic devising. It may be that one or another, here and there, - professing Socialistic tenets, has devised some improvements in their - construction, or has made some advances with reference to their - composition; they have not invented them. The hand-grenade has been - known in warfare long ere you and I saw the light. The two things have - come together—the hand-grenade, charged no longer with the powder of - old days, but charged with the dynamite of modern science. It is a - union which Socialists are not responsible for. It is a union led up - to by the logic of events and the necessities of situations, and it - is a union that will never be divorced. We stand amazed at the dread - results that are possible to this union; but as we look back over - history we know this fact, contradictory as it may seem, strange as - it may first strike us, that in the exact proportion in which the - implements of warfare have been made effective or destructive, in - that precise proportion have wars lost the utmost measure of their - horror, and in that precise proportion has death by war diminished. - When gunpowder came into European warfare there was an outcry against - it. All the chivalry which had arrogated to itself the power and glory - of battle in martial times sprang up against the introduction of - gunpowder, an agency that made the iron casque and shield and cuirass - of the plumed knight no better a defense than the hemp doublet of the - peasant. But now, instead of wars that last through thirty years, that - are determined by the personal collision of individuals, that desolate - nations, the great civilized nations of the world hesitate at war - because of its possibilities of evil, and diplomacy sits where once - force alone was intrenched. The moral responsibility for dynamite is - not upon Socialism.” - -Captain Black insisted that the sole question before the jury was who -threw the bomb, for the doctrine of accessory before the fact, under -which it was sought to hold the defendants, was nothing but the -application to the criminal law of the civil or common law doctrine -that what a man does by another he does himself. When the prosecution -charged that the defendants threw it, their charge involved that the -bomb was thrown by the procurement of these men, by their advice, -direction, aid, counsel or encouragement, and that the man who threw -it acted not alone for himself, or upon his own responsibility, but -as a result of the encouragement or procurement of these men. He held -that the State must show that the agent of the defendants did the deed, -and that it is not sufficient to show that the defendants favored such -deeds. Upon this point counsel spoke at some length. Next he took up -the case of one of the talesmen examined with reference to his taking -a place on the jury, who swore that, having been for three years -connected with the office of the Prosecuting Attorney in the State of -New York, he found in himself that the habit of thought and life to -which he had there devoted himself had created in him a predisposition -to believe every accused man guilty, which, in his own deliberate -judgment before God, disqualified him from sitting as an impartial -juror in a criminal case. The application of this case to the attachés -of the State’s Attorney’s office who had appeared before the jury was -made the most of. - -After going over the evidence as to the other conspirators Capt. Black -came to the case against Fischer and Engel. He said: - - “It is perhaps proper that, in view of the circumstance that Fischer - and Engel were the only two defendants at the West Lake Street meeting - on Monday night, I should present briefly my opinions touching that - meeting as relating to this case. Two witnesses, Waller and Schrade, - testified as to what occurred at that meeting. Waller said there were - seventy or eighty people present; the other placed the attendance at - thirty-five to forty. Let us suppose thirty-five or forty met together - in that basement. In the progress of the meeting it transpired that - there had been a meeting of the North Side group, of which Mr. Engel - was a member, on the previous morning (Sunday). At that meeting a - resolution was adopted, which was brought before the Monday night - meeting for consideration, and it was adopted in the manner indicated - by Waller. I think I state it fairly to the State and fairly to the - defendants themselves, when I say that the action then and there - resolved upon was this, no more, no less: That if in the event of a - struggle the police should attempt by brute force to overpower the - strikers unlawfully and unjustly, those men would lend their help - to their fellow-wageworkers as against the police. A plan of action - was suggested by one of the group which contemplated the blowing - up of police stations, cutting telegraph wires and disabling the - Fire Department. Every particle of that resolution, gentlemen, was - expressly dependent upon the unlawful invasion of the rights of the - working people by the police. Nothing was to be inaugurated by the - so-called conspirators, there was to be no resort to force by them in - the first instance. It was solely defensive, and had reference alone - to meeting force by force; it had reference alone to a possible attack - in the future, dependent upon the action that the police themselves - might take. I am not here to defend the action of that meeting. The - question here is: Had that action anything whatever to do with the - result of the Haymarket meeting? The action of the North Side group - had nothing to do with that, since the Haymarket meeting had never - been dreamed of or suggested at that time. By whom was the Tuesday - meeting suggested? What was its scope, purpose and object? As then - and there declared, it was simply to be a mass-meeting of workingmen - with reference to police outrages that had already taken place. - Were the armed men, those conspirators who met at West Lake Street, - present? ‘No; they were not there.’ That is the testimony of Waller - and Schrade. I am not here even to say that the proposition to call - that meeting was a wise one. The event has proven how sadly unwise - it was. But I am here to say that the men who in that Monday night - meeting proposed the calling of the Tuesday night meeting, if we take - the testimony of the State itself, had no dream or expectation of - violence, difficulty or contest on that eventful night. But before - the Tuesday night meeting was proposed, a suggestion was made that - they ought to have some sort of signal for action, and the word ‘Ruhe’ - was suggested by somebody. Waller could not tell who suggested it; - Schrade did not know it had been agreed upon. Evidently there was no - very clear idea that night what ‘Ruhe’ did mean, because Lingg saw it - in the paper at eleven o’clock, and said: ‘That is a signal that we - ought to be over at 54 West Lake Street.’ Waller finally, under close - examination by the State, said the word ‘Ruhe’ was to be inserted in - the ‘Letter-box’ of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ in the event of the time - arriving for a downright revolution. Had that revolution come; had - it commenced when the word was put in the ‘Letter-box’? No. When the - members saw this in the ‘Letter-box’ what were they to do? Go to the - Haymarket and attack anybody? No. They were to go to their respective - places of meeting, and then, according to advices brought to them, - were to determine upon a course of action. It had no reference to the - throwing of the bomb at the Haymarket. Did that Monday night meeting - pick out the man who was to throw the bomb? Did it provide that a - collision between the police and the people was to be brought about - at the Haymarket? Did it contemplate murder? Not at all. When Fischer - told Spies that the word ‘Ruhe’ had no connection with the Haymarket - meeting, he spoke the truth. It was a signal that the armed men should - meet at the places designated by themselves to determine what action - should be taken with reference to whatever might have transpired. - - “But it is to be borne in mind that the meeting of the armed section - never took place. There was no meeting of the Northwest Side groups; - there was no meeting of any group pursuant to the word ‘Ruhe.’ Were - any bombs to be thrown, any violence to be resorted to? No. If the - police made an attack, a committee was to take word to the groups, - and the groups were then, and not till then, to determine what action - they should take in the line of offense. Does that make every man who - was present at the Monday night meeting responsible for the throwing - of the bomb? Not at all. Unless they are all responsible, it does not - make Fischer and Engel responsible. Engel was not at the Tuesday night - meeting. Fischer was there and went quietly away before the bomb was - thrown. There was absolutely nothing in connection with the Monday - night meeting which contemplated violence at the Haymarket or provided - for the throwing of the bomb. - - “Let me call your attention, in passing, to another thing. When - Waller, having from some source heard of the lamentable occurrence - at the Haymarket, went to Engel’s house, he found him drinking beer - with two or three friends. After listening to the details of the - affair Engel said, while Waller was saying, ‘Let’s do something,’ ‘You - had better go home. I have no sympathy with a movement of this kind. - The police are of the common people, and when the general revolution - does occur, they should be with us. I am utterly opposed to this - slaughtering of them.’ That is the full extent of the case against - these two defendants, except the further fact that Fischer had a - pistol and a dagger. It is not right to hang any man for the Haymarket - murder simply because he had a dagger or a pistol in his possession. - - “As to Lingg, he came from that republic sitting in the center of - Europe preaching the everlasting lesson of liberty. He came here - in the fall of 1885, and became a member of the Seliger household. - Whatever he knows of social and labor conditions in this country he - learned from those about him. He joined a carpenters’ union, being - himself a carpenter by trade. He attended the meetings of that - union. Young, active, bright, capable, he enters the band of which - they speak, and manufactures bombs. There is no law against that, - gentlemen; but they claim that is a circumstance from which you must - draw the conclusion of his guilt, when taken with other circumstances, - for the Haymarket tragedy. The State put on the stand one man, Lehman, - to whom he gave bombs. Did he tell Lehman to go to the Haymarket and - use the bombs there? No. Lehman swears that he said: ‘You take these - and put them in a safe place.’ And Lehman hid them where the officer, - piloted by him, found them. Does that prove that Lingg sent a bomb to - the Haymarket for the purpose of having somebody killed? How did he - come to make bombs? Was it a matter to engage in on his own volition - or responsibility? No. The Carpenters’ Union at one of its meetings - resolved to devote a certain amount of money for the purpose of - experimenting with dynamite. You may say that was not right, but he - was not responsible for it. There is no more reason in holding him - responsible for the Haymarket affair on account of his experiments - than there is to hold every other member of the Carpenters’ Union for - the same thing. That is how Lingg came to make bombs. Without dynamite - a bomb-shell is a toy. The Lingg bombs would kill nobody unless some - human independent agency took hold of them. Did Lingg know on Monday - night that one of his bombs was to be used? He could not have known - it, because the testimony is incontrovertible that it was understood - by the men who met at 54 West Lake Street there should be no violence - at the Haymarket meeting. And yet the State asks you to say that Lingg - shall be hanged because he manufactured bombs. The man who threw the - bomb did the independent act necessary for its explosion. Who was that - man? Was he connected with the defendants? The evidence does not show - it. - - “And a word more about that. This boy Lingg was dependent upon others - as to his impressions of our institutions. He went to Seliger’s house. - Seliger is a Socialist; he has been in this country for years. He is - thirty-one years of age; Lingg is twenty-one. And yet the great State - of Illinois, through its legal representatives, bargains with William - Seliger, the man of mature years, and with his wife, older even than - himself, that if they will do what they can to put the noose around - the neck of this boy they shall go scatheless! Ah! gentlemen, what a - mockery of justice is this.” - -Proceeding to discuss the Haymarket meeting, he held that there was no -law that could take away the right of the people to meet and consider -grievances. When it was proposed to adopt the Constitution, in 1787, -the States were so careful to preserve the rights of the people that -several amendments were put in. Capt. Black spoke of our forefathers, -who had made the name of the revolutionist immortal, and referred -to the meetings that had to be held as a preliminary to the great -struggle. It had been charged against these men that they were guilty -of misdemeanors for holding meetings, and they had been prosecuted for -crimes. Before the Constitution could receive the approbation of the -States, it had been necessary that the amendment providing that no laws -should be passed by Congress abridging free speech should be inserted. -Such a provision had been incorporated in the first Constitution of -Illinois in 1818, and renewed in the subsequent Constitutions of 1848 -and 1870. The Haymarket meeting had been called for the common good. -Those men believed that a great wrong had been done, a great outrage -committed, and the rights of the citizens in that assemblage had been -invaded by an unlawful, unwarrantable and outrageous act. - - “Bonfield, in his police office, surrounded by his minions, one - hundred and eighty strong, armed to the teeth, knew that the meeting - was quietly and peacefully coming to its close. Nay, he had said - so to Carter Harrison. When Parsons had concluded, Mayor Harrison - went to the station and told Bonfield that it was a quiet meeting, - and Bonfield replied, ‘My detectives make me the same report.’ Yet - Carter Harrison did not get out of hearing before Inspector Bonfield - ordered his men to fall in for that death march. Who is responsible - for it? Who precipitated that conflict? Who made that battle in that - street that night? The law looks at the approximate cause, not the - remote. The law looks at the man immediately in fault; not at some - man who may have manufactured the pistol that does the shooting, the - dynamite that kills, the bomb that explodes. I ask you, upon your - oath before God, in a full and honest consideration of this entire - testimony, who made the Haymarket massacre? Who is responsible for - that collision? If Bonfield had not marched there, would there have - been any death? Would not that meeting have dissolved precisely as it - proposed to do? Did the bomb-thrower go down to the station where the - police were and attack them? A bomb could have been thrown into that - station with even more deadly effect than at the Haymarket itself. - There they were, massed together in close quarters, in hiding, like a - wild beast in its lair ready to spring. Did the bomb-thrower move upon - them? Was there here a design to destroy? God sent that warning cloud - into the heavens; these men were still there, speaking their last - words; but a deadlier cloud was coming up behind this armed force. In - disregard of our constitutional rights as citizens, it was proposed to - order the dispersal of a peaceable meeting. Has it come to pass that - under the Constitution of the United States and of this State, our - meetings for the discussion of grievances are subject to be scattered - to the winds at the breath of a petty police officer? Can they take - into their hands the law? If so, that is Anarchy; nay, the chaos of - constitutional right and legally guaranteed liberty. I ask you again, - charging no legal responsibility here, but looking at the man who is - morally at fault for the death harvest of that night, who brought it - on? Would it have been but for the act of Bonfield?” - -Captain Black went on to say that as long as the Mayor was there -Bonfield could not act, but as soon as Harrison had gone the officer -could not get to the Haymarket quick enough. The police, the speaker -urged, had been searching the files of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and -the _Alarm_ for years to put before the jury the most inflammatory -articles. After alluding to Christ as the great Socialist of Judea, -who first preached the Socialism taught by Spies and his other modern -apostles, he compared John Brown and his attack on Harper’s Ferry to -the Socialists’ attack on modern evils, concluding: - - “Gentlemen, the last words for these eight lives. They are in your - hands, with no power to whom you ace answerable but God and history, - and I say to you in closing only the words of that Divine Socialist: - ‘As ye would that others should do to you, do you even so to them.’” - - - - -CHAPTER XXXI. - - Grinnell’s Closing Argument—One Step from Republicanism to Anarchy—A - Fair Trial—The Law in the Case—The Detective Work—Gilmer and - his Evidence—“We Knew all the Facts”—Treason and Murder—Arming - the Anarchists—The Toy-shop Purchases—The Pinkerton Reports—“A - Lot of Snakes”—The Meaning of the Black Flag—Symbols of the - Social Revolution—The _Daily News_ Interviews—Spies the - “Second Washington”—The Rights of “Scabs”—The Chase into the - River—Inflaming the Workingmen—The “Revenge” Lie—The Meeting at - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ Office—A Curious Fact about the Speakers - at the Haymarket—The Invitation to Spies—Balthasar Rau and the - Prisoners—Harrison at the Haymarket—The Significance of Fielden’s - Wound—Witnesses’ Inconsistencies—The Omnipresent Parsons—The - Meaning of the Manuscript Find—Standing between the Living and the - Dead. - - -STATE’S ATTORNEY GRINNELL took Wednesday and a part of Thursday in -which to deliver his argument. He indulged in no flights of oratory, -but presented a review of the case at once able, convincing and -unassailable. He began as follows: - - “I said to you in the opening, gentlemen, that in this country, above - all countries in the world, is Anarchy possible. In my investigations - of this case, in my conduct with it, with my knowledge of my own - country and the freedom we enjoy and possess, I have been led to - conclude that that is true. In those strong European governments, - where there is monarchical or strongly centralized government, they - strangle Anarchy or ship it here. Everybody comes to our climate; - everybody reaches our shores; our freedom is great—and it should - never be abridged—and here with that freedom, with that great - enjoyment of liberty to all men, they seek to obtain their end by - Anarchy, which in other countries is impossible. As I said, there is - one step from republicanism to Anarchy. Let us never take that step, - and, gentlemen, the responsibility which has devolved upon you in - this case is greater than any jury in the history of the world ever - undertook. This is no slight or mean duty that you are called upon to - perform. You are to say whether that step shall be taken. - - “When the Haymarket tragedy occurred, the spontaneous declaration - by every honest, every law-abiding man and woman in this city was: - ‘An outrage has been perpetrated; a great crime has been committed; - but let there be a cool, unimpassioned trial and let the guilty - suffer. Then and not till then.’ That has been the sentiment of - every newspaper in this city from which counsel sought to make you - believe by quotations there had been something said to the contrary. - The little extracts and abstracts that have been clipped from the - newspapers that they have talked to you about are such extracts as met - the disapproval of the newspapers. And even as to what Capt. Black - referred to the other day in your hearing and which Foster elaborated - to you, something that some crank has written to the _Inter-Ocean_ as - to what should be done with these defendants, horrifying you by the - recital as he did—what does the newspaper say? That the man who wrote - it was as bad as an Anarchist; that we are here to maintain the law, - not break it. And that can be said of every newspaper in this city. - There never has been in the history of America, in the world, such - unanimity of sentiment as has prevailed through the length and breadth - of this country, not only as to the crime itself and the perpetrators, - but as to the perpetrators having a fair trial. And why, especially, - has there been so much talk about a fair trial in this case? Because - every honest, country-loving American citizen knew that his country’s - life was at stake, and the only thing to do was to demonstrate the - strength of the law by a fair trial, which the defendants have had.” - -Mr. Grinnell at this point went into a very lengthy discussion of the -law in the case. He showed conclusively that in a conspiracy the men -who had advised and abetted the commission of the crime were fully as -guilty as the man who had actually made himself the instrument of their -deed. Inasmuch as the instructions given by the court to the jury are -really a concise and complete statement of the points of law which Mr. -Grinnell and the other attorneys for the State urged, I have taken the -liberty to omit that part of the address. - -Coming to the facts in the case, Mr. Grinnell, in his examination of -the attempt made by the defense to impeach Gilmer’s testimony, said: - - “A few days, gentlemen, after the Haymarket riot, for a whole week, as - is plain from the testimony in this case, and from Captain Schaack, - there was not the least particle of knowledge or a suspicion, great as - had been the crime that was committed there—there was not a suspicion - that it was any farther-reaching than the result of these repeated - inflammatory speeches which our city had listened to for years. But - the magnificent efforts of Schaack, without my knowledge at that time, - got the leading-string which led to the conspiracy. Then it was, - for the first time, that we knew of Schnaubelt, or that we knew or - suspected that a conspiracy existed at all. I confess here, gentlemen, - a weakness; because, whatever may be the instincts of the prosecutor, - as they say, I have not been so long in this office as to be callous - to human sentiments and to humanity, and I have not yet become so - hardened that I believe everybody accused of a crime is guilty. I hope - in the prosecution of my duty, and in this office, that that time - will never come. When we had Spies under arrest, I confess to you - that then, and after it was developed that a conspiracy existed—I - confess the weakness—that I did not suppose that a man living in our - community would enter into a conspiracy so hellish and damnable as - the proof showed, and our investigations subsequently showed, he had - entered into; and therefore, notwithstanding Gilmer’s statement to us - so frequently, Spies was not shown to him and not identified. - - “Honesty of purpose is the only thing that will determine, in every - way, the right from the wrong. - - “It may sound to you a little out of place for me to say here that the - only mistake I have made—the only mistake that has been pointed out - to you that I have made—and I frankly confess it was a mistake—was - the suggestion in my opening about the bomb-thrower. We knew the - facts. There was no law compelling me to make any statement. I might - have proceeded with the proof, if I desired, without any opening - statement. I did make an opening. I undertook to make it fairly and - frankly and broad. I was afraid of wearying you, as I was weary - myself, from the days and days that we had been working here in - getting a jury, and the anxiety under which I labored. I said in that - opening that we would show to you who threw that bomb. I said in - that opening that we would show that the man left the wagon, lighted - the match and threw the bomb. That was not absolutely correct. I - should have said that the man who came from the wagon, assisted the - bomb-thrower, as the proof shows, and who we knew came from the wagon, - was in that group, and that the bomb was thrown by a man whom we would - show to you. - - “Gentlemen, let me proceed, as fast as I can, in the discussion of - another branch of this case. The gentlemen upon the other side have - said to you deliberately, for the purpose of gaining some favor - in your eyes for their clients, that this is a plain, simple case - of murder, and that we have no right to discuss anything or talk - about anything except that which occurred at the Haymarket meeting. - They read some law to you, yesterday, upon that proposition. It - was inapplicable, and was manifestly so. There never was a murder - committed in the world, be it treasonable murder or the murder - for mere gain, but what the trial of the perpetrator meant an - investigation of the life of the man who committed the murder. What - had been his utterances? What has he said? Has he threatened life? Has - he talked against a system represented by police? Has he advised the - use of dynamite? Has he advised the use of poison? Has he advised the - use of the pistol, the rifle, the musket, to accomplish his end? Those - are legitimate sources of investigation. And further than that, as the - gentlemen well know, you can go back in those declarations for years - and years, and there is no statute of limitation against threats, when - a repeated threat results in the deed threatened. - - “On the lake front, at the different halls in the city of Chicago, - at these Communistic or Socialistic halls, as the gentlemen called - them—they are Anarchistic halls; don’t let us have any mistake - about names and titles—in all these months and years there has been - openly preached to the citizens of this city treason and murder by - these defendants. Why? To bring about a social revolution. And these - humanitarians, these God-like men, these defendants who have the - similitude of Christ—peace—have openly talked murder in our streets. - I think it ought to have been stopped before. I think when they made - the utterance from the lake front, or any other spot in the city of - Chicago, that they should have been snatched by policemen and taken to - the station and fined for disorderly conduct, as that would be as far - as they could go, except under the common-law rule which provides that - if they had advised murder then they could have been punished for such - advice. We know more law to-day than we did—I do, I am very glad to - say.” - -Following this, Mr. Grinnell took up the case against each of the -conspirators as follows: - - “Why was Engel preparing for the purchase of a large amount of arms? - That has not been disputed. There is testimony in this case that Engel - not later than last winter, and perhaps in the spring, negotiated - for a large amount of arms, with his daughter present. His daughter - has not been placed upon the stand to deny that fact. Why? He was - not a dealer in arms. It could have been denied if not true. He - is a keeper of a toy-store, it appears, over on Milwaukee Avenue. - These belligerent humanitarians, these men whom Black would have - you surround and cover with garlands—these are the men that we have - demonstrated before you have been buying arms and preparing for years - for something. Why was it that Parsons at another place, no later than - last winter, or late in the fall, also negotiated for a large amount - of arms? Has he denied it? He has been on the witness-stand. Why did - he negotiate for arms? For humanitarian purposes? Why, gentlemen, to - dispose of the bloodhounds, the police, the capitalists. That has - been their cry. Their cry on the lake front and everywhere has been - that same treasonable, infamous cry. Is that the only place they have - spoken? Their halls are all over the city. Look at the testimony of - Johnson, the detective, on that subject. The only testimony against - Johnson, the only syllable in this proof against Pinkerton’s detective - who is called Johnson, or Jansen, is Foster’s—that is all, except - that Fielden said, as I remember, that the man O’Brien, in whose - presence Johnson said Fielden made the remark about a little dynamite - in his pocket, was not here, and that therefore he did not say it. - Why, Fielden had been saying it for years—he had been talking it day - after day and Sunday after Sunday on the lake shore. - - “He had been talking it year in and year out. He had been speaking - for dynamite and demanding its use by the workingmen, and advising - them to arm themselves with it for months and years. Foster said - that Johnson is not to be believed because he is a detective, and he - delivered a very pleasant lecture on that subject. I presume he has - delivered it in every important trial that he has ever been in. It - is the ordinary language, the usual philippic against detectives, I - suppose. I never saw a detective on the witness-stand that commended - himself so favorably to the honest consideration of any listener as - did Johnson. And after he had withstood that severe, critical and - exasperating cross-examination of Foster, he still stood there a - monument of strength to the truth which he had uttered. He had said - nothing, gentlemen, but what had been in the public press for years - about these utterances; and they have not denied a single syllable of - his testimony. I suppose then, gentlemen, from that follows another - proposition—that we, in the city of Chicago and elsewhere, must - suffer murder, must be robbed, our friends killed, our houses invaded, - law set at defiance, because it would be unfortunate to have anybody - convicted who was guilty on the testimony of the detective. Foster - said there never was any great murder trial in the world but what - there is a detective in it. That may be so. The peculiarity of this - murder trial and the detective is this—that this report was made - from day to day by the detective to his principals, and by them to - citizens, long before this murder. The detective that Foster pictures - is the one who after the act goes back to make up a case. This was - making the case without thinking that it would ever take place, and - the actual written statements made by him from night to night and from - day to day were here in court; and if they were not, the fact has not - been denied, and these men have been on the stand. Why didn’t they - deny it? Did any of them deny the existence of the armed group and the - marching backward and forward and the explanation of the dynamite cans - at Greif’s Hall? No; none of them denied it. They would have denied - it if it had not been so absolutely strong in its proof. The written - evidence, the handwriting on the wall, was against these men. - - “But, not content, these revolutionists, these traitors, these men - who have committed treason—I thank again the gentleman for the - word—these men who have committed treason are not content with - confining their power and influence to the small limits of Cook - County, but Spies goes to Grand Rapids and there gives utterance to - these same treasonable sentences; and there is no doubt that other - proselytes of the humanitarian crowd were at other places in the - country doing the same thing. It seems that Parsons was at Cincinnati - Sunday or Saturday before the Haymarket difficulty. Was he down - there for the same purpose that Spies was at Grand Rapids? And at - Grand Rapids, what did Spies say? He said that the social revolution - must come, would come when there were great numbers of laboring men - out of employment, and foreshadowed the difficulties in the ensuing - year, in 1886. The great things that he was to accomplish then were - foreshadowed. ‘But,’ said Moulton to him,—the other witness heard the - conversation,—‘they will strangle you like a lot of snakes. It will - be murder.’ ‘Oh no; oh no. No murder about this. We are humanitarians. - No murder. We will succeed. It will be revolution, and I, great Spies, - will be the second Washington of America.’ The second Washington of - America! ‘But if you fail?’ says Moulton. ‘Of course, if we fail, - that is another thing; but we ain’t going to fail.’ ‘Why?’ ‘Because - hundreds of thousands of laboring men will be out of employment all - over the United States, and they have the power.’ That is the friend - of the laboring man, the Anarchist and friend of the laboring man, - advocating the destruction of property to advance the interests of the - laboring man. It would be a great benefit to me, with the very little - property that I have, to have it destroyed; it would enrich me so at - once! - - “But that is not all—and there has been no dispute about that - interview with Moulton, not a syllable of dispute about that interview - from any source. Counsel did not even undertake to cross-examine - Moulton. His intelligence was such, he was so clear-headed and concise - in what he uttered, that they dropped him. What was all this for? That - meant preparation and threats toward what? Toward murder, the social - revolution—and it was murder. That is why this is competent evidence. - That is why the utterances of these men are material and necessary. - That is why the proof is overpowering. - - “There is no use in my giving you the details of these speeches from - day to day. They have made indignant every man who has listened to - them or read them. They have caused other things—they have caused - bloodshed and riot. - - “Foster says to you that there is no difficulty about the black flag; - that that is a flag they use over in Europe to march around with, - showing their humanitarian desires, or that they are hungry—that - that is what it means. It does not mean that here. They were going to - march down Michigan Avenue under the black flag and strike terror to - the hearts of the capitalists. Didn’t Fielden and Spies and Parsons - and all that gang understand that when the valiant crowd would march - up Michigan Avenue under the black flag, it meant death, no quarter, - piracy? - - “But that is not all. The Board of Trade meeting occurs, and there the - black flag and the red flag were carried. The article has been read to - you, and it is unnecessary to go into that again. And there they say - that that meeting was copiously supplied with nitro-glycerine pills, - or something of that kind. They did not get at the Board of Trade, but - had to march clear around it, within a block of it, and then vented - their spite—aroused by their difficulties, vented their spite in - speeches from the_ Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office that night, commending - their valorous deeds and acts, only saying that they were preparing - for them, declaring: ‘We will wait for some other time, when we are - ready for the police.’ They did not expect any police that night. They - thought they would march right down. The police began to wake up. - - “Gentlemen, the red flag has passed in our streets enough. At that - meeting which they comment so much upon in the _Alarm_ and the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, representing its peculiarities, its honor, and - its humanitarian influences, they suggest that the red flag that was - carried there, and carried by women, that it is the flag of universal - liberty, and it is so described here on the witness-stand. Ah, - gentlemen, there is but one flag of liberty in this land, and that is - the stars and stripes. That flag is planted on our soil, and planted - to stay, if you have the courage to carry out the law. It is a plant - of liberty. - - The blades of heroes fence it round; - Where’er it springs is holy ground. - From tower and dome its glories spread; - It waves where lonely sentries tread. - - It makes the land as ocean free, - And plants an empire on the sea— - Always the banner of the free, - The starry flower of liberty. - - “That is the flag that these men want to wipe out and supplant with - the black and the red. No wonder those flags over there (indicating - flags offered in evidence) disturbed Foster. He is an American - citizen, not tinctured or tainted with any of the Anarchy of his - clients. - - “There is one other suggestion I want to make to you in this - connection. I wish to hurry along and be as brief as possible. As has - been said to you by counsel, the case in its magnitude and scope is - so great that no one man can cover it. Some branches of this case, - and nearly all, have been well covered by Mr. Walker and Mr. Ingham, - who preceded me. But there is one forcible suggestion brought to - my attention by Mr. Ingham, and I wish to again ask: Why all these - threats? Why all this talk? Why so many threats of murder, outside - of the question of the desire to accomplish that end? Ah! gentlemen, - it is so that the revolution could more easily take place by causing - terror in your hearts and my heart. That is what it meant: causing - terror in the heart of every American citizen, and thereby making - more easy the accomplishment of that which they desire and preach. - Why all these armed groups, scattered throughout and operating in the - city of Chicago, as they all say, as Most explains in his book, as - Spies explains and as Parsons and all in their speeches explain? Why - this network of groups? It was the nucleus, the foundation from which - that social revolution was to spring, and these armed men were to do - their part of the duty. There was a desire to strike terror—that is - the watchword—to strike terror to the hearts of the capitalists and - their minions, the bloodhounds of the police. That is what it meant. - Threaten life—specific in one direction—and threaten the peaceful - citizens and the law-abiding citizens on the other hand, so that they - would throw up both hands at once, and let it go on. That was their - scheme. Why? Because these men, in their craven spirit, supposed that - one hundred thousand honest laboring men in this town would at once - wheel in behind the ranks of the three thousand and mow down everybody - else. Lingg, who told Capt. Schaack of all the bombs, not admitting - that he had made the bomb that killed Degan, admitted and told Schaack - that they were pills and medicine for the police and capitalists. - - “They were not the friends of the laboring man, although they were - always talking about that in public—such wonderful friends of the - laboring man! Gentlemen, they wanted to kill the system. They said - they wanted to kill the system, and on the witness-stand here they - said that on that night of the Haymarket massacre they meant the - system. What system? The system of law. They have no malice in their - hearts against the seven officers—Oh! no. They did not know them. It - was not the seven officers, as persons, they desired to kill; but they - desired to kill the officers, and all of them, in order to kill the - system—the system of law. - - “Besides the frequent declarations that have been proven here as - to the designs of these men foolishly and dishonestly to represent - themselves as the friends of the laboring man, they have said in their - writings, and they have preached on the stump, that the eight-hour - movement, as a movement, would not help the laboring man. And why? - Because the laboring man must have Anarchy—must have what other - people have got in the way of property, as they have defined in their - ideas of property. Black calls that a theory. - - “Declarations threatening dynamite were made in our midst for the - purpose of terrorizing the people, and causing them to believe that - these men were more powerful than they were, and thereby causing the - laboring man to come to their ranks. It was a bid for the laboring - man—that is what it was, and that is why Wilkinson’s interview was - so easily obtained. Wilkinson interviewed these men, and published - in the _Daily News_] of the 14th day of January, 1886, his interview - with Spies as to the purposes and objects of the revolutionists and - Anarchists in the city of Chicago. What did he say? He told about - the bombs, the dynamite, their preparation, their network of groups, - their thousands of armed men in the city of Chicago, their drilling - from day to day or week to week. He gave him a sample of a bomb, - and told him further that the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office was a place - for the distribution of bombs in the city of Chicago, and upon his - own testimony it appears that he received bombs, as Mr. Ingham has - explained to you, from one part of the country; and then samples were - brought in—two more, of which the one here presented and called the - Czar bomb was one. - - “And now, why did he do all that? Why did this foolish man do that? - They want you to acquit him because he is foolish. Why did this - foolish man do all that? Gentlemen, the answer is plain and simple. - First, vanity—the second Washington of this country! God save the - memory of the father of our country. - - “Another thing, he wanted to demonstrate through the public press to - the one hundred thousand honest laborers in Chicago that Anarchy had - come. That is what he wanted. That is why it was advertised. That is - why he so flippantly discussed open secrets in that way. He wanted the - laboring man to follow in the wake of the despoilers of our country, - the Anarchists. Yes, and fearing that such talk in the newspapers - would scare some of his conspirators and co-workers in evil, he goes - to Fielden when they were having a meeting at Greif’s Hall a day or - two after, and says to him, ‘Go light on that interview among our - companions; they may be scared off.’ He was obliged to hedge among - his companions to keep them in control, and by his vaporings, as - they call it, seek to pull to them the one hundred thousand laborers - in this town. If there had been a possibility of the accomplishment - of his designs, what would we have done in this city with one hundred - thousand men let loose? Parsons says he was a Knight of Labor. His - very paper abuses Powderly, the genius and inspiration of the Knights - of Labor in this country. Their honest leaders in this country are men - who are opposed to Anarchy, and in the organization of the Knights - of Labor, gentlemen, the one element in it to-day which is dangerous - to it and the rights of the laboring man is the very element of - Anarchy—dangerous wherever it is. - - “Parsons was buying arms, negotiating for them; Engel was negotiating - for them; Lingg was making bombs; Fischer was doing the work of Spies - in the promulgation of their ideas; Fielden was making speeches - preparing the public; Parsons, in his humanitarian designs against his - own country, where his fathers were born and lived—he was writing - and speaking for the social revolution and against all law, as was - Schwab and Spies, and it was to take place the 1st of May, 1886. - Gentlemen, as I said in the opening, I say again, Spies appeared at - the McCormick meeting for the purpose of inflaming that crowd to the - highest intensity, as expressed in their editorials—to the highest - pitch of excitement—appeared at that crowd and spoke. It appears from - his own lips, and appears in proof here, that before he spoke there - had been no riot; that while he was speaking the rioting occurred and - the difficulty was precipitated. I take, gentlemen, his explanation, - given by himself, written that night, as the full explanation. He in - that article says: ‘If there had been one dynamite bomb.’ Think of the - horror! It makes one’s blood run cold—these men deliberating with - such infamy the destruction of life and property in a country which - has freedom for its basis and freedom for its glory, and talking riot - and bloodshed. - - “I am not going to discuss further that McCormick meeting, except to - make this suggestion that seems to have been omitted. It is in regard - to the ‘Revenge’ circular. I say, gentlemen, that the basis of the - ‘Revenge’ circular is a lie, premeditated, deliberate, infamous, and - is the key-note to the situation. - - “McCormick had some laboring men—it is the high privilege, the - great and high privilege of the defendants in this case to call them - ‘scabs.’ We will call them ‘scabs.’ They were working at McCormick’s - for their honest daily bread. They had no fight with the world. They - were seeking their subsistence by daily toil. They had rights which - every man should respect; they had the right to peaceful employment, - of coming and going to their labor as they saw fit. They came out - of that great factory, only a moment before teeming with the busy - throb of life, to be set upon, attacked and murdered by the strikers - whom defendant Spies was speaking to. Who there was entitled to - protection, gentlemen? Was it the duty of the police to protect the - ‘scabs,’ or the six thousand, part of whom began the riot? The time - that the attack occurred, gentlemen, there were only two policemen on - the ground. Those two policemen that came out of McCormick’s factory - nearly lost their lives; one of them was stoned nearly to death; - secured himself in a patrol box, which was afterwards pulled down, - and all for what? Because a few ‘scabs’ coming out of McCormick’s on - their way to their homes and their families had been attacked by the - mob which Spies was addressing and instigating. The two policemen - called a patrol wagon in order, as was their right and duty, to - protect the property of McCormick, the lives of the ‘scabs’ who swam - the river, and the lives of the two officers who were there then. He - calls such protection of a few ‘scabs’ against this army of strikers - which he sought to inflame—and did not entirely succeed—calls that - transaction the bloodhounds of the police wickedly shooting down - your friends. It was a lie. The police were there in honored duty, - protecting life and property, and the mob began the fight, and not the - police. Not only has Spies declared in that circular that men were - killed who were not, but that men were injured who were not hurt; - not only that, but, pervading it, the whole of it, is a lie, and the - purpose of that lie was to inflame the laboring men. He rushed down - to his office and wrote that circular, as he says, ‘with his blood - boiling against the outrages of the police.’ Poor bloodhounds of the - police, who had undertaken to protect the lives of a few people, and - McCormick, who is unfortunate enough to own more property than perhaps - any of us—to protect his property from being stoned, and his premises - pillaged, and his men murdered. He writes the ‘Revenge’ circular and - prepares for war. - - “They had prepared, before the McCormick meeting, for this difficulty. - At Emma Street, on Sunday, was a conspiracy meeting of these infamous - scoundrels, and among them was Fischer, seeking our lives—seeking - the destruction of the law. They agreed upon the plan—they agreed - upon ‘Ruhe’—they agreed that the meeting of the armed men should be - called for Tuesday night. It is in the history of this conspiracy that - the first meeting on that Sunday contemplated the difficulties at - McCormick’s. Where is this Thielen? Where is this German friend—this - comrade? He was down there with Comrade Spies, on the top of that - car, and their intention was to do that which was done—to excite - that mob. That was the preliminary step in this conspiracy to the - open infraction of law. The general conspiracy had been going along - for weeks, perhaps for months; it may be for years. But the details - of the conspiracy were arranged at the Emma Street meeting. Then - comes the McCormick meeting, the inflaming of the workingmen, and - then what? The production of the ‘Revenge’ circular, to still more - incite them. The armed men meet at that Emma Street place, where the - Northwest Side group meet—the group that the worst Anarchists in the - city belong to—at that Emma Street meeting it was discussed, talked - about and suggested, and at that meeting it was arranged and talked - about as to where and how the fighting should be done when the contest - came. How was it to be done? One man suggested that they should go - into the crowd themselves, and begin killing then and there. Another - says: ‘That won’t do; we may come in contact with the policemen or - a detective and our lives’—yes, their precious lives—‘might be at - stake.’ That plan was rejected—that part of it. And another thing - you will remember: that it was settled that the meeting should not - be on the Market Square, down here on the South Side, because ‘it - was a mouse trap,’ because the power of the police, the militia and - everything of that character was such that it was impossible to get - out of the way, at Market Square, if the contest came. Courageous men! - - “After Spies had written that circular, after he had had it printed, - where does it appear? He has it sent over to the printer by a boy; - and that circular, printed by him, ordered by him, is distributed - broadcast through the city, by whose order? By Spies’. It is another - significant fact, gentlemen, that it appears at every meeting almost - simultaneously with the conspiracy meeting; as I remember, brought - there either by Fischer or Balthasar Rau—that I would not be sure - of; but it appears almost like the wind in all parts of the city, - distributed from horseback, and it never could have been distributed - if it had not been done at the order of the arch-conspirator of all, - August Spies. That circular was intended to inflame; it did inflame. - It inflamed people throughout the city who read it; it was a lie. - They could not know that. The police had not committed the outrages, - but the mob had. There had not been that number killed nor wounded. - They could not know that. Their apostle, the individual who has been - their leader, had said, ‘To arms!’ Some answer, ‘We will.’ That is - Anarchy. Gentlemen, it is unnecessary for me to go over step by step - that conspiracy. It is established here so that it never can be - moved. Mr. Ingham and Mr. Walker went over the ground thoroughly and - completely. The defense has seen fit to let it alone. The conspiracy - was established, and all the defendants show themselves as coming into - it. Isn’t it significant that on Tuesday, on Tuesday morning, between - nine and ten, as I understand, Parsons appeared from Cincinnati? What - does he do? He rushes straight to the _Daily News_ office before - eleven o’clock, and inserts a notice for the American group to meet - at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, where it never had met before. For - what purpose? For the purpose of ‘important business.’ If that had - been an honest desire to have the important business for the purpose - of arranging the sewing girls and their employment, or making a union - among the sewing girls, as they now claim, why didn’t he say so? - Before eleven o’clock Parsons appears and has this article inserted. - Why? So that the main head centers of the conspiracy could be readily - reached when the contest came ‘to its highest intensity’ at the - Haymarket. Not another day in the whole history of this organization - has the American group ever met at Fifth Avenue. Why didn’t it meet - over at the other place, at Greif’s Hall, where it always met? - That would not do, because there were meetings there, conspiracy - meetings and everything else. Whom else do we find here at this - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office? Schwab. What for? He was not a member of - the American group? What was he there for? He was there, too, for that - purpose. He had been talking and writing, as has been read to you, - about Anarchy and bloodshed and dynamite and rifles, and he appears at - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office for the first time, when the American - group meets; never was there with them before, so far as this proof - shows. - - “Fischer seeks to obtain this circular printed; that is his part of - the programme; he goes out—there is no dispute about these facts—he - goes out of the meeting and finds the printing-office closed. He waits - until the next morning. Now, this man is a printer; he is the friend - of Spies; he went from Spies when the circular was printed; he was - in the meeting at which the circular was distributed; he knows, as a - matter of fact, that Spies wrote that circular, ‘Workingmen, to arms.’ - Spies is his general, his boss and chief, and the arch-conspirator. - He says, ‘Workingmen, to arms!’ What does Fischer say? Why, he says: - ‘Workingmen, to arms,’ in his circular, and adds: ‘Come in full - force,’ and it appears the next morning. - - “Now the circular was circulated. Who was invited to speak, gentlemen? - No one. Why? Because they knew that if twenty-five thousand laboring - men appeared at that meeting that night in the inflamed condition - of this town with the results following the McCormick meeting—they - knew that it was the bounden duty of the police to tell those men to - go home. It is in proof in this case that they expected twenty-five - thousand laboring men there. They would not need a speaker. If there - was no speaker, then there would be tumult and crowding and jostling. - Fights might occur, difficulties be precipitated, and the police - inevitably would have to come. How do I know that no speakers were - invited? Spies said that Fischer invited him. From brother Foster’s - remarks I conclude that he has been on the stump a good many years out - in Iowa. I venture to say he never went to a public meeting in his - life, where he addressed it, where great crowds were assembled, where - talking was to be indulged in, without asking his invitor who else was - going to speak. It don’t appear in proof here that Fischer was ever - asked that question. Spies was to speak in German, and that is the - reason he didn’t hurry to the meeting. Fischer, Spies says, invited - him to speak. Well, he was invited to speak, and nobody else—and he - has never said anything about anybody else having been invited—not - a syllable, not a name given. In fact, every other individual that - could be invited had gone elsewhere, had prepared his alibi, had - arranged for the meeting at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, at the - American group; every other speaker was there, but Spies alone was - invited to speak, he says, and yet he waits, he waits after getting - to that meeting. He does that which the design showed clearly was the - intention to do, to precipitate a difficulty at the Haymarket meeting, - and to gain results by armed men and dynamite early in the evening, - and then would destruction and chaos come. - - “The first words of Spies’ opening speech demonstrate a significant - thing. Why should Spies open the meeting? Why didn’t Fischer open it? - Why didn’t the executive committee open it? Spies opened it. After - idling around there some time in regard to the matter, Spies opened - the meeting. Had anybody asked him to open the meeting? Why, no. He - was only an ordinary invited speaker at a meeting at which no other - speaker had been invited, and he appears there, and the first words - he says, as I will show you by English’s testimony, are: ‘Mr. Parsons - and Mr. Fielden will be here in a very short time to address you.’ - How did he know where they were? He had not seen them. There is no - indication that he had seen Parsons that day. How did he know that - Parsons was not in Cincinnati? ‘Parsons and Fielden will be here in a - few moments.’ How do you know, Mr. Spies? Why, they are over at the - _Alarm_ office, or at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, and Balthasar Rau - is sent over there to get them. - - “And now, Belthasar Rau went from this meeting over to the _Alarm_ - office, the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, and invited those two people - to come over there, that Spies wanted some help. Why did he want - help? Well, the meeting was not big enough. It was going to dissolve; - it looked as though it was going to pieces; the thing was a fiasco; - he had got to keep it—try and see if he could not do something. - And he continued, holding the audience till help came, and said: - ‘I will say, however, first, that this meeting was called for the - purpose of discussing the general situation of the eight-hour strike, - and the events which have taken place during the last forty-eight - hours. It seems to have been the opinion of the authorities that this - meeting had been called for the purpose of raising a little row and - disturbance.’ - - “Now, how did Spies know that the authorities knew anything about - it? Had Spies told them that there was going to be a row? Oh, no; he - said nothing of that kind; but he said deliberately in that meeting - that the authorities are supposed to believe or know that a riot - is going to take place right there. Had the ‘Revenge’ circular been - circulated? Yes. Had the other circular been circulated? Yes. What - was their purpose? To make a row. Spies knew it, and he hedges in - his inflammatory utterances which you read between the lines. It is - a Mark Antony style of oratory—inflames most when there is least - said. He was lying about the Gatling guns and the police, all for - inflaming purposes, discussing that McCormick matter, about which he - had in the inception begun to lie, for the same purpose. That was - a very significant opening. It shows that he knew the purposes and - object of that meeting. Gentlemen, it was the duty of the police to - have disturbed and broken up that meeting in its inception. Why? The - whole town was aflame. You remember it. Riot had occurred the day - before, and the calling of a meeting upon so public a place as that - was ill-advised and ought not to have been done. And the police, if - they had walked down there thus early in the evening and dispersed it, - would have done what was right. But the police did not walk down there - and disturb the meeting; they walked down there and asked the meeting - to disperse. There is no use of talking about proof, gentlemen. Their - belts were on, their clubs in their sockets, their pistols in their - pockets. That is the fact. They marched down that street, not with - the precipitation which they would have you believe. They marched - down that street perhaps fast, but not with precipitation, not with - haste. They marched down that street to disperse a meeting that had - talked ‘To arms;’ that had said: ‘Throttle the law,’ and that had said - enough to have caused bloodshed then and there, and the only reason - that more lives were not lost is because they failed to come earlier. - The arrangement of that meeting was that it should be called, and - that they should come early, and that it should be precipitated, and - blood would flow. Engel was there in the evening; he knew about it. - Fischer walked up with Waller, and Waller was armed. ‘Workingmen, - come armed.’ A word, gentlemen, only a word, about the breaking-up of - that meeting. They have played Harrison in and out of this case, for - the purpose of saving the defendants. Harrison, you remember, went - there for the purpose of ascertaining if that meeting was organized - to attack the freight-house of the Milwaukee and St. Paul Railroad, - about which you remember there was some difficulty, or McCormick’s, - or if it was called to attack any particular place. He found, from - the speeches, that, although inflammatory—and he said so—from the - speeches themselves he found that no particular place was pointed out - for an attack. - - “It was the same old speeches—riot, bloodshed, the black flag, - the red flag, dynamite, war, to arms. And counsel upon the other - side say that that ‘To arms! To arms!’ didn’t mean anything. It was - Pickwickian, and used to round a sentence. They went down to that - meeting, and Harrison was there and saw that meeting and heard those - speeches, and reported back to Bonfield what had been the result, - namely, that they had ceased to become inflammatory since they had - seen his face. - - “Thinking that the meeting was organized for plunder at the - freight-house, hearing the speeches, seeing them become more moderate, - Harrison left, and after he is gone, then come the reports, the - incendiary character still increased, and when they come, they come in - such shape that if Bonfield had not gone down there, then and there, - he would have failed to perform his duty. - - “We have had enough of this. It is time it stopped. They were asked - peaceably to disperse—peaceably to disperse—peaceably to disperse. - The police had their clubs in their belts, their pistols in their - belts, and the bomb was thrown. So say Bonfield, Wessler, Foley, - Bowler, Hanley, Ward, Hubbard, Haas, Hull, Heinemann—and I want to - suggest a word about Heinemann’s testimony. Heinemann said that when - that bomb exploded he was getting away on the east side of the street, - going south. What did he get? He got the whistling of bullets past - his ear. Where did they come from? Where could they come from? Hull - was on that platform up there, and Owen was there, and that is where - Simonson was. Hull says firing began by the crowd. Well, Owen got hit - up there. It had to come from over there. Dr. Newman says that all - sizes of bullets were found, from twenty-two to forty-four, and the - police did not have anything but thirty-eight caliber. That was a - cruel thrust for counsel to make at men standing up as these men did - that night—death in their midst—standing there so nobly—a thrust to - save the lives or the liberty of the defendants—by saying that they - shot each other in their fright and terror. As Wirt Dexter said in a - speech about that matter—I wish I could deliver his words to you—in - praising the act of the police in that transaction: How noble was - their conduct! Instead of fleeing and running, they said: ‘Fall in, - boys,’ and the city was saved. Supposing the police had fired first, - after the bomb. The man who threw that bomb obtained it from Lingg or - Spies, and threw it in accordance with the general plan of conspiracy, - and death was the result. I cannot talk to you about families, about - wives and children, but if I had the power I would like to take - you all over there to the Haymarket that night, and with you, with - tears in your eyes, see the dead and mingle with the wounded, the - dying—see law violated, and then I could, if I had the power, paint - you a picture that would steel your hearts against the defendants. - Captain Black said, in argument to you, that the State had no right to - do that. The State has all the rights that it could possibly possess - through so weak an instrument as myself. He has no more right. Did - Fielden shoot? I think so. If he did not, he is made of poorer clay - than I take him to be. He has been saying for years: ‘The bloodhounds - of the police should be massacred and killed.’ He it was who said that - he would march with the black flag down Michigan Avenue and strike - terror to the heart of the capitalist. He it is who has said, day in - and day out, since living in this inhospitable country: ‘Death to the - police and the capitalists—the despoilers—our despoilers—death to - them!’ - - “Why, do you mean to say that he would not do what he says he would - do? Dr. Epler swears that he told him when he dressed the wound that - he was shot when he was down on the pavement, and he has not denied - it. That was a significant fact, gentlemen; a very significant fact. - The officer who was shot thinks it was by Fielden. It may have been by - somebody else; nobody can tell. - - “Another thing. One of the officers swears that he was wounded in - the knee. I was not looking at Capt. Black when he motioned to you - the place where the wound occurred. For the purpose of correcting - myself and making no mistake about it, because the testimony of an - officer or any witness who put his finger on the spot cannot get into - the record; and I found by looking at the record that he pointed his - finger ‘here and here.’ Of course there was no significance to that. - So I saw the wound again. I had seen it once before. The bullet went - in there (indicating), and came out above, going around up opposite - the knee-cap, and was not from behind. - - “That bomb was thrown in furtherance of a common design. No matter who - threw it. But the gentlemen say there can be no conviction in this - case because we have failed to prove, or cannot prove, who threw that - identical bomb. That is not the law, as I explained to you yesterday. - The other question is, Is there anything in this case showing who - did? Gilmer says that he was in the alley, and a match was lighted, - and that bomb was thrown by one man; Fischer stood by, and that Spies - lighted it. Is that remarkable? Spies had been advising the doing - of that thing for years; and in one of the articles that has been - read to you, over his own signature, he says: ‘Take as few people - into your confidence as possible; do it alone; in your revolutionary - deeds, do it alone; but if you have to consult anybody, take your - nearest friend, a man you can rely upon.’ Who is Schnaubelt? Schwab’s - brother-in-law. Who is Fischer? A man who got the meeting up at Spies’ - instance, and works for Spies. Now, gentlemen, I presume, and I have - no doubt but what if they had raked a little more carefully, we would - have found the man that said that that bomb was thrown from the top - of Crane’s building; you could have found the man that said it came - from away in the alley; any number of men probably would have put it - north of the alley, and some south. The question here is, about where - did it come from? The explanation of street warfare is, that it is to - be done near alleys. Is Spies so craven now, after the deed is done, - that he shall say, ‘I had no hand in it,’ when he had advised it for - years? Gentlemen, men’s lives speak for themselves. He has advised - it, said it, talked it, acted it. Why, the witnesses say, counsel - upon the other side say to you, ‘Gentlemen, it is impossible that - this man would do it, because no man saw the light which would have - flashed up in their faces.’ Why, gentlemen, they put two witnesses on - the stand to swear distinctly and clearly and positively that they - had lighted a match and lighted a pipe, which would take a good deal - longer than lighting a fuse. Spies says in one article: ‘It never goes - out in a dry night; the Anarchist fuse never fails.’ It could have - happened; it has been advised to happen] precisely as Gilmer states - it. Ignore Gilmer, and the case is made. But they want you to ignore - Thompson too. Why? What for? Because they heard Schwab and Spies talk - together. Was there anything marvelous in that? Had they said anything - there together that they had not been saying in public for years? - But supposing you ignore Thompson’s testimony and say that Thompson - is mistaken; then it was Schnaubelt, wasn’t it? Why was Spies so - confidential with Schnaubelt that night? Where is Schnaubelt? He was - the man that was arrested before the conspiracy was known, and let go; - shaved his whiskers off, changed his appearance, and he has not been - seen since. Why was Spies so confidential with Schnaubelt? He says he - did walk with him; says that Henry Spies walked behind him. - - “Gentlemen, let me show you the testimony of these people in pairs. - It is the most marvelous thing I ever saw in a lawsuit. Ferguson and - Gleason were together. They went in pairs. You remember it. Ferguson - says that he was on the corner of Randolph Street when the bomb was - thrown. Gleason says that was not so; they were away down next to - the station, more than half a block away. Ferguson says that they - heard a crash like the breaking of a plank or a pistol, and then - the bomb exploded. That is when he was on the corner of the street. - Gleason says that was not so; he didn’t remember of hearing anything - of that kind, but they both distinctly remembered of seeing, after - the bomb was exploded, the police fire from that way. The Anarchists - fired south, the police north. Ferguson and Gleason were south of - and behind the police, yet they say the police fired south, while - facing north. Ridiculous. And one or the other of them, I don’t - know—or it was Taylor—says that they, the police, fired clear - down to Madison Street, and along Madison Street. Queer that nobody - else heard of that. What were they shooting down there for? Richter - and Liniger—you remember them—these are the two loving friends - that went to that meeting pursuant to the notice that they saw in - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_—not only the notice of the meeting, but the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ contained the ‘Revenge’ circular. They went to that - meeting and lovingly stood in the alley, midway between the edge of - the walk and the building, arm in arm, for over an hour. Foster knew - that that was ridiculous, and he tried to get them apart; he asked - them questions to get them apart, but they clung together for over an - hour, and finally moved up to the lamp-post, where Taylor had been - standing before the meeting began, and they didn’t know where the - meeting was to be. - - “Again Krumm stood in the alley with his back to the wall all the time - except when he lighted his pipe and walked backward and forward in it, - Albright standing with him. Krumm had his back up against that wall, - glued like a post for almost an hour, saving only at intervals did he - leave it; and Krumm and Albright lighted their pipes, and they moved - to the lamp-post. The lamp-post was peopled thick. Gentlemen, it is - an insult to your intelligence to suggest a word about the truth of - that Krumm and Albright’s testimony. Why, Krumm is the man that left - his boarding-house, boarding with Albright at that time—left his - house in search of a friend whose name he could not give; if he could - it was indefinite—and that he was to meet him on the corner of Canal - and Randolph Streets that night somewhere. He went down to Canal and - Randolph Streets, wandered around there looking for his friend, or for - somebody who said he would meet him there, and then walked back to the - meeting and began to look for Albright, or at least he found Albright. - Now, isn’t that a queer circumstance—that they neither of them knew - that that meeting was going to happen, or knew that the other was to - be there; left the house about the same time, and yet did not leave - together, and happened to meet right in that alley, with their backs - up against the wall? The next pair is Fischer and Wandry. That is for - the alibi. Now, why doesn’t Spies, who was on the stand, who says he - was in Zepf’s, say something about Fischer being there. Why wasn’t - Waller, who was on the stand, asked by these men whether Fischer was - there? The witnesses all congregate at this place, at Zepf’s Hall, - after the meeting, and Fischer has not been seen by anybody, except - Wandry. Even this respectable Nihilist from Russia don’t remember of - seeing Fischer, and got Fischer in a great many different places, as - they do Parsons. Finding Parsons had got to be in several places, - and further, finding that they have got him down in the window, they - get another man there that looks like Parsons—as they did Krumm, - who lighted his pipe in the alley and looked so much like Spies. To - digress a moment, Mr. Walker never said to you, gentlemen, that the - defendants’ lawyers put up Mr. Krumm because of his resemblance to - Spies and to account for a light in the alley. That was not fair. He - made the declaration that the other side, or somebody, had put up the - job. - - “We have endeavored to try this lawsuit like gentlemen. I think we - have succeeded on both sides. There was not that implication to be - drawn from what Walker said, but it was rather ingenious and sagacious - to allow you, gentlemen, to believe that we had been saying something - that was unfair. - - “The two men that saw Schnaubelt—Lehnert and Krueger. That was the - queerest circumstance that I have yet come across. By the way, Krueger - was in the conspiracy, was in both the meetings, with Schnaubelt, with - Waller, with Engel, with Lingg; he was there, knew them all, and, - although he was on the stand, the gentlemen upon the other side never - asked him nor Grueneberg a question about the conspiracy. Neither did - they ask Spies, or Parsons, or Schwab. They did ask Fielden. - - “August Krueger and Lehnert got this man some twenty or thirty feet - away from the alley and the wagon, talking in a quiet tone of voice - about going home. They walk a little ways together. Krueger goes one - direction and Schnaubelt another. Black tells you that the reason of - that was because they could not go together any further, as their - places diverged. It would not have done for them to have gone together - any further, because Krueger went to Engel’s. There were too many at - Engel’s—it would not have done. - - “I believe that Schnaubelt threw the bomb. You may believe that it is - an unknown person threw it; it is immaterial. - - “Back and Mitlacher. Back, if I remember, is the man that appeared at - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office that Tuesday night, at the time of the - meeting of the American group. Now, what was he there for? He was a - member of some other group. At all events he was there, and a German; - he was not an American; he had not been here long enough, to start - with, and he didn’t look as if he ever wanted to be one of our kind. - - “Now, where did these two men stand? They stood on the platform, next - to the plumber’s shop, on the south side of the alley, and at least - thirty-five or forty feet from where that wagon was; yet those men, - one of them, the tall man, says that he distinctly remembers seeing - Henry Spies. Why, it was a dark night, and the man couldn’t see from - there. And the other fellow saw Henry Spies’ hat. They stood there all - the evening, nearly; walked up and down once in a while; stood there - all the evening. That is another ridiculous suggestion. - - “This alibi business and this suggestion of these pairs, couples, - constitute what Black calls proof. That is right. It is negative, - and a very poor negative at that. He says that that is all you could - prove. Didn’t see anything, of course. - - “My attention is brought to another fact. Captain Black made a - mistake. I put it that way. He read Thompson’s testimony to you. Your - (_i. e._, Captain Black’s) shorthand writer has either made a mistake, - or your typewriter has. Thompson did not change, in his answers, from - Spies to Schwab. - - “In regard to the testimony of Thompson, gentlemen, it was a - remarkable feature of the case that he stood that searching - cross-examination with such splendid equanimity, and no disturbance of - what he said. And, gentlemen, that same can be said of Gilmer. Let any - of you go onto that witness-stand, and let the sagacious, clear-headed - Foster hammer away at you two hours and a half, over some little fact, - and you would see where you would be. I could not stand it. There - is not one man in a thousand that could. And it is nothing against - a man’s character in the city of Chicago that those that know well - of him do not know where he lives. I do not believe that one of you - gentlemen knows where I live, or where Foster lives, or where Black - lives. It is nothing against a man that his employer sometimes speaks - well of him. - - “I have my attention brought—I had almost forgotten it—to a peculiar - circumstance about this case, and the most significant of anything - that I have seen in it. When Spies was arrested he left the traces of - his crime in his office. Free speech had become so common to him—free - speech, as they call it in this case, had become so remarkably liberal - that he feared nothing. Bonfield came in and arrested him. He goes - over to Ebersold. Ebersold, in his indignation, characterizes the - crowd as you heard it here, and Spies says, upon the witness-stand, - that he _unsuspectingly_ went over there. If he had had his senses - about him, he would have destroyed ‘Ruhe,’ the manuscript, and - everything of that character, and no traces—autonomous traces—would - be left. - - “In speaking of ‘Ruhe,’ I want to speak of another thing. Spies said - that he received a communication that he was to put in prominent - letters in the Letter-box. Now, the bare fact of putting it in - the Letter-box is as prominent as it could be. It is separate and - distinct. Let us see how he puts it. He puts it in the Letter-box, - marks a double line under it, which means big letters, puts in an - exclamation point at the other end, and inserts it. That makes it - prominent, sure. Now, what does he say about it? He unsuspectingly - leaves the traces of his crime; and there never was a criminal, great - or small, in the world, but that somewhere, at some time, committed - a mistake. It is the little mistakes, the plain, noticeable mistakes - that they make, which serve for detection. ‘Ruhe’ appears, and he - says he supposed that it was some labor organization. The idea! Why, - his labor organizations are all distinct and plain. It says: ‘This - organization meets so-and-so. That organization meets so and so.’ The - paper speaks for itself. Talk about a labor organization putting in - such a word as that ‘Ruhe,’ whose significance is peace, quiet and - rest, but which meant war and bloodshed! - - “The police did not wait any too long. It has been done enough in - this town. It is time that we American citizens awoke to a full - realization of the importance of liberty and freedom of speech, and - that freedom of speech does not mean license to preach murder, to - preach assassination, to preach crime and the perpetration of it. That - is not free speech. A man who does that is answerable for it, and for - the result of his preaching, the result of his words. If it results in - crime, he is responsible himself. Gentlemen, that is the law. I have - gone over this case perhaps more _in extenso_ than I intended; more - perhaps than you desire to listen to; I am through. Your duty is about - to begin. I felt relieved when you were selected. Some of the great - responsibility that has rested upon my shoulders I felt I could place - upon yours. It has been placed there. Gentlemen, the responsibility is - great. You have to answer yourselves, under your oaths, to the people - of the State, not to me. My duty is performed, and yours begins, and - in this connection, gentlemen, let me suggest to you another reason - why it is important that you should be careful. You can acquit them - all, one, or none; you can distribute the penalties as you please. - To some you can administer the extreme penalty of the law; to others - less than that, if you desire. To some you can give life, administer - punishment if you desire; to some, years of punishment. - - “I have a word to say in this connection about Neebe. The testimony - has been analyzed, the testimony in regard to his connection with - the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office; his connection with these people from - time to time, the evidence that when he saw the dynamite in the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office on that morning when it was discovered - there, which these men so infamously suggest was put there by the - police—but I have not argued that question; it looks so insulting to - a man’s intelligence. If that had been so, if it was not there and did - not belong there, they could have brought Lizius here. His name is on - the back of the indictment. They could have brought all the employés - of the office here. What did Neebe say about the dynamite? Why, he - said it was stuff to clean type with, he guessed; and he circulated, - not two circulars, but a lot of them. Gentlemen, I am not here to ask - you to take the life of Oscar Neebe on this proof. I shall ask you - to do nothing in this case that I feel I would not do myself were I - seated in your chairs. - - “This case is greater than us all, more important to the country than - you conceive; the case itself and what it involves is more important - than all their lives, than all the lives of the unfortunate officers - who bit the dust that night in defense of our laws. - - “Some of these people, we sincerely and honestly believe, should - receive at your hands the extreme penalty of the law. Spies, Fischer, - Lingg, Engel, Fielden, Parsons, Schwab, Neebe, in my opinion, based - upon the proof, is the order of the punishment. It is for you to say - what it shall be. You have been importuned, gentlemen, to disagree. - Don’t do that; don’t do that. If, in your judgments, in the judgment - of some of you, some of these men should suffer death, and others - think a less punishment would subserve the law, don’t stand on that, - but agree on something. It is no pleasant task for me to ask the life - of any man. Personally I have not a word to say against these men. - As a representative of the law I say to you, the law demands now, - here, its power. Regardless of me, of Foster, of Black, or of us all, - that law which the exponents of Anarchy violated to kill Lincoln and - Garfield, that law that has made us strong to-day, and which you - have sworn to obey, demands of you a punishment of these men. Don’t - do it because I ask you. Do it, if it should be done, because the - law demands it. You stand between the living and the dead. You stand - between law and violated law. Do your duty courageously, even if that - duty is an unpleasant and a severe one.” - - - - -CHAPTER XXXII. - - The Instructions to the Jury—What Murder Is—Free Speech and - its Abuse—The Theory of Conspiracy—Value of Circumstantial - Evidence—Meaning of a “Reasonable Doubt”—What a Jury May - Decide—Waiting for the Verdict—“Guilty of Murder”—The Death Penalty - Adjudged—Neebe’s Good Luck—Motion for a New Trial—Affidavits about - the Jury—The Motion Overruled. - - -ON the conclusion of State’s Attorney Grinnell’s review of the -arguments made by the defense, Judge Gary proceeded to charge the jury. -The hour was after the noon recess of Thursday, August 19, and the -presentation and reading of the instructions consumed a goodly portion -of the afternoon. When the court had finished the jury retired, and the -fate of eight men was in their hands. - -The instructions given were as follows on behalf of the people: - - “The court instructs the jury, in the language of the statute, that - murder is the unlawful killing of a human being in the peace of the - people, with malice aforethought, either expressed or implied. An - unlawful killing may be perpetrated by poisoning, striking, starving, - drowning, stabbing, shooting, or by any other of the various forms - or means by which human nature may be overcome, and death thereby - occasioned. - - “Express malice is that deliberate intention unlawfully to take - away the life of a fellow-creature which is manifested by external - circumstances capable of proof. Malice shall be implied when no - considerable provocation appears, or when all the circumstances of the - killing show an abandoned and malignant heart. - - “The court instructs the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall - suffer the penalty of death or imprisonment in the penitentiary for - his natural life, or for a term not less than fourteen years. If the - accused or any of them are found guilty by the jury, the jury shall - fix the punishment by their verdict. - - “The court instructs the jury that, while it is provided by the - Constitution of the State of Illinois that every person may freely - speak, write and publish on all subjects, he is, by the Constitution, - held responsible under the laws for the abuse of liberty so given. - Freedom of speech is limited by the laws of the land, to the extent, - among other limitations, that no man is allowed to advise the - committing of any crime against the person or property of another; and - the statute provides: An accessory is he who stands by and aids, abets - and assists, or who, not being present, aiding, abetting or assisting, - hath advised, encouraged, aided or abetted the perpetration of the - crime. He who thus aids, abets, assists, advises or encourages, shall - be considered as principal, and punished accordingly. - - “Every such accessory, when the crime is committed within or without - this State by his aid or procurement in this State, may be indicted - and convicted at the same time as the principal, or before or after - his conviction, whether the principal is convicted or amenable to - justice or not, and punished as principal. - - “The court further instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that if - they believe from the evidence in this case, beyond a reasonable - doubt, that the defendants, or any of them, conspired and agreed - together, or with others, to overthrow the law by force, or to - unlawfully resist the officers of the law, and if they further believe - from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, that, in pursuance of - such conspiracy and in furtherance of the common object, a bomb was - thrown by a member of such conspiracy at the time, and that Mathias J. - Degan was killed, then such of the defendants that the jury believe - from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, to have been parties to - such conspiracy, are guilty of murder, whether present at the killing - or not, and whether the identity of the person throwing the bomb be - established or not. - - “If the jury believe from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, - that there was in existence in this county and State a conspiracy to - overthrow the existing order of society, and to bring about social - revolution by force, or to destroy the legal authorities of this - city, county or State by force, and that the defendants, or any of - them, were parties to such conspiracy, and that Degan was killed - in the manner described in the indictment, that he was killed by a - bomb, and that the bomb was thrown by a party to the conspiracy, - and in furtherance of the objects of the conspiracy, then any of - the defendants who were members of such conspiracy at that time are - in this case guilty of murder, and that, too, although the jury - may further believe from the evidence that the time and place for - the bringing about of such revolution, or the destruction of such - authorities, had not been definitely, agreed upon by the conspirators, - but was left to them and the exigencies of time, or to the judgment of - any of the co-conspirators.” - - “If these defendants, or any two or more of them, conspired together - with or not with any other person or persons to excite the people - or classes of the people of this city to sedition, tumult and riot, - to use deadly weapons against and take the lives of other persons, - as a means to carry their designs and purposes into effect, and in - pursuance of such conspiracy, and in furtherance of its objects, any - of the persons so conspiring publicly, by print or speech, advised - or encouraged the commission of murder without designating time, - place or occasion at which it should be done, and in pursuance of, - and induced by such advice or encouragement, murder was committed, - then all of such conspirators are guilty of such murder, whether the - person who perpetrated such murder can be identified or not. If such - murder was committed in pursuance of such advice or encouragement, - and was induced thereby, it does not matter what change, if any, in - the order or condition of society, or what, if any, advantage to - themselves or others the conspirators proposed as the result of their - conspiracy, nor does it matter whether such advice and encouragement - had been frequent and long continued or not, except in determining - whether the perpetrator was or was not acting in pursuance of such - advice or encouragement, and was or was not induced thereby to commit - the murder. If there was such conspiracy as in this instruction is - recited, such advice or encouragement was given, and murder committed - in pursuance of and induced thereby, then all such conspirators are - guilty of murder. Nor does it matter, if there was such a conspiracy, - how impracticable or impossible of success its end and aims were, - nor how foolish or ill-arranged were the plans for its execution, - except as bearing upon the question whether there was or was not such - conspiracy. - - “The court instructs the jury that a conspiracy may be established - by circumstantial evidence the same as any other fact, and that such - evidence is legal and competent for that purpose. So also whether - an act which was committed was done by a member of the conspiracy, - may be established by circumstantial evidence, whether the identity - of the individual who committed the act be established or not; and - also whether an act done was in pursuance of the common design may be - ascertained by the same class of evidence, and if the jury believe - from the evidence in this case beyond a reasonable doubt that the - defendants or any of them conspired and agreed together or with others - to overthrow the law by force, or destroy the legal authorities of - this city, county or State by force, and that in furtherance of the - common design, and by a member of such conspiracy, Mathias J. Degan - was killed, then these defendants, if any, whom the jury believe - from the evidence, beyond a reasonable doubt, were parties to such - conspiracy, are guilty of the murder of Mathias J. Degan, whether the - identity of the individual doing the killing be established or not, or - whether such defendants were present at the time of the killing or not. - - “The jury are instructed, as a matter of law, that all who take part - in the conspiracy after it is formed, and while it is in execution, - and all who with knowledge of the facts concur in the plan originally - formed, and aid in executing them, are fellow-conspirators. Their - concurrence without proof of an agreement to concur is conclusive - against them. They commit the offense when they become parties to - the transaction or further the original plan with knowledge of the - conspiracy. - - “The court instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that circumstantial - evidence is just as legal and just as effective as any other evidence, - provided the circumstances are of such a character and force as to - satisfy the minds of the jury of the defendants’ guilt beyond a - reasonable doubt. - - “The court instructs the jury that what is meant by circumstantial - evidence in criminal cases is the proof of such facts and - circumstances connected with or surrounding the commission of the - crime charged as tend to show the guilt or innocence of the party - charged. And if those facts and circumstances are sufficient to - satisfy the jury of the guilt of the defendants beyond a reasonable - doubt, then such evidence is sufficient to authorize the jury in - finding the defendants guilty. - - “The law exacts the conviction wherever there is sufficient legal - evidence to show the defendants’ guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, and - circumstantial evidence is legal evidence. - - “The court instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that when the - defendants August Spies, Michael Schwab, Albert R. Parsons and Samuel - Fielden testified as witnesses in this case, each became the same as - any other witness, and the credibility of each is to be attested by - and subjected to the same tests as are legally applied to any other - witness; and in determining the degree of credibility that shall be - accorded to the testimony of any one of said above-named defendants, - the jury have a right to take into consideration the fact that he is - interested in the result of this prosecution, as well as his demeanor - and conduct upon the witness-stand during the trial, and the jury are - also to take into consideration the fact, if such is the fact, that - he has been contradicted by other witnesses. And the court further - instructs the jury that if, after considering all the evidence in - this case, they find that any one of said defendants August Spies, - Michael Schwab, Albert R. Parsons and Samuel Fielden has willfully and - corruptly testified falsely to any fact material to the issue in this - case, they have the right to entirely disregard his testimony, except - in so far as his testimony is corroborated by other credible evidence. - - “The rule of law which clothes every person accused of crime with the - presumption of innocence, and imposes upon the State the burden of - establishing his guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, is not intended to - aid any one who is in fact guilty of crime to escape, but is a humane - provision of law, intended, so far as human agencies can, to guard - against the danger of any innocent person being unjustly punished. - - “The court instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that in considering - the case the jury are not to go beyond the evidence to hunt up doubts, - nor must they entertain such doubts as are merely chimerical or - conjectural. A doubt, to justify an acquittal, must be reasonable, and - it must arise from a candid and impartial investigation of all the - evidence in the case, and unless it is such that, were the same kind - of doubt interposed in the graver transactions of life, it would cause - a reasonable and prudent man to hesitate and pause, it is insufficient - to authorize a verdict of not guilty. If, after considering all the - evidence, you can say you have an abiding conviction of the truth of - the charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt. - - “The court further instructs the jury, as a matter of law, that the - doubt which the juror is allowed to retain on his own mind, and under - the influence of which he should frame a verdict of not guilty, must - always be a reasonable one. A doubt produced by undue sensibility in - the mind of any juror, in view of the consequences of his verdict, - is not a reasonable doubt, and a juror is not allowed to create - sources or materials of doubt by resorting to trivial and fanciful - suppositions and remote conjectures as to possible states of fact - differing from that established by the evidence. You are not at - liberty to disbelieve as jurors if from the evidence you believe as - men; your oath imposes on you no obligation to doubt where no doubt - would exist if no oath had been administered. - - “The court instructs the jury that they are the judges of the law as - well as the facts in this case, and if they can say, upon their oaths, - that they know the law better than the court itself, they have the - right to do so; but before assuming so solemn a responsibility, they - should be assured that they are not acting from caprice or prejudice, - that they are not controlled by their will or their wishes, but from - a deep and confident conviction that the court is wrong and that - they are right. Before saying this, upon their oaths, it is their - duty to reflect whether, from their study and experience, they are - better qualified to judge of the law than the court. If, under all the - circumstances, they are prepared to say that the court is wrong in its - exposition of the law, the statute has given them that right. - - “In this case the jury may, as in their judgment the evidence - warrants, find any or all of the defendants guilty or not, or all of - them not guilty; and if, in their judgment, the evidence warrants, - they may, in case they find the defendants, or any of them, guilty, - fix the same penalty for all the defendants found guilty, or different - penalties for the different defendants found guilty. - - “In case they find the defendants, or any of them, guilty of murder, - they should fix the penalty either at death or at imprisonment in the - penitentiary for life, or at imprisonment in the penitentiary for a - term of any number of years, not less than fourteen.” - -The instructions given on behalf of defendants were as follows: - - “The jury in a criminal case are the judges of the law and the - evidence, and have to act according to their best judgment of such law - and the facts. - - “The jury have a right to disregard the instructions of the court, - provided they can say upon their oaths that they believe they know the - law better than the court. - - “The law presumes the defendants innocent of the charge in the - indictment until the jury are satisfied by the evidence, beyond all - reasonable doubt, of the guilt of the defendants. - - “If a reasonable doubt of any facts, necessary to convict the accused, - is raised in the minds of the jury by the evidence itself, or by - the ingenuity of counsel upon any hypothesis reasonably consistent - with the evidence, that doubt is decisive in favor of the prisoners’ - acquittal. A verdict of not guilty simply means that the guilt of the - accused has not been demonstrated in the precise, specific and narrow - forms prescribed by the law. - - “No jury should convict anybody of crime upon mere suspicion, however - strong, or because there is a preponderance of all the evidence - against him, but the jury must be convinced of the defendant’s guilt, - beyond all reasonable doubt, before they can lawfully convict. - - “The law does not require the defendants to prove themselves innocent, - but the burden of proof that they are guilty beyond all reasonable - doubt is upon the prosecution. - - “The indictment is of itself a mere accusation and no proof of the - guilt of the defendants. - - “The presumption of the innocence of the defendants is not a mere - form, but an essential, substantial part of the law of the land, and - it is the duty of the jury to give the defendants the full benefit of - this presumption in this case. - - “It is incumbent upon the prosecution to prove beyond all reasonable - doubt every material allegation in the indictment, and unless that has - been done, the jury should find the defendants not guilty. - - “The burden is upon the prosecution to prove by credible evidence, - beyond all reasonable doubt, that the defendants are guilty as charged - in the indictment of the murder of Mathias J. Degan; it is the duty of - the jury to acquit any of the defendants as to whom there is a failure - of such proof. The jury are not at liberty to adopt any unreasonable - theories or suppositions in considering the evidence in order to - justify a verdict of conviction. - - “A reasonable doubt is that state of mind in which the jury, after - considering all the evidence, cannot say they feel an abiding faith, - amounting to a moral certainty, from the evidence in the case, that - the defendants are guilty as charged in the indictment. - - “The rules of evidence as to the amount of evidence in this case are - different from those in a civil case; a mere preponderance of evidence - would not warrant a verdict of guilty. - - “Mere probability of the defendants’ guilt is not sufficient to - warrant a conviction. - - “Your personal opinions as to facts not proved cannot be the basis of - your verdict, but you must form your verdict from the evidence, and - that alone, unaided and uninfluenced by any opinions or presumptions - not founded upon the evidence. - - “The jury are the sole judges of the credibility of witnesses, and in - passing thereon may consider their prejudices, motives or feelings of - revenge, if any such have appeared, and if the jury believe from the - evidence that any witness has knowingly or willfully testified falsely - as to any material fact, they may disregard his entire testimony, - unless it is corroborated by other credible evidence. - - “If one single fact is proved by a preponderance of the evidence which - is inconsistent with the guilt of a defendant, this is sufficient - to raise a reasonable doubt as to his guilt and entitles him to an - acquittal. In order to justify the inference of legal guilt from - circumstantial evidence, the existence of the inculpatory facts must - be absolutely incompatible with the innocence of the accused upon any - rational theory. - - “The witnesses Gottfried Waller and Wilhelm Seliger are accomplices, - and while a person accused of crime may be convicted upon the - uncorroborated testimony of an accomplice, still the jury should weigh - it with great care and caution, and convict upon it only if they are - satisfied beyond any reasonable doubt of its truth. - - “If you believe from the evidence that the witnesses Gottfried - Waller and Wilhelm Seliger were induced to become witnesses by any - promise of immunity from punishment, or by any hope held out to - them, that it would go easier with them in case they disclosed who - their confederates were, or in case they implicated some one else - in the crime, then you should take such facts into consideration in - determining the weight to be given to their testimony. - - “Same instruction in regard to the testimony of any other witnesses - for the prosecution. - - “The testimony of an accomplice should be subjected to critical - examination in the light of all the other evidence. - - “A person charged with crime may testify in his own behalf, but his - neglect to do so shall not create any presumption against him. - - “The jury should endeavor to reconcile the testimony of the - defendants’ witnesses with the belief that all of them endeavored - to tell the truth, and you should attribute any contradictions or - differences in their testimony to mistake or misrecollection rather - than to a willful intention to swear falsely, if you can reasonably do - so under the evidence. - - “The jury should fairly and impartially consider the testimony of the - defendants, together with all the other evidence. - - “If the verbal admission of a defendant is offered in evidence, the - whole of the admission must be taken together, and those parts which - are in favor of the defendant are entitled to as much consideration as - any other parts, unless disproved, or apparently improbable or untrue, - when considered with all the other evidence. - - “It would be improper for the jury to regard any statements of the - prosecuting attorneys, not based upon the evidence, as entitled to any - weight. - - “If all the facts and circumstances relied on by the People to - secure a conviction can be reasonably accounted for upon any theory - consistent with the innocence of the defendants, or any of them, then - you should acquit such of them as to whom the facts proven can thus be - accounted for. - - “It is not enough to warrant the conviction of a person charged with - crime that he contemplated the commission of such crime. If any - reasonable hypothesis exists that such crime may have been committed - by another in no way connected with the defendants, the accused should - be acquitted. - - “If the evidence leaves a reasonable doubt of the guilt of the - defendants, as charged in the indictment, the jury should acquit, - although the evidence may show conduct of no less turpitude than the - crime charged. - - “The allusions and references of the prosecuting attorneys to the - supposed dangerous character of any views entertained or principles - contended for by the accused should in no way influence you in - determining this case. - - “Individuals and communities have the legal right to arm themselves - for the defense and protection of their persons and property, and - a proposition by any person, publicly proclaimed, to arm for such - protection and defense, is not an offense against the laws of this - State. - - “If the defendants, or some of them, agreed together, or with others, - in the event of the workingmen or strikers being attacked, that they - (defendants) would assist the strikers to resist such an attack, - this would not constitute conspiracy if the anticipated attack was - unjustified and illegal, and such contemplated resistance simply - the opposing of force wrongfully and illegally exercised, by force - sufficient to repel said assault. - - “The burden is not cast upon the defendants of proving that the person - who threw the bomb was not acting under their advice, teaching or - procurement. Unless the evidence proves beyond all reasonable doubt - that either some of the defendants threw said bomb, or that the person - who threw it acted under the advice and procurement of defendants or - some of them, the defendants should be acquitted. Such advice may not - necessarily be special as to the bomb, but general, so as to include - it. - - “It is not proper for the jury to guess that the person who threw the - bomb was instigated to do the act by the procurement of defendants - or any of them. There must be a direct connection established, by - credible evidence, between the advice and consummation of the crime, - beyond all reasonable doubt. - - “The bomb might have been thrown by some one unfamiliar with, and - unprompted by, the teachings of the defendants or any of them. Before - defendants can be held liable therefor, the evidence must satisfy you - beyond all reasonable doubt that the person throwing said bomb was - acting as the result of the teaching or encouragement of defendants or - some of them. - - “Before a person charged as accessory to a crime can be convicted, - the evidence must prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the crime was - committed by some person acting under the advice, aid, encouragement, - abetting or procurement of the defendant whose conviction as accessory - is sought. Though you may believe from the evidence that a party in - fact advised the commission in certain contingencies of acts amounting - to crime, yet, if the act complained of was in fact committed by some - third party of his own mere volition, hatred, malice or ill-will, - and not materially influenced, either directly or indirectly, by - such advice of the party charged, or any party for whose advice the - defendants are responsible, the party charged would not in such case - be responsible. - - “If you find that at a meeting held on the evening of May 3d at 54 - West Lake Street, at which some of the defendants were present, it was - agreed that in the event of a collision between the police, militia - or firemen, and the striking laborers, certain armed organizations, - of which some of the defendants were members, should meet at certain - places in Chicago, that a committee should attend public places and - meetings where an attack by the police and others might be expected, - and in the event of such attack report the same to said organizations - to the end that such attack might be resisted and the police stations - of the city destroyed, still, if the evidence does not prove, beyond - all reasonable doubt, that the throwing of the bomb which killed - Mathias J. Degan was the result of any act in furtherance of the - common design herein stated, and if it may have been the unauthorized - and individual act of some person acting upon his own responsibility - and volition, then none of the defendants can be held responsible - therefor on account of said West Lake Street meeting.” - -Upon the conclusion of the reading of the instructions in behalf of -the defendants, which were read after the instructions on behalf of -the people, the court of its own motion gave to the jury the following -instruction: - - “The statute requires that instructions by the court to the jury shall - be in writing, and only relate to the law of the case. - - “The practice under the statute is that the counsel prepare on each - side a set of instructions and present them to the court, and, if - approved, to be read by the court as the law of the case. It may - happen, by reason of the great number presented and the hurry and - confusion of passing on them in the midst of the trial, with a - large audience to keep in order, that there may be some apparent - inconsistency in them, but if they are carefully scrutinized such - inconsistencies will probably disappear. In any event, however, the - gist and pith of all is that if advice and encouragement to murder - was given, if murder was done in pursuance of and materially induced - by such advice and encouragement, then those who gave such advice - and encouragement are guilty of the murder. Unless the evidence, - either direct or circumstantial, or both, proves the guilt of one or - more of the defendants upon this principle so fully that there is - no reasonable doubt of it, your duty to them requires you to acquit - them. If it does so prove, then your duty to the State requires you to - convict whoever is so proved guilty. The case of each defendant should - be considered with the same care and scrutiny as if he alone were on - trial. If a conspiracy, having violence and murder as its object, is - fully proved, then the acts and declarations of each conspirator in - furtherance of the conspiracy are the acts and declarations of each - one of the conspirators. But the declarations of any conspirator - before or after the 4th of May which are merely narrative as to what - had been or would be done, and not made to aid in carrying into effect - the object of the conspiracy, are only evidence against the one who - made them. - - “What are the facts and what is the truth the jury must determine - from the evidence, and from that alone. If there are any unguarded - expressions in any of the instructions which seem to assume the - existence of any facts, or to be any intimation as to what is proved, - all such expressions must be disregarded, and the evidence only looked - to to determine the facts.” - -The jury the next day reported to the court that they had agreed upon a -verdict. The members were accordingly brought in, and the clerk of the -court read the verdict as follows: - - “We, the jury, find the defendants August Spies, Michael Schwab, - Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel - and Louis Lingg guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in - the indictment and fix the penalty at death. We find the defendant - Oscar W. Neebe guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the - indictment, and fix the penalty at imprisonment in the penitentiary - for fifteen years.” - -This was a great surprise to the defendants, and their counsel at -once entered a motion for a new trial. The hearing of the motion was -postponed until the next term, and on the 1st of October arguments -were submitted. The grounds upon which the motion was based were -numerous. They first related to a refusal of some, and a modification -of several other instructions at the hands of the court asked for by -the defendants; a claim that jurors had been summoned by the officers -with the avowed view to conviction; improper language by the State’s -Attorney in his closing argument; erroneous rulings of the court in -regard to the competency of jurors, and the refusal of separate trials -for the defendants. Other grounds touched on a statement made by one of -the members of the jury, Mr. Adams, prior to the trial, with reference -to the Haymarket massacre, showing prejudice against the defendants, -backed by an affidavit as to what he said; an affidavit of one Mr. -Love, that he met Gilmer on the night of May 4, shortly after eight -o’clock, and went to a saloon with him, where they and another person -drank beer and talked until 9:20 o’clock, and also a further reason -that the defendants had discovered some new evidence, to back which an -affidavit was submitted from John Philip Deluse, dated August 24, 1886, -concerning a mysterious individual who had called at his saloon, in -Indianapolis, Ind., in May, 1886. - -The argument of counsel on each side, on the points raised, consumed -several days, and finally, on the 7th of October, 1886, Judge Gary, in -an elaborate and exhaustive opinion, overruled the motion. - -The defendants then entered a motion in arrest of judgment, and this -was also overruled. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIII. - - The Last Scene in Court—Reasons Against the Death Sentence—Spies’ - Speech—A Heinous Conspiracy to Commit Murder—Death for the - Truth—The Anarchists’ Final Defense—Dying for Labor—The Conflict - of the Classes—Not Guilty, but Scapegoats—Michael Schwab’s - Appeal—The Curse of Labor-saving Machinery—Neebe Finds Out what - Law Is—“I am Sorry I am not to be Hung”—Adolph Fischer’s Last - Words—Louis Lingg in his own Behalf—“Convicted, not of Murder, but - of Anarchy”—An Attack on the Police—“I Despise your Order, your - Laws, your Force-propped Authority. Hang me for it!”—George Engel’s - Unconcern—The Development of Anarchy—“I Hate and Combat, not the - Individual Capitalist, but the System”—Samuel Fielden and the - Haymarket—An Illegal Arrest—The Defense of Albert R. Parsons—The - History of his Life—A Long and Thrilling Speech—The Sentence of - Death—“Remove the Prisoners.” - - -AFTER motion in arrest of judgment had been overruled by Judge Gary, -Spies was asked if he had anything to say why sentence of death -should not be passed upon him. The prisoner rose, with pallid cheeks -and distended eyes, and advanced toward the bench with a hesitating -tread. The moment he faced the court he recovered his equanimity and -proceeded with much deliberation to give his reasons why he should not -be sent to death on the gallows. He spoke in a firm, almost a menacing -tone of voice, and seemed bent on posing as a martyr to the cause of -the laboring classes. In his very opening sentence he desired to have -that understood. “In addressing this court,” he said, “I speak as the -representative of one class to the representative of another. I will -begin with the words uttered five hundred years ago, on a similar -occasion, by the Venetian Doge Falieri, who, addressing the court, -said, ‘My defense is your accusation. The cause of my alleged crime -is your history.’” He then referred to his conviction, holding that -there was no evidence to show that he had any knowledge of the man who -threw the bomb, or that he had had anything to do with its throwing. -There being no evidence to establish his legal responsibility, he -maintained, his “conviction and the execution of the sentence would be -nothing less than willful, malicious and deliberate murder, as foul a -murder as may be found in the annals of religious, political or any -sort of persecution.” He charged that the representative of the State -had “fabricated most of the testimony which was used as a pretense to -convict,” and that the defendants had been convicted “by a jury picked -out to convict.” - -“I charge,” he continued, “the State’s Attorney and Bonfield with -the heinous conspiracy to commit murder.” Having thus proved the -truth of the old adage that “no rogue e’er felt the halter draw with -good opinion of the law,” Spies next paid his compliments to the -Citizens’ Association, the Bankers’ Association and the Board of Trade, -attributing to them the inspiration for the attack on the Haymarket -meeting, and he proceeded to give an account of his movements on the -night of that meeting in the company of Legner. He again repeated that, -“notwithstanding the purchased and perjured testimony of some,” the -prosecution had not established the defendants’ legal responsibility, -and insisted that those who had brought about their conviction were -the “real and only law-breakers.” When he approached this part of the -subject Spies’ anger scarcely knew any bounds. He rose in a towering -passion and characterized the proceedings of the trial as “rascalities -perpetrated in the name of the people.” He continued: - - “The contemplated murder of eight men, whose only crime is that they - have dared to speak the truth, may open the eyes of these suffering - millions; may wake them up. Indeed, I have noticed that our conviction - has worked miracles in this direction already. The class that clamors - for our lives, the good, devout Christians, have attempted in every - way, through their newspapers and otherwise, to conceal the true - and only issue in this case. By simply designating the defendants - as ‘Anarchists,’ and picturing them as a newly-discovered species - of cannibals, and by inventing shocking and horrifying stories of - dark conspiracies said to be planned by them, these good Christians - zealously sought to keep the naked fact from the working people - and other righteous parties, namely: That on the evening of May 4 - two hundred armed men, under the command of a notorious ruffian, - attacked a meeting of peaceable citizens! With what intention? With - the intention of murdering them, or as many of them as they could. I - refer to the testimony given by two of our witnesses. The wage-workers - of this city began to object to being fleeced too much—they began - to say some very true things, but they were highly disagreeable to - our patrician class; they put forth—well, some very modest demands. - They thought eight hours’ hard toil a day, for scarcely two hours’ - pay, was enough. This lawless rabble had to be silenced! The only - way to silence them was to frighten them, and murder those whom they - looked up to as their ‘leaders.’ Yes, these foreign dogs had to be - taught a lesson, so that they might never again interfere with the - high-handed exploitation of their benevolent and Christian masters. - Bonfield, the man who would bring a blush of shame to the managers - of the Bartholomew night—Bonfield, the illustrious gentleman with a - visage that would have done excellent service to Doré in portraying - Dante’s fiends of hell—Bonfield was the man best fitted to consummate - the conspiracy of the Citizens’ Association of our patricians. If I - had thrown that bomb, or had caused it to be thrown, or had known of - it, I would not hesitate a moment to state so. It is true a number of - lives were lost—many were wounded. But hundreds of lives were thereby - saved! But for that bomb there would have been a hundred widows and - hundreds of orphans where now there are few. These facts have been - carefully suppressed, and we were accused and convicted of conspiracy - by the real conspirators and their agents. This, your honor, is one - reason why sentence should not be passed by a court of justice—if - that name has any significance at all.” - -Spies then adverted to the fact of his having published articles on -the manufacture of dynamite and bombs, and wanted to know what other -newspapers in the city had not done the same thing. He forgot to show, -however, that other papers had never urged the people to use dynamite -to the destruction of the lives and property of the people. - -Spies claimed that his only offense was in espousing the cause of “the -disinherited and disfranchised millions,” and asked what they had said -in their speeches and publications. - - “We have interpreted to the people their condition and relations in - society. We have explained to them the different social phenomena - and the social laws and circumstances under which they occur. We - have, by way of scientific investigation, incontrovertibly proved and - brought to their knowledge that the system of wages is the root of - the present social iniquities—iniquities so monstrous that they cry - to heaven. We have further said that the wage system, as a specific - form of social development, would, by the necessity of logic, have - to make room for higher forms of civilization; that the wage system - must prepare the way and furnish the foundation for a social system of - coöperation—that is, _Socialism_. That whether this or that theory, - this or that scheme regarding future arrangements were accepted, was - not a matter of choice, but one of historical necessity, and that to - us the tendency of progress seemed to be _Anarchism_—that is, a free - society without kings or classes—a society of sovereigns in which - the liberty and economic equality of all would furnish an unshakable - equilibrium as a foundation and condition of natural order.” - -After some further explanation of Socialism, he said: - - “I may have told that individual who appeared here as a witness that - the workingmen should procure arms, as force would in all probability - be the _ultima ratio_, and that in Chicago there were so and so many - armed men, but I certainly did not say that we proposed to inaugurate - the social revolution. And let me say here: Revolutions are no more - made than earthquakes and cyclones. Revolutions are the effect of - certain causes and conditions. I have made social philosophy a - specific study for more than ten years, and I could not have given - vent to such nonsense! I do believe, however, that the revolution - is near at hand—in fact, that it is upon us. But is the physician - responsible for the death of the patient because he foretold that - death?” - -If the opinions of the court were good, Spies held there was “no person -in this country who could not be lawfully hanged,” and maintained -that they ought to be exempted from responsibility because they had -sought to bring about reforms. Then he turned to the labor movement and -pronounced his anathema against the wealthy classes. - - “If you think that by hanging us you can stamp out the labor - movement—the movement from which the downtrodden millions, the - millions who toil and live in want and misery—the wage slaves—expect - salvation—if this is your opinion, then hang us! Here you will tread - upon a spark, but there, and there, and behind you and in front of - you, and everywhere, flames will blaze up. It is a subterranean - fire. You cannot put it out. The ground is on fire upon which you - stand. You can’t understand it. You don’t believe in magical arts, - as your grandfathers did, who burned witches at the stake, but you - do believe in conspiracies; you believe that all these occurrences - of late are the work of conspirators! You resemble the child that - is looking for his picture behind the mirror. What you see and what - you try to grasp is nothing but the deceptive reflex of the stings of - your bad conscience. You want to ‘stamp out the conspirators’—the - agitators? Ah! stamp out every factory lord who has grown wealthy - upon the unpaid labor of his employés. Stamp out every landlord who - has amassed fortunes from the rent of overburdened workingmen and - farmers. Stamp out every machine that is revolutionizing industry and - agriculture, that intensifies the production, ruins the producer, - that increases the national wealth, while the creator of all these - things stands amidst them, tantalized with hunger! Stamp out the - railroads, the telegraph, the telephone, steam and yourselves—for - everything breathes the revolutionary spirit. You, gentlemen, are the - revolutionists. You rebel against the effects of social conditions - which have tossed you, by the fair hand of fortune, into a magnificent - paradise. Without inquiring, you imagine that no one else has a - right in that place. You insist that you are the chosen ones, the - sole proprietors. The forces that tossed you into the paradise, the - industrial forces, are still at work. They are growing more active - and intense from day to day. Their tendency is to elevate all mankind - to the same level, to have all humanity share in the paradise you now - monopolize. You, in your blindness, think you can stop the tidal wave - of civilization and human emancipation by placing a few policemen, - a few Gatling guns and some regiments of militia on the shore—you - think you can frighten the rising waves back into the unfathomable - depths whence they have arisen, by erecting a few gallows in the - perspective. You, who oppose the natural course of things, _you_ are - the real revolutionists. _You_ and _you_ alone are the conspirators - and destructionists! - - “Said the court yesterday, in referring to the Board of Trade - demonstration: ‘These men started out with the express purpose of - sacking the Board of Trade building.’ While I can’t see what sense - there would have been in such an undertaking, and while I know that - the said demonstration was arranged simply as a means of propaganda - against the system that legalizes the respectable business carried on - there, I will assume that the three thousand workingmen who marched - in that procession really intended to sack the building. In this case - they would have differed from the respectable Board of Trade men only - in this—that they sought to recover property in an unlawful way, - while the others sack the entire country lawfully and unlawfully—this - being their highly respectable profession. This court of ‘justice - and equity’ proclaims the principle that when two persons do the - same thing, it is not the same thing. I thank the court for this - confession. It contains all that we have taught, and for which we are - to be hanged, in a nutshell. Theft is a respectable profession when - practiced by the privileged class. It is a felony when resorted to in - self-preservation by the other class.” - -He then scored the capitalistic class, and referred to the strikes in -the Hocking Valley, East St. Louis, Milwaukee and Chicago. Reverting -again to the prosecution, he continued: - - “‘These men,’ Grinnell said repeatedly, ‘have no principle; they - are common murderers, assassins, robbers,’ etc. I admit that our - aspirations and objects are incomprehensible to some, but surely for - this we are not to be blamed. The assertion, if I mistake not, was - based on the ground that we sought to destroy property. Whether this - perversion of facts was intentional, I know not. But in justification - of our doctrines I will say that the assertion is an infamous - falsehood. Articles have been read here from the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ - and _Alarm_ to show the dangerous character of the defendants. The - files of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and _Alarm_ have been searched for - the past years. Those articles which generally commented upon some - atrocity committed by the authorities upon striking workingmen were - picked out and read to you. Other articles were not read to the court. - Other articles were not what was wanted. The State’s Attorney, upon - those articles (who well knows that he tells a falsehood when he says - it), asserts that ‘these men have no principle.’” - -What a perversion of facts! Some of the articles did comment on some -alleged atrocity, but those taken at various dates and published -in a preceding chapter show that force by the use of dynamite -was continually being agitated. However, in his criticism of the -prosecution Spies seemed to overlook a great many points. He repeated -what he had said to the Congregational ministers at the Grand Pacific -Hotel, on the 9th of January, 1886, with reference to Socialism, and -then stated that he had seen Lingg only twice before he was arrested, -but had never spoken to him. With Engel he had not been on speaking -terms for at least a year, and Fischer had gone about making speeches -against him. The article in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ with reference to -the Board of Trade demonstration, he claimed, he had not seen until he -had read it in the paper. In conclusion he said: - - “Now, if we cannot be directly implicated with this affair, connected - with the throwing of the bomb, where is the law that says that ‘these - men shall be picked out to suffer’? Show me that law if you have it! - If the position of the court is correct, then half of this city—half - of the population of this city—ought to be hanged, because they are - responsible the same as we are for that act on May 4th. And if not - half of the population of Chicago is hanged, then show me the law - that says, ‘Eight men shall be picked out and hanged, as scapegoats’? - You have no good law. Your decision, your verdict, our conviction is - nothing but an arbitrary will of this lawless court. It is true there - is no precedent in jurisprudence in this case! It is true that we have - called upon the people to arm themselves. It is true that we have told - them time and again that the great day of change was coming. It was - not our desire to have bloodshed. We are not beasts. We would not be - Socialists if we were beasts. It is because of our sensitiveness that - we have gone into this movement for the emancipation of the oppressed - and suffering. It is true that we have called upon the people to arm - and prepare for the stormy times before us. This seems to be the - ground upon which the verdict is to be sustained. ‘But when a long - train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, - evinces a design to reduce the people under absolute despotism, it - is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government and - provide new guards for their future safety.’ This is a quotation - from the ‘Declaration of Independence.’ Have we broken any laws by - showing to the people how the abuses that have occurred for the last - twenty years are invariably pursuing one object, viz.: to establish an - _oligarchy_ in this country as strong and powerful and monstrous as - never before has existed in any country? I can well understand why - that man Grinnell did not urge upon the grand jury to charge us with - treason. I can well understand it. You cannot try and convict a man - for treason who has upheld the Constitution against those who try to - trample it under their feet. It would not have been as easy a job to - do that, Mr. Grinnell, as to charge ‘these men’ with murder. - - “Now these are my ideas. They constitute a part of myself. I cannot - divest myself of them, nor would I if I could. And if you think that - you can crush out these ideas that are gaining ground more and more - every day, if you think you can crush them out by sending us to the - gallows—if you would once more have people suffer the penalty of - death because they have dared to tell the truth—and I defy you to - show us where we have told a lie—I say, if death is the penalty for - proclaiming the truth, then I will proudly and defiantly pay the - costly price! Call your hangman! Truth crucified in Socrates, in - Christ, in Giordano Bruno, in Huss, Galileo, still lives—they and - others whose number is legion have preceded us on this path. We are - ready to follow.” - -MICHAEL SCHWAB had very little to say, but what he did say was that -it was “idle and hypocritical to think about justice” having been -done to them. He criticised the acts of the prosecution in securing -his conviction “for writing newspaper articles and making speeches,” -and contended that they had engaged in no conspiracy, as “all they -did was done in open daylight.” He seemed rather vindictive toward -Mr. Furthmann for having had the articles in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ -translated, and excused his own inflammatory utterances by holding that -after the mayoralty election, in the spring of 1885, Edwin Lee Brown, -president of the Citizens’ Association, had urged the people, in a -public speech, “to take possession of the Court-house by force, even -if they had to wade in blood.” Schwab touched on the labor problem, -drawing largely from his own experience while living among the poor in -Europe, and then spoke of the condition of laborers in Chicago, holding -that they lived in miserable, dilapidated hovels, owned by greedy -landlords. He continued: - - “What these common laborers are to-day, the skilled laborer will be - to-morrow. Improved machinery, that ought to be a blessing for the - workingman, under the existing conditions turns for him to a curse. - Machinery multiplies the army of unskilled laborers, makes the laborer - more dependent upon the men who own the land and the machines. And - that is the reason that Socialism and Communism got a foothold in - this country. The outcry that Socialism, Communism and Anarchism are - the creed of foreigners, is a big mistake. There are more Socialists - of American birth in this country than foreigners, and that is much, - if we consider that nearly half of all industrial workingmen are not - native Americans. There are Socialistic papers in a great many States, - edited by Americans for Americans. The capitalistic newspapers conceal - that fact very carefully.” - -In conclusion Schwab said: - - “If Anarchy were the thing the State’s Attorney makes it out to be, - how could it be that such eminent scholars as Prince Krapotkin and the - greatest living geographer, Elisée Reclus, were avowed Anarchists, - even editors of Anarchistic newspapers? Anarchy is a dream, but only - in the present. It will be realized. Reason will grow in spite of all - obstacles. Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that human - development has already reached its culminating point? I know that our - ideal will not be accomplished this or next year, but I know that it - will be accomplished as near as possible, some day, in the future. It - is entirely wrong to use the word Anarchy as synonymous with violence. - Violence is one thing and Anarchy another. In the present state of - society violence is used on all sides, and therefore we advocated - the use of violence against violence, but against violence only, as - a necessary means of defense. I never read Mr. Most’s book, simply - because I did not find time to read it. And if I had read it, what - of it? I am an agnostic, but I like to read the Bible nevertheless. - I have not the slightest idea who threw the bomb on the Haymarket, - and had no knowledge of any conspiracy to use violence on that or any - other night.” - -OSCAR NEEBE followed. In his opening sentence he very correctly -diagnosed the situation when he said: “I have found out during the -last few days what law is. Before I didn’t know.” He, more than all -the other defendants, except Parsons, ought to have known the law. He -was a citizen, and as such he should have known the law of the land -long before he engaged in the inculcation of force. He spoke of his -having presided at Socialistic meetings, having headed the Board of -Trade procession, and how he happened to drive to the office of the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ after learning on May 5 that Spies and Schwab had -been arrested. - -The rest of his statement consists simply of abuse of the prosecution, -laudation of his own acts in endeavoring to ameliorate the -condition of the workingmen and in continuing the publication of -the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ after May 4, and a disavowal of his having -distributed the “Revenge” circular. In speaking of his having organized -the Beer-brewers’ Union and attended a meeting at the North Side Turner -Hall to announce the result of his conference with the bosses, he said: - - “I entered the hall. I went on the platform and I presented the union - with a document signed by every beer-brewer of Chicago, guaranteeing - ten hours’ labor and $65 wages—$15 more wages per month—and no - Sunday work, to give the men a chance to go to church, as many of - them are good Christians. There are a good many Christians among - them. So, in that way, I was aiding Christianity—helping the men to - go to church. After the meeting I left the hall, and stepped into - the front saloon, and there were circulars lying there called the - ‘Revenge’ circular. I picked up a couple of them from a table and - folded them together and put them in my pocket, not having a chance to - read them, because everybody wanted to treat me. They all thought it - was by my efforts that they got $15 a month more wages and ten hours - a day. Why, I didn’t have a chance to read the circulars. From there - I went to another saloon across the street, and the president of the - Beer-brewers’ Union was there; he asked me to walk with him, and on - the way home we went into Heine’s saloon. He was talking to Heine - about the McCormick affair, and I picked up a circular and read it, - and Heine asked me: ‘Can you give me one?’ I gave him one, and he - laid it back on his counter. That is my statement.” - -In conclusion Neebe said: - - “They found a revolver in my house, and a red flag there. I - organized trades-unions. I was for reduction of the hours of labor, - and the education of laboring men, and the reëstablishment of the - _Arbeiter-Zeitung_—the workingmen’s newspaper. There is no evidence - to show that I was connected with the bomb-throwing, or that I - was near it, or anything of that kind. So I am only sorry, your - honor—that is, if you can stop it or help it, I will ask you to do - it—that is to hang me, too; for I think it is more honorable to die - suddenly than to be killed by inches. I have a family and children; - and if they know their father is dead, they will bury him. They can go - to the grave, and kneel down by the side of it; but they can’t go to - the penitentiary and see their father, who was convicted for a crime - that he hasn’t had anything to do with. That is all I have got to say. - Your honor, I am sorry I am not to be hung with the rest of the men.” - -ADOLPH FISCHER rose with some signs of nervousness and proceeded slowly -and deliberately with his protest. “I was tried here in this room,” he -said, “for murder, and I was convicted of Anarchy.” He objected most -vigorously to the charge that he was a murderer, and insisted that -he had had nothing to do with the throwing of the bomb. He confessed -to having made arrangements for the Haymarket meeting, to having -been present, but urged that it had not been called for the purpose -of committing violence or crime. He said he had been present at the -Monday evening meeting,] of which Waller was chairman, but aside from -volunteering to have hand-bills printed for the Haymarket meeting he -had not done anything. He had invited Spies to speak at the Haymarket, -and in the original copy he had had the line put in, “Workingmen, -appear armed!” His reason for this was, he said, that he “did not want -the workingmen to be shot down in that meeting as on other occasions.” -He then entered into some details as to his movements on the night of -the Haymarket gathering and again launched into a protest against the -jury’s verdict. He said that the verdict against him was because he was -an Anarchist, and “an Anarchist,” he explained with a defiant toss of -his head, “is always ready to die for his principles.” He concluded as -follows: - - “The more the believers in just causes are persecuted, the more - quickly will their ideas be realized. For instance, in rendering - such an unjust and barbarous verdict, the twelve ‘honorable men’ in - the jury-box have done more for the furtherance of Anarchism than - the convicted have accomplished in a generation. This verdict is - a death-blow to free speech, free press and free thought in this - country, and the people will be conscious of it, too. This is all I - care to say.” - -[Illustration: - -LINGG’S SUICIDE BOMBS.—FROM A PHOTOGRAPH. - -Made of gas-pipe, six inches in length, and with a notched bolt, as -shown, inserted in the bottom of each. These were found in Lingg’s -cell, and are similar to the bomb with which he took his life. The fuse -is so short that explosion ensues in one second after lighting, making -them fitted for self-destruction only.] - -LOUIS LINGG was in no gentle frame of mind when he advanced to enter -his objection at the bar of the court. After a thrust at the court, -he said that he had been accused of murder and been convicted; and -“what proof,” he defiantly asked, “have you brought that I am guilty?” -He acknowledged that he had helped Seliger to make bombs; “but,” he -stoutly maintained, “what you have not proven—even with the assistance -of your bought ‘squealer,’ Seliger, who would appear to have acted -such a prominent part in the affair—is that any of those bombs were -taken to the Haymarket.” He referred to the testimony of the experts as -simply showing that the Haymarket bomb bore “a certain resemblance to -those bombs of his,” and that was the kind of evidence, he held, upon -which he had been convicted. He had been convicted of murder, but it -was Anarchy on which the verdict was based. “You have charged me with -despising ‘law and order,’” he said. “What does your ‘law and order’ -amount to? Its representatives are the police, and they have thieves in -their ranks.” He then opened fire on me because the detectives I had -sent out had broken into his room, as he claimed, to effect his arrest, -and insisted that he had not been at the Monday night meeting, but at -Zepf’s Hall, at that time, which I had stated to be false. - -Lingg next turned his attention to Mr. Grinnell, and accused him -of having “leagued himself with a parcel of base, hireling knaves, -to bring me to the gallows.” Then the Judge came in for a scoring. -“The Judge himself,” he held, “was forced to admit that the State’s -Attorney had not been able to connect me with the bomb-throwing. -The latter knows how to get around it, however. He charges me with -being a ‘conspirator.’ How does he prove it? Simply by declaring the -International Workingmen’s Association to be a ‘conspiracy.’ I was a -member of that body, so he has the charge securely fastened on me. -Excellent!” He concluded as follows: - - “I tell you frankly and openly, I am for force. I have already told - Captain Schaack, ‘If they use cannon against us, we shall use dynamite - against them.’ I repeat that I am the enemy of the ‘order’ of to-day, - and I repeat that, with all my powers, so long as breath remains in - me, I shall combat it. I declare again, frankly and openly, that I am - in favor of using force. I have told Captain Schaack, and I stand by - it, ‘If you cannonade us, we shall dynamite you.’ You laugh! Perhaps - you think, ‘You’ll throw no more bombs,’ but let me assure you that - I die happy on the gallows, so confident am I that the hundreds and - thousands to whom I have spoken will remember my words; and when - you shall have hanged us, then, mark my words, they will do the - bomb-throwing! In this hope do I say to you: ‘I despise you. I despise - your order, your laws, your force-propped authority.’ Hang me for it!” - -GEORGE ENGEL appeared the least concerned of all when it came his turn -to respond to the court’s question as to any reasons he might have -against the infliction of the death penalty. He opened by setting -forth his arrival in America in 1872 and gave some reasons which had -prompted him to espouse Anarchy. It was “the poverty, the misery of the -working classes.” People here in a free land, he said, were “doomed -to die of starvation.” He had read the works of Lassalle, Marx and -George, and after studying the labor question carefully he had come, he -said, to the conclusion that “a workingman could not decently exist in -this rich country.” He had sought to remedy the inequalities through -the ballot-box, but after a time, he said, it had become clear to him -“that the working classes could never bring about a form of society -guaranteeing work, bread and a happy life by means of the ballot.” He -had labored for a time in the interest of the Social-Democratic party, -but, finding political corruption in its ranks, he had left it. - - “I left this party and joined the International Working People’s - Association, that was just being organized. The members of that body - have the firm conviction that the workingman can free himself from - the tyranny of capitalism only through force—just as all advances - of which history speaks have been brought about through force alone. - We see from the history of this country that the first colonists won - their liberty only through force; that through force slavery was - abolished, and just as the man who agitated against slavery in this - country had to ascend the gallows, so also must we. He who speaks - for the workingmen to-day must hang. And why? Because this republic - is not governed by people who have obtained their office honestly. - Who are the leaders at Washington that are to guard the interests of - this nation? Have they been elected by the people, or by the aid of - their money? They have no right to make laws for us, because they were - not elected by the people. These are the reasons why I have lost all - respect for American laws.” - -Engel then alluded to the displacement of labor by machinery and held -that the amelioration of the workingmen’s condition could only be -effected through Socialism. As to his conviction, he declared that he -was not at all surprised. He had learned long ago that the workingman -had no more rights here than anywhere else in the world. His crime, -he insisted, consisted simply in having labored to “bring about a -system of society by which it is impossible for one to hoard millions, -through the improvements in machinery, while the great masses sink to -degradation and misery.” He believed that inventions should be free -to all and touched on the aims of Anarchy. In his opinion “Anarchy -and Socialism were as much alike as one egg is to another.” Whatever -difference existed was in tactics. - - “It is true, I am acquainted with several of my fellow-defendants; - with most of them, however, but slightly, through seeing them at - meetings, and hearing them speak. Nor do I deny that I, too, have - spoken at meetings, saying that, if every workingman had a bomb in his - pocket, capitalistic rule would soon come to an end. - - “That is my opinion, and my wish; it became my conviction when I - mentioned the wickedness of the capitalistic conditions of the day. - - “Can any one feel any respect for a government that accords rights - only to the privileged classes, and none for the workers? We have - seen but recently how the coal barons combined to form a conspiracy - to raise the price of coal, while at the same time reducing the - already low wages of their men. Are they accused of conspiracy on that - account? But when workingmen dare ask an increase in their wages, the - militia and the police are sent out to shoot them down. - - “For such a government as this I can feel no respect, and will combat - them, despite their power, despite their police, despite their spies. - - “I hate and combat, not the individual capitalist, but the system that - gives him those privileges. My greatest wish is that workingmen may - recognize who are their friends and who are their enemies. - - “As to my conviction, brought about, as it was, through capitalistic - influence, I have not one word to say.” - -SAMUEL FIELDEN entered into a long disquisition on the troubles of the -working classes all over the world, and covered much of the ground -traversed by him when on the witness-stand. He spoke of his having -been in England a Sunday School superintendent, a local preacher of -the Methodist Church, and an exhorter, and then chronicled his change -of convictions after his arrival in the United States in 1868. He -branched out into an exposition of Socialism and cited instances of the -oppression practiced on working people by capitalists. He then reviewed -some of the points in the testimony against him and sought to show -wherein his speeches at various meetings had been incorrectly reported -in the newspapers. He had neither said at the Haymarket meeting, “Here -come the bloodhounds,” nor had he fired a revolver. He claimed that -the meeting had been a peaceable one, and held that there had been no -indication of trouble, and that his language had not been incendiary. -He said: - - “I am charged with having said, ‘Stab the law.’ No one claims but that - it was in connection with my conception of the meaning of Foran’s - speech, and the word ‘stab’ is not necessarily a threat of violence - upon any person. Here at your primary elections you frequently hear - the adherents of different candidates state before the primaries are - called that they will ‘knife’ so and so. Do they mean that they are - going to kill him, stab him, take his life away from him? They are - forcible expressions—very emphatic expressions. They are adjectives - which are used in different ways to carry conviction, and perhaps make - the language more startling to the audience, in order that they may - pay attention.” - -In speaking of his arrest he said: - - “I didn’t attempt to run away. I had been out walking around the - street that morning, and there was plenty of opportunity for me to - have been hundreds of miles away. When the officer came there I opened - the door to him. He said he wanted me. I knew him by sight and I knew - what was his occupation. I said: ‘All right; I will go with you.’ I - have said here that I thought, when the representatives of the State - had inquired by means of their policemen as to my connection with it, - that I should have been released. And I say now, in view of all the - authorities that have been read on the law and regarding accessories, - that there is nothing in the evidence that has been introduced to - connect me with that affair. One of the Chicago papers, at the - conclusion of the State’s Attorney’s case, said that they might have - proved more about these men, about where they were and what they were - doing on the 2d and 3d of May. When I was told that Captain Schaack - had got confessions out of certain persons connected with this affair, - I said: ‘Let them confess all they like. As long as they will tell - only the truth, I care nothing for their confessions.’” - -Fielden next dwelt upon his treatment at the Central Station, and -criticised the searching of houses without warrant. With reference to -the trial he said: - - “We claim that the foulest criminal that could have been picked up in - the slums of any city of Christendom, or outside of it, would never - have been convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here, - if he had not been a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged - classes. We claim that we are convicted, not because we have committed - murder. We are convicted because we were very energetic in advocacy - of the rights of labor. I call your attention to a very significant - fact—that on this day, at this time when the sentence of death is - going to be passed on us, the Stock-yards employers have notified - their employés that they will be required to work ten hours next - Monday or they will shut down. I think it is a logical conclusion to - draw that these men think they have got a dangerous element out of - the way now, and they can return again to the ten-hour system. I know - that I had considerable to do with the eight-hour question, although I - only spoke once in that neighborhood, every man there being a stranger - to me—but I went down there in March previous and made an eight hour - speech and formed the nucleus of an eight-hour organization there, and - the Stock-yards succeeded in starting the eight-hour system, though - they have not been able to keep it up in its entirety. We claim that - we have done much.” - -He predicted that it would be a grand day when everybody adopted -Socialism, and then touched on his own case, denying that he had -entered into a conspiracy. Fischer, Lingg and Engel, he said, were -men with whom he had not associated for a year, and therefore, he -maintained, he could not have been conspiring with them. He had never, -he said, seen a dynamite bomb till he saw one in the court-room, and -had never known that dynamite was kept at the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ -office. In concluding his speech Fielden said: - - Your honor, I have worked at hard labor since I was eight years of - age. I went into a cotton factory when I was eight years old, and I - have worked continually since, and there has never been a time in my - history that I could have been bought or paid into a single thing by - any man or for any purpose which I did not believe to be true. To - contradict the lie that was published in connection with the bill by - the grand jury charging us with murder, I wish to say that I have - never received one cent for agitating. When I have gone out of the - city I have had my expenses paid. But often when I have gone into - communities, when I would have to depend upon those communities for - paying my way, I have often come back to this city with money out of - pocket, which I had earned by hard labor, and I had to pay for the - privilege of my agitation out of the little money I might have in - my possession. To-day as the beautiful autumn sun kisses with balmy - breeze the cheek of every free man, I stand here never to bathe - my head in its rays again. I have loved my fellow-men as I have - loved myself. I have hated trickery, dishonesty and injustice. The - nineteenth century commits the crime of killing its best friend. It - will live to repent of it. But, as I have said before, if it will do - any good, I freely give myself up. I trust the time will come when - there will be a better understanding, more intelligence, and above - the mountains of iniquity, wrong and corruption, I hope the sun of - righteousness and truth and justice will come to bathe in its balmy - light an emancipated world.” - -ALBERT R. PARSONS consumed a great deal of time in the delivery of -his speech. He began by declaring that the trial had been conducted -with “passion, heat and anger,” and pronounced the verdict as one of -“passion, born in passion, nurtured in passion, and the sum totality of -the organized passion of the city of Chicago.” For that reason he asked -for a suspension of sentence and a new trial. He said: - - “Now, I stand here as one of the people, a common man, a workingman, - one of the masses, and I ask you to give ear to what I have to say. - You stand as a bulwark; you are as a brake between them and us. You - are here as the representative of justice, holding the poised scales - in your hands. You are expected to look neither to the right nor to - the left, but to that by which justice, and justice alone, shall be - subserved. The conviction of a man, your honor, does not necessarily - prove that he is guilty. Your law-books are filled with instances - where men have been carried to the scaffold and after their death - it has been proven that their execution was a judicial murder. Now, - what end can be subserved in hurrying this matter through in the - manner in which it has been done? Where are the ends of justice - subserved, and where is truth found in hurrying seven human beings at - the rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffold and an - ignominious death? Why, if your honor please, the very method of our - extermination, the deep damnation of its taking-off, appeals to your - honor’s sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor. A judge may also - be an unjust man. Such things have been known.” - -Parsons acknowledged being an Anarchist and proceeded to show the ends -Anarchy sought. Then he asked: - - “Now, what is this labor question which these gentlemen treat with - such profound contempt, which these distinguished ‘honorable’ - gentlemen would throttle and put to ignominious death, and hurry us - like rats to our holes? What is it? You will pardon me if I exhibit - some feeling? I have sat here for two months, and these men have - poured their vituperations out upon my head, and I have not been - permitted to utter a single word in my own defense. For two months - they have poured their poison upon me and my colleagues. For two - months they have sat here and spat like adders the vile poison - of their tongues, and if men could have been placed in a mental - inquisition and tortured to death, these men would have succeeded here - now—vilified, misrepresented, held in loathsome contempt, without a - chance to speak or contradict a word. Therefore, if I show emotion, - it is because of this, and if my comrades and colleagues with me - here have spoken in such strains as these, it is because of this. - Pardon us. Look at it from the right standpoint. What is this labor - question? It is not a question of emotion; the labor question is not - a question of sentiment; it is not a religious matter; it is not a - political problem; no, sir, it is a stern economic fact, a stubborn - and immovable fact.” - -He entered into a long explanation of the capitalistic system and -pointed to the troubles experienced by the laboring classes under -the present conditions. He spoke of capitalistic combinations and -“corners,” touched on landlordism, discoursed on the eight-hour -movement, and then reviewed some of the evidence against him. Referring -to the _Alarm_, of which he had been editor, he said: - - “Why, the very article that you quote in the _Alarm_, a copy of which - I have not, but which I would like to see, calling the American group - to assemble for the purpose of considering military matters and - military organization, states specifically that the purpose and object - is to take into consideration measures of defense against unlawful and - unconstitutional attacks of the police. The identical article shows - it. You forgot surely that fact when you made this observation; and - I defy any one to show, in a speech that is susceptible of proof, by - proof, that I have ever said aught by word of mouth or by written - article except self-defense. Does not the Constitution of the country, - under whose flag myself and my forefathers were born for the last - two hundred and sixty years, provide that protection, and give me, - their descendant, that right? Does not the Constitution say that I, - as an American, have a right to keep and to bear arms? I stand upon - that right. Let me see if this court will deprive me of it. Let me - call your attention to another point here. These articles that appear - in the _Alarm_, for some of them I am not responsible any more than - is the editor of any other paper. And I did not write everything in - the _Alarm_, and it might be possible that there were some things in - that paper which I am not ready to indorse. I am frank to admit that - such is the case. I suppose that you can scarcely find an editor of a - paper in the world but that could conscientiously say the same thing. - Now, am I to be dragged up here and executed for the utterances and - writings of other men, even though they were published in the columns - of a paper of which I was the editor? Your honor, you must remember - that the _Alarm_ was a labor paper, published by the International - Working People’s Association, belonging to that body. I was elected - its editor by the organization, and, as labor editors generally are, - I was handsomely paid. I had saw-dust pudding as a general thing for - dinner. My salary was eight dollars a week, and I have received that - salary as editor of the _Alarm_ for over two years and a half—eight - dollars a week! I was paid by the association. It stands upon the - books. Go down to the office and consult the business manager. Look - over the record in the book, and it will show you that A. R. Parsons - received eight dollars a week as editor of the _Alarm_ for over two - years and a half. This paper belonged to the organization. It was - theirs. They sent in their articles—Tom, Dick and Harry; everybody - wanted to have something to say, and I had no right to shut off - anybody’s complaint.” - -He then offered some reasons to justify his utterances on labor -questions. He quoted from newspapers to show their hostility to -the interests of labor, and he dwelt on various strikes in the -United States and endeavored to show how the men had been treated -by corporations. The tramp question was next handled, and Parsons -maintained that the present social system was responsible for the fact -that millions did not know where to get a bed or supper. He continued: - - “Who are the mob? Why, dissatisfied people, dissatisfied workingmen - and women; people who are working for starvation wages, people who are - on a strike for better pay—these are the mob. They are always the - mob. That is what the riot drill is for. Suppose a case that occurs. - The First Regiment is out with a thousand men armed with the latest - improved Winchester rifles. Here are the mobs; here are the Knights - of Labor and the trades-unions, and all of the organizations without - arms. They have no treasury, and a Winchester rifle costs eighteen - dollars. They cannot purchase those things. We cannot organize an - army. It takes capital to organize an army. It takes as much money to - organize an army as to organize industry, or as to build railroads; - therefore, it is impossible for the working classes to organize and - buy Winchester rifles. What can they do? What must they do? Your - honor, the dynamite bomb, I am told, costs six cents. It can be made - by anybody. The Winchester rifle costs eighteen dollars. That is the - difference. Am I to be blamed for that? Am I to be hanged for saying - this? Am I to be destroyed for this? What have I done? Go dig up the - ashes of the man who invented this thing. Find his ashes and scatter - them to the winds, because he gave this power to the world. It was not - I.” - -Coming to the Haymarket meeting and referring to the presence of the -police as an affront, he said: - - “Was not that a most grievous outrage? Was not that a violation of - all of those principles for which our forefathers struggled in this - country? At this juncture some unknown and unproven person throws a - bomb among the police, killing several men. You say that I did it, - or you say that I knew of it. Where is your proof, gentlemen of the - prosecution? You have none. You didn’t have any. Oh, but you have - a theory, and that theory is that no one else could have had any - motive to hurl that missile of death except myself, and, as is the - common remark of the great papers of the city, the police are never - short of a theory. There is always a theory on hand for everything. - A theory they have got, and especially the detectives; they hatch up - a theory at once and begin to follow that out. There was a theory - carried out during this trial. Let us examine that theory. I say that - a Pinkerton man, or a member of the Chicago police force itself, had - as much inducement to throw that bomb as I had, and why? Because it - would demonstrate the necessity for their existence and result in an - increase of their pay and their wages. Are these people any too good - to do such a thing? Are they any better than I am? Are their motives - any better than my own? Let us look at this thing now from every - standpoint. Perhaps, on the other hand, the dread missile was hurled - in revenge by some poor man or woman, or child even, whose parent or - protector or friend was killed by the police in some of their numerous - massacres of the people before. Who knows? And if it was, are we seven - to suffer death for that? Are we responsible for that act? Or, might - it not be that some person with the fear of death in his eyes threw - that bomb in self-defense? And if they did, am I responsible for it? - Am I to be executed for that? Is it law to put me to death for that? - And who knows? My own deliberate opinion concerning this Haymarket - affair is that the death-dealing missile was the work, the deliberate - work, of monopoly, the act of those who themselves charge us with the - deed. I am not alone in this view of the matter.” - -Monopoly, Parsons held, was responsible for the labor troubles; - - “What are the real facts of that Haymarket tragedy? Mayor Harrison, of - Chicago, has caused to be published his opinion—because, mark you, - your honor, this is all a matter of conjecture. It is only presumed - that I threw the bomb. They have only assumed that some one of these - men threw that bomb. It is only an inference that any of us had - anything to do with it. It is not a fact, and it is not proven. It is - merely an opinion. Your honor admits that we did not perpetrate the - deed, or know who did it, but that we, by our speeches, instigated - some one else to do so. Now, let us see the other side of this case. - Mayor Harrison, of Chicago, has caused to be published in the New York - _World_—and the interview was copied in the _Tribune_ of this city, - in which he says: ‘I do not believe there was any intention on the - part of Spies and those men to have bombs thrown at the Haymarket. - If so, why was there but one thrown? It was just as easy for them to - throw a dozen or fifty, and to throw them in all parts of the city, - as it was to have thrown one. And again, if it was intended to throw - bombs that night, the leaders would not have been there at all, in - my opinion. Like commanders-in-chief, they would have been in a safe - place. No, it cannot be shown that there was any intention on the - part of these individuals to kill that particular man who was killed - at that Haymarket meeting.’ Now, your honor, this is the Mayor of - Chicago. He is a sensible man. He is in a position to know what he is - talking about. He has first-rate opportunities to form an intelligent - opinion, and his opinion is worthy of respect. He knows more about - this thing than the jury that sat in this room, for he knows—I - suspect that the Mayor knows—of some of the methods by which most of - this so-called evidence and testimony was manufactured. I don’t charge - it, but possibly he has had some intimation of it, and if he has, he - knows more about this case and the merits of this case than did the - jury who sat here. There is too much at stake to take anything for - granted. Your honor can’t afford to do that. - - “Is it nothing to destroy the lives of seven men? Are the rights of - the poor of no consequence? Is it nothing that we should regard it so - lightly, as a mere pastime? That is why I stand here at such length - to present this case to you, that you may understand it; that you may - have our side of this question as well as that of the prosecution.” - -Parsons then referred to attacks of the police on workingmen’s -meetings, and reviewed some of the evidence against himself, insisting -that he had never seen Lingg until he saw him in the court-room. - - “Waller testified in chief, and reiterated it in cross-examination, - that Engel and Fischer, these noble and brave Germans, offered a - resolution at Greif’s Hall, on the announcement that six men had been - wantonly and brutally murdered by the police at McCormick’s, that if - other men should come into encounter with the police we should aid - them; and further swore that this plan was to be followed only when - the police, by brutal force, should interfere with the workmen’s right - of free assemblage and free speech. Now, then, where is the foul and - dastardly criminal conspiracy here? Where is it? So preposterous was - it on its face to call such a noble compact to do a lawful thing a - conspiracy, that it became necessary, in face of a dozen witnesses, - both for the prosecution and the defense, who swear that the bomb - came from the pavement on Desplaines Street, south of the alley, - between the alley and Randolph Street—a statement made by Bonfield - himself to reporters about half an hour after the tragedy occurred, - and published in the _Times_, on May 5, the following morning—Louis - Haas, Bonfield’s special detective on the ground, at the Coroner’s - inquest, swore the bomb was thrown from the east side of Desplaines - Street, and about fifteen feet, he believed, south of the alley, - a statement confirmed by the witness Burnett, for the defense, - who located it fifteen feet further south than Haas or Bonfield - did—still, on the impeached testimony of Gilmer, who swore the bomb - was thrown from within the alley, we are convicted, because he was - also willing to perjure himself by swearing that Spies lit the fuse of - the fatal missile. The idea of a man striking a match in an alley to - light a bomb in the midst of a crowd, the people and police standing - all around him! It seems to me that such a statement as that ought, - among sensible men, on the face of it, to carry its own refutation. - Perfectly absurd! If this statement bore the semblance of truth with - regard to Gilmer, or was the truth, not one of these defendants would - shrink from the responsibility of the right of self-defense, your - honor, and of free speech, and the right of the people peaceably to - assemble. It is because this is not the work of the Anarchists or of - the workingmen that we repel the charge, which proves there was no - concerted action, and that it was none of the plans of these groups. - It is not unlawful to repel an invasion of our meetings. - - “About this time some one, as testified to by three reputable - witnesses, stopped at Indianapolis. That was in May. The Haymarket - tragedy was the 4th. This man testifies to that fact. A stranger - stops there. He says: ‘I am going to Chicago. I have something that - will work. You will hear from it.’ The man was in his cups, no doubt; - probably he drank too much. The Pinkertons are not all temperance men; - they sometimes take a little, and sometimes possibly take a little too - much. Possibly he talked a little more than he ought to have talked. - Possibly he didn’t care, but at any rate it is sworn to that he said - it. He came to Chicago, and the bomb was heard from and heard around - the world. Your honor, is this an unreasonable assumption? It is far - more likely, much more reasonable than your honor’s surmise that I - instigated some one to do it. - - “The absolute proof that the missile thrown was not dynamite, but - what was known in the late civil war as an infernal bomb, is in - the evidence of every surgeon who testified—that all incisions - were clean, and that the flesh was torn as from an explosive in the - interior. It was testified by these scientific men, your honor, - that dynamite is percussive, and had a shell the size of Lingg’s - manufacture, on exhibition in evidence, been thrown in the closed - ranks of the police, as was this infernal machine, instead of killing - but one on the spot, and wounding a few others, it would have blown to - unrecognizable fragments the platoons in the vicinity, and the wounds, - where there were wounds, would have been as clean as with solid - projectiles. - - “This was an infernal bomb from New York, brought there by the - Indianapolis traveler, and not a dynamite bomb, the description in its - effects upon its victims exactly corresponding with the description - of those explosives when once used in battle on the Potomac. The - hollow bullets within the shell, after entering the victim, exploded, - lacerating the flesh and inflicting ugly internal and really infernal - wounds. - - “Six of these condemned men were not even present at the Haymarket - meeting when the tragedy occurred. One of them was five miles - away, at the Deering Harvester Works, in Lake View, addressing a - mass-meeting of two thousand workingmen. Another was at home, in bed, - and knew not of the meeting being held at all until the next day. - These facts, your honor, stand uncontradicted before this court. Only - one witness—Gilmer—and his testimony is overwhelmingly impeached, - as I remarked before—connected the other two—two only—of these men - with the tragedy at the Haymarket at all. - - “Now, with these facts, the attempt to make out a case of conspiracy - against us is a contemptible farce. What are the facts testified - to by the two so-called informers? They said that two of these - defendants were present at the so-called conspiracy meeting of Monday - night. What, then, have you done with the other six men who were - not members—who were not present, and did not know of the meeting - being held Monday night? These two so-called informers testified - that at the so-called conspiracy meeting of May 3 it was resolved - that in the future, when police and militia should attack and club - and kill workingmen at their meetings, then, and then only, they - were in duty bound to help defend these working people against such - unlawful, unrighteous and outrageous assaults. That was all that was - said or done. Was that a conspiracy? If it was, your honor, it was a - conspiracy to do right and oppose what is wrong. - - “But your sentence says that it is criminal for the workingmen to - resolve to defend their lives and their liberties and their happiness - against brutal, bloody and unlawful assaults of the police and - militia.” - -Parsons again returned to Anarchy and defined its doctrines at some -length. In concluding his remarks, which consumed two hours on Friday -and six hours on Saturday, he said: - - “The next day I saw that they were dragging these men to prison, - treating them in a shameful manner. I left the city. I went to Geneva, - Ill., for a couple of days; staid there with friend Holmes. Then I - went to Elgin, Ill.; staid there a couple of days. Then I left there - and went to Waukesha, Wis., where I obtained employment as a carpenter - and afterwards as a painter, and remained for over seven weeks in - Waukesha. My health was debilitated, and I went to the springs when - I was thirsty. The house I was working on was only half a block from - the springs, and I needed the recreation and the rest, and the pure - air, and the water besides. When I saw the day fixed for the opening - of this trial, knowing I was an innocent man, and also feeling that - it was my duty to come forward and share whatever fate had in store - for my comrades, and also to stand, if need be, on the scaffold, and - vindicate the rights of labor, the cause of liberty, and the relief of - the oppressed, I returned. How did I return? It is interesting, but - it will take time to relate it, and I will not state it. I ran the - gauntlet. I went from Waukesha to Milwaukee. I took the St. Paul train - at the Milwaukee depot and came to Chicago; arrived here at 8:30, I - suppose, in the morning; went to the house of my friend Mrs. Ames, on - Morgan Street, sent for my wife and had a talk with her. I sent word - to Captain Black that I was here and prepared to surrender. He sent - word back to me that he was ready to receive me. I met him at the - threshold of this building, and we came up here together. I stood in - the presence of this court. I have nothing, not even now, to regret.” - -The speeches of the defendants occupied three days—the 7th to the -9th of October, inclusive—and when Parsons had finished the court -proceeded to pronounce sentence. Judge Gary said: - - “I am quite well aware that what you have said, although addressed - to me, has been said to the world; yet nothing has been said which - weakens the force of the proof, or the conclusions therefrom upon - which the verdict is based. You are all men of intelligence, and know - that, if the verdict stands, it must be executed. The reasons why it - shall stand I have already sufficiently stated in deciding the motion - for a new trial. - - “I am sorry beyond any power of expression for your unhappy condition, - and for the terrible events that have brought it about. I shall - address to you neither reproaches nor exhortation. What I shall say - shall be said in the faint hope that a few words from a place where - the people of the State of Illinois have delegated the authority to - declare the penalty of a violation of their laws, and spoken upon an - occasion so solemn and awful as this, may come to the knowledge of and - be heeded by the ignorant, deluded and misguided men who have listened - to your counsels and followed your advice. I say in the faint hope; - for if men are persuaded that because of business differences, whether - about labor or anything else, they may destroy property and assault - and beat other men and kill the police if they, in the discharge of - their duty, interfere to preserve the peace, there is little ground to - hope that they will listen to any warning. - - “It is not the least among the hardships of peaceable, frugal and - laborious people to endure the tyranny of mobs who, with lawless - force, dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and life, - where, when and upon what terms they may earn a livelihood for - themselves and their families. Any government that is worthy of - the name will strenuously endeavor to secure to all within its - jurisdiction freedom to follow their lawful avocations in safety for - their property and their persons, while obeying the law; and the law - is common sense. It holds each man responsible for the natural and - probable consequences of his own acts. It holds that whoever advises - murder is himself guilty of the murder that is committed pursuant to - his advice, and if men band together for forcible resistance to the - execution of the law, and advise murder as a means of making such - resistance effectual,—whether such advice be to one man to murder - another or to a numerous class to murder men of another class,—all - who are so banded together are guilty of any murder that is committed - in pursuance of such advice. - - “The people of this country love their institutions. They love their - homes. They love their property. They will never consent that by - violence and murder their institutions shall be broken down, their - homes despoiled and their property destroyed. And the people are - strong enough to protect and sustain their institutions and to punish - all offenders against their laws. And those who threaten danger to - civil society if the law is enforced are leading to destruction - whoever may attempt to execute such threats. - - “The existing order of society can be changed only by the will of the - majority. Each man has the full right to entertain and advance, by - speech and print, such opinions as suit himself; and the great body of - the people will usually care little what he says. But if he proposes - murder as a means of enforcing them he puts his own life at stake. And - no clamor about free speech or the evils to be cured or the wrongs to - be redressed will shield him from the consequences of his crime. His - liberty is not a license to destroy. The toleration that he enjoys - he must extend to others, and he must not arrogantly assume that the - great majority are wrong and that they may rightfully be coerced by - terror or removed by dynamite. - -[Illustration: E. F. L. GAUSS. - -From a Photograph.] - - “It only remains that for the crime you have committed—and of which - you have been convicted after a trial unexampled in the patience - with which an outraged people have extended you every protection and - privilege of the law which you derided and defied—the sentence of - that law be now given. - - “In form and detail that sentence will appear upon the records of - the court. In substance and effect it is that the defendant Neebe be - imprisoned in the State Penitentiary at Joliet at hard labor for the - term of fifteen years. - - “And that each of the other defendants, between the hours of ten - o’clock in the forenoon and two o’clock in the afternoon of the third - day of December next, in the manner provided by the statute of this - State, be hung by the neck until he is dead. Remove the prisoners.” - - _Capt. Black_—“Your honor knows that we intend to take an appeal to - the Supreme Court in behalf of all the defendants. I ask that there - be a stay of execution in the case of Mr. Neebe until the 3d day of - December.” - -[Illustration: HENRY SEVERIN. - -From a Photograph.] - - _Mr. Grinnell_—“If the court please, that is a matter that usually - stands between counsel for the defendants and the State. Every - possible facility will be allowed and everything will be granted you - in that particular that good sense and propriety dictate.” - - _Captain Black_—“That is sufficient.” - -Thus closed the most remarkable trial which ever engaged the attention -of a judge and jury in America. It was begun, as stated, on the 21st -day of June, 1886, and ended on the 20th day of August, thus occupying -exactly two months. I cannot close this chapter without paying a -deserved tribute to Mr. E. F. L. Gauss, who acted as interpreter -throughout the trial. A very large proportion of the witnesses -testified in foreign tongues, but in all the mass of testimony rendered -into English by Mr. Gauss, not a syllable of the translation was ever -challenged. - -Chief Bailiff Henry Severin, with his staff of twenty-six men, had -charge of the eight defendants. It was his duty to bring the prisoners -from and to the court, to preserve order in the crowded court-room, and -to guard the jury, escorting them to and from their hotel and in their -walks, and watching out to prevent any attack by the malcontents upon -the officers of the court. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIV. - - In the Supreme Court—A _Supersedeas_ Secured—Justice Magruder - Delivers the Opinion—A Comprehensive Statement of the Case—How Degan - was Murdered—Who Killed Him?—The Law of Accessory—The Meaning - of the Statute—Were the Defendants Accessories?—The Questions - at Issue—The Characteristics of the Bomb—Fastening the Guilt on - Lingg—The Purposes of the Conspiracy—How they were Proved—A - Damning Array of Evidence—Examining the Instructions—No Error Found - in the Trial Court’s Work—The Objection to the Jury—The Juror - Sandford—Judge Gary Sustained—Mr. Justice Mulkey’s Remarks—The Law - Vindicated. - - -ALTHOUGH doomed to die, the prisoners did not despair. Their counsel -led them to believe that the State Supreme Court would certainly -grant them a rehearing, and the first step to get their case before -that court was to secure a stay of the execution of the sentence. For -this purpose Hon. Leonard Swett was called into the case to assist -Capt. Black, and the two gentlemen accordingly went before Chief -Justice Scott, and on the 25th of November, 1886, secured the desired -_supersedeas_. In March, 1887, the appeal came before the Supreme Court -of Illinois, and arguments were heard in the case until the 18th of -the same month, when the matter was taken under advisement. Several -months elapsed before a decision was handed down, but meanwhile all -the prisoners expressed the utmost confidence in a reversal of the -judgment of the Criminal Court. Their counsel were alike confident of a -rehearing, and sympathizers joined in the hopes indulged in by the men -behind the bars and their representatives before the bar. - -On Wednesday, September 14, 1887, however, the Supreme Court rendered -its decision, sustaining the findings of the lower court in every -particular. It was given by the full bench, and there was not a -dissenting opinion. Justice Benjamin D. Magruder delivered the opinion. -After stating various rulings bearing on murder, conspiracy, accessory -before the fact and other legal points involved in the case, and citing -numerous extracts from the organs of the Anarchists and Herr Most’s -book, he reviewed the authorities given by the counsel to sustain their -respective sides, and then delivered the opinion of the court, as -follows: - - “This case comes before us by writ of error to the Criminal Court of - Cook County. The writ has been made a _supersedeas_. - - “Plaintiffs in error were tried in the summer of 1886 for the murder - of Mathias J. Degan, on May 4, 1886, in the city of Chicago, Cook - County, Illinois. On August 20, 1886, the jury returned a verdict - finding the defendants August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, - Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg guilty - of murder, and fixing death as the penalty. By the same verdict they - also found Oscar W. Neebe guilty of murder and fixed the penalty at - imprisonment in the penitentiary for fifteen years. - -[Illustration: JUDGE BENJAMIN D. MAGRUDER. - -From a Photograph.] - - “About the 1st day of May, 1886, the workingmen of Chicago and of - other industrial centers in the United States were greatly excited - upon the subject of inducing their employers to reduce the time during - which they should be required to labor on each day to eight hours. In - the midst of the excitement growing out of this eight-hour movement, - as it was called, a meeting was held on the evening of May 4, 1886, - at the Haymarket, on Randolph Street, in the West Division of the - city of Chicago. This meeting was addressed by the defendants Spies, - Parsons and Fielden. While the latter was making the closing speech, - and at some point of time between ten and half-past ten o’clock in the - evening, several companies of policemen, numbering one hundred and - eighty men, marched into the crowd from their station on Desplaines - Street, and ordered the meeting to disperse. As soon as the order - was given, some one threw among the policemen a dynamite bomb, which - struck Degan, one of the police officers, and killed him. As a result - of the throwing of the bomb and of the firing of pistol shots, which - immediately succeeded the throwing of the bomb, six policemen besides - Degan were killed, and sixty more were seriously wounded.” - -The court then went into the law of accessory, confirming the -interpretation and ruling of the trial court, that all distinction -between principals and accessories is by the Illinois statute -abolished. The issue thus became: Were the defendants accessories to -the murder of Degan? - -To find the answers to these questions the court went into an -exhaustive review of all the evidence in the case, covering the same -ground which has been gone over in the previous chapters of this book. - -First the bomb with which the murder had been done was considered. -It had been proven to be round; to have a projecting fuse; to be -of composite manufacture; to contain tin and lead, with traces of -antimony, iron and zinc; to have upon it a small iron nut. All these -characteristics were found in the bombs which Louis Lingg manufactured, -and for these and other reasons the court held that the jury was -warranted in believing that the bomb which killed Degan had been made -by Lingg. - -The purposes of the conspiracy were next inquired into, and the -articles in the _Alarm_, the platform of the Internationale and similar -incendiary and dangerous language from many sources are quoted in full -in the opinion. The organization of the Anarchists was also inquired -into, and the divisions into groups, the make-up of the Lehr and Wehr -Verein and like matters stated. The court declared this to be an -“illegal conspiracy.” - -The damning array of evidence against the assassins was brought -together relentlessly and completely. The speeches of the defendants -were sifted, their teachings examined, and there could be left in no -mind a doubt that these men had advised murder and arson, and that they -were guilty technically as well as morally. The opinion of the court -was a masterly presentation of the facts, and the conclusions drawn -from them settled once for all both the law and the equity of this -celebrated case. It was evident that there was law enough in America to -protect society. - -That the Haymarket murders were the legitimate and expected result of -the teachings of the ring-leaders of the conspiracy was conclusively -shown with a ruthless logic that left no hope for pardon, nor for -interference with the law’s stern course. - -Lingg’s case, and the case of Spies, of Engel, of Fischer, of Parsons, -of Neebe, of Fielden were taken up separately, examined with a care -that might be described as almost microscopic, and in each case there -was no flaw in the record—no reason why these men should not pay the -penalty for their crime. - -The concluding part of the opinion is so important from a legal -standpoint, and at the same time of such general interest, that I will -quote it entire: - - “If the defendants, as a means of bringing about the social revolution - and as a part of the larger conspiracy to effect such revolution, also - conspired to excite classes of workingmen in Chicago into sedition, - tumult and riot and to the use of deadly weapons and the taking of - human life, and, for the purpose of producing such tumult, riot, use - of weapons and taking of life, advised and encouraged such classes - by newspaper articles and speeches to murder the authorities of the - city, and a murder of a policeman resulted from such advice and - encouragement, then defendants are responsible therefor. - - “It is a familiar doctrine of the law, in criminal cases, that, if - a reasonable doubt of the guilt of the prisoner is entertained, the - jury have no discretion, but must acquit. The twelfth and thirteenth - instructions for the prosecution are objected to as not correctly - stating to the jury the meaning of ‘reasonable doubt.’ The twelfth - instruction is an exact copy, _verbatim et literatim_, of the sixth - instruction in _Miller et. al._ vs. _The People_, 39 Ill. 457, which - we approved in that case, and which since that case we have indorsed - as correct in at least three cases, to-wit: _May_ vs. _The People_, - 60 Ill. 119, _Connaghan_ vs. _The People_, 88 id. 460, and _Dunn_ vs. - _The People_, 109 id. 635. - - “The portion of the thirteenth instruction which plaintiffs in error - complain of is that which is contained in the following words: ‘You - are not at liberty to disbelieve as jurors if from the evidence - you believe as men.’ This expression has been sanctioned by the - Supreme Court of Pennsylvania as having been properly used in an - instruction given to the jury by a trial judge, and we are inclined to - follow the ruling there laid down. That court said in _Nevling_ vs. - _Commonwealth_, 98 Pa. St. 322: ‘The learned judge then proceeded to - say that the doubt must be a reasonable one, and that jurymen could - not doubt as jurymen what they believed as men. In all this there - was no error. It is the familiar language found in the textbooks and - decisions which treat of the subject.’ - - “By the twelfth and thirteenth instructions, considered in connection - with the eleventh instruction for the State, and also in connection - with the definitions of reasonable doubt as embodied in the - instructions given for the defense, we think the law upon this subject - was correctly presented to the jury. - - “The statute of this State provides that ‘juries in all criminal cases - shall be judges of the law and fact.’ Instruction number thirteen - and a half, given for the prosecution, is objected to as improperly - limiting and qualifying this provision of the statute. It tells the - jury, that ‘if they can say upon their oaths that they know the law - better than the court itself, they have the right to do so,’ ... - but that ‘before saying this, upon their oaths, it is their duty - to reflect whether from their study and experience they are better - qualified to judge of the law than the court,’ etc. - - “The language of instruction number thirteen and a half is an exact - copy, _verbatim et literatim_, of the language used by this court - in _Schnier_ vs. _The People_, 23 Ill. 17. The views expressed in - _Schnier_ vs. _The People_ have been approved of and indorsed in - _Fisher_ vs. _The People_, 23 Ill. 283, _Mullinix_ vs. _The People_, - 76 id. 211, and _Davison_ vs. _The People_, 90 id. 221. The question - is settled, and we see no reason to retreat from our position upon - this subject. - - “It is also claimed that the court erred in refusing to give certain - instructions asked by the defendants. The refusal of refused - instructions numbered 3, 8, 9, 11 and 18 is especially insisted upon - as error. - - “Instruction No. 3 was properly refused because it told the jury - that those of the defendants who were not present at the Haymarket, - counseling, aiding or abetting the throwing of the bomb, should - be acquitted. Under our statute and the decision of this court in - _Brennan_ vs. _The People_, 15 Ill. 517, the defendants were guilty if - they advised and encouraged the murder to be committed, although they - may not have been present. - - “Instruction No. 8 was wrong for a number of reasons, but it is - sufficient to refer to one: it assumes that ‘a conspiracy to bring - about a change of government ... by peaceful means if possible, but, - if necessary, to resort to force for that purpose,’ is not unlawful. - The fact that the conspirators may not have intended to resort to - force, unless, in their judgment, they should deem it necessary to do - so, would not make their conspiracy any the less unlawful. - - “All that was material in instructions 9, 11 and 18 was embodied in - the instructions which were given for the defendants. - - “The defendants also complain that the court refused to give an - instruction for them which contained the following statement: ‘It can - not be material in this case that defendants, or some of them, are or - may be Socialists, Communists or Anarchists,’ etc. - - “If there was a conspiracy, it was material to show its purposes and - objects, with a view to determining whether and in what respects it - was unlawful. Anarchy is the absence of government; it is a state of - society where there is no law or supreme power. If the conspiracy had - for its object the destruction of the law and the government, and - of the police and militia as representatives of law and government, - it had for its object the bringing about of practical Anarchy. - Whether or not the defendants were Anarchists, may have been a proper - circumstance to be considered in connection with all the other - circumstances in the case, with a view to showing what connection, - if any, they had with the conspiracy and what were their purposes in - joining it. Therefore, we can not say that it was error to refuse an - instruction containing such a broad declaration as that announced in - the above quotation. - - “Defendants further complain because the instruction numbered 13, - which was asked by them, was refused by the trial court. The refusal - of this instruction was not error. It was proper enough, so far as - it stated that if a person at the Haymarket ‘without the knowledge, - aid, counsel, procurement, encouragement or abetting of the defendants - or any of them, then or theretofore given, ... threw a bomb among - the police, wherefrom resulted the murder or homicide charged in the - indictment, then the defendants would not be liable for the results - of such bomb,’ etc. But the instruction is so ingeniously worded as - to lead the jury to believe that the person who threw the bomb at the - Haymarket was justified in doing so if the meeting there was lawfully - convened and peaceably conducted and if the order to disperse was - unauthorized and illegal. Counsel inject into the instruction the - hypothesis that the bomb may have been thrown by an outside party ‘in - pursuance of his view of the right of self-defense.’ A mere order to - disperse can not be an excuse for throwing a dynamite bomb into a body - of policemen. If the bomb-thrower had been illegally and improperly - attacked by the police, while quietly attending a peaceable meeting, - and had thrown the bomb to defend himself against such attack, another - question would be presented. The vice of the instruction lies in the - insidious intimation embodied in it, that when a body of policemen, - even if in excess of their authority, give a verbal order to an - assemblage to disperse, a member of that assemblage will be excusable - for throwing a bomb, on the ground of self-defense and because of the - supposed invasion of his rights. - - “The instruction given by the court of its own motion, and which has - already been referred to, is also claimed to be erroneous. So far as - it speaks of murder and advice to commit murder in general terms, - it is sufficiently limited and qualified when read in connection - with all the other instructions, to which it specifically calls - attention. It does not supersede and stand as a substitute for the - other instructions, given for both sides. It does not so purport - upon its face. On the contrary, the jury are directed to ‘carefully - scrutinize’ such other instructions, and are told that their apparent - inconsistencies will disappear under such scrutiny. In the last - sentence they are requested to disregard any unguarded expressions - that may have crept into the instructions, ‘which seem to assume the - existence of any facts,’ and look only to the evidence, etc. Why - caution the jury to disregard certain expressions of a particular - kind in the other instructions, if the latter were to be entirely - superseded? We do not think that the instruction given by the trial - judge _sua motu_ is obnoxious to the objections urged against it. - - “Defendants also object to the instruction as to the form of the - verdict as being erroneous. It is claimed that the jury were obliged, - under this instruction, to find the defendants either guilty or not - guilty of murder, whereas the jury were entitled to find that the - offense was a lower grade of homicide than murder, if the evidence so - warranted. This position is fully answered by our decisions in the - cases of _Dunn_ vs. _The People_, 109 Ill. 646, and _Dacey_ vs. _The - People_, 116 id. 555. If counsel desired to have the jury differently - instructed as to the form of the verdict, they should have prepared an - instruction, indicating such form as they deemed to be correct, and - should have asked the trial court to give it. They did not do so, and - are in no position to complain here. - - “The court, at the request of the defendants, did give the jury an - instruction defining manslaughter in the words of the statute and - specifying the punishment therefor as fixed by the statute. The court - also gave the jury the following instruction: ‘The jury are instructed - that under an indictment for murder a party accused may be found - guilty of manslaughter; and in this case, if from a full and careful - consideration of all the evidence before you, you believe beyond a - reasonable doubt that the defendants or any of them are guilty of - manslaughter, you may so find by your verdict.’ - - “The next error assigned has reference to the impaneling of the - jury. The counsel for plaintiffs in error have made an able and - elaborate argument for the purpose of showing that the jury which - tried this case was not an _impartial_ jury in the sense in which - the word ‘impartial’ is used in our Constitution. We do not deem - a consideration of all the points presented as necessary to a - determination of the case, and shall only notice those that seem to us - to be material. - - “Nine hundred and eighty-one men were called into the jury-box and - sworn to answer questions. Each one of the eight defendants was - entitled to a peremptory challenge of twenty jurors, making the whole - number of peremptory challenges allowed to the defense one hundred and - sixty. The State was entitled to the same number. Seven hundred and - fifty-seven were excused upon challenge for cause. One hundred and - sixty were challenged peremptorily by the defense and fifty-two by the - State. - - “Of the twelve jurors who tried the case, eleven were accepted by the - defendants. They challenged one of these, whose name was Denker, for - cause, but, after the court overruled the challenge, they proceeded - to further question him and finally accepted him, although one - hundred and forty-two of their peremptory challenges were at that - time unused. They accepted the ten others, including the juror Adams, - without objection. When Adams, the eleventh juror, was taken, they had - forty-three peremptory challenges which they had not yet used. - - “Therefore, as to eleven of the jurymen, the defendants are estopped - from complaining. They virtually agreed to be tried by them, because - they accepted them, when, by the exercise of their unused peremptory - challenges, they could have compelled every one of them to stand aside. - - “Counsel for the defense complain that the trial court overruled their - challenges for cause of twenty-six talesmen, to whose examinations - they specifically call our attention. As they afterwards peremptorily - challenged the talesmen so referred to, no one of them sat upon - the jury. Every one of these twenty-six men had been peremptorily - challenged before the eleventh juror was taken. - - “After the eleventh juror was accepted, the forty-three peremptory - challenges which then remained to the defendants were all used by them - before the twelfth juror was taken. - - “After the defendants had examined the twelfth juror, whose name was - Sandford, they challenged him for cause. Their challenge was overruled - and they excepted. - - “The one hundred and sixty talesmen who were peremptorily challenged - by defendants were first challenged for cause, and the challenges for - cause were overruled by the trial court. It is claimed that, inasmuch - as the defendants exhausted all their peremptory challenges before - the panel was finally completed, the action of the court in regard to - these particular jurors will be considered, and, if erroneous, such - action is good ground of reversal. We think it must be made to appear - that an objectionable juror was put upon the defendants after they had - exhausted their peremptory challenges. ‘Unless objection is shown to - one or more of the jury who tried the case, the antecedent rulings of - the court upon the competency or incompetency of jurors who have been - challenged and stood aside will not be inquired into in this court.’ - _Holt_ vs. _State_, 9 Texas Ct. App. 571. - - “We cannot reverse this judgment for errors committed in the lower - court in overruling challenges for cause to jurors, even though - defendants exhausted their peremptory challenges, unless it is further - shown that an objectionable juror was forced upon them and sat upon - the case after they had exhausted their peremptory challenges. This - doctrine is ably discussed in _Loggins_ vs. _State_, 12 Texas Ct. - App. 65. We think the reasoning in that case is sound and answers the - objection here made. - - “In addition to this reason, we have carefully considered the - examinations of the several jurors challenged by the defendants - peremptorily, and while we cannot approve all that was said by the - trial judge in respect to some of them, we find no such error in the - rulings of the court in overruling the challenges for cause as to any - of them as would justify a reversal of the cause. The examinations, - as they appear in the record, of the forty-three talesmen who were - challenged peremptorily after the eleventh juror was accepted, show - that many of the forty-three challenges were exercised arbitrarily and - without any apparent cause. Such challenges were not compelled by any - demonstrated unfitness of the jurors, but seem to have been used up - for no other purpose than to force the selection of one juror after - the forty-three challenges were exhausted. - - “The only question, then, which we deem it material to consider, is: - Did the trial court err in overruling the challenge for cause of - Sandford, the twelfth juror? or, in other words, Was he a competent - juror? - - “The following is the material portion of his examination: - - “Have you an opinion as to whether or not there was an offense - committed at the Haymarket meeting by the throwing of a bomb? A. Yes. - Q. Now, from all that you have read and all that you have heard, - have you an opinion as to the guilt or innocence of any of the eight - defendants of the throwing of that bomb? A. Yes. Q. You have an - opinion upon that question also? A. I have.... Q. Now, if you should - be selected as a juror in this case to try and determine it, do you - believe that you could exercise legally the duties of a juror, that - you could listen to the testimony and all of the testimony and the - charge of the court, and after deliberation return a verdict which - would be right and fair as between the defendants and the People of - the State of Illinois? A. Yes, sir. Q. You believe that you could - do that? A. Yes, sir. Q. You could fairly and impartially listen to - the testimony that is introduced here? A. Yes. Q. And the charge of - the court, and render an impartial verdict, you believe? A. Yes. Q. - Have you any knowledge of the principles contended for by Socialists, - Communists and Anarchists? A. Nothing except what I read in the - papers. Q. Just general reading? A. Yes. Q. You are not a Socialist, I - presume, or a Communist? A. No, sir. Q. Have you a prejudice against - them from what you have read in the papers? A. Decided. Q. Do you - believe that that would influence your verdict in this case or would - you try the real issue which is here as to whether the defendants - were guilty of the murder of Mr. Degan or not, or would you try the - question of Socialism and Anarchism, which really has nothing to - do with the case? A. Well, as I know so little about it in reality - at present, it is a pretty hard question to answer. Q. You would - undertake, you would attempt of course to try the case upon the - evidence introduced here, upon the issue which is presented here? A. - Yes, sir.... Q. Well, then, so far as that is concerned, I do not - care very much what your opinion may be now, for your opinion now - is made up of random conversations and from newspaper reading, as I - understand? A. Yes. Q. That is nothing reliable. You do not regard - that as being in the nature of sworn testimony at all, do you? A. - No. Q. Now, when the testimony is introduced here and the witnesses - are examined, you see them and look into their countenances, judge - who are worthy of belief and who are not worthy of belief, don’t you - think then you would be able to determine the question? A. Yes. Q. - Regardless of any impression that you might have or any opinion? A. - Yes. Q. Have you any opposition to the organization by laboring men - of associations or societies or unions so far as they have reference - to their own advancement and protection and are not in violation of - law? A. No, sir. Q. Do you know any of the members of the police - force of the city of Chicago? A. Not one by name. Q. You are not - acquainted with any one that was either injured or killed, I suppose, - at the Haymarket meeting? A. No.... Q. If you should be selected as a - juror in this case, do you believe that, regardless of all prejudice - or opinion which you now have, you could listen to the legitimate - testimony introduced in court, and upon that, and that alone, render - and return a fair and impartial, unprejudiced and unbiased verdict? A. - Yes. - -The foregoing examination was by the defense. The following was by the -State: - - “Q. Upon what is your opinion founded—upon newspaper reports? - A. Well, it is founded on the general theory and what I read in the - newspapers. Q. And what you read in the papers? A. Yes, sir. Q. Have - you ever talked with any one that was present at the Haymarket at the - time the bomb was thrown? A. No, sir. Q. Have you ever talked with - any one who professed of his own knowledge to know anything about - the connection of the defendants with the throwing of that bomb? A. - No. Q. Have you ever said to any one whether or not you believed the - statement of facts in the newspapers to be true? A. I have never - expressed it exactly in that way, but still I have no reason to think - they were false. Q. Well, the question is not what your opinion of - that was. The question simply is—it is a question made necessary - by our statute, perhaps. A. Well, I don’t recall whether I have or - not. Q. So far as you know then, you never have? A. No, sir. Q. Do - you believe that, if taken as a juror, you can try this case fairly - and impartially and render an impartial verdict upon the law and the - evidence? A. Yes. - -“It is objected that Sandford had formed such an opinion as -disqualified him from sitting upon the jury. - -“It is apparent from the foregoing examination that the opinion of the -juror was based upon rumor or newspaper statements, and that he had -expressed no opinion as to the truth of such rumors or statements. -He stated upon oath that he believed he could fairly and impartially -render a verdict in the case in accordance with the law and the -evidence. That the trial court was satisfied of the truth of his -statement would appear from the fact that the challenge for cause was -overruled. - -“Therefore, the examination of the juror shows a state of facts which -brings his case exactly within the scope and meaning of the third -proviso of the 14th section of chapter 78, entitled ‘Jurors,’ of our -Revised Statutes. That proviso is as follows: ‘_And provided further_, -that, in the trial of any criminal cause, the fact that a person called -as a juror has formed an opinion or impression, based upon rumor or -upon newspaper statements (about the truth of which he has expressed -no opinion), shall not disqualify him to serve as a juror in such -case, if he shall, upon oath, state that he believes he can fairly and -impartially render a verdict therein in accordance with the law and -the evidence, and the court shall be satisfied of the truth of such -statement.’ - -“In _Wilson_ vs. _The People_, 94 Ill. 299, one William Gray was -examined touching his qualifications as a juror and said: ‘I have -read newspaper accounts of the commission of the crime with which the -defendant is charged and have also conversed with several persons in -regard to it since coming to Carthage and during my attendance upon -this term of court; do not know whether they are witnesses in the case -or not; do not know who the witnesses in the case are. From accounts I -have read and from conversations I have had, I have formed an opinion -in the case; would have an opinion now if the facts should turn out as -I heard them, and I think it would take some evidence to remove that -opinion; would be governed by the evidence in the case and can give -the defendant a fair and impartial trial according to the law and the -evidence.’ Gray was challenged for cause and the challenge overruled by -the trial court. We held that all objection to Gray’s competency was -clearly removed by the proviso above quoted. We also there said: ‘The -opinion formed seems not to have been decided, but one of a light and -transient character which at no time would have disqualified the juror -from serving.’ - -“The expressions of Sandford in the case at bar as to the opinion -formed by him are not so strong as those used by Gray in the Wilson -case in regard to his opinion. Sandford’s impressions were not such -as would refuse to yield to the testimony that might be offered, nor -were they such as to close his mind to a fair consideration of the -testimony. They were not ‘strong and deep impressions,’ such as are -referred to by Chief Justice Marshall when he said upon the trial of -Aaron Burr for treason: ‘Those strong and deep impressions which will -close the mind against the testimony which may be offered in opposition -to them, which will combat that testimony and resist its force, do -constitute a sufficient objection’ to a juror. (1 Burr’s Trial, 416.) - -“Counsel for the defense seem to claim in their argument that the -proviso above quoted is unconstitutional in that it violates section -9 of article 2 of the present Constitution of this State, which -guarantees to the accused party in every criminal prosecution ‘a speedy -public trial by _an impartial jury_ of the county or district in which -the offense is alleged to have been committed.’ We do not think that -the proviso is unconstitutional for the reason stated. The rule which -it lays down, when wisely applied, does not lead to the selection of -partial jurors. On the contrary, it tends to secure intelligence in -the jury-box and to exclude from it that dense ignorance which has -often subjected the jury system to just criticism. A statute upon this -subject, similar to ours and attacked as unconstitutional for the same -reason here indicated, was held to be constitutional by the Court of -Appeals in the State of New York in _Stokes_ vs. _The People_, 53 N. Y. -171. - -“The juror Sandford further stated that he had a prejudice against -Socialists, Communists and Anarchists. This did not disqualify him -from sitting as a juror. If the theories of the Anarchists should be -carried into practical effect, they would involve the destruction of -all law and government. Law and government cannot be abolished without -revolution, bloodshed and murder. The Socialist or Communist, if he -attempted to put into practical operation his doctrine of a community -of property, would destroy individual rights in property. Practically -considered, the idea of taking a man’s property from him without his -consent, for the purpose of putting it into a common fund for the -benefit of the community at large, involves the commission of theft and -robbery. Therefore, the prejudice which the ordinary citizen, who looks -at things from a practical standpoint, would have against Anarchism and -Communism, would be nothing more than a prejudice against crime. - -“In _Winnesheik Insurance Co._ vs. _Schueller_, 60 Ill. 465, we said: -‘A man may have a prejudice against crime, against a mean action, -against dishonesty, and still be a competent juror. This is proper, -and such prejudice will never force a jury to prejudge an innocent and -honest man.’ In _Robinson et al._ vs. _Randall_, _supra_, we again -said: ‘The mere fact, therefore that a juror may have a prejudice -against crime does not disqualify him as a juror. A juror may be -prejudiced against larceny, or burglary, or murder, and yet such fact -would not in the least disqualify him from sitting upon a jury to try -some person who might be charged with one of these crimes.’ - -“Sandford stated that he would ‘attempt to try the case upon the -evidence introduced here upon the issue which is presented here.’ The -issue presented was whether the defendants were guilty or not guilty -of the murder of Mathias J. Degan. Any prejudice against Communism -or Anarchism would not render a juror incapable of trying that issue -fairly and impartially. - -“We cannot see that the trial court erred in overruling the challenge -for cause of the twelfth juror. This being so, it does not appear that -the defendants were injured, or that their rights were in any way -prejudiced by his selection as a juryman. - -“On the motion for a new trial the defendants read three affidavits -for the purpose of showing that, shortly after May 4, 1886, two of the -jurors had given utterance to expressions showing prejudice against the -defendants. The two jurors made counter-affidavits denying that they -had used the expressions attributed to them. - -“We do not think that the affidavits satisfactorily proved previously -expressed opinions on the part of the two jurors referred to. It was a -dangerous practice to allow verdicts to be set aside upon _ex parte_ -affidavits as to what jurors are claimed to have said before they were -summoned to act as jurymen. The parties making such affidavits submit -to no cross-examination, and the correctness of their statements is -subjected to no test whatever. We adhere to the views which we have -recently expressed upon this subject in the case of _Hughes_ vs. _The -People_, 116 Ill. 330. - -“The defendants claim that, although they were entitled to one hundred -and sixty peremptory challenges, yet the State was entitled to only -twenty, and they charge it as error that the State was allowed to -peremptorily challenge more than twenty talesmen. The statute says: -‘The attorney prosecuting on behalf of the people shall be admitted to -a peremptory challenge of the same number of jurors that the accused -is entitled to.’ (Rev. Stat. chap. 38, sec. 432.) We cannot conceive -how language can be plainer than that here used. It explains itself and -requires no further remark. The defendants also claim that the trial -court erred in refusing a separate trial, from the other defendants, to -the defendants Spies, Schwab, Fielden, Neebe and Parsons. Error cannot -be assigned upon the refusal to grant separate trials where several -are jointly indicted. It was a matter of discretion with the court -below. We so decided in _Maton et al._ vs. _The People_, 15 Ill. 536. -We are unable to see any abuse of the discretion in this case. - -“Defendants also take exceptions to the conduct of the special -bailiff.[ The regular panel having been exhausted and the defendants -having objected ‘to the Sheriff summoning a sufficient number of -persons to fill the panel’ of jurors, the court appointed a special -bailiff named Ryce to summon such persons under section 13, chapter -78, of the Revised Statutes. On the motion for new trial, defendants -read the affidavit of one Stevens, in which Stevens swore that he had -heard one Favor say that he, Favor, had heard Ryce say that he, Ryce, -was summoning as jurors such men as the defense would be compelled to -challenge peremptorily, etc. The defendants then made a motion, based -upon this affidavit, that Favor be compelled to come into court and -testify to what Ryce had said to him. The refusal of the court to grant -the application is complained of as error. - -“The statements in the affidavit were mere hearsay and were too -indefinite and remote to base any motion upon. Moreover, if Ryce -did make the remark in question to Favor, it does not appear that -defendants were harmed by it. There is nothing to show that Ryce made -any remarks of any kind, proper or improper, to the jurors whom he -summoned. In addition to this, it is not shown that the defendants -served Favor with a subpœna so as to lay a foundation for compelling -his attendance. - -“We think that the course pursued on the trial in regard to the manner -of impaneling the jury was correct and in accordance with the plain -meaning of section 21, chapter 78, of the Revised Statutes. That -section says ‘that the jury shall be passed upon and accepted in panels -of four by the parties, commencing with the plaintiff.’ The State is -not called upon to tender the defendants a second panel before the -defendants tender it back four. - -“We can not see that the remarks of the State’s Attorney in his -argument to the jury were marked by any such improprieties as require -a reversal of the judgment. _Wilson_ vs. _The People_, _supra_, and -_Garrity_ vs. _The People_, 107 Ill. 162. - -“In their lengthy argument counsel for the defense make some other -points of minor importance, which are not here noticed. As to these, -it is sufficient to say that we have considered them and do not regard -them as well taken. - -“The judgment of the Criminal Court of Cook County is affirmed.” - -After the reading of the decision, Justice Mulkey stated that it -had been his intention, if health had permitted, to file a separate -opinion. He said: - - “While I concur in the conclusion reached, and also in the general - view presented in the opinion filed, I do not wish to be understood as - holding that the record is free from error, for I do not think it is. - I am nevertheless of opinion that none of the errors complained of are - of so serious a character as to require a reversal of the judgment. - - “In view of the number of defendants on trial, the great length of - time it was in progress, the vast amount of testimony offered and - passed upon by the court, and the almost numberless rulings the court - was required to make, the wonder with me is, that the errors were not - more numerous and more serious than they are. - - “In short, after having carefully examined the record, and given all - the questions arising upon it my very best thought, with an earnest - and conscientious desire to faithfully discharge my whole duty, I am - satisfied fully that the conclusion reached vindicates the law, does - complete justice between the prisoners and the State, and that it is - fully warranted by the law and the evidence.” - - - - -CHAPTER XXXV. - - The Last Legal Struggle—The Need of Money—Expensive Counsel - Secured—Work of the “Defense Committee”—Pardon, the Only Hope—Pleas - for Mercy to Gov. Oglesby—Curious Changes of Sentiment—Spies’ - Remarkable Offer—Lingg’s Horrible Death—Bombs in the Starch-box—An - Accidental Discovery—My own Theory—Description of the “Suicide - Bombs”—Meaning of the Short Fuse—“Count Four and Throw”—Details of - Lingg’s Self-murder—A Human Wreck—The Bloody Record in the Cell—The - Governor’s Decision—Fielden and Schwab Taken to the Penitentiary. - - -IN spite of this overwhelming defeat at the hands of the Supreme Court -of Illinois, counsel for the Anarchists did not lose hope. They at once -set about formulating plans to carry their case before the highest -tribunal under the law, the Supreme Court of the United States, and -for some time they labored unremittingly in preparing the necessary -grounds on which to bring the matter within the jurisdiction of that -court. The point on which they mainly relied was a constitutional -question involving the validity of the jury law of the State of -Illinois, but time was necessary to put in proper shape other questions -incidental to the main issue, growing out of rulings in the trial -court. Meanwhile money was needed, just as it had been during the -trial and the appeal to the State Supreme Court. It had been resolved -to call into the service of the convicted men eminent constitutional -lawyers, of national reputation as well as of high standing before -the highest tribunal in the land, and contributions were accordingly -sought throughout the country by the Anarchist “Defense Committee” -of Chicago, a body which had been organized preceding the trial. In -compliance with the call, a great deal of money was subscribed, and the -local counsel began to cast about for legal assistance among the most -noted constitutional expounders in the Union, to properly prepare the -case for presentation at Washington. Capt. Black, to whom this duty -seems to have been mainly intrusted, finally decided upon Gen. Pryor, -of New York, and J. Randolph Tucker, and with these eminent jurists he -held long consultations on the best points to make before the court of -last resort. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler was also called into the case as -special counsel for Spies and Fielden. - -Finally, on Thursday, October 27, 1887, the case was brought before -the United States Supreme Court, and arguments were heard before a -full bench. Mr. Tucker was the first to speak, and held the court’s -attention for some time, contending that the Illinois jury law was -in contravention of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of -the United States. That amendment, he said, had been adopted, and -had been construed by the court as for the special protection of the -negro, and he insisted that it should be opened up for the protection -of the whites as well. Upon this point he elaborated at some length, -consuming nearly the whole time allotted to him, and then he proceeded -to show that an impartial jury had not been chosen in the trial court, -some men upon it—reference being made to Denker and Sandford—having -formed a newspaper opinion, but, in spite of that fact, having still -been admitted under the rulings of the court. The first ten amendments -to the Constitution, he held, limited the States in the adoption of -laws abridging the rights of citizens. His whole argument received -marked attention and was ably presented. - -Benjamin F. Butler made a few points in addition to those presented in -his brief, but the main burden of his plea was that his clients, Spies -and Fielden, were aliens and had come to this country under treaties -made with Germany and England, long before the jury law of Illinois was -passed. - -Attorney-General Hunt, of Illinois, replied to the various points made -by the petitioners, showing that the Federal Constitution, in its -first ten amendments, did not restrict the rights of a State in the -regulation of jury selections, and that there was no refuge for any -of the defendants under the treaties. It was an eloquent and masterly -argument, and its effect on the court was subsequently shown in the -decision, which closely followed in the line of Mr. Hunt’s position on -the matters in question. - -State’s Attorney Grinnell was present simply to assist the -Attorney-General in pointing out the salient features in the record -of the trial court, with which he was so thoroughly familiar, but, on -solicitation, he also addressed the court at some length. He spoke with -reference to some details in the trial, and made a clear and concise -exposition of the case. He was followed by General Butler, who spoke -at considerable length, but advanced no new points, except that he -maintained that Spies had been compelled to testify against himself. - -The arguments occupied two days, and the court reserved its decision -until Wednesday, November 2. On that day the court decided, on the -claim that the first ten amendments to the Constitution limited the -rights of a State in the passage of laws affecting personal rights, -that they “were not intended to limit the powers of the State -Government in respect to their own citizens, but to operate on the -National Government alone.” This had been decided more than fifty years -before, and that decision had been steadily adhered to ever since. “It -was contended in argument,” said the court, “that, although originally -the first two amendments were adopted as limitations on Federal power, -yet, in so far as they secure and recognize fundamental rights, -common-law rights of the man, they make them privileges and immunities -of the man as a citizen of the United States and cannot now be abridged -by a State under the Fourteenth Amendment.” The objections raised, in -brief, were that a statute of the State, as construed by the court, -deprived the petitioners of a trial by an impartial jury and that Spies -was compelled to give evidence against himself. The statute to which -special objection was made, continued the court, was approved March 12, -1874, and went into force on July 1 of that year. The claim set up by -petitioners was that the trial court, acting under this law, compelled -them against their will to submit to a trial by a jury that was not -impartial, and thus deprived them of one of the fundamental rights they -had as citizens of the United States under the Federal Constitution, -and that if the sentence was carried out they would be deprived of -their lives “without due process of law.” The court then referred to -the peremptory challenges allowed petitioners and held that with these -the constitutional right of the accused had been maintained. - -“Although a juror called as a juryman,” said the court, “may have -formed an opinion based upon rumor or newspaper statement, he is still -qualified as a juror if he states that he can fairly and impartially -render a verdict thereon in accordance with the law and the evidence. -Indeed, the rule of the statute of Illinois as construed by the trial -court is not materially different from that which has been adopted -by the courts in many other States without any legislation. We agree -entirely with the Illinois Supreme Court in the opinion that the -statute on its face, as construed by the trial court, is not repugnant -to section 9 of article 2 of the Constitution of that State, which -guarantees to the accused party in every criminal prosecution a speedy -trial by an impartial jury of the county or district in which the -offense is alleged to have been committed.” - -Speaking of the alleged bias of one of the jurors—Denker—the court -says that neither party at the close of the examination challenged -the juror peremptorily. “When this occurred it was not denied,” says -the court, “that the defendants were still entitled to 143 peremptory -challenges, or about that number.” As to Juror Sandford, the court said -that “at the close of his examination on the part of the defendants the -juror was challenged on their behalf for cause, and the attorney for -the State, after having ascertained that all the peremptory challenges -of the defendants had been exhausted, took up the examination of the -juror.” It then appearing that he could render an impartial verdict, he -was sworn in under the proper rulings of the court. - -As to Spies being compelled to be a witness against himself, the court -ruled that, inasmuch as he had voluntarily offered himself as a witness -in his own behalf, by so doing he had become bound to submit himself to -a proper cross-examination. But it was said that the reading of Most’s -letter was not proper evidence. “That is,” continued the court, “a -question of State law in the courts of the States, and not of Federal -law.” Something was said about the alleged unreasonable search and -seizure of the papers and property of some of the defendants, and their -use in evidence in the trial of the case. Special reference was made to -letters from Most to Spies, about which he was cross-examined; but “we -have,” said the court, “not been referred to any part of the record in -which it appears that objection was made to the use of the evidence on -that account,” and therefore, “as the Supreme Court of Illinois says -so, we cannot consider the constitutional question involved.” - -The writ of error prayed for in the petitions and briefs filed and the -arguments made on their merits was therefore denied. - -The late Chief Justice Waite read the decision, and there was not a -dissenting opinion, thus overwhelmingly sustaining the most important -rulings made by Judge Gary and attesting the impregnable position taken -by the State. - -The prisoners in the Cook County Jail were now confronted with the -awful fate in store for them nine days hence from the rendering of the -Supreme Court’s decision. But, like drowning men grasping at straws, -they turned in the direction of executive clemency. Their counsel, -Capt. Black especially, entertained strong hopes of securing from Gov. -Oglesby a commutation of sentence to imprisonment in the penitentiary. -Steps were accordingly taken looking to that end. Petitions to the -chief executive of Illinois were at once put in circulation for -signatures, and friends and sympathizers of the condemned busied -themselves in writing personal letters pleading for mercy. - -As the day of execution approached, it was surprising to note how many, -who had hitherto clamored for blood in atonement for the Haymarket -massacre, now exerted themselves in the effort to secure executive -clemency. With my own eyes I saw people who had made the most fuss -shouting, “Hang the Anarchists! Don’t give them a chance for their -lives. Destroy them at once. They must be roasted out; the balance of -them must leave the country,” the first to weaken. They began calling -the doomed Anarchists “poor innocent men; it is too bad to hang them. -If they would only promise to do better hereafter, the authorities -ought to let them go.” There were others, again, who wished to see the -laws enforced, but who failed to make their true feelings known during -the interval immediately preceding the day set for the execution. -These, when it became almost certain that the Anarchists must hang, -showed themselves very firm and openly declared that the men fully -deserved hanging, and should be hanged as determined by the verdict of -the jury. - -Some of those who had given their moral support to the prosecution -even went to the extent of giving up rooms in their residences for -meetings of parties interested in imploring executive clemency, and -avowed Anarchists and Socialists spread their feet under mahogany -tables and shuffled dirt-laden shoes over velvety rugs in houses that -had hitherto sheltered owners who, on the streets and in the marts of -trade, had denounced the Anarchists in unmeasured terms. But there were -those who believed, from the conclusion of the trial up to the last -moment, that the law should take its course, and these were largely -in the majority. Governor Oglesby is made of stern material, but the -most stern and rugged natures, with the clearest perceptions of duty -and the most absolute belief in guilt, would have yielded to public -sentiment as being the best guide in a case involving the lives of -human, fallible beings. Really public sentiment upheld the verdict, and -only yielded in the abatement of the sentence of Fielden and Schwab as -justified by the mitigating circumstances in their cases. - -The day drew near for decisive action, and, on the 9th of November, -Capt. Black, accompanied by his wife, George Schilling, Mrs. Schwab, -Mrs. and Miss Spies, Miss Engel, Miss Mueller, Lingg’s sweetheart, and -Mrs. Fischer, repaired to the Capitol at Springfield, to personally -intercede for mercy. The “Amnesty Committee,” organized shortly before -to arouse interest in preventing the execution, was represented by -Cora L. V. Richmond, a noted trance-spiritualistic exhorter, and a few -others of less renown. Mr. W. M. Salter, of the Ethical Society of -Chicago, Gen. M. M. Trumbull, Henry D. Lloyd and S. P. McConnell also -proceeded to the State capital on special missions in behalf of one or -the other of the Anarchists, and besides there was a large sprinkling -of labor representatives. Governor Oglesby, who had meanwhile -accumulated a voluminous mass of letters and had received lengthy -petitions from Chicago and all other parts of the country, even from -the Commune of Paris, met the various delegations in his office in the -Executive Department. - -The first speaker was Capt. Black, who presented a long petition, which -he read, signed by Schwab, Fielden and Spies. It set forth the grounds -upon which an exercise of the pardoning power was invoked, claiming -that the signers were wholly innocent of any knowledge of the throwing -of the bomb, and giving a brief epitome of the history of the case. It -gave ten reasons for asking a pardon. These reasons may be summarized -as follows: 1. They were innocent of the bomb-throwing, alike in act -and intent. 2. They had no knowledge of any purpose or arrangement for -the throwing of the bomb. 3. They (those present) counseled peace at -the Haymarket meeting and there disclaimed any purpose of violence. -4. A great deal of evidence was permitted to be presented in court -which had no specific reference to the crime charged, and an effort -was made to prove that their utterances and advice had reference -alone to “defensive action by the wage class as against any unlawful -attacks upon them,” and in thus publicly expressing their sentiments -by pen and speech they were not conscious that they were violating the -law. 5. Under a rule of responsibility allowed, which was contrary -to Anglo-Saxon legislation but expressed in the statute law of the -State, they were held to be accessories “for the act of a supposed -but absolutely unknown and unidentified principal, when the actor -in the commission of the crime charged may have acted, not as the -agent, but the enemy, of the accused;” and they had been tried as “the -supposed leaders of a general movement or conspiracy embracing a much -larger number of men.” 6. Their trial was at a time of great public -excitement, when press and public demanded their conviction as enemies -of public order. 7. That men were allowed to sit upon the jury with -strong prejudices against them. 8. They were not tried by men according -to constitutional rights, but had jurors “with a prejudgment of their -guilt induced and inflamed by the daily reading of the papers,” whose -columns had never ceased to denounce them. 9. Some of them were -subjected to illegal cross-examinations, and “the provisions of the -Constitution and the law were set aside, and property unlawfully seized -in unauthorized searches was introduced to bring about a conviction.” -10. They believed and charged that the special bailiff who was -intrusted with securing talesmen for the jury had deliberately selected -men whose views he was assured were hostile to them. - -Capt. Black commented upon each point made in the petition, and -explained that up to the time of the Haymarket meeting his clients had -had the absolute, uniform acquiescence of the municipal authorities -in all their public and secret gatherings. He also read an affidavit -of Otis S. Favor, to show that the bailiff had said to affiant that -he was “managing this case” (meaning selection of the jury to try the -Anarchists) and “he knew what he was about.” - -The plea was an eloquent and forcible one, but the Governor never gave -the slightest sign as to how far it had affected his judgment of the -case. - -Mrs. Richmond spoke with reference to the petitions which her -committee had presented, containing many signatures, and explained -that “the majority of those who had signed them had done so because -they considered it a matter of public policy that these men should -not be hanged.” Another reason she advanced was that “these men did -not intend a murder, and the fact cannot be shown that they had any -direct connection in the throwing of the bomb which caused the death -of Officer Degan.” She held that public opinion was unanimous that -these men could not afford to be sacrificed. “The shock upon the -rising generation will be such that it will take fifty or one hundred -years to wipe it out, and we believe it never could be wiped out from -the records of this State.” She asked that the sentence be commuted -“on the higher ground that it should be done for the welfare of the -people,” and then, after deploring the existence of capital punishment -in Illinois, she said that if mercy was shown by the Governor, his name -would forever be written on the scroll of humanity along with that of -the martyred Abraham Lincoln. “I again implore you, sir, to extend -clemency to these condemned men, and enroll your name among those who -have dared to do for humanity what all the courts of the land have -denied.” - -Gen. M. M. Trumbull had had a pamphlet prepared respecting the trial, -and after presenting a copy of it to the Governor, and calling -attention to the fact that he had therein reviewed the unfairness of -the trial, he made a few remarks, closing as follows: “In behalf of -the families of these men; in behalf of the men themselves; in behalf -of thousands and hundreds of thousands of people who sympathize with -them in their misfortunes, I implore your Excellency to show mercy in -their case.” - -Elijah M. Haines, ex-Speaker of the Illinois House of Representatives, -said: “I do not come here, your Excellency, like others, to appeal to -the executive of this State to exercise an act of clemency; neither do -I come here representing petitioners. But I come here representing a -sentiment appealing to the executive branch of the government for an -act of justice.” His plea was based simply on the ground of justice, -not policy, and he held that what had been a crime years ago was not a -crime now, and that “this sentence, at this time, would not have been -the sentence of the barbarous race that preceded us.” He held that no -conspiracy had been proven, and that the men had been condemned to -die through prejudice. He did not believe in capital punishment, and -concluded that “the peculiar complication of this case would make the -execution of these men hazardous to the best interests of society.” - -State Senator Streeter made a short address. He began by saying: “We -are not here to favor any crime, but we do believe that this case marks -an epoch in our history; that you and I, Governor, and the people who -are living, probably never met or never will again meet an emergency in -history like this. It is almost without parallel.” He then pleaded for -clemency on the ground of “the common good of society,” and asked the -Governor to give the petition a careful consideration. - -Messrs. Bailey and Campbell, representing the Trades and Labor Assembly -of Quincy, Ill., each spoke a few words for the doomed men, and they -were followed by William Urban, who spoke “for the German workingmen -of North Chicago,” and presented a set of resolutions passed by the -Central Labor Union. - -L. S. Oliver, on behalf of the “Amnesty Committee,” made a few -statements and presented a petition containing 41,000 names. - -Mr. Shullenberg, of Detroit, Mich., said he represented forty-five -organizations, and he asked, on their behalf, that executive clemency -be extended. - -C. G. Dixon, of Chicago, also submitted a long petition, and addressed -the Governor at some length. He was followed by Samuel Gompers, of -New York, President of the American Federation of Labor, who went -into an account of the eight-hour movement, and held that the police -were responsible for the Haymarket riot. He said that thousands would -consider that the men had been executed because they had stood up for -free speech and free assemblage, and maintained that throughout the -civilized world there had arisen a protest against the execution of the -men. He concluded by saying that the throwing of that bomb had killed -the eight-hour movement, and that, had it not been for that, it would -have been successful to a great extent. - -Other addresses were made by Edward King, of District Assembly 49, -of New York; President Quinn, of the same organization, and George -Schilling. The various delegations then withdrew to permit the -relatives of the doomed men to confer personally with the Governor, and -then each in turn gave a few reasons why the Governor should be lenient. - -After this conference Mr. J. R. Buchanan and Mrs. George Schilling, -accompanied by two friends, sought an audience with the Governor and -presented a personal letter from August Spies. In that letter, dated -November 6, among other things he wrote: - - “I care not to protest my innocence of any crime, and of the one I am - accused of in particular. I have done that, and leave the rest to the - judgment of history.... If a sacrifice of life there must be, will - not my life suffice? The State’s Attorney of Cook County asked for no - more. Take this, then! Take my life! I offer it to you so that you may - satisfy the fury of a semi-barbaric mob, and save that of my comrades.” - -This extract fully indicates the whole tenor of the letter. - -Messrs. Salter, Lloyd and McConnell next visited the Governor and spoke -on behalf of the men. - -Mr. Edward Johnson, a slate and stone dealer of Chicago, presented a -petition on behalf of Fielden’s former employers, numbering thirty-one -firms, and in that document they set forth that they had known Fielden -for fifteen years as an honest, hard-working, sober, reliable employé, -with no brutal or bloody instincts, and that the only trouble with him -was that “he was cursed with a gift of rude eloquence, a fatal facility -of speech, and had a consuming desire for the praise and applause of -his fellow-men, and in this lay the cause of his downfall.” - -This petition was accompanied by a personal letter from Fielden, dated -November 5, 1887. After speaking of his earlier years, and his interest -in the cause of workingmen, the letter concludes: - - “I was intoxicated with the applause of my hearers, and, the more - violent my language, the more applause I received. My audience and - myself mutually excited each other. I think, however, it is true - that, for sensational or other purposes, words were put in my mouth - and charged to me which I never uttered; but, whether this be true or - not, I say now that I no longer believe it proper that any class of - society should attempt to right its own wrongs by violence. I can now - see that much that I said under excitement was unwise, and all this - I regret. It is not true, however, that I ever consciously attempted - to incite any man to the commission of crime. Although I do admit - that I belonged to an organization which was engaged at one time in - preparing for a social revolution, I was not engaged in any conspiracy - to manufacture or throw bombs. I never owned or carried a revolver - in my life and did not fire one at the Haymarket. I had not the - slightest idea that the meeting at the Haymarket would be other than - a peaceable and orderly one, such as I had often addressed in this - city, and was utterly astounded at its bloody outcome, and have always - felt keenly the loss of life and suffering there occasioned. - - “In view of these facts I respectfully submit that, while I confess - with regret the use of extravagant and unjustifiable words, I am not a - murderer. I never had any murderous intent, and I humbly pray relief - from the murderer’s doom. That these statements are true I do again - solemnly affirm by every tie that I hold sacred, and I hope that your - Excellency will give a considerate hearing to the merits of my case, - and also to those of my imprisoned companions who have been sentenced - with me.” - -Judge Gary and Mr. Grinnell also wrote a letter setting forth this -natural desire of Fielden’s for applause and saying that there was no -evidence showing that he knew of any preparations to throw the bomb. -They believed him to have been an honest and industrious man and -thought executive clemency in his case would be justifiable. - -A letter from Schwab was also presented to the Governor. It was short -and read as follows: - - “As supplemental to the petition heretofore signed by me, I desire - to say that I realize that many utterances of mine in connection - with the labor agitation of the past, expressions made under intense - excitement, and often without any deliberation, were injudicious. - These I regret, believing that they must have had a tendency to - incite to unnecessary violence oftentimes. I protest again that I had - no thought or purpose of violence in connection with the Haymarket - meeting, which I did not even attend, and that I have always deplored - the results of that meeting.” - -This was accompanied by a letter from Judge Gary, concurring with -State’s Attorney Grinnell’s opinion that Schwab’s case deserved -consideration, as the man was friendless and had evidently been the -pliant tool of stronger-willed men. George C. Ingham also wrote, saying -that if executive clemency was shown to Fielden and Schwab it would not -be misplaced. - -While the case was thus being discussed at Springfield, Parsons, Lingg, -Engel and Fischer were strongly urged by their friends to send personal -letters appealing for clemency, but each absolutely refused. They wrote -letters to the Governor, but declared that they would not accept a -pardon unless it restored them to full liberty. They held that they had -committed no wrong, and hence could seek no clemency except that which -would release them from imprisonment. - -On the same day that the delegations appeared before the Governor, Mr. -Vere V. Hunt went before Judge Richard J. Prendergast, of the County -Court in Chicago, and filed a petition to try the sanity of Lingg. He -gave as witnesses Dr. James G. Kiernan, George E. Detwiler, Ferdinand -Spies, Ida Spies, Henry Spies, Chris Spies, Mr. Kuttleman, Gustav Poch, -Louis Zetter, Mr. Linnemeyer and W. Bentthin. After arguments, Judge -Prendergast held that, in view of the judgment of the Supreme Court, -affirming the sentence of the Criminal Court, he had no jurisdiction. -The next day Mr. Hunt presented the same petition to Judge Frank -Baker, but, after hearing arguments, the court declined to examine into -the question of the bomb-maker’s sanity. - -Another curious move was also made on behalf of Parsons on the day -preceding the execution. It was an application for a writ of _habeas -corpus_ by Attorney Salomon, and was presented before Judge M. F. -Tuley. The grounds on which it was based were that the judgment -affirmed by the Supreme Court was directed against seven men and -not against one, and that the prisoner, not being in court when the -sentence was passed, could not be executed under it. He also claimed -that the death warrant was not legal because it did not run in the name -of the people of the State of Illinois. Judge Tuley said the court -had no power to correct any errors of the Supreme Court, and that the -prisoner was legally in the custody of the Sheriff, and the application -would accordingly be denied. - -[Illustration: JAILOR FOLZ. - -From a Photograph.] - -While favorable results were being anticipated by some as to the -Governor’s decision, an incident occurred which dampened their -expectations and somewhat affected public sentiment in the belief of -the guilt of the conspirators. Although it probably had no effect on -the Governor’s decision, Anarchists at large thought it would highly -prejudice the case of their friends at his hands. This incident was the -horrible suicide of Louis Lingg. - -While the Anarchists were confined in the Cook County Jail they were -quartered in that portion of the premises known as “murderers’ row.” -This row faces south on the first gallery, in view of the entrance to -the jail corridor, and had been so designated because in times past men -accused of murder and awaiting trial, or men convicted of murder and -awaiting execution of sentence, were kept in the cells on that tier. -Lingg, the most defiant Anarchist of them all, occupied cell No. 22; -Engel, No. 23; Spies, No. 24; Schwab, No. 26; Fielden, No. 27, and -Fischer, No. 28. During Neebe’s detention, before being taken to the -penitentiary, he occupied cell No. 21. All the prisoners were subjected -to strict prison discipline. The rules of the jail knew no relaxation -in the case of any one brought into that part of the establishment, and -each regulation was carried out to the very letter. - -Jailor Folz is a veteran in the service, having filled the jailorship -off and on for twenty-two years, and he thoroughly understands all the -requirements in the way of jail discipline, to prevent escapes and -guard against suicides and assaults. I know him well, and he always has -one ear and one eye open to the conduct of the prisoners and the other -eye and ear for his own security, like a sailor who gives one-half of -his body to the ship and reserves the other half for his own safety. -Where so many desperate characters are confined it requires the utmost -vigilance to keep them under control and restrain them from violent -outbreaks. Men whose lives have been almost a continual record of -misdeeds, crimes and murders are not, as a rule, easily handled, and -the wonder is that there have been so few to create trouble in Folz’s -bailiwick. - -One of the rules is a regular inspection of all the cells for -contraband articles and the exclusion of all implements calculated -to aid a prisoner in effecting his escape. Sometimes a revolver may -be found during these inspections; at other times a tiny saw for -cutting the bars, and then again some tool for cutting through the -flagstones with a view to reaching the air-shaft or getting into the -sewer underneath; and, though rarely, even smuggled poison has been -discovered. - -All prisoners are carefully searched before being locked up, but it -frequently happens that prisoners are permitted to talk with their -friends through the lawyers’ cage. This cage is an inclosure ten by -sixteen feet in dimensions, with iron bars and strong wires, and -while it would seem impossible to pass anything through the narrow -interstices, now and then an aperture is pried open wide enough to -pass in contraband articles. In this way many things have been found -smuggled into the jail. Food and delicacies handed into the jail office -for prisoners are always carefully examined, and this precaution was -particularly exercised in the case of the Anarchists as the time -approached for their execution. - -On Sunday morning, November 6, 1887, Mr. Folz gave orders about -eight o’clock to have the cells of the Anarchists searched, and -Deputies John Eagan and O. E. Hogan were detailed for that purpose. -Lingg’s cell was first examined, and while the search proceeded he -was locked up in the “lawyers’ cage.” A lot of revolutionary books, -copies of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ and other papers were taken out and -thrown temporarily in the corridor. In one corner of the room stood a -ten-pound starch-box, in one nook of which there was a kerosene lamp, -about which again some onions were piled. Box and onions were placed on -the gallery platform for the time being. - -The officers were next about to proceed to a search of Engel’s cell, -but just before doing so Hogan happened to kick box, onions and all -over the platform, down onto the main floor. At the time some of -the prisoners, who were exercising themselves in the corridor, got -curious as to the contents of the rubbish, and, in the hope of finding -something they might desire, began a search of the pile. Some of them -seemed particularly interested in something they had discovered, and -Hogan, noticing their intent gaze, stopped to look at them. He noticed -that one of the prisoners had something strange in his hands. Eagan -also noticed the same thing and started on a run down-stairs. Arriving -at the place where the knot of prisoners had gathered, he found that -the curious object which they were scrutinizing was nothing else than -a dynamite bomb. The bomb, it appears, had been dashed out of the box -as it fell on the floor from the gallery platform above, and interest -at once centered in the innocent-looking box. Mr. Eagan found therein -three other bombs, and they were immediately taken to Jailor Folz’s -office. The box was next carefully examined, and it was found to have -a false bottom, in which the bombs had been concealed. Some six days -before this box had been brought into the jail, and, being apparently -empty, it had been passed in to Lingg. It was evident that it had been -made according to Lingg’s instructions by some handy carpenter who was -a close friend, and, judging from its construction, it seems to have -been patterned after Lingg’s trunk, which, it will be remembered, also -had a false bottom, and in whose secret apartment I found a lot of -dynamite, together with a coil of fuse and a supply of caps. Either the -bombs were in the box at the time it was brought to the jail, or they -must have been smuggled in through a temporarily-forced opening in the -wire cage. The officials incline to the former theory. - -Lingg was a most interested spectator. It was evident from his actions -that the discovery greatly troubled him. His face became almost livid -with rage, his eyes fairly snapped fire, and he fumed in his cage like -an imprisoned beast of prey. He was speechless with anger, and every -motion betrayed an energy of passion that was fearful to behold. - -After a little while Lingg was taken out of the “lawyers’ cage,” and -thereafter he was confined in a cell fixed up for him on the lower -floor, where he could be directly under the eyes of the officials, -who by this time had come to regard him as a very dangerous man. -At ten o’clock on the same morning, I received a dispatch from the -Sheriff asking me to call at the jail immediately. Arriving there, I -met Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz, and after they had explained the -circumstances of the morning’s find, the four bombs were handed to me -for examination. I found that they were all loaded with dynamite of the -regular kind, and I gave it as my opinion that they were manifestly -intended for suicidal purposes, to escape the gallows. I could not -believe that they were made for any other purpose. Both the Sheriff and -the Jailor concurred in this view, and they so expressed themselves -to outsiders, although sensational reports were circulated in the -newspapers that the bombs were smuggled in to be used especially on the -day of the execution, to blow the jail, prisoners and visitors to the -four winds. - -I took charge of the bombs, and subsequently, at the station, gave -them a more thorough examination. They were all of the same size, -being six inches long, three-eighth gas-pipe, and one end of each had -been plugged with a boiler rivet one inch long. On each rivet there -had been cut about a dozen notches with a sharp chisel, and after the -rivets had been inserted hot lead had been poured into the pipe from -the top, thus fastening them in place. A wooden plug, through which -a hole had been bored in the center for the cap and fuse, had been -put at the other end of each pipe; and thus plugged, with a charge of -dynamite inside, it was a most destructive implement. The dynamite -used was of the regular factory make, the percussion cap of English -manufacture, and the fuse of the tar-cloth, water-proof kind. The fuse -was cut scarcely an inch long, and a fuse of that length would explode -the cap as soon almost as it was ignited. I explained these features -in a general way to Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz, and told them that -with such a short fuse no one using one of these deadly contrivances -could light it and then throw the bomb away before it would explode. -It might, as I explained to them, be kept about the body or inserted -in a man’s mouth, and in an instant after being lighted an explosion -would follow. Hence my theory was that they were designed exclusively -for suicidal purposes. A photographic illustration of the suicide bombs -appears on page 595. - -[Illustration: BENJ. P. PRICE.] - -The bomb used at the Haymarket was of the kind called the “five and six -seconds fuse.” The fuse on a bomb of that kind was cut at a length of -four inches, and the instruction to Anarchists in handling one of them -was to count four just as soon as the fuse caught fire, and then throw -it. If the bombs found in Lingg’s cell had had that length of fuse, -then it might have been possible that they were intended for general -destruction. These bombs had evidently been made under instructions -from Lingg. He was the only one who made bombs by plugging up one end -with lead, and, whoever the party was that turned them out for him, he -must have had some prior experience with Lingg in bomb-making. That -could be plainly seen, too, in the way the fuse had been fastened in -the caps. It was also manifest that the man must have been a machinist. -But no clue as to his identity could be secured, and, of course, Lingg -never gave the slightest hint to any of the officers, or even to his -associates. - -Thereafter, as might have been expected, Lingg was more carefully -watched than ever. No strange visitors were permitted to see him. The -discovery of the explosives had created an intense and wide-spread -excitement, and Sheriff Matson issued most stringent orders with -reference, not only to Lingg, but to all the other confined Anarchists. -By these orders the public was measurably reassured. - -[Illustration: LOUIS LINGG’S TERRIBLE DEATH.] - -The bomb-maker had been committed to cell No. 11, and every article -constituting its outfit had been subjected to the closest inspection. -It seemed certain that there could be no dynamite in that cell. -Besides this, Mr. Benjamin P. Price, the Jail Clerk, made it his -special business to look after the desperate man, and there seemed no -possibility of danger from that quarter. - -But on the morning of the 10th of November, at 8:45 o’clock, the -officials as well as occupants of the jail were startled by the sound -of a terrific explosion. Consternation seized everybody for the moment. -Each surmised that some sad havoc had been created in some portion of -the jail, and that his special section had miraculously escaped. All -within the jail precincts jumped to their feet, and the most eager -inquiries were made as to the cause of the noise. Even the inmates of -the cells in the immediate vicinity of the spot where the explosion had -occurred thought that some other portion of the building had been blown -up, and they were uncertain whether the attack had come from without or -within. - -The first idea credited the explosion to confederates of the Anarchists -on the outside. This was a perfectly natural conclusion. All sorts of -rumors about violent demonstrations and forcible attempts at rescue -of the doomed Anarchists were in circulation about the city, and the -instant this detonation was heard it was supposed that the threats had -been finally carried into effect. So loud was the report that people -passing on the streets surrounding the jail imagined that fearful -destruction must have been created inside. But after the first flush -of excitement had subsided, the source of the commotion was easily and -speedily ascertained. - -The explosion had occurred in Lingg’s cell. The night before Lingg had -appeared in one of his complacent moods, and when the death-watch eyed -him closely the next morning nothing unusual was discovered in his -demeanor. Lingg seemed to be resting easily on his couch, and there was -not the slightest indication that anything tragic was contemplated. -While the death-watch, Deputy Sheriff Osborne, was giving his attention -to something else for a moment, however, Lingg saw his opportunity, -rose stealthily from his bed, seized a candle that flickered dimly in a -corner of the cell, and, jumping back to his couch, put the bomb in his -mouth and applied the flame. In an instant a loud explosion followed. - -Officials were soon in the cell and found Lingg lying on his side on -the couch, with one arm thrown over his head and the other resting on -a little table. A stream of blood was coursing down the pillow, and -pools of it had gathered upon the bedding. The deputies raised him up -gently. A ghastly sight met their gaze. The lower jaw had been almost -entirely blown away, the upper lip was completely torn to shreds, -the greater part of his nose was in tatters, only a fragment of his -tongue remained, and every vestige of front teeth had disappeared. What -remained of his cheeks looked like flesh torn by vultures, and every -jagged part bled profusely. The inside of his upper jaw was horribly -lacerated. It looked as though no man could survive such a wound for -a moment after its infliction. And yet the bomb-maker was alive and -breathing regularly. - -Lingg was at once removed from the cell to a large bath-room near -the Jailor’s office, and made as comfortable as circumstances would -permit. Drs. Fenger, Moyer and Bluthardt were at once sent for, and -they responded immediately. They applied such restoratives as medical -science suggested, but they found no little difficulty in stopping the -bleeding and preventing the blood from running down the man’s throat -and interfering with his breathing. Now and then he coughed, and with -each spell emitted large quantities of blood. The pallet upon which he -rested, and the floor underneath, were saturated with blood, and its -strong flow attested a superb physical condition—a wonderful vitality. - -[Illustration: LINGG’S LAST WORDS. - -From a Photograph.] - -During all the operations of the surgeons Lingg remained perfectly -conscious and eyed them as complacently as though they had been at -work on some other patient. He showed no concern and never quivered. -While calmly stretched on the cot, he closely observed all who entered -the room and seemed surprised at their consternation. It was only -when some police officers entered to look at him that he showed signs -of nervousness, and then, with pantomimic flourishes of his hand, he -indicated that he desired them to leave. The signs were correctly -interpreted; for the moment the officers left he quieted down easily, -and a grateful look from his eyes expressed his satisfaction. John C. -Klein, who afterwards became famous for the active part he took in the -troubles in the island of Samoa—readers will remember that there was a -great deal of diplomatic correspondence on account of them, that there -was even talk of war between the United States and Germany—was at that -time a reporter for one of the Chicago dailies, and in that capacity -was present in the room. While still being operated upon, Lingg -beckoned to Klein for pencil and paper, and, these being handed to him, -he wrote, in German: “Please support my back. When I lie down I cannot -breathe.” That piece of paper, stained with Lingg’s blood, is still in -existence, and is shown in the engraving. - -[Illustration: JOHN C. KLEIN.] - -Everything was done to alleviate Lingg’s sufferings, but he died at -2:45 that afternoon. - -The bomb-maker’s remains were placed in a neat coffin, and Bailiff -Eagan was detailed to critically examine Lingg’s cell. It was -discovered that when Lingg had lighted the bomb, which had been placed -firmly between the teeth, he was reclining on his cot, with his head -near the wall. This was indicated by the fact that Eagan found portions -of the man’s mustache, pieces of the tongue and shreds of flesh -clinging firmly to the wall nearest where the head had rested. A piece -of the tallow candle which had stood before its tragic use in a corner -of the cell was found in the bed, and the wall where the head had lain -was not only marred by the almost direct force of the explosion, but -thickly bespattered with blood. All this indicated unmistakably the -means Lingg had used to light the bomb and the position he had assumed -when applying the fatal spark. - -The bomb used was undoubtedly similar to the lot discovered a few days -previously. But how it became separated and in what manner it was -concealed and smuggled into Lingg’s hands after he had been placed in a -new cell and put under strict surveillance, are matters of conjecture. -My own theory is that Lingg had a confidential friend among the -smaller class of criminals. To such a friend this bomb was intrusted -for safe-keeping in the event of the discovery of the bombs in his -own cell, and when they were found he relied on that trusted friend -to help him to escape the gallows. In no other way could this bomb -have come into the possession of Lingg, since the prisoner had been -searched several times and nothing found upon him. A confederate must -have carefully kept the bomb and smuggled it to him at the last moment. -Everything indicated that the bomb had been part of the discovered -explosives, and its use fully corroborated the opinion I had given to -Sheriff Matson and Jailor Folz at the time of the find, that the bombs -were only intended for suicidal purposes and had been brought into -the jail for no other object. At the time this opinion was given I -was severely criticised by Chief Ebersold and others—the newspapers -especially—for advancing such a theory. They maintained that the bombs -had been brought in to be thrown at the time of the execution, so as -not only to kill all who might become spectators, but to enable the -Anarchists to escape hanging by death in the general destruction around -them. A few of the papers even went so far as to attribute the opinion -to “Schaack’s stupidity.” - -The doomed Anarchists were closely watched when it became quite -apparent that there was no chance of their escaping the gallows either -through an intervention of the courts or through executive clemency. -Before this, however, some latitude had been allowed them. They had -been watched, of course, but the rigorous scrutiny subsequently adopted -had not then prevailed. Visitors had been admitted, and, although -separate conversations had not been permitted, prisoners and friends -had been close together. No contraband articles had ever been noticed, -however, the general opinion among the jail officials being that, -considering the prisoners were so hopeful of good results from the -labors of their counsel, such a thing as suicide was not contemplated -by any one of them. - -The first thing to arouse Jailor Folz’s suspicion was Engel’s action -one day about the 1st of November. It appears that at that time Engel -was very nervous and restless, and secured some morphine to quiet his -nerves. He took an over-dose, and when charged with having deliberately -done so with suicidal intent, he stoutly maintained that he had taken -too much by mistake. Folz thought no man could take such a dose except -with a view to suicide, and he resolved to keep a close watch on Engel -thereafter and allow him no medicine save what was administered by -a physician. The others were also more closely watched after that -episode. All were searched at stated intervals, as I have already -mentioned. - -One day, while Parsons was being searched, he was handed a common white -shirt by Otto Folz, a son of the Jailor. Parsons looked at it for a -moment and then exclaimed: - -“My God! you are not going to put a shroud on a live man?” - -After the bomb discovery the doomed Anarchists were removed from their -old cells and placed on the lower floor, along the tier containing -Lingg’s cell. Parsons was put in cell No. 7, Fischer, No. 8, and Engel, -No. 9. When Lingg had been removed to the bath-room, his comrades were -again subjected to an examination, and their clothes were all changed -in the Jailor’s office. While this change was being effected, Parsons -became greatly agitated, and he remarked: - -“If I only had one of the bombs Lingg had in his cell, I would make -very short work of all this.” - -Fischer also made a similar remark. He said that he was ready to die -at any time, and he did not care how he died. He was very defiant, and -showed that he was in earnest in his expressions. - -Late in the afternoon of November 10, Gov. Oglesby gave his decision on -the various applications for mercy. It reads: - - STATE OF ILLINOIS, EXECUTIVE OFFICE, SPRINGFIELD, NOV. 10. - - On the 20th day of August, 1886, in the Cook County Criminal Court, - August Spies, Albert R. Parsons, Samuel Fielden, Michael Schwab, - Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg were found guilty by - the verdict of the jury and afterward sentenced to be hanged for the - murder of Mathias J. Degan. - - An appeal was taken from such finding and sentence, to the Supreme - Court of the State. That court, upon a final hearing and after mature - deliberation, unanimously affirmed the judgment of the court below. - - The case now comes before me by petition of the defendants, for - consideration as Governor of the State, if the letters of Albert - R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg demanding - “unconditional release,” or, as they express it, “liberty or death,” - and protesting in the strongest language against mercy or commutation - of the sentence pronounced against them, can be considered petitions. - - Pardon, could it be granted, which might imply any guilt whatever - upon the part of either of them, would not be such a vindication as - they demand. Executive intervention upon the grounds insisted upon by - the four above-named persons could in no proper sense be deemed an - exercise of the constitutional power to grant reprieves, commutations - and pardons, unless based upon the belief on my part of their entire - innocence of the crime of which they stand convicted. - - A careful consideration of the evidence in the record of the trial of - the parties, as well as of all alleged and claimed for them outside of - the record, has failed to produce upon my mind any impression tending - to impeach the verdict of the jury or the judgment of the trial court - or of the Supreme Court, affirming the guilt of all these parties. - - Satisfied, therefore, as I am, of their guilt, I am precluded from - considering the question of commutation of the sentences of Albert R. - Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg to imprisonment - in the penitentiary, as they emphatically declare they will not accept - such commutation. Samuel Fielden, Michael Schwab and August Spies - unite in a petition for “executive clemency.” Fielden and Schwab, - in addition, present separate and supplementary petitions for the - commutation of their sentences. While, as said above, I am satisfied - of the guilt of all the parties, as found by the verdict of the jury, - which was sustained by the judgments of the courts, a most careful - consideration of the whole subject leads me to the conclusion that the - sentence of the law as to Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab may be - modified as to each of them, in the interest of humanity, and without - doing violence to public justice. - - As to the said Samuel Fielden and Michael Schwab, the sentence is - commuted to imprisonment in the penitentiary for life. - - As to all the other above-named defendants, I do not feel justified in - interfering with the sentence of the court. While I would gladly have - come to a different conclusion in regard to the sentence of defendants - August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Albert R. Parsons and - Louis Lingg, I regret to say that under the solemn sense of the - obligations of my office I have been unable to do so. - - RICHARD J. OGLESBY, GOVERNOR. - -This removed the last hope of the Anarchists. Spies said he had been -prepared for the worst, and that he had only signed the petition of -Fielden and Schwab for clemency at the solicitation of Miss Van Zandt. - -On the next morning after the Governor’s decision Fielden and Schwab -were removed to the penitentiary at Joliet. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVI. - - The Last Hours of the Doomed Men—Planning a Rescue—The Feeling - in Chicago—Police Precautions—Looking for a Leak—Vitriol for - a Detective—Guarding the Jail—The Dread of Dynamite—How the - Anarchists Passed their Last Night—The Final Partings—Parsons - Sings “Annie Laurie”—Putting up the Gallows—Scenes Outside the - Prison—A Cordon of Officers—Mrs. Parsons Makes a Scene—The Death - Warrants—Courage of the Condemned—Shackled and Shrouded for the - Grave—The March to the Scaffold—Under the Dangling Ropes—The - Last Words—“Hoch die Anarchie!”—“My Silence will be More Terrible - than Speech”—“Let the Voice of the People be Heard”—The Chute to - Death—Preparations for the Funeral—Scenes at the Homes of the - Dead Anarchists—The Passage to Waldheim—Howell Trogden Carries - the American Flag—Captain Black’s Eulogy—The Burial—Speeches - by Grottkau and Currlin—Was Engel Sincere?—His Advice to his - Daughter—A Curious Episode—Adolph Fischer and his Death-watch. - - -THE Anarchists of Chicago now became desperate. Many of them had -calculated on the worst for some time, and they had formed into small -groups to be better able to plot for their imprisoned friends with the -least possible danger of police detection. While assembling in large -bodies, they had discovered that many of their secrets were in my -possession, and after the decision of the Illinois Supreme Court they -realized that it was essential to the success of any movement they -might decide upon to keep all knowledge of it within the circle of true -and trusted men. The leading lights in the order accordingly resorted -to private residences, as I have already stated. - -Sometimes they were joined in meetings of a general nature by some who -had previously been anti-Anarchists, but who since the decision of the -Illinois court had secretly expressed sympathy with the condemned men. -Becoming emboldened by what they thought to be a growing sentiment in -favor of the prisoners, these secret abettors finally threw off their -masks, and, openly expressing their views, many of them speedily lost -the esteem and friendship of neighbors by whom they had previously -been highly regarded. With a view to aiding to effect a general change -in public sentiment, some of these sympathizers even threw open -their doors to Anarchists, as I have indicated in a prior chapter. -But whenever some risky project was contemplated the small bands of -conspirators saw to it that none but avowed and tried adherents of the -red flag were present. - -It was at this time that the police discovered the plot to release the -doomed men, and one day Detective Schuettler learned of a place where -numerous secret conferences were being held from time to time. He was -under orders of Mr. Ebersold, who had taken him away from the Chicago -Avenue Station with a view to crippling my force, but nevertheless the -detective found a way, even while engaged in other directions, to keep -a keen eye on secret revolutionary movements. He had been too long in -the service to lose his interest in things Anarchistic, and he resolved -to get at the bottom of the rumored clandestine gatherings. - -Learning that star-chamber sessions were being held in the room of an -old-time Communist named Theodore Appell, at No. 234 West Division -Street, Schuettler at once rented an adjoining room. In this apartment -there was a closet, and after reconnoitering about the premises at a -favorable opportunity, he discovered that by cutting a hole in the -closet wall he could obtain a good view of those who might be present -at future meetings. A hole was accordingly cut. This gave him a fine -chance both to see and hear. Everything worked nicely for a time, but -finally the conspirators became suspicious, as they found their secrets -getting beyond their own circle, and, satisfied that the leakage was -not due to members in their own set, they instituted a search. The -result was that the officer’s peep-hole was discovered. That closed -their deliberations in that place, but they resolved to take revenge -on the man who had thus obtruded his attentions upon them. For this -purpose they decided to hold a mock meeting in the old quarters, and -then and there, when they were satisfied that the concealed individual -had his eye at the hole, to discharge a syringe filled with vitriol. -This would destroy the eye-sight as well as disfigure for life the face -of the man who had dared to intrude on their secrecy. I learned of this -plan, however, and warned the officer. Schuettler never again went near -that closet. But he had already gathered all the information that was -needed. - -The conspirators left the place like young birds leave the old nest, -with a flop and a flourish, never to return; but we had learned that -they had in view the liberation of their friends in jail. - -This information put the authorities on their guard, and it is possible -that this timely discovery averted a jail delivery. - -But the Anarchists did not lose hope. When they learned that the United -States Supreme Court had refused to interfere with the execution they -became more desperate than ever. Where before they had been revengeful, -they now were frantic, and their schemes now embraced more drastic -and destructive measures. They considered propositions looking to a -blowing-up of the jail building with dynamite, and in the turmoil and -confusion incident to the wreckage of a part of the building and the -destruction of life within they contemplated a rush to the untouched -portion containing their comrades, whom they would thus rescue from the -hands of the law. This diabolical plot was earnestly debated, and about -the time the reds became satisfied that the Governor would not step in -between their convicted leaders and the gallows they even went so far -as to advocate an explosion that would not only rob the gallows of its -victims, but kill those whom curiosity might assemble about the jail a -short time before the expected event. If their comrades must die, they -should not die alone. The disgrace of an execution must be averted, and -a terrible lesson imparted to the enemies of Anarchy. - -But the jail officials joined me in most rigid measures to prevent the -execution of each and all of the plots, and officers and detectives -were stationed in goodly numbers about the building, night and day, to -watch the movements of suspicious characters. When the decision of the -Governor was finally announced this vigilance was redoubled, and we -made sure that no secret mines had been constructed under any of the -sidewalks surrounding the building or across under the alley on the -west side of the jail structure. - -[Illustration: THE CHICAGO WATER-WORKS. - -From a Photograph.] - -It was not only the liberation of the imprisoned Anarchists that was -aimed at in the numerous conspiracies which came to our knowledge about -this time. One plot which was reported to me embraced a wanton scheme -of incendiarism and pillage, and in order to facilitate this, it was -proposed to cut off the water supply of the city by demolishing the -stand-pipe in the Water-works tower. In some manner the conspirators -had learned the exact spot in the tower where a charge of dynamite -would accomplish the most effective execution, and the reports brought -to me showed that this project was debated most minutely. For the space -of two months we were required therefore to keep extra guard over the -source of Chicago’s water supply, and the contemplated attack of the -reds was not attempted. - -While the plots on the outside of the jail were thus met with -vigilance, the doomed conspirators within appeared quiet and -resigned. They received the Governor’s decision with extraordinary -composure, and, having felt throughout that day that they must face -the inevitable on the morrow, they busied themselves in arranging -their earthly affairs, writing letters to friends and relatives and -giving directions as to the disposition of personal matters and the -publication of their autobiographies and other manuscripts. Early in -the evening they received their immediate friends and relatives to -bid them farewell, and through all that trying ordeal they remained -unmoved. Tears coursed down the blanched faces of wives, sisters -and daughters as the last loving words were spoken, but no emotion -of despair or grief seemed to agitate the men. They were solemn and -stoical in their demeanor, and their efforts were mainly directed to -administering words of cheer and consolation. When the final parting -had taken place, they returned to their cells, and their last night on -earth was varied with letter-writing and chats with the death-watch. -None of them retired early. Parsons did not seek his couch till after -midnight, and then it was some time before the rapid thoughts coursing -through his brain would permit him to sleep. Before morning he broke -the stillness of his surroundings by singing a favorite song of his -earlier days—“Annie Laurie.” The clear tones echoing down the corridor -startled all then awake, and prisoners and death-watch eagerly inclined -their heads to catch every word and note. When Parsons drew near the -closing stanza, his voice tripped and hesitated, unmistakably showing -that his feelings were giving way to the recollections of former times. - -Spies lay down to rest at a late hour, but his thoughts, as he chatted -with his death-watch, seemed busy with the events that had brought -him to a murderer’s doom. He denounced the verdict as iniquitous, and -declared that the people would shortly see the error of hanging men for -seeking the welfare of the laboring classes. - -Fischer was the quietest and most self-composed of all, and he had very -little to say even to his death-watch. He soon apparently fell into a -slumber and seemed to rest easily. - -Engel was also remarkably self-possessed, and he was the last to retire -to his couch—not because of thoughts of the morrow occupying his mind, -but for another reason, as will appear further along. - -During the latter part of the night, if any one of them had happened -to be awake, the horrible preparations for the execution could have -been distinctly heard. Around the corner, in the corridor north of the -one in which their cells were located, the gallows were being placed -in position, and, even though the sounds of the hammer were subdued, -the echo plainly told the character of the work the carpenters were -engaged upon. It was the same scaffold on which the three Italians had -two years before atoned for the death of a murdered countryman, and on -which the murderer Mulkowsky had also paid the penalty for his foul -crime. It was a large structure—large enough to have dropped seven men -had the original sentence of the trial court been carried into full -execution. At the end of each rope one hundred and eighty pound weights -were attached, so as to give a heavier fall, and, thus arranged, by -daylight the trap of death was ready for its victims. - -When morning dawned, the four Anarchists arose early, but each seemed -to have had a restful night. Their demeanor had not changed perceptibly -from that of other mornings. After their ablutions they perused the -morning papers and subsequently partook of breakfast, brought in from a -neighboring restaurant. They ate quite heartily, and then each turned -his attention again to letter-writing. Their communications were mainly -directed to their families and to friends in the city, and some to -Anarchists in other parts of the country, and very nearly the last -they penned were directed to the Sheriff and to the Coroner and had -reference to the disposition of their bodies and personal effects after -death. - -[Illustration: CANUTE R. MATSON. - -From a Photograph.] - -During the fleeting morning hours, the Anarchists were visited by the -Rev. Mr. Bolton, of the First Methodist Episcopal Church of Chicago, -who came to assist in their spiritual preparation for death, but while -each received him courteously, they all declined his kindly proffered -ministrations. They had no faith in the gospel and frankly told the -clergyman that they did not desire his services. They wanted to die as -they had lived, with no faith in God or man as exalted above general -humanity. Some of them even went into discussion with the clergyman, -stoutly combatting every point he made to reach their hearts; but the -talk always ended as it had begun—in a positive refusal to accept any -spiritual guidance or advice. The Rev. Mr. Bolton was forced to retire -without having made any impression, and the men treated the whole -matter afterwards in a most indifferent and flippant manner. - -While the unfortunates on the inside were apparently unmoved by their -impending fate, commotion and excitement prevailed on the outside of -the jail. At a very early hour in the morning a contingent of the -police force, numbering three hundred men, was detailed to preserve -order and keep away from the immediate vicinity of the building all -persons not having proper credentials or not properly vouched for. -Across Michigan and Illinois Streets, on the east side of Clark Street, -and on Dearborn Avenue at its intersections with the two first-named -streets, stout ropes were stretched, and within the inclosure thus -formed and at the barriers squads of policemen were marching up and -down with glistening bayonets and Winchester rifles. There were also -policemen in and about the Criminal Court and jail building and on the -roof, commanding the streets below in all directions. There was thus a -most complete arrangement to meet any unexpected attack or any violent -hostile demonstration. - -As the hour approached for the execution the streets beyond the ropes -became crowded with people of all grades and descriptions, impelled by -curiosity; but they were all kept moving by policemen scattered along -the thoroughfares amongst them, so that no groups might gather and -under the excitement of the moment precipitate a row or a riot. Along -toward ten o’clock Mrs. Parsons, dressed in mourning and accompanied -by her two children, presented herself at the ropes and demanded -admittance to see her husband “murdered by law.” She was, of course, -delicately refused, and then she endeavored to create a scene, but -the police promptly called a patrol wagon and sent her to the Chicago -Avenue Station, where she was detained until after the execution. -During the forenoon thousands of people passed in the vicinity of the -building, but the only satisfaction they received for their pains was a -sight of the somber walls of the jail at a distance. Taking the crowd -as a whole, it was remarkably orderly, although there was more or less -subdued muttering among the Anarchists who had sought the vicinity only -to find themselves ordered to “move on.” These generally sought solace -for their wounded feelings in neighboring saloons, where they cast dire -imprecations upon the police, promising to be avenged in time. - -Within the jail everything was quiet, and, except for the presence -of those who had come to witness the execution, there seemed to be -no special indication of the tragedy to be enacted. The officials -moved about quietly while making the preliminary arrangements, and -the unfortunate Anarchists smoked, wrote hasty notes and chatted at -intervals with their attendants. - -At 11:30 o’clock Sheriff Matson, accompanied by Deputies Hartke, -Cleveland, Spears and Peters, County Physician Moyer and Jailor Folz, -started from the jail office, and repaired to the cell occupied by -Spies. The iron-barred door was opened, and Spies advanced to meet the -Sheriff. Mr. Matson at once proceeded to read the death warrant. Spies -listened with folded arms, and there was no indication of nervousness -nor trace of emotion. His feelings could not be divined from his -demeanor. The facial muscles remained unmoved, and no color rose to -flush the usual paleness of the cheeks, nor was the pallor of his face -heightened when the last fearful words of the warrant had been read. -The Sheriff was visibly agitated, and his voice was at times tremulous. -On the conclusion of the reading Spies merely bowed his head slightly, -and then stepped out into the corridor in obedience to the deputies’ -request. Around his chest was placed a leather belt about an inch and a -half wide, with which to pinion his arms just above the elbows, and his -hands were handcuffed behind his back. Then a white muslin shroud was -thrown over him and fastened slightly at the neck and waist. - -[Illustration: THE EXECUTION.] - -While these details were being carried out, the Sheriff was at -Fischer’s cell, and the same programme of preparation was gone through -with. The Anarchist was manacled, pinioned and shrouded, and he -gazed upon each operation with curious interest, but with no sign of -perturbation or weakness. Now and then he faintly smiled, and he seemed -more concerned about the trepidation of the deputies than about his own -situation. - -Meantime the death warrant had been read to Engel, who was soon arrayed -in the habiliments of death. He stood it all unflinchingly, and seemed -even less concerned than his comrades. There was also an entire absence -of affected indifference. - -Parsons was the last to step out of his cell, and, as he stood -receiving the ghastly paraphernalia, he endeavored to display no sign -of fear. He bore up well, although he evidently wrestled with his inner -feelings. - -The solemn march to the scaffold began with the Sheriff in the lead. -In the east corner of the north corridor stood the scaffold. Below -and before it were benches for the two hundred spectators. The death -procession moved slowly and with measured tread. As it neared the -corner the footfalls became distinctly audible to those assembled. -When the shuffling of feet on the iron stairway leading to the first -gallery, which was on a level with the gallows, was heard, the buzz of -conversation ceased, and every eye was centered on the spot whence the -Anarchists would be first seen. It was only a moment, and then Spies, -Fischer, Engel and Parsons, one after the other, came into view, each -with a deputy by his side. Having reached their respective places -on the trap, they faced the spectators. Spies, the moment he caught -sight of the audience, gave it a contemptuous look, and thereafter his -eyes seemed centered on some invisible object down the corridor above -the heads of the spectators. Fischer merely looked down for a moment -on the uncovered heads below, and then his eyes wandered in various -directions. Engel seemed the most unconcerned of all, and swept the -audience with a cool glance as though it might have been composed of -friends. Parsons was superbly stiff, and his gaze, after a snap at -those below, firmly set itself in the direction of the cell tiers. - -As soon as those on the platform had taken the positions assigned, -the lower limbs of the four Anarchists were pinioned. This was done -very quickly. The nooses dangling overhead were then lifted from their -hooks, and Spies was the first to have the rope placed around his -neck. The noose had been slipped a little too tight, and, noticing the -uneasiness it gave him, the deputy instantly loosened it a trifle. -Spies gave a faint smile in acknowledgment of the kindness and again -seemed at ease. Not a tremor was visible during the adjustment of the -rope. Another deputy next placed the rope around the neck of Fischer, -who, to facilitate its proper adjustment, bent his tall form slightly -and received it with head inclined until the knot rested in its proper -place under the left ear. Engel received the noose as if it had been -a decoration about to be placed upon his shoulders by friendly -hands, and several times he turned his head around to exchange a -word or two with the deputy, accompanying his whispered utterances -with a smile. Parsons stood unmoved when his turn came, and appeared -entirely indifferent to the operation. Loose-fitting white caps were -now produced, and, as these came in sight, Fischer and Engel turned -their heads slightly to the left and spoke a second to their respective -deputies. Spies first, Fischer next, then Engel, and Parsons last, -was the order in which the caps were adjusted, and the heads had no -sooner been enveloped, shutting out forever the light of day, than all -knew that the fatal moment had arrived. During all the preliminary -preparations not a relaxation of nerve or an expression of anguish or -despair had been observed. Now the tension of silence was painful. -But suddenly there broke from the lips of Spies an exclamation that -startled the auditors as if by a shock. - -“You may strangle this voice,” said he, in clear but subdued tones, -“but my silence will be more terrible than speech.” - -Spies had scarcely uttered his last words, when Fischer shouted: - -“This is the happiest moment of my life. _Hoch die Anarchie!_” - -Engel immediately caught up the sentiment, and in a strong voice, and -with a pronounced German accent, cried: - -“Hurrah for Anarchy!” - -Parsons then lifted his voice, and in firm, deliberate tones, -exclaimed: “O men of America!” - -Then, lowering his voice to an appealing accent: - -“Mr. Sheriff, may I be permitted to say a few words?” - -Raising his voice again, without waiting for an answer, and continuing -in the same breath, he said: - -“O men of America, let the voice of the people be heard.” - -The last word had barely escaped his lips, when the signal was given to -the unknown and hidden man in the sentry-box back of the platform, the -rope controlling the trap was cut, and four bodies shot downward into -space. The intervals between the adjustment of the caps, the utterances -and the drop were only a few moments, but they were moments that -seemed like hours. The first instant after the drop, the bodies all -seemed motionless, but immediately one after the other began violent -contortions, the limbs contracted, the breasts swelled with spasms, -and the arms shook convulsively. It was fully eight minutes before the -last was limp and lifeless. The bodies, however, were left hanging for -twenty-six minutes, and then they were deposited in plain coffins, -ready to be turned over to their relatives. The jury selected by the -Sheriff to pass upon the death, as required by law, next viewed the -remains and then signed the usual legal certificates. Those composing -the jury were Dr. Ferdinand Henrotin, Dr. Denslow Lewis, Dr. G. A. -Hall, Dr. Harry Brown, Dr. J. B. Andrews, Dr. M. W. Thompson, John N. -Hills, William B. Keep, ex-Sheriff John Hoffman, Edwin Wynn, George -Lanz, George M. Moulton, John L. Woodward and H. L. Anderson. - -It was subsequently ascertained that the necks of none of the -Anarchists had been broken, and that death had come in each case -through strangulation. - -Within an hour and a half the coffins were removed, the bodies of -Spies, Parsons and Fischer being receipted for by a committee of the -Central Labor Union, and those of Engel and Lingg by a friend of Mrs. -Engel. The body of Lingg had reposed in the women’s department of the -jail. Shortly before his death, the bomb-maker had expressed the wish -that his body be allowed to repose by the side of Engel’s, and that it -be given in charge of Engel’s family, as he himself had no relatives in -America. - -[Illustration: JOHN A. ROCHE. - -From a Photograph.] - -The remains of Spies, Fischer and Parsons were taken to an undertaking -establishment at No. 596 Milwaukee Avenue, and those of Engel and -Lingg to a similar place at No. 186 Milwaukee Avenue, and there -costly and ornamental coffins were provided after the bodies had been -first embalmed. Subsequently they were removed to the houses of their -respective relatives, and arrangements were at once set on foot for a -tremendous demonstration at the funeral, the following Sunday. - -No sooner had each coffin been taken to the relatives than hundreds of -Anarchists flocked in to view the remains. Others, too—men, women and -children, moved by morbid curiosity—crowded in to view the dead. The -families were in almost constant tears, and deep were the lamentations -over the fate of their loved ones. Mrs. Parsons was in paroxysms of -grief and had to be almost forcibly removed from beside the bier of her -husband. Her curses were loud against the police, and she strenuously -refused all comfort. At the Spies residence there were copious tears, -and no one was more deeply moved than Miss Van Zandt. The sorrow of -Mrs. Engel and her daughter was more subdued, but nevertheless keen and -poignant. It was the same at Fischer’s home. - -Meantime the preparations for the funeral went on, and the committee -having it in charge determined that it should be conducted with the -utmost pomp, ceremony and display. They desired that on this occasion -the red flag should again be unfurled and wave over the bodies of those -whom they regarded as martyrs. The police learned of it, and when a -committee waited upon Mayor Roche to secure the necessary permission -for the procession, he set his face firmly against the red flag. - -“The American flag,” said he, “is good enough for us, and it is good -enough for you. If that flag don’t suit you, I am sorry. No red flag -shall ever take its place while I am Mayor of Chicago.” - -Sunday, November 13, came, and every Anarchistic organization in the -city turned out to attend the funeral. The procession, which started -at an early hour, first called at the Spies residence, No. 154 Bryson -Street, for the coffin of the editor, and then moved on to Mrs. -Parsons’ residence at No. 785 Milwaukee Avenue. After the coffin of -Parsons had been placed in the hearse, Fischer’s house was reached, and -next that of Engel, and when all the hearses were in line, the entire -funeral procession proceeded down Milwaukee Avenue, thence to Lake -Street, and thence along Fifth Avenue to the depot of the Wisconsin -Central Railway. At each of the houses of the executed Anarchists the -cortege had been joined by friends and by various societies of which -the dead had been members, and with these accessions the procession, -as it finally moved on to its destination, numbered not less than six -thousand. The hearses were loaded down with flowers, wreaths and other -floral tributes, and each was followed by carriages containing the -mourners. Close behind the Spies hearse was a carriage containing Mrs. -and Miss Van Zandt, mother and daughter, and Mrs. Spies, the mother, -and Miss Gretchen, the sister of the deceased. All along the line of -march, the sidewalks were thronged, and there must have been over fifty -thousand persons who viewed the procession as it passed. Hundreds -had gathered at the residences before the procession started, and -when they joined the throngs already on Milwaukee Avenue the streets -became almost impassable. Policemen were stationed at the various -street corners, and these gave the processionists ample room to move -unimpeded. The procession did not lack music, several bands having been -engaged, and the “Marseillaise” and “Annie Laurie” were the airs most -frequently heard. - -The absence of the red banner on the street was commented on, but with -a seeming defiance of the Mayor’s orders two red flags decked the -coffins of Engel and Lingg. What was still more significant was the -fact that not a single flag of the Union was borne by the procession. -It was only when the Anarchists reached Lake Street that the red, white -and blue was unfurled to the breeze, and then it was done, not by an -Anarchist, but by Howell Trogden, a veteran of the civil war. It was -a small emblem in size, and of cheap material, but he held it high -above his head and proudly carried it before the cortege, clear down to -the depot, greatly to the discomfiture and chagrin of the reds. When -remonstrated with by some one who was in the crowd that had gathered -about him and cheered him on the way, he defiantly exclaimed in plain, -though perhaps not elegant, language: - -“What, furl the ensign of the nation I fought for? Not much! You bet -your life, I’ll carry this flag and I’ll kill the first man who tries -to wrest it from me. I’ll shed my blood to keep it there.” - -And the flag was kept there. - -Arriving at the depot, the various organizations boarded the trains in -waiting, and shortly after one o’clock all were under way to Waldheim -Cemetery, situated some nine miles west of Chicago. It was a gloomy, -cold day, but nevertheless an immense concourse of people followed -the remains to the vault in which they were temporarily deposited. -Those who had immediate charge of the funeral arrangements were Frank -A. Stauber, H. Linnemeyer, George Schilling, R. M. Burke, Julius -Leon, Edwin Goettge, Charles F. Seib, Ernst Litzman, H. Ulharn, F. -G. Bielefeld, William Urban, Dr. Ernst Schmidt and T. J. Morgan, all -members of the Defense Committee and the Amnesty Association. - -After the coffins had been placed in the vault, Capt. W. P. Black took -a position near the entrance and delivered the funeral oration. In -concluding his address, he said, speaking of a day “when righteousness -should reign”: - - “We look forward to that day. We hope for it. We wait for it, and with - such a hope in our hearts can we not bring the judgment of charity to - bear upon any mistakes of policy or action that may have been made by - any of those who, acknowledging the sublime and glorious hope in their - hearts, rushed forward to meet it? We are not here this afternoon to - weep. We are not here to mourn over our dead. We are here to pay by - our presence and our words the tribute of our appreciation and the - witness of our love. I loved these men. I knew them not until I came - to know them in the time of their sore travail and anguish. As months - went by and I found in the lives of those with whom I talked the - witness of their love for the people, of their patience, gentleness - and courage, my heart was taken captive in their cause. For this I - have no apology. If any of you feel that the tears are coming listen - to the last words spoken by one of these, our dead. - - “‘Go not to my grave with your mourning, with your lamentations - and tears, with your forebodings and fears. When my lips are dumb, - do not thus come. Bring no long train of carriages; no hearse with - waving plumes, with the gaunt glory of death illumed; but with hands - on my heart let me rest. Ye who are left on this desolate shore, - there still to suffer alone, deeply do I pity you. For me no more - are the hardships, the bitterness, heartache and strife, the sadness - and sorrow of life, but the glory of the divine, that is mine. Poor - creatures, afraid of the darkness, who groan at the sight of the - anguish in our silent night, go to my tomb. Peal no solemn bell—I am - well.’ - - “It has been said that these men knew no religion. I repel the charge. - I know but one religion—the religion which seeks to manifest itself - by its service of God—or of the supreme good—by its service of - humanity in its anguish and its hours of despair. And one of these, - our dead, while within the very gloom of approaching death, gave in - these words: ‘My religion is this: To live right. To do right is to - live right, and the service of humanity is my worship of God.’ - - “I remember that back in the centuries it was written in words that - shall never perish: ‘He that doeth righteousness is righteous, even - as He is righteous.’ There is no conception possible to humanity of - that which we call God other than the conception which sets our life - aflame in the service of our fellow-men. But I must not keep you. - There is no necessity for multiplying words in such a presence as - this. There are times when silence is more terrible than speech; when - men moving to the supreme issue of life can say, standing with their - feet on earth and their hands reaching out into the unknown, in a - sublime burst of enthusiasm: ‘This is the happiest moment of my life’ - (the last words of Fischer), and then in that hour can cheer for the - cause to which they have given their lives (as Engel did), and men in - that hour, forgetting themselves, can speak of the voice of the people - (Parsons’ last words) until utterance is silenced forever, what need - is there to stand by such men and multiply words? - - “I say that a mistake may well be forgotten in the glory of the - purpose which we condemn—it may be through undue haste. I say that - whatever of fault may have been in them, these, the people whom they - loved and in whose cause they died, may well close the volume and seal - up the record and give our lips to the praise of their heroic deeds - and their sublime self-sacrifice.” - -Some weeks afterwards arrangements were made for the final interment -of the bodies. A suitable lot had been purchased with money collected -by the “Defense Committee,” and accordingly on Sunday, the 18th of -December, 1887, the Anarchists were invited out to Waldheim to witness -the last rites over the dead conspirators. It was a cold, chilling -day, and only about a thousand people were in attendance. The remains -of the five Anarchists were removed from the vault, the coffins opened -and the bodies viewed by all who desired. They were then placed in one -grave, and a heavy flagstone was lowered and firmly cemented to protect -them. The orators on this occasion were Mr. Buchanan, of Chicago, Paul -Grottkau, of Milwaukee, and Albert Currlin, of St. Louis. The tenor of -Grottkau’s speech may be judged from the following extract: - - “Those cold clods of clay were the first offerings required at our - hands, but they will not be the last. Our lords believed that with - them they could slaughter the idea and ideals they represent. They - imagined that the fivefold gallows would forever choke liberty. - How they have succeeded the future will show. Let them erect their - gallows, put them up by the million, and they will never destroy - the glorious principles. Not all their revolvers, their armories of - bayonets and Gatling guns, not all their bristling rows of cannon, can - conquer us. (‘Bravo!’ ‘Bravo!’) From this land the fame of our martyrs - and our principles will go out to the whole world. Our strangled - ones are put at the head of the column. Their names will ever be the - brightest on history’s page. Party hate or sectional strife cannot - dim their laurels. They were the champions of degraded and plundered - humanity. They fought long and manfully for us; they died to serve - us; and more than that man cannot do. It but remains for us to do - our duty as they did theirs. We must be moved by their spirit. All - mean personal desires must depart from us. We must continue our - organization. We must be unswervingly loyal to the principles they - taught us—the great principles that will free the wretched and - enslaved proletarians and drive all injustice from the face of the - earth. Brothers, they (pointing to the five coffins) have done their - duty; let us do ours.” - -Currlin closed his address as follows: - - “We have been constantly bought, sold and delivered at the ballot-box - (Applause.) These heroes and true men had well considered the folly of - relying on the ballot, and with firm hearts and resounding voices had - pointed out the road to the thinking and the brave. - - “They are gone. Shall the sacrifice of these noble lives be fruitful - or not? It will, it must be. Let the dreadful act cement us together. - Let us be loftier, firmer than ever. You have your Golgotha. See to it - that you have your Easter, and have it soon. You owe it to yourselves - and your families that you ever revere these dead. If at any time you - become soul-weary or discouraged, make a pilgrimage to this hallowed - spot and be reinvigorated for the strife. Let the prison, even the - gallows, be powerless to overturn your purpose. Let us struggle for - the right, for justice, freedom, and true fraternity until the nations - of the earth are of us and with us, until the peoples are regenerated, - and clean hands and clean hearts have authority to rule.” (Applause.) - -With the final burial of the dead, it may perhaps be well to inquire -whether one of them continued to believe in Anarchy when he saw that -there was no escaping from his fate. That one about whose faith there -is most doubt is Engel. - -It is frequently the case that men condemned to death, either on the -gallows or otherwise, make a powerful effort to die bravely, and that, -whatever may have been their true feelings, the truth dies with them. -It is seldom that any one reveals from the bottom of his heart his true -sentiments. In this case, Engel was a man known to have been sober and -sincere, who believed that everything he said was true and right, and -who expressed his opinions freely before all his people. He professed -the same sentiments to the public up to the moment of his death, his -last words being, “Hurrah for Anarchy!” Yet he felt differently. It -is a well-known fact that people sentenced to death adhere until the -last second to the position that they are right in their opinions or -doctrines, or they simulate innocence. Now, as to Engel, it had been -shown by the evidence that he had frequented many places at night, to -attend Anarchist meetings, and at many of them he delivered addresses. -On some of these occasions he was accompanied by his only daughter, -a bright young girl about fifteen or sixteen years of age, and she -often heard him utter sentiments which she ought not to have heard. -But the girl could not help it. She was there, and she had to listen. -After these meetings they would walk home together, and the daughter’s -company was always a source of great pleasure to Engel. She was also -greatly attached to her father, and, naturally, whatever she heard him -say she regarded as true, having the most implicit faith in him. Engel -knew all this, and many stormy nights she would brave the weather to -be at his side at meetings he felt himself obliged to attend. She -would cling to his arm, and through snow and storm they would face the -elements. When Engel’s last night on earth came, he asked the Sheriff -and Jailor to permit his beloved daughter to remain with him during -the night, and, the officials having satisfied themselves that no -sinister purpose was in view, the wish was granted. This was the night -of November 10, and young Mary kept her father cheerful company during -the long hours. Engel seemed to have had something on his mind, but -he refrained from saying anything until shortly before the time for -her departure. It was evident that Engel had a deep solicitude for her -welfare, in spite of his pretended stolidity. In theory he had always -expressed the greatest admiration for Louise Michel, and on every -occasion he had lauded that Frenchwoman for her bravery in suffering -imprisonment and readiness to sacrifice her life for Anarchy. But he -regarded theory and practice as separate and distinct, and in the face -of death his thoughts concerned themselves with the future of his dear -child. Should she espouse Anarchy and follow in his footsteps, taking -up his work where he had left off? This is what agitated Engel, and he -soon decided the issue. With a serious and earnest manner, and in a -very strong voice, he said in German: - -“Mein liebes Kind, kümmere dich nicht um Anarchie. Du siehest wie -es mir geht. Und vergesse diese Worte nicht so lange du lebst.” -(Translated: “My dear child, do not trouble yourself about Anarchy. You -see my situation. Do not forget these words as long as you live.”) - -[Illustration: KIERLAN’S SOUVENIR.] - -I am happy to record this to Engel’s credit. He was conscious that he -had been in the wrong for some time, and he had the manhood to warn -his daughter not to embrace Anarchy. He wished her to maintain a good -character and grow up to be a good woman. - -The words I have given are true to the letter, just as they were spoken -by Engel to his daughter, at the time I have stated, and, no matter how -strenuously Anarchists may deny this, it will still remain the truth. -I will even add that I have no doubt that Engel’s comrades entertained -similar sentiments. - -The other doomed Anarchists, however, kept their own counsel, and no -one seems to have been able to probe their real feelings. Spies and -Parsons were decidedly reserved, and Fischer had a severe demeanor, -which only relaxed to intimate and trusted friends. A slight exception -to his rule was made in his conduct toward his death-watch, John B. -Kierlan. In speaking of Fischer, Kierlan, who was a deputy in the jail -building, says: - -“At the beginning of February, 1887, I was detailed as death-watch to -Fischer. When I first went on watch Fischer did not care much for my -company, but after a week or so we got to be friends. He asked me to -play cards with him, and I often joined him in a game. We played for -imaginary and invisible beers. Sometimes I would lose, and then again -he would be the loser. The one who lost generally wanted satisfaction, -and the next night we would ‘saw off’ the games, and in this way we -were accustomed to spend our evenings together until the last few -nights preceding November 11th. Fischer was at this time in cell No. -28, second row. He became greatly attached to me, and was always -pleased to see me. He had more confidence in me than in any other -officer in the building, and I was with him nearly all the morning of -November 11th. When it was nearly eleven o’clock that morning he said: - -“‘Well, John, what about the beer you owe me?’ - -“I was so greatly astonished that I could not answer him. Then Fischer -threw his arm around my neck and said: - -“‘Dear John, we must part.’ - -“At the same time he kissed my cheek. This was a trying moment for me, -as I had become greatly attached to him. While I knew him, he never -used bad language or said anything unbecoming a gentleman. He asked me: - -“‘John, will you remember me?’ - -“‘I said: ‘Yes, but I would like to have something to remember you by.’ - -“He then pulled out a card from his pocket and wrote these words: - -“‘Liberty or death. Adolph Fischer, Cook County Jail, November 11, -1887.’ - -“This card was given to me forty-five minutes before he died, and I am -positive that these were the last words he wrote in his life.” - -A _fac-simile_ of the card appears on another page. - -The _Freiheit_ of March 16th prints what it calls Lingg’s literary -testament. It is stated in the introduction to the article that while -in prison the bomb-maker carved a handsome little casket, which shortly -before his death he presented to Johann Most as a souvenir. In a secret -compartment of this casket was contained a small book, on the leaves of -which Lingg had inscribed his sentiments, and from which the following -is extracted: - - “What is Anarchy? - - “A man-worthy existence for the entire term of life, guaranteed to - every one through complete individual liberty, all human needs being - supplied by means of equal participation in the enjoyment of all the - products of the community. - - “Free society (Anarchy) finds its limits only in those of the earth. - - “The object of Anarchy is to secure the greatest possible happiness to - all. - - “This object is attained through the total extermination of all - domination. - - “Domination is personified in exploiters (_Ausbeuter_) and tyrants. - - “The extermination of these, in view of their sources of power, can - best be accomplished by means of dynamite. - - “After such extermination the workingmen will organize according to - their inclinations, for protection and consumption. - - “Centralization—_i. e._, subordination of the different groups of - production and consumption under a clique composed of individuals, - or even under a majority of society—is not advisable, because in - that way another domination would be established, and such would make - illusory the stated purpose of free society—Anarchy.” - -In writing this book I have endeavored at all times to be fair and -honest. While I have done everything in my power and made use of every -faculty which God has given me to ferret out and to combat Anarchy, -and while I believe now, as I always have believed, that the men -who suffered death at the hand of justice in the Cook County Jail -deserved their fate, I also believe that there are those unhanged, -and who probably never will be hanged, who are morally as guilty, and -who deserve even a harsher fate than befell the men whose lives the -law demanded. For these cowards—selfish, sneaking conspirators as -they are, who fight from ambush and take no risks—would not deserve -even the sympathy of the poor fools whom they lead to ruin. I firmly -believe that Engel, Lingg and Fischer were at least sincere in their -convictions and honest in their belief and in their expressions. Spies, -I think, was led to his fate by vanity and a consuming desire for -notoriety. - -In my investigations I of course looked carefully into the antecedents -of all the Anarchists who were arrested by my command, and I will -say right here that not a dishonest act, as regards the rights of -property, was laid to the door of any one of them. Lingg, particularly, -was scrupulously honest and conscientious in his dealings with his -fellow-man. The day after the Haymarket massacre he found himself -penniless, and for that reason refused at first to partake of the food -offered him at Seliger’s table. - -“I cannot partake of what belongs to you and your wife,” he said, “nor -of what I cannot pay for. You are as poor as I am.” - -“You must share with us as long as we have food,” replied Seliger; but -it was only after considerable urging that Lingg consented to appease -his hunger. - -While apparent bravery in facing death on the gallows counts for -nothing—I have seen craven cowards meet their doom like stage -heroes—I believe that Lingg, Engel and Fischer would have died calmly -and bravely even without the stimulants which are always administered -to the condemned before the fatal moment, and which were, of course, -administered to the four men before they were led to the fatal trap -which hurled them into eternity. Lingg, particularly, during the entire -term of his confinement, through the long months of the trial, and -up to the very day when he so tragically took his own life, showed a -consistency and a determination which would have been heroic had he not -been the dupe of designing men who saw in the ardor of his temperament -and in the resistless force of his enthusiastic energy the means to -further and carry out iniquitous plots with which they had not the -courage to openly identify themselves. I repeat again, there are those -still unhanged, who are even now parading before a credible public as -apostles of the cause of labor, and whose cowardice keeps them out -of the reach of law, who deserve the greater share of public odium. -Some of these, and others like them, are still at work in our midst, -and in the midst of all communities in which the revolutionists see a -chance of making propaganda out of differences between employers and -employed. I hope that one result of my book may be to open the eyes of -honest workingmen to the fact that those who preach violence and those -who stir up trouble and intensify discontent are the enemies of honest -labor. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVII. - - Anarchy Now—The Fund for the Condemned Men’s Families—$10,000 - Subscribed—The Disposition of the Money—The Festival of - Sorrow—Parsons’ Posthumous Letter—The Haymarket Monument—Present - Strength of the Discontented—7,300 Revolutionists in Chicago—A - Nucleus of Desperate Men—The New Organization—Building Societies - and Sunday-schools—What the Children are Taught—Education - and Blasphemy—The Secret Propaganda—Bodendick and his - Adventures—“The Rebel Vagabond”—The Plot to Murder Grinnell, Gary - and Bonfield—Arrest of the Conspirators Hronek, Capek, Sevic and - Chleboun—Chleboun’s Story—Hronek Sent to the Penitentiary. - - -THE question which will naturally present itself to the reader at this -time is: What is the present condition of Anarchy in Chicago? Has the -frightful fate of the convicted conspirators proven a salutary lesson -to the others, or is the propaganda still maintained? - -Unfortunately these questions must be answered in a manner not -calculated to allay public apprehension. - -After the death and the burial of the executed leaders there was a -period of quietness among the Anarchists. They seemed stunned by the -blow which had been leveled at them, but the impression soon wore away, -and in a short time they were as rampant as ever. - -Their first work was to provide for the families of the dead, and for -this purpose a fund of $10,000 was speedily raised. Of this amount, -strange to say, $4,000 has been invested in four per cent. Cook County -bonds. This amount was intended as a reserve fund for the support of -the families, and the rest of the money they are paying out in weekly -installments to the families. On New Year’s Day of 1888 each of the -families was presented with $202 in cash, and loans have been made to -Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Fielden and Mrs. Engel to the amount of $400 in -each case. These loans are deducted in small amounts from the weekly -allowances to these women. Later in the year funds were found to send -Mrs. Parsons on a lecturing tour to England, an adventure which did not -prove a conspicuous success if the reports are to be believed, for the -English discontents showed marked disapproval of Mrs. Parsons’ dynamite -appeals. - -Money is still being collected for a monument at Waldheim Cemetery -which shall be the shrine of Anarchist pilgrimages from every part of -the country. In this connection the revolutionists have established a -“Festival of Sorrow,” as they curiously call it, upon the anniversary -of the execution. - -In the proceedings of commemoration held at the cemetery on November -11, 1888, the most interesting episode was the reading of the following -letter from Albert R. Parsons to his children, which had, by his -instructions, remained sealed for a year. It ran as follows: - - DUNGEON NO. 7, COOK COUNTY JAIL, CHICAGO, ILL., November 9, 1887.—_To - My Darling, Precious Little Children, Albert R. Parsons, Jr., and his - Sister, Lulu Eda Parsons_: As I write this word I blot your names with - a tear. We never meet again. Oh, my children, how deeply, dearly your - papa loves you. We show our love by living _for_ our loved ones; we - also _prove_ our love by dying, when necessary, for them. Of my life - and the cause of my unnatural and cruel death you will learn from - others. _Your father is a self-offered sacrifice upon the altar of - liberty and happiness._ To you I leave the legacy of an honest name - and duty done. Preserve it, emulate it. Be true to yourselves, you - cannot then be false to others. Be industrious, sober and cheerful. - Your mother! Ah, she is the grandest, noblest of women. Love, honor - and obey her. My children, my precious ones, I request you to read - this parting message on each recurring anniversary of my death in - remembrance of him who dies not alone for you, but for the children - yet unborn. Bless you, my darlings. Farewell. - - Your father, - ALBERT R. PARSONS. - -It was a somewhat disappointing epistle, for all the Anarchists had -expected a sensational document, as the result of such a theatrical -instruction. - -On the other hand the people of Chicago have not been idle. A monument -to the memory of the murdered policemen will soon grace Haymarket -Square as a lasting memorial to the brave men who fell in the line of -duty, and as showing the gratitude of the city to its defenders. - -The pedestal for the police monument was completed long before the -figure was ready to be placed. The foundation was begun and finished -in December, 1888. The cost of the pedestal, with railings, light -supports, and everything complete, in readiness for the figure, -aggregated $5,000. The contract price for the pedestal was $3,500. This -was increased to $4,000 by minor changes and extra work. The railings, -electric lights and supports, and placing the figure in position, -will add another $1,000. The figure itself will make the value of the -monument $10,000. - -The pedestal sits on a circular sub-base of dressed granite, sixteen -feet nine inches in diameter, elevated two steps above the foundation. -A base of dressed granite with Ionic cornices rests on the center of -this circular sub-base. The central cube, decorated with a shield on -which is the coat of arms of the city, supports a block bearing an -inscription giving the date of the riot and appropriate sentiments. -Worked around these inscriptions are branches and leaves of oak, -indicative of strength. By a graceful series of Ionic cornices the -pedestal ascends to the base of the figure, the height from the -foundation being seven feet six inches. The pedestal is oblong, -extending north and south across the circular base. Two arms of granite -extending from the base unite on either side the granite base of the -posts which support the lights. - -The designer of the figure which surmounts the pedestal, and which -represents a police officer in full uniform with his arm extended, is -Charles F. Batchelder. - -[Illustration: LAW - -PEACE - -ORDER - -THE HAYMARKET MONUMENT.] - -All of these are facts directly connected with and growing out of -the trial of the case. I come now to the present status of Anarchy. -The authorities have recognized the constant menace which the -existence of this conspiracy conveyed to the cause of law and order, -and consequently the malcontents have been watched with unceasing -vigilance. Their meetings, their plottings, their purposes, their plan -of organization and their system of propaganda we know nearly as well -as they know it themselves. - -The Socialists themselves estimate their numbers in Chicago at 75,000 -men, women and children. As Socialism is the parent of Anarchy—the two -are identical in their ultimate aims, differing only in tactics—these -figures are significant. - -The number of Anarchists in Chicago to-day is not far from 7,300 men -and women. Of these there are thirty-five known to us to be desperate -men, ready to commit murder, arson or any other crime to revenge -themselves upon the officers and the magistrates who were concerned -in bringing about the hanging of their leaders. These are the most -dangerous conspirators in the body, and it may easily be believed that -rather close attention is paid to their movements. Next to these comes -a collection of some 275 men who are at heart dynamiters, and who -would be ready to plunge into a revolt at any moment if they were not -held back by the more prudent counsels of the others. These men are -dangerous. Next to these there is a body of about 5,000 Anarchists, -who would join in a revolt if they could persuade themselves or be -persuaded that there was any real chance for success; but they are as -a rule careful of themselves, and they are not going to rush to the -gallows if they can help it. Only in a time of great public tumult are -they to be really feared. I place in still another category a body of -2,000 “sympathizers”—men upon whom neither the Anarchists nor society -could rely. They are a doubtful class, and might easily be led one way -or the other by a decided victory on either side in a time of real -struggle. - -Many women are to be found in each of these classifications, from the -most desperate up. There are about forty “women-workers” so called who -are engaged in the Anarchic propaganda in the city, six of them being -lecturers. They are doing a great deal of harm. - -The present plans of the reds, as broadly stated by one of the open -leaders, contemplate the use of every force in society—“the force of -education, the force of agitation and the force of arms; the first now -and always; the second, with great care and judgment; the last, when -the time shall arrive for a strike at liberty.” The reds throughout -the world have learned a lesson from the failure of Spies and his -companions, and while their aims and sentiments are unchanged, their -plans have undergone considerable modification. - -A new system of organization has also been developed. They met at first -in little groups of five or ten, fearing to gather in larger numbers in -the excited times following the hanging. It was proposed to organize -ward clubs, but this was negatived because the politicians would mix -up with them to get their votes, and thus destroy the secrecy that -they wanted. Their demand was for some sort of an organization enabling -many people to meet together without attracting suspicion or inviting -investigation by the police, and this they succeeded in doing by -getting up a Building Society. This was followed by another and another -in different parts of the town. They charge an initiation of ten -cents, none but approved and guaranteed Anarchists are admitted, and -the societies are working in full force, although I doubt whether they -will greatly contribute to the material improvement of Chicago. The -Anarchists are a very quarrelsome lot, and they often get into serious -disputes with each other, and thus one party, to get revenge, would -often come to me with information on his enemy. This has been stopped -by the “Building Association,” which maintains committees to settle all -quarrels between members. - -Aside from a majority of the thirty-two organizations affiliated with -the Central Labor Union, the reds of late have been propagating the -revolutionary cause through the following societies: - -1. The Workingmen’s Defense Association, composed chiefly of men, -of which Fred Bentthin is secretary. This same organization raised -the money to defend the reds who were tried for the conspiracy to -assassinate Judges Gary and Grinnell, Bonfield and others. - -2. The Pioneer Aid and Relief Society, composed chiefly of women. This -institution came into existence immediately after the arrest of the -Anarchists in May, 1886. - -3. A. R. Parsons Assembly No. 1. This is a reorganization of the -suspended or expelled Assembly 1307, once known as the Sons of -Liberty. It has always been a hotbed of Anarchy, and is now composed -of Anarchists almost exclusively. Its membership is composed of such -revolutionary lights as Oliver, Holmes, Snyder, Brown, Glasgow, and -other fire-brands. Snyder and Brown were arrested at the time of the -Haymarket massacre and held in custody for months. - -4. The English branch of the Socialistic Labor party, Waverly Hall, 122 -Randolph Street. - -5. The German branch of the Socialistic Labor party, 54 West Lake -Street. - -6. The Socialistic Publishing Society, which controls the -_Arbeiter-Zeitung_ on the communistic plan and devotes all surplus to -the cause of the social revolution. - -7. The “Arbeiter-Bund,” or Working People’s Confederation, recently -organized at 636 Milwaukee Avenue. This is the most violent public -organization of Anarchists in Chicago. - -It was the Arbeiter-Bund which, through its attorneys, applied to Judge -Tuley only a short time ago for an injunction to restrain the police -from interfering with meetings of Socialists and Anarchists. While the -injunction was not technically granted, still the decision was such -as to render the police powerless to interfere with their gatherings. -The Chancellor’s opinion is too lengthy to print here, but it was made -on a broad construction of the constitutional provision guaranteeing -free speech. I am not a lawyer, and I will not attempt to say that the -learned Chancellor misunderstands the law or the Constitution, but it -does seem that there ought to be some provision which should make it -unsafe or impossible for bloody-minded revolutionists to preach their -foreign doctrine in open defiance of a respectable and law-abiding -community. - -The impudence shown by the Anarchists, extreme Socialists and other -enemies of society in claiming redress under the law would seem -ridiculous if it were not contemptible. These agitators shout “throttle -the law,” and then complain that their meetings are suppressed contrary -to law. At their meetings, in their speeches, and in other ways they -cover the courts and judges with opprobrium, and then apply to the -courts for restraining orders forbidding the police to interfere -with their meetings. With yells and screeches in foreign tongues -they declare that the Constitution shall be destroyed, and then -complain that they are denied freedom of speech in violation of the -Constitution. Putting themselves outside the law and demanding its -destruction, they at the same time demand its protection. - -Other forms of public organization are the “Schulgemeinde” of the -Northwest Side, and the “Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein.” The two last-named -seem to have for their special object the establishment and maintenance -of “Sunday schools.” - -Of all this more will be said hereafter, but first I will call -attention to the fact that the organizations named are only what -appear on the surface. Underlying and controlling all these is the -secret organization, which in Chicago consists of an “invisible -committee.” It must be understood that the movement toward the object -to which the Internationale looks forward—the social revolution—is -local, national, and international, and it is probable that the -committee for Chicago was appointed from the headquarters of the -Internationale in New York, at the suggestion of that arch-conspirator -and mischief-maker, Johann Most. The “invisible committee,” although -they have full direction of the movement in Chicago, are supposed to be -unknown to the mass of the order. They work individually, and not as a -body, and always quietly. Their identity they hold sacredly secret. It -is only when open revolutionary work has actually begun that they are -to come to the front. In the meantime, the open workers and agitators -report to the individual “invisibles,” and act under their advice. -The “invisibles” themselves make it a point to practice moderation in -their public utterances to divert suspicion. The old-time centralized -organization, the reds believe, led to the detection and conviction -of their leaders, after the failure of the Haymarket plot, and this -it was that made the new plan not only advisable but necessary. -Decentralization is now the ruling principle. - -The public agitators are such people as Currlin, Holmes, Morgan, -Mikolanda, Grottkau, Mostler, Bergman, G. Smith, Poch, Mittag, Mentzer -and others. They declare themselves openly as Anarchists and agitators. -They are of course well known to the police, and consequently they -are on the look-out not to come in contact with us. They only enlist -recruits, however. The secret agitators visit public meetings -occasionally, but they very seldom do any talking. Nobody notices them, -and this is what they want. They are seldom members of any “Verein,” -and they form acquaintances on the street, in shops or saloons, but -always with the utmost caution until they have gained confidence. They -meet at private houses in parties of three or four, agitating wherever -they can gain a point. When charged with being Anarchists they deny it, -and to throw off suspicion some of them even go regularly to church. -Among these there are fanatics who would do almost anything to gain -their ends. I know a great many of this class, and I would not believe -it if I did not know of my own knowledge that they are Anarchists of -the purest water. They are the most harmless-looking men in Chicago. - -The open and public movement still goes on under cover of the cause -of labor. The plan of campaign is, so far as the public associations -and meetings are concerned, to teach Anarchy; to create in the minds -of Socialistic adherents a hatred of all law and of all religion, and -to inspire a spirit of revenge for the execution of Spies and his -comrades. Their teachings are carried out by speeches more or less -incendiary. - -The most potent factor for evil in Chicago to-day, as heretofore, is -the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. When this paper was first established it was -delivered secretly through alleyways and at back doors. Now it has a -circulation of 7,000 copies daily. Time was when the daily tirades of -abuse scattered broadcast by that sheet were viewed with indifference -by the English-speaking press of this city. That was in the seed-time -of “theoretic” and “practical” Anarchy in Chicago. Then the dire -meaning of it all escaped the bulk of the population. It was said—and -the saying was flaunted in the faces of the sullen hordes until it -acted like the red rag on an infuriated bull—that all this talk would -end where it began—in talk. The paper is more readable and interesting -now than it ever was. Its present editorial staff is an abler one, -and understands better on occasion how to convey its meaning without -expressing it in so many plain words. It comprises not only some of the -old-time writers—men like Paul Grottkau and Albert Currlin—but it has -now at its head a man of infinitely more cunning and ability than ever -distinguished August Spies. - -Editor Jens Christensen, a native of the formerly Danish province -of Schleswig, is a good-looking young German, and bears quite a -resemblance to his predecessor in personal appearance. He is thoroughly -proficient not only in German, but also in English, French, and all -the Scandinavian tongues, is a scientifically trained man, and has at -command an arsenal of facts, arguments and deductions to be marshaled -up in defense of his specious pleadings. - -Christensen was at one time a Socialist candidate for the German -Reichstag, and is now in constant and confidential correspondence with -the leading European prophets of destruction. Although he has been in -America less than a year, he has inspired in his disciples within that -short time a degree of confidence which Spies never possessed. He has -not the easy address of Spies in dealing with a crowd, and he is at -all times a better, more logical and more forcible writer than orator; -but he is, for all that, the best public speaker the destructionists -of this city have within their ranks to-day. He is more suave than -impassioned in his speech—reserved and self-possessed, and never at -a loss for a reply. He is a zealot and a fanatic in the cause he has -espoused, and he is probably the only Socialist in Chicago who can give -a scientific basis for every dogma he announces, and a proof for every -word he utters. - -Since Christensen’s arrival here he has been in a newspaper warfare -with Johann Most. He attacked Most, charging him with being an injury -to the cause of the revolution by his bad judgment and radical plans of -dynamite and other methods for the application of physical force. Most -has been striking back in his characteristic way, and this has brought -Christensen into considerable prominence. Moreover, he is a writer with -great executive ability. He is a man of strong convictions, evident -courage, but is quite a diplomat, and does not propose to follow his -“comrades” to the gallows by any slip of the pen or tongue if he can -help it. Christensen is a Socialist, not an Anarchist, he says, and -yet he declares with a good deal of frankness that Socialists and -Anarchists are pretty much the same, so far as the result sought is -concerned, the only essential differences being in the tactics used to -reach the object aimed at. - -Such a man, it will be readily seen, when once started in the wrong -path, is a much more dangerous foe than the hot-headed, rather -selfish, openly ambitious Spies. And he shows his power in nothing -better than in his manner of conducting the avowed organ of all the -destructionists. Since his advent, this afternoon sheet has set the -ferment of social agitation going again until the movement, as a matter -of fact, is to-day in reality more formidable than it was three years -ago, for now it is directed by a cautious, self-contained man who -weighs every step before advising it, and who in all things considers -the question of expediency first. - -The paper he presides over is a daily proof of his skill and of his -capacity for doing harm. It spreads the old doctrine of destruction -and social upheaval, but it does so in a much more insidious, in a more -guarded, and, probably, in a more effective manner. There is a general -policy laid down, and that is never deviated from. Every line that -goes into the reading columns of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ has to serve a -purpose. That purpose is to teach a lesson, to serve as one more grain -of disgust with the existing state of things, to render the reader -more weary of the society of to-day. Every piece of news is bent to -that end—distorted, falsified, or magnified—so as to “point a moral -or adorn a tale.” If a laborer has been cheated out of his wages, for -instance, by his employer, a general deduction as to all employers is -made. If a wealthy thief escape more or less merited punishment, the -sharp edge of sarcasm and of lament over the futility of trying to -regenerate this world by any but “radical” means is again used. Every -piece of rascality, in fact, on the part of well-to-do or highly placed -men, every misstep, every error, every unwise law and every unwise -application of a wise one—all of these things and many more are seized -and made to serve the purpose of this personally smooth and amiable -Mephistopheles, and are dished up to his benighted readers, peppered, -salted and seasoned with Chile sauce, to make them palatable. - -Thus the paper acts on that vast body of half or wholly discontented, -on all those who, with or without their own fault, are not as well -off as they might be, on all those thousands who sympathized or still -sympathize with the dread fate of the eight Anarchists arrested after -the Haymarket slaughter, as a constant irritant, distorting everything -to their mental eye and keeping them forever in an irritable mood and -in a sort of self-made purgatory which embitters even their hours of -rest and recreation. That this sort of effect cannot go accumulating -in the minds of many thousands of men and women and children without -finally producing something tangible, an explosion, is self-evident -and needs no emphasizing. Did space permit, I should like to give here -extracts to show how insidious and subtle the poison which is daily -instilled into the minds of these readers. - -Mr. Currlin, ex-editor of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, is known as -the wandering missionary of Anarchy. He is busily engaged in the -propagation of revolutionary ideas. His style of oratory and the -general drift of his sentiments may be gathered from quotations -heretofore given in this book. - -George Schilling would strenuously object to being called an Anarchist. -But he admits being a Socialist. When asked a short time ago if he -expected another outbreak as the result of existing revolutionary -forces, he said: - -“I expect something of the kind about the end of the present -century—say in ten years. Society is just now dormant, like a river -frozen in winter time, but some night there will be a mighty crack in -the ice, and under the warming influences of evolutionary forces there -will be a mighty upheaval. There will no doubt be a squall or two -before that time, but the great event will not come, in my judgment, -much sooner. There will be lots of men and women who will not be able -to see beyond the squall, and they will think the time has arrived. It -will come, not as the result of a conspiracy of Anarchists, but as a -conspiracy of all the evolutionary forces of society.” - -Mrs. Lucy Parsons is still an active exhorter in the cause. She is -simply irrepressible, and has made herself obnoxious to the more -peaceable and conservative Socialists. To the ordinary hearer her -harangues would seem ridiculous, were it not for the fact that the loss -of a husband by death on the gallows naturally creates sympathy, even -for a fanatic. - -“Prison bars nor the scaffold shall ever prevent me from speaking the -truth,” she exclaimed at a Sunday afternoon meeting of Socialists at -Waverly Hall a few months ago. “The ballot is useless as a remedy, -and a change in the present condition of the wage slave will never be -brought about peacefully. Force is the only remedy, and force will -certainly be used.” - -This meeting had been called to listen to a paper by Prof. Charles -Orchardson on “Salvation from Poverty.” The speaker, deprecating the -incendiary arguments and appeals to forceful measures on the part of -what were known as Anarchists, said that Anarchy never would improve -the condition of society. He devoted himself principally to the private -ownership of land, and claimed that more frauds had been committed in -that name than in any other. Fire and murder were the sole right and -title of the original owners of the land, and no original robbery could -be tortured into a righteous transaction. The owner of the land was -the owner of the inhabitants. Land in Chicago originally worth $1 an -acre was now, in some localities, worth perhaps $1,000,000 an acre. -The people made this value, but the land-owner reaped the benefit of -the advance the people had created. A land speculator was nothing but -a land peculator, and held the people at his mercy. The three evils -of society to-day, the speaker said, were private enterprise, the -competitive system and private ownership of land. The first remedy to -be applied was the education of the people. Another remedy was to adopt -the single-tax theories of Henry George and to establish the Australian -method of secret voting, so that the employé could fearlessly deposit -his ballot without fear of discharge from his employer. This method -would also abolish the buying and selling of votes. Then men should -be elected to represent the people in the halls of legislation and to -resist the encroachments of the capitalists and monopolists. Private -ownership in land should be abolished, and the capitalists should be -compelled to stop the work of increasing poverty by curtailing the -productions of the labor of man. - -During the discussion which followed the reading of Prof. Orchardson’s -paper, the ringing voice of Mrs. Parsons was heard in the rear of the -hall. She had entered late, and few were aware of her presence, but -she was greeted with loud applause as she rapidly and defiantly made -her way to the front of the platform. She said: - - “I did not hear the beginning of this lecture to-day, but I heard it - last evening at 599 Milwaukee Avenue. I have heard what he had to - say about the Anarchists, and I want to say to him and to everybody - else that it is about time to give the Anarchists a rest. Are there - not enough of them dead? Do you need to go into their graves and aid - the detectives in their work of digging up their memories for abuse - and obloquy? Last night the Professor was asked what remedy he would - propose if the men elected to the legislature betrayed their trust - and sold out their poor constituents, and he then said his remedy - would be to organize secret societies and assassinate the men who - proved unfaithful to their trusts. He need not deny this, for I have - witnesses here to prove that he said this. And now to-day he throws - his slings at Anarchy. Anarchy, as I understand it, is one of the - most beautiful theories, and I do not agree with the speaker when he - favors assassination. I hold human life too sacred, and do not believe - in assassinating the men who sell out. Before they talk about Anarchy - let them define it. It is a philosophy which they do not, or will not, - understand.... - - “Men talk about revolution as if it were a terrible thing. Every one - present is a revolutionist because he is poor. Every man who lives in - a tenement-house and wants to secure a better home is a revolutionist, - because the beneficial change means a revolution in his very life. I - know I have to be careful what I say nowadays, but I assert that any - and all means are justified in order to get rid of the present system - of wage slavery. (Loud applause.) Any means, I say. If the ballot will - accomplish that purpose, adopt it; but if it will not, let us adopt - some more potent means. (Applause.) - - “The speaker has argued in favor of Australian laws, but I know the - same state of society exists there that exists here, and the laws - furnish no remedy. Does any one suppose that the capitalists—your - masters—will ever permit you to peacefully take their lands from them - while they can invoke the aid of a policeman’s club or a Gatling gun? - The ballot-box is useless to reform the evils of society, and there - is not a State Socialist living who believes that a reform can be - brought about peaceably. They all admit it, but they claim that it is - not policy to say so. I am not afraid to say what I believe, whether - it leads me to prison bars or the scaffold. The capitalists never have - relinquished anything until they were compelled to, and they will not - now, unless they have a change of heart, or something of that sort. - But go on voting. Vote for what you want, but don’t forget that the - Bill of Rights gives every man the right to keep and bear arms, and - when you want to vote take your little musket to the polls with you, - and then your vote will be counted—not before. Take the ballot; but - first put an idea, a strong arm and determination behind, and then buy - yourselves good Winchester rifles. Then you will be prepared to fight - for your rights. Men who are armed are bound to be free, and you are - all wage slaves to-day because you are not.” - -Here the applause was almost deafening. Mrs. Parsons paused and gazed -around the room. - -“I do not care,” said she, “whether there are any policemen or -detectives here or not, or whether the newspapers want to come out with -sensational head-lines about me. Go on voting, and in ten years you -will find yourselves where I am now. You will be no further advanced, -and then you will have to come to the revolution of force which I -advocate now.” - -Her voice rang out strong and clear, and as she finished it seemed -evident from the loud applause that followed that the majority of those -present were in full accord with her sentiments. - -Professor Orchardson then replied to his critic. He claimed that Mrs. -Parsons had begun by picturing Anarchy as one of the most lovely -and beautiful conditions imaginable, but before she had finished -she had advocated murder, force, carbines and every violent measure -conceivable. She had claimed that Anarchy did not mean war, and in the -same breath had urged that all means were justifiable to secure it. “A -man who undertakes to philosophize upon this question,” said he, “soon -becomes contaminated by that horrible theory Anarchism.” - -A few hisses were heard about the room. - -“I see I have no sympathy here,” he continued, “and I here declare that -if I live I will never speak again where Anarchists are admitted and -permitted to speak.” - -Here a storm of hisses and loud cries of “Shame” were heard on all -sides, and for a moment it seemed as if trouble was imminent. The -chairman, however, succeeded in restoring order, and the speaker was -about to continue his remarks, when he was interrupted by Mrs. Parsons. - -“Did you not advocate assassination in your lecture last night?” she -asked. - -“I did not. I simply said that if humanity had sunk so low that men -would sell themselves out, secret societies should be formed for the -purpose of bringing retribution on the men who had betrayed their -trusts.” - -“You said assassination,” shouted Mrs. Parsons, “and I can prove it.” - -“I never did and never will advocate the vicious, horrible and -bloodthirsty ideas of the Anarchists, that made it so hard to argue the -Socialistic question before the people,” concluded the Professor, in -evident disgust; “and I again repeat that I never will attend another -meeting where such ideas are advocated.” - -As the speaker took his seat, he was warmly cheered by a number -present, but there was a loud murmur of dissent from the rear of the -room, where Mrs. Parsons sat surrounded by her friends. - -The most conspicuous feature of the propaganda of the Internationale -in Chicago to-day is the Sunday school movement. There are now four of -these schools in successful and established operation, and a number of -others are fairly started. - -[Illustration: AN ANARCHIST “SUNDAY SCHOOL.” TEACHING UNBELIEF AND -LAWLESSNESS.] - -The first was opened in the spring of 1888, at Lake View, by the -“Socialistic Turn-Verein.” The second was begun in August, 1888, at -Jefferson, by the Turn-Verein “Fortschritt.” The third was commenced -in September, at “Thalia Hall,” by the “Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein” of -the Northwest Side, and the fourth was started at 58 Clybourn Avenue, -by the “Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein” of the North Side. The school at -Lake View is frequented by about 190 children; the school of the -Turn-Verein “Fortschritt” has from forty to fifty pupils; the school -of the Northwest Side was visited on Sunday, December 9, 1888, by -230 children, and this Verein will have to rent another hall, as the -present one is not large enough to accommodate all the pupils. The -North Side school was attended by about 100 children on the same day. -All schools are under the supervision of the one organized on December -9, 1888, at Aurora Turn Hall. The main mission of this school is the -organization of others. It can easily be seen that the schools now -established are prospering, because the number of pupils is increasing -from day to day. The schools are of Socialistic and Anarchistic origin. -Nothing is taught relating to dynamite or bombs. The German language -is used in all the schools, and all the ordinary branches of education -are embraced in the curriculum, but underneath and above all is the -spirit of contempt for law and religion. The children are instructed -that religion is nothing but a humbug; that there exists no God and -no devil, no heaven and no hell, and that Christianity is only a -preventive system adopted by the capitalists to rule the working people -and keep them under. After this they are to be taught the spirit of -revolution. In all, the main point is agitation for Socialism and -Anarchy. - -As showing the spirit of the Anarchist Sunday schools, I append the -following appeal for Christmas presents from the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ of -December 7, 1888. It seems to me that it leaves very little to be said, -except perhaps to point out that 58 Clybourn Avenue is a low-class -groggery, and that it was in the very room in which the school is held -that the Anarchists who were to carry out Engel’s plan on the 4th of -May, 1886, secured their supplies of dynamite and bombs: - - _Christmas Presents for the Scholars of the Sunday School of the North - Side._ - - The “Arbeiter Bildungs-Verein” of the North Side held a meeting - December 3d, and adopted the following: A presentation of Christmas - presents and a lottery for the children of the Sunday school will be - held at 58 Clybourn Avenue on Christmas day. Every one is invited - who has an interest in taking from the clergy the power over our - little ones, and who will help us to educate our children to become - useful persons—also parents, their friends and business people who - are willing to contribute a small sum of money for the benefit of - this noble cause. Leave your contributions for the presentation of - Christmas presents or for the dressing of the Christmas tree for the - dear little ones until Saturday, December 22, with the committee, No. - 58 Clybourn Avenue. - - Receipts for presents will be published in the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_. - - ARBEITER BILDUNGS-VEREIN. - -Dr. E. G. Kleinoldt, who lives at 591 Sedgwick Street, is one of the -chief teachers. He is an enthusiast in instructing innocent children -that there is no God and no hereafter. He tells his small charges -that priests, and ministers alike are swindlers, and there are in this -city fathers who bring their children to the rear of a beer saloon on -Sundays to be taught such doctrine by a drunkard. - -On Saturday night, December 1, 1888, a dance was in progress in -Yondorf’s Hall. Officer Lorch, of my command, called in to see what -kind of a gathering it was. Entering the hall, he saw Kleinoldt with -three young men, talking very busily. The officer approached near -enough to hear that Kleinoldt was talking about dynamite, and finally -heard him tell the young men how to make bombs, explaining the process -in the same manner as Engel had done. He also suggested that if his -hearers would make bombs and put them under “the leafers of policemen,” -it would make the “bloodhounds” jump. The officer approached Kleinoldt -and said: - -“This is not an Anarchist meeting. Stop your talk, or I will put you -out.” - -Kleinoldt made some insulting remarks, and the officer took him by the -back of the neck and pushed him out of the hall. This was the last of -him there for that night, but the young men he had been talking to -were not Anarchists. One of the three followed him out on the sidewalk -and there met a friend whom he told what Kleinoldt had advised. The -newcomer, who happened to carry a large turkey, was a little under the -influence of liquor himself, but was sober enough to oppose Anarchy. He -followed Kleinoldt, struck him with the turkey, knocked him down and -broke his eye-glasses, apparently for the purpose of demonstrating to -the worthy pedagogue that all people who drink too much beer are not -necessarily Anarchists. - -This man Kleinoldt was interviewed a short time ago by a reporter of -the Chicago _Herald_. While other Anarchist pedagogues are loth to -communicate their plans and doings, Kleinoldt talked readily, and what -he said seems to me sufficiently interesting to repeat here. - -“We do not teach Socialism or Anarchism in our Sunday-schools, and the -newspapers do us an injustice when they say so,” said Dr. Kleinoldt. -“The object of our Sunday schools is to keep the children away from -the influence of the Jesuits, who teach the Bible, religious songs, -and church doctrine, subjects that are very distasteful to us who are -Socialists. I was one of the prime movers in the project to organize -schools to be held on Sundays all over the city, which shall be open -to children of all parents who are opposed to the hurtful influences -of church instruction. While it is possibly true that most of those in -attendance are the offspring of Socialists and Anarchists, still it -is by no means restricted to them, for in one school, at 58 Clybourn -Avenue, as well as others, you will find those whose fathers have no -sympathy with our advanced ideas on sociology.” - -“What do you teach at these schools?” asked the reporter. - -“Our course takes in reading, writing, natural history, geography, -literature, general history and morality—so much of ethics as young -minds are capable of receiving.” - -“And you do not teach the tenets of Anarchy?” queried the reporter. - -“By no means. We say nothing of bombs, dynamite, overthrow of kingdoms, -uprooting of our present social system, or anything of that kind. -What would be the use of it? If you had a correct appreciation of the -principles of Anarchy and Socialism you would readily understand that -the questions are too grave for the apprehension of juvenile minds. -Later on—well, that is something else.” - -“Still, Doctor, your teachers are thoroughly imbued with these -sentiments, and it would be only natural for you to desire, if you are -honest in your convictions, that these young people should grow up in -your peculiar faith.” - -“That is another matter,” replied Dr. Kleinoldt, regarding the reporter -fixedly through his spectacles. “As the twig is bent the tree’s -inclined. We are honest in what we profess, else why should we profess -at all, since we have nothing to gain but obloquy, in the present at -least? Being honest and believing that our teachings are best for the -human family, we should be strange beings indeed if we were not anxious -to have our children grow up into our faith. What I have said is, and I -repeat it, that we do not teach Anarchistic or Socialistic principles -to the pupils in our Sunday schools.” - -The reporter here read to the Doctor a paragraph from one of the -Chicago dailies to the effect that at the school held in the rear of -Rachau Bros’. saloon, corner of Lincoln Avenue and Halsted Street, the -day before, a teacher had dilated upon the death of Spies and Parsons, -declaring they were murdered by the capitalists and that they were -martyrs. - -“Of that I know nothing. All I know is that such is not the design of -our schools. Such talk is not heard at our school in the rear of the -saloon at 58 Clybourn Avenue. We use the same books that are used in -the day schools, and what we teach is as I have told you before—only -this and nothing more.” - -“But since your teachers hold to these peculiar views, and since -children have investigating minds—being eager to ask questions—is -there anything to prevent teachers from defining their views even if -they do not enter into arguments to demonstrate the tenableness of -their position?” - -“I repeat again, there are many children in attendance upon our schools -whose parents are not Anarchists or Socialists. Those who are hear -these opinions at their homes. Those who are not do not hear them.” - -“True; but there are some, doubtless, in every class, who have heard -at their homes the teachings of Anarchy or Socialism; they may ask -questions. Is there anything to prevent the teachers from replying to -them in such manner as to indoctrinate the others in this faith?” - -“It is possible, I admit. But I say again, it is not so in our school. -Indeed, most of the children are too small to know anything about -such matters. You will say time will correct that. I add that our -primary object is the education of the young people. We teach in German -altogether, because the children learn English in the public schools. -They all attend the latter, because it is a primary principle with us -that it is education alone that can make men free. In addition to the -studies named, we teach music and singing, and we hold a session at 58 -Clybourn Avenue in the afternoon of each Sunday, when teachers from -the Workingmen’s Educational Society—an art organization—teach them -drawing.” - -[Illustration: FRANK CHLEBOUN. - -From a Photograph.] - -The Doctor is a short, thick-set, mild-mannered man, possessed of a -gentle voice, and is, apparently, about thirty-five years old. He spoke -carefully, and without excitement. - -“Let me tell you further,” he said, after a brief pause, “we do not -teach anything of what is termed religion, because we do not believe in -that. We do teach morals, the duties we owe to our neighbors, the great -principles of right and wrong. We desire the children to grow up into -Socialists, that they may be worthy successors of their parents; but we -do not think the Sunday school we have organized is the proper place to -inculcate such doctrines.” - -“Because your pupils are too young?” asked the reporter. - -“Yes, and because, as I have said, the parents of some of the children -do not hold to our views, and it is our desire to bring into our fold -as many as possible, thus saving as many as we can from the evil -influences of the church.” - -“You say you teach music and songs. Do these include sacred music?” - -“Our music and songs are strictly secular; we have nothing to do with -anything connected with the churches.” - -[Illustration: FRANK CAPEK. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -Dr. Kleinoldt may be correct in his statement that the school at 58 -Clybourn Avenue has not taught Anarchy, yet it is nevertheless true -that at least two of the school’s enthusiastic teachers have dilated -upon the “martyrdom” of Spies, Parsons, Fischer and Engel, declaring -that they died for a glorious cause, and that those officials who were -instrumental in their arrest, and those who took part in the trial -and at the execution, are guilty of the vilest of crimes. At one of -the schools, a teacher even went so far as to allude to the Savior as -the lazy loafer of Nazareth. It will not demand a very close reading -“between the lines” of the interview with Dr. Kleinoldt, however, to -find out that, whatever the motive of those who have inaugurated this -movement, the ultimate result will be the same as though the open and -expressed object were the dissemination of those views now universally -regarded among civilized nations as subversive of all government. -The schools are organized for the purpose of sowing in the minds of -innocent children the seeds of atheism, discontent and lawlessness. - -The Sunday school movement is only one feature of the general plan -of the revolutionists. The Socialists fear as heartily as they hate -the church, and of late they have had especial reason, from their -standpoint, for both. Both Catholic and Protestant churches located -in German, Bohemian and Polish sections have recently extended their -facilities for reaching the youth of their nationalities, and hundreds -of children have been gathered into Christian schools on Sundays, thus -taking them for a brief while on that day from the squalid streets upon -which they roam without restraint, and bringing them in contact with -Christian influences. Even scores of children of Socialistic parents -have had this experience. The great aim of the Internationals now, as -always, is to increase their numerical strength. To do this they hold -it necessary to establish secular Sunday schools wherein the principles -of Socialism will be taught and where children will be made to despise, -though they may obey, the laws. - -It need only be added here that all the schools of the Socialists now -in operation in Chicago are held either in the rear or in the basements -of beer saloons. - -Judge Tuley, in his decision on the application for an injunction, -stated that “there are Christian Anarchists.” I venture the assertion, -however, that the learned jurist has never seen one of that class. -I know that I have not, and I never expect to see one. Christianity -and Anarchy are entirely opposite. While it is possible of course -that a man professing the religion of Christ should be blinded by the -plausible preachings of the Anarchists, still the hallucination would -be only temporary. Religion and Anarchy, as I understand and have seen -it, do not and never will go together. - -The conspirator Hronek, at his trial, was asked if he believed in God. - -“I have never seen him,” was the reply. - -Scratch the hide of an Anarchist, and you will find an infidel or a -fool. An intelligent human being cannot reconcile the violent doctrines -of Anarchy with any form of Christianity. - -Charles L. Bodendick, twenty-five years old, 5 feet 4 inches tall, -weighing 150 pounds, was arrested by Officer Hanley for robbing Justice -White, March 18, 1886, and was held to the Criminal Court in $1,500 -bonds. He was tried and sentenced to the penitentiary in Joliet for -one year. During his trial it was demonstrated that he was a thorough -Anarchist. The _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ then called him a “crank” and said -that he was crazy. Before he was arrested, however, he had made his -home about the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_ office, and at that time he had been -looked on as a valuable man. The poor fellow had kept hanging around -there, reading their misleading trash, until he was destitute and a -vagrant. The next steps were robbery and the penitentiary. - -[Illustration: CHARLES L. BODENDICK. - -From a Photograph taken by the Police.] - -After his release from prison Bodendick came back to the city, and, -roaming about from place to place, finally fell into his old ways -again, living on wind and Anarchy. He grew more desperate even than -before his arrest. He wanted to manufacture something stronger than -dynamite. A card was given to him by Dyer D. Lum, and he called at -the Public Library for the “Techno-Chemical Receipt Book,” K 4314. On -page 30 of this book Bodendick learned what he knew of the make-up of -explosives. He admitted that he wanted to use sulphur, saltpeter and -soda potash. He also procured other books on explosives, and he finally -purchased a quantity of material and went to his room to experiment. -But before he had learned very much he was arrested. Bodendick was kept -in the Central Station in the sweat-box for two weeks. He was defiant -at first, but finally sent word to the Inspector that he wanted to talk -with him. He was brought to the office, and after he had given a lot of -information, and promised to leave the city at once, he was released. -The Anarchists claim that he never did “squeal.” - -This Bodendick was an odd genius. Here is _verbatim et literatim_ a -poem in which he melodiously voiced his sentiments some years ago: - - -THE REBELL-VAGABOND. - - I live and will _take the right_, - To demand of the world abundance; - To do so, I’m prepared to fight - the world and all its Dungeons. - - Your a Loafer, says “the upper ten,” - You aught to go to Prison. - But, who are the priveledged ones - To loaf? the toilers lot dissmissend? - - I’ve toiled hard, sometime ago, - From early morn till late. - That I ain’t worth some millions now - Is really too bad. - - You see, a generous toiling man - Gets never much ahead; - For which a rascal always can - Rob men of life and (e)state. - - 7-10 from what I have produced - You took in your possessions - While the toiling part you have reduced - To crime and degradations. - - Not only this, nay vamper like - Do suck the Blood of men - And with the bones you take the hide - But, things get to an end. - - That time I was quiet ignorant - of, who was my enemy real, - That I’ve become to you a torment - Is only the result you feel. - - I’ll work for life and liberty, - For thiefs like you I wont - The courage that is left in me - Makes me a Rebell-Vagabond. - -The most serious recent development of the spirit of revolt and -disorder, however, is that shown in the attempt of the men Hronek and -Capek to assassinate Judges Gary and Grinnell and Inspector Bonfield. - -In July of 1888, Judge Grinnell sent for me and told me that he had -been informed by a Bohemian citizen that there was a conspiracy afoot -to murder himself, Gary and Bonfield, and that he thought there -was something in the information. It appears that there were three -Bohemian Anarchists, John Hronek, Frank Capek and Frank Chleboun, who -had determined to avenge the “martyrdom,” as they called it, of the -Anarchist leaders. Chleboun was never in real sympathy with the others, -and when the affair began to grow very serious he went to a Bohemian -friend and confided to him the plot. This gentleman at once advised -Judge Grinnell. Among the details was the fact that three men had -examined the Judge’s house on July 4th, with a view to blowing it up if -a good opportunity offered, and the Judge remembered having seen three -suspicious-looking men loitering about Aldine Square on that day. They -had eyed him so strangely that his attention was attracted to them. -This fact made him attach much weight to the story he had been told. -The Judge wished me to conduct the investigation, but the suspects all -lived in Inspector Bonfield’s district, and I urged that the inquiry -should be made by him, of course promising to cooperate as heartily -as I could. After this Bonfield, the Judge and I had a conference in -which we went over the whole ground. We had all the facts in the case -pretty well in hand. On the morning of July 17th, Bonfield was ready -to strike, and the arrests were made. On the evening before warrants -were sworn out for these three men, and at 4 A.M. Bonfield drove Lieut. -Elliott past Hronek’s house, 2952 Farrell Street, so that he might -know it. Officers Rowan, Miller, Nordrum, Murtha, Styx and Meichowsky -assisted in the arrests. - -In describing what followed Inspector Bonfield said: - - “We had reason to believe that Hronek, who only occupied the two rear - rooms of a two-story frame dwelling, had dynamite, a revolver and a - formidable-looking dagger, which we had been told was poisoned. We - had also been given to understand that Hronek was a reckless fellow - of the Lingg type and would offer a desperate resistance, and for - that reason, in order not to jeopardize the lives of any of our - men, we thought it prudent, instead of entering the house, to catch - him unawares when he came out early in the morning. At the side of - the house is a covered stairway leading from the ground to Hronek’s - rooms, and about seven o’clock we saw our man come down these, and he - was immediately arrested by Officers Nordrum and one or two others. - Leaving one or two men to watch the house, we took the prisoner, who - appeared utterly indifferent, and astonished perhaps, to the nearest - patrol-box, called the wagon, and sent him to Deering Street Station, - whence he was removed to the Central Station later on. - - “We then searched the house, and in a sort of closet we found a small - quantity of dynamite in the original Ætna No. 2 packages. In the - bed-room we found our information to be true, for under the pillow - on which Hronek had a short time previous been sleeping we found - a vicious-looking dagger, in a leather sheath, and a revolver. In - addition to these we also found in the rooms several bombs, some of - which are empty and some of which are loaded. The bombs are made of - cast-iron piping, plugged at each end. The pipe had been made for some - other purpose and turned to that use, and the bombs were four or five - inches long and about an inch and a half in diameter.” - -Frank Capek was arrested at his home, 498 West Twentieth Street, at the -same time as was Frank Chleboun, who was found at Zion Place. Capek’s -house was not searched, as it was known that he had made away with the -dynamite that he had had there. - -The arrests caused the greatest excitement in the city as soon as it -became generally known what was the charge. - -About the truth of it there could be no doubt. Hronek was a desperate -fellow, quite ready and willing for any violence. He was an -enthusiastic Anarchist, and a great admirer of the “martyrs,” as he -called them, and he had a regular arsenal of explosives and weapons. - -Chleboun’s story was a singular one. He was a tailor who had come from -Bohemia to Chicago in 1882. He met Hronek shortly after the Haymarket -riot, and the two struck up an acquaintanceship. With Frank Capek they -discussed Anarchy and the trial of the leaders, and all went well as -long as they confined themselves to theory and beer. - -[Illustration] - -Chleboun was one of those weak-minded people who like to play at -conspiracy, but he soon found that he had allied himself with desperate -and dangerous men and that the chances were altogether in favor of his -own neck paying the penalty for his comrades’ work. This alarmed him, -and he seems to have tried to draw away from them. But they would not -let him. For a time he lent them money and tried to get along with -them, but they made his life a burden to him. In October, 1887, he -wanted to visit the old country, and desired to take out citizen’s -papers before he left. It shows the relations between the men, that -Hronek and Capek would not help him to get naturalized until he had -formally agreed to the plot to kill Grinnell, Gary and Bonfield. They, -also demanded $25 from him, and he paid it. He returned from Europe -in December, and they at once pounced on him again. The poor fellow -did not know which way to turn, and he finally did the wisest thing by -making a clean breast of the whole plot. - -[Illustration] - -The trial of the would-be assassins came on in the November term, but -the prisoners secured a severance, and only Hronek was tried, Capek’s -trial being deferred until the next term. On the stand Chleboun told -the story of the conspiracy at great length and in detail, and a very -severe cross-examination failed to shake his testimony in any way. He -showed how Hronek had planned the murder of the three men coolly and -deliberately; how he had provided dynamite made up into tin bombs, and -in other ways, and had secured a poisoned dagger, as well as a pistol. -Capek seemed to concur in what the others did, but Hronek was the -undoubted leader. Among other things Hronek told them was that he had -met Inspector Bonfield, and had had a safe chance to kill him, but that -he had had no arms with him and could not do it. Hronek was very angry -over his disappointment. Chleboun described the visit of the three -men—himself, Hronek and Capek—to Judge Grinnell’s house in Aldine -Square, and the reconnoissance they made. - -[Illustration] - -Dynamite was in the possession of all the parties, and on one occasion -a man named Janauschek tried to get Chleboun to give him an order on -Mikolanda, one of the open leaders, for some of the stuff. This was not -done, however. - -Hronek, in his own testimony, steadily denied any purpose of -killing either of the threatened gentlemen, but under the skillful -cross-examination of Mr. Elliott he failed to convince the jury that -his possession of the bombs, which he claimed had been left at his -house by a man named Karefit, was innocent. In fact, the testimony -against him was too strong, and it was corroborated in many places even -by his own admissions, and the jury found him guilty. He was sentenced -to twelve years in the penitentiary. - -[Illustration: JOHN HRONEK’S PORTRAIT AND DESCRIPTION—I. - -Showing the New Method of Recording Criminals for Identification.] - -The trial was watched closely by the general public as well as by -Anarchists, and among those of the red fraternity who found admission -to the court-room there were many curious characters. Some of these -were sketched by an artist of my acquaintance, and three of his -sketches are given on page 678. They are truthful representations of -men who have not yet sat for our rogues’ gallery photographer, but -their associations warrant the fear that they will some day have their -pictures taken at the expense of the taxpayers. - -[Illustration: JOHN HRONEK’S PORTRAIT AND DESCRIPTION—II. - -Showing the New Method of Recording Criminals for Identification.] - -Portraits of Hronek taken by the police photographer are shown here, -and a slightly reduced _fac-simile_ of the form now used by the -Police Department for identifying criminals. Formerly only front -view photographs, as a rule, were to be found in rogues’ gallery -collections. The new method is a vast improvement, and the reader will -note from the details of the blank that it provides all the necessary -data for perfect and unmistakable identification. - -The case against Hronek was conducted by Judge Longenecker, the State’s -Attorney, and by Mr. Elliott, and was followed with the closest -attention by the people of Chicago, as it displayed in unmistakable -colors to what a pitch of desperation the Anarchist conspirators in -this city can bring themselves. - -Let us hope that the lesson will prove a salutary one. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVIII. - - The Movement in Europe—Present Plans of the Reds—Stringent - Measures Adopted by Various European Governments—Bebel and - Liebknecht—A London Celebration—Whitechapel Outcasts—“Blood, Blood, - Blood!”—Verestchagin’s Views—The Bulwarks of Society—The Condition - of Anarchy in New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Cincinnati, St. Louis - and other American Cities—A New Era of Revolutionary Activity—A - Fight to the Death—Are we Prepared? - - -AS regards the present plans and movements of the reds in Europe, of -course it is almost impossible to obtain an adequate conception here. -It is known, however, that the French, German, English and Belgian -governments have only recently adopted most stringent measures, the -effect of which will undoubtedly be to send some very undesirable -immigrants to our hospitable shores. - -Notwithstanding the measures taken by the French Government, it is -reported as tolerably certain that the Revolutionary Congress will meet -at Paris, although there is a pressure to have the date of the session -delayed until October. Much will depend, probably, upon the proceedings -of the proposed meeting of German, Swiss and Austrian Socialists at -Zurich the coming summer. - -With all their talk of universal brotherhood and a grand combination of -the proletariat of every nation against tyranny, race hatreds are very -strong among the Socialists of Europe. A French Communist would be more -likely to cut a German Socialist’s throat than labor with him for the -overthrow of the common oppressor. - -The social conference soon to convene at The Hague, it is said, will -ask the German leaders to take the decisive step of annulling the -Zurich meeting, in order to give the Paris congress the more importance -and avoid giving any possible offense by such action as may be taken -there. It is well known that Bebel, Liebknecht and their immediate -followers have no particular love for the dynamite faction of the Paris -Communists, but there are many Swiss, South Germans and Russians who -are engaged in the thankless and seemingly hopeless task of reconciling -national differences, and these men have no small influence over their -fellows by reason of their intelligence and approved courage and the -sacrifices they have made for the common cause. By their unceasing -labor a large proportion of the rank and file of the German army have -been won over to the Socialistic movement, and they do not despair of -allaying the French repugnance to affiliating with men of their own -ideas from across the Rhine. - -The London celebration of the anniversary of the Paris Commune on the -night of March 18, 1889, consisted of a small crowd of boozy, beery, -pot-valiant, squalid, frowsy, sodden Whitechapel outcasts who shrieked -and fought in a small hall in their district under the eye of a single -policeman. - -“Better not go in, sir,” the policeman said to a correspondent who -entered the door of the small hall at 87 Commonwealth Road. “There -ain’t no danger, but it’s very unpleasant.” - -It was the fumes of scores of dirty pipes and a thousand other causes -that made the air almost unbearable. About two hundred people, a fourth -of whom were lushed, soggy Whitechapel women, were in the low-ceilinged -hall, while a long-haired Pole was screaming an address from the -platform. He cursed and swore with frantic blasphemy, and called upon -his hearers to arm themselves and wade to liberty through blood. -Whenever he uttered the word “blood,” the muddled and maudlin crowd set -up a shriek of “Blood, blood, blood!” that was deafening. All of the -women and most of the men had soiled red flags and handkerchiefs, which -they waved in the air as they shrieked “Blood!” in chorus. Then they -would sink back into drunken indifference till the word “blood” was -mentioned again. - -Two women and a man, says the correspondent, lay in senseless stupor, -with the crowd treading on them. One woman’s rags did not half cover -her. An illiterate Englishman pushed the Pole aside and began to -harangue the people from the platform. It was the most shameless, -ribald and obscene harangue imaginable. In the midst of it one woman -struck another with a piece of a broken beer glass, and the two females -began to fight like cats. Faces were cut and bleeding. No one paid the -slightest attention except the policeman, who looked indifferently on. -Presently one of the women ran sobbing from the hall with her face -streaming blood. Another woman started after her, when a man made a -sign to a policeman, and she was restrained. Then a neighbor plucked -the correspondent’s sleeve: - -“Don’t let that nasty scene deceive you,” he said shortly, “it doesn’t -mean that Socialism is dead in London. It means that it is more -intelligent. They’ve left off shouting in public and begun to work -under cover. This thing to-night proves it.” - -The following, from the pen of Vassili Verestchagin, the eminent -Russian painter, whose realistic representations of battle scenes have -created a great sensation wherever exhibited, and who is also a writer -of great ability, will show how the situation in Europe as regards -Socialism, Anarchy and Nihilism appears to one close and intelligent -observer: - - “There is no gainsaying the fact that all the other questions of our - time are paling before the question of Socialism that advances on us, - threateningly, like a tremendous thunder-cloud. - - “The masses that have been for centuries leading a life of expectancy, - while hanging on the very borders of starvation, are willing to - wait no more. Their former hopes in the future are discarded; their - appetites are whetted, and they are clamoring for arrears, which - means now the division of all the riches, and so as to make the - division more lasting, they are claiming that talents and capacities - should be leveled down to one standard, all workers of progress and - comfort alike drawing the same pay. They are striving to reconstruct - society on new foundations, and, in case of opposition to their aims, - they threaten to apply the torch to all the monuments pertaining to an - order that, according to them, has already outlived its usefulness; - they threaten to blow up the public buildings, the churches, the art - galleries, libraries and museums—a downright religion of despair!... - - “My friend the late General Skobeleff once asked me, ‘How do you - understand the movement of the Socialists and the Anarchists?’ He - owned to it that he himself did not understand at all what they aimed - at. ‘What do they want? What are they striving to attain?’ - - “‘First of all,’ I answered, ‘those people object to wars between - nations; again, their appreciation of art is very limited, the art of - painting not excluded. Thus, if they ever come into power, you, with - your strategic combinations, and I, with my pictures, will both be - shelved immediately. Do you understand this?’ - - “‘Yes, I understand this,’ rejoined Skobeleff, ‘and from this on I am - determined to fight them.’ - - “There is no mistaking the fact that, as I have said before, - society is seriously threatened at the hands of a large mass of - people counting hundreds of millions. Those are the people who, for - generations, during entire centuries, have been on the brink of - starvation, poorly clad, living in filthy and unhealthy quarters; - paupers, and such people as have scarcely any property, or no property - at all. Well, who is it that is to blame for their poverty—are they - not themselves to be blamed for it? - - “No, it would be unjust to lay all the blame at their door; it is more - likely that society at large is more to blame for their condition than - they are themselves. - - “Is there any way out of the situation? - - “Certainly there is. Christ, our Great Teacher, has long ago pointed - out the way in which the rich and the powerful could remedy the - situation without bringing things to a revolutionary pass, without any - upheaval of the existing social order, if they would only seriously - take care of the miserable; that certainly would have insured them - the undisturbed enjoyment of the bulk of their fortune. But there is - little hope of a peaceful solution of the question now; it is certain - that the well-to-do classes will still prefer to remain Christian - in name only; they will still hope that palliative measures will be - sufficient to remedy the situation; or else, believing the danger to - be distant yet, they will not be disposed to give up much; while the - paupers—though formerly they were ready for a compromise—may be soon - found unwilling to take the pittance offered them. - - “What do they want, then? - - “Nothing less than the equalization of riches in the society to come; - they claim the material as well as the moral equalization of all - rights, trades, all capacities and talents; as we have already said, - they strive to undermine all the foundations of the existing state of - society, and, in inaugurating a new order of things they claim to be - able to open a real era of liberty, equality and fraternity, instead - of the shadows of those lofty things, as existing now.... - - “I do not mean to go into the discussion of the matter; I would - not pretend to point out how much justice or injustice, how much - soundness or unsoundness there is in these claims; I state only the - fact that there is a deep gulf between the former cries for bread and - the sharply formulated claims of the present. It is evident that the - appetite of the masses has grown within the past centuries, and the - bill which they intend to present for payment will not be a small one. - - “Who will be required to pay this bill? - - “Society, most certainly. - - “Will it be done willingly? - - “Evidently not. - - “Consequently there will be complications, quarrels, civil wars. - - “Certainly there will be serious complications; they are already - casting their shadows before them in the shape of disturbances of a - Socialistic character that are originating here and there. In America, - most likely, those disturbances are lesser and less pointed, but in - Europe, in France and Belgium, for instance, such disorders assume a - very threatening aspect. - - “Who is likely to be victorious in this struggle? - - “Unless Napoleon I. was wrong in his assertion that victory will - always remain with the _gros bataillons_, the ‘regulators’ will - win. Their numbers will be very great; whoever knows human nature - will understand that all such as have not much to lose will, at the - decisive moment, join the claims of those who have nothing to lose.... - - “It is generally supposed that the danger is not so imminent yet; but, - as far as I was able to judge, the impendence of the danger varies in - different countries. France, for instance—that long-suffering country - which is forever experimenting on herself, whether it be in social or - scientific questions, or in politics—is the nearest to a crisis; then - follow Belgium and other countries. - - “It is very possible that even the present generation will witness - something serious in that respect. As to the coming generations, there - is no doubt that they will assist at a thorough reconstruction of the - social structure in all countries. - - “The claims of Socialists, and, particularly, the Anarchists, as well - as the disorders incited by them, generally produce a great sensation - in society. But no sooner are the disorders suppressed, than society - relapses again into its usual unconcern, and no one gives a thought to - the fact that the frequency of those painful symptoms, recurring with - so much persistency, is in itself a sign of disease. - - “Far-seeing people begin to realize that palliative measures are of - no more use; that a change of governments and of rulers will not - avail any more; and that nothing is left but to await developments - contingent on the attitude of the opposed parties—the energetic - determination of the well-to-do classes, not to yield, and that of the - proletaires, to keep their courage and persevere.... - - “The only consolation remaining to the rich consists in the fact that - the ‘regulators’ have not had time yet to organize their forces for a - successful struggle with society. This is true to a certain extent. - But, though they do it slowly, the ‘regulators’ are perfecting their - organization all the time; yet, on the other hand, can we say that - society is well enough organized not to stand in dread of attack? - - “Who are the recognized and official defenders of society? - - “The army and the church. - - “A soldier, there is no doubt of it, is a good support; he represents - a solid defense; the only trouble about him is that the soldier - himself begins to get weary of his ungrateful part. It is likely that - for many years to come yet the soldier will shoot with a light heart - at such as are called his ‘enemies;’ but the time is not far distant - when he will refuse to shoot at his own people. - - “Who is a good soldier? Only one to whom you can point out his father, - his mother or his brother in the crowd, saying, ‘Those are enemies of - society, kill them’—and who will obey. - - “I may remark here, in passing, that it occurred to me to refer to - this idea in a conversation I had with the well-known French writer - and thinker, Alexandre Dumas, _fils_, and with what success? Conceding - the justice of the apprehension, he had no other comforting suggestion - to offer than to say: ‘Oh, yes, the soldier will shoot yet!’ - - “The other defender of society, the priest, has been less ill-used - than the soldier, and consequently he is not so tired of his task; - but, on the other hand, people begin to tire of him, less heed is paid - to his words, and there arises a doubt as to the truth of all that he - preaches. - - “There was a time when it was possible to tell the people that there - is but one sun in the heavens as there is but one God-appointed king - in the country. As stars of the first, second, third and fourth - magnitude are grouping themselves around the sun, so the powerful, - the rich, the poor and the miserable surround the king on earth. And, - as all that appeared plausible, people used to believe that such - arrangements are as they ought to be. All was accepted, all went on - smoothly; none of such things can be advanced nowadays, however; no - one will be ready to believe in them.... - - “Clearly, things assume a serious aspect. Suppose the day comes when - the priests will entirely lose their hold on the people, when the - soldiers will turn their guns muzzles down—where will society look - for bulwarks then? Is it possible that it has no more reliable defense? - - “Certainly, it has such a defense, and it is nothing else but - _talents_, and their representatives in science, literature and art in - all its ramifications. - - “Art must and will defend society. Its influence is less apparent - and palpable, but it is very great; it might even be said that its - influence over the minds, the hearts and the actions of people is - enormous, unsurpassed, unrivaled. Art must and will defend society - with all the more care and earnestness, because its devotees know - that the ‘regulators’ are not disposed to give them the honorable, - respectable position they occupy now—since, according to them, a - good pair of boots is more useful than a good picture, a novel or a - statue. Those people declare that talent is luxury; that talent is - aristocratic, and that, consequently, talent has to be brought down - from its pedestal to the common level—a principle to which we shall - never submit. - - “Let us not deceive ourselves. There will arise new talents, which - will gradually adapt themselves to new conditions, if such will - prevail, and their works may perhaps gain from it, but we shall not - agree to the principle of general demolition and reconstruction, - when such have no other foundation but the well-known thesis: - ‘Let us destroy everything and clear the ground; as to the - reconstruction—about that we shall see later on.’ We shall defend and - advocate the improvement of the existing things by means of peaceful - and gradual measures.” - -That is Verestchagin’s view. It is certainly original and at least -presents matter for serious reflection to the thoughtful, even though -his deductions are not agreed to. - -Only recently a tremendous sensation was caused by the discovery of a -dynamite bomb factory in Zurich, secretly conducted by students, and -the tracing therefrom of a Nihilist conspiracy against the Czar, with -extensive ramifications throughout Russia. Official and court circles -in St. Petersburg were panic-stricken at the news, and the public -journals, as usual, were promptly forbidden publishing information, -making comment, or saying a word on the subject. In the meantime the -police pushed investigation in all directions and a large number of -arrests were made. - -Following up the traces of the plot, they found in a street of -the capital most important evidences of its ramifications in St. -Petersburg. This conspiracy was said to be more formidable than any -preceding one. Nor was the danger diminished by the discoveries made. -The arrests were only of minor people, and these maintained unbroken -fidelity to their leaders, refusing to divulge even the little they -were allowed to know. - -All over the world the apostles of disorder, rapine and Anarchy are -to-day pressing forward their work of ruin, and preaching their -gospel of disaster to all the nations with a more fiery energy and a -better organized propaganda than was ever known before. People who -imagine that the energy of the revolutionists has slackened, or that -their determination to wreck all the existing systems has grown less -bitter, are deceiving themselves. The conspiracy against society is as -determined as it ever was, and among every nation the spirit of revolt -is being galvanized into a newer and more dangerous life. - -In Chicago the signs of the times are so plain that he who runs may -read. The skulking conspirators, who but a few months ago met secretly -and in fear, in out-of-the-way cellars and thoroughly tiled halls, now -court publicity. Their meetings are advertised and open—any one who -chooses may attend—and they evidently feel a confidence and security -which was unknown before this year of grace 1889. If this feeling is -rampant here in Chicago, where the heaviest blow was struck at Anarchy, -what must it be in other American cities, New York for instance, -where the reds have a formidable and growing organization, or in -Philadelphia, Pittsburg or Cincinnati? It is manifest that a new era of -“revolutionary activity” is at hand, and it is to be questioned whether -the proper means for meeting the proposed attack have been taken, or -are being prepared. - -In Europe the same ferment is apparent. In England the conspiracy -is still largely under cover, for the English proletariat, as the -Anarchists love to call the raw material of Anarchy, is slow to move -and difficult to arouse. But the propaganda is busy, and occasional -rumblings may be heard of the work going on underground, which should -be received as the danger signals they are. In London there are all -the factors for the most dangerous mob the world can produce. There -are thousands upon thousands of half-starved, desperate men, who have -absolutely nothing to lose save lives which they themselves hold as -almost worthless, and there is the constant temptation before them -of wealth so great and so flaunting, and of a wealthy class often so -cruelly unjust, that it need never be a matter of wonder when the -East End of London springs at the throat of the West. In England, -however, nobody seems to believe that there can be such a thing as a -servile revolt—that might occur among the French or the Germans or -the Russians, but never in John Bull’s island,—and the conspirators, -safely covered by the fancied security of the people, are permitted to -undermine at their will the fabric of English society. - -In France the Commune is stronger than it ever was, and the Red Terror -may appear with every turn of the whirligig of politics. France does -not disbelieve in the danger, but it is practically powerless to avert -it, owing to the general demoralization which has followed Boulanger’s -success. Of course, it can only be a wild and bloody riot followed by a -wild and bloody retribution, by a nation frightened out of freedom back -into the arms of a strong government, for in France the issues are made -up, and the country has made up its mind. - -In Spain and Italy, and especially in the smaller states—Switzerland, -Belgium and the Scandinavian countries—the Socialists are busy, while -in Germany and in Russia a crisis is at hand. Thus, the world over, -it is evident that Anarchy is at work with a feverish purpose never -before displayed, and the governments are menaced with a danger before -which foreign war is as nothing. Nothing but the uprooting of the very -foundations and groundwork of our civilization will satisfy these -enemies of order. Their fight is to the death. They will neither take -nor give quarter. It is war _à l’outrance_—composition or truce is -futile and foolish. - -Are we prepared, or are we even preparing for the shock? - -Let none mistake either the purpose or the devotion of these fanatics, -nor their growing strength. This is methodic—not a haphazard -conspiracy. The ferment in Russia is controlled by the same heads and -the same hands as the activity in Chicago. There is a cold-blooded, -calculating purpose behind this revolt, manipulating every part of -it, the world over, to a common and ruinous end. Whether the next -demonstration of the Red Terror will occur where its disciples are -goaded to desperation under despotic measures, as in the land of -the Czar, or in our own country, where they are allowed to preach -its bloody doctrines under a broad construction of the American -constitutional right of free speech, time alone can tell. - -But believe me, Anarchy is not an enemy for society to despise. - - - - -APPENDIX A. - - -THE meeting places of the Anarchist groups in Chicago prior to May 4, -1886, were as follows: - - South Side, Saturday nights, 2883 Wentworth Avenue. - - Southwest Side, No. 1, Saturday nights, 691 South Halsted Street. - - Southwest Side, No. 3, Saturday nights, 611 Throop Street. - - Vorwaerts, Saturday nights, 204 Blue Island Avenue. - - Jefferson, Saturday nights, at or near 1800 Milwaukee Avenue. - - Town of Lake, No. 1, Saturday nights, 514 State Street. - - Town of Lake, No. 2, every other Sunday evening, in Thomas Hall, - corner of Fifty-eighth and Laflin Streets. - - Bridgeport, Sunday afternoons, 2 o’clock, 2513 South Halsted Street. - -The Lehr und Wehr Verein companies met as follows: - - First Group—Tuesday and Friday evenings, at Mueller’s Hall, corner - of Sedgwick and North Avenue; also, at No. 58 Clybourn Avenue, Sunday - mornings, for instruction in shooting and rifle practice. - - Second Group—Wednesday evenings, and two weekly meetings, together - with the Northwest Side Group, at 8 o’clock, at 636 Milwaukee Avenue. - - Third Group—Wednesday evenings at the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall. - - No. 58 Clybourn Avenue was a general meeting-place. A general - invitation was extended to all to come there on Sundays for practice - in shooting. - -List of names of Anarchists and Socialists as found on record with -Secretaries Seliger and Lingg, at 442 Sedgwick Street: - - William Hesse. - Moritz Neff. - William Lange. - Balthasar Rau. - Albert Bonien. - Michael Schwab. - H. Harmening. - William Medow. - A. Hovestadt. - Oscar Neebe. - Franz Hoffman. - Ch. Charlevitz. - H. Kaune. - H. Tietgens. - Theodore Polling. - Louis Hensling. - E. Buschner. - Henry Bonnefoi. - George Meng. - W. L. Rosenberg. - Carl Wichmann. - Ch. Mauner. - Chr. Mauer. - John Nedovlacid, _alias_ Pohl. - A. Hirschberger. - Edward Schnaubelt. - John Altherr. - William Buffleben. - Carl Milbi. - Chr. Ramm. - Max Mitlacher. - Paul Grottkau. - Joseph Bach. - Albert Gorns. - Julius Stegemann. - Otto Habitzreiter. - William Hoelscher. - William Ludwig. - H. Perschke. - A. Roehr. - William Urban. - Ernst Altenhofer. - H. Fasshauer. - Abraham Hermann. - Michael Hermann. - Lorenz Hermann. - Peter Huber. - John Neubauer. - Rudolph Kobitch. - Julius Habitzreiter. - Fritz Fischer. - Albin Mittlacher. - Fritz Reuter. - Carl Teuber. - Rudolph Ohlf. - Theodore Remane. - E. Brassholz. - Joseph Knochelman. - A. Picard. - Arthur Fritzsche. - Franz Domes. - John B. Lotz. - John Wohlleben. - Gustav Moeller. - H. Ulrich. - William Neumann. - H. Kallina. - August Stollidorf. - W. Senderson. - George Rosenzweig. - Robert W. Ebill. - S. Heidenbluth. - William Luetzgerath. - R. Lauterbach. - Ernst Fischer. - Carl Schroeder. - Otto Voigt. - Heinrich Menge. - John Neunkirchen. - William Kaune. - Chris Ammer. - Carl Leukert. - H. Boeltscher. - H. Vogelsaenger. - B. Leber. - Joseph Mattius. - John Holm. - William Walteck. - Carl Puder. - N. Willes. - William Linden. - George Menge. - Louis Krauthahn. - Wilhelm Schleuter. - Paul Riedel. - Fritz Huebner. - Louis Liebl. - Rudolph Effinger. - Wilhelm Lindner. - Conrad Meier. - August Baer. - Wilhelm Rieger. - Hans Reindel. - Rudolph Schnaubelt. - William Heinze. - Anton Schmidt. - Fritz Schmidt. - Albert Wilke. - Gustav Schroth. - Carl Meier. - George Engelett. - H. Marcmann. - H. Albert. - Ch. Blendow. - August Neuhaus. - Chr. Hase. - H. C. Eden. - H. Thomser. - Claus Boege. - Frederick Boecer. - H. Kirvitt. - H. Lehman. - Nic Schroegel. - Max Biehle. - Andrew Decker. - Johann Mass. - Hermann Klug. - H. Honsel. - Edward Koelble. - Adolph Greschner. - Guenther Bock. - Fritz Bock. - C. Bock. - Fritz Linden. - Leo Wierig. - Nic Keller. - Aug. Wassilof. - Linarz. - Fr. Rathke. - Baehrendt. - Henry Schmidt. - Franz Hein. - Chas. Meyer. - Otto Bathke. - Louis Peters. - Wm. Seliger. - Christ Jansen. - Chas. Scholl. - B. Horschke. - Kinder. - Robert Moench. - Latinker. - Leopold Miller. - E. Trolson. - Otto Blonk. - Ludwig Sitzberger. - Albert Sommer. - Albert Dilke. - Alfred Bartels. - August Asher. - Henry Slvetera. - Hermann Pabst. - John Richlich. - Ernst J. Nitschke. - Fritz Roeber. - W. Callinius. - E. Hoffman. - W. Matuspkirvitz. - Carl Pundt. - E. Rudolph. - Franz Stahr. - Hermann Weg. - H. Judknecht. - Christ. Drawert. - Julius Blecksmith. - Carl Rick. - Carl Leukert. - Gustav Stolze. - Edward Heis. - Wilhelm Waldeck. - Ludwig Lintz. - August Pavel. - H. Hildemann. - Ernst Altenhofer. - John Kleinsten. - Hermann Hoges. - Wilhelm Alb. - H. Markmann. - H. Albert. - Blendow. - H. C. Eden. - John Maas. - Hermann Klug. - H. Hansel. - F. Thiesen. - Henry Abelman. - Joseph Neder. - Leo Wierig. - Nic Keller. - Max Hollock. - George Binder. - Wm. Lueneberg. - Anton Besser. - Franz Springer. - O. Deichman. - Joseph Schramm. - Carl Kroger. - Franz Turban. - George Binder. - John Kerr. - Wenzel Kinzill. - Ernst Niendorf. - Theodore Blumbach. - H. Zwierlein. - August Metschke. - K. Kumberg. - Charles Lovitte. - H. Kauney. - H. Mathge. - Ludwig Luetzeberger. - Frederick Schmiecke. - Christ Wegemann. - Carol Fischhammer. - E. Andauer. - Bernard Labor. - August Litch. - Paul Polke. - Franz Schumann. - Franz Hermann. - Franz Bohl. - Christ. Killgers. - Max Hollock. - Total number of members, 232. - -Names of Socialists belonging to different parts of the city: - - Fritz Kaderli. - Alois Preiss. - Anton Bonner. - Gustav Zerbe. - Carl Weidenhammer. - Berthold Bauer. - Nic Goebel. - Franz Frank. - George H. Karst. - Fritz Witt. - August Ziemann. - Rudolph Spuhr. - Ernst Blanck. - August Krause. - Wilhelm Helm. - Franz Krueger. - Frederick Luebbe. - Jacob Beck. - Hermann Wechmann. - Hermann Boese. - B. Gromall. - Fred Wessling. - Franz Schips. - Michael Michels. - John Tallmann. - Gustav Hopper. - Carl Chuast. - Nic Mueller. - Franz Schlopp. - Philipp Glaser. - John Woehrle. - Louis Boechlke. - Albert Koch. - John Voss. - Fred Heiden. - Franz Heidench. - Carl Michael. - George Bloecher. - Fred Naffs. - Robert Wegener. - Max Miller. - Frank Wiederkehr. - Heinrich Volkmann. - Friederich Wargowsky. - Gustav Bressmann. - Hermann Jocks. - Peter Dieterich. - John Fromm. - Frederich Hanne. - Carl Norvotny. - Heinrich Simon. - August Rieger. - Henry Lebierri. - Christ Erbman. - Rudolph Arndt. - John Sellmann. - William Rehfeldt. - Emil Kaiser. - Carl Swansen. - Louis Jansen. - Jacob Lieser. - Carl Billhardt. - Johann Grefflath. - Fritz Peters. - Albert Bittelkau. - Leo Engelmann. - Christ Feidler. - Peter Bucher. - George Lange. - August Littele. - Hermann Pretch. - Albert Fork. - Wilhelm Hohmann. - Hermann Theile. - Carl Heinrich. - Friederich Rathman. - Carl Wild. - Wilhelm Wetendorf. - Carl Gerbech. - Friederich Assmussen. - Louis Griep. - Heinrich Zeiss. - Carl Mund. - George Schmidt. - August Buchwald. - Peter Weber. - Christ. Jungknecht. - Johann Fleischmann. - August Bernatzki. - Julius Koschnitzki. - Bernard Kaelle. - Richard Wagner. - Christ. Schumann. - George Stange. - Johann Siegfried. - Frank Ehlert. - Heinrich Becker. - Johann Peters. - Hermann Junke. - Julius Beck. - Louis Thiess. - John Weber. - Robert Lattmann. - Mike Hartmann. - Heinrich Pressler. - Otto Bartell. - Martin Lausgres. - Heinrich Koehler. - Fritz Geding. - Peter Ferneeten. - Louis Schroeder. - Heinrich Rauch. - John Mangels. - Hermann Tombrow. - John Koehler. - Wilhelm Kramp. - Hermann Gnadke. - Peter Pauls. - Adolph Rudemann. - Louis Schalk. - Rudolph Firo. - Joseph Kaiser. - Frank Allring. - Heinrich Block. - Carl Beck. - John Urech. - Gustav Roshke. - Ed. Peterson. - M. Grant. - August Hoffman. - Gustav Kerstarm. - J. Casper. - Philipp Wichmann. - John Bernier. - August Schnedort. - Total number, 139. - -Names of Socialistic women of North Side, 1886: - - Mrs. Back. - Mrs. W. Lange. - Mrs. Mattius. - Mrs. Rehm. - Mrs. Johanna Schroeder. - Mrs. Antonie Hoverstadt. - Mrs. Rosenzweig. - Mrs. Fisher. - Mrs. Wilhelmina Menge. - Mrs. H. Habitzreiter. - Mrs. Elizabeth Reuter. - Marie Schnaubelt. - Mrs. Lane. - Mrs. Hermann. - Mrs. Pohl. - Mrs. Neuhaus. - Ida Schnaubelt. - Johanna Schnaubelt. - Mrs. Schwab. - Mrs. Miller. - Mrs. Huber. - Total number, 21. - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - Portrait of the Author, Frontispiece - - The French Revolution—The Feast of Reason, 16 - - Storming the Bastile, 18 - - Karl Marx, 19 - - Michael Bakounine, 20 - - Pierre Joseph Proudhon, 21 - - Louise Michel, 24 - - Ferdinand Lassalle, 25 - - Excavated Dynamite Mine in Moscow, 33 - - “It is Too Soon to Thank God.”—The Assassination of Czar - Alexander II., 35 - - The Czar’s Carriage after the Explosion, 36 - - Diagram of Elnikoff’s Bomb, 36 - - The Nihilists in the Dock, 38 - - Execution of the Nihilist Conspirators, 39 - - The Book Bomb, 40 - - Scenes from the Riots at Pittsburg, 1877, 51 - - The Great Strike in Baltimore—The Militia Fighting their Way - through the Streets, 57 - - The Labor Troubles of 1877—Riots at the Halsted Street Viaduct, - Chicago, 63 - - Dr. Carl Eduard Nobiling, 67 - - Max Hoedel, 67 - - Banners of the Social Revolution—I., 69 - - Carter H. Harrison, 70 - - The Black Flag, 75 - - The Office of the _Arbeiter-Zeitung_, 76 - - An Anarchist Procession, 78 - - The Board of Trade, 80 - - Banners of the Social Revolution—II., 85 - - A Group of Anarchists, 87 - - Banners of the Social Revolution—III., 91 - - The Red Banner of the Carpenters’ Union, 93 - - Dr. Nobiling’s Attempt to Assassinate the Emperor of Germany, 95 - - August Reinsdorf, 96 - - Johann Most, 100 - - Banners of the Social Revolution—IV., 109 - - Interior View of Neff’s Hall, 111 - - A Strike—The Walking Delegate Sowing the Seed of Discontent, 114 - - Greif’s Hall, 115 - - A Round-up, 118 - - Specimen Rioters—Hynek Djenek and Anton Seveski, 120 - - —— John Pototski and Frank Novak, 121 - - —— Vaclav Djenek and Anton Stimak, 122 - - —— Ignatz Urban and Joseph Sugar, 123 - - Charging the Mob at McCormick’s, 126 - - Officer Casey’s Peril, 127 - - Franz Mikolanda, a Polish Conspirator, 128 - - _Fac-simile_ of the Famous “Revenge” Circular, 130 - - The Call for the Haymarket Meeting—_Fac-simile_ I., 132 - - —— _Fac-simile_ II., 135 - - Neff’s Hall, Exterior View, 136 - - The Haymarket Meeting—“In the Name of the People I Command You to - Disperse,” 140 - - The Haymarket Riot—The Explosion and the Conflict, 142 - - Inspector John Bonfield, 143 - - Captain William Ward, 144 - - Lieut. (now Chief) G. W. Hubbard, 145 - - Sergt. (now Capt.) J. E. Fitzpatrick, 146 - - Lieut. James P. Stanton, 147 - - Lieut. Bowler, 147 - - The Desplaines Street Station, 151 - - The Haymarket Martyrs, 154 - - Adolph Fischer, 157 - - The Fischer Family, 158 - - Fischer’s Belt and Poisoned Daggers, 159 - - August Spies, 160 - - Miss Nina Van Zandt, 162 - - Chris Spies, 163 - - Miss Gretchen Spies, 164 - - Michael Schwab, 165 - - Albert R. Parsons, 166 - - Mrs. Lucy Parsons, 167 - - Oscar W. Neebe, 168 - - Rudolph Schnaubelt, the Bomb-Thrower, 170 - - Balthasar Rau, 173 - - Lingg’s Candlestick, 177 - - Round Iron Bomb, 180 - - Samuel Fielden, 181 - - Detective James Bonfield, 184 - - Officer Henry Palmer, 185 - - Officer (now Lieut.) Baer, 186 - - Detective Hermann Schuettler, 189 - - Detective Michael Hoffman, 189 - - Detective Michael Whalen, 189 - - Detective Charles Rehm, 189 - - Detective John Stift, 189 - - Detective Jacob Loewenstein, 189 - - Edmund Furthmann, 191 - - The East Chicago Avenue Station, 193 - - A Back-Yard Interview, 195 - - A Friendly Communication, 197 - - The Notorious Florus’ Hall, 203 - - The Shadowed Detectives, 204 - - The “Red” Sisterhood, 207 - - Turning the Tables, 209 - - Underground Auditors, 211 - - Betrayed by Beauty, 214 - - Thalia Hall, 218 - - Underground Conspirators, 220 - - Officer Nordrum, 221 - - The Scared Amateur Anarchist, 223 - - Watching a Suspect, 225 - - Julius Oppenheimer’s Double, 231 - - Mr. and Mrs. William Seliger, 236 - - A Noble Woman’s Influence-A Kiss that Prevented Bloodshed, 239 - - John Thielen, 248 - - Louis Lingg, the Bomb-maker, 257 - - Lingg’s Trunk, 258 - - Coils of Fuse Found in Lingg’s Trunk, 259 - - Composition Bomb Found in Lingg’s Room, 261 - - Cast-Iron and Large Gas-pipe Bombs, 262 - - Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg’s Room, 263 - - Gas-pipe Bombs without Fuse, 264 - - Unfinished Gas-pipe Bombs Found in Lingg’s Dinner-box, 265 - - Lingg’s Revolver, 267 - - A Desperate Struggle—Louis Lingg’s Arrest, 269 - - Iron Bolt Found in Lingg’s Trunk, 271 - - Lingg’s Sweetheart, 274 - - Ladle used by Lingg in Casting, with Can of English Dynamite, 276 - - Muntzenberg Peddling Books and Bombs, 281 - - George Engel, 284 - - Miss Mary Engel, 285 - - Gottfried Waller, 287 - - Underground Rifle Practice—A Meeting of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, 289 - - Numbered Plates from L. u. W. V. Rifles, 290 - - “Liberty Hall,” 295 - - Otto Lehman, 298 - - Gustav Lehman, 303 - - Zepf’s Hall, 306 - - Timmerhof Hall, 309 - - Herman Muntzenberg, 313 - - A Hasty Toilet, 325 - - A Dangerous Storing-Place, 327 - - An Obstreperous Prisoner, 329 - - The Conspiracy Meeting—Waller Reading Engel’s “Plan,” 336 - - The “Czar” Bomb, 343 - - Anarchist Ammunition—I., 348 - 1. Incendiary Bomb, with powder flask detached. - 2. Gas-Pipe Bombs, without cap or fuse, but loaded with - dynamite. Found in Lingg’s Room. - 3. Bombs used in Evidence, after analysis by chemists. - 4. Gas-pipe Bombs, with fuse and caps, secreted by Julius - Oppenheimer under a dancing-platform. - - A Group of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, 352 - - The Wife-Beater’s Trial, 362 - - An Incendiary Can, 365 - - Henry Spies, 368 - - The Larrabee Street Station, 371 - - The Hinman Street Station, 374 - - Neebe’s Sword and Belt, 377 - - Anarchist Ammunition—II., 381 - 1. Round Iron Bombs, cast whole, and designed for use with - percussion caps, to explode on falling. - 2. Sheet-iron Molds, used by Lingg in the construction of - infernal machines. - 3, 4. Sectional Views of the “Czar” Bomb. - - Hon Joseph E. Gary, 384 - - Portraits of the Jury, 386 - - Portraits of the Jury, 387 - - Hon. Julius S. Grinnell, 391 - - The Great Trial—Scene in the Court-room, 410 - - Spies’ Manuscript of the Famous “Ruhe” Signal—_Fac-simile_, 421 - - “Y—Come Monday Evening”—_Fac-simile_, 422 - - Reduced _Fac-simile_ of Heading of the _Fackel_, 423 - - Plan of the Seliger Residence, 425 - - Dynamite Packages, 436 - 1. Package left at Judge Tree’s House. - 2. Package left at C., B. & Q. Railroad offices. - - Socialistic Bombs—Diagrams from _Daily News_ of January 14, 1886, 437 - - Chart of Street Warfare, 438 - - Interior Plan of Greif’s Hall, 440 - - Interior Plan of Neff’s Hall, 443 - - Adolph Lieske, 449 - - Parsons’ Handwriting, 451 - - A Picnic of the “Reds” at Sheffield, 453 - 1. Experimenting with Dynamite. - 2. Getting Inspiration. - 3. Engel on the Stump. - 4. “Hoch die Anarchie!” - 5. Mrs. Parsons Addressing the Crowd. - 6. Children Peddling Most’s Literature. - 7. A Family Feast. - - Engel’s Blast Furnace, 469 - - Moses Salomon, 479 - - Spies Addressing the Strikers at McCormick’s, 511 - - Francis W. Walker, 526 - - Sigismund Zeisler, 536 - - George C. Ingham, 542 - - William A. Foster, 546 - - Capt. William P. Black, 554 - - Lingg’s Suicide Bombs, 595 - - E. F. L. Gauss, 607 - - Henry Severin, 607 - - Judge Benjamin D. Magruder, 609 - - Jailor Folz, 629 - - Benjamin P. Price, 632 - - Lingg’s Terrible Death, 633 - 1. Lighting the Deadly Bomb. - 2. The Explosion. - 3. The Deputy Entering Lingg’s Cell. - 4. The Dying Bomb-Maker in the Hands of the Surgeons. - - Lingg’s Last Request, 635 - - John C. Klein, 636 - - The Chicago Water-works, 641 - - Sheriff Canute R. Matson, 643 - - The Execution, 645 - - John A. Roche, 648 - - Kierlan’s Souvenir, 653 - - The Haymarket Monument, 659 - - An Anarchist “Sunday-school”—Teaching Unbelief and Lawlessness, 669 - - Frank Chleboun, 673 - - Frank Capek, 673 - - Charles L. Bodendick, 675 - - Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches, 678 - - Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches, 678 - - Anarchist Sympathizers—Court-room Sketches, 678 - - Hronek’s Portrait and Description—I. Showing New Police Method of - Identifying Criminals, 679 - - Hronek’s Portrait and Description—II., 680 - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Anarchy and Anarchists, by Michael Schaack - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANARCHY AND ANARCHISTS *** - -***** This file should be named 52811-0.txt or 52811-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/2/8/1/52811/ - -Produced by Giovanni Fini, Richard Hulse and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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