diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old/52749-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/52749-0.txt | 18902 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 18902 deletions
diff --git a/old/52749-0.txt b/old/52749-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f921597..0000000 --- a/old/52749-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,18902 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of Korea, Volume 2 (of 2), by -Homer B. Hulbert - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The History of Korea, Volume 2 (of 2) - -Author: Homer B. Hulbert - -Release Date: August 8, 2016 [EBook #52749] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF KOREA, VOLUME 2 *** - - - - -Produced by KD Weeks, David Edwards and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - Transcriber’s Note: - -This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects. -Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_. - -Errors, when reasonably attributable to the printer, have been -corrected. Please see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for -details. Corrections made to the text are summarized there. - -Illustrations have been moved to avoid falling within a paragraph. - - THE - - HISTORY OF KOREA - - - - - HOMER B. HULBERT, A. M., F. R. G. S. - - - Editor of THE KOREA REVIEW - - - - - VOLUME TWO - - - - - ILLUSTRATED - - - - - SEOUL, 1905. - - THE METHODIST PUBLISHING HOUSE - - - - - THE HISTORY OF KOREA - VOLUME II - - - - - Chapter I. - -China’s reply to the Japanese.... the Chinese army.... the Chinese - commander interviews the King.... march on P’yŭng-yang.... Chinese - treachery.... the new year.... Chinese help not all a blessing.... - P’yŭng-yang invested.... the Chinese force an entrance.... Japanese - driven to bay.... how they escape.... they retreat.... they mass at - Seoul.... Chinese stop at Song-do.... Koreans bridge the Im-jin.... - Chinese retire to P’yŭng-yang.... Korean victory in the north.... - great victory at Hăng-ju.... the Japanese sue for peace.... - conference on the Han.... Japanese evacuate Seoul.... the terrible - condition of the city.... Chinese enter Seoul.... they prevent - pursuit.... Japanese desecrate a royal tomb.... Chinese accused of - bad faith.... Japanese line of camps.... Chinese reinforced.... the - great battle of Chin-ju.... a loyal dancing-girl.... admiral Yi - still active.... Chinese troops retire. - - -We must now return to the north and witness the final struggle which was -to begin the Japanese retreat from the whole north. It was not till long -after the fifty days had expired that Gen. Sim Yu-gyŭng returned from -Nanking. The Japanese had sent time and again, asking why he did not -make his appearance, but now on the sixth day of the twelfth moon he -entered the city of P’yŭng-yang, making no excuses for his tardiness but -delivering his message as follows: “I have seen the Emperor and he says -that if you wish to become vassals of China you must first give up all -the territory taken from Korea. You must also give up the two princes -whom you have captured. If you do not see fit to comply with these -demands the Emperor will send a million men and destroy you.” He then -gave to each of the Japanese leaders an ornament for the hat, from the -Emperor. This was a trick to discover how large the Japanese force might -be. It was determined that there must be about 20,000 Japanese troops in -the city. What reply the Japanese gave to the Emperor’s demands is not -told, but that it was a negative one seems sure from what followed. - -The Chinese army of counter-invasion lay just beyond the Ya-lu River. It -was an enormous host and, as armies went in those days, it was a -thoroughly efficient one. In connection with this army was an official -who held the rank of “Military Adviser,” by the name of Song -Eung-ch’ang. The office carried no active power in the field but it -seems to have been a sort of check upon the commander-in-chief, for the -duties of the office were to keep the Emperor informed of what was going -on at the seat of war. The actual General-in-chief was Yi Yŭ-song. Under -him were three generals, of the right, left and center respectively. The -General of the Left was Yang Wŭn and under him were Generals Wang -Yŭ-jung, Yi Yŭ-mă, Yi Yo-o, Yang So, Sa Tă-su, Son Su-ryŭm, Yi Ryŭng and -Kal Pong-ha. The General of the Center was Yi Yŭ-băk and under him were -Generals Im Cha-yang, Yi Pang-jin, Ko Ch’ak, Chön Sŭ-jong, Ch’ŭk Keum, -Chu Hong-mo, Pang Si-whi, Ko Seung and Wang Mun. The General of the -Right was Chang Se-jak and under him were Generals Cho Seung-hun, O -Yu-ch’ung, Wang P’il-jŭk, Cho Chi-mok, Chang Eung-ch’ung, Nak Sang-ji, -Chin Pang-ch’ŭl, Kok Su and Yang Sim. The rear guard was under the -command of Gen. Pang Si-ch’an and the engineering corps was commanded by -Generals Yu Whang-sang and Wŭn Whang. The main army was composed of -43,000 troops, while in the rear was a reserve force of 8,000. This army -crossed the Ya-lu on the twenty-fifth of the twelfth moon, the dead of -winter. It is said that when on the march this army stretched along the -road a thousand li (three hundred miles and more) and that the sound of -their drums was continuous along the whole line. - -General-in-chief Yi Yŭ-song, dressed in crimson robes and riding in a -crimson chair, arrived in Eui-ju and immediately sought an interview -with the king. The latter said, “I have governed this country badly. The -Emperor has been put to a great deal of trouble on my account and all -these good men have come a long, cold road to fight for us. Though I lay -open my vitals with a sword I cannot repay you all for this kindness.” -Gen. Yi smiled and said, “The Emperor’s might reaches to the heavens. -For the sake of Your Majesty’s happiness we have been sent, and all your -enemies will soon be put to flight.” To this the king rejoined, “Our -nation’s life hangs by a thread, and the result lies with you.” Gen. Yi -raised his two hands in salute and answered, “I am come at the Emperor’s -orders and life or death are all one to me. When I started out my father -said to me, ‘Fight valiantly for Korea and return victorious,’ and so -how can I do less than my best?” The Koreans say that this man’s father -was a native of Eun-san in the province of P’yŭng-an, Korea, but that -for some offence he had fled to China and together with many of his -relatives was enjoying high position under the Emperor. - -Gen. Yi started for P’yŭng-yang with his whole army, 80,000 bags of rice -and 20,000 pounds of powder. His troops were not provided with muskets -but they had small cannon. The Japanese on the other hand had muskets -but no cannon. Upon the arrival of the Chinese at An-ju they were met by -the Prime Minister, Yu Sŭng-nyŭng, who laid before Gen. Yi a map showing -the roads leading to P’yŭng-yang. Gen. Yi took red ink and indicated on -the map the various routes by which he intended to lead his forces to -that city. Calling Gen. Sa Tă-su he sent him forward to deceive the -Japanese by saying that a few Chinese had come to effect a peaceful -solution of the difficulty. The Japanese were pleased at this and sent -twenty of their people to meet, as they supposed, Sim Yu-gyŭng at Su-an. -Gen. Sa feasted them there but meanwhile had the place surrounded and in -the midst of the banquet the Japanese were treacherously assaulted and -cut down, only three escaping. From these the Japanese learned of the -hostile intentions of the Chinese and were greatly disturbed, but being -forewarned they put themselves in readiness for an assault. - -And so the old year died—the terrible Im-jin year which witnessed the -indescribable horrors of the ruthless invasion which swept it from end -to end; which saw, too, the gradual awakening of the dormant military -spirit of the people, until at its close the wave of invasion had not -only broken and spent itself but had left the remnant of the invaders -cut off from their home land by one of the greatest naval geniuses of -his own or any other age, surrounded on all sides and hemmed in by -forces which though perhaps unable to cope with them in the open field -in a pitched battle could yet harrass and cut them off on every side. It -must be clearly borne in mind that the Chinese did not raise a hand to -help Korea until the invasion virtually collapsed. The Koreans without -the aid of China could probably have starved the Japanese out of -P‘yŭng-yang and driven them southward, cutting them off on the left and -right till they would have been glad to take ship for home. In a sense -the Chinese counter-invasion was an extremely unfortunate thing for -Korea, for the dormant energies of the people were just rousing -themselves to action. Armies were being levied, every day saw the -Japanese forces melting away and there was a magnificent opportunity for -Korea to turn upon her devastators and drive them headlong into the sea. -It would have given a tremendous impulse to patriotism and national -self-respect, and it might have been a stepping-stone to a strong -national life; but the coming of the Chinese soldiery immediately threw -everything into Chinese hands and they reaped all the benefits of the -situation. Even the Koreans themselves did not realize how they were -playing into the hands of China. The Japanese in P‘yŭng-yang were weary -and sick, and at heart glad of any excuse for retreating if it could be -done without too great a loss of dignity. It was at just this moment -that the Koreans put the game, already won, into the hands of China to -reap all the credit and all the prizes of success. The Koreans leaned -back upon China and relapsed into their old self-complacent “fool’s -paradise.” - -With the beginning of the new year Gen Yi moved southward toward -P‘yŭng-yang as far as Suk-ch‘ŭn where he intended to halt for the night, -as the winter days were short, but hearing of the massacre at Sun-an and -wishing to give as little time for preparation as possible, pushed on by -night, and in the morning planted his banners before the ancient city of -P‘yŭng-yang. The city was forthwith surrounded. The Japanese could be -seen covering the slope of the hill within the wall with their blue and -white flags, and soon they opened fire on the besiegers. At the same -moment they rushed to the walls and manned them. The Chinese Generals of -the Left, Center and Right were stationed with their respective forces -before the three gates Ch’il-sŭng, Ham-gu and Po-t’ong. The -General-in-chief Yi, with a banner in one hand and a drum-stick in the -other, rode swiftly from one division to another encouraging the men. -His forces could hardly be held in check, they were so eager, in spite -of their long, cold night march, to rush at the wall and scale it. They -were not long kept from their desire, for at eight o’clock word was -given for the whole assaulting force to advance to the wall. The cannon -thundered, the fire-arrows flashed through the air, the very ground -fairly trembled with the noise of battle and the tramp of eager feet. -One of the fire-arrows alighted in the quarters of the Japanese -general-in-chief and it was soon in flames, which rapidly spread to all -the surrounding buildings. The Japanese guarded the walls with the -greatest gallantry, and with spear and arrow, hot water and stones they -made it quite impossible for the Chinese to effect an entrance. The wall -bristled with weapons, so that in the words of a native chronicler it -was “a hedge-hog’s back.” So it happened that the Chinese forces fell -back from the fierce defense of the Japanese. Many of them contemplated -a general retreat and started to leave the field, but Gen. Yi, who was -always found where most needed, saw the defection of his men and, -pursuing them, struck off the heads of a few as an example to the rest. -Then he turned and cried, “Fifty ounces of silver to the first man to -set foot upon the battlements of P’yŭng-yang.” This was doubtless a more -powerful appeal than he could have made had he called upon their -patriotism or love of glory. Immediately the tide of battle turned. A -Chinese captain, Nak Sang-ji, a man well along in years and whose -proportions were so ample that the Korean chronicler says of him that he -weighed a thousand pounds, led on a company of men and by a mighty -effort succeeded in reaching the top of the wall. He held his ground -there while others could scale the wall at his back, and so an entrance -was effected. The Japanese began to desert the wall, and soon the -Chinese entered by the Po-t’ong and Ch’il-sŭng gates, while Korean -allies entered by the Ham-gu Gate. By this time the Japanese had -entirely left the wall and had massed themselves as best they could in -various parts of the city, determined to make a desperate stand. The -Chinese infantry and cavalry both swarmed in on every side and all -Japanese stragglers were cut off, while the fight throughout the city -became general. Before the Japanese could firmly establish themselves -upon the hill and in other defensible parts of the town they lost two -captains, 2,285 men, and 45,002 weapons of various kinds, besides 1,051 -Koreans whom they had held as captives. - -Many of the Japanese had taken refuge in various government buildings -which they had barricaded as best they could. The Chinese went to work -systematically to burn these down, and in the few hours remaining before -the fall of night nearly half of the entire Japanese force succumbed to -the weapons of Chinese. One instance will suffice to illustrate the -method of procedure. Many of the Japanese had taken refuge in a large -building on the wall, well up on the side of the mountain and looking -directly down upon the waters of the river. Gen. Yi had it surrounded -with piles of wood, the timbers of houses and hewn logs, and these were -set on fire. The entrapped Japanese then had the choice of roasting to -death or leaping down upon the ice of the river. Hundreds chose the -latter alternative, but the ice was not strong enough to stand the -tremendous strain and they were all engulfed in the river and carried -under the ice below. As for those that remained, it is said that the -smell of burning flesh could be discerned a quarter of a mile away. - -Gen. Konishi had taken refuge with a large body of troops in a building -called the Yŭn-gwang-jŭng, very near the Ta-dong Gate which opens -directly upon the water front. Night had fallen and the fight had lulled -for a time. What took place at this time may be open to some doubt. The -Korean account says that the Chinese commander sent a message to Konishi -demanding the surrender of his whole force and that Konishi replied, -“Our remaining force is small and we wish to evacuate the city and -retreat if we may be allowed to leave quietly.” It is affirmed that Gen. -Yi consented to this and left the Ta-dong Gate unguarded, and in the -dead of night the Japanese troops passed swiftly out and crossed the -river. On the face of it this statement is hardly credible, but judging -from future events the Koreans believe that Gen. Yi received a large -bribe from the Japanese as the price of this act of leniency. It is true -that future events justified the Koreans in suspecting some such thing, -but as the Japanese were immediately beside the Ta-dong Gate and, under -cover of night, might easily have forced their way out, especially as -the Chinese were exhausted by their long forced march and the fight -about the city, we may well believe that the Japanese did not need to -appeal either to the pity or the avarice of the Chinese in order to -effect their escape. It may be, too, that Gen. Yi did not wish to be -hampered with so many prisoners of war and was rather glad than -otherwise to let them get away. Of course the Koreans who had suffered -so terribly at the hands of the Japanese would have been glad to see -every one of them massacred, and their anger at seeing them escape may -have led them to impute wrong motives to Gen. Yi. Subsequent events, -however, gave some color to these suspicious, as we shall see. - -This retreat from P’yŭng-yang in the dead of winter was like Napoleon’s -retreat from Moscow, on a small scale. The Japanese were without -provisions or proper clothing. Many of them threw aside their arms and -luggage and, turning from the main road, begged their way from house to -house. When at last they reached the city of Seoul and found food and -safety they were in a savage humor. Most of the Koreans who had fled -from the capital had now returned, and on them these half-famished and -wholly disappointed Japanese wreaked their vengeance. They seized -hundreds of the unoffending people and put them to the sword. Scores of -them were taken outside the South Gate and slaughtered like oxen. - -Gen. Kato, who had led an expedition eastwards into Ham-gyŭng Province, -hearing of the evacuation of P’yŭng-yang, immediately put his troops in -motion and hastened down to Seoul, burning and ravaging as he came. And -in a short time all the remnants of the Japanese army were congregated -in the capital. - -The Japanese retreat from P’yŭng-yang was not without its casualties. A -Korean general, Ko On-băk, met a body of the Japanese, probably a part -of the retreating army, at P’a-ju, seventy _li_ out of Seoul, and -punished them severely, taking as it is said, seventy heads; not a great -achievement when we remember that the Japanese were practically unarmed. - -But by this time the Chinese Gen. Yi was on his way south from -P’yŭng-yang, rather tardily as the Koreans thought, but hearing of this -engagement of Gen. Ko, he quickened his pace. Coming to He-on Pass, some -seventy _li_ out from Seoul, his horse slipped, throwing him heavily on -his face. He was severely though not dangerously hurt. At that moment a -company of Japanese was sighted on the mountain side and Gen. Yi ordered -instant pursuit. The Japanese, probably a foraging party from Seoul, -closed with them and as the Chinese were on a marshy piece of land, -where they sank to their knees in the mud, and had no other weapons with -them but their swords, the Japanese inflicted severe punishment on them, -killing eighty of their number. Gen. Yi was so weak from loss of blood -that he did not dare to prolong the fight. So he called a retreat and -the next day went into camp at Tong-p’a, a hundred _li_ from Seoul. From -that point he immediately despatched a letter to the Emperor saying: -“There are 20,000 Japanese firmly intrenched in Seoul and with my -present force I dare not attack them. I am also ill and cannot fight. I -would be glad if you would send someone to relieve me of the command.” -Then he retreated fifty _li_ further, to Song-do, in spite of the -earnest entreaties of the Koreans. The Korean General Yi Pin said, “You -came to render aid to our country. Why is it that you now retreat?” -whereupon one of the general’s staff promptly kicked him out of the -house. - -Gen. Yi ordered Gen. Sa Tă-su to go and guard the ferry at the Im-jin -river which was now partly frozen but impassable for boats and ordered -the Koreans to go to work building a bridge for the transport of the -Chinese army. Here was a piece of work that might have daunted a better -engineer than the average Korean general. But the way the Koreans went -about it and the brilliant success they achieved show what the Korean -was capable of when really in earnest. And it shows as well how -thoroughly they were determined to see chastisement inflicted upon the -Japanese. A swift broad river partly frozen, no possibility of driving -piles nor of erecting any supports from the bed of the river itself. It -must be a suspension bridge or none at all. On either side of the river -heavy timbers were planted firmly in the ground some twenty feet apart. -Behind these horizontally were laid heavy logs. Then between these -supports on either bank were stretched fifteen heavy strands of the -tough fibrous vine called _chik_ by the Koreans. It is the _pueraria -thunbergiana_. Of course these sagged in mid-stream so that they swept -the water. To remedy this, stout levers were inserted between the -strands and twisted until the cables swung clear of the water by many -feet. The foundation having thus been laid, willow branches were spread -thickly upon the cables and finally a heavy layer of earth was added and -the whole was packed down tight by the treading of many feet. And so was -completed the first suspension bridge which history records. We see that -during this war the Koreans had originated three important things, -namely the iron-clad, the mortar and bomb, and now the suspension -bridge. And on this bridge the whole Chinese army crossed in safety. - -But Gen. Yi was tired of the war and was extremely anxious to get back -to China. So when he heard that Kato was crossing the peninsula he said, -“He may come to P’yŭng-yang and in that case I must hasten back to that -place and hold it against him.” So he started back toward that city, -leaving Gen Wang P’il-jŭk in charge of the forces that were advancing on -Seoul. - -At this point mention must be made of the victories of Gen. Chöng Mun-bu -in Ham-gyŭng Province. In three successive fights he had defeated a -large, though not the main, body of Japanese and seems to have entirely -cut it off from forming a junction with Gen. Kato as he retreated toward -Seoul with his dwindling though still formidable army. After the -departure of the Japanese, Gen. Chöng went to the far north, even to the -far Tu-man River and inflicted severe punishment on all those who had -aided the Japanese or had sided with them in the betrayal of the two -princes. This done, he pacified the disturbed province as much as he -could and then disbanded the militia and sent them to their homes. - -Kwŭn Ryŭl, the governor of Chŭl-la, of whom we have heard before, took -4000 men and marched on Seoul, not by the main road but by way of -Yang-ch’ŭn. Crossing the Han at that point he went into camp at Hăng-ju -and surrounded it with a paling of heavy logs. The Japanese in Seoul -ridiculed it but sent a strong body of troops to attack it. A long -fierce fight ensued and the result was doubtful. At last the Japanese -succeeded in setting fire to the wooden paling and had it not been for -the most strenuous efforts on the part of the Koreans they would have -been burned out. But they succeeded in quenching the flames. When their -arrows were gone their outlook was again apparently hopeless, but in the -very nick of time Admiral Yi Pin of Chŭl-la Province came up the river -by boat with 20,000 arrows and as the camp was immediately on the river -bank the Koreans were saved, and soon the Japanese were driven back. -Kwŭn Ryŭl took the bodies of the Japanese who had fallen, cut them in -pieces and impaled the fragments on the top of the stockade. The next -day the Chinese general Sa Tă-su arrived and, seeing these trophies of -victory, praised Gen. Kwŭn highly and sent him to P’a-ju to guard -against any possible northward movement of the Japanese. At the same -time small companies were sent in all directions to cut off foraging -expeditions of the enemy. In this way the Japanese in Seoul were cut off -from all supply of fuel. The Japanese general who had suffered defeat at -Hăng-ju thirsted for revenge, and he led many a fierce sally from Seoul, -but always with great loss. - -In the third month confidence was so far restored in the north that the -king began to think of returning toward the capital. The first stage of -this journey was as far as Yong-yu. At this same time the Japanese sent -a letter to the Korean general Yu Sŭng-nyong saying that they wished to -conclude a treaty of peace. Gen. Yu as in duty bound sent this message -on to the Chinese Gen. Yi in P’yŭng-yang. He in turn despatched Sim -Yu-gyŭng, who had before acted as an emissary of peace between the -Japanese and the Emperor, to take charge of the negotiations and with -instructions more or less definite. When this commissioner arrived in -the vicinity of Seoul a meeting took place between him and the two -Japanese leaders, Konishi and Kato, in mid-stream off the village of -Yong-san. Gen Sim opened the conference by saying, “If you had listened -to my advice in P’yŭng-yang you would have saved yourselves all this -trouble. The Chinese, 40,000 strong, are all about you. They have gone -south to fortify the Cho-ryŭng Pass and thus cut off your retreat. The -Han River is guarded so thoroughly that you cannot cross; Gen. Yi -Yŭ-song is returning from the north with 300,000 fresh troops (an -unblushing lie) and I am prepared to offer you the only possible way of -escape. You must give up the two princes; you must leave the capital and -move south to the coast of Kyŭng-sang Province. Then and not till then -will we conclude peace and the Emperor will recognize your king as his -vassal.” The vanquished invaders saw that there was nothing to do but -comply, and so in the name of the thirty-seven Japanese generals they -engaged to evacuate Seoul on the nineteenth day of the fourth moon. It -was further agreed that they should leave untouched 20,000 bags of rice -which were stored in the government granaries. The two princes were to -accompany the Japanese as far as Fusan and were to be handed over to the -Korean authorities there. - -In accordance with their promise, the Japanese evacuated the city on the -very day appointed, and Gen. Yi Yŭ-song, who seems to have recovered his -health rapidly after he found that the Japanese did not mean fight, -entered the city the following day. The condition in which he found -things is almost indescribable. The Ancestral Temple and three palaces -had been burned. Only the Nam-pyŭl-gung, which the invaders had used as -headquarters, was standing. The country all about was lying fallow and a -great famine stared the Koreans in the face. A thousand bags of rice -were hastily brought and made up into soup or gruel, mixed with pine -leaves, and a few of the starving thousands were fed. As Gen. Sa Tă-su -was passing along the street he saw a young child trying to suck milk -from the breast of its dead mother. The sight aroused his compassion and -he carried the child to his quarters and ordered it to be cared for. -Rice was so scarce that a whole piece of cotton cloth could be purchased -with about three quarts of it. A horse cost but three pecks of rice. -Famishing men fought and killed each other, the victors eating the -vanquished, sucking the marrow from the bones and then dying themselves -of surfeit. It is even said that when a drunken Chinese soldier vomited, -half starved men would crawl to the place and fight over the possession -of this horrible substitute for food. This state of things naturally -brought on an epidemic of the native fever, a species of typhus, and the -dead bodies of its victims lay all along the road, the head of one being -pillowed on the breast of another. The dead bodies in and immediately -around Seoul were gathered and piled in a heap outside the Water Mouth -Gate and it is affirmed that the pile was ten feet higher than the wall. - -It was on the twentieth of the fourth moon that Gen. Yi entered Seoul. -He took up his quarters in the Nam-pyŭl-gung. He seemed to be in no -haste to pursue the Japanese, so Gen. Yu Sŭng-nyong hinted that as the -Japanese were in full flight it might be well to hurry after them and -cut them down as occasion offered. The Chinese general had no intention -of leaving his comfortable quarters that soon, but he gave consent to -the project of pursuit and detailed 10,000 men under the lead of Gen Yi -Yŭ-băk. A day or so later this doughty warrior returned saying that he -had a pain in the leg. So ended the first attempt at pursuit. Then the -Korean Gen. Kwŭn Ryŭl came in from P’a-ju and urged that there be -immediate pursuit, but for some unexplained reason the Chinese commander -forbade it, and the native accounts even add that he sent secretly and -had the boats on the Han destroyed so as to render pursuit of the -Japanese impossible. - -After crossing the Han River, the retreating Japanese seem to have been -in very ill humor, for they did not confine their exhibitions of temper -to the living alone but even attacked the dead. They dug open the royal -tomb at Chung-neung a short distance the other side of the river. -Digging fifteen measures deep they found some rags and a few bones. -These they scattered about on the ground. They then filled in the hole -with rubble. Another royal tomb was opened and the casket and remains -were burned. - -In the beginning of the fifth moon a letter arrived from the Military -Commissioner, Song Eung-ch’ang, in P’yŭng-yang, ordering a general -pursuit of the Japanese. The Koreans believe this to have been a mere -blind, for the Japanese had twenty days the start of them and pursuit -was of course out of the question. At this point again the Koreans make -a serious charge against the Chinese, asserting that the Japanese, -before leaving Seoul, sent large sums of money toward P’yŭng-yang for -Gen. Yi Yŭ-song and Song Eung-ch‘ang, and that by this means they -secured immunity from pursuit. The delay was a cause of great wonderment -to the Koreans and it is not unlikely that this theory of a bribe -explained for them most fully the actions of the Chinese. And it must be -confessed that there is little in the temperament or antecedents of the -Chinese on which to base a refutation of the charge. An instance is -cited to bring home the charge. A Korean who had come upon a Japanese -straggler and killed him was severely beaten by order of the Chinese -general in charge. - -Finally, when all too late, Gen. Yi made a pretense of pursuit, but -after crossing Cho-ryŭng Pass and still finding himself no nearer the -enemy than before, he turned back and resumed his comfortable quarters -in Seoul. If he thought the Japanese would hasten to take boat and -return to their native land, he was much mistaken. It may be that they -wished to do so, but the terrible punishment that Admiral Yi Sun-sin had -inflicted upon the army of reinforcement made them wary of approaching -the coast, and so the Japanese forces in the south found themselves -practically entrapped. Had the Korean land forces been led at this time -by a man of the skill and bravery of old admiral Yi the country would -have been spared long years of war. - -The Japanese in their flight south were brought face to face with this -stern fact, and like the soldiers that they were they set themselves to -solve the problem. They wanted to be near the sea, perhaps with a view -to taking advantage of any opportunity that might present itself of -slipping across to Japan, and yet they were so numerous that, living as -they must on forage, it would be impossible for them all to encamp at -the same place. So they adopted the plan of fortifying a long strip of -the southern coast, reaching from the harbor of So-sang in the district -of Ul-san in Kyŭng-sang Province to Sun-ch‘ŭn in Ch‘ŭl-la Province, a -distance of over two hundred and seventy miles. There were in all -between twenty and thirty camps. Being thus about ten miles apart they -had room for forage and still were near enough each other to render -assistance in case the Koreans or their allies the Chinese should -besiege them at any point. These fortified camps were all of the same -general kind, overlooking the sea from a bluff and on the land side -surrounded by a moat and earthworks. These preparations were made with -the utmost care, for there was no hope of immediate succor and the -Japanese foresaw stirring times. - -In course of time the Chinese court was informed of these events and the -success of their generals in the north seems to have given them some -enthusiasm for prosecuting the war; so additional troops were sent to -the front under the command of Generals Yu Chung and Hŭ Kuk-ch‘ŭng. -These troops numbered 5,000 and were from southern China. Among them -there are said to have been many “ocean imps,” or savages from the -southern islands. These men could enter the water, it is said, and -scuttle the enemy’s ships from beneath. We are told that there were also -in this army some men of immense stature who came in carts rather than -on foot. These forces went into camp at Sŭng-ju in Kyŭng-sang Province. -At this place there was also a large Korean army under Generals Kim -Ch‘ŭn-il, Kim Sang-gön, Ch‘oé Kyŭng-whé, Ko Chong-hu, Yang San-do and Yi -Chong-in. Under them were large numbers of militia and raw recruits, and -this accounts in part for the speedy fall of the town and the terrible -slaughter that ensued. The Japanese laid siege to the place and after -nine days, during which time the Japanese made a hundred separate -assaults, the latter were reinforced and the defenders, exhausted by the -long struggle, were finally driven from the wall and the Japanese -effected an entrance. But even after they got in, the Koreans fought -desperately and sold their lives as dearly as possible. Of this most -sanguinary battle only one incident is preserved in the Korean accounts. -When the Japanese entered the city and had advanced to a point on the -wall which overlooks the waters of the Nam-gang (river), a desperate -encounter took place, in the midst of which the Korean general, Yi -Chong-in, seized two of the Japanese about the waist and, dragging them -to the brink of the precipice, threw himself and them into the water -below. Korean accounts say that in this battle the almost incredible -number of 70,000 Koreans were killed and that an equal number of the -Japanese perished. This latter must be an exaggeration, for the loss of -that number must have swept well-nigh the entire Japanese army from the -country. We must remember that the Japanese army had received -practically no reinforcements from the time it first landed on Korean -soil, and it is safe to say that what with the losses by sickness and -accident, together with the thousands who had fallen at the hands of the -Koreans and Chinese, the original force must have dwindled to 150,000 or -less; in which case the loss of 70,000 men must have put them _hors de -combat_ at once. This battle is called the greatest in the whole war, by -the Koreans, though it is not considered the most important. - -An interesting story is told of a dancing-girl of this town. When the -Japanese took possession of the place she was appropriated by one of the -Japanese generals. One day while they were feasting in a summer-house on -the wall overlooking the river, she began to weep. He asked her the -reason and she replied, “You have come here and driven away our people -and our king. I do not know whether my sovereign is living, and yet I -sit here and feast. I can hardly claim to be better than the beasts, to -sit here and make merry. I must put an end to my life.” Thereupon she -threw her arms about her paramour and flung herself and him over the -edge, thus ending her weary life and helping to avenge her native land -at the same time. For this reason she was canonized at a later date and -her spirit was worshiped at this place each year by royal edict. - -All this time the great Admiral Yi was in camp at Han-san Island off the -coast of Kyŭng-sang Province. His force was not large, but during his -enforced idleness he prepared for future work. He set all his men to -work making salt by evaporating sea water, and by this means he got -together a great store of provisions. Needing barracks for the soldiers, -he offered to the carpenters and workmen about a bag of salt for a day’s -work. His energy and patriotism were so contagious that many worked for -nothing, and the barracks were soon built. At this point the king -conferred upon him the admiralty of the three provinces of -Ch’ung-ch’ŭng, Chŭl-la and Kyŭng-sang. - -In the ninth moon the Commissioner Song Eung-ch’ang and Gen Yi Yŭ-song -collected their forces and started back for China. They evidently -considered the back bone of the invasion broken, and so it was; but like -most spinal diseases it was destined to linger on for years before it -came to an end. When these generals set out on their homeward way they -left 10,000 Chinese soldiers in the hands of the Korean generals Yu -Chŭng and O Yu-ch’ang to act as a bodyguard for the king. In spite of -their suspicions of the corruptibility of Gen. Yi Yŭ-song, the Koreans -speak in high terms of him. They describe him as a young man of thirty, -of handsome person, broad mind and possessed of great skill in the art -of war. When he was on the eve of returning to China he bared his head -and showed the Koreans that his hair was already turning gray. He told -them it was because he had worked so hard for them, which piece of -bathos seems to have impressed them deeply. - - - - - Chapter I-A. - -The King re-enters Seoul.... temporary palace.... a royal lament.... a - profligate prince.... imperial rebuke.... “The Flying General”.... - uneasiness in Seoul.... revenue reform.... reforms in the army.... - King refuses to make peace with the Japanese.... the Chinese - retire.... plot against Konishi.... Japanese envoy in Nanking.... - robbers put down.... a good man ruined.... Japanese trickery.... a - patient envoy.... he absconds.... his flight covered by his - second.... home-sick Japanese.... Konishi sarcastic.... Chinese - envoy in Japan.... Korean envoy.... Japanese army leaves Korea.... - prince refuses the crown.... rebellion.... death of a loyal - general.... envoys ill-treated in Japan.... return.... a new - invasion determined upon.... comparison of Japan and Korea.... - Japanese scheme to get Admiral Yi into trouble.... Admiral Yi - degraded.... second invasion.... Cho-ryŭng pass fortified.... - Chinese give aid.... Admiral Yi’s successor a failure.... great - naval victory for the Japanese. - - -It was on the fourth day of the tenth moon of the year 1593 that the -king reentered the gates of Seoul after his long hard exile in the -north. But he found the city almost a desert. The palaces were burnt and -the ancestral temple was level with the ground. Under the circumstances -he decided to stop for some time in that part of the city which is -called Chong-dong, the present foreign quarter, near the West Gate. Here -there had been the grave of one of the wives of the founder of the -dynasty, but her body had long ago been disinterred and removed to a -place outside the Northeast Gate. So the king took up his quarters at -the Myŭng-ye-gung. It is the exact spot where the King of Korea lives -today. A considerable tract of land about it was surrounded by a stake -fence with a gate at the east and at the west. This royal residence was -named the Si-ö-sa or “Temporary Residence.” Here the king lived thirteen -years while the palace now known as “The Old Palace” was being built. -The king was desirous of rebuilding on the spot where his palace had -stood before, the Kyöng-bok-kung, but he was told by the geomancers that -that would be an unpropitious site. In order to build the new palace a -tax of half a piece of cotton cloth was levied upon each man throughout -the country. In some cases rice was accepted as a substitute. - -After the king had entered the city, one of his first acts was to go to -the site of the ancient Confucian Temple and, standing on the melancholy -spot, utter the following lament: “The spirit of Confucius permeates -space as water permeates the soil beneath our feet. If my faithfulness -is great enough, let the spirit of Confucius rest down upon this spot.” -He noticed that none of the people were in mourning and so ordered that -all those who had lost parents in the war should assume the mourner’s -garb. - -At this time a strong faction arose whose wish was to see the king lay -aside his royal prerogative in favor of his son. This prince was a son -by a concubine, for the queen had no children. He was an ambitious but -profligate fellow and had in his heart no loyalty for his father. Some -of the courtiers went so far as to memorialize the King to the effect -that it might add to the contentment of the people if the king should -put the reins of government into the hands of his son. He hesitated to -do this, for he knew the young man and how unfit he was to rule. At the -suggestion of Song Eung-ch‘ang, the emperor sent to the king appointing -the Crown Prince to the governorship of the southern provinces in -conjunction with the Chinese general, Yu Chung. The prince was delighted -at this and hastened to his post at Chŭn-ju. He practically took the -whole jurisdiction of the south out of the hands of the king and even -held the competitive examinations for literary degrees, which was an -exclusively royal prerogative. - -Another of the Chinese generals accused the king before the emperor of -effeminacy and love of luxury and suggested that one of the best of the -Korean generals be elevated to the throne in his place, but Gen. Suk -Sŭng, who was very loyal to Korea, induced the emperor merely to send a -letter upbraiding the king for his love of luxury and claiming that this -was the cause of Japanese successes in the peninsula. The letter ended -with an exhortation to arouse himself, work up a competent army, and -complete the work of driving out the Japanese. The envoy bearing this -missive was met at P‘a-ju by Gen. Yu Sŭng-nyong and an escort. The -Chinaman told him that his arrival in Seoul would be the signal for some -very important disclosures. General Yu and Gen. Chŭk conferred together -about this matter and decided that the king must in any event be -prevented from abdicating, for their official heads depended upon his -retention of the reins of power. They also persuaded the envoy to their -view, so that when the king read the letter and declared his intention -to abdicate, the envoy objected that this could not be done until he had -sent a letter to the emperor and obtained his consent. - -Meanwhile there was going on in the south a sort of geurilla warfare -against the Japanese. It was led principally by Kim Tŭk-nyŭng, a -self-made man who had the confidence of the prince. This man had put his -whole fortune into the cause and had himself fitted out 5,000 men. His -method was to pass from place to place with great rapidity and strike -the enemy when they were least expecting attack. In this way he earned -from the Japanese the name “The Flying General.” He is said to have been -uniformly successful. - -Of another ilk were Song U-jin, Yi Neung-su and Hyŭn Mong. These -gathered about them bands of desperate men and went about the country -looting and burning. In Seoul there was consternation. At any moment one -of these bands might enter the city and work their will. The Crown -Prince, a cause of great uneasiness, was still at Chŭn-ju and for aught -anyone knew he might be plotting the overthrow of the government. In -fact this impression was so strong that the highwaymen dared to write to -him complaining of the king and asserting that they were going to make a -clean sweep. The implication was plain, that they intended to put the -prince upon the throne. The solicitude of the people in Seoul took form -in the rumor that Yi Tă-hyŭng himself, the Minister of War, was in -league with the rebels. For forty successive days this injured minister -went and knelt at the palace gate and begged that the king would have -him executed, as he could not endure the charge of unfaithfulness. - -It was customary for the emperor to nominate an heir apparent for the -Korean throne, but at the beginning of this war it had seemed necessary -to appoint one immediately and so the king had informally promised the -prince that he should be king. The latter now demanded that this be -confirmed by the emperor and a messenger was sent to the Chinese court -for that purpose; but as the emperor had no son himself except by a -concubine and was loath to put him on the throne of China, so he was -unwilling to see this prince put on the throne of Korea. The result was -that he sent back a prompt refusal, which for the time dashed the hopes -of the ambitious prince. - -It appears that the rebuke which the emperor administered to the king -was in some senses deserved. The king after all his wearisome exile in -the north, probably paid more attention to the pleasures of peace than -was for his own good or the good of the country. If so the rebuke had -its effect, for the king immediately roused himself and set to work -reorganizing the finances of the country and putting the army on a -better working basis. Hitherto the revenue had all been collected in -rice but now he allowed the revenue to be collected in any kind of -produce, and the collection of it was farmed out to various individuals, -a practice which at the time may have had its good points but which at -the same time had within itself very bad possibilities. The -reorganization of the army was a matter of great importance and the king -set himself to it with a will. Heretofore each general had had his own -following and there was no central power nor seat of authority. Each -body of troops followed the caprice of its leader with no reference to -any general plan. Before the Chinese general Yi Yŭ-song left he put into -the hands of the king a book treating of the art of war, a work written -by Ch’ŭk Kye-gwang. This book the king put into use and appointed Cho -Kyŭng and Yu Sŭng-nyong to have charge of the whole matter of military -reorganization. In order to put the new plan into operation a large -number of poor and destitute soldiers were gathered. They had to pass a -physical test which consisted in lifting a rice bag full of earth, and -of leaping over a wall as high as their heads. In ten days two thousand -men were found who endured the test. The drill consisted of three parts, -(1) firing with guns, (2) shooting with bow and arrow, (3) using the -battle axe. In time these men became the royal guard and escort. The -number gradually increased to 10,000, 2,000 being attached to each of -the government departments. The whole force was divided into two parts -and while one part was drilling in the city the other was set to work -farming in the suburbs. In this way they raised the food necessary for -the sustenance of the whole force. The plan was extended to the country, -and teachers were sent to practice the country soldiers. It became a -species of militia. From this time the quality and discipline of the -Korean army improved in a marked degree. - -[Illustration: _THE LAUNDRY._] - -It appears that the Koreans were not the only ones who suspected Gen. Yi -Yŭ-song of showing favors to the Japanese, for the emperor took notice -of it and deprived him of his high rank. He was supplanted by Gen. Ko -Yang-gyŭm. This new appointee advanced toward the border of Korea as far -as Liao-tung and from that point sent a letter to the king saying that -the Chinese had already lost enough men and treasure in the war and that -the king had better hasten to make friends with the Japanese and induce -them to come and do obeisance to the emperor. It appears plain that this -man wanted peace to be patched up before he should be called upon to do -active work in the field. When the king saw this letter he said, “When -the Crown Prince becomes king he can do as he pleases but as for me I -will never make peace or friendship with the Japanese.” But Yu -Sŭng-nyong urged the helplessness of Korea alone and the need of -securing China’s help at all hazards. Sŭng Hon urged the fact that the -new Chinese general had a large force in hand and he must be conciliated -at any cost. So the king reluctantly sent an envoy to China asking that -overtures of peace be made with the Japanese. Even while this envoy was -on the way, the emperor, apparently thinking the war at an end, sent an -order commanding the immediate return of Gen. Yu Chung, with all his -forces, from the province of Kyŭng-sang. The Crown Prince sent begging -him not to go. The people all about the country were in distress about -it. He was believed to be the only hope against the Japanese. The -command of the emperor however was law and the general was forced to -obey. Taking his army, together with the wives and children of those who -had been married to Korean women, he went back to Liao-tung. It is said -that over 10,000 of the Chinese took back their Korean wives to China, -but six years later they all returned to their native land. - -Kato was desirous of meeting and having a talk with the Korean general -Kim Eung-sŭ, the general of Kyŭng-sang Province. To this end he sent a -Japanese named Yo-si-ra to arrange a meeting, and in course of time they -met at the town of Ham-an and had a conference. Kato opened the -conference as follows: “If Korea will help us to become the vassals of -China we will remove all our troops from Korea immediately and we will -also consider it a great favor.” But Gen. Kim, who knew of the enmity -which existed between Kato and Konishi, waved the main question by -asking, “Why is it that you and Konishi cannot agree? It is plain that -so long as he is here such a plan as you recommend cannot be carried -out.” Kato answered, “I have long wished to make an end of him, but can -never get a chance. If in some way we could work up a charge against him -and circulate it among the troops we might be able to get all the army -removed to Japan.” As to the further deliberations of these two men we -are not informed, but we judge from this passing glimpse that Konishi -the younger man was so firmly intrenched in the affection of his troops -that Kato despaired of making head against him until that affection was -in some way alienated. In this Kato acknowledges his virtual defeat at -the hands of his youthful rival. - -The emperor was not as anxious as his generals to make peace with the -Japanese, and when he heard that his new appointee to the peninsula was -in favor of a treaty with the invaders he promptly ordered his -retirement, and Gen. Son Kwang was sent to take his place. Hardly had -this happened when the envoy Ho Ok, from the Korean court, arrived, -asking that a treaty be made with the Japanese. When his message was -delivered all the court was in favor of the plan; but the Prime Minister -said that as they had been deceived once by the Japanese general So -Sŭ-bi, who had accompanied Gen. Sim Yu gyăng from Pyŭng-yang on a -similar errand before, it would be well to test them with three -propositions. “(1) We will give the king of Japan the royal investiture. -(2) Every Japanese soldier must leave Korea. (3) The Japanese must -promise never to disturb Korea again.” This plan pleased the emperor and -Gen. So Sŭ-bi was sent for, that he might appear before the emperor and -accept these conditions. On arriving at Peking the Japanese readily -acceded to the terms and exclaimed, “We will gladly agree to this and -will swear by heaven to abide by the terms.” Thereupon Sim Yu-gyăng, who -had always had a strange leaning toward the Japanese, now exclaimed, -“Japan now evidently desires to become China’s vassal. An envoy must be -sent to invest Hideyoshi with the royal insignia, and all this trouble -will end.” But Hŭ Hong-gang had a truer estimate of the visitor and -remarked, “The Japanese are a subtle people, and all this talk of -becoming vassals of China is mere pretense. There is no use in sending -an envoy to Japan.” Gen. Sŭk Sŭng said, “This man seems to be honest in -what he says. Gen. Sim Yu-gyŭng should accompany So Sŭ-bi back to Korea -and there confer with the Japanese leaders and then arrangements can be -made for investing the king of Japan.” The emperor so ordered and at the -same time appointed Yi Chong-sŭng as envoy extraordinary to Japan to -perform the ceremony of investiture. Yang Pang-hyŭng was appointed his -second. These events all occurred in the latter part of the year 1593. - -As the new year opened the political sky was dark enough. Not only were -the Japanese intrenched in the south but predatory bands infested the -country and the government troops had all they could do to hold them in -check, let alone any offensive operations against the Japanese. However, -after a hard chase a large band of the miscreants were brought to bay at -Hoe-mun Mountain and cut to pieces. At this time also the king sent -again to Nanking asking that his successor be nominated, but again he -was refused. - -The career of Gen. Kim Tŭk-nyŭng whom, as we have seen, the Japanese had -dubbed “The Flying General,” affords us another example of the fatal -weakness of Korea, in the envy excited against any really successful -man; for even while Gen. Kim was successfully combatting the Japanese in -his own way, his very successes aroused the spleen of Gen. Yun Keun-su -who accused him to the king of having killed plenty of Koreans, but -never a Japanese. On the strength of this groundless charge, and without -questioning its truth, the king brought Gen. Kim to Seoul and imprisoned -him a year. And so a man of highest loyalty, of such unselfish -patriotism as to devote the whole of his private fortune to the fitting -out of soldiers to fight his country’s foes, was dragged away from a -successful field of work to languish in prison, simply because a less -successful man begrudged him his fame. - -And now began an amusing comedy between the Chinese, who took the -Japanese seriously, and the latter who were merely playing off the -Chinese in order to save time. - -In the fourth moon of 1395 the embassy from China to Japan arrived in -Seoul, and immediately Gen. Sim Yu-gyŭng posted southward to see Kato -and tell him that the Chinese embassy had already come and that he must -hasten to get all the Japanese troops out of the country before the -embassy should arrive at Fusan. To all this the wily Kato answered -gravely, “You had better stay here a few weeks while I take a run over -to Japan and ask Hideyoshi about it, and if he gives the order to take -the troops back, it can be done immediately.” When he came back, instead -of answering the main question he said that it would be well for a -Korean to accompany the envoy to Japan. Meanwhile the Chinese envoy Yi -Chong-sŭng, in Seoul, sent messenger after messenger urging the speedy -removal of the Japanese troops from the peninsula; but Kato kept putting -it off on one ground or another, and made no move to go. When, however, -this part of the comedy had proceeded to such a point that the Japanese -began to fear the Chinese would see that it was indeed a comedy, Kato -took a few regiments of men from Ung-ch’ŭn and Kŭ-je and made -preparations as if to depart, meanwhile sending Gen. Sim to Seoul to say -that he was waiting for the envoy and his suite to come south and -accompany the departing army to Japan. Five months had already elapsed -since the envoy had arrived in Seoul, and he therefore determined to -accept this invitation. Moving southward, he came to Nam-wŭn in Chŭl-la -Province where he stopped, fearing to go directly into the Japanese -camp. While there he gained the soubriquet of “frog-eater,” for he was -so fond of the flesh of that reptile that he compelled the people to -hunt for and procure it for him. - -Gen. Son Kwang, from his comfortable quarters in Liao-tung, sent him a -letter charging him with cowardice and ordering him to proceed at once -on his way. Under this stimulus he proceeded to Fusan; but Kato would -not come to see him, saying, “I must receive instructions from Japan -before I can take you across the straits, so I will cross once more and -find out the will of my royal master in regard to the matter.” After an -absence of two months he came back and opened another act of the comedy -by asserting that he must first take Gen. Sim across to Japan and -arrange the ceremony of investiture, and that the envoy proper might -follow when all was ready. By this time, what with the fear of the -Japanese and bewilderment at the intricacy of Japanese diplomacy the -poor envoy was well-nigh distraught. When therefore, with the beginning -of the new year 1596 a Chinaman named So Hak-myŭng came from Japan and -informed him that Hideyoshi had not the remotest idea of becoming a -vassal of China and that if the Chinese envoy should cross to Japan he -would never come back again, it capped the climax, and that very night -the wretched envoy, taking only one servant and a few clothes tied up in -a cloth, made his escape from the Japanese camp and fled away northward. -He traveled by night and hid by day, until at last he arrived at Seoul. -And so the curtain drops on another act of the comedy. - -When the Japanese found out that the envoy had made his escape they were -in a quandary, fearing lest they might be punished for letting him go -and so spoiling the fun. They therefore gave chase, but not being able -to overtake the light-footed envoy, they contented themselves with -surrounding the house of the vice-envoy Yang Pang-hyŭng. The latter knew -of his chief’s flight, but to draw away suspicion from himself he -pretended to sleep late that morning and claimed to know nothing about -the matter. When at last he was told of it by the Japanese general -Kuroda, he said quietly, “Well, he was a young man and a little nervous. -He should have gone to Japan long ago instead of waiting around here. It -will be of no use for you to chase him.” He then deliberately arose, -went to the room lately occupied by his chief, took possession of the -Emperor’s letter and returned to his own apartments. By his coolness and -presence of mind he allayed the excitement of the Japanese and perhaps -saved his own life. - -The Japanese soldiers who had been detailed to return to Japan were of -course delighted to go back to their homes and were eager to set sail -from Fusan. They had their baggage all on board and were hoping to start -at any moment. But when they heard of the flight of the Chinese envoy -they knew there would be a long delay and they were sorely disappointed; -so much so in fact that many of them wept aloud. It is probable that -every Japanese soldier in the peninsula would have been glad of an -opportunity to return to Japan. Only the severe discipline of the -Japanese army and the lack of boats prevented them from deserting in -large numbers; at least we may gather as much from the frequent -references to the home-sickness of the Japanese soldiers. - -Yang Pang-hyŭng called the weeping soldiers before him and said, “We -have waited here so long that my chief got tired and went back. But I -remain and the imperial missive is with me. He has fled only to Nam-wŭn -and if you send there you will doubtless find him.” This led them to -believe that their fond hope of returning home would soon be gratified. - -All this time the young Konishi, the rival of Kato, sat disdainfully -silent watching the empty game which his unpopular rival was playing -with the Chinese. When he heard of the flight of the envoy he laughed -and said, “I knew he was no genuine envoy from the Emperor, for if he -had been he would not have dared to show his heels like this.” This -remark was intended to imply that while Kato had been trying to hoodwink -the Chinese, they, on the other hand, had hoodwinked him. - -Yang Pang-hyŭng lost no time in informing the Emperor of the perfidy of -his chief, and the Emperor immediately ordered the recalcitrant official -to be caught and imprisoned. He raised Yang Pang-hyŭng to the position -of Chief of the Embassy and appointed Sim Yu-gyŭng as his second. We -will remember that Sim Yu-gyŭng had already gone to Japan with Kato, -bearing the imperial gifts, which consisted of a royal robe with the -embroidered design of a dragon, a jade belt, royal head-gear, a map of -China, a book on war and various other kinds of treasures. He there -married the daughter of a Japanese named Arima, and is said by the -Koreans to have become a thorough Japanese. This may have been part of -the game he was playing, and we may see the fruits of it later. - -Kato was determined that a Korean envoy should accompany the Chinese one -to Japan and to this end he told one of the Korean officials, “If a -Korean envoy does not accompany the Chinese embassy to Japan the peace -will be only between Japan and China, and Korea will have no part in it. -This will lead to grave troubles.” Gen. Sim also sent his nephew back -from Japan to ask that a Korean envoy accompany the Chinese embassy. So -the king appointed two men, Whang Sin and Pak Hong-jang to this work, -conferring upon them the title of T’ong-sin-sa or “Faithful Messenger.” - -In the fifth moon of this year 1596 Gen. Konishi massed his troops in -forty-six regiments on the southern coast and, leaving only four -regiments to guard Fusan, set sail for Japan. With him went all the -envoys, both Chinese and Korean. - -Now that lasting peace seemed to be assured, the king no longer -hesitated to hand over the reins of power to the Crown Prince. He -accordingly sent the royal insignia south to him, and so doffed the -responsibilities as well as the prerogatives of royalty. But, strange to -say, the prince strenuously refused to accept them, insisting that he -had no desire to take the scepter from his father’s hand. Seven times he -sent to his father protesting his unwillingness to have the honor thrust -upon him. But the king would not listen. It was only after the courtiers -had assembled before the palace for twenty days in succession and -besought him to retain the scepter that they finally prevailed and he -consented to continue in the exercise of the royal prerogative. - -Yi Mong-hak, an unprincipled ruffian, ignorant but ambitious, had joined -the forces of Gen. Han Hyŭn and had fought during the war. Now he -started out on an independent line. Gathering a force of over ten -thousand men he attacked and took Hong-san in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province, -and he followed it up by taking Im-ch‘ŭn, Ch‘ung-yang, Chöng-san and -Hong-ju. Yi Mong-hak had been deceiving his followers by saying that -Gen. Kim Tŭk-nyang was interested in this scheme. But now they found -that this same Gen. Kim was arrayed against them and they saw they had -been duped. That night every man deserted the adventurer and the next -day he fell into the hands of the loyal troops and his head was -forwarded to Seoul. This shows the extremely unsettled state of the -country, and how any unprincipled man with money and effrontery could -offer serious opposition to the government. - -Here again we find a striking example of that petty jealousy which -deprived Korea of most of her capable men. This Gen. Kim Tŭk-nyŭng was a -celebrated man. He was known throughout the Korean army for his strength -and prowess. It is said of him that single-handed he would attack a -tiger and pin it to the ground with a spear. They also say that he rode -into battle with an iron mace of a hundred pounds weight in each hand -and he gave the Japanese so many hard knocks that they gave him the -name, “The General from under the Rock.” The ministers at Seoul were -suspicious of his rising fame and went their ways to have him dragged -down. They charged him with having been in league with Yi Mong-hak and -won the king over. He was arrested and brought to Seoul, where after a -most disgraceful trial he was put to death. The Japanese had such a high -opinion of this man’s parts that Konishi sent and had a portrait made of -him. When he saw the picture he exclaimed, “This man is indeed a -General.” When his death was announced, the Japanese held a great feast -in honor of the event. This was just on the eve of their departure for -home. - -As we have seen, it was in the summer of 1596 that the Chinese and -Korean envoys crossed to Japan with the returning army of invasion. When -they were brought into the presence of Hideyoshi he treated them with -scant courtesy. When asked why he did not bow before the imperial -missive he replied that he had a sore leg and could not. He treated the -Korean envoy much worse than the Chinese, and said to him, “I sent back -the two princes as I agreed, but your king never so much as thanked me. -He has now sent as envoy a man of inferior rank on purpose to insult me. -I believe the original Chinese envoy ran away at the instigation of your -king. I will treat the Chinese envoy civilly, but as for you I shall -send another army and be avenged on you.” After this there was but one -thing to do. Both the envoys packed up their effects and started back -home. When the Chinese envoy arrived at Nanking bringing insult instead -of submission from Japan the Emperor was in a terrible rage and charged -Sim Yu-gyŭng with having betrayed his country. The chief envoy was -executed and the official who had advised the sending of an embassy was -thrown into prison and starved to death, but Sim Yu-gyŭng in some way -escaped with his head. - - - - - Chapter II. - -A new invasion determined upon.... comparison of Japan and Korea.... - Japanese scheme to get Admiral Yi into danger.... Admiral Yi - degraded.... second invasion.... Choryŭng Pass fortified.... Chinese - give aid.... Admiral Yi’s successor a failure.... great naval - victory for the Japanese.... Admiral Yi reinstated.... siege and - fall of Nam-wŭn.... Korean naval victories.... Admiral Yi’s - policy.... Japanese advance checked.... rejoicing in Seoul.... siege - of Ul-san.... siege raised.... Roman Catholic missionaries.... the - Japanese army.... the “ear and nose mound”.... number of Chinese.... - a Japanese settlement.... Chinese admirals.... Admiral Yi’s - diplomacy.... Gen. Yang Ho recalled.... the King accused.... the - defense. - - -We have now reached the halfway point between the two invasions, or -rather between the two parts of the double invasion. Hideyoshi was still -furious over the failure of his great plan of invading China, and he -must needs find some way to vent his spleen. He determined upon a second -invasion of Korea, not this time with a view to the invasion of China -but with the more modest desire to punish Korea, though what Korea had -done to deserve punishment it would be hard to say. To be sure she had -proved an obstacle to his vaulting ambition, for had Hideyoshi’s -original army sailed straight for China instead of landing at Fusan, it -probably would have overthrown the Chinese capital. We must notice the -changed conditions which existed between the two countries. Korea had -now experienced the worst possible at the hands of the Japanese and knew -what to expect. Their soldiers had felt the prick of Japanese swords and -had in turn tasted the delights of victory. That terrible glamor which -surrounded the dreaded islanders upon their first appearance had worn -off and some sort of equality had been effected between them. The -Koreans had meanwhile become possessed of firearms and were measurably -skilled in their use. They had learned never to trust themselves to open -battle when geurilla warfare was feasible. They had demonstrated their -great superiority on the sea in the person of the Admiral Yi. When -therefore we remember that the Japanese had to leave their base of -supplies and live on what they could forage in the peninsula, it appears -that in spite of their prowess they had not much advantage over the -Koreans. But before making this second descent upon the shores of Korea -it was necessary for the Japanese to get the redoubtable Admiral Yi -Sun-sin out of the way. No fleet from Japan would risk an encounter with -him in his “Tortoise Boat.” The Japanese had seen how the mutual -jealousies of the Koreans worked in their favor and they determined to -use this in getting Admiral Yi removed. So one day a Japanese named -Yo-si-ra made his appearance at the camp of Gen. Kim Eung-sŭ, saying -that he was tired of being a Japanese and that he wanted to become a -Korean. He dressed in Korean clothes and kept going back and forth -between the Japanese and Koreans, giving the latter what seemed to be -much valuable information. He seemed to be devoted to the Korean -interests. One day he came in a state of great excitement and said that -the Japanese General Kato was coming to Korea with a great fleet and -that, as he was to pass a certain island off the coast, Admiral Yi ought -to be sent to lie in wait there and drive the invading fleet back or to -sink it. So Gen. Kim wrote to the king about it and asked for orders. -The king, trusting in the prowess of Admiral Yi, gave his consent; but -when that officer received these orders he promptly replied that it was -a trick to entrap him and thus clear a way for a descent upon the -mainland of Korea. He therefore declined to run the risk, especially as -the place mentioned was studded with sunken rocks and was specially -dangerous for navigation. But the Japanese Yo-si-ra kept urging Gen. Kim -to see to it that the plan was carried out and at last the General wrote -to the king saying that Admiral Yi declined to go. As may be supposed -Admiral Yi had enemies at court who could not let such an opportunity -pass of getting him into trouble. Consequently the iniquitous decree -went forth that Admiral Yi be seized and brought to Seoul and that Wŭn -Kyun be put in his place. The king intended to put Admiral Yi to death, -but one of the officials urged his former services in palliation of his -present offense and so the punishment was commuted to loss of position -alone. So it was that Admiral Yi, the best soldier that Korea contained -and to whom the king owed his crown twice over, was degraded to the -ranks and became a common soldier. But most remarkable of all, he made -no complaint, but went quietly about his work as if nothing had -happened. - -In the first moon of the year 1597 the Japanese fleet set sail from -Japan. This army was led by Kato and Konishi although the nominal -commander in chief was a lad of seventeen named Hideyaki. It is said -that it took a thousand boats to bring the army across the straits. Had -Admiral Yi Sun-sin been at his old post this fleet would never have -touched keel on the Korean coast but as it was there was no difficulty, -and the entire army landed safely at So-sang Harbor and immediately -threw up fortifications and went into camp. - -The first thought of the Koreans was to fortify Cho-ryŭng Pass the one -break in the mountain chain which the Japanese must pass if they wished -to march on Seoul. Gen. Kwŭn Ryŭl with 23,000 men and other generals -with troops hastily gathered from various districts hastened to that -important pass and put the fortifications in good order, and the king -forthwith sent Kwŭn Hyŭp as envoy to Nanking to implore the intervention -of China. And now we see the evil results of Hideyoshi’s ill-treatment -of the Chinese and Korean envoys in Japan; for instead of making the -Koreans send time and again asking for help the Emperor was eager to -send troops into the peninsula to avenge himself upon the Japanese. The -Chinese army was put in charge of three men: Gen. Yang Ho with rank of -Military Commissioner, Gen. Hyöng Kă as general-in chief and Admiral Ma -Gwi as commander of all the naval forces. Under these were Generals Yang -Wŭn, O Yu-ch’ung, U Păk-yŏng, Chin U-ch’ung, So Eung-gung, Chin Hyo and -Tong Han-yu. Gen. Yang Ho came no further than P’yŭng-yang, his duties -not requiring his presence on the field of battle. Admiral Ma Kwi and -all the others came on to Seoul. From that point they branched out in -several directions, one going to Nam-wŭn in Chŭl-la province, another to -Song-ju in Kyŭng-sang Province, another to Chŭn-ju, Chŭl-la Province, -and another to Ch’ung-ju in Ch’ung-ch’ŭng Province. - -Admiral Wŭn Kyun, who had supplanted Yi Sun-sin, went to Han-san where -Admiral Yi had worked so diligently to build barracks with the proceeds -of salt manufacture. His first work was to overthrow all the rules and -regulations which his predecessor had so wisely promulgated. He then -drove away all who had been at all intimate with the former admiral, who -was now a common soldier under Kwŭn Ryul. He then built a paling about -the council-hall that Yi Sun-sin had built and there he housed his harem -and spent his time in revelry and feasting. He would frequently have -innocent men called up and severely punished for mere amusement. And -thus he soon alienated the good will of all the troops stationed there. - -But Kato, the astute Japanese general, through his tool Yo-si-ra, kept -at Gen. Kim, urging him to have a fleet sent to intercept a fleet of -Japanese boats. He named a day on which the Korean fleet would be sure -to intercept a fleet of the enemy. At last the order was given for -Admiral Wŭn Kyun to carry out this manoeuvre and though he had no -stomach for the enterprise he could not well demur, for this was the -very thing that had cost Admiral Yi his position. So he got his boats -together and sailed out to Chŭl-yŭng Island off Fusan. But a strong -breeze sprang up and the sea was rather rough and in the darkness of -night the Korean fleet became scattered. The next day the larger part of -them rendezvoused at Ka-dok Island where they unexpectedly met the -Japanese fleet and were vigorously attacked. Almost immediately all -Admiral Wŭn’s forces deserted him and his only recourse was flight. -Beaching his boat on Ch‘il-ch‘ŭn Island he landed and drew about him -what remnants of his force he could find. When Gen. Kwŭn Ryul heard of -this he sent a stern order demanding that the admiral come out and -fight. That valliant man first filled himself with wine then sallied -forth only to be deserted again by his men. So the doughty admiral again -ran his boat aground and took to his heels. He was so fat however that -he could not run far, so he sat down under a tree to get his breath. -There the Japanese overtook him and carried away his head in triumph. -The second in command, Yi Yŭ-geui, fled by boat after burning all the -barracks and provisions that were stored at Han-san. - -When these events became known the whole country was in consternation. -Yi Hang-bok, the king’s trusted councillor, said, “Yi Sun-sin must be -reinstated in his former position.” It was a case of dire necessity and -so the king sent and conferred upon that faithful man his former office. -The trusty Yi set out on foot and rested not day nor night until he -reached his former position, Han-san. On all sides he met the scattered -and flying remnants of his former force. He rallied them about him, -promising that the Japanese should still be held in check. - -But before Admiral Yi arrived on the scene of action a tremendous force -of Japanese both military and naval had landed on the southern coast. -Their objective point was Nam-wŭn, where the Chinese general Yang Wŭn -had pitched his camp. Upon the approach of the Japanese the latter -burned all the houses outside the wall to prevent their offering cover -to an attacking force; but the Japanese soon built a rough fence or -palisade about the town, from behind which they picked off the Chinese -soldiers on the wall, at leisure. The Chinese attempted to make a sortie -but in their eagerness to get out of the gate they became jammed in it -and were mown down by the long swords of the besiegers. Unfortunately -for the Chinese and Koreans the following night was full moon and the -Japanese cut down every man that attempted to escape. To the line of -stakes which they had planted about the town the Japanese fastened -swords, and when the people from the town tried to make good their -escape they found themselves impaled upon these weapons. The Chinese -commander, Yang Wŭn, rode at this barrier and his horse was so impaled, -but he succeeded in getting over and making good his escape. The -Japanese attacked the wall in its weakest point and forced an entrance. -The massacre within the town beggars description. The Korean generals -Chöng Keui-wŭn, Yi Pong-nam, O Eung-jung, Kim Kyöng-no, Sin Ho, Im Hyŭn, -Yi Tŭk-whe and Yi Wŭn-ch‘un were all killed, which indicates how -sanguinary must have been the fight. - -Immediately all northern Chŭl-la was in confusion and the troops -everywhere began to fall back toward the north. In Seoul itself there -was consternation. The king called his officials about him and asked -what should be done. They all urged that the king stay in the capital. -The queen and the crown prince however were sent to Su-an in Ham-gyŭng -Province and the king prepared to move whenever it should seem -necessary. - -But by this time Admiral Yi was again on the stage of action and as -alert as ever. He had as yet only ten boats under him, but he had no -lack of men, for the people all along the coast, when they heard of his -reinstatement, flocked to him. He drew up his little fleet of ten boats -in the shadow of a mountain on Chin-do (island) and sent out -reconnoitering boats which returned just at night saying that the -Japanese were approaching. As the moon dropped behind the mountain it -left the Korean fleet in complete darkness and soon the Japanese boats -came sailing along in single file. Admiral Yi deployed his boats in a -long line and suddenly they all raised a loud shout and fired point -blank at the unsuspecting Japanese. The latter thought they had run into -a powerful fleet and soon scattered in all directions. The next day -there was more serious work, however, for a fleet of several hundred -boats appeared. The Koreans were in some trepidation, but the fearless -admiral made straight for the enemy and though soon surrounded he -succeeded in sinking thirty of the enemy’s boats. The rest evidently -recognized the master hand of Admiral Yi and turned and fled. He gave -chase, and before the battle ended the Japanese commander Ma-da-si was -killed. Returning from this remarkable fight Admiral Yi proceeded to -Han-san and set to work rebuilding the barracks and making salt. It is -said that in two months time he stored away 20,000 bags of rice. His -former captains and soldiers came back to him in “clouds.” He also found -another source of revenue. The wealthy men all through the south desired -to get away from the disturbed districts and so loaded their effects -upon boats and sailed away. Admiral Yi however stood in the way and made -them pay a toll of from one to three bags of rice for each boat. From -this source alone he collected above a thousand bags of rice. He used -this revenue in the purchase of copper for the casting of cannon, and -for the building of boats. Thousands of people who feared to live on the -mainland came and built huts about his camp, until the island actually -became too small to hold more. - -After the fall of Nam-wŭn the Japanese, flushed with victory, started -northward toward Seoul, thinking without doubt that they would have as -easy a victory as before. Yang Ho, hearing of the defeat of the Chinese, -came post haste from P’yŭng-yang and severely upbraided the generals and -charged them with lack of bravery. Without an hour’s delay it was -arranged that Generals Ha Sang, U Pak-yung, Yang Teung and P‘a Sa should -take a strong body of troops and move southward to Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng -Province and intercept the Japanese. This was done and the army ambushed -at Keum-o-p‘yŭng in the district of Chik-san. Soon the Japanese came -streaming along, neglecting all precautions, for they had no idea of -meeting an enemy. When therefore the ambuscade opened fire on them it -took but a few moments to throw them into utter confusion. In the rout -which ensued an enormous number of the Japanese were killed. On the -following day the Japanese, who had mended their broken ranks as best -they could, came on to the attack, but their losses had been so great -that in spite of wonders of bravery which they showed they were again -crushed. The remnant of their force fled southward to Mok-ch‘un and -Ch‘ung-ju. This was one of the three great battles of the war and in -importance it was exceeded by none; for, though the forces engaged were -not so numerous nor the number of slain so great, it broke once for all -the self-confidence of the Japanese, and they never again had the -hardihood to attempt the approach to Seoul. By this battle the war was -definitely confined to the southern provinces. The Commissioner Yang Ho -suggested to the king that he go out and survey the battle field, and so -the royal cavalcade rode out the South Gate. One of the Chinese generals -suspected that the king was something of a coward and so, to test him, -he gave the horse the king was riding a sharp cut with a whip. The horse -leaped into the air with terror but the king held his seat and showed no -sign of fear. The Chinese were pleased at this and their respect for the -king was visibly increased. - -Seoul gave itself up to universal holiday in honor of the victory, for -it was still fresh in the minds of many how Seoul had fared before at -the hands of the invaders. - -In the tenth moon Gen. Konishi built a strong fort on a bluff -overlooking the sea at Ul-san in Kyŭng-sang Province. He named it -To-san. The Chinese Yang Ho determined to cut the war short by attacking -and taking this position and by so doing he expected to cut off the -right arm of the invading army. Collecting all the forces that were -within reach, he started south to attack Ul-san. The army consisted of -40,000 men and it went in three divisions. The left or eastern division -being led by Gen. Yi Pang-ch‘ŭn, the middle division by Gen. Ko Ch‘ak -and the western division by Gen. P ăng U-dŭk. Gen. Ma Kwi was sent on -ahead and acted as _avant-coureur_. Stopping a few miles from the -Japanese position he ordered Gen. P‘a Sa to go and make a preliminary -attack upon the fort to discover something as to the lay of the land, -and if possible to discover the number and equipment of the enemy. The -attack was made with fire-arrows. Almost immediately the Japanese made a -sortie, but were driven back with a loss of four hundred and sixty men. -Shortly after this the three grand army corps arrived. The Japanese were -arranged in three divisions. In the middle was the fort proper. On the -north was a fortified camp called the Pan-gu-jun and off the south was -another called the P‘a-wha-gang. It was the first business of the -Chinese and Korean allies to drive these outer divisions into the -central fort. To this end the left division of the army attacked the -Pan-gu-jun and the right division the P‘a-wha-gang. Gen. Yang Ho put on -his armor and went into the thick of the fight and urged on his men. The -air was filled with the noise of drums, musketry-fire and shouts of the -combatants, and a cloud of arrows concealed the heavens. Some of the -Japanese huts were on fire and great clouds of smoke and flame rolled -heavenward. Slowly the Japanese were forced back and finally they all -entered the gates of the main fort of To-san. This fort was set on a -rugged hill where it was difficult for an attacking force to manoeuvre, -but there was little water in the fort and the Japanese were forced to -come out secretly at night and draw water from a well nearby. Being -aware of this, Gen. Kim Eung-sŭ, a Korean, placed an ambush about the -well and caught upwards of a hundred of the enemy. They were badly -emaciated and said that surrender was a matter of only a few days. It -came on to rain, and this was followed by severe cold, as it was now the -beginning of winter. Many of the besieging army had their hands and feet -frozen. One of Gen. Konishi’s lieutenants wrote repeatedly to the Korean -general Song Yun-mun asking for terms of peace. Gen. Yang Ho answered, -“Konishi must come out and surrender and he will be treated well.” By -this time the Japanese were well-nigh exhausted. They had neither food -nor water, and every day they died in such numbers that it is said they -had “a mountain of dead.” Many a time Gen. Konishi meditated suicide but -each time was restrained by one means or another. As a last resort the -Japanese threw gold and silver over the wall to bribe the soldiers -without and keep them from making an attack. - -But the tables were about to be turned. All the other Japanese forces in -the south had become aware of the desperate straits to which their -comrades were reduced at To-san. And so now at the last moment a large -fleet appeared and the hard won victory was snatched from between the -teeth of the Chinese and Korean allies. The exposure had greatly -weakened the besieging force. Their provisions were almost exhausted and -they had used up all their arrows. They were far stronger than the -beleagured Japanese but were not fit to cope with the fresh army which -was burning with zeal to avenge their starving compatriots. So it was -that Gen. Yang Ho was compelled to raise the siege and fall back toward -Seoul. During this siege the Chinese loss was fourteen hundred, though -many thousands were wounded. - -From this time date the first efforts of the Roman Catholic Church to -enter Korea. Japan had already many thousands of converts to Romanism -and Hideyoshi was determined to leave no means untried to eradicate the -foreign cult. To this end he sent many of the Catholic converts to -Korea. But the most distinguished of them all was the young and vigorous -Gen. Konishi who had received baptism at the hands of the Catholics and -had received the name of Augustine Arimandano. It may have been because -of Hideyoshi’s desire to get the Catholics out of the country that Gen. -Konishi was appointed to the post in Korea. Kato was as pronounced a -Buddhist as Konishi was a Christian and this of course intensified the -hatred and rivalry between them. Gen. Konishi was desirous of having -Catholic teachers come over to the peninsula and attend to the spiritual -needs of the Christians in the army; and to this end the Vice-provincial -of the Jesuits in Japan appointed Padre Gregoris de Cespedes to this -arduous and important post. With him went a Japanese priest. The two -first went to Tsushima and finding no means of getting to the peninsula -remained there over the winter and carried on a successful mission work. -The next spring they made their way to Korea and finally reached Gen. -Konishi’s headquarters at a place that the Japanese call Comangai, which -was without doubt the fort of Ul-san. Here they worked a year but -finally, through the machinations of Gen. Kato, who worked upon the -prejudices of Hideyoshi, both the foreign and native priests were sent -back to Japan, and this had no little to do with the return of Gen. -Konishi, who went to clear himself before his master. - -To anticipate a little, we might here say that many Koreans who were -carried captive to Japan from time to time during this war, became -Christians at Nagasaki and though slaves were so firm in their belief as -to be willing to suffer martyrdom during the terrible persecutions which -raged in Japan between 1610 and 1630, but with the departure of Cespedes -from Korea the distinctive work in Korea was abandoned. - -Let us pause a moment here to compare the two contending armies. In this -second invasion the total number of Japanese that reached Korean soil -was 105,400, or about half as many as formed the first army of invasion. -They were led by twenty-seven generals, prominent among whom were Kato -and Konishi. As a mark of his spiteful spirit, Hideyoshi ordered that in -this second invasion the noses and ears of all Koreans killed or -captured should be cut off and sent to Japan. And so from time to time -these half-savage soldiers sent loads of Korean noses and ears, pickled -in salt, and they were buried in the monastery of Ta-bul-sa in the city -of Kyoto, there to remain to all ages a disgusting memento of the most -unprovoked and wanton cruelty that ever disgraced the annals of a great -people. Many of the Koreans who lost their noses or ears at that time -survived many years, and it cannot be wondered at that the Koreans have -never since cared to accept favors at the hands of their island -neighbors. - -The total number of Chinese was 210,000. With them came 2,000,000 ounces -of silver to pay for their sustenance. From Shantung were sent by boat -200,000 bags of rice. There were also sent for the relief of the army -5,832,000 ounces of silver. And for the relief of the Korean famine -sufferers an additional 3,000,000 ounces were sent. When we consider the -vast number of men and the millions of wealth that China poured into -Korea at this time it may well be believed, as the Koreans affirm, that -China, by so doing, impoverished herself so that she became an easier -prey to the Manchus who, a few years later, wrested the scepter from -her. - -Large numbers of Japanese who had been in the country for years and were -tired of the war deserted from the ranks, married Korean women and -settled down to farming in various places in the south. At Mi-ryang in -the Province of Kyŭng-sang there was a whole settlement of them. It was -called the Hang-wă or “Settlement of the Surrendered Japanese.” Some of -them were also to be found in Ham-gyŭng and P‘yŭng-an Provinces. These -had been left behind and abandoned by their fellows for one cause or -another when the Japanese retired from the north. They were all destined -to be destroyed a quarter of a century later during the rebellion of Yi -Kwal. - -About this time there arose in the Chinese court a determined enemy of -Gen. Yang Ho named Chŭng Eung-t‘ă who accused Gen. Yang to the Emperor -in twenty-five specifications, five of which implicated the king of -Korea and which at a later date caused a deal of trouble. - -We now enter upon a new phase of the war, the closing epoch. In the -first moon of the following year, 1598, the Emperor sent two admirals to -Korea, the one being Tong Il-wun and the other Chil Lin. The former was -to have charge of the naval operations off the coast of Chŭl-la and the -other of those off Kyŭng-sang Province. Chil Lin, under the title of -Great Admiral came up the Han River with 500 boats as far as Tong-jak, -the first village above Yong-san. The king and the court went down and -reviewed this fleet and saw it start off to join Admiral Yi Sun-sin in -the south. This admiral, Chil Lin, was a good soldier but inordinately -vain. He would take no one’s advice, and it looked as if stormy times -were in store for the plain, blunt Admiral Yi. The king told Admiral -Chil Lin that he was not sure about Admiral Yi, and this of course had -its influence with the Chinese admiral. Admiral Yi was then at Ko-geum -Island off Chŭl-la Province. When he heard that Admiral Chil Lin was -coming he showed by his first act that he was as good a diplomat as -soldier. He may or may not have known what sort of man the Chinese -admiral was but he knew that in any case it would not do to antagonize -him, and he acted accordingly. He collected a great store of fish and -game and wine and went out to meet the approaching fleet. Returning with -the Chinese admiral he spread a great feast and the whole company got -splendidly drunk and vowed that Admiral Yi was a royal good fellow. -Admiral Chil Lin himself joined in the praise. Soon after this Admiral -Yi had the good luck to take two score of Japanese heads, but instead of -claiming the honor himself he handed them over to the Chinese admiral to -forward as his own trophies. This finished Admiral Yi’s conquest of -Admiral Chil Lin’s good graces. From this time on it was Gen. Yi who -suggested and planned and it was Admiral Chil Lin who assented and -reaped the praise. This course of conduct was a master-piece of genius -on the part of Admiral Yi, for by so doing he accomplished at least -three important things. In the first place he kept himself in his -position, which he would have lost had he antagonized the Chinaman. In -the second place he saved himself to his country at a time when she -could not have spared him. He was willing to forego the praise and let -others reap the commendation if only he might ward off the enemies of -his country. In the third place he made the Chinese seem successful and -so encouraged them and got out of them for Korea all that was to be -hoped. He was willing to seem to be toadying to Admiral Chil Lin when in -reality that gentleman was, to use a pregnant Korean phrase, “in his -sleeve.” Being always near the Chinese admiral he could always see to it -that no great blunders were made. At first the Chinese soldiery -committed great excesses among the people of the country, stealing their -valuables and otherwise injuring them. Admiral Yi quietly asked that the -discipline of the army be put in his hands and from that day on the -smallest irregularity was severely punished and the most perfect order -prevailed. This did not escape the eye of Admiral Chil Lin, and he wrote -to the king that Admiral Yi was a remarkable man and that the world did -not contain another soldier like him. One day as they sat in a -summer-house overlooking the sea a fleet of Japanese boats appeared in -the distance. Admiral Chil Lin was much excited and a little nervous but -Admiral Yi laughed and said, “Sit here and watch me give those fellows a -whipping.” He got out his boats and in an hour he had forty of the -enemy’s boats on fire and the rest fled. Admiral Chil Lin could not -praise him enough after this and declared that the universe did not -contain another man who could perform the feats that Admiral Yi -apparently found easy. - -In the seventh moon of this year the enemies of Gen. Yang Ho in Nanking -were successful and he was called from Korea, much to the regret of the -king who vainly sent an envoy to the Chinese court specially to plead -that the decree be not carried out. Gen. Yang had been the best of all -the generals that China had sent and his departure was a great loss to -Korea. When he went, the king and a large number of the people -accompanied him beyond the Peking Pass, and a stone tablet was raised -there in his honour. All of this of course made Gen. Yang’s enemies hate -the king as well, and so that official named Chung Eung-t’a fabricated -some astonishing stories about him. He claimed that while he had been in -Korea he had found a manuscript which proved that the king had received -investiture from Japan. He also charged the Koreans with showing -disloyalty to China by prefixing the word _ta_ (great) to the posthumous -titles of their kings. He also claimed that the first coming of the -Japanese was with a secret understanding with the king of Korea that -they would attack Liao-tung together. To these he added many minor -charges. The Emperor apparently believed these things and immediately -despatched an envoy, So Kwal-lan, to investigate the matter and report. -When the king was informed of these charges he was dumbfounded. All his -scrupulous care of the interests of his Chinese suzerain and the -extremes of hardship which he and his people had endured, rather than -grant the Japanese a free passage through Korea to strike China—all this -was thrown back upon him and his devotion was counted treachery. He left -his palace and took up his abode in a straw hut for one whole month as -penance for having been even suspected of such baseness. The whole -country was stirred to its depths by these unnatural and evidently -baseless charges. The king immediately sent his most trusted councillors -Yi Hang-bok and Yi Chung-gwi to Nanking with the following memorable -reply to the charges which had been preferred: - -“These charges which have been made against me are very grave and if -they are true I deserve death. In order to answer them I must repeat -them, even though it defile my mouth. In the first place the origin of -the Japanese is far in the eastern sea. The way thither by boat is -exceeding far. They are such barbarians that heaven has separated them -far from other men. They have always been bad neighbors, for they live -by piracy; they come like a flash and are gone as suddenly. Since the -time of the fall of the Koryŭ dynasty great uneasiness has prevailed in -Japan. Law has been in abeyance and bands of freebooters have been -allowed to devastate our southern shores until nothing but weeds and -briers grow there. The founder of our present dynasty drove them out for -a time but they grew bold again and continued their depredations. The -natives of Tsushima liked to come and trade with us and we permitted it -at their request; then Japanese from the more distant islands came in -flocks like birds. Our people never liked them, but we permitted the -trade, as it was mutually profitable. We gave them rice to eat and -treated them kindly. We built a house in Seoul for the reception of -their envoys. In the days of king Se-jong they asked us to send an envoy -to Japan and we did so, primarily to spy out the land and discover -whether the country was rich or poor, strong or weak. The envoy obtained -the information and we immediately reported the matter to China. We -could not well refuse to send an envoy to Japan, but it does not argue -relations of friendship, much less of intimacy. In the days of the -Emperor Chong-t’ong the Japanese started to ravage a certain part of the -Chinese coast and took Quelpart on the way, but we attacked and drove -them out and sent their leader alive to China to be dealt with. Also in -the time of King Chung-jong the Japanese attacked the China coast at -Yong P’a-bu. They killed the Chinese general and then made off, but we -caught them and sent them to the Chinese authorities. Since that time we -have twice prevented Japanese attacks on the China coast. Not once nor -twice have we received high commendation from the Chinese Emperor for -our firm loyalty. We have always used our wits and our strength in the -interests of China. This was the duty of a vassal and this we have done. -We let the Japanese live in the three harbors of Ch’e-p’o, Pu-san-p’o -and Yŭm-p’o but we prescribed limits of five or ten _li_ beyond which -they could not go. On the whole then is seems plain that the charge that -we called in the Japanese and asked them for troops must be a pure -fabrication. Again the book which Chung Eung-t’a claims to have found is -an actual book and is named the Ha-dong Keui-ryak. It was written by Sin -Suk-ju the envoy to Japan, on his return from that country, and it deals -with the laws and manners of the Japanese. It contains a map of Japan, a -genealogy and also the rules of etiquette to be observed toward the -Japanese envoy. This book our accuser seized upon as a sure sign of our -leaning toward Japan, and he twisted its meaning to correspond to his -theory. The Japanese have a different name for the year from that which -we use, and the writer of this book put the Chinese name beneath the -Japanese name as a sort of commentary, so that the reader could -understand what year was referred to. In a Japanese book one must put -the Japanese name of the year and if he wants to make plain the meaning -he must put the Chinese name underneath or in the margin. As to the -charge that we gave too high a title to our deceased kings we can only -say that we live beyond the sea and are ignorant and secluded. From the -days of Sil-la until now we have been accustomed to name our dead kings -in this way. The founder of the dynasty was scrupulously careful not to -overstep the recognized limits of his authority as a vassal of China and -we never for a moment have forgotten the gap which separates a vassal -king from his suzerain. The custom of giving these posthumous titles -dates from the days of Sil-la, so how could we be expected to know that -it was wrong, especially as it has never been called in question before? -If we are blamed for ignorance and boorishness we cry guilty, but if for -lack of loyalty, we humbly deny it. We have our calendar, our official -dress and writing all from China. This alone should speak for our -loyalty. The year before the beginning of the present war Hideyoshi -murdered his master and usurped his throne. Burning with a desire to -spring at the throat of China he sent us letters inviting us to join in -an invasion of that country. We sent his letter back with contumely. In -all this we advanced solely the interests of China. This is as clear as -day. When the invading army came it seemed as if all Japan had alighted -upon our shores. They covered our whole eight provinces and ravaged -them. They seized our three capitals and desecrated two royal tombs. -They burned our ancestral temple and other sacred places and then swept -northward to P’yŭng Yang. We were unable to hold them in check or save -our capital from their hands. We were driven to the verge of desperation -and were about to cross into the parent land to die. Is it conceivable -that if we had the least friendship for Hideyoshi we would have suffered -all this at his hands? If we look at nature do we find any analogy for -such a thing? If this charge is true why did our forces join with yours -in striking the invaders and why have we been hanging on their flanks -and harassing them for years? Let the Emperor know that there is a -reason why we have suffered this slander at the mouth of Chung Eung-t’a. -It is because we took Gen. Yang Ho’s part when Chung Eung-t’a desired -his recall from Korea in disgrace. Gen. Yang Ho was with us a long time -and he was a true friend of Korea. We all had the utmost confidence in -him and it was a great pity that so good a man should have met the -reward he did. It is a cause of poignant grief to us. We are a small -people and our destruction is a matter of small consequence, but for a -general of China to be treated in this manner is a serious matter. We -are an outside people and we have never had the pleasure of visiting the -Emperor’s court, and so there is no one to plead our cause for us, but -the Emperor will be able to judge our case without further plea. Chung -Eung-t’a has called me a traitor, and I would rather die than live with -such a charge upon me, even though it be untrue. Let the Emperor take -this letter and sit in judgment on the case and if it appears that I am -guilty let my head pay the penalty, but if not then let the Emperor -acquit me before the world and I shall again be able to endure the light -of day.” - -This letter is clear, logical and to the point, and it breathes a spirit -of self-respect which does credit to the king. It shows not a servile -dependence but a true self-respecting loyalty, and in the firm denial of -the charges and the final demand for condemnation or public acquital -there is the ring of genuine manhood which would do honor to any man in -any age. - -When the Emperor read this letter his judicial mind found in it the ring -of conscious rectitude and like the man he was he instantly acknowledged -his error. He ordered the letter to be printed by the thousands and tens -of thousands and scattered broadcast over his empire, for he apparently -felt it a personal honor to have so true and genuine a man for a vassal. -He answered the letter in the following terms: - -“I believed the words of slander spoken by that small man Chung -Eung-t‘a, and doubted in my mind as to the loyalty of the king of Korea. -I cannot now be oblivious to the unmerited sufferings of Gen. Yang Ho. -Chung Eung-t‘a is a radically bad man. I was on the brink of a -disastrous mistake. I will now deprive him of rank and make him one of -the common herd. Let him appear before me at once.” - -When Chung Eung-t‘a arrived in Nanking he was cut in two at the waist. - - - - - Chapter III. - -Japanese mix with Koreans.... Chinese and Korean advance.... Japanese - victory.... attempts at bribery.... Admiral Yi Sun sin’s last - fight.... a young Korean captive.... Hideyoshi poisoned.... his - character.... Japanese recalled.... a Korean teacher in Japan.... a - memorial temple.... party changes.... Japanese envoy.... posthumous - honors.... factional strife.... revenue.... envoy to Japan.... a - welcome heir.... negotiations with Japan.... a dark outlook.... - Chinese commissioner duped.... treaty with Japan.... reign of - terror.... the young prince murdered. - - -By this time the Japanese were becoming mixed with the Korean people -among whom and near whom their camps were placed. They were probably -good customers and the people doubtless felt that it was not their -business to fight them; so all up and down the coast for a distance of -three hundred miles the Japanese lived in their “holes” as the Koreans -called them, and in many cases they took wives from among the women of -the country and devoted themselves to farming, except at such times as -the Korean or Chinese forces came into their vicinity. There were three -Japanese military centers. One was at Ul-san on the eastern coast, held -by Konishi. In the west was Sun-ch‘ŭn in Chŭl-la Province where Kato had -his headquarters, while half way between these two in the town of -Sa-ch‘un on the Si-jin River a third station was held by Gen. Sok -Mang-ja. These three stations kept up regular communication with each -other, and in case of need rendered each other assistance. - -We now enter the last campaign of this eventful war. We are not informed -as to the numbers of the Japanese at this time but it probably fell -short of 100,000 men. The Chinese had assembled again in force at Seoul -and in the ninth moon of 1598 a grand move was made against the -invaders. The Chinese forces were led by Generals Hyöng Kă and Man -Se-dŭk. The whole army was divided into four grand army corps. Gen. Ma -Kwi led the eastern division southward to attack Ul-san. Under him were -eleven other generals and 24,000 men. - -The central division, of 13,000 men, was led by Gen. Tong Il-wŭn under -whom were eight other generals. The western division was led by Gen. Yu -Chung and six other generals with a force of 13,000 men. The admiral of -this campaign was Chil Lin who was already in the south with eight other -commanders handling 13,200 men. It is said that the entire expedition -numbered 142,700 men, but the above items sum up to less than half that -and we must conclude that there were something less than 100,000 men in -all. - -On the last day of the ninth moon, already well on toward winter, the -three divisions deployed before the walls of Ul-san. Kato had not been -idle all this time; after the terrible scenes of the last siege he had -made the best of preparations. He had accumulated an abundance of food, -increased the garrison, strengthened the defenses, and he could laugh at -any force that should try to sit out the winter before him. The Chinese -soon discovered this and turned aside to work that promised better -success. Gen. Tong Il-wŭn took a powerful force and advanced on Sa-chŭn, -the central station of the Japanese. It is probable that the garrison -here was smaller than those under either Kato or Konishi, for when its -commander saw the force that was brought to bear upon him he hastily -evacuated the place and crossed over to the island of Pom-neut and -fortified it. Gen. Tong was over-confident and pressed after him. The -Japanese craftily drew him on and on until his force was immediately -under the wall, when a mine was exploded which, though it killed but a -few hundred men, threw the whole attacking body into such confusion that -the Japanese rushed out and found them an easy prey. The Chinese lay in -heaps where they had been cut down. Gen. Tong barely escaped with his -life and fled to Sam-gă, being chased as far as the Nam-gang (river) -where the Japanese contented themselves with making way with 12,000 bags -of rice belonging to the Chinese commissariat. - -Gen. Yu Chung was commissioned to take a strong body of men and attack -the fortress at Sun-ch‘ŭn in Chŭl-la Province. Arriving at the -neighboring village of Wă-gyo he determined to overcome the old veteran -Kato by treachery. He sent to that general a proposition to make peace. -Kato was now an old man and the war in Korea was bringing him neither -fame nor advancement, so he was ready to give up the contest, now that -it had been demonstrated that the Japanese arms could not penetrate the -north. He gladly assented and sent Gen. Yu a present of two handsome -swords. It was agreed that they should meet at a certain point, -accompanied by only 3000 men each; but Gen. Yu secretly placed an ambush -in such wise that when the Japanese force should come out it could be -cut off from return to the fort. A whistle was to be sounded as a signal -when the Japanese came out. But Kato was too old a bird to be caught by -such a child’s trick. He had seen two or three of the Chinese lurking -about in the vicinity of the gate and so delayed his coming out. By -mistake the signal was given and the Chinese ambuscade rushed out only -to become an object of ridicule to the Japanese. But even as it was some -eighty or ninety Japanese stragglers were cut off and taken by the -Chinese. Gen. Yu then surrounded the stronghold and at the same time -sent an urgent letter to Admiral Chil Lin to come that very night and -join in an attack on the Japanese. The admiral obeyed the summons and -hurried up with his fleet. Not knowing about the tides and supposing -that the shouts that he heard were the shouts of battle, he sailed -straight up under the walls of the fortress. But he found that there was -no fight on for Gen. Yu had failed to connect, and the ebbing tide left -the astonished Admiral high and dry on the mud flats under the very -noses of the enemy. In the morning the Japanese trooped out and burned -forty-eight of the stranded ships and killed most of the men. Admiral -Chil escaped in the early morning by boat and hurried to the camp of his -tardy compatriot, Gen. Yu. In a rage he tore down with his own hands -that general’s flag and rent it in pieces, meanwhile heaping upon him -every species of abuse for having gotten him into such a plight. Gen. Yu -was exceedingly ashamed and his face, they say, was “the color of dirt.” -He beat upon his breast and acknowledged that he deserved death. So Chil -Lin went back to his decimated camp to nurse his wrath. - -But Gen. Yu knew that Kato really desired to put an end to the war, and -so he sent another messenger saying, “This time I really mean peace. If -you will take all your forces and depart I will give you a clear path to -escape. Our army numbers 140,000 men and you cannot hope to face that -number.” To this proposition Kato assented and began immediately to -embark his soldiers to send them back to Japan. But as it happened they -had to pass the position of Admiral Chil Lin who naturally sallied out -and gave fight, sinking or burning a dozen or more of Kato’s boats. The -rest put back in haste to the starting place and Kato blamed Gen. Yu for -having deceived him; but the latter claimed that he had merely forgotten -to inform Admiral Chil Lin of the agreement and that he would do so. At -the same time he advised Kato to send Admiral Chil a slight testimonial -of regard, which he did in the shape of a hundred ounces of silver and -forty-five swords. So Admiral Chil acquiesced. Again the Japanese fleet -set out and succeeded in getting by Admiral Chil Lin’s place; but they -had not reckoned upon Admiral Yi Sun-sin and his faithful warriors. Kato -was again obliged to turn back and go to work to bribe that doughty -leader. He sent him guns and swords in large numbers but the old -gentleman remarked that as for weapons he was already pretty well -supplied, and sent them back. He was then approached with an offer of -1,000 ounces of silver if he would wink at Kato’s passage. This he -likewise refused. - -The Japanese were all embarked and it was determined to try and slip by -the terrible Admiral in the gray of morning; but he was well aware of -the intentions of the enemy, and before break of day he massed all the -ships at his command and came down upon the Japanese fleet as it lay at -anchor before the fortress of Sun-ch’ŭn. As he approached he is said to -have uttered the following prayer to his gods: “To-day I am to die. Give -me but one more victory over these Japanese and I shall die content.” He -well knew that he had enemies at court who would eventually secure his -downfall and so he determined to make an end in one last desperate -struggle. The fight was short and fierce and when the morning breeze -swept the smoke of battle away it disclosed fifty of the Japanese boats -in flames and the water filled with struggling forms. The old veteran -had taken upwards of two thousand heads in that brief time. But Gen. -Kato had slipped away in a small boat and made his escape. The work -however was only begun. The sea was covered with boats frantically -endeavoring to escape from the dreaded arm of the merciless Admiral Yi. -The good work went on and every hour added to the score that Admiral Yi -had sworn to made before the night should fall. Notice reached him that -a fresh Japanese fleet had come and was attacking Admiral Chil Lin’s -fleet. Hurrying thither he found that it was indeed true. He now changed -his tactics and without coming to a hand to hand fight he circled round -and round the Japanese fleet driving them closer and closer together. -When all was ready he began playing upon them with a new machine of his -own manufacture called the pun-t’ong or “spraying tube.” What this was -we can not exactly discover, but in a short time it sufficed to set the -Japanese fleet on fire. A wind sprang up and fanned the flame and ere -long the Japanese fleet was one mass of fire. Hundreds of boats were -consumed with all their occupants. After seeing this well under way -Admiral Yi turned his attention to the fugitive craft that were striving -to make their escape. Standing in the prow of his boat in an exposed -position he urged on the chase. While he stood in the midst of one of -the grandest victories of the war, he was pierced by a bullet. They -caught him as he fell, and his last words were, “Do not let the rest -know that I am dead, for it will spoil the fight.” Then he expired—the -man who may well be called the NELSON of Korea. - -Yi Wan, the nephew of the fallen Admiral, still urged on the battle; but -the work was almost done. The fugitive boats became fewer and fewer. -Admiral Chil Lin happened to come near the boat of the dead admiral and -noticing that the sailors in it were quarrelling over some Japanese -heads he exclaimed, “The Admiral must be dead.” He entered the boat and -found it even so. Throwing himself three times at full length on the -deck he uttered this lament: “I thought that he would save me and still -live, but here he lies dead and there is no soldier now left in Korea.” - -We have now come to the end of actual hostilities in the peninsula but -we must cross to Japan and inquire into the immediate causes which led -to the final recall of all the Japanese troops. The Korean account of -these events is very remarkable and faith is to be put in it only -in-so-far as it is not directly antagonized by the Japanese account. For -events that transpired in Korea the Korean account must be taken as the -standard, but for events that transpired in Japan the Japanese account -must of course be accepted as the more trustworthy. The Korean account -is as follows. - -[Illustration: _THE FARRIER._] - -When the Japanese first invaded Korea, in the year 1592, it so happened -that a young Korean boy named Yang Pu-ha, a native of Tong-nă, became -attached to the Japanese army as a slave, and was eventually taken to -Tsushima. From there he made his way to the mainland of Japan and at -last reached the court of Hideyoshi. That observant man spied him out -and said, “Korean and Japanese boys resemble each other strongly. Take -this boy and teach him Japanese, and if he does not learn well cut off -his head.” With this incentive it would be strange if a less intelligent -boy than Yang Pu-ha would not learn rapidly. In the space of three -months he could converse creditably in Japanese, and Hideyoshi as reward -made him one of his body-servants. For some years the boy performed the -duties of this position, until at last the Chinaman Sim Yu-gyŭng -arrived. That official was kept practically in confinement at the court -of Hideyoshi. One day the Korean servant asked his master to be allowed -to see Sim Yu-gyŭng. Permission was granted and the young man found the -Chinese envoy in great perplexity, in fact in tears. This excited the -pity of the young man and he secured the release of the Chinaman, who -from that time was often called into the presence of Hideyoshi, with -whom he soon became on familiar terms. One day as he sat with the great -Taiko he took out a pill and swallowed it. He did the same on several -days in succession until at last the curiosity of Hideyoshi was excited -and he asked what it was. The Chinaman answered that it was an antidote -to indigestion and that by eating it the strength and vigor of the body -was preserved intact. Hideyoshi took one in his hand and eyed it -suspiciously. On one side of the pill was written the Chinese character -_so_ meaning “hot.” The Japanese deliberately took a knife and cut the -pill in two and handing half to Sim said, “You eat half and I will eat -half.” Its immediate effects were stimulating and pleasant but in the -end it proved a deadly poison for it slowly dried up the blood. Each day -Sim shared one with his captor but upon retiring to his room swallowed a -potion which entirely neutralized the effect of the poison. Before long -Hideyoshi’s hands began to grow hard and dry and one day when he -happened to cut his hand he was astonished to find that no blood -followed. He called for a moxa and applied it to his hand and yet no -blood came. Then he laughed aloud and cried, “I am a dead man. When I -cease to breathe take out my bowels and sew my body up again with -horse-hair; and then preserve my body in wine and do not let the -outsiders know that I am dead.” He wanted to have the fact concealed for -he feared it would have a dispiriting effect upon the troops in Korea. -Shortly after this he died and his orders were minutely carried out. For -two months no one outside the palace knew of his decease, but at last -the stench became so great that they confessed that the great Hideyoshi -had passed away. Such is the Korean story. - -The Koreans sum up his character as follows: He was a crafty and cunning -man, and by his talk, now sharp, now suave, now sarcastic, now bullying, -he managed to sway the minds of all who came near him. He managed all -his generals like puppets. He liked to take boys and girls under his -patronage and see them grow up together and marry them to each other and -thus have them completely under his control. His two most powerful -generals were Whi Wŭn and Ka Kang. They hated him and would have been -glad of an opportunity to overthrow him, but it was out of the question. -He knew them well, and for fear they might combine against him he made -one of them governor of the east and the other of the west and ordered -them to keep watch of each other. By thus pitting them against each -other he made himself safe. He loved intrigue and diplomacy and had a -most restless temperament. He was ever on the lookout for some kind of -excitement. Gen. Ka Kang was with him when he died, and, fearing lest -rebellion should break out, he filled the body with salt and so -preserved it. He made a wooden form which would hold the body stiff in a -sitting position and placing it in a place where the light was not very -bright with the eyes wide open, the people saw him sitting there day -after day and supposed of course he was alive. It was in the eighth moon -when the odor was so strong that the truth could no longer be concealed. -Thereupon Gen. Ka Kang took the son of Hideyoshi and made him Shogun. He -then threw into prison the wives and children of Generals Kato and -Konishi and sent a messenger ordering them to collect all their troops -and return immediately to Japan. The order was obeyed willingly and all -that was left of the Japanese army of invasion set sail from Fusan, and -the great invasion was a thing of the past. - -The Korean annalists say that when the invasion began the Japanese arms -were far superior to those of Korea; also that the Japanese displayed -tiger skins, pheasant feathers, gilded masks and plumes; all which -glitter and show terrified the Koreans. Thus at first the Japanese had -an easy victory, but toward the last it was not so. The Koreans had -improved their arms and had learned not to fear the grand rush of the -Japanese in their hideous masks which made them look more like demons -than men. - -At the time of the second invasion a Korean named Kang Han was caught -and sent to Japan and, being unable to escape, he set to work learning -Japanese. He became a teacher of Chinese and had a large following of -students who treated him very well and supported him in comfortable -style. At the end of the war they clubbed together and bought a boat -into which they put this man with all his goods and sent him back to -Korea. On his return he wrote a book entitled Kang yang-rok or “Relation -of Adventures among Sheep,” a sarcastic pleasantry. - -The Chinese arms in Korea did not move till the following spring, and -then the king sent to the Emperor asking that Generals Man Se-dok, Ta -Cham and Yi Sung-hun be allowed to remain in Korea for a time until -things should become thoroughly settled. - -In the early centuries of the Christian era there was a celebrated -Chinese general named Kwan U. He was of gigantic size and had a fiery -red face, rode a powerful red horse, could walk a thousand li a day (!) -and carried a sword that weighed 800 pounds (!!). It is said that while -the Japanese were occupying Seoul the spirit of this great man appeared -repeatedly near the South and East Gates and struck terror to the hearts -of the Japanese. Now, as the Chinese generals were about to leave for -China, Admiral Chil Lin built a shrine to this same Kwan U outside the -South Gate. In the thirty-third year of King Sun-jo, namely 1600 A. D., -the Emperor sent four million cash to build a temple to this Kwan U and -the present temple outside the South Gate was erected. The Emperor at -the same time ordered another to be built by the Koreans outside the -East Gate, and it was done. The two temples are exactly alike. When the -king asked the Emperor to name the temple he said “Call it the -Hyöng-nyung-so dok-kwan-gong” which means “The great and bright -appearance of the spirit of Kwan.” The king also built shrines to him in -Song-ju and An-dong of Kyŭng-sang Province, and at Nam-wŭn in Chŭl-la -Province. - -We have already seen that factious fights had been a great cause of -weakness all through the years of the invasion, and from this time on -party strife was destined to grow more and more fierce and determined -until it brought the country to the very verge of anarchy a century -later. We must note here briefly the changes which had taken place in -the parties. We will remember that at first there were two parties, the -Tong-in and the Sŭ-in. During the war the court favorite was Yu -Sŭng-nyŭng who gave office to so many men from Kyŭng-sang Province that -the name of Nam-in or “South Men” sprang up and a party by that name -quickly became organized, but their opponents in order to preserve the -political equilibrium instantly seized upon the name Puk-in or “North -Men.” At the close of the war the leader of the opposition, namely of -the Puk-in, memorialized the king against Yu Sŭng-nyŭng the favorite, -charging him with having desired to make peace with the Japanese, -contrary to the honor of the country. The king listened to this and -banished Yu, but his supporters turned the tables by a counter-memorial -in which the charges were more than answered and Yu was restored to all -his honors. With the rise of the Nam-in and Puk-in parties the old party -lines of the Tong-in and Sŭ-in had not been broken up or lost. During -the latter years of the invasion the Nam-in party lost its powerful grip -and the Puk-in were often in power, but from the end of the invasion -until far into the following reign the Tong-in held the power, and after -that for a period of fifty years the Sŭ-in had control of affairs. It -may be asked what principles underlay these parties, what settled -policies they had that differentiated them either in domestic or foreign -matters. We answer that the various parties had but one plank in their -platforms, one settled plan of action, and that was to get the ear of -the king and seize upon the office-making power and put in every -position one’s own partisans. It was the spoils system sublimated, for -there was absolutely no admixture of any other element. - -Now that the war was over the Japanese on Tsushima desired to open again -commercial relations with Korea, which had always been mutually -profitable; and so in the following year, 1601, an envoy, Kuroda, came -from that island bringing with him three hundred men and women who had -been carried away captive during the war. This envoy asked that there -might be reciprocity of trade. The king referred the matter to Nanking -and the reply seems to have been in the affirmative, for we find that -soon after this an envoy was sent over to Tsushima with credentials; but -after all the Japanese petition was not at this time granted. At the -same time the Emperor gave orders for the return to China of all the -remaining troops, but at the earnest request of the king 8000 men were -left to help guard the southern provinces. Posthumous honors were heaped -upon Admiral Yi Sun-sin who had been the very salvation of Korea, but -who had sought death in battle, knowing that if he lived his detractors -would drag him down. Yi Hang-bok and eighty-five others received high -commendation and additional honors also. The year ended with the -unsuccessful attempt of an insurrectionary party in the south which was -nipped in the bud, the ring-leader being forwarded to Seoul to be -beheaded. - -An unscrupulous man named Yu Yong-gyŭng was the court favorite at this -time and upon him devolved the task of appointing and dismissing -officials; consequently he was the recipient of countless presents, and -on one occasion two men to whom he had sold the same office met at his -gate and quarrelled over the matter, to the scandal of the court. The -state of affairs at the capital was anything but satisfactory, the -reason being that the strife of parties rendered honesty and fairness -impossible. It was a constant fight to gain the king’s ear and, having -gained it, to turn out all enemies and put in personal adherents. About -this time a remeasurement of all the arable land of the country was -ordered and it was discovered that the total revenue of the country was -1,515,500 _kyul_ of rice, each _kyul_ being about 120 pecks of rice, or -over two hundred pounds. It also included 300,000 bags of other grains. - -In the year 1605 the Japanese again asked that a treaty be made and that -Korea send an envoy to the Japanese court. The king complied and sent -the same monk, Yu Chung, ordering him to look carefully into the matter -of the military strength of the Island Empire and the distance by boat. -He returned the following year bringing with him, it is said, three -thousand Koreans who had been taken to Japan from time to time during -the invasion. The Korean accounts tell us nothing of the booty that the -Japanese carried away to Japan during the war, nor of the transportation -of Korean artisans and their employment in Japan in teaching the making -of pottery and other works of use and art, but we may well believe the -Japanese reports, that assert that immense amounts of treasure were -carried away and that the making of the beautiful Satsuma ware was an -outcome of the teaching of Korean artisans. - -This year was also signalized by a fierce conflict between the savage -tribe of Hol-cha-on, north of the Tu-man River, and the government -troops under Gen. Song U-gil. The latter crossed the river by night and -attacked the main settlement of the tribe and utterly destroyed it, and -effectually broke up the tribe. Great quantities of goods which had been -stolen from the border settlements were also recovered. - -We are now on the threshold of events which led up to a very painful -period in Korean history. It will be remembered that the king had no -heir by the queen and had therefore nominated to the throne his heir by -a concubine, the Prince Kwang-hŭ. This was a man of violent temper, bad -instincts, corrupt, selfish, careless of the pubic good. When therefore -the king, in the fortieth year of his reign, was presented with a son by -his queen, his delight was as great as was the chagrin of the heir -apparent. According to law it was impossible to set aside the man -already nominated, but now that the king finally got the boy he had been -looking for so long, his feelings got the better of his judgment and he -was bent upon having the child receive all the honors due to the future -wearer of the crown. So he sent out the order that officials should come -to the palace, and do obeisance as when an heir to the throne is born. -This was the most impolitic thing he could have done, for it aroused all -the hatred there was in the Prince Kwang-hŭ, who had for so many years -looked upon his eventual occupancy of the throne as fully assured, and -who saw in these demonstrations of affection on the part of the king a -latent desire to change the decree which had already gone forth. If the -king really desired to set aside that decree he should have sent to -Nanking and had the Emperor do it, but it was not so to be, and the -infant boy entered the world with one deadly enemy ranged against him, -whose first act would be to put him out of the way. Nor was it the boy -alone who gained the hatred of this prince. The queen herself became the -object of his special hatred, and the official who sent forth the order -that honor should be done to the infant. - -The Japanese kept urging their point, that relations of mutual benefit -be resumed, and kept protesting their good intentions toward Korea. The -king had just received an envoy bringing gifts and a congratulatory -letter from the king of the Liu Kiu Islands, in which grave doubts were -cast upon the intentions of the Japanese, and an offer of assistance was -made in case of another invasion. But the king seems not to have put -faith in these doubts, and replied, to the reiterated request of the -Japanese, that an envoy would be sent to Japan, when the men who -desecrated the royal graves beyond the Han River should be sent to the -Korean Capital for punishment. The Japanese went home, but returned late -in the fall bringing two men bound, whom they delivered over as being -the ones demanded. But these were mere boys who themselves urged the -fact that they were still babes in arms when the deeds of which they -were charged had been committed. The Prime Minister urged the king to -send them back to Japan, but the favorite, Yu, persuaded the king to -have them beheaded, after which Yö U-gil, Kyong Sŭn and Chung Ho-gwan -were sent as an embassy to Japan. Meanwhile Iyeyasu in Japan had deposed -the son of Hideyoshi and usurped his place. So when the embassy arrived -in Japan they were received with the utmost coldness, and the usurper -said, “Who asked that envoys might be exchanged between Japan and Korea? -But now that you are here we will receive you.” The treatment that they -received was bad almost beyond description. As a sample of the way the -Japanese baited them it is related that the Japanese brought a dish -filled with ordure sprinkled with something the color of gold-dust, and -when the Koreans innocently put their hands in the dish, supposing that -it was some form of food, the Japanese had a good laugh at their -expense. The Koreans did not appreciate this sort of practical joke, and -forthwith returned to Korea. - -Late in the autumn the aged king was taken sick and all knew that the -end was near. The conditions were not propitious. The young prince was -only two years old and Prince Kwang-hă was fierce in his resentments and -jealous of anyone who should attempt to block his path to the throne. -The people were in a very uneasy frame of mind. The king had gone either -too far or not far enough in the advocacy of the infant prince, and now -he felt that he was leaving the child to the tender mercies of a -relentless enemy. He therefore called in the Prime Minister and said, -“Everything looks dark ahead and I am dying. I suppose the Prince -Kwang-hă must become king?” But the Prime Minister dared not answer the -question as the king wanted it answered, and hung back. By so doing he -sealed his own fate. There were only two things for him to do, either to -boldly advocate the claims of the child or else boldly advocate those of -Prince Kwang-hă. By doing neither he made an enemy of the one and -spoiled the chances of the other, and thus signed his own death warrant. -As it happened, Prince Kwang-hŭ had an elder brother, but why he had not -been nominated to the throne we are not told. This prince, named Im-hŭ, -was now induced to make the attempt to wrest the reins of power from his -brother so as to save the people from what they feared at the hands of -Prince Kwang-hă, but the latter got wind of the plot and the elder -prince was summarily banished, together with all his coadjutors. - -So matters went on until one day in early spring of the following year, -1608, when a servant came from the king’s private rooms saying that he -was dying. All the officials assembled at the palace. It is said that -Prince Kwang-hă had become impatient at the tenacity of life shown by -the aged king and had assisted nature in taking him off, but this, we -may surmise, is rather a general deduction from the character of the man -than a proved charge, and this prince has so much else to answer for -that we may well give him the benefit of the doubt and conclude that the -king reached his end by natural causes alone. The assembled noblemen sat -in the room adjoining the one in which the king lay dying. Presently a -eunuch brought out a note which read thus, “When I am dead let Prince -Kwang-hă be kind to the infant boy.” When the ministers had read it they -sent it to the prince. Soon another note came from the sick room, “To -the seven ministers of state; I am dying. I have but one cause of -anxiety; the boy is young and I shall not be here to see him come to -manhood. Let him be tenderly cared for.” This was the end. The king -turned to the wall and expired. - -Upon hearing the welcome news the Prince Kwang-hă hastened to assume the -position he had coveted so long. His first act was to send the Prime -Minister Yu Yöng-gyŭng into banishment. Then he sent an embassy to China -to announce his accession to the throne. The Emperor replied, “Why is -not the elder son, Prince Im-hă, made king?” and sent a commission to -inquire into the matter. Prince Im was brought from Kyo-dong Island to -which place he had been banished. One of the creatures of the newly -crowned king advised that the head only of Prince Im be brought, but the -aged Yi Hang-bok opposed it so strongly that the king dare not follow -his inclination; but when Prince Im was brought he was “made up” for the -occasion. He was unkempt and filthy, his clothes were in rags and the -very sight of him decided the unsuspicious commissioner and he ordered -the wretched man to be sent back to his place of banishment at once. For -fear of further complications and to satisfy his vengeful nature, the -king sent a secret messenger to the prefect of Kyo-dong and had Prince -Im poisoned in prison. He next proceeded to kill the banished Prime -Minister, and then had his body brought to the center of the capital and -cut in half lengthwise. - -The Japanese had for several years been pressing for the resumption of -the old-time relations, half diplomatic and half commercial, which had -been carried on through the southern port of Fusan. Now in the first -year of the reign of Kwang-hă, consent was gained and Yi Chi-wan for -Korea and Gensho and Yoshinao for Japan met and worked out a plan for a -treaty. The Japanese insisted that all three of the ports which had -formerly been open should again be opened, but this was peremptorily -refused and only Fusan was opened. The number of boats that could come -annually was reduced to twenty. Great diplomatic agents from the Shogun -were allowed to stay in Korea one hundred and ten days. The agents from -any daimyo of Japan could stay eighty-five days and special agents could -stay fifty-five days. The strictness with which the Koreans bound down -the Japanese as to number of ships and men and length of stay, and the -refusal to open three ports, show that Korea was doing this all more as -a favor than by demand, and history shows that at any time she felt at -liberty to withdraw support from them. The amount of rice and other food -that Korea granted was hardly more than enough to support the embassy -when it came. - -It will be remembered that the king was the son of a concubine and not -of the queen. He now went to work to depose the queen and set up his -mother, though now dead, as real queen. He gave his mother the -posthumous title of Kong-söng Wang-ho and sent the deposed queen into -semi-banishment to the Myŭng-ye Palace in Chong-dong, where the king now -resides. This act was looked upon as utterly unfilial and godless by the -officials, and they almost unanimously censured his harsh treatment of -this woman. - -The next three years were spent in killing off all who had been -specially favored under the last king, excepting the venerable Yi -Hang-bok, who stood so high in the esteem of the people that even the -wicked king did not dare to lay hands upon him. One method of getting -rid of objectionable people was to promise release to some criminal if -he would swear that he had heard the men conspiring against the king; -but the king’s thirst for blood could not be quenched so long as the -young prince was living. The latter was now six or seven years old. No -one dared to make a move against him openly, but the officials knew that -if they wanted to become favorites with the king it could be done only -by suggesting some plan whereby the boy could be killed without bringing -on a general insurrection. It was accomplished as follows. Pak Eung-sŭ, -a well-known resident of Yŭ-ju became a highwayman. He was captured and -taken to Seoul for trial. After he had been condemned, Yi I-ch‘ŭm the -court favorite sent to him in prison and said, “You are to die -to-morrow, but if you will declare that you and several other men have -conspired to depose the king and place the young prince on the throne -you will not only be released but rewarded as well.” When therefore the -king received the written confession of the wretch he feigned surprise -but instantly caught and executed the principals named. His satellites -also urged that he must kill the young prince and his mother, for they -must surely be privy to the plot. And her father too must be beheaded. -The king did not dare to go to these lengths all at once, but he began -by beheading the queen’s father, and banishing the boy to Kang-wha. When -the men came to take him he hid beneath his mother’s skirt but the -brutal captors pushed her over and dragged the lad away. These acts -enraged the people almost beyond endurance and memorials poured in upon -the king from people who preferred death itself to permitting such acts -to go unchallenged. The king however answered them one and all by -killing the writers or stripping them of rank and banishing them. - -As the boy had been separated from his mother and banished to Kang-wha, -he could be dealt with at pleasure. His death would remain unknown for a -time, and the matter would pass by unnoticed. So in the following year, -at the instigation of Yi I-ch’ŭm, the magistrate of Kang wha put the boy -in a small room, built a roaring fire under it and suffocated him, an -extreme of barbarity which the world can hardly parallel. The news soon -spread among the officials. Scores of memorials poured in upon the king -who answered them as before by banishment and death. - - - - - Chapter IV. - -The king insulted.... the “Mulberry Palace”.... plot against the Queen - Dowager.... her indictment.... she is degraded.... inception of the - Manchu power.... China summons Korea to her aid.... troops - despatched.... first battle with the Manchus.... Korean - treachery.... Koreans make friends with the Manchus.... the Manchu - court.... a Manchu letter to the king.... its answer.... Manchu - rejoinder.... message to Nanking.... Chinese refugees.... a Korean - renegade.... the Queen intercedes for China.... Chinese victory.... - Manchu cruelty.... offices sold.... plot against the king.... king - dethroned.... Queen Dowager reinstated.... reforms.... a thorough - cleaning out. - -With the opening of the year 1615 the king further revealed his hatred -of the deposed and degraded queen by publishing broadcast the statement -that she had gone to the grave of his mother and there, by practicing -sorcery against him, had tried to bring evil upon him. This also brought -out a loud protest from all honest men, and banishment followed. Even -the children on the street spoke insultingly of the tyrant saying that -he was afraid of the imps at the Myŭng-ye Palace, but had let his mother -stay there with them though he himself would not go near the place. The -king feared everyone that was honest and upright even though they had -nothing to say. His own cousin, Prince Neung-ch’ang, whose younger -brother afterward became king, was a perfectly peaceable and harmless -man, but the king feared him and could not rest satisfied until he had -gotten his satellites to accuse him of sedition and had suffocated him -in a heated chamber on Kyo-dong Island. About this time a monk, named -Seung-ji; gained the confidence of the superstitious king and induced -him to build the In-gyŭng Palace which is commonly known among -foreigners as the “Mulberry Palace.” To do this, thousands of the houses -of the common people were razed and heavy taxes were levied throughout -the country; and yet there was not enough money. So the king began to -sell the public offices. Some were paid for in gold, others in silver, -others in iron, and still others in wood, stone or salt. The people -derisively called it the _O-hăng_, referring to the “Five Rules of -Conduct” of the Confucian Code. The boys also made up a popular song -which ran as follows, “Did you give gold, or silver, or wood for yours?” -and they put the officials to shame by shouting it at them as they -passed along the street. - -Yi I-ch’ŭm, the favorite, could not rest until he had carried out his -master’s wish and had invented some way to destroy the degraded Queen. -Finding no other way to accomplish this, he at last descended to the -following trick. He instructed a man named Hŭ Kyun to write a letter to -the imprisoned queen purporting to be from some party in the country, -proposing a scheme for deposing the king. This letter was thrown over -the wall of the queen’s enclosure and there found by the servants of the -crafty plotter. The king was ready to believe anything against her and -this letter fanned his hatred into flame. Yi I-ch’ŭm followed it up by -joining with scores of others in memorials urging the king to put to -death the hated Queen Dowager. The Prime Minister, Keui Cha-hön, stood -in the way, however, and it became necessary to banish him to the far -north. In the eleventh moon the king finally decided to drive the woman -from Seoul, and made all the officials give their opinion about it in -writing. Nine hundred and thirty officials and a hundred and seventy of -the king’s relatives advised to do so, but the aged Yi Hang-bok with -eight others utterly refused their sanction of the iniquitous plan; and -so these nine men, the last of those upright men who had stood about the -late king, were sent into banishment. - -The year thus closed in gloom and the new one opened with a memorial -from the Prime Minister Ha Hyo-san enumerating ten charges against the -Queen Dowager: (1) that she had had the officials do obeisance to the -young prince although the successor to the throne had already been -appointed; (2) when the king was dying she asked him to set aside Prince -Kwang-hă in favor of the young prince; (3) she prevented, as long as -possible, the king from handing over the scepter to Prince Kwang-hă; (4) -she wrote the letters purporting to be from the dying king asking that -the young prince be carefully nurtured; (5) she instigated her father to -conspire against the king; (6) she sacrificed in the palace and prayed -for the death of Prince Kwang-hă; (7) she prayed for the same at the -grave of his mother; (8) she corresponded with outside parties with a -view to raising an insurrection; (9) she sent to the Emperor asking to -have Prince Kwang-ă set aside, (10) she sent to Japan asking that an -army be sent to overthrow the government. - -The king feigned to be very loath to believe all these charges and to -act upon them; he called heaven to witness that the very thought of it -was terrible to him and averred that he would rather be banished to some -distant shore than even to mention such a thing. But after a great deal -of urging he was prevailed upon, and said he could no longer be deaf to -the entreaties of his subjects and the welfare of the country. So he -took away her title of Tă-bi and decreed that she should be called -Sŭ-gung “West Palace,” and that she should receive no part of the -government revenue, that officials should no more do homage to her, that -her marriage certificate be burned and that all her wedding garments be -taken from her. He determined also that in the event of her death no one -should assume mourning, that her name should be inscribed in no -ancestral temple, and that she should be shut up in her own apartments -and strictly guarded. - -And now there appeared in the northwest a cloud which was destined to -overspread the whole of Korea, and China as well. Norach‘i was chief of -the Manchu tribes. He was from the wild tribe of Kön-ju which, as we -have seen, was broken up by a Korean military expedition. His -grandfather’s name was Kyu-sang and his father’s name was Hapsiri. These -had both been put to death by a Chinese general, A-t‘ă, and to the -unquenchable hatred caused by this must be ascribed the terrible -reprisals the young Norach‘i made on China, where his descendants occupy -the imperial throne to this day. At the time of his father’s death he -had fled eastward beyond the reach of China’s arm but gradually gaining -power he crept slowly westward again until he had a footing on the great -Manchu plains. But he was not yet ready to carry out his plans against -China, and when the Mongol, Hapuigeukosip, entered the great wall and -overthrew the Chinese general Yu Pu, Norach‘i caught him and sent his -head to Nanking. The Emperor was pleased at this and gave him the rank -of “Dragon Tiger General.” Having thus disarmed suspicion, the hardy -northman began gathering and training troops until there stood about him -10,000 skillful archers. Some years before this he had killed his -younger brother for fear of complications and now in the year of the -events of which we are writing he had overcome the three great Chinese -generals Yi Yong-bang, Chang Seung-yun and Yang Yö-gwi. The ruling -dynasty of the Ming in China became well aware of the gravity of the -situation and saw that it was necessary to square themselves for a -desperate fight with the great Manchu leader. The first act of the -Emperor was to send a summons to the King of Korea ordering him to send -generals and troops at once to join the Chinese forces against Norach‘i. -The king responded by sending a man to find out the exact state of -affairs, whether China was weak or strong and whether it would pay to -help her in the coming struggle. This was paying China back in kind for -her delay in sending aid when the Japanese invaded the peninsula, but -Korea was thoroughly loyal to the Ming power. She may be criticised in -many ways but there was never shown a deeper loyalty or devotion than -Korea showed the Mings during the years of struggle against the Manchus, -a devotion that always worked against her own selfish interests. - -The Chinese general Yang Ho sent back to the king and said, “When we ask -for aid do you merely send a spy to find out how matters stand? This war -is as much in your interests as ours, so you had best send an army at -once to form a junction with us in Liao-tung.” However little stomach -the king had for the war this appeal was too strong to be set aside. -Even this base king could not overlook the tremendous obligation under -which Korea lay on account of aid rendered by China against the -Japanese. He therefore appointed generals Kang Hong-rip and Kim Kyöng-sŭ -as first and second in command and under them three other generals, -Chŭng Ho-sŭ, Yi Chung-nam and Chŭng Eung-jŭng. These men were put in -command of 20,000 troops drawn from the five provinces of P‘yŭng-an, -Ham-gyŭng, Kyŭng-keui, Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng and Chul-la, and they were ordered -to the northern border. This was toward the close of the year, but -before its end the Chinese sent a messenger to hurry forward the Korean -troops, as it was intended to make a grand demonstration with the -opening of the new year. - -In the first month of 1619 the troops went forward to the seat of war. -It was in the middle of winter and most of the soldiers were going from -a comparatively warm climate into the rigors of a semi-arctic region. -The Chinese Gen. Yang Ho was advancing upon the Manchu position by four -different roads. The whole army rendezvoused at Sim-ha in Liao-tung not -far from the Korean border town of Eui-ju. The combined forces were led -by four generals, Yang Ho, Yu Chŭng, Kyo Il-geui and the Korean Kang -Hong-rip. Meeting a smallÖö body of five hundred Manchu troops they -drove them back into the hills with considerable slaughter, and fondly -supposed that all the Manchus could be put to flight as easily. In this -preliminary skirmish the Koreans took a leading part, and one general -was killed and another was wounded in the hand. The next day the whole -force advanced to a place called Pu-go. The right and left flanks of the -army were composed of Chinese and the center was held by Gen. Kang -Hong-rip with his Korean troops. Suddenly, almost without warning, ten -thousand Manchu horsemen swept down upon the right flank. The -impetuosity of the charge carried everything before it, and almost -instantly the whole right wing was thrown into confusion and took to -precipitate flight, in which both Gen. Yu Chŭng and Gen. Yang Ho were -killed. Then the Manchu chief Kwi Yŭng-ga with 30,000 men came across -the Ka-hap Pass and fell upon the left flank, and that too was routed in -short order. The center under Gen. Kang had not yet been attacked and -stood unmoved by, and not unlikely unconscious of, the terrible -destruction being meted out to their allies to the right and left. Now, -Gen. Kang had been instructed by the king to watch the turn of events -and if the Chinese could not hold their own to go over to the Manchus -and make friends with them. This indeed does not look much like loyalty -to China, but it must be remembered that we are dealing now not with the -Korean sentiment as a whole but with the wretch who occupied the throne -at the moment, and who had no more real loyalty toward China than he had -love for his own country. - -Gen. Kang followed his instructions and sent to the Manchu leader and -said, “We are not enemies. There is no cause for hostilities between us. -We have been forced into this unpleasant position against our wills. As -the Chinese showed us favors during the Japanese invasion we have had to -make some show of interest in order to reciprocate the favor, but as -things have turned out we should be glad to make friends with you.” - -The Manchu chieftain was willing enough to come to this agreement and so -the whole Korean contingent went over _en masse_ to the Manchus. Gen. -Yang was brought before Norach‘i to make his obeisance. That powerful -man was seated upon a throne, clothed in yellow silk, and on either side -were many young women with jewelled pendants in their ears. Gen. Kang -was told to stand some distance away and bow, but he said that in his -own country his rank was sufficiently high to warrant a nearer approach. -So he was led nearer. He then made only a slight genuflection. This did -not please the choleric Norach‘i and the general was compelled to make a -proper obeisance. Gen. Kim Kyöng-sŭ likewise went through this -humiliating ceremony. - -It appears that Gen. Kang had decided that it was to his interests to -join himself permanently to the Manchus, for when soon after this Gen. -Kim tried to despatch a letter to the king, giving a carefully detailed -account of the Manchus and their strength, the letter was intercepted by -Gen. Kang who gave it to Norach‘i and advised that Gen. Kim be killed. -This was immediately done. - -Three months later the Manchu chief sent a letter to the Korean king, -couched in the following terms, “I have seven causes for hating the Ming -dynasty and it is impossible for me to keep my hands off them. Now you -and I are not enemies. To be sure you have injured us more or less in -the past, but we will waive all that. It will be necessary for you -however to break off all connection with China and stop aiding her in -any way.” Gen. Kang also wrote at the same time saying, “The Manchus are -training all their youth to war, and soon they will have the whole of -Liao-tung.” When the king received these letters he referred them to the -governor of P’yŭng-an Province to answer. The answer ran as follows, -“For two hundred years both you and we have been the subjects of the -Ming power and now that trouble has arisen between you and the -authorities at Nanking it will be bad for you and us as well. China is -like a parent to us and how can we refuse to aid her? We cannot listen -to your demand and abstain from helping her. If you will make peace with -us and clearly define our boundaries and abstain from conquest, China -will not be only glad but will reward us both with gifts.” To this the -Manchu replied, “If you think that China will give presents you have -been grievously deceived by her. They are all liars and cheats and I -hate them. Put away this idea and stand shoulder to shoulder with us. We -must take an oath and sacrifice a white horse to heaven and a black -bullock to the earth. After that I will send back all your generals and -soldiers. Let there be no more weapons used between us, but only -horse-whips.” This latter refers to friendly intercourse by means of -horses. Gen. Kang also wrote, “Norach’i has taken Puk-kwan and Gen. Kim -T’ă-sŭk is dead. Păk Yang-go has surrendered. Norach’i has joined the -Mongol forces to his own and is advancing on Yo-gwang. His two sons -Mangoda and Hongtasi advise him to first seize Liao-tung. Every day -there are long debates to discuss whether it were better to strike -Liao-tung or Korea first. This is a secret but I am sure of what I say. -They are making great numbers of ladders and I am sure they are -intending to invade Korea first.” - -This letter troubled the King, for it interfered with his own personal -comfort. So he sent a swift messenger to Nanking begging the Emperor to -send a large force to “guard your eastern territory” which meant that -the king wanted China to stand between him and this Manchurian scourge. - -The relatives of Gen. Kang were kept informed by him of the state of -affairs in the north, and they sent large sums of money to Norach’i to -buy him off and prevent him from invading Korea; and it may be that it -was this, at least in part, that delayed it for some time. The king’s -messengers found the road to Nanking blocked by the Manchus and so had -to turn back. The king thereupon sent envoys one after another by boat, -but as the Koreans were poor sailors, they failed to land at the right -place and fell into the hands of the Manchus or were wrecked by storms. - -The Manchus now, in 1621, held the whole of Liao-tung and the Chinese -residents were fleeing in all directions. Thousands of them crossed into -Korea and many crossed over to the islands of Ok-kang and In-san near -the mouth of the Yalu River and there, huddled together in wretchedness -and want, bewailed their pitiable condition. - -The prefect of Eui-ju implored the king to forward troops to hold the -Manchus in check and the Chinese Gen. Wang wrote the king demanding a -contingent of Korean troops to oppose the wild horde that threatened the -Ming power. But the king was utterly incompetent, and all Seoul was in a -ferment. The king thought only of himself, and looked to it that a -comfortable place was arranged for him on the island of Kang-wha, in -case it should become necessary for him to leave Seoul. In the early -summer a Korean named Yi Yöng-bang, who had gone over to the Manchus -body and soul, and had become son-in-law to Norach’i, took a body of -Manchu cavalry, crossed over to the islands of Ok-kang and In-san and -massacred all the Chinese refugees he could lay hands on. This again -struck terror to the heart of the king, and it threw Seoul into a fever -of excitement. The king collected nine thousand troops from the southern -provinces and stationed them at Su-wŭn, but there was no one whom he -could appoint general-in-chief; so he had to recall from banishment Han -Chun-gyŭm and confer this honor upon him. Han Myŭng-yŭn was made second -in command. He was a man of low extraction but had acquired a certain -amount of fame in the Japanese invasion. - -In the following year, 1622, the Manchus entered China and were -everywhere victorious. They wanted to make a treaty with Korea, but the -king could decide neither one way nor the other. His envoys had not -reached China and he had no word from the Emperor. The queen -memorialized the king in the native script and said, “Those northern -savages want to make peace with us, not because of any feeling of -friendship for us but because they think they cannot handle China and -Korea both at once. So they do this to keep us quiet until they finish -with China. The king should make up his mind one way or the other and -act. Think of what the Chinese did for us during the late invasion! We -were on the very edge of destruction and they succored us. Both king and -people should be of one mind and hasten to send soldiers to oppose this -common enemy. Even if we do not succeed we shall have clear consciences, -for we shall know that we have done what we could to aid China in the -hour of her distress.” In the third moon a letter arrived from the -Manchu headquarters which read as follows, “You say that you are the -child and China is the parent. Well, I am now striking your parent, but -you seem not to be able to help her. There is no use in trying to do -so.” In answer to this grim pleasantry the craven king sent an envoy -with gifts to the Manchu camp, but the gifts and envoy were both spurned -with insults. - -The Chinese general Mo Mun-nyŭng fled from Liao-tung by boat and landed -at Yong-ch’ŭn in Korea. Finding there many Chinese fugitives, and among -them not a few soldiers, he organized a little army and marched against -the Manchus. In his first fight he was quite successful, coming from the -field with the head of the Manchu general, T’ung Yang-jöng. He then made -his headquarters at Ch’ŭl-san. With the approach of winter the Manchus -crossed the Ya-lu in force and he was outnumbered and had to flee. He -sent a letter to the king saying, “I am now here in your territory with -a small force, let us unite and drive back this Manchu horde.” But -nothing came of it. - -The Manchus were exceedingly cruel toward their captives. Having -collected a large number they made them sit down in rows and then the -Manchu braves went along the line and shot arrows into their victims. If -the wound was not instantly mortal the victim was compelled to pluck out -the arrow with his own hands and give it back to his executioner. - -Meanwhile Korea was going from bad to worse. For many years all official -positions had been sold to the highest bidder. Governors and generals -paid 30,000 cash, prefects 20,000 and clerks paid 3,000. No office could -be procured without an immediate cash payment. The price put upon the -office of Prime Minister was so great that for many years no one could -afford to take it, and so the place remained vacant, perhaps to the -benefit of the people. The king was ruled by a favorite concubine and -she made use of her power to enrich her relatives and those attached to -her. She and other concubines sent men to the country to peddle offices. -Half the money they kept themselves and the other half went to the -pockets of the concubines. Such was the desperate condition of affairs -when the year 1622 came in; and we must now record the downfall of this -wretched parody of a king. - -A man by the name of Yi Kwi had desired for a long time to find some way -of ridding the land of the desperate tyrant, and at last he found five -men who were willing to engage with him in the good cause. They were Sim -Kyöng-jin, Sim Keui-wŭn, Kim Cha-jŭm, Ch‘oe Myŭng-gil, Kim Nyu. After -thinking the matter over and discussing it, they decided that if their -plan succeeded they would put on the throne the grandson of Sŭn-jo -Tă-wang. Kim Nyu was made the leader in this plot. Collecting money they -fitted out a small but select body of soldiers and put Gen. Yi Heung-ip -at their head, and the day for the event was set. But one of the men -connected with the plot turned traitor and told the king the whole plan. -The conspirators learned of it immediately and decided to carry out -their program in spite of all. As it happened, the king was in a drunken -carouse at the time this interesting bit of information was given him -and he forgot all about it. That very night the band of conspirators met -at the appointed rendezvous beyond the Peking Pass. But there was -trouble, because some soldiers who were expected from Chang-dan had not -yet arrived; so a swift messenger was sent to find them. They were met -twenty _li_ out and hurried forward. Yi Kwal, with several other -generals, went to meet these troops beyond the pass and lead them into -the city. They found several hundred soldiers ready for the enterprise; -but a man named Chang Yu came in haste from the city and said, “The king -has been told. The government troops are coming out to seize us.” Yi Kwi -seized Yi Kwal by the hand and said, “Kim Nyu who was to lead us has not -arrived and you must be our leader.” So he consented. He gave each -soldier a piece of paper to fasten to the back of his collar so that -they would be able to recognize each other and not be thrown into -confusion. At the last moment Kim Nyu arrived and then there was a -quarrel between him and Yi Kwal as to the leadership; but as day was -about to dawn they let Kim Nyu take charge. - -Having heard that the government troops were coming out of the West Gate -they hastened around the mountain and entered the Northwest Gate. When -the government troops learned by the great noise and tumult in the city -that they had been outwitted, they returned only to find the -insurrectionary troops before the palace. They had cut their way through -the gates with axes and were setting fire to everything inside. As they -entered the king’s apartments he slipped out the back door and scaling -the back wall found refuge in a monk’s room. From that place he made his -way to the house of one An Kuk-sin where he secured a suit of mourner’s -clothes and then went to the house of a physician, Chöng Nam-su. This -man however informed the new government as to his whereabouts and he was -seized. This occurred in the year 1622. - -Prince Neung-yang, the nephew of the deposed king, was elevated to the -royal position and crowds of people came and bowed to him as he sat in -state before the palace. His posthumous title is In-jo Tă-wang. - -His first act was to send a chair to bring back the queen dowager, from -the Myŭng-ye Palace; but she, thinking that it might perhaps be a trick -on the part of the wicked king, refused to go. She said, “The king -himself must come and take me out.” So he came and showed her that the -good news was indeed true. She sat on the throne just as she had done in -the days of King Sŭn-jo, and when the new king came in he prostrated -himself before her and wept; but she said, “Do not weep; this is a day -of deliverance, and you should rather rejoice.” Then they brought in the -depraved and fallen creature who had tried to play at king but had made -a lamentable failure. The queen dowager exclaimed, “This arch-traitor -and bloody man has come, and he must be judged here and now or I cannot -leave this place. For ten years I have been imprisoned here. Day before -yesterday I dreamed that the aged king Sŭn-jo came and said, ‘In a few -days you will be delivered.’” The eunuchs brought the royal seals and -the insignia of royalty and gave them to the newly appointed king. He -banished the deposed king to Kang-wha and his son to Kyo-dong Island. He -then gave posthumous honors to Princes Im-hă, Neung-chang, Yŭn-heung, -Pu-wön and Yöng-ch‘ang whom the tyrant had caused to be murdered. He -also called the queen dowager’s mother from exile on the island of -Quelpart. - -He found the government in a profoundly wretched condition and he -forthwith began a systematic house-cleaning. He appointed new ministers -to the six departments and a proclamation was sent to the eight -provinces saying that every prefect who had bought his place should be -driven from office and that all the land that had been stolen from the -people should be returned to them; also that every prefectural clerk -should pay up the arrears of revenue which he had withheld from the -government. He drew up a company of soldiers at Chong-no, the center of -the city, and there executed the former favorite Yi I-ch‘ŭm and -seventeen other men who had aided and abetted the deposed king in his -monstrosities. Sixty more were banished to distant places where they -were confined in small enclosures surrounded with brier hedges, and -their food was handed them through small holes in the hedges. Pang Yŭp, -the governor of P‘yŭng-an Province, and two others in the country, were -executed by special messengers sent down to the country for the purpose. -This Pang Yŭp was a most desperate villain. As he had something of a -body-guard, resistance was anticipated, but the special messenger of -death managed to draw off the guard on some pretext or other and then -the work was done swiftly and surely. This governor was so detested by -the people that they cut his body into small pieces and each man carried -away a small piece “to remember him by.” - -The king made Yi Kwi General-in-chief, conferred upon his father the -title of Prince Chong-wŭn and upon his mother that of Pu-pu-in and gave -her a palace to live in where the government hospital now stands. He -drove out from the palace all vile women, all musical instruments, and -he burned at Chong-no the wooden semblance of a mountain which the -former king had caused to be made and which was always carried in his -procession. This “mountain” was covered with growing shrubs and -flowering plants. He made Gen. Chang Man commander of all the provincial -forces, with his headquarters at P’yŭng-yang. He beheaded the brother of -the deposed queen and also the prefect who had suffocated the young -prince at Kang-wha. Spies were sent throughout the country to ascertain -the actual state of affairs. - -This king was a deadly enemy of Buddhism, and he it was who ordered that -no monk should set foot inside the gates of Seoul. The law was -promulgated that whenever a common person entered the gates of Seoul he -must dismount from his horse. Sacrifices were offered by the king in -person at the tomb of Ki-ja and at the blood-marked stone at Song-do, -the spot where Chöng Mong-ju had been murdered when the dynasty was -founded. It was decreed that revenue should be collected to the extent -of a tithe of the grain, which was much less than before, but was -collected more regularly. We cannot but sympathize with the wife of the -son of the deposed king, who had been banished to Kyo-dong Island. She -followed him into exile and attempted to secure his escape by digging -with her own tender hands a tunnel seventy feet long. She had no other -implement than a piece of iron resembling a common fire-poker. At the -very moment of his escape the plot was discovered and the poor wife -hanged herself out of grief and disappointment. When the king heard of -this he ordered that honorable burial be given her remains and he put -the young man out of misery by administering poison. That same year the -deposed queen died and the king gave her the burial honors of a -princess. She had been a devoted Buddhist and had endowed many -monasteries with wooden or clay images. But she was not happy as queen -and prayed that when, according to the Buddhist doctrine, she should -take on another life it might not be that of a queen. - - - - - Chapter V. - -Yi Kwal’s grievance.... he raises an insurrection.... civil war.... - rebels victorious.... the king leaves Seoul.... the rebels enter the - capital.... fight outside the West Gate.... Yi Kwal flees.... and is - slain.... the king returns to Seoul.... a royal proclamation.... - tiled houses in P’yŭng-yang.... sons of concubines.... the Manchus - again.... an unsuccessful envoy.... death of Norach‘i.... Nam-han - completed.... the Manchus enter Korea.... efforts at resistance.... - fall of Anju.... the king retires to Kang-wha.... Manchu - conditions.... panic in Seoul.... an interesting game of chess.... - Korean hostage and tribute.... oath at the altar.... Koreans firm in - their loyalty to China.... the Manchus praise them.... Manchu - cruelties.... the Manchu garrisons.... opposed by the Koreans.... - sound argument.... Japanese assistance declined. - - -The story of Yi Kwal’s rebellion shows how great a matter a little fire -kindles. The king wished to honor in a special manner the men who had -been instrumental in putting him on the throne. Among them were two -especially deserving men, Kim Nyu and Yi Kwal. Kim was from a higher -family than Yi but was less deserving of praise in this affair. When all -knelt before the king and Yi Kwal found that he was given second place, -he was enraged and refused to kneel, but stood glaring about him. He was -pacified, but was still very sore at heart. He was given the position of -governor of P’yŭng-an where there was a considerable force of soldiers; -among them three hundred Japanese, who had become naturalized and who -where excellent swordsmen. With the opening of the new year Gen. Yi Kwi, -who knew the calibre of Yi Kwal, obtained the post of military -instructor at Song-do. This he sought that he might have an opportunity -to stand between the king and any treachery that Yi Kwal might attempt. -A courtier, Mun Whe, told the king that Yi Kwal was gathering an army -with bad intent, and the king hastily called a council. Kim Nyu did not -believe it possible that Yi Kwal should revolt, but Ch’oe Myŭng-gil -insisted that it was true, and in the high words that followed Kim Nyu -was charged with being privy to the plot. But the remark passed -unnoticed. We shall see however that Kim had little to do in putting -down the insurrection. Perhaps it was because of a lurking suspicion -that he might be implicated. A large number of men known to be intimate -with the disaffected general were arrested and thrown into prison. Two -executioners were sent to kill Han Myŭng-yŭn who was said to be in -league with Yi Kwal, and to catch Yi Kwal’s son. Arriving in P’yŭng-yang -the messengers went boldly into the presence of Yi Kwal and announced -their message. As Yi was already on the point of marching on Seoul he -answered by taking off the heads of the messengers. Hastily summoning -all the neighboring prefects he addressed them as follows: “The king is -surrounded by bad men and I propose to go up to Seoul and clean things -out a little.” Then putting in motion his 20,000 troops with the -Japanese swordsmen at their head, he marched toward the capital. The -whole country instantly burst into a flame of excitement. The king -appointed Gen. Yi Wŭn-ik to lead an army in defense of the capital, and -he put Yi Si-bal second in command. Yi Su-il became general of P’yŭng-an -Province, and the combined forces marched northward to block the rebel’s -path. Gen. Wan P’ung-gun fortified Song-do in preparation for an attack. -O Yong-su fortified the banks of the Im-jin River at the ferry. The -eight provinces were all requisitioned for troops. Kang Kak was placed -at Su-an with militia from Su-an and Sö-heung to check the advance of -the enemy. Gen. Chöng Ch’ung-sin who had been stationed at An-ju north -of P’yŭng-yang, together with other leaders, moved southward on the -rebellious city, to take Yi Kwal in the rear. Chang Man asked him what -he thought were the chances of Yi Kwal’s success, and he answered, “If -Yi Kwal goes straight to Seoul and the king stays there till he arrives -the result will be doubtful, but if he delays a while in Whang-hă -Province, or if the king retreats southward and Yi Kwal delays in Seoul -we will kill him like a dog.” - -Gen. Chang Man then called about him all the forces within reach, led by -fifteen captains and prefects. When he saw how small his army was -compared with that of Yi Kwal he despaired of doing anything, but -some-one said, “Many of those under Yi Kwal are not faithful to him. Let -us send and call out the loyal ones from among his army.” So they sent a -slave of Gen. Yi Yun-sŭ, who followed Yi Kwal, and told him to go and -bring his master out of the rebel ranks. They offered him a hundred -thousand cash but he refused it saying “I will go and save him from -rebellion if I can, and if I succeed it will be time enough to reward -me.” The slave entered the rebel ranks and that night the sentries heard -the voice of Gen. Yi Yun-sŭ calling aloud from outside the lines saying, -“I am going over to the side of the king.” Arriving at the camp of Chang -Man, the penitent general burst into tears at the thought of how near he -had come to being a traitor. Yi Kwal sent eight assassins to kill Chang -Man but they were caught and brought before their intended victim, who, -instead of punishing them, gave them a good dinner and sent them away. -Yi Kwal himself was so fearful of assassination that he not only slept -in a different tent each night but moved from one tent to another -several times during a single night. - -Gen. Chang Man started for Seoul, the advance guard being led by -Chöng-sin, the skirmish line by Pak Yöng-sŭ, the right and left flanks -by Yu Hyo-gŭl and Chang Tŭn, the sappers by Ch’o‘e, while the -commissariat was in charge of An Mong-yun. The whole force consisted of -1800 men. The first day was spent in getting the army across the Ta-dong -River. The next three days brought them to Whang-ju, where they fell in -with part of the rebel army. After a brisk skirmish, two companies of -cavalry were seen riding out from the rebel ranks as if to surrender, -but when they had come close to Gen. Chang Man’s forces they made a -sudden charge which threw the loyal forces into confusion and soon the -entire army was routed. Turning from this complete victory, Yi Kwal led -his forces to Su-an. It was his intention to approach Seoul by way of -Sak-wŭn but as the government had a strong force there he changed his -plan and came by Keui-rin which is an exceedingly rough road. Meanwhile -Gen. Chang Man had collected the scattered remnants of his army and -followed as far Sö-heung where he was joined by Gen. Yi Su-il and -together they proceeded southward to P‘yŭng-san. There they were joined -by 800 more troops. On the sixth of the moon Yi Kwal arrived at the -Cho-t‘an ford and found it guarded by a royal force under Yi Chung-ho -and Yi Tŭk-bu. Yi Kwal forced the passage and put the government troops -to flight, taking the heads of both the generals. A day or so later, -being met by more loyal troops, he sent them the two heads as warning. -They did not heed it and in the fight that followed their leaders too -lost their heads. - -Meanwhile interesting events were happening in Seoul. The king put to -death forty-nine men who were suspected of being privy to the plot, -though many of them were doubtless innocent. Yi Kwi begged him to spare -some of them, but he was obdurate. Gen. Yi Sö took 2,000 men and went to -the gate on the main road a few miles beyond Song-do and tried to hold -it against the insurgent army. Yi Kwal attacked at night and found -little difficulty in breaking through the barrier. But instead of -advancing on Song-do he made a circuit and thereby avoided both Song-do -and the force which was set to guard the passage of the Im-jin River. He -effected a crossing by a ford higher up that stream. Learning of this, -Pak Hyo-rip who was holding the ferry hastened back to Seoul where he -arrived at dusk and announced that the king had not a moment to lose but -must take to flight that very night. Without an hour’s delay the king -mounted his steed and fled by way of the South Gate, leaving the city in -a perfect frenzy of fear. He arrived at Han-gang in the dark and found -that the ferrymen had taken all their boats to the other side for -safety. They peremptorily refused to obey any summons, and at last U -Sang-jung was obliged to throw off his clothes and swim the stream. He -succeeded in getting six boats. It took all the rest of the night to get -the royal cavalcade across the river. It was on the ninth of the moon -when the king arrived at Sa-p‘yŭng just beyond the river. He had nothing -to eat till noon that day, when Sin Chun brought him a bowl of gruel and -a few dried persimmons. Night found him at Su-wŭn completely tired out. -After a rest of a few days he passed on to Kong-ju the provincial -capital and there he was made comfortable for the first time since his -flight from the capital. The governors of Ch‘ung ch‘ŭng and Chŭl-la -Provinces met him there. A strong guard was placed along the southern -bank of the Keum River. - -At noon of the day following the king’s flight, thirty followers of Yi -Kwal entered the city and announced that there was no need for fear, as -a new king had arisen. The next day Yi Kwal entered the town. Many small -officials and a great crowd of people went out to meet him and scattered -red earth along the road in front of him, which is a special prerogative -of royalty. Entering the city he pitched his camp where the Kyöng-bok -Palace now stands. Even the king’s own uncle went over to Yi Kwal, -perhaps through fear, or perhaps because the revolution was a success. -This uncle was proclaimed king and posters were sent out to quiet the -people. Thousands of adventurers and low fellows sought and obtained -official appointments under the new regime. - -But what had been going on in the north? Chang Man, arriving at P‘a-ju, -learned that the king had fled, and immediately called a council of war. -It was decided that, as the people of Seoul were not largely in favor of -Yi Kwal, it would be a good thing to make a demonstration at once lest -the people should come to recognize the government. So one body of -troops was sent to watch the road outside the East Gate and to cut off -supplies. Another guarded the roads outside the South Gate. Gen. Chöng -Ch‘ung-sin said that they must encamp on the hills immediately outside -the West Gate and then Yi Kwal would be forced to fight. In order to do -this Kim Yang-ön took cavalry and surprised the signal fire station -beside the Peking Pass and so prevented any signal being given. That -night Chang Man and all his forces came around the hills and stationed -themselves behind the hill just back of Mo-wha-gwan. This movement was -further favored by a strong east wind that carried the sound away so -that all Seoul was ignorant of the extreme proximity of the enemy. At -the same time Yi Whak with two hundred troops secreted himself outside -the Northwest Gate, to enter the city when the insurgent troops should -go out the West Gate to attack Chang Man’s forces. The latter also sent -thousands of slips of paper into the city and had them distributed among -the people saying, “Tomorrow, anyone who refuses to stand by Yi Kwal and -remains loyal to the king, let him present one of these slips and he -shall receive a reward.” - -In the morning Yi Kwal spied a small band of soldiers on the hill -outside the gate, for most of the force was concealed behind it, in -order to deceive the rebels. Some of Yi Kwal’s followers said, “They are -so few we had better go outside the Northwest Gate and so surround them; -but the enemy seemed so insignificant that Yi Kwal marched straight at -them. All Seoul was on the walls watching the fight with breathless -interest. Han Myŭng-yŭn, Yi Kwal’s right hand man, took the Japanese -contingent and moved up the steep hillside, and Yi followed with the -main body. The strong east wind that was blowing materially aided the -attacking force, for it lent speed to their arrows and they had the wind -at their backs instead of in their faces. The loyal forces were forced -to give way a little and their leaders had to strike down some in order -to prevent a general stampede. At this critical juncture the wind -suddenly veered to the west and drove the sand and dust into the eyes of -the attacking party. This was the turning point in the battle. Yi Kwal -was forced to give ground. Han Myŭng-yŭn himself was wounded by an -arrow. Gen. Chang Man fought fiercely for two hours, gaining ground all -the time. At this time the standard-bearer of Yi Kwal turned and fled. -The cry arose, “Yi Kwal is on the run,” and in less that a minute the -whole force was thrown into confusion and every man took to his heels, -including Yi Kwal himself, who hastened back toward the West Gate. But -the citizens on the wall had not been idle, and he found the gate locked -and barred. Turning aside he hastened along under the wall till he -reached the South Gate which he entered. Gen. Chang Man said, “Let us -not chase him, for his men might turn on us and beat us after all. Let -him go; the people will bring his head in soon enough.” So Yi Kwal with -a small band of followers fled out the Water Mouth Gate, crossed the Han -at Song-p‘a, killed the prefect of Kwang-ju, scaled Yi-bu-jă Pass and -fled away eastward. Gen. Chöng Ch‘ung-sin chased him as far as Kyöng-an. -By that time the traitor’s band had dwindled to twenty-eight men. He -fled by night as far as Muk-pangi in the prefecture of I-ch‘ŭn and there -two of his followers, seeing that the game had been played to a finish -and hoping to save their own lives, went into his room by night and -severed his head from the body. His son was treated in the same way, as -were also Han Myŭng-yŭn and six others. They carried the heads to Kongju -and laid them before the king. The king’s uncle who had been set up as -king fled to Kwang-ju, where he was caught and turned over to Gen. Chang -Man, who imprisoned him and waited the orders of the king. But another -man, Sim Keui-wŭn, said, “No, he is a traitor,” and slew him with his -own hand. When the king returned to Seoul this man Sim was imprisoned -for a few days as nominal punishment for having killed a relative of the -king. - -On the twenty-second of the month the king returned to Seoul. Gen. Chang -Man went to the river and escorted him in with a large retinue, but Gen. -Chöng Ch‘ung-sin did not go and bow before the king, for he said, “I did -not stop the traitor, but let him drive the king from the capital.” So -he went up to P’yŭng-yang without seeing the king. When the latter heard -of this he sent for him and gave him a present of gold and made him -governor of P‘yŭng-an. It is said by some, in extenuation of Yi Kwal’s -conduct, that he understood that the king had driven the former king -from the throne and was a usurper. This must be false, for Yi Kwal was -one of the principal actors in those events and must have known the -truth about them. He was simply jealous and, having a strong force, -thought to avenge himself. However that may be, the report was spread -that it was patriotism that prompted the revolt, and to dispel any such -idea the king made proclamation saying, “Kwang-hă, the former ruler, was -a wicked and undutiful man. He killed his father and elder brother and -imprisoned his mother. The country was on the verge of destruction and -so I could not but attempt to drive him out. It was not because I wanted -to usurp the royal honors, but it was for the sake of the line. Yi -Kwal’s raid was prompted by idle rumors gotten up by certain of -Kwang-hă’s men, but let all the people know surely that I have done this -for the sole purpose of saving the kingdom.” - -In the ninth moon another revolt was attempted, with the object of -putting Prince In-sŭng, the king’s younger brother, on the throne. It -was discovered in time and the principal movers were killed and the -prince was banished to Kan-sŭng in Kang-wŭn Province. - -On account of the frequent conflagrations in the city of P’yŭng-yang, -the governor petitioned the king to promulgate a law requiring all -houses in that town to be tiled instead of thatched. The king not only -complied but gave money for the purchase of tiles. That law has not been -abrogated to this day. - -[Illustration: _THE SHIP-YARD._] - -The year 1625 opened with warlike preparations. Gen. Yi Sö collected a -band of strong, stalwart men, the pick of the land, formed them into -companies and regiments and drilled them at the Hun-yŭn-wŭn, inside the -East Gate, and also at Mo-wha-kwan outside the West Gate. Near the close -of the year the king promulgated a most important law, sweeping away the -disabilities of sons by concubines and giving them the right to become -officials. One must know the prevalence of concubinage in Korea in order -to understand how vitally this law must have affected the whole body of -the people, of all ranks and classes. This was the more true from the -fact that concubines are commonly taken because of the lack of an heir. -Eligibility to office on the part of sons of of concubines worked -therefore in two directions. It elevated the position of the concubine -and at the same time made the position of the barren wife more -endurable. - -We have already given a sketch of the beginnings of the Manchu -convulsion which was about to shake the whole of eastern Asia. During -the interval occupied by the events narrated above, the Manchus were -quietly preparing for the future. Gen. Kang Hong-rip, the Korean -renegade, was still with them. Another Korean went over to the Manchus. -It was Han Yun who fled to Kwi-sŭng in northern P‘yŭng-an, from which -place he crossed the Ya-lu and found Gen. Kang among the Manchus. To him -he said, “My relatives have now all been destroyed by the king and I am -an outcast. Let us get an army together and go and be avenged on the -Koreans.” Gen. Kang gave his hearty consent and together they sought the -throne of the Manchu chief to lay their plan before him. - -Sŏ U-sin, the Ming governor of Liao-tung, heard of this plan and -despatched a messenger to the King of Korea setting him on his guard -against these two men. The king did not believe that Gen. Kang was -irrecoverably lost, for he appointed his son to go to the Manchus as -envoy. Had this young man succeeded in reaching his destination he might -have induced his father to remain faithful to Korea, but just beyond the -border he encountered Manchu soldiers who did not understand him and -would not let him pass. So he was compelled to return with his mission -unaccomplished. It is probable that there would have been an invasion of -Korea by the Manchus at that time had it not been for the arrival in -Liao-tung of the great Chinese general Wŭn Sung-whan. He was so skillful -in the handling of soldiers that superhuman powers were ascribed to him. -The Manchus could make no headway against him, and it is said that -Norach’i’s chagrin at having failed to storm a town held by this famous -general aggravated an illness caused by a carbuncle on his back and -brought about his death. Upon his decease his second son Hongt’asi took -the reins of government and carried to completion the ambitious plans -made by his illustrious father. - -It is apparent that the Korean court was well awake to the dangers -confronting them, for we learn that in the seventh moon of this year -1626 the wall of Nam-han was completed. This is the great mountain -fortress about twenty miles to the south-east of Seoul. It was formerly -the site of one of the capitals of Păkje. - -The year 1627 no sooner opened that the long dreaded event took place. -On the fifth moon 30,000 Manchu soldiers crossed the Yalu River and a -few days later stood before the city of Eui-ju. Approaching the gate a -herald cried, “The second king of the great Golden Kingdom is now laying -his heavy hand on Korea. If you do not come out and surrender we will -raze your town to the level of the ground.” Unfortunately for the good -name of Korea the prefect was at that moment sleeping off the effects of -a drunken debauch in the house of a dancing girl. He came forth and -tried to get the garrison together, but it was too late, for already the -traitor Han Yun had entered the town in Korean clothes and had thrown -the gates open to the ruthless invaders. The prefect and his whole -garrison were set up in line and shot down by the savage Manchus, after -which they boiled the body of the prefect in a kettle and sacrificed to -heaven with the flesh. They then sent a letter to the king couched in -the following terms: “You have committed four crimes. (1) You did not -send an envoy to commiserate with us on the death of the great Norach’i. -(2) You have never thanked us for sparing your army when we beat you and -the Chinese together. (3) You afforded asylum to our enemy, Mo -Mun-nyŏng. (4) Your people have killed many of the residents of -Liao-tung in cold blood. It is for these reasons that our wrath is -kindled against you.” And so the invading army moved southward, forcing -the Koreans to cut their hair and compelling them to act as guides. But -they did not come unopposed. They were met at Yong-ch’ŭn by its prefect -at the head of 2,000 men, but a small official turned traitor and opened -the gates to the Manchus. On the seventeenth they arrived at Kwak-san -where they were told by the Korean garrison that death was preferable to -surrender; the Koreans found it so, for they were soon overpowered and -massacred. Two prefects whose wives had been confiscated by the Manchus -thought to save themselves and recover their wives by going over to the -enemy but when they did so they found their wives still held as -concubines while they themselves were compelled to hold the bridles of -the men who brutally refused to give back the women. - -Seoul was meanwhile going through one of those periodical eruptions -which she was destined to suffer for many years to come. Gen. Chang Man -became general-in-chief, with Chöng Ch’ung Sin as second They -immediately took all the available forces and marched northward. Gen. -Sin was placed at the Im-jin River to block the approach of the enemy -Gen. Kim went south to collect troops in Ch’ung-ch’ŭng Province, and -others went in other directions. A call was made to all the eight -provinces for men. Gen. Yi Sö was put in command of Nam-han. The king -recalled many men from banishment, probably with a view to bringing into -harmony all the different elements and securing unanimity among all -classes. - -On the twenty-first the Manchus arrived before Au-ju. They cried, “Come -out and surrender,” and received the answer, “We are here to fight and -not to surrender.” The next day at dawn in a heavy fog they approached -the wall. They had an enormous ladder mounted in some way on the backs -of camels. This was placed against the wall and the enemy swarmed over, -armed only with short swords and knives; but these they used with such -good effect that they soon gained a foothold. The commandant of the -town, Nam Yi-heung, stood by the gate and shot many of the Manchus with -his good bow and when his arrows were all gone he ordered bags of powder -to be brought, and by exploding these he killed many of the enemy but -was himself killed in the process. - -P’yŭng-yang now being practically without defense, the prefect fled -southward to the capital and told the king what had happened. The Crown -Prince was immediately sent into the south for safety and the king -himself with the ancestral tablets and with his court hastened to the -island of Kang-wha, leaving the city of Seoul in a condition better -imagined than described. - -One of Gen. Kang’s grievances against Korea was that he thought the king -had killed his son, but when he learned that this was not only not true -but that the king had sent that son as envoy, though unsuccessfully, to -the Manchus, there was a strong revulsion of feeling in his mind and he -expressed his sorrow at the invasion but said that it was now too late -to stop it. He however advised the king to send gifts to the Manchu -chief and sue for peace. - -When the Manchus arrived at Whang-ju they sent a letter forward to the -king on Kang-wha saying, “There are three conditions on which we will -conclude a peace with you. (1) You must hand over to us the person of Mo -Mun-nyŭng. (2) You must give us 10,000 soldiers to help invade China. -(3) You must give up the two northern provinces of P’yŭng-an and -Ham-gyŭng.” On the ninth of the moon the envoy bearing this letter, -accompanied by the Korean renegade Gen. Kang, took boat from Song-do for -Kang-wha. The next day the king gave them audience and the envoy bowed -before him, but the king did not bow in return. This made the envoy very -angry, but the king said through an interpreter, “Tell him not to be -angry, for I did not know the custom.” - -The king sent one Kang-In to Whang-ju ostensibly to sue for peace but in -reality to find out what the Manchus were doing there. Not long after -this the Manchu envoy returned to the same place but Gen. Kang remained -on Kang-wha. When the enemy had advanced as far as P’yŭng-san, only a -hundred _li_ from Kang-wha, the whole court urged the king to make peace -on any terms, as all the soldiers had run away and the enemy were so -near. When Gen. Kim, who had been left to guard Seoul, learned of the -proximity of the Manchus, he fired all the government treasure and -provisions and made good his escape. This was the signal for a general -exodus of the people who swarmed out of the city and scattered in all -directions seeking safety among the mountains or in remote provinces. - -Yun Hŭn had been imprisoned for having fled from P’yŭng-yang without so -much as attempting its defense, and many of the officials begged the -king to pardon him; but they overdid it, and so many petitions came in -that the king thought he was dangerously popular and ordered his -execution. When the messenger of death reached the doomed man he found -him playing a game of chess. The man with whom he was playing burst out -crying, but he said, “What are you crying about? I am the man who am -going to die, not you. Let us finish the game.” So they finished the -game, after which Yun Hŭn quietly submitted to his fate. This is a -sample of _sang froid_ which never fails to elicit the applause of the -Korean. - -On the twentieth the Manchu general Yu Hă left P’yŭng-san and went to -Kang-wha to have an audience with the king. He advised the king to -discard the Chinese calendar and use the Manchu one instead and he also -said the king must send his son to the north as hostage. The king -answered that his son was too young, but that he would send his younger -brother. Accordingly he sent Wŭn Ch’ang-yŭng, not his brother but a -distant relative. At the same time he sent 30,000 pieces of cotton, 300 -pieces of white linen, 100 tiger skins and 100 leopard skins. Gen. Yu Hă -was pleased at this and said that he wished to have Korea at peace but -that it would first be absolutely necessary for the king to take a -solemn oath of fealty to the Manchus. And he said it must be done -immediately, before the Manchus should enter Seoul. - -The next day a letter came from the Manchu Prince Yi Wan urging that a -treaty be made and the solemn oath be sworn, and he added, “Either there -must be such a treaty or we must fight.” He ordered that the king have -an altar made at once, on which to slay the animals and swear the oath. -The Koreans hung back and said, “Have we not sent gifts and hostages to -the north? Why then should we be compelled to take this oath?” In a rage -the Manchu messenger rode away toward P’yŭng-san. This sudden departure -was ominous and it frightened the Koreans, so that they hastened to set -about building the altar. When, therefore, a few days later the Manchu -generals Kang Hong-rip and Yu Hă came with an escort and demanded that a -treaty should be ratified at once, the Koreans hastened to comply. The -king went with Gen. Yu Hă to the altar and the king was ordered to -plunge the knife into the victims, a white horse and a black bullock -which signified the heavens and the earth respectively. At this the -courtiers all exclaimed, “The king cannot do it. It must be done by -deputy.” The king replied. “It makes no difference now. We have eaten -their insults and the people are all about to perish. I will do it.” But -still they opposed it so strongly that at last Yi Chŭng-gwi was -appointed as substitute for the king. - -It was on the third day of the third moon of 1627 when the ceremony was -performed outside the West Gate of the fortress of Kang-wha. They killed -the white horse and black bullock and sacrificed to heaven. The Manchu -oath ran as follows: “The second king of the Manchus makes a treaty with -the king of Korea. From this day we have but one mind and one thought. -If Korea breaks this oath may heaven send a curse upon her. If the -Manchus break it may they likewise be punished. The two kings will have -an equal regard for truth and they will govern according to the -principles of religion. May heaven help us and give us blessings.” The -Korean oath was as follows: “This day Korea takes oath and forms a -treaty with the Keum (Kin) Kingdom. We too swear by this sacrifice that -each shall dwell secure in the possession of his own lands. If either -hates and injures the other may heaven send punishment upon the -offending party. These two kings have minds regardful of truth. Each -must be at peace with the other.” The next day the three highest Korean -officials went to the Manchu camp to settle the details of the treaty. -They said, “As we have made a treaty with you, of course you will not -let your troops advance on Seoul. It will be best for you to move -backward at once. Now you are the ‘elder brother’ and we the ‘younger -brother,’ so you will see the propriety of staying on the other side of -the Yalu River. The Ming dynasty of China has been as a parent to us for -two hundred years and our kings have always received investiture from -the Emperor. We have made a treaty now with you, but that does not -require us to cast off the suzerainty of China.” This raised a storm -about the Koreans’ ears, and for days they disputed over the point with -the Korean commission, but could not move them a hair’s breadth from -this position. At last in astonishment Gen. Yu Hă sat down, folded his -hands and said “The Kingdom of Korea is like a small island or like a -hair, and if we should but raise our foot it would be destroyed, and yet -though destruction stares them in the face they will not forswear their -fealty to China. This is greatness. Such righteousness and faithfulness -are admirable. If the Manchu king consents, you shall do as you please -in this respect.” They sent to the Manchu Prince who was with the army -at P‘yŭng-san and he gave his consent. Gen. Yu Hă then put in the Manchu -claim for yearly tribute. It was an enormous amount but the Koreans -decided they would send at least a small part of what was demanded. - -The Manchu army then moved northward beyond P’yŭng-yang to An-ju, being -opposed there by Gen. Chöng Ch‘ung-sin they told him that they had made -a treaty with Korea and were on their way back to Manchuria. He thought -they were retreating and were trying to deceive him, so he said, “I have -received no intimation of all this from headquarters, so you will have -to wait here until I get word from the king.” - -The Manchu army on its way north through Whang-hă Province had stolen -right and left, oxen, horses and women. They bored holes through the -hands of children and fastened them together with cords and drove them -north to make slaves of them. In the province of P‘yŭng-an they did not -commit these outrages, for there was a large sprinkling of Manchus among -the people. When they left P’yŭng-yang they burned it to the ground. -North of that place they put a garrison in every large town, namely -An-ju, Chöng-ju, Sŭn-ch‘ŭn and Eui-ju. Strangely enough Koreans were put -at the head of these garrisons. Of course these bodies of troops had to -live off the people, and it seems that they did not scruple to plunder -and confiscate in a wholesale manner. This is indicated by the fact that -Chöng Pang-su the prefect of Chŭn-san got out of patience and said it -could no longer be borne. So gathering about him as many soldiers as -possible, he began to make war on the Manchu garrisons wherever -encountered. The Manchus were cut down by hundreds, as the country was -being scoured by small bands of foragers who fell into this prefect’s -hands. Three of the Manchu captains joined their forces and tried to -make headway against this Korean combination, but they were all killed -and their forces cut to pieces. The king, when he heard of these -actions, was loud in praise of the Koreans who so successfully opposed -the unlawful acts of the Manchu garrisons. - -Not long after this a letter came from the Manchu headquarters saying, -“Having made a treaty of peace with us, why do you now set upon and kill -our people?” To which the Koreans boldly replied. “It was one of the -conditions of that treaty that all Manchus should move beyond the Yalu. -If they had done so, there would have been no trouble. But many of your -people stopped in P‘yŭng-an Province and stole our cattle and our women. -The people could not endure it and so revolted. But it was not at our -instigation. It is evident that the trouble began with you. It would be -well if you would send back the 2,000 people you have carried away -captive to Manchuria.” The argument was conclusive, as the Manchus -acknowledged by sending back the captive Koreans. When the Japanese -heard that the Koreans had been successfully opposing the Manchus they -sent a present of 300 muskets, 300 swords and 300 pounds of powder, but -the Koreans wisely declined the gifts and sent them back to Japan. - - - - - Chapter VI. - -The king returns to Seoul.... military reforms.... message from - China.... Manchu familiarities.... conspiracies frustrated.... - Manchu complaints.... pacified.... Japanese offers.... a naval - station.... a lawless Chinaman.... beheaded.... factional fights.... - courier system.... a disloyal Chinaman.... envoy to China meets - Roman Catholics.... quarrel with the Manchus.... tribute.... Chinese - renegades.... two great Manchu generals.... a stirring memorial.... - a frightened envoy.... war inevitable.... omen.... Emperor - congratulates the king.... divided counsels.... fatal mistake.... - panic in Seoul.... the king takes refuge in Nam-han. - - -On the tenth of the fourth moon the king started back towards Seoul, -which he entered two days later. He was now fully awake to the need of a -well drilled army, and he set to work in earnest drilling one. He -stationed a general at Kang-wha permanently and instituted the custom of -requiring military duty of every citizen under forty years of age and -over fifteen. Some were sent to Seoul to drill for three years. The -first year was spent in learning the methods of guarding gates and -walls, the second in musket practice, and the third in swordsmanship and -archery. When they had been thoroughly drilled they were sent to the -country to drill the militia. In this way an available force of 700,000 -men is said to have been trained. If this is the estimate of the number -of able-bodied men between fifteen and forty it gives a valuable clue to -the entire population of the country at the time. At this time the -custom was revived of having the men stand in squads of ten, five in -front and five behind. When the front rank had discharged their pieces -they fell back and the rear line stepped forward and discharged theirs, -while the others reloaded. A Chinese envoy was sent from Nanking with a -message to the king but refused to come further than Ka-do Island, from -which place he forwarded his message, which ran, “How does it happen -that you have made peace with the Manchus?” The king made reply, “The -Manchus overwhelmed us with their vast numbers and it meant either a -treaty or our extinction. We had no time to send and explain matters to -the Emperor.” The Emperor sent a reply to this saying, “I have received -your reply and I am truly sorry for you. You are in no wise to blame. -Now hoard your wealth and by-and-bye you and I will rise and strike -these Manchus to the earth.” - -It will be remembered that the king had sent one of his relatives as -hostage to the Manchus, but now, according to the stipulations of the -treaty, he came back, escorted by the Manchu general Yu Hă. The king -sent high officials to meet them outside the South Gate, but this did -not satisfy the Manchu, who was angry that the king did not come in -person. So the king had to go out and meet them and give a feast to the -returning party. When Gen. Yu Hă met the king he wanted to kiss him, -saying that it was a custom by which he showed friendship and a -demonstration that the oath still held firm between them; but the king -refused the osculatory salute and so the general compromised by patting -him on the back. - -Late in this year two dangerous conspiracies were made against the -government. The first was by Yi In-jo a former official living in -Kang-wŭn Province. He had a goodly following among the people and made -bold to liberate all the criminals. After looting several towns he went -into camp on a mountain top. The government troops, however, surrounded -him and finally captured him and sent him up to the capital where he was -beheaded together with his two sons. The other attempt was of a -different nature. Yu Hyo-rip, an exile in Che-ch‘ŭn, a relative of the -deposed king’s wife, decided to work up an insurrection. He sent his son -up to Seoul in disguise to make arrangements with a disloyal eunuch. -Soldiers also came disguised as merchants, but all armed to the teeth. -The palace was to be seized on the fourth day of the new year. As -fortune would have it. Hŭ Chŭk, a relative of one of the conspirators, -learned of the plot in time, but only just in time, to inform the Prime -Minister. So when the attack was made the whole party was seized and -with them Yu Hyo-rip himself, who had come up to Seoul in woman’s -clothes and in a woman’s chair. Being questioned about the affair he -testified that he was not the prime mover in the matter but that he had -been set on by the queen dowager, who wanted to put the king’s uncle on -the throne. That aged and respectable woman indignantly denied any -knowledge of the plot and as proof of her innocence she urged that the -said uncle be put to death. All united in this request and it was -finally granted, though against the better instincts of the king who -believed him innocent. We shall see later that the king was right. - -The Manchus were still fretful. A letter came post haste from the north -saying, “We have now sent back many captives and you agreed to pay for -the rest, but when they got across the border and were lost to us we -never saw the money. Not a year has passed since the treaty was ratified -and yet you break it with impunity. When the Chinese acted thus we -retaliated by seizing twenty-four of their districts. Now you must send -those men straight back to us.” Among all the courtiers there was but -one dissenting voice, that of Chang Yu, who said, “The government is for -the people and if it gives up any of the people thus, from that hour it -ceases to be a government. Sooner should we let the Manchus destroy the -government outright than comply with such a demand.” This carried the -day, and an envoy was sent north bearing a present of a magnificent -sword, 300 pounds of ginseng, seventy sable skins, but only five of the -men demanded. The Manchus were highly pleased and forgave all that had -been done to displease them. The Japanese hearing of this again sent an -envoy saying, “Those Manchus are a bold lot. They have made a treaty -with you but they do not treat you well. Just say the word and we will -come and whip them for you.” This frightened the king and he wanted to -forward the message to the Manchus but Kim Sin-guk said, “If you do that -you will get the Manchus and the Japanese to fighting each other on -Korean soil and we will be the little fish between two whales.” This -argument carried the day. - -In the year 1629 the king established a naval station on Kyo-dong Island -and placed there an admiral to guard that island and Kang-wha from -attack from the seaward side. This was with the expectation that the -court might again find it necessary to seek asylum on the island of -Kang-wha. - -A Chinese general. Mo Mun-nyŭng, had been stationed by the Emperor on -Ka-do Island near the mouth of the Yalu, to withstand the Manchus, but -this man was not loyal to China, and had a leaning himself toward the -Manchus. He could see that the Manchus were destined to become masters -of the situation. He was very angry when Korea made a treaty with the -Manchus for he feared that they would try to hurt his reputation with -them. When the Manchus attacked the Chinese in the neighboring mainland -of Liao-tung he never raised a hand in their defense, though it is said, -perhaps wrongly, that he had an army of 300,000 (!) men. On the other -hand he vented his spite against Korea by harrying her northern shores -and killing many captives on their way home from the Manchu territory. -The Emperor tried to call him to account for this but received no reply. -Meanwhile this Gen. Mo Mun-nyŭng styled himself “Son of Heaven beyond -the Sea.” As he thus showed his hand, the question as to his disloyalty -was settled, and Gen. Wŭn Sung-han came from China to call him to -account, a thing he had not foreseen. When Gen. Wŭn approached and -called on him to come and report to him, he dared not refuse, fearing -that the troops under him would not be willing to attack their -fellow-countrymen under Gen. Wŭn. As may be surmised he lost his head as -soon as he arrived in the camp of the latter. - -In spite of her military activity Korea was anything but strong. The two -leading parties, the _Noron_ and _Soron_ were quarrelling like cats and -dogs together. There was one constant succession of banishments and -recalls, as one party or another obtained temporary control of the -government. There was no sort of harmony or unanimity in the discharge -of the public business and it had to look out for itself, while those -who should have been attending to it were wrangling. There was a high -honorary title called Chŭl-lang, and the leading men quarrelled so much -over it that the king was at last compelled to abolish it altogether. -And yet in the midst of this strife the king found opportunity to -establish the Mu-hak, a body of 200 men to act as swift couriers. It is -said they could cover 300 _li_ a day, or 100 miles. - -The Manchu Gen. Yu Hă, of whom we have spoken, was originally a Chinaman -living in Liao-tung, but had gone over to the Manchus. The Emperor was -furious at this and offered a reward of 1,000 ounces of silver and high -position to anyone who should apprehend him. For a time he went under an -assumed name, but finally with his three brothers he came to Gen. Mo -Mun-nyŭng whom he knew to be secretly disloyal to China. When Gen. Mo -had been executed Gen. Yu came of course under the jurisdiction of Gen. -Wŭn. Shortly after this Gen. Yu was killed in a battle but his three -brothers decided to rise up against the loyal Chinaman. In the midst of -the funeral obsequies of their brother they rose and killed Gen. Chin -who had been left in charge of the Chinese forces, and they tried to -kill the Koreans as well, but in this they were unsuccessful and shortly -afterward were driven out by the Korean forces. When the Emperor heard -of this he was highly pleased and praised the Koreans. - -The Manchus naturally considered this occupation of Ka-do as a menace to -them and they sent a force of 20,000 men to attack the Chinese, at the -same time demanding boats of the Koreans whereby to transport their -troops. This was not granted, but the Koreans, in order to avoid the -effects of a too evident leaning towards the Chinese, gave the Manchus -200 bags of rice. But the Chinese did not wait for the Manchus to cross -to the island. They crossed to the mainland and attacked the Manchus -unexpectedly, killing 400 and putting the rest to flight. - -During this year, 1631, an envoy to China, Chong Tu-wŭn, while in -Nanking, fell in with an aged Roman Catholic priest named Jean Niouk, -who engaged the attention of the envoy because of his venerable and -almost saint-like appearance. This man was one of the companions of the -celebrated P. Ricci. From him the envoy received some volumes on -science, a pair of pistols, a telescope and some other articles. The -mention of a cannon in the native records is probably a mistake of some -copyist who wrote the word cannon in place of pistol. - -The king was told by his officials that the Manchus were sure to invade -Korea again before long and so the island of Kang-wha was well -provisioned and arms were prepared. He was urged to form a junction with -the Chinese on Ka-do Island and make an attack on the Manchus. The -fortresses of Ch’ŭl-san and Un-san in P‘yŭng-an Province were built at -this time and every effort was made to put the country in a state of -defense against the northern hordes. A fortress was also built near -Eui-ju, which was the equivalent of a declaration of war against the -Manchus. The result was soon apparent. A Manchu envoy made his -appearance bearing a missive which said, “Korea has seen fit to break -her treaty with us and she is no longer to be called ‘younger brother,’ -but a vassal state. She shall pay us annually a tribute of 10,000 ounces -of gold, 10,000 ounces of silver, 10,000,000 pieces of linen.” The king -replied that he had no gold but that he would give some tiger skins. -These the envoy scornfully refused and returned to the north. The king -was somewhat disturbed by this and ordered an envoy to go to Manchuria -with gifts, but they were all returned untouched. At this the king was -furious and ordered an envoy to go and say that Korea would never again -send tribute nor make peace with the Manchus. Kim Si-yang expostulated -with the king and told him that such a message would be suicidal, but he -was banished on the spot. It is probable the message never reached the -Manchu camp, for we learn that with the opening of new year the king had -come to his senses and sent tribute to the north to the extent of 800 -pieces of silk, 800 pieces of linen, 800 pieces of grass cloth, 800 -pieces of cotton, 60 tiger skins, 300 sea-otter skins and 800 quires of -heavy paper. - -The Korean territory became the asylum for several renegade Chinese -generals who demanded sustenance, and what between these and the Manchus -it became well-nigh impossible to keep on good terms either with the -Emperor or with the Manchus. The latter were continually ravaging the -northern border and were, apparently losing all their former feeling of -friendship. This cannot be wondered at, for the king was openly siding -with the Chinese. - -In the spring of 1636 the king ordered a remeasurement of all the arable -land in the three southern provinces. It seems that the people were -thriving and the margin of cultivation was broadening so that a -remeasurement became necessary for a re-estimate of the revenue. At the -same time he despatched two envoys to the Manchu court at Mukden. The -Manchus had just begun to style their empire the Ch’ing or “clear.” And -now for the first time we meet the names of the two great Manchu -generals who were destined to play such a prominent part in the invasion -of Korea. They were called Yonggoldă and Mabudă. These two men came to -the Yalu River and received the king’s missive addressed to the son of -the Ch’ing Emperor. The two envoys were brought into the Manchu -Emperor’s presence, where they were ordered to bow, but refused. They -were forced to a stooping position, but resisted, whereupon they were -stripped, beaten and driven away. - -The Manchus were now fully determined to invade Korea and bring her to -her knees once more. In preparation for this the two generals above -named were sent to Seoul as envoys, but in reality to spy out the land -and learn the roads. The officials almost with one voice urged the king -to burn the letters brought by these envoys and to kill the men -themselves. To show the extent of the infatuation of the Koreans it is -necessary to subjoin a memorial which was presented the king at this -time. It said “Since I was born I have never heard of two emperors. How -can these wild savages claim imperial power? Once before a rebel -(referring to Kang Hong-rip) came with these robbers and the king was -compelled to flee to Kang-wha. If at that time we had only cut off the -traitor’s head it would have been to our honor and it would have shone -like the sun and moon. These Manchu robbers are wolves and tigers. How -can we think of casting off our allegiance to China? All our troubles -have arisen because we did not kill Gen. Kang. This news about the -Manchus rends my heart, for, though we live in a distant corner of the -world, we have manners. From King T’ă-jo’s time till now we have been -loyal to the Ming power. Now that the northern savages are growing -strong and we, through fear, are compelled to follow them, we may for a -time escape harm, but in the end the world will scorn us. It was a -mistake for the government to give those envoys a polite reception, and -now the officials sit still while the king is being insulted by -outsiders. Our situation is not only dangerous, it is pitiable. Here we -sit and do nothing to prevent the enemy entering our territory. I see -what the Manchus want. They know we are weak, and they want to hold us -in their hand and make a boast of us. If they want to play at empire why -do they not do it among themselves and not come to us with it? They do -it so as to be able to say that they have Korea in their train. Now let -us be men and cut off these envoys’ heads and put them in a box along -with their insulting letter and send the whole back to their so-called -emperor. If the king does not like my advice let him cut off my head and -send it. I cannot live to see and hear the insults of these savages. The -people of the northern provinces grind their teeth at them and swear -that they cannot live with them. Today must decide the continued -existence or the destruction of this kingdom. The king should send out a -proclamation far and wide for the people to flock to the support of the -royal banners. Then would we all rejoice to die, if need be, for our -country.” This speech is probably an exact expression of the feeling of -the vast majority of the officials and people at that time, but most of -them had the good sense to keep still, for such talk was sure to bring -swift retribution. It is evident the king thought so, for he answered -this warm appeal by saying, “You have spoken very well but it is a -little premature for us to go to cutting off the heads of envoys from a -neighboring power; we will consider the matter however.” - -The Manchu envoys had with them some Mongol soldiers to prove to the -Koreans that the Mongols had actually surrendered to the Manchu power. -The envoys asked that these be treated well, but the king had them -treated as slaves. The object of the embassy was nominally to attend the -funeral of the king’s grandmother, but the king deceived them by sending -them to an enclosure in the place where a screen was closely drawn -around. The envoys supposed this was the obsequies and began their -genuflections, but a violent gust of wind blew the screens over and they -saw that they had been duped. They immediately were seized with fear -lest they be foully dealt with and rushing out they mounted their steeds -and fled by way of the South Gate. The boys pelted them with stones as -they passed. The people knew that this was a serious matter and -messenger after messenger was sent after the fleeing envoys pleading -with them to come back, but of course without avail. - -The Prime Minister told the king that war was now inevitable and that it -was necessary to call the people to arms at once. The king consented and -the proclamation went forth saying. “Ten years ago we made a treaty with -these Manchus, but their nature is so bad and they are so insulting that -we never before were so ashamed. From the king, down to the lowest -subject all must unite in wiping out this disgrace. They now claim to be -an empire and that we are their vassal. Such insolence cannot be borne. -It may mean the overthrow of our kingdom but we could do no less than -drive the envoys away. All the people saw them go. Of course it means -immediate war and all the people must now come up to their -responsibilities and swear to be avenged on the Manchus even at the cost -of life itself.” - -The Manchu envoys delayed on Korean soil long enough to secure a copy of -the proclamation and, armed with this, they crossed the border and made -their way to the Manchu headquarters. - -In Seoul there were various counsels. One side argued that the palace at -Kang-wha should be burned so that the king’s mind might not turn toward -that as an asylum. Others said that the king should go to P‘yung-yang -and lead the army in person. We are told that there were many omens of -impending danger at this time. They are of course fictitious, but they -show the bent of the Korean mind. They say that at one place large -stones moved from place to place of their own accord. In another place -ducks fought on the water and killed each other. In another place a -great flock of storks congregated in one place and made a “camp.” -Outside the South Gate there was a great fight among the frogs. In the -south, toads came out and hopped about in mid-winter. A pond in the -palace became red like blood. In summer the river rose so high that it -lapped the foundations of the East Gate. At twenty-seven different -places in Seoul the land rose and fell. Such are some of the popular -superstitions. - -The Chinese general in charge of troops on Ka-do Island sent word to the -Emperor that Korea had broken with the Manchus, whereupon the Emperor -sent a letter congratulating the king and praising his boldness. The -Chinese envoy further said, “I came to bring the letter of praise from -the Emperor but at the same time he recognises the great danger in which -you are and he grants permission for you to conclude a peace with them -if you so wish.” But the king had decided on the arbitrament of war and -this pointed hint was not taken. - -The king had now collected an army in P’yŭng-yang and he gave each -soldier a present of cotton cloth. The whole number of the army is not -given, but we are told that there were 10,234 skillful archers and 700 -musketeers. It seems that the review did not satisfy all, for one of the -leading officials said, “If we take this final step and go to war we -shall all perish, so it might be well to send an envoy and try to patch -up matters with them.” To this another replied hotly, “All the people -are bent on war and are determined to rid themselves of these savages. -You are a traitor to your country to talk of sending an envoy. You are -insulting the king. You are over-riding the will of the great majority.” -But the other answered calmly, “We have no army that can stand before -them an hour and some fine morning we shall all he found dead in bed. -There is no place to take the ancestral tablets, so my advice is to send -generals to P’yŭng-yang and have soldiers well drilled, and at the same -time send an envoy to the Manchus to see how they talk. It may be that -things may be so arranged that we can go along quietly as before. At any -rate it will give us time to prepare. If worse comes to worst and we -have to defend the Yalu we will do our best, but it is evident that if -they once cross we will necessarily become supplicants.” This was too -good logic to be withstood and yet it was worse than nothing, for it was -either just too strong or just too weak, and it threw the whole court -into a fatal uncertainty. - -In the tenth moon the Manchu general Mabudă, appeared on the west bank -of the Yalu and sent word to the prefect of Eui-ju saying. “On the -twenty-sixth of the next moon our armies are to move on Korea, but if -within that time you send an envoy we will desist, even though it be at -the last moment.” Gen. Kim Nyu told the king this and urged that the -envoy be sent, but only an interpreter was sent with a letter to the -Manchu chief. When the Manchus saw this man they said “Go back and tell -the king that if he does not send his son and the Prime Minister and -another high official to perform the treaty ceremony before the twenty -fifth of the next moon, our armies will instantly be put in motion.” -Yonggoldă brought out the copy of the proclamation he had brought with -him from Korea and said, “Look at this. It cannot be said that it was we -who broke the treaty first.” A letter was given the messenger for the -king in which was written, “They say you are building many forts. Is it -to block my way to your capital? They say you are building a palace on -Kang-wha to find refuge in. When I have taken your eight provinces will -Kang-wha be of any use to you? Can your councillors overcome me with a -writing-brush?” - -When this ominous letter reached Seoul the king and the highest of the -officials wanted to make terms with the Manchus at once, but they were -opposed stoutly by the whole mass of the lesser officials. At last -however a man was dispatched to convey the acceptance by Korea of the -Manchu terms; but the fatal day had passed, and when the messenger met -the Manchus advancing upon Eui-ju, he was seized. As war was now beyond -peradventure Generals Kim Nyu and Kim Cha-jŭm advised that the -prefectural towns along the route that the Manchus would come be moved -back from the main road. This was ordered and the prefectures of Eui-ju, -P’yŭng-yang and Whang-ju were moved from ten to a hundred _li_ back. All -the towns along the way were deserted by their inhabitants. - -Gen. Kim Cha-jŭm forced the people at the point of the sword to rebuild -the fortress at Chöng-bang Mountain, but he did not attempt to guard the -Yalu, for he was possessed by the the infatuation that the Manchus would -not come after all. There was a line of fire-signal mountains from -Eui-ju all the way to Seoul but he ordered the fires to be lighted only -as far as his quarters, in case of war, as it would cause great -consternation in the capital. His criminal incredulity and carelessness -were so great that when in the twelfth moon the double fires gleamed -forth along the line from the north telling of the approach of an -invading army, he still averred that it was nothing more nor less than -the envoy heralding his return. He sent no messages nor warnings to -Seoul. He sent a messenger north to discover where the Manchus were. -This man came running back and announced that the north was full of -them. Still the general would not believe it and wanted to kill the man -for deceiving him. The report was however confirmed by so many -eye-witnesses that he was at last compelled to believe it and sent word -to Seoul that the Manchus had come. On the twelfth a letter from the -prefect of Eui-ju announced in Seoul that the Manchus had crossed the -river 140,000 strong. The next day a letter from the tardy Kim announced -that the Manchus had already traversed the province of P‘yŭng-an. This -news was like a thunder-bolt from a clear sky to the people of the -capital. They were thrown into a panic and are described as having -resembled boiling water. The roads were choked with fugitives from the -city. The king said, “Liberate all the captives and prisoners and grant -an amnesty to all who have been banished.” All prefects who had not gone -to their posts were sent forthwith. The king desired to start at once -for Kang-wha, and he appointed Kim Kyŭng-jeung to have military control -there with Yi Min-gu as second. An aged Minister Yun Pang together with -Kim Sang-yong took the ancestral tablets and went ahead to that island. -Then followed the Queen and the Princes, Finally the king appointed Sin -Keui-wŭn to guard the capital. - -On the fourteenth the Manchu army entered Whang-hă Province and almost -immediately the news came that they had arrived at Chang-dan only 120 -_li_ from Seoul. There they caught the prefect, cut off his hair, -dressed him in Manchu clothes and forced him to act as guide. At noon -the next day the king and the Crown Prince passed out the South Gate on -their way to Kang-wha, when suddenly messengers came hurrying up saying -that the Manchu horsemen had already arrived at Yang-wha-jin on the -river and that the road to Kang-wha was consequently blocked. The king -and his immediate followers went up into the pavilion above the gate and -conferred together. The native chronicler says that “their faces were -white and their voices were like the croaking of country frogs.” And -well they might be. Chi Yö-hă said, “They have come down from the border -in five days and must be very tired. I will take 500 men and go out and -hold them in check until the king can get to Kang-wha.” But Ch’oe -Myŭng-gil said, “We must decide immediately, for the enemy is at our -very doors. We cannot fight them, but I will go out the gate and parley -with them and meantime the king can escape to Nam-han.” To this the king -eagerly assented and Ch’oe took ten cattle and ten tubs of wine and went -out to meet the enemy. All the gates on the south side of Seoul were -closed and the king and his suite started for the East Gate. The crown -prince’s groom ran away and the prince was compelled to hold the bridle -himself. The people crowded around the royal party so closely that it -was almost impossible to move, but finally the gate was passed and the -party hurried forward. At seven o’clock that night the royal cavalcade -entered the welcome gate of Nam-han. So rapid had been the pace that -only six men in the king’s retinue remained until they arrived at their -destination. The rest arrived some time before midnight. They all urged -the king to start at day light and reach Kang-wha by a circuitous route. -This was determined upon, but a storm of sleet and rain came on, which -rendered the roads so slippery that the king was compelled to dismount -and walk. It soon became evident that this would not do. The king was -very cold and the progress was hopelessly slow. So they placed him in a -litter hastily extemporised and brought him back to the fortress. It -turned out that this was fortunate, for the Manchus had guarded every -approach to Kang-wha so carefully that the king never would have been -able to get through. Gen. Ch’oe, who had gone to parley with the enemy, -went beyond the Peking Pass and met Gen. Mabudă and said, “We made a -treaty with you some time since, but now you come down upon us with this -great array. How is this?” The Manchu answered. “It is not we who have -broken the treaty but you, and we have come to learn from the king the -reason of it.” Gen. Ch’oe replied, “Well, you cannot see him. He has -gone to the fortress of Nam-han.” - -Together they entered Seoul and there the Manchu general had Gen. Ch’oe -send a letter to the king as follows, “The Manchu general has come to -make a treaty with us, but he says we are all afraid of him and that -even the king has fled. He says that if the king wants to make peace he -must send his son and the prime minister together with the man who -advised the king to break the treaty. They demand an immediate answer.” -That night no answer came and Mabudă charged Gen. Ch’oe with having -deceived him and wanted to kill him on the spot, but the rest dissuaded -him saying “Let us go to Nam-han ourselves.” They made Gen. Ch’oe act as -guide and soon they stood before that renowned fortress. Gen. Ch’oe went -ahead and entered alone. The king seized his hand and said, “You are -come to save us.” But the general said “The Manchu general was -exceedingly angry because you did not answer my letter last night, so he -has now come with a third of his whole force. In order to pacify him we -cannot but comply with his three conditions.” The king replied, “You are -deceived by him. Do you think he has come all this way to be satisfied -so easily as that?” - - - - - Chapter VII. - -Manchu camps.... the garrison of Nam-han.... a trick.... divided - counsels.... the king determines to fight it out.... Koreans eager - to fight.... the garrison put on half rations.... terrible cold.... - message to the provinces.... successful sallies.... the king’s - kindness.... the Manchu fence.... the gift refused.... help from the - outside....unsuccessful venture.... plenty and want.... imperial - edict.... the answer.... a night attack.... relief party - defeated.... other attempts to relieve the king.... a cowardly - general.... a clever trick.... Korean defeat.... mutual - recriminations.... a ghastly trick.... desperate straits.... - correspondence.... a starving garrison.... a heroic answer.... king - wants to surrender.... Manchu demands.... fighting continued. - - -The Manchu army encamped along the southern side of the city from -Mo-wha-gwan to the South Gate and outside the East Gate, and the air -resounded with the sound of music and drums. At first the soldiers -committed no excesses beyond the theft of a few cattle and an occasional -woman, but now that it was learned that the king had run away to Nam-han -the license became unbounded and men and women were killed in large -numbers. The royal treasure houses were looted and nothing was too -sacred to be dragged about the streets. That same night a band of the -Manchus completely encircled Nam-han, which must be well-nigh ten miles -around. - -The king set a strong guard all about the wall, appointing Gen. Sin -Kyöng-jin to guard the East Gate, Gen. Ku Kweng the South Gate, Gen. Yi -Sö the North Gate and Gen. Yi Si-băk the West Gate. Generals Wŭn -Tu-p‘yo, Ku In-hu, Han Whe-il and Pak Whan went all about the wall with -strong bodies of troops, to prevent the entrance of any scaling party. -The whole number of troops in the fortress was about 12,000. Gen. Nam -An-gap held the important position of Commissariat Chief. The king’s -retinue and court consisted of 200 officials, 200 of his relatives, 100 -clerks, and 300 servants of different degrees. All these received their -salary in rice. Officials of the first and second grades were allowed to -have three servants and two horses, those of the third, fourth and fifth -grades could have two servants and one horse, while those below these -could have but one servant and one horse, The commander-in-chief was -Gen. Kim Nyu. His advice to the king was to send the crown prince and -the prime minister at once and make the best terms possible. It was -decided to deceive the enemy if possible, so Neung Pong-su, a distant -relative of the king, assumed the name of the king’s younger brother, -and Sim Chip assumed the role of crown prince. Together they sallied out -to try their hand on the Manchus. When they came before Mabudă, that -hardheaded warrior looked them over, turned them inside out and sent -them back to the king with the curt reply that, “As you have been trying -to play a trick on us we will now consent to treat with no one whatever -except the crown prince himself. If you will send him we will talk with -you.” This they demanded in spite of the statements of the messengers -that the crown prince was still in mourning for his mother. - -When this ultimatum was delivered to the king there was a division of -opinion. Gen. Kim Nyu and several others averred that there was nothing -to do but comply with the demands But the king said, “I will die first.” -Kim Sang-hön took the other side and said, “Whoever talks of -surrendering so tamely is a traitor.” On the seventeenth the king sent -Hong Sö-bong to the Manchu camp and said, “I am willing to send my -second or third son to you but they are all in Kang-wha.” They answered -as before, “We will see no one but the crown prince.” When the crown -prince expressed his willingness to go, a courtier said, “We have a good -strong garrison and shall we tamely surrender and send our future king -into the clutches of these highwaymen? If he goes I shall strangle -myself with my own bridle.” Another said, “Let us fight them. We are -men, not straw manikins.” So the king made up his mind that it would be -war and not surrender and he so proclaimed, “We shall fight to the -bitter end. Let no one expect or hope for peace.” He then despatched a -letter to Kim Cha-jŭm in P’yŭng-yang, saying “We are hemmed in here and -our forces are small and food scarce, but we have determined to fight it -out even though it ends the dynasty. So hasten and come to our aid with -all the forces at your command.” The next day the guard of the North -Gate made a successful sally, returning with six Manchu heads. This -excited the soldiers almost to frenzy, and they were eager to rush out -and engage the besiegers. Unfortunately all the rice that had been -stored at the river for the provisioning of Nam-han had been seized by -the Manchus, but the arms and ammunition were safe within the walls. The -king took advantage of the elation of the soldiers over this successful -sally to make them a little speech, in which he remarked, “Shall we -surrender or fight? It is for you to say.” Sim Kwang-su answered grimly -for them all and said “Show us the head of the man who advised to -surrender.” This referred to Gen. Ch’oe Myŭng-gil, but the rest did not -dare to second the request. From that time the walls were guarded with -renewed vigilance. Day after day the smoke of the Manchu camps went up -to heaven round about the beleagured fortress. On the nineteenth the -king sacrificed at the tomb of On-jo, the founder of the ancient kingdom -of Păk-je of which Nam-han was for many years the capital. On the same -day Gen. Ku Kweng made a sally from the West Gate and took twenty Manchu -heads. This again excited the garrison almost beyond control. The -following day a renegade Korean who had gone over to the Manchus came -near the gate and parleyed with the guard, urging that the king -surrender and make peace; but when the king heard of it he ordered that -if the man came again he should not be met at the gate but that the -guard should only talk down at him from the top of the wall. - -The matter of provisions was one of prime importance, and the king -called the chief of commissariat and asked him how many days’ rations -there were remaining in the store-houses. He replied that there were -enough provisions to last sixty days, but that if great economy were -exercised it might last seventy days. He said the horses could have but -one measure of beans a day and the servants must get along as best they -could, on barley and oats. Someone suggested that as there were a large -number of people present who held no important position, the king ought -not to feel obliged to support them, but the king vetoed this by saying, -“They came here trusting in me and now shall I deprive them of food? No, -we will all eat or go hungry together.” The weather was very cold and -the men exposed upon the wall suffered severely. Their cheeks, being -frost-bitten, cracked open in a very painful manner. In view of this the -king ordered that night guards be dispensed with and that no old or -feeble men should be put on picket duty in these exposed positions. - -The king again sent out a letter to the governors of the different -provinces saying, “We are here hemmed in; our life hangs by a thread. -Let all loyal men rally to our support, and march against the besieging -force.” To Kim Cha-jŭm he wrote, “For seven days we have now been -immured and we have come to the brink of destruction. Come immediately -to our aid.” - -On the twenty-first there were two simultaneous sallies, from the East -and West Gates respectively, and each resulted in the securing of a few -trophies. For the encouragement of the soldiers Kim Sin-guk suggested -that a schedule of rates be issued offering prizes for Manchu heads. The -king’s intention not to surrender was still unshaken, for when a -courtier memorialized him urging surrender he burned the document in -anger. On the twenty-second a Manchu messenger rode up to the gate and -asked if the king were ready to surrender yet. The answer came in the -shape of fierce sallies on the South and East sides in which forty heads -were taken and in which Gen. Yi Chi-wŭn, with an iron club, killed two -mounted generals. The soldiers were so elated by these successes, which -of course could make no difference in the strength of the besieging -force, that on the following day they made simultaneous attacks on -several sides, in each of which the Koreans had some advantage. The -Koreans lost but twenty men while the Manchu loss was much greater. As -the Manchus carried their dead from the field, however, the exact amount -of their loss is not known. The king celebrated the victory by making a -circuit of the wall. The next day was wet and foggy and the cold was -even harder to endure than when the weather was clear. Both the king and -the crown prince came out in the rain to encourage the soldiers and they -and many of the officials gave mats and blankets and the mud-guards of -their saddles to help the soldiers to keep dry. The inmates of Han-heung -Monastery, inside the fortress, presented the king with forty quires of -paper, and several bags of vegetables, but the king distributed them all -among the soldiers. Other monks presented three large bowls of honey, -for which the king thanked them and gave presents in return. - -On the twenty-fifth the Manchus completed a wattle fence completely -encircling the fortress. It was thirty miles long and twice the height -of a man. Some idea can be formed of the numbers in the Manchu army when -we know that this was completed in seven days. Every eighty paces a bell -was attached in such a way that if anyone attempted to break through, -warning would be given to the sentinels. - -There were those outside who sincerely desired to give succor to the -king and the court. Gen. Kwŭn Chöng-gil, of Wŭn-ju, gathered a small -force and camped on Kŭm-dan mountain in plain sight of Nam-han, and the -king was greatly encouraged, hoping that the Koreans were rallying to -his support. When this loyal band attacked the Manchus they were -immediately overwhelmed and cut to pieces. - -The Manchus caught every Korean they could lay hands on. The more -vigorous of these they forced into their ranks, the old men were made -hewers of wood and drawers of water, the young women were made -concubines and the older women were compelled to cook and wash. - -On the twenty-eighth the king sent a present of a bullock and ten -bottles of wine to the Manchu headquarters, but received the reply, -“Heaven has given us all Korea and we have no need of these things. Take -them back to your starving soldiers.” - -Chöng Se-gyu, the governor of Ch’ung-ch’ŭng Province, was consumed with -grief on hearing that the king was reduced to two side-dishes with his -rice; so he gave a monk two pheasants and told him to effect an entrance -in some way or other and give them to the king. The governor himself -came with a handful of men to Ma-heui-ch’ŭn, only forty _li_ from the -beleaguered fortress, and there he was attacked in the rear by the -enemy. His whole force was annihilated, though he himself escaped by -leaping into a deep gorge, intending to commit suicide. But the fall was -not fatal. Nam Yang, also, the prefect of Yun-gye, wanted to do what he -could, and when he learned of the distress of the king, he arose even on -his wedding night and started for the seat of war. His little force was -surrounded and he was ordered to surrender, and then it was that he made -that memorable reply, “You can conquer my neck but never my knees.” His -tongue was cut out and his body was dismembered. - -Gen. Kim Nyu had the idea that the Manchu force was weakest on the south -and that if a sudden, determined attack were made the line might be -broken through. So on the twenty-ninth he called all the generals and -gave his orders. They all disagreed with him and considered the project -hopeless, but would not show insubordination. A considerable body, -therefore, emerged from the South Gate, hastened down the valley against -the surrounding line of besiegers. These men had no faith in the plan, -however, and were prevented from turning back only by the sword of Gen. -Kim Nyu which he used on a few as a warning to the rest. Gen. Sin said, -“This is actual suicide. Let me take my company and go out here and show -you at the cost of my life that this cannot be done.” He pushed rapidly -forward and was soon surrounded by the Manchus who had lain concealed in -a bend of the hills, and he and his men were all cut down. When the -ammunition of his men was gone they clubbed their muskets and fought to -the bitter end. Two hundred Koreans fell in this rash adventure and Gen. -Kim returned crest-fallen and ashamed. Having no excuse, he tried to lay -the blame on others, claiming that they did not support him properly. He -also told the king that only forty men had been killed. - -Sim Keui-wŭn who had been left as guardian of Seoul sent a letter to the -king saying that he had made a fierce attack on the Manchus encamped at -A-o-gă outside the West Gate, but the king afterwards learned that this -was false, and that Sim had fled incontinently from before the face of -the foe. - -When the last day of the year 1636 arrived it found the relative -position of the Koreans and Manchus as follows: The Manchu camps were -filled with plunder and with women which the soldiers had captured; but -what of the children? These the soldiery did not want, and so they were -killed and their bodies thrown outside the camps. There they lay in -piles and a pestilence was prevented only by the intense cold of winter. -In Nam-han the greatest distress prevailed. The provisions had not held -out as had been hoped. Food was all but exhausted and horses and cattle -were dying of starvation. The king slept in his ordinary clothes, for he -had given all his blankets to the soldiers. All he had to eat with his -rice was the leg or wing of a chicken. On that last day of the year some -magpies gathered and began building a nest in a tree near the king’s -quarters. This was hailed as a hopeful omen. It shows to what straits -the garrison was reduced that it should have pinned its faith to this -childish superstition. It was the sole subject of conversation for some -time, but it did the caged Korean king no good. - -The next day was new years day of 1637 and the king sent Kim Sin-guk and -Yi Kyŭng-jik to the Manchu camp to offer the compliments of the season. -They were there informed that the emperor’s son had arrived and had -inspected the army and the forts. Consequently on the following day Hong -Sö-bong, Kim Sin-guk and Yi Kyŭng-jik hastened to his headquarters and -were met, not by the emperor’s son but by a general who said, “You have -called us slaves and thieves but our course has been straight and -consistent throughout.” He then laid before them an edict of the emperor -written on yellow paper, and they were ordered to bow before it. Its -contents were as follows: - -“The great, the good, the wise, the kind Emperor to the king of Korea. -As you preferred allegiance to the Ming Emperor rather than to us and, -not content with throwing us over, despised and insulted us, you now -have an opportunity to see the fruits of your choice. Of a truth you -acted wickedly in breaking your oath, in throwing off the Manchu yoke -and in offering us armed opposition. I have now brought an immense army -and have surrounded your eight provinces. How can you longer hope to -render assistance to your “father,” the Ming Emperor? The Mings are now -hung up by the heels, as it were.” - -On the next day the king sent his answer couched in the following terms: -“The great, the glorious, the righteous Emperor. The little country has -indeed sinned against the great one and has drawn upon herself this -trouble which lies hard by the door of destruction. We have long wanted -to write thus but we have been so surrounded and hemmed in that it -seemed well-nigh impossible to get a letter through the lines; but now -that the Emperor’s son himself has come, we rejoice, and yet we tremble. -The Ming Emperor is no longer our suzerain. In this we have completely -reformed. The people on the border have acted badly in ill-treating the -Manchu envoys. We are truly on the brink of destruction and we confess -all our sin. It is for us to confess and for the Emperor to forgive. -From this day forth we wash from our mind all other thought of -allegiance and enter upon a new line of conduct. If the Emperor will not -forgive, we can only bow the head and die.” - -When this abject document was read before the court, before sending it, -some thought it too humble, but the leaders said it was the only course -left; so it was forwarded to the Manchu camp. Answer was returned that -the Emperor’s son had not yet arrived but that when he came he would -reply. Strange to say no truce was made and the Manchu soldiers, fearing -perhaps that a truce might rob them of the pleasure of scaling those -walls that had defied them so long, approached the wall that very night -and with scaling ladders a considerable number effected an entrance. But -they had underestimated the determination and courage of the defenders, -and those who got in were quickly dispersed by Gen. Yi Si-băk. Many -Manchus fell in this desperate assault. Almost at the same hour a -similar attack was made on the south side but there also the Manchus -were check-mated by the watchful guard. - -And now a diversion occurred. Generals Hŏ Wan and Min Yöng from the -provinces approached with a force of 40,000 men and seriously threatened -the Manchu flank. They were stationed on two opposite hills with a line -of sharpshooters between. In the fight which ensued the Koreans held -their ground gallantly and at first even made the invaders retreat; but -this exhausted their ammunition and when the enemy reformed his lines -and came on again to the attack there was nothing to do but retreat. The -retreat became a rout and large numbers of Koreans were cut down, -including Gen. Hŏ Wan. The other part of the army under Gen. Min Yöng -held out a little longer but an unfortunate accident occurred which -threw his troops into confusion. A large quantity of powder which was -being paid out to the soldiers suddenly exploded killing a large number -of men and depriving the rest of means for continuing the fight. So they -met the same fate as the others. Those that the Manchus killed they -stripped and burned but many fugitives likewise died of exposure and -fatigue. - -Gen. Sim Yun had been fortifying Cho-ryŭng (Pass) but when he heard of -the rout of the 40,000 men he took fright and retreated precipitately, -telling all he met that there was no use in attempting to do anything. -Gen. Kim Chun-yong, however, had more perseverance and came and encamped -twenty miles from Nam-han, occupying a position that was specially -annoying to the enemy. A fight was the result, in which the Koreans were -at first successful, but during the night the Manchus were reinforced -and cannon were brought to bear upon the Koreans. All the next day the -Koreans fought desperately. Night put an end to the battle and the -Koreans finding that all their ammunition was gone, silently separated, -burning all bridges as they went. - -The admiral of Chŭl-la Province desired to render aid to the king and so -getting together a little fleet of boats he came north to Kang-wha and -joined the royal forces there. The governor of Kang-wŭn Province excused -himself from taking active part in the relief of Nam-han on the score of -scarcity of food. For this he was afterward banished. - -Singular events were happening in the north where Gen. Yang Keun lay -with a considerable force a short distance north of Seoul. He was -however a coward and dared not move hand or foot. Two other generals -felt that they might get into trouble if they did do not something, and -they had the happy thought that they ought to report to their superior, -Gen. Yang Keun, for they knew he would do nothing, and thus they would -be safe, for their responsibility would cease. So they went to him and -urged him to advance against the Manchus. But he declined to do so, and -even gave them a written statement to that effect. Armed with that they -felt quite safe. So there they lay a month till they heard at last of -the fall of Nam-han. - -Of another stamp was Gen. Yu Rim. He was on the road between Seoul and -P’yŭng-yang and, being attacked by the Manchus, he and his little band -defended themselves with such good effect that the Manchu camp resounded -all night with wailings for their dead. The Koreans, finding that their -ammunition was almost exhausted, then planned an ingenious retreat. -Loading their muskets they tied them to trees, attached fuses of -different lengths and then silently retreated. The guns kept going off -all night and so the enemy knew nothing of the retreat until it was -discovered in the morning. - -Another effort that was made about this time was that of Generals Kim -Cha-jŭm and Yŏk-dal who had a following of some 7,000 men. Starting from -the north they came down to the vicinity of Song-do. Unfortunately they -had no scouts out and suddenly falling in with a Manchu force in the -narrow passage a few miles beyond Song-do, they were thrown into a panic -and it is said that 5,000 men were killed, though it seems almost -incredible that only 2,000 men survived out of 7,000. Gen. Kim escaped -by scaling the steep mountain side but his second was caught and bound. -The two thousand survivors rallied and attacked the Manchus with such -fury that they were forced back and the captured general was rescued. -Gen. Kim Cha-jŭm then made his way to where Gen. Yang Keun was idling -away his time, and together they awaited the surrender of the king. We -may anticipate a few months and say that after peace was made these two -generals were banished to distant places for their criminal cowardice. - -Gen. Sin Kyöng-wan, stationed at Ong-jin in Whang-hă Province, was -surrounded by the enemy, but the place was so difficult of approach, -owing to the roughness of the ground, that they could not reduce it; so, -hoping to draw out the garrison they feigned retreat. Gen. Sin was not -to be caught thus, and sent out one of his lieutenants to reconnoitre. -That man happened to be just recovering from a wound, and so he did not -go far, but spent the night in a neighboring inn. He came back in the -morning and reported the enemy gone. Gen. Sin then led out his troops to -take them to the vicinity of Seoul; but the Manchus, who were lying -concealed in the vicinity, rushed out upon him and captured him. He was -released only after peace had been declared. - -At Nam-han a severe mental struggle was going on. They well knew that -surrender and humiliation were inevitable but their pride revolted at -the thought, and each tried to throw the blame on the other. This may be -illustrated by a single case which will show how mutual recriminations -were being made in the very presence of the siege-weary king. Yu -Păk-jeung memorialized the king in these words: “Gen. Kim Nyu who holds -the rank of General-in-chief is a man of no military skill, a man of -jealous, vindictive temperament and his house is full of bribes. When -the king came to Nam-han it was almost without retinue, but he, -forsooth, must bring sixty horsemen at his back. And the females of his -household came in litters. He it was who urged the king to give up the -crown prince to the tender mercies of the Manchu wolves. He it was who -compassed the humiliation of the king by advising him to send that -self-effacing letter which, though so humble, was rejected. This is all -the work of Kim Nyu.” Here as elsewhere we see that personal spite has -always been the rock on which the interests of Korea have been wrecked. - -The emperor knew that he had the king secure, and he determined to delay -the ratification of a treaty until his captive was reduced to the last -crust, in order to brand upon the memory of all Koreans the indubitable -fact of their vassalage and to teach them a lesson that they should -never forget. And so the days slipped by. - -On the sixth of the moon Korean messengers succeeded in getting through -the Manchu lines and brought the king letters from his two sons on the -island of Kang-wha, but the Manchus were aware of this and redoubled -their diligence in guarding the approaches, and so the king was -completely cut off from the outside. A few days later a costly joke was -played by the Korean Gen. Kim On-yun. He led a small party outside the -West Gate and soon returned with two heads. The king praised him and -gave him presents of silk. The heads were raised on pikes, but behold, -no blood came from them. A soldier in the ranks cried out, “Why is my -brother killed twice?” The truth is that the General had beheaded two -corpses of Koreans whereby to obtain praise and favor from the king. The -king replaced the heads by those of the general and his second. - -On the twelfth the king’s emissaries went into the Manchu camp bearing a -letter from the king. They were told that a great Manchu general was -about to arrive and that they must come again the next day. The people -in Nam-han were in desperate straits. All who had advocated continued -resistance now urged surrender, excepting Kim Sang-hön and Chong On, who -said, “Not till every soldier is dead, and all the common people as -well, will it be time to think of giving in.” - -The next day the messengers presented themselves in the Manchu camp as -ordered. The general who received them said, “You broke your former -treaty with us. Are you prepared to keep it if we make another?” The -messengers beat upon their breasts and cried, “It was our fault and not -the fault of the king. We are willing to prove this with our lives.” -“But why do you not come out and fight?” “We are an insignificant power -and how can we hope to cope with you?” was the humble reply. The Manchu -then broke the seal of the king’s letter and read, “When we signed the -former treaty you were the elder brother and we the younger brother. -When a younger brother does wrong it is for the older brother to correct -him, but if it is done too severely a principle of righteousness is -broken, and the Supreme Being will be offended. We are dwellers in a -corner of the sea. We know nothing but books. We are no warriors. We are -weak and must bow before superior force. So we accept the clemency of -the Manchus, and we are now vassals and you are our suzerain. When the -Japanese invaded our land and we were on the verge of destruction, China -sent her hosts and saved us. Our gratitude to them lives in the very -fiber of our bones. Even at the risk of incurring your anger we could -not bear to cast them off. If now the Manchu power shows us kindness and -goes back across the Yalu, our gratitude toward them will be the same. -We have been a long time imprisoned here and we are tired and cramped. -If you consent to overlook our faults we will engage to treat the Manchu -power rightly. These sentiments are engraved on our very hearts and we -surrender ourselves to the clemency of the Manchu emperor.” - -Food was now practically gone. The officials themselves were put on half -rations and even the king’s daily supply was diminished by one third. At -the very most there was enough to last but twenty days more. At this -time the Manchus burned the buildings in connection with the royal tombs -outside the east Gate, and also those near Nam-han. The smoke of the -burning went up to heaven. These acts of vandalism must have been a -bitter drop in the cup that was being put to the king’s lips. On the -sixteenth Hong Sö-bong again went to the Manchu camp and asked why no -answer was sent. The truth is that the Manchus had determined to first -send and reduce the Island of Kang-wha. They answered, “Gen. Kong Yu-dŭk -has gone with 70,000 men to take Kang-wha. We must wait till he -returns.” The next day they sent the king an insulting letter saying, -“Why do you not come out and fight? We thought we would get at least a -little fight out of you. Have not your soldiers learned to load and -fire? China is your good friend; why does she not send and help you? Now -you are starving and yet you have the impudence to talk about -righteousness. Heaven helps the good and punishes the evil. Those who -trust us we aid, those who oppose we decapitate. As we have become your -enemies you see us here in force. If you will come back to your -allegiance we will treat you as a brother. If you wish to live, come out -and surrender; if you will come out and fight so much the better. Heaven -will decide between us.” This received from the Koreans, starving though -they were, the following memorable reply, “We will die and rot here in -our fortress before we will surrender thus. Then there will be no one to -answer your insulting summons.” - -On the eighteenth a Manchu general came near the South Gate and demanded -that the king should come out and surrender or else come out and fight. -The king thereupon sent a letter to the Manchu headquarters saying that -he wanted to come out and surrender but that he did not dare to do so -while the Manchu soldiers were prowling about the wall. As the king -handed this letter to the messenger Kim Sang-hön snatched it from the -messenger’s hand and tore it in fragments saying, “How can you bear to -send such a letter. Heaven will still favor us if we are patient, but if -we send this we are truly undone.” Then followed a scene in which the -courtiers almost came to blows. Ch’oe Myŭng-gil took the fragments of -the letter and pasted them together and the next day in company with -another general took it to the Manchus. They were met with the gruff -reply, “We do not want your letters. We want your king to come out and -surrender.” That night the Manchus scaled the wall on the east side and -a great panic followed, but Gen. Yi Keui-ch’uk, with a body of picked -men succeeded in driving back the enemy. On the twentieth an answer was -received from the emperor who said, “The reason why we demand that you -come out and surrender is that we may have a visible proof of your -sincerity. If we depart now leaving you still king of Korea all will be -well. Why should I deceive you since I am conquering the whole world -besides? Need I use guile? I desire to punish only those who advised you -to cleave to China and prove untrue to us. Before surrendering you must -send those men bound to me. I shall kill them but the rest of you will -be safe. One thing is certain. I will read no more of your letters.” -When the king saw this he cried, “I cannot send those men bound to him.” -In spite of the ominous closing words of the emperor’s letter the king -again wrote saying, “Korea to the worshipful, glorious, puissant, -merciful emperor, greeting. We are narrow and provincial people and very -deficient in manners but the contrast between our present mental -attitude and that of a few months ago is surprising. Among our -councillors some argued one way and some argued another but now -starvation has brought us all to the same point and we know that we must -become subjects of the Manchu power. But since the days of Silla there -has never been seen such a thing as a king going out from his fortress -to surrender. We cannot do it in that way. If you insist upon it you -will soon have nothing left but a fortress full of dead. I have -signified my willingness to surrender but if I should go out to you the -people would never again recognize me as king and anarchy will result. I -long ago banished the men who opposed the making of peace with the -Manchus, so I cannot send them to you, but the emperor must now be -gracious and forgive our mistake.” When the Manchu general was about to -send this scornfully back Yi Hong-ju told him that it was written by the -officials and that nothing more was possible; and that if anyone -suggested to the king the advisability of coming out it would mean -instant death. But the Manchu drove them away in a rage. One official -named Chöng On violently opposed all these attempts at securing a -cessation of hostilities and said it would be better to sit there and -rot than to surrender. He urged that the fighting be continued. - - - - - Chapter VIII. - -The refugees on Kang-wha.... crossing the ferry.... the Princess blames - the commander.... grain saved.... cross-purposes.... Manchu - rafts.... Manchus gain a footing on Kang-wha.... Gen. Kim’s - flight.... Koreans massacred.... royal captives.... suicide.... - ancestral tablets dishonored.... list of the dead.... from Kang-wha - to Nam-han.... fierce attacks.... bombardment.... the king learns of - the fall of Kang-wha..... Manchu victims sent.... arrangements for - the surrender.... the Manchu conditions.... the king comes out of - Nam-han.... the ceremony.... disgraceful scramble.... the king - enters Seoul.... condition of the capital.... Manchu army - retires.... a high-priced captive.... king and Crown Prince part.... - rewards and punishments.... the island of Ko-do taken.... an - unselfish act. - - -We must leave the king and his court, facing starvation on the one hand -and the deep humiliation of surrender on the other, and see how it fared -with the people on Kang-wha. This island had earned the reputation of -being impregnable, because of the failure of the Mongols to take it when -the king of Koryo found refuge there. Kim Kyŭng-jeung was the commander -of the garrison there and Im In-gu was second in command. Chang Sin had -charge of the naval defenses. When the king sent the Crown Princess, the -royal concubines, the second and third princes and the aged officials -and their wives to Kang-wha a few days before his flight to Nam-han they -were under the escort of Gen. Kim Kyŭng-jeung, who was also taking his -wife and mother to the same place for safety. It was a long cavalcade, -stretching miles along the road. Arriving at the ferry which was to take -the party across the narrow channel to the island, Gen. Kim deliberately -began by filling the boats with the members of his own family and fifty -horse-loads of furniture which they had brought along, and the Princess -and the other royal fugitives had to wait. For two whole days the Crown -Princess was obliged to stay on the farther side in imminent danger of -seizure by the Manchus. At last she summoned Gen. Kim and said, “Are not -these boats the property of the king? Why then do you use them only for -your relatives and friends while we wait here in danger?” As there was -no possible excuse for his conduct he was obliged to accede to the -demand, but only just in time; for, though there were thousands of -people still waiting to cross, a foraging band of Manchus arrived on the -scene and the terrified multitude rushed headlong into the water, “like -leaves driven by the wind,” and multitudes were drowned. Large store of -government rice was lying at Kim-p’o and Tong-jin, and as the Manchus -had not as yet discovered it, Gen. Kim was able to get it across to the -island; but no one excepting the members of his own family and following -were allowed to have any part of it. He had such faith in the -impregnability of Kang-wha that he set no guards and spent his time in -feasting and playing chess. Prince Pong-im suggested that it would be -well to keep a good lookout, but the general replied sharply. “Who is in -command of this place, you or I?” This Gen. Kim was the son of Gen. Kim -Nyu who had charge of the defence of Nam-han and between them they -managed things about as they pleased. There was a running fire of -dispute between Gen Kim and the other leaders on Kang-wha and anything -but good order and concerted action prevailed among the forces set for -the defence of the people there. The Manchus, although without boats, -had no intention to leave the island untaken, and so they pulled down -houses far and near and made rafts with the timbers. - -As it was in the dead of winter there was much ice on either bank of the -estuary, and as the tide rises some thirty feet there the crossing was a -difficult feat, even though the actual distance was small. Soon the -message came from the ferry guards that the Manchus had finished their -rafts and would soon be attempting the passage. Gen. Kim called them -fools for thinking the Manchus would dare to cross in the face of such -obstacles, but when it was announced that they had actually embarked in -their improvised craft he bestirred himself. He sent a force under Yun -Sin-ji to guard the upper ferry, Yu Chŭng-nyang took charge of the -middle ferry, Yu Sŭng-jeung guarded the lower ferry and Yi Hyŭng was on -guard at Ma-ri-san, still lower down. Gen. Kim stationed himself at the -middle ferry. There was a great lack of arms, but as there were plenty -in the Kang-wha arsenal the soldiers demanded them; but Gen. Kim -refused. It was the intention of the Manchus to cross under fire of -certain huge cannon which they had planted on the opposite bank. When -the shot from these began kicking up the dust about Gen. Kim he found he -was urgently needed elsewhere and was hardly restrained by the indignant -outcry of his lieutenants. The Manchus were then seen boarding their -strange craft and in the very fore front came a raft with seventeen men -who held shields in one hand while they paddled with the other. Admiral -Chang Sin was lower down with a fleet of boats and he made desperate -efforts to come to the place where this crossing was taking place, but -the tide which runs there like a mill-race was against him and he could -make no headway at all. He simply stood in his boat and beat his breast -with anger and chagrin. Kang Sin-sŭk was farther up the estuary with -other boats and he hastened to come down; but it was too late. The first -raft full of Manchus had gained a foothold on the island. The Koreans -found their powder wet and the arrows exhausted. As a consequence the -whole force, numbering about two hundred men, turned and fled before -seventeen Manchus. These men paced up and down the shore waiting for -reinforcements, for which they had signalled. Gen. Kim had already fled -in a small boat, which finally landed him far down the coast. Then the -whole Manchu army made its way across, some on rafts and some in boats -which were sent from the island. The Crown Princess wanted to make her -escape with her little two year old boy, but the Manchu soldiers at the -gate of the fortress would not let her come out. She then gave the boy -to Kim In and he managed to get through the lines and escape to the main -land with the child, which he took to Tang-jin in Ch’ung-ch’ŭng -Province. The Princess attempted suicide with a knife but did not -succeed. The Manchus called out to Minister Yun Pang and said, “We will -occupy the right side of the fortress and you and the royal personages -and other persons of high degree can occupy the other side.” They then -took all the common people outside the North Gate of the fortress and -set them in long lines. These people were all wondering what was about -to happen, when out came a standard bearer carrying a red flag and -behind him came a soldier with a bared sword. Walking along the lines -they cut down every one of these innocent, unoffending people. The -Manchus issued passes to the Koreans in the fortress and no one could go -in or out without showing his credentials. All the people living in the -vicinity who did not run away were massacred. - -Having thoroughly subdued the island, the next move of the victors was -to rejoin the main army encamped before Nam-han. As a preparatory -measure they burned all the government buildings on the island and put -to death all the people they could find, that had not already perished. -Then taking the Crown Princess and her retinue, and all the officials, -they crossed the ferry and marched toward Nam-han. The Princess was -treated with all deference, as befitted her exalted station. As the -company was about to leave the fortress of Kang-wha on their way to -Nam-han, the aged Minister Kim Sang-yong was so deeply moved that he -determined to end his life. He entered the pavilion above the South Gate -where he found a box containing powder. Yun Pang also accompanied him, -saying that he too was weary of life, but Minister Kim said to him, “You -are in charge of the ancestral tablets, you must not prove recreant to -that sacred trust.” So Yun Pang sadly went about that task. Divesting -himself of his outer garments the Minister gave them to an attendant and -told him to bury them in place of his body. Then lighting his pipe with -flint and steel he thrust it into the box of powder. The explosion which -followed blew the whole gate to fragments and Minister Kim Sang-yong and -Kim Ik-kyŭm and Kwŭn Sun-jang and the minister’s little grandson, -thirteen years old, were blown to atoms. In order to convey the -ancestral tablets in safety to Nam-han, Yun Pang put them in a bag, but -the Manchus, who did not care to be burdened with such impedimenta, -threw the whole thing into a ditch. Yun recovered them and cleaned them -off as well as he could, and managed to carry them along. Perhaps it was -only because the Manchus wished to show an indignity toward these most -sacred of all the royal treasures. The following are the names of the -most noted men killed in the taking of Kang-wha. Sim Hyŭn, Yi Sang-gil, -Yi Si-jik, Song Si-hyŭng, Yun Chŭn, Chöng Păk-hyŭng, Kim Su-nam, Kang -Wi-bing, Yi Ton-o, Yi Ka-sang, and the following ladies of rank were -killed: The wives of Sim Pyŭn, Yun Sŭn-gŏ, Yi Sang-gyu, Han O-sang, Kwŏn -Sun-jang, Yi Ton-o, Hong Myŭng-il and the mother of Kim Kyŭng-jeung. -These people died, some by the sword, some by strangling and some by -drowning. There were darker crimes than murder too, for the Manchus did -not hesitate to seize and insult many honorable women, and even to this -day a slight taint clings to one family of the nobility because the wife -and daughter-in-law were subjected to indignities than which death were -preferable. From among the women taken there, the daughter of Whe Wŭn, a -relative of the king, became sixth wife to the Manchu Emperor, but -shortly afterward he gave her to one of his favorites as a present. And -so we leave this long line of captives wending their way eastward, and -find ourselves again within the grim walls of Nam-han. - -The ravages of hunger were beginning to make the Manchu proposition seem -more feasible. The council came to the conclusion that the men whom the -Manchus demanded must be bound and sent to their fate. When the Crown -Prince heard of this he said, “I have a son and several brothers and -there is no reason why I should not go myself.” Then Chöng On said “I am -the one who have most strenuously opposed the Manchu claims. Let me go.” -Kim Sang-hon exclaimed, “Who opposed them more than I? I am surely the -one to send.” Yun Whang, Yun Chip and O Tal-ch’e all offered to go and -immolate themselves on the altar of Manchu vengeance. While the council -was going on many of the soldiers came down from the wall and looked in -at the doors and shouted, “As the Manchus have demanded these men why do -you not send them rather than let us come thus to skin and bone?” It was -with difficulty that they were sent back to their places. It was -remarked that the soldiers under Gen. Yi Si-băk did not participate in -this unruly demonstration. That night at nine o’clock a party of Manchus -approached the West Gate and one of them actually scaled the wall before -the guard was aware of it. He was speedily driven back with a -battle-club, and stones and other missiles were rained down upon the -assaulting party. Gen. Yi Si-băk was twice wounded but did not make it -known until the skirmish was over. At the same time an assault was -successfully warded off on the eastern side by Gen. Sin Kyŭng-jin who, -not content with simply driving off the attacking party, sallied out and -killed their leader and many of his followers. - -[Illustration: _TORTURING A WITNESS._] - -The Manchus next tried to reduce the fortress by bombardment, and it is -said that the projectiles came over the wall with such force as to bury -themselves twenty inches in the earth. - -On the morning of the twenty-fifth the Manchus sounded a parley at the -West Gate and three of the officials accompanied them to the camp of the -enemy. There they were told, “The Emperor is very angry because you do -not surrender, and has ordered the destruction of the kingdom. He is to -leave tomorrow and then you will have no opportunity to surrender, -though you should wish.” The bombardment was renewed and many breaches -were made in the wall and many of the garrison were killed, but the -survivors quickly piled bags of sand in the breaches and poured water -over them. This instantly froze and made a good substitute for a wall. -But the soldiers were discouraged and came to the king in crowds -demanding that the men whom the Manchus had called for be sent. It was -evident that something must be done at once, and Hong Sö-bong undertook -another visit to the enemy’s camp, where he said, “Tomorrow the Crown -Prince and the other men that you have demanded will come out to you.” -But they answered, “We do no want to see the Crown Prince, but the king -himself.” To emphasize this, letters were shown proving that Kang-wha -had fallen into Manchu hands, and a letter was delivered to them from -one of the captive princes to the king. They were likewise told, “The -Crown Prince and one of his brothers must go to Manchuria as hostages. -The king must understand that there is nothing to fear in coming out. -The kingdom will in that way be preserved.” So they took the prince’s -letter and wended their way back to the fortress. When the letter was -opened and read a great cry of sorrow arose from the whole court. -Someone suggested that the Manchus were trying to deceive them, but the -king answered, “No, this is my son’s own hand,” and he added, “As -Kang-wha is taken of course the ancestral tablets have been destroyed. -There is then no longer any need to delay our surrender.” As a -preliminary to that final act the king ordered that all documents in -which the Manchus were spoken of slightingly be collected and burned. - -The next day a letter from the king was taken to the Manchu -headquarters, wherein he said, “As the emperor is about to return to the -north, I must see him before he goes. If not, harm will result. If evil -befalls me in this step it were better that I take a sword and end my -life here. I pray you make some way whereby I can surrender without -endangering my kingdom.” The messenger explained that the king feared -that the Manchu soldiers might fall upon him when he came down from the -fortress. The Manchu general answered, “Wait till you get orders from -me; then come down.” Kim Sang-hön could not endure the thought of -surrender and so attempted to take his own life by hanging, but someone -cut him down. Chöng On likewise after an apostrophe to his “frosty -sword” plunged it into his bowels, but the wound did not prove fatal and -the king had him well cared for. - -On the next day, the twenty-eighth, two men who had most strenuously -opposed the Manchus, O Tal-ch’e and Yun Chip, were made ready to send to -the Manchu camp to meet their fate. Before setting out they were brought -in before the king who wept and said, “Is it possible that we have come -to this? I am ashamed to look you in the face.” But they answered -cheerfully, “There is no cause for mourning on our account. It is our -own fault.” The king then made them sit while a eunuch brought wine and -poured it out. This was the greatest honor the king could show them. -Then he said, “I will see to it that your families are well cared for.” -Then they set out to meet their fate. The emperor was pleased at this -sign of submission and gave Ch’oe Myŭng-gil a fur robe and a cup of -wine. Calling the two men before him the emperor asked them why they had -always opposed the Manchu rule. They answered that after so many -centuries of adherence to the Ming dynasty they found it impossible to -give it up or to advise to do so. The emperor then ordered them to be -loosed but to be kept in the camp under strict surveillance. - -The next day Hong Sö-bong, Ch‘oe Myŭng-gil and Kim Sin-guk repaired to -the Manchu camp and said they had come to complete arrangements for the -surrender. They were told that an altar had already been prepared at -Song-p‘a and that the ceremony must take place on the morrow. The Manchu -general said, “We have a special form of ceremony for surrender. First, -the one who surrenders is placed in a coffin; but as this is rather -humiliating we will waive it this time and begin with the second -article.” Ch‘oe asked, “Shall the king come out in his royal robes?” “By -no means. He must come out dressed in blue.” This was because blue is -the color corresponding to east, and was therefore appropriate for -Korea, which has always been called the “East Country.” “Shall he come -out the South Gate?” was the next question asked. “No, how can one who -has done wrong come out the South Gate? He must come by way of the West -Gate. After the surrender he will proceed to Seoul and he need fear no -danger, for we have recalled all our foraging parties and no one will -offer to molest him. We will send back all the Koreans that we have -taken to Manchuria and we will have a new royal seal cut for the king.” -That night the Manchu general Yonggolda brought the king a letter from -the emperor saying, “Are you indeed afraid to obey the command to come -out and surrender? You may rest assured of your safety, and not only so -but I will make it to your great advantage to come. I will put you back -on your throne, I will forgive the past, I will make a firm and binding -agreement with you as between vassal and suzerain. If you would have -your son and your grandson reign after you, you must receive a new seal -of office from us. You must stop sending embassies to China and you must -discard the Chinese calendar and adopt ours. The Crown Prince, the Prime -Minister and the latter’s son must go with us as hostages. When you die -I will send the Crown Prince to rule in your stead. I am about to invade -China and you must give us boats and troops. I must first take the -Island of Ka-do and to this end you must furnish us fifty boats and -sailors to man them, and you must give us bows and arrows. Before our -troops leave this place you must feast them. Hereafter you must observe -the birthdays of the Manchu empress and Crown Prince. You must treat our -envoys exactly as you have been accustomed to treat Chinese envoys. I -will send back across the Yalu all our Korean captives but you must pay -for them. Your people must intermarry with ours. You must release and -return all Manchu captives that you hold in your border fortresses along -the Tu-man River. As for commerce with Japan you may do as you please. I -make no law about that. You must build no more fortresses. Now, behold. -I lift you as it were from the very dead. I have recreated your Kingdom. -Do not forget my great kindness and mercy. Beware of harboring guile in -your heart. Every year you must send tribute; one hundred ounces of -gold, a thousand ounces of silver, ten thousand bags of white rice, two -thousand pieces of silk, three hundred pieces of white grass-cloth, ten -thousand pieces of colored cotton, four hundred pieces of fine linen, -one thousand pieces of coarse linen, one thousand quires of fine paper, -one thousand quires of common paper, two hundred bows made of sea-cow’s -horns, twenty-six swords the length of a man’s stature, four fine window -screens, forty mats with red flowers, twenty common swords, two hundred -pounds of dye-wood, ten pecks of black pepper, one thousand packages of -tea, one hundred tiger skins, one hundred deer skins, four hundred otter -skins, two hundred squirrel skins. You will commence sending this -tribute three years from now. As I have taken one of the king’s -relatives to wife I will remit nine thousand of the bags of rice.” - -Such were the conditions on which the Manchus proposed to give the -kingdom of Korea a new lease of life. The demand for tribute was so -enormous that the Koreans never seem to have taken it seriously, and -they never once attempted to fulfill more than the merest fraction of -the demand. - -It was on the last day of the first moon of the year 1637 that at last, -having exhausted all other means, having endured the rigors of a winter -siege in a fortress but half prepared for the emergency, having seen his -faithful soldiers die about him from hunger and exposure, the king was -driven to surrender to the Manchu power. The day broke with a great bank -of fog enveloping everything. The West Gate of the fortress swung open -and the royal cavalcade appeared, bearing manifest signs of the long -confinement. The king and Crown Prince, according to the directions of -the victors, were clad in blue. Behind them came the hollow-cheeked, but -loyal, soldiers who would have stayed and defended the walls to the -bitter end had the king but given the word. As the royal party descended -the winding road to the valley below, they came upon long lines of -heavy-armed Manchu cavalry drawn up on either side of the road. The king -was startled, and anxiously asked what it meant, but was told that it -was simply in honor of the coming of the king. Soon the party met the -two Manchu generals, Yonggolda and Mabuda. The king dismounted and the -proper salutations took place between them. Then they sat down and went -through a formal interchange of civilities, seated so as to face east -and west according to the proper rule of etiquette. When these -formalities were completed, they escorted the king to the place where -anciently the town of Kwang-ju stood, at which point there was a short -pause. The king’s immediate staff consisted of three ministers of state, -five officials of the second rank, five of the rank of royal scribe and -one or two others. Besides these there were only the Crown Prince and -his tutor. In front, and at a considerable distance, was a raised -platform covered with a yellow silk awning, under which the emperor sat -upon a throne. In front were drawn up a company of trumpeters. General -Yonggolda and the king dismounted and the former led the king toward the -imperial dais. Upon reaching the eastern entrance to the imperial -presence they bowed three times and struck the hand on the back of the -head. Then they entered and bowed on a mat before the emperor. The king -was then told to ascend the platform. The emperor sat facing the south -and the king sat on his left facing the west. To the left of the king -and also facing the west sat the emperor’s three sons, and finally the -king’s sons who had been brought up from Kang-wha. Below the platform -sat the Korean officials and at a distance the common people. The -emperor’s gilded throne sat on a dais raised nine inches above the -platform, beneath a yellow silk umbrella and the “plume banner.” The -emperor sat twirling an arrow in his hand. A cup of tea was handed the -king. Then the emperor said to the Korean Prime Minister through an -interpreter “Now we are inmates of one house, let us try our skill at -archery.” The Minister answered, perhaps with a shade of irony, “We know -letters, but we are not skilled in archery.” Food was brought in and -placed before the king, the same in quality and amount as that placed -before the emperor. Each drank three cups of wine and then the food was -carried away. This was simply a formality, intended to put the king at -his ease. A servant then brought in the emperor’s dogs and with his own -hand he cut meat and threw it into the air for the animals to catch. -Descending from the platform the king had the pleasure of meeting the -Crown Princess. Their brief conversation was interrupted by General -Yonggolda who came up with a magnificent horse sumptuously caparisoned, -and with a splendid sable robe. These he announced were a gift from the -emperor, but at the same time he asked why the king had not brought the -royal insignia that had been given by the Chinese emperor, that it might -be destroyed. The answer was that it had been lost at the time of the -making of the former treaty with the Manchus, but that it would be -hunted up and handed over to the Manchu general. General Yonggolda also -presented each of the ministers about the king with a sable robe. At -five o‘clock in the afternoon, as night was coming on, the emperor gave -word that the king might proceed to Seoul. It will be remembered that -the Crown Prince and Princess, together with Prince Pong-im, were to be -taken away to Manchuria as hostages. Before starting for Seoul the king -bade them adieu and then with a heavy heart turned toward his capital. - -The retinue that followed the king was so numerous that when they came -to the ferry at Song-p‘a and found there were too few boats to convey -them all, there was a disgraceful scramble for first place, and the king -was hustled and dragged about in a most unbecoming manner. Finally the -crossing was effected and as the cavalcade proceeded toward Seoul they -saw the Manchu camps along the way crowded with Korean women, some of -whom were wailing as if their hearts would break, while others were -making merry over the prospect of being carried away to the north. - -The Manchu soldiery had been ordered out of Seoul to make room for the -king and so the royal party found the way blocked by an immense crowd of -Manchu soldiers loaded down with booty and leading hundreds of captives. -As the king passed by, these miserable beings cried out to him to save -them, but their captors urged them on with word and lash. The crowd was -so dense, and the out-going stream of men pressed so closely against -those entering, that many in the king’s retinue were taken for captives -and were seized and carried away. Even some men of noble blood were -thus, in the darkness and confusion, spirited away and never heard of -again. - -It was seven o’clock when the king entered the gate of Seoul. The city -was almost deserted. Dead men lay in heaps along the streets. The houses -on both sides of the street were in ashes. All the poultry and pigs were -gone and only dogs remained, and these had been transformed into wolves -and were gorging themselves on the dead bodies along the way. As the -Ch‘ang-gyöng Palace was nearest the East Gate the royal party went there -to spend the night. All night long, in spite of the Emperor’s orders, -Manchu soldiers scoured the streets, burning and pillaging and working -their terrible will for the last time on the deserted capital. - -Two days later the Manchu army was to start on its long journey to the -north and the king went three miles outside the East Gate to bid adieu -to the emperor, for it was determined to pass around Seoul on the east -and so strike northward. It took thirteen days for the whole army to get -on the move. There were 120,000 men in all. Thirty thousand of these -were Mongols and they took the road to the east through Ham-gyŭng -Province and crossed the Tu-man River. There were 70,000 Manchus and -20,000 Chinese from Liao-tung. Generals Kong Yu-dŭk and Kyöng Myŭng-jung -with 20,000 men took boat at Yong-san and sailed north to strike Ka-do -Island. - -The day following that on which the king took leave of the Emperor, the -generals Yonggolda and Mabuda came to the palace to confer with the -king. The Minister Kim Nyu, as if to anticipate them, said “The relation -between us now is that of son and father. We stand ready to fulfill our -obligations on that basis even though you ask for soldiers to help on -the invasion of China and the seizure of Nanking.” Hong Sö-bong asked -that in view of the scarcity of gold in Korea part of the tribute be -remitted, but it was not granted. Kim Nyu’s daughter had been carried -away captive to Manchuria and he had plead with the two generals and the -king himself had aided him but without avail. He now offered a thousand -ounces of silver for her ransom. It was accepted but the result was -disastrous to others for it set a precedent, and a like sum was asked -for each of the high-born captives, with the result that few of them -were ever ransomed. - -The Emperor’s ninth brother had charge of all the captives, and on the -fifth day of the second moon the crown prince was allowed to go to the -king to say farewell. He was accompanied by a guard of six Manchus who -cut the interview very short and hurried him away to the camp outside -the East Gate. On the seventh the king and his court went out to this -camp to say good-bye, and the Manchus set out a fine banquet, at which -some of the Koreans ate greedily while others would not touch a morsel. -The next day the order was given to start on the long march into -Manchuria. The royal hostages were accompanied by fifteen high -officials. The king and his court accompanied the party twenty _li_ out, -as far as Chang-neung, where with many tears the final separation took -place. - -The work of reconstruction was now to be commenced, and of course the -first work was to punish those who had proved unfaithful and to reward -those who had proved loyal. First Gen. Kim Cha-jŭm, who had lain so long -at Yang-geun and would not move to help the king, was banished and with -him Sim Keui-wŭn, Sin Kyöng-wan and the governor of Kang-wŭn Province -who had hesitated to throw away their lives and those of their men in -the perfectly hopeless task of breaking up the siege of Nam-han. Admiral -Chang Sin, who had been prevented by the swift outflowing tide from -opposing the crossing of the Manchus to Kang-wha was killed by -strangulation outside the Little West Gate. Kim Chyŭng-jeung who had -been in command of Kang-wha, and his lieutenant Yi Min-gu were both -banished to distant points. The king gave a great feast at Mo-wha-gwan -to those who had aided him while besieged, both nobleman and common -soldier. The four most prominent generals each received the gift of a -horse. All the courtiers were advanced one step in the ladder of -officialdom. Other gifts and positions were distributed. Those who had -deserted the royal party when on that hard ride to Nam-han were seized -and imprisoned. Sim Chip, who had refused to lie about his companion who -went to the Manchu camp to personate the king’s brother, was banished to -a distant point. Kim Sang-hön had fled to the country when the king came -out of Nam-han to surrender. Being now included in those who received -marks of royal favor, he wrote declaring that the could not receive -them, for in the first place he had urged the king not to surrender and -in the second place had run away and had also torn to pieces the letter -written by the king. “But,” he added “though weak and forced to -surrender, the king must always keep these things in mind and seek for -means to be avenged on the Manchus.” - -The king had sent Generals Yu Rim and Im Kyöng-ŭp to aid in the taking -of Ka-do Island in the north. In the third moon Gen. Mabuda took fifty -boats and crossed over from the mainland to the west side of these -islands, which the Chinese garrison had left unprotected. Landing his -force he ascended at night a hill to the rear of the Chinese camp. With -the morning dawn he made a sudden and fierce attack. Meanwhile the -Korean general Im Kyöng-ŭp had arrived with forty boats and had -disembarked on the eastern shore. The Chinese, thrown into confusion, -rushed down to the shore and tumbled into these forty boats that they -found unguarded. But the crowd was so great that only a small fraction -could be accommodated. As a consequence they swamped most of the boats -and hundreds perished. The Chinese commander, seeing that all was lost, -committed suicide. There were still great numbers of Chinese among the -mountains fighting desperately. These were all cut down. It is said that -in this short campaign between forty and fifty thousand Chinese were -killed. During the unequal battle the Chinese kept calling out, “What -cause for enmity is there between Korea and China?” This was of course -addressed to the Koreans who fought with the Manchus. After the battle -the Manchu general Kong Yu-dŭk gave generals Im and Yu a present of 250 -Chinese captives, but the former said, “I do not care for these men. -Exchange them for a like number of Korean captives who are going into -Manchuria as slaves.” This was done, and Gen. Im’s name has come down to -posterity fragrant with the odor of this unselfish deed. - - - - - Chapter IX. - -The Manchu tablet.... the inscription.... the Manchu claim to suzerainty - valid.... Japanese proposition.... a contumacious Korean.... other - victims.... spirits of the dead.... Chinese Emperor commiserates - with the king.... introduction of tobacco.... Korean contingent for - the Manchu army.... Koreans secretly aid the Chinese.... Koreans - sent home.... reconstruction.... a Manchu court of inquiry.... - Japanese ask for the enlargement of settlement at Fusan.... Prince - Kwang-hă dies.... a plotter punished.... Japanese ancestral - temple.... a Korean betrays to the Manchus the king’s dealings with - China.... the Manchus take revenge.... The Ming dynasty falls.... a - Korean adventurer.... royal hostages return.... quarrel over the - succession.... a curious custom.... palace intrigue.... the new - king.... Korea accused of disloyalty.... the death fetich.... wise - legislation.... Westerners in China.... Hendrik Hamel.... - preparations for war.... dress reform - - -It was during the year 1637 that the stone tablet was set up beside the -road to Nam-han, commemorating the Manchu victory. It had been sent -thither by the Emperor, but was not immediately set up. A Manchu envoy -came to superintend its erection. It is said that there were two stones, -one of which was set up; the other, remaining on the bank of the river, -was finally washed into the stream. The envoy announced that he had come -to erect the monument at the point where the surrender had taken place. -A solid foundation was built, with an ascent of several steps. The stone -was put in place and over it a pavilion was built to protect it from the -weather. On one side the inscription was in Chinese and on the other -side in Manchu. The inscription is as follows: - -“The Emperor Ch‘ung Té’ of the Great Ch‘ing Empire, in the twelfth year -of his reign, learned that we had broken our treaty with him and he was -angry. He gathered his forces and entered our territory. He marched -through it, for there was none to say him nay. We, a weak and -insignificant king, fled perforce to Nam-han. Our fear was like that of -one who walks on ice in spring-time. We sojourned there fifty days. Our -soldiers from the east and south fled before the Emperor’s troops. Those -of the north and west hid among their mountains and could lift neither -hand not foot. Famine stared us in the face. If the Emperor had stormed -our fortress then we would have been like the leaves in autumn, or like -hair in flames. But the Emperor did not wish to destroy us. He said -‘Come out and I will be your helper. If not I will destroy you.’ -Generals Yonggoldă and Mabudă and other great men were in constant -communication with us. Our councillors, civil and military, assembled, -and we said to them ‘For ten years have we been at peace, and now we -have been blind and foolish to bring all this upon ourselves. Our people -have become like meat or fish beneath the chopping-knife. We alone are -to blame for it all’. The Emperor was patient and did not destroy us -utterly but told us to surrender. How could we refuse, for by so doing -we saved our people. All the courtiers were agreed. With a score of -horsemen we went forth from the fortress to the Emperor’s camp and there -confessed our faults. He treated us with kindness and by his goodness -calmed our agitated minds. When we beheld him our heart went out to him. -The Emperor’s goodness extended even to our courtiers. He then sent us -back to the capital and recalled the Manchu cavalry who were scouring -the south. Our people, who had been scattered like pheasants, now -returned. All things became as they had been. Snow and frost were gone -and spring smiled forth again. After the drought showers fell. All that -had been destroyed revived again. Things that had been broken grew -together. Here beside the Han at San-jun-do where the great Emperor -rested, here is the altar and the enclosure. Here we, a weak king, -through our Minister of Public Works, have made the altar higher and -broader than before and have placed this monument to keep alive in the -minds of generations yet unborn the memory of these events, to show that -the goodness of the Emperor is as high as heaven itself. Not that we -alone have seen it, for all Manchuria as well was witness to it. -Throughout the world that gracious voice cannot be resisted. Though we -write with characters as broad as the very earth and as clear as the sun -and moon we could never describe his greatness and his glory. For such -cause is it written here. Frost and dew are both from heaven. One kills -the other vivifies. Thus it is that the Emperor shows goodness in the -midst of terror. The Emperor came with over 100,000 soldiers. Many of -them were like the tiger and the dragon. Before them, brandishing their -spears, went the savages from the far north and the distant west. -Fearsome men! But the Emperor’s gracious words came down in a letter in -ten lines clear and beautiful, whereby our blinded minds were -enlightened. The Emperor’s words are luminous and precise, and we, a -small king, confessed and surrendered; not so much because we feared his -terror as because we delighted in his graciousness. He treated us -kindly, paying all attention to the ceremonies and the rites. Then we -were glad and laughed, and every weapon sought its sheath. Then we -donned the garment of peace. The people of Seoul, both men and women, -burst into singing and said that the Emperor had given us back to our -palace. The Emperor pitied the distress of the people and encouraged -them to till the fields again. To the dead roots of the tree was brought -back spring-time. This stone is lofty and it stands here at the head of -the river to show forth the Emperor’s goodness to the Sam-han.” - -Such was the statement that the Manchus put into the mouth of Korea and -until recent years they have claimed Korea as their vassal state. The -claim originally was perfectly good. Never did a country make herself -more abject in her acceptance of a vassal’s position. And the only line -of argument that can be used to prove that that condition did not hold -till the treaty of Shimonoseki was signed in 1895, is in China’s -occasional disavowal of it, to shield herself from responsibility for -Korea’s acts. - -The Japanese had been keeping watch of events that were transpiring -during these troublesome times, and at this juncture an envoy came from -the island empire announcing, as between friends, the name of the new -Japanese year. This letter was not received by the king, who asked what -use it would be to him. The Japanese replied, “You have given up China -and are now a masterless dog. Why is our name not good as any?” It shows -how pride had been crushed out of the Koreans to find that Ch‘oé -Myŭng-gil himself said, “We have done wrong to surrender to the Manchus. -Now let us make friendly advances toward Japan.” From that time on it -was customary to receive politely the annual message from Japan, but -there seems to have been no more _rapport_ between the two countries -than this. - -As the Manchu emperor passed north through P‘yŭng-an province he gave -orders to the prefect of Cheung-san to seize and deliver up to him the -person of Hong Ik-han who had been especially virulent in his opposition -to the Manchus. It was done, and the man was carried captive to the -Manchu capital at Sim-yang (Mukden). There he was decently lodged in a -house of detention called the Pyŭl-gwan, until a certain day when he was -called before the emperor, who sat in state surrounded by soldiery. -Being asked why he had opposed the Manchu influence he replied in -writing. “All men within the four seas are brothers but there can be but -one father. From the first the king of Korea acted uprightly and -mannerly. In Korea we have censors who chide and correct him. Last year, -being censor, I heard that you, who held to us the relation of elder -brother, had styled yourself emperor and by so doing had ruptured the -actual relations subsisting between us. From the earliest times we have -owed allegience to China and how could we then advise the king to hold -to a false relation? This is the reason I advised the king to stand out -against you. This war and all its attendant miseries are my work alone -and I would that you might decapitate me ten thousand times.” The -emperor, who seems to have cherished the idea that he had overawed the -man, was thrown into a great rage by this brave avowal and instantly -threw the man into a dismal dungeon where he doubtless starved to death, -for nothing more is heard of him. - -The two men who had been delivered up by the king in Nam-han were also -carried north. They were also arraigned before the dreaded chieftain -Yonggoldă who attempted to flatter them into making a complete surrender -to the Manchus and taking up their abode permanently in Manchuria; but -they utterly refused and asked to be killed at once. The Manchu chief -argued, urged and threatened, but the men were not to be moved. Being -ordered to execution they looked the chieftain in the face and cursed -him. Chöng No-gyŭng, an attendant of the Crown Prince, begged for their -bodies that he might carry them back and bury them on Korean soil, but -the favor was not granted. - -That summer the people of Seoul and of the country immediately to the -south, were thrown into a panic by the antics of what they call -ch‘ăk-ch‘ăk, a species of imp or demon which appeared nightly in various -places and terrified the people. The Koreans are peculiarly subject to -such hallucinations. They said they were the spirits of those who had -died at the hands of the Manchus and the popular fears were not -alleviated until the king had ordered a monstrous sacrifice in their -behalf at two places near Nam-han, called Ma-heui-ch‘ŭn and Sang-nyŭng. - -The king despatched an envoy to China in the ninth moon to inform the -Chinese emperor that he had been forced to surrender, but he assured his -former suzerain that the act was by no means voluntary. To this the -emperor replied in a tone of commiseration, attaching no blame to the -king’s enforced allegiance to the Manchus. He himself was destined ere -long to feel the full weight of the Manchu arm. - -We have at this point an account of the first general use of tobacco in -Korea. It is stated that tobacco was first brought to Japan by the -Nam-man or “southern barbarians” and from there was brought to Korea, -thirty years before the date of which we are now writing. It was first -used by a man named Chang Yu who was closely connected with the royal -family, being the father of a Crown Princess. It was called _tam-p‘agwe_ -which is the Korean pronunciation of certain Chinese characters which -were used to translate into Chinese the Japanese words for tobacco, -which is _ta-ba-ko_. It is commonly supposed that the Japanese took -their word from the occidentals, but we here have the word embedded in -Korean history back in the very first years of the seventeenth century -before it had even yet firmly established itself in European countries. -It seems almost incredible that the spread of its use should have been -so rapid as to have arrived in Korea within ten years of the beginning -of its common use in Europe, but it may have been so. Portugese traders -came in large numbers to Japan and the fragrant weed was probably -brought by them. At the time of which we are writing, namely the end of -the Manchu invasion, its use had become common. It was supposed to -possess valuable peptic qualities and was recommended especially to -those who ate much meat. The Manchus had become much addicted to the -habit, but so many conflagrations were the result that the Manchu -emperor attempted to interdict its use. It is needless to say that he -failed. When first introduced, it cost ten thousand cash for half a -pound but merchants obtained seed and it soon became common. - -In accordance with the demands of the Manchus, the king sent 5,000 -troops to accompany them in their invasion of China, but as they arrived -a month later than the set time they were sent back home by the angry -Manchus. Early in the following year, however, Generals Yi Wan and Im -Kyöng-ŭp started with 5,000 troops and joined the Manchu army. The plan -was to attack Teung-nă on the Shantung promontory; whether by land or -sea is not clear, but probably by land. This being known to the Koreans, -three boats were secretly despatched to the threatened place, giving -warning of the attack, and stating that the Koreans joined in the attack -with the Manchus because forced to do so. It was suggested that whenever -feasibly the Chinese and Korean forces should use only blank charges -against each other. This was gladly agreed to and in a battle at -Puk-sin-gu, which followed, not one man was killed among the Chinese -forces that were brought in contact with the Korean contingent, and the -latter suffered as little. The Chinese general managed to get a letter -to the Koreans saying “The emperor reminds you of the vital aid he gave -Korea at the time of the Japanese invasion and he now offers the half of -his kingdom to anyone who will seize and deliver to him the Manchu -general in command.” This reveals in a striking manner the desperate -straits to which the Chinese had been brought by the Manchus. The Korean -generals did not see their way to accede to this but they kept the -Chinese informed of every movement of the Manchus, where they were weak -and where they were strong, where they were likely to attack and where -they might be successfully attacked. In this way the Manchus were -continually thwarted and the Chinese encouraged. - -It was proposed that there be a combined Manchu and Korean attack upon -Kon-ju-wi near the point of the Shantung promontory, the Manchus to -attack by land and the Koreans by sea; but the latter said they had no -provisions and their boats were in very bad order. The Manchus replied -“Then you had better go home,” an injunction that they were by no means -loath to obey. - -Meanwhile the king had been doing what he could to mitigate the -sufferings consequent upon the invasion. He ordered all the eight -provinces to give rice to help the poor, the widows and the orphans, and -to provide proper burial for those who had no near relatives who could -afford the expense. He likewise gave strong encouragement to the -Confucian School in the capital. He sent spies throughout the land to -discover whether the prefects were attending to their duties well. -Fearing that the guard along the Tu-man River might be suffering, he -made them a grant of 4,000 pieces of cotton. He likewise gave money to -repair the ancient altar on the top of Ma-ri-san (Mountain) on the -island of Kang-wha. This altar is said to have been used by the Tan-gun -two thousand years before Christ, and may well be believed it to be the -oldest monument in Korea. - -This period of rest and recuperation was broken in upon by the -appearance, on the northern border, of Manchu troops under Yonggoldă and -Omokdo. Rumors had again reached Manchuria that certain Korean officials -had been advising against the Manchu power. As a result of this, four -prominent officials were sent captive to the north. Early the following -year King Chilga, the emperor’s brother, came to try these men, and held -a proper court at which the Korean Crown Prince was present. Each of the -accused men was brought in turn and questioned, and each had some -plausible excuse to give. The result was sure from the beginning. They -were all condemned and were thrown into a dungeon with a door in the -top, a sort of Black Hole of Calcutta, where they all languished with -cold, hunger and disease. They even excited the pity of their jailors, -and when the Crown Prince plead for them before the emperor, they were -ordered sent to Eui-ju, but heavily guarded. - -In 1640 the Japanese who had settled at Fusan complained that the harbor -was too small, for it did not include the whole bay, but only that part -directly in front of the settlement, which was about half way between -the present Japanese town and the Korean town of Pu-san. The harbor was -called Tu-mo Harbor. Consent to the enlargement of the harbor was -refused. - -In 1641 Prince Kwang-hă, the deposed and banished wretch, died on the -island of Quelpart. So great is the respect for royalty in the abstract, -in Korea, that the king fasted four days, had the body brought up to -Yang-ju and buried it with royal honors. To the one surviving daughter -the king gave a comfortable house and an annuity. - -The next year a seditious movement was made by Ch‘oé Hyo-il of P‘yŭng-an -Province, and two accomplices. They took boat for China, being provided -with funds by the prefect of Eui-ju. Arriving at Teung-nă they joined -the Chinese forces, received commissions in the Chinese army and -despatched a letter to the prefect of Eui-ju asking him to gather a -force and with them make a combined attack upon the Manchus. As fate -would have it the Manchu Yonggoldă was at Eui-ju when this letter -arrived, and it fell into his hands. He immediately sent to the king -demanding the seizure and execution of all the men implicated in the -plot. In spite of the expostulations of the Prime Minister, who wished -to see only the prime movers punished, eleven men in Eui-ju and -elsewhere were seized and met their fate before the palace gate in -Seoul. - -That Japan and Korea had not forgotten each other is evinced by the fact -that the Japanese emperor sent to the king asking him to suggest a name -for an ancestral temple that he was erecting. The king declined but -allowed his uncle to do it. The name suggested was “The Illustrious -Place at Il-gwang Mountain.” - -One more sacrifice was necessary before the last remnant of opposition -to the Manchus should be extinguished. It was now six years since the -surrender. Soon after that surrender the king had sent to China -explaining that it was a hard fate and not his own inclination which had -forced the surrender from him. Not knowing whether the letter had ever -reached the Chinese capital he sent another letter two years later by a -monk, Tok-po, who had come from China to ascertain whether Korea had -really surrendered or not. Arriving at P’yŭng-yang he had been received -by Gen. Im Kyŭng-ŭp who sent him on to Ch‘oé Myŭng-gil the Prime -Minister. He was handsomely treated and was provided with a new vessel -and a complete outfit of clothes and provisions for the return journey. -He carried a letter from the king stating his excuses as above narrated. -Four years passed and at last in the year under review the emperor’s -answer was forwarded by way of Chefoo. In it he exhonerates Korea from -all blame and mourns the fact that he cannot come to her aid as when the -Japanese invaded the peninsula. The bearer of this missive was feasted -and treated with the most flattering attentions by the governor of -P‘yŭng-an. This would have amounted to nothing had it not been known to -Yi Kyu the prefect of Sŭn-ch‘ŭn who was carrying on trade with China by -junk across the Yellow Sea. He was seized by the Manchus and carried -north. Fearing the worst, he offered to tell his captors an important -secret as the price of his life. He thereupon unfolded the whole -transaction between Seoul and Nanking. The Manchus were furious and sent -a demand to the king for the persons of Ch‘oé Myŭng-gil, Im Kyöng-ŭp, Yi -Kyöng-yo and Yi Myŭng-han, all leading men. There was nothing to do but -comply, and as these men went the king wept and gave Ch‘oé Myŭng-gil 500 -ounces of silver for traveling expenses. Arriving at Pong-whang Fortress -beyond the Yalu they were taken in hand by Generals Yonggoldă and -Mabudă. Ch‘oé asserted strongly that he alone was to blame for the whole -transaction. When the emperor had looked over the evidence he sent word -that fines should be accepted from the others, but that Ch‘oé be sent in -a cangue and hand-cuffs to Puk-kwan goal. And there he leaves the stage -of history, on which he had played no mean part. The traitor Yi Kyu -plumed himself on his newly acquired Manchu citizenship and presumed on -his services to write the emperor a memorial under twelve heads; but the -emperor in fine contempt exclaimed that a man who was not true to his -own king must be a rascal at heart and ordered him bound and sent back -to Korea where we may well believe the axe did its work without delay. - -The next few years of the reign witnessed the return of many captives -taken by the Japanese during the years of the invasion; they beheld the -promulgation of the law that no one could marry during the three years -of mourning for a parent; also a scourge of cholera so terrible as to -cause the king to send and sacrifice upon the eight high mountains of -Korea. A powerful conspiracy, led by the prime minister, Sim Keui-wŭn, -came near overthrowing the dynasty, but the alarm was given in the very -nick of time and he and his fellow conspirators were seized and -executed. - -The twenty-first year of the reign, 1643, beheld the fall of the Ming -dynasty in China. The pretext given by the Manchus for marching on -Nanking was the revolt of Yi Cha-sung who burned Nanking and drove the -emperor to suicide. Then, terrified at his own deed, he fled and the -Manchus stepped in. When Nanking fell, a letter was despatched to Korea -saying “I am the greatest of rulers. You have long been my vassal and I -will now show you a favor by returning your hostage, the Crown Prince.” - -A word is necessary as to the fate of Im Kyöng-ŭp, one of the men who -had been sent to Manchuria with Ch‘oé Myŭng-gil. He succeeded in making -his escape before the party reached the Yalu and in the disguise of a -monk made his way in a merchant boat to Teung-nă where he attached -himself to Gen. Whang Chong-ye and made himself very useful. It is said -that he made himself famous by capturing a notorious pirate. He sailed -straight for the island on which the pirate had his headquarters and -having gotten the pirate and his crew drunk with wine he bound and -brought them safely to the Chinese camp. Later he fell into the hands of -the Manchus through treachery but was so steadfast in his refusal to do -obeisance to them that he excited their unbounded admiration, and they -let him go back to Korea. This was an unfortunate move for him, for in -the meantime Kim Cha-jŭm had been recalled from banishment and had -become court favorite. As these men were deadly enemies the returning -general was immediately seized and put to death. This same year saw the -publication of the historical work named the Tong-sa Po-byŭn. - -In the following year the Crown Prince and his brother returned from -China but the Crown Prince soon after sickened and died. It had been -customary heretofore for the king and queen to assume mourning for three -years for a Crown Prince but now an innovation was made and thirteen -months was the limit set. Of course the succession fell to the infant -son of the dead prince, but, the wife of prince Pong-im, the second son -of the king, was extremely ambitious to become queen, and so she went -about to gain the desired end. By every means in her power she brought -pressure to bear upon the king to induce him to set aside the infant -prince and nominate her husband as heir to the throne. She was partially -successful and the following year the king called his courtiers together -and consulted as to the advisability of the plan. He urged that the real -heir was but a babe in arms and that he himself was old and about to go -the way of all the earth. It was evident that he desired to put Prince -Pong-im on the throne, and a very animated discussion followed. Most of -the leading ministers and officials argued against the plan saying that -it was contrary to the best traditions of the land and that the people -all looked to the young prince as their future ruler. To all these -arguments the king opposed counter arguments which revealed plainly that -he had already made up his mind as to his course, and that he was merely -seeking for confirmation of his views. Kim Nyu then said, “If the king -has already made up his mind let him speak out and put an end to this -useless discussion.” The king then announced that Prince Pong-im was to -be his successor. - -About this time a dangerous rebellion broke out in Kong-ju the capital -of Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province, but by the prompt action of the troops from -the South it was put down. This is worthy of mention only as it -illustrates a curious custom in Korea. On account of this rebellion the -name of Kong ju was for many years changed to Kong-san and the province -of Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng to that of Hong-ch’ŭng. - -The Prince Pong-im, though now by royal edict in full view of the -throne, feared that by some turn of fortune’s wheel he might fall short -of that goal and so he much desired to have the infant prince and his -mother taken from his path. The aged king had entered upon a period of -mental semi-decrepitude and was easily managed by the wife of Prince -Pong-im. Six palace women were accused of poisoning the king’s food and -were summarily put to death. The king then summoned the courtiers and -accused the wife of the deceased Crown Prince of having assumed the -garments of royalty while in Manchuria, of having used disrespectful -language to him on her return and of having instigated the palace women -to poison him. He said she must be killed. All agreed that some positive -proof of guilt must be produced but the king insisted upon her immediate -execution which was accomplished by the use of poison. Her two brothers -were likewise beaten to death. Three of the leading men who had advised -against the nomination of Prince Pong-im were also banished. - -The next year passed quietly, but the official corruption had become so -prevalent and the people were ground down by the prefects to such an -extent that the king made the law that each prefect must have three -bondsmen who would be liable to punishment in case of his malfeasance. - -The next year saw the introduction on the field of politics of a noted -man, Song Si-ryŭl, who was destined to be a leading spirit for many a -year. He was a celebrated scholar and the king induced him to come to -Seoul only after repeated invitation. - -The very last year of his life this king cherished a bitter enmity -toward the Manchu power and in the twenty-seventh year of his reign, -selecting generals and planning to equip an army, he hoped to throw off -the hated yoke; but it was not to be, for in the early summer of 1649 -the aged monarch breathed his last and the heir assumed the reins of -power. He is known in history as Hyo-jŭng Ta-wang. - -The accession of a new king was the signal for the combined attack of -all the officials upon Kim Cha-jŭm who had been so long the practical -autocrat. He was deposed, but the king would not have him executed, -because of his former services. Song Si-ryŭl also took offense at the -king because of a supposed slight and departed to the country in anger, -after publishing three accusations against him. - -The reign began with a storm. Kim Cha-jŭm who had retired to the country -in disgrace, took advantage of the fact that the Japanese had made a -proposition to the prefect of Tong-nă to come over and join the Koreans -in an invasion of China, and sent a detailed account of it to China, -adding that the Korean government was preparing for war and had -discarded the Manchu calendar. This news caused tremendous excitement in -China and the veteran generals Yonggoldă and Mabudă were sent forward to -the Yalu with a powerful force. Six envoys were sent to Seoul one -following the other at intervals of only two days. These six arrived at -Eui-ju, stopped there and sent forward letters demanding what it all -meant. Of course this was like thunder from a clear sky to the court at -Seoul, and Minister Yi Kyöng-sŭk rode in person to Eui-ju and met the -envoys. He invited them to Seoul and after a long discussion and a -present of a thousand ounces of silver and the promise of a princess to -go to China to wed one of the Manchu princes and the banishment of a few -of the officials, it was found that no blame was attached to the king. -Thus began an eventful reign of ten years. The first years were -signalized by severe famines in the north and the government had to -bring large quantities of grain from the south to relieve the suffering. -Corruption had crept even into the system of examinations and it was -found necessary to preserve the incognito of the candidates by having -each one write his name on the margin of his examination paper and than -have this portion of the paper cut off through the middle of a stamp so -that at last when the papers were examined and the successful ones -selected, the writers’ names could not be known until they had been -matched on, and found to fit. - -An unsuccessful attempt at rebellion was made by the notorious Kim -Cha-jŭm and Kim Sik, son-in-law to the late king. They persuaded the -latter’s wife to place a fetich under the floor of the king’s sleeping -apartment. This is supposed to bring about the speedy death of the -person so cursed, but someone found it out and divulged the plan. The -three leaders were beheaded, the woman poisoned and her brothers -banished. Some wanted the king to move because the palace had been -defiled by the fetich, which consisted of a dead rat with the king’s -name written on its belly, but it was voted down because it would tend -to confirm the people in their belief in this foolish superstition. - -This king inherited much of his father’s hatred of the Manchu power and -we find him building a palace at Kang-wha and storing provisions there -in case of a break in the peaceful relations then existing. He -instituted some useful reforms also, forbidding the cruel practice of -beating criminals to death. He likewise legislated in the interests of -the people when he forbade the exacting of rent for water drawn from the -government reservoirs for their rice fields. - -Twenty-two years before this, Kim Hyŭk, one of the envoys to China, had -there met a Westerner who is known in Korean history as Tang-yak-măng. -This was one of the Jesuit priests. He came first to Canton as a -missionary but his great talents were recognized in Nanking and the -emperor called him to the capital and questioned him about his religion, -and employed him as court astronomer. There the Koreans saw the calendar -called Si-hön-yŭk. When the Ming dynasty fell the Manchus urged the -Westerner to remain and they allowed him a regular salary. Kim Hyŭk -brought back a book from Peking which is probably a copy or abstract of -the celebrated book above mentioned. For these twenty-two years a -scholar, Kim Sang-bŭm, had been studying this book, and at last having -mastered its secrets, he came out with a calendar of his own. It is -stated that the Westerners Yi Ma-du and Sa Su-sin had already been many -years in China when Kim Hyŭk visited Nanking. (These are Ricci and -Schaal). - -It was discovered that the country people were evading the revenue laws -by cultivating the hill sides above the margin of cultivation set by -law. Commissioners were sent out to remeasure the taxable land and to -set limits to hillside cultivation, for it was feared that the -cultivation of the hillsides would diminish the fuel supply too much. It -was in this same year that the ill-fated sailing vessel Sparwehr sailed -from Holland with Hendrik Hamel as super-cargo. There seem to have been -sixty-four men on board, and when she went to pieces on the island of -Quelpart only thirty-six of them reached shore in safety. They were -taken to Seoul by the authorities and for fourteen years lived, now on -the royal bounty, now by the work of their own hands, and at times they -were even compelled to beg for food. At last however the remnant of them -made good their escape by night and finally reached Nagasaki. Hamel -afterwards wrote an account of his captivity in Korea. - -In the year 1654 the hostility of the king toward his suzerain took more -definite shape. He appointed Yi Wan, a brilliant young general, to have -charge of all military matters, and he sent military instructors all -through the south where the great mass of the population lived, to drill -the people in the science of war. He likewise built fortresses at -Sŭng-jin in Ham-gyŭng Province and at Yi-bam-keum-sŭng and at Kyŭk-p‘o -in the south. He appointed four generals to be stationed about Seoul to -guard its approaches, and he collected great quantities of grain, much -of which he massed at Wha-ryang near Chemulpo to be in readiness to ship -to Tientsin when he should invade China. He provisioned Kang-wha -thoroughly and built a monster store-house at Chang-san in Whang-hă -Province, because of the difficulty experienced by the boats in rounding -the exposed point of that province; he founded a school for the training -of military officers and twenty of the best men were detailed for study -there. Any sign of indolence insured a prompt dismissal. - -This sovereign was an ardent advocate of dress reform. At first he made -the soldiers wear shorter sleeves and skirts and for the sake of -lightness they were often made of silk. From that he made a more general -application of his ideas. He found the hats too broad of brim and the -flowing sleeves very inconvenient in the breeze. These points were -ordered to be changed and the palace hat as seen today was introduced. -It was first invented by the celebrated Chöng Mong-ju whose blood still -marks the stone bridge at Song-do. It was he too that introduced the -hyŭng-p‘ă or embroidered storks to be worn on the breasts of civil -officers, and the tigers to be worn by military officers. - - - - - Chapter X. - -The king dies.... seeds of discord sown.... the new king.... extensive - reforms.... party changes.... strife.... a great reformer.... the - ajuns checked.... abuses remedied.... a convent broken up.... - various reforms.... revenue.... forestry.... memorialists - rebuked.... honest examinations.... the people cared for.... the - census.... numerous reforms.... qualities of a good prefect.... the - king dies.... a noble record.... the new king.... a bad outlook.... - party strife.... census.... Japanese settlement at Fusan.... - ceaseless quarrels.... a minister falls.... wholesale execution.... - plot and counter-plot.... reforms in the navy.... calamities.... - reign of terror.... Roman Catholics.... trouble brewing.... change - of party.... unutterable cruelty.... the queen deposed.... concubine - made queen.... a great statesman dies of poison. - - -In the tenth year of his reign, 1659, having exposed himself to the sun -and rain while sacrificing to heaven to secure the cessation of a great -famine that was on the land, the king was taken ill, an abscess broke -out on his temple and after a short illness he expired. In connection -with his death arose a contention that was destined to cause the death -of many men. The mother of the dead king was still living. She had worn -mourning for three years after the death of her elder son, and now the -question was whether she should assume it for an equal length of time -for this her second son. Song Si-ryŭl and Song Chun-gil argued that one -year only was sufficient. The other side was taken by Yun Hyu and the -debate was fierce and long. The classics were ransacked for proof texts -in support of either contention. The Prime Minister decided in favor of -the shorter term and the Queen Mother wore mourning for but a year. Song -Si-ryŭl also laid up wrath against himself by neglecting to have the -king’s body wrapped tightly in bandages, until it had swollen so that it -required two planks joined together to form the bottom of his coffin. -This was considered a great misfortune and ere a year had passed Song -was obliged to retire precipitately to the country to avoid being mobbed -for the offense. - -The new king entered upon the duties of his exalted position as a mere -lad, in 1660. His posthumous title is Hyon-jong Tă-wang. His first duty -was to give his father burial. The geomancers said he ought to be buried -on a site near the town of Su-wŭn, but the courtiers thought that was -too near the main road, so a place was selected outside the East Gate. -This first year was one of reform. The penalties for murder were too -small. If a high class man committed murder he could get off with a -hundred blows and ineligibility for office for a short time, but now the -king, with the advice of the court, made all high class murderers -permanently ineligible for office. It must be borne in mind that the -demarcation between the upper and lower classes was much more distinct -in those days than it is at present. - -Looking carefully into the condition of things, the king found many -abuses that required correction. He ordered that the army be better -clothed; he examined into the cases of many of the prisoners of state -and liberated not a few; he remitted the tax on hemp and ginseng in -Ham-gyŭng Province; he remitted the tax on the gold mines at Tan-ch‘ŭn -which had amounted to a thousand ounces a year; he lowered the land tax -in Ch’ung-ch’ŭng Province. These voluntary retrenchments called for -economy at the capital and the king discontinued the royal stables, to -meet the falling off in revenue. - -A word is necessary here as to the complexion of the political parties. -The old Tong-in had gone to pieces and in its place we find the Nam-in, -the So-ron and the Sŭ-buk parties. We have in all then the - - Nam-in with Hŭ Mok as leader - So-ron ” Yun Cheung ” ” - No-ron ” Song Si-ryŭl ” ” - Sŭ-buk ” Yu Yöng-gyŭng ” ” - -Among these the names of the Nam-in and No-ron were the most prominent -and their leaders, Hŭ Mok and Song Si-ryŭl were deadly enemies of each -other. There was no intermarriage between these different parties. Each -had its separate color. The Nam-in was red, the So-ron blue, the No-ron -white and the Sŭ-buk black. It was not the men but the women who wore -these distinctive colors and even to this day it is common to see the -party colors in the collars of women’s coats. The men were distinguished -by the shape of the coat collar. The No-rons and Nam-ins had a collar -cut square at the bottom; the So-rons had a bulging curve at the bottom -and the Sŭ-buk had a plain curve. These things sound childish but in -those days they meant life and death. The number of men who have been -sacrificed upon the altar of party strife mounts up into the hundreds of -thousands. The violent and unreasonable strife between them prevented -anything like concerted action when the country was threatened from -without. They made it impossible for any man to be judged according to -his true merits. They effectually blocked the efforts put forth by -honest men to secure a clean and honest government. There is nothing -more despicable in political life than the continued excitement of -fierce passions when there is no principle at stake and when personal -aggrandisement is the only goal. - -But at the time of which we write the No-ron party, with Song Si-ryŭl at -its head, was so overwhelmingly predominant that party strife was for a -time almost held in abeyance. The remarkable character of this reign is -largely due to his efforts. The reign from beginning to end was one -grand march of progress, reform following reform with such rapidity that -the reign fairly scintillates with them. To realise how great a part -Song Si-ryŭl played in these movements it is necessary to know the -enormous power wielded by a Prime Minister in Korea, especially when he -enjoys the entire confidence of the king. His power to keep the king -informed or misinformed makes him practically the ruler of the land. -That Song Si-ryŭl was a real reformer is shown by the frequency with -which, during many a decade after his death, statesmen would break out -in panegyrics on his memory. It is shown also in the passionate hatred -of political enemies who saw in him a successful rival. We have little -evidence that this man ever lowered himself to the plane of common party -politics. Let us then review the fifteen years of this reign and see the -stamp of his great personality upon it. - -We have already mentioned some of the reforms inaugurated. First he -gained a signal victory over his rival Hŭ Mok who tried to have him -degraded because of his position in regard to the period of the queen’s -mourning. Song Si-ryŭl went over the whole ground again, cited history -in support of his views and silenced by a simple and conclusive argument -the captious criticism of his detractors, but he showed his greatness in -not using his power to have his enemies killed, an act of generosity -which later cost him his life. The following are some of the reforms -instituted, and we give them here in full, for they afford a deep -insight into the condition of the people. - -It had been very common for men to leave their families and go off to -some monastery and become monks. Now, the Buddhist monasteries are the -poor-houses of Korea. Beggary is uncommon, but often, when a man has no -visible means of support, he will shave his head, don the garb of a monk -and spend part of the year at some monastery and the remainder in -receiving donations from the people in the shape of rice or money. To do -this they necessarily desert their families. To counteract this evil the -king sent forth an edict that no more men with family ties should desert -them in this way, and furthermore that all monks who had families living -should doff their religious garb and come back to the world and support -their families like honest men. - -The _ajun_ is a peculiar excrescence on the body politic of Korea. He -is the prefect’s clerk, or factor, or agent, or pimp, or -jack-of-all-trades. He is in a large sense the incarnation of all his -master’s vices, to which he adds many of his own. A royal edict was -promulgated which brought a host of these men to justice and compelled -them to disgorge much of their illgotten gains, which were given back, -so far as possible, to the people from whom they had been extorted. In -this case the reform was notable because of the limit which was put to -it. Ordinarily in Korea, when a man is caught and made a public -example of in this way, the law extends the punishment to the near and -remote relatives of the culprit, and many innocent men suffer with the -guilty; but in this case only actual offenders were punished. It was -strictly forbidden to call to account any man’s relative because of -his fault. - -For many years all the salt factories and fisheries had been groaning -under a heavy tax which went to support an almost unlimited number of -the king’s relatives; but now these taxes were entirely remitted. We are -not told what the relatives did. Let us hope they went to work. - -It had become customary for the tax collectors to demand a poll tax not -only from grown men, who alone were taxable according to law, but from -children as well. This abuse was likewise remedied. - -The king gave up entirely the wild project of assaulting China, which -had been a pet scheme of his father, and he likewise found no cause for -supporting such a large military retinue about his person, and they were -discharged. - -There was a flourishing Buddhist convent just west of the Kyöng-bok -Palace, in Chá-kol. The king wished to do away with it, but some -objected on the ground that it formed an asylum for aged palace women, -and because there were many royal tablets stored there. We may well -imagine the consternation of these objectors when the king said -concerning the tablets, “Well, dig a hole and bury the whole lot.” - -The useless custom of having masked dancers accompany the royal -procession when returning from the ancestral temple was done away. The -king put an end to the custom of taking girls by force and compelling -them to become palace women. It must be only with the free consent of -the girl’s father. He consented to send men to various places where -sulphur was mined to see that the people of the surrounding country were -not ill-used. At the same time he ordered that no more sulphur should be -dug at Tal-sŭng-wi-gung inside the South Gate. He ordered that the tombs -of the king of Koryŭ should be kept in good repair. He quelled a great -popular excitement in the south, which arose from the rumor that various -Buddhas in the monasteries were sweating, by showing that it was caused -by the frost bringing out the moisture which had been absorbed during -the rainy season. The rumor was probably false, but how politic it was -to take it for granted and turn it off by giving some natural cause -rather than merely to deny the rumor. He added however the command that -as these Buddhas had caused such a disturbance they must be burned. - -At that time the province of Chŭl-la contained about 190,855 _kyul_ of -land, a _kyul_ being supposed to produce forty bags of rice. The revenue -was set at thirteen pecks of rice from each _kyul_. The revenue from -24,084 _kyul_ was set aside for the support of the king’s relatives, -royal grave-keepers and for men whom the king particularly desired to -honor because of distinguished services. The revenue from the remaining -169,771 _kyul_, amounted to 147,134 bags of rice, 69,280 of which came -up to the capital and 85,916 were stored for use by officials in the -country. A certain amount of forest land was customarily set aside for -fuel supply for the different palaces, but through maladministration -these palaces each had much more forest land that it was entitled to, -and as a consequence the people had to suffer. So the king ordered a -redistribution of the forest lands and a correction of the fuel bill. He -sent twenty bags of cotton seed into Ham-gyŭng Province, for he desired -to see this useful plant grown in every one of the eight provinces. The -island of Quelpart being still very wild and the people uncultivated, -the king, for the first time in the history of the peninsula, made an -attempt to civilize them, by offering them government offices and by -establishing schools for them. He also did the same for the river towns -along the Yalu. As the wild tribes of Sŏl-han and Pyŭl-hă frequently -came across the border and looted the people’s houses at and near -Chang-jin, a general was sent to take care of Korean interests. When -1403 scholars from the country came to the capital and memorialized the -king against Song Si-ryŭl they were told that they were engaged in a -mere party strife and had not the interests of the country at heart, and -that if scholars meddled with the affairs of government they would be -severely handled. Along the Tuman River the people were utterly -ignorant, and scarcely knew whether there was a king at all; so men were -sent to found schools among them and teach. Nepotism existed to such an -extent, especially in connection with the government examinations, that -the king decided that no relative of any of the examiners should be a -candidate for honors. He established a criminal court in Seoul and took -all criminal cases out of the hands of the prefects, as they often -judged from prejudice rather than from the facts. He lessened by half -the tax that had been levied for the making of arms. The government -seized all common prostitutes and made them government slaves. Being a -devout Confucianist the king commanded that the names of Confucius’ four -disciples be never pronounced aloud. He diminished the garrison of -Su-wŭn from 6000 to 4000 on the plea of economy. He gave presents of -money to all unmarried women over thirty years of age, as some -compensation for what, in Korea, is considered the hardest of hard lots. -He was so affected by distress which he saw in the country during one of -his frequent trips to the hot springs, that when he returned to the -capital he laid aside many of the luxuries both of his wardrobe and his -table. He made camps for the poor who flocked to Seoul because of utter -want in the east country. One was outside the Water Mouth Gate, and the -other at A-o-gă. He likewise furnished them food and medicine. When a -boatload of Chinese belonging to the Ming dynasty, which had fled -southward, was driven by a storm on Quelpart the king promptly forwarded -them to Peking rather than lay himself open to any possible charge of -bad faith toward the Manchu power. - -When some one tried to evade the payment of revenue by claiming that the -boat that was bringing it was wrecked, he decided that if this happened -again the owner should be decapitated. The king restored the copper -types which had been destroyed at the time of the Japanese occupation of -Seoul. He built a shrine to the unfortunate Tan-jong Tă-wang. He -remeasured the lands in the southern provinces for a proper adjustment -of revenue. He decreed that though a traitor’s family must be punished -with him, married daughters should be exempt from punishment. He -acquiesced in the suggestion of the minister of war that the scaling of -the city wall be made a capital offense, but when the courtiers -represented that if such a small crime deserved death everybody would be -a candidate for the executioner’s sword, he recalled the edict. - -One of this king’s most interesting edicts was in connection with the -census. Having ordered a numbering of the people, he found that -objections were raised, because it would mean a more systematic and -thorough collection of taxes. So he put forth the edict that whenever -murder occurred, if the murdered man’s name was not on the list of tax -payers, the murderer would be immediately pardoned. Of course everybody -hastened to get their names on the books and to let it be known. - -He forbade marriage between people of the same family name. A commission -was appointed to go and break off the point of dangerous rocks that -obstructed the channels along the coast and among the islands. No -governor was allowed to appoint any relative of his own to any position -in the province. A man who came up from the south and charged Song -Si-ryŭl with treason, but could give no evidence to substantiate the -charge, was put to death. - -It was customary to expose infants born of incest, and they were allowed -to die in the streets. The king ordered that the government pay the -expense of the rearing of such unfortunates. He gave decent burial to -those who died in the mat sheds outside the wall, where contagious cases -were carried and left to die. He named nine kinds of men who would make -good prefects. (1) Men of good life and conduct. (2) Good scholars. (3) -Skillful men and those who fostered trade. (4) Natural leaders. (5) -Fearless men. (6) Students of human nature. (7) Men without an itching -palm. (8) Men renowned for filial piety. (9) Good authors. - -In the fifteenth year of his reign, 1674, he was taken ill. The death of -his mother worked upon his spirits and aggravated his disease, and death -ensued. He needs no encomiums except the bare list of the great things -that were done during his reign. They will go down to posterity as his -lasting monument. His genius coupled with that of his great adviser, -Song Si-ryŭl, ranged through every phase of political and social life, -revenue, finance, political economy, agriculture, mining, official -rectitude, civil service, social ethics, sanitation, education, internal -improvement, the army, popular superstition, slavery, penalties, foreign -relations, border police, famine relief, consanguineous marriage, -publication; these and many other important topics demanded and secured -from him careful attention. He put down party strife with a heavy hand, -and only once or twice during the whole period of his reign does it -raise its malignant head. - -His son succeeded to the throne, known by his posthumous title Suk-jŏng -Tă-wang. Party spirit had not been dead but only in abeyance during his -father’s strong reign. It now broke out again. Memorials poured in upon -the young king urging the evil practices of Song Si-ryŭl, and the young -king thought there must be some truth in them because of their very -numbers. He became the center of a very storm of charge and -counter-charge, of attack and defense. Being but fourteen years old and -of a naturally vacillating temperament, he was first the tool of one -party and then of another. His whole reign, which covered a period of -forty-six years, was one maelstrom of party strife and was fruitful of -more startling than useful events. His leading characteristic was -capriciousness. Again and again he turned from one party to another, -each turn being accompanied by numberless deaths. But we must not -anticipate. - -It will be noticed that when his reign began in 1675 the Nam-in party -was in power with Hŭ Jŭk at its head. The strife over Song Si-ryŭl had -resulted in his banishment to Wŭn-san. He was the Bismarck of Korea in -that when his master died the aged councillor found in the son the same -gratitude that the Iron Chancellor did. It would be an endless as well -as a fruitless task to describe the party fights that took place. It -will be enough to say that the reign was one long fight from beginning -to end. During the early part of the reign, in 1677, a complete census -of the country was made. It was probably the conclusion of work begun by -the former king. It was found that in the whole country there were -1,234,512 houses, containing 4,703,505 people. - -Some excitement was caused when it was found that Chinese histories were -claiming that Prince Kwang-hă was a good man, and that In-jo Tă-wang had -revolted against him. After a sharp party fight the king decided to send -an envoy and request the emperor to have the mistake corrected. - -In 1678 the Japanese again insisted that their quarters in Fusan be -enlarged. Consent was given to move the settlement seven _li_ to the -south, to the town of Cho-hyang. This is the present site of the town of -Fusan. From east to west its length was 372 _tsubo_ and 4 feet. From -north to south it was 256 _tsubo_. Two official reception halls were -built, one called the East Hall and the other the West Hall. The houses -were all built by Japanese carpenters from Tsushima and the work covered -a period of three years. The Korean government gave 9000 bags of rice -and 6000 ounces of silver to cover the expense, and undertook to keep -the place in repair. That this colony was kept up in good style is shown -by the fact that Korea made repairs on these buildings in 1721, 1724, -1748, 1765, 1780, 1786, 1794, 1801, 1813, 1822, 1831, 1836, 1850, 1853, -1857, 1864. - -The most trivial matters were made occasions for party fights. A storm -occurred on a day when the king was to go out, and the No-ron party -claimed that it was a dispensation of providence to spoil a plot of the -Nam-ins to revolt and seize the reins of power. Whoever took a firm -position on any point found later that it became the basis for an -accusation and a cause for death. So it was with the Prime Minister Hŭ -Jŭk who advised the building of a fortress near Song-do. This later -caused his death. The courtiers accused each other in the royal presence -about the most trivial matters, such as quarrels between their -concubines, the cutting of fuel timber, the profligacy of the Prime -Minister’s son, and such like, while great matters of state seem to have -taken care of themselves. - -And so we arrive at the year 1680. The Nam-in are still in full power -and Hŭ Jŭk is still master of the situation. But see how small a thing -accomplishes his downfall. The day arrived for ancestral worship in Hŭ -Jŭk’s house, but it was very rainy. The king thoughtfully ordered the -eunuchs to get out the palace awning of oiled paper and carry it to the -Minister’s house and let him use it during the ceremony. The eunuch -replied that Hŭ Jŭk had already taken it. Instantly the king’s kindly -feeling was changed to anger and hatred by the insolence of the Minister -in thus appropriating the awning. He sent a messenger and discovered -that a crowd of the adherents of the Nam-in party had congregated at Hŭ -Jŭk’s house. They were immediately denounced as traitors. The generals -were called and the house was surrounded with troops. All the leading -men in the Nam-in party were killed on the spot. The names of the killed -are Hŭ Jŭk, Hŭ Kyŭn, Yu Hyŭk-yŭn, Yi Wŭn-jŭng, O Chŭng-ch’ang, Yi -T’ă-sö, Chöng Wŭn-no, Kang Man-ch’ŭl, Yi Wŭn-sŭng and Yun Hyu. The -king’s two cousins, Princes Pok-sun and Pak-pyŭn, and eight others were -banished. The No-ron party were then called back to power. The king -brought back from exile the great Song Si ryŭl and also Kim Su-han, whom -he made Prime Minister. In twenty-four hours a trusted minister and -party were totally overthrown and every place was filled with a member -of the opposition. The next few months were spent in hunting down the -remaining leaders of the Nam-in party and securing their execution. Some -were hung, some poisoned and some decapitated. One instance of this will -suffice. Hŭ Să and Hŭ Yŭng, two influential men lived at Yong-san. There -was no valid charge against them, so Kim Sŭk-ju told the king he would -find one. To this end he sent one Kim Whan-go to Yong-san and gave him -money to build a fine house adjoining that of the prospective victims. -Before long he had them involved in treasonable plans and as soon as -enough evidence was collected the two men were seized and put to death, -and with them a large number of their immediate friends. Man-hunting was -not so much a public necessity as a private pastime. - -The newly installed general-in-chief found great abuses in the army and -thousands of names on the rolls, of men long since dead. Taxes were -being collected in an utterly lawless way. These abuses were done away -and others probably as bad or worse took their places, for as power -meant spoils the newly victorious party was not likely to forego any of -its privileges. We are borne out in this supposition by the fact that -about this time the king began the custom of making an annual visit to -the temple of heaven to pray for good crops. This indicates that the -people were being badly governed. He paid considerable attention to the -navy and appointed An-ju, Suk-ch‘ŭn, Sun-an, Yöng-yu, Cheung-san, -P’yŭng-yang, Yong-yang, Kang sö, Sam-wha, Ham-jong and No-gang in -P‘yŭng-an Province and Chang-nyŭn, Eun-yul, P‘ung-ch‘ŭn, Hŭ-sa and An-ak -in Whang-hă Province to be naval stations. It was only at this late date -that the second king of the dynasty received the posthumous title of -Chöng-jong Tă-wang. - -Attention was paid to the border forts along the Yalu, expenses were -curtailed and garrisons were supported out of the land tax of the -adjoining districts. It was a time of many severe calamities. A fire in -P’yŭng-yang burned 344 houses and a flood in Ham-gyŭng Province -destroyed 906 more with great loss of life. Song Si-ryŭl had not -forgotten his old master, now some ten years dead, and he suggested to -the king that Hyo-jong Tă-wang be honored with the _Se-sil_, that is, -that his tablet be not removed from the ancestral temple after the -fourth generation, as was customary, but should remain there -permanently. It caused a great commotion, but the aged minister carried -the day. It is true that few monarchs of the line better deserved that -honor than did Hyo-jong Tă-wang. - -The year 1684 beheld a sort of “reign of terror.” It arose in the -following manner. A messenger from the Japanese on Tsushima came post -haste announcing that a large band of Chinese pirates was about to land -on Korean soil. A panic followed in Seoul and thousands fled -precipitately to the country. Bands of thieves took advantage of the -confusion to commit many lawless acts. They formed a sort of secret -society and their principles were anarchistic. They made it an object to -raid houses where money was to be found. They seized ladies as they were -passing along the streets in covered chairs, and violated them. They -seized officials whom they hated, and put them to death. The government -found one of their books and in it was written their oath of membership. -Three cardinal principles were set forth; (1) To kill as many noblemen -as possible, (2) To violate as many women as possible, (3) To steal as -much personal property as possible. Seven men who had carried away and -ravished a widow of Kong-ju were caught and decapitated. One of them was -her own cousin and he belonged to the so-called “knife gang.” After a -time the disturbance was suppressed. - -One incident of a peculiarly Korean character deserves mention. Some -money was stolen from the strong room of a fortress near Song-do. The -store-house keeper was suspected but there was no evidence. So the -commandant secretly questioned the keeper’s little son and found that -the suspicion was correct. The keeper was punished but the commandant -was also cashiered from the fact that he had induced a boy to -incriminate his own father. - -The native records say that in the twelfth year of this sovereign, in -1686, Roman Catholicism entered Korea for the first time. Certain -foreigners entered the country and preached the new doctrine. We are not -told of what nationality these men were but it was long before any -European attempted to enter Korea. We are told that the new doctrine -spread rapidly and that some of the highest officials asked the king to -send the foreigners out of the country. Whether this was done cannot now -be learned. Nothing is said of this in the French work on the Roman -Catholic Mission in Korea, and it is somewhat difficult to understand. -It would hardly be found in the records, however, were there not some -ground for the statement. - - * * * * * - -The following year beheld events that were to result in another violent -revolution and in the driving from the seat of power the No-ron party -and the reinstatement of the Nam-in. It all grew from the king’s taking -a concubine, Chang, who soon gained complete ascendency over him. A -rumor arose that the queen was to be deposed and when Han Söng-u -expostulated with the king, the latter flew into a passion and drove him -away. The following year the concubine presented the king with a son, -the most unfortunate thing that could have happened, for, the queen -being as yet childless, it served to put the king more entirely under -the influence of the concubine. Trouble followed immediately. The king -said “I am now forty years old and have no son by the queen. The people -are getting uneasy. As I have gotten a son by a concubine I intend to -make him Crown Prince, and anyone may object at his peril.” In this way -he threw as it were a torch into a powder magazine. The No-ron party who -were in power, were in arms at once for they knew that the opposition -had been using the concubine to undermine their influence. Memorials -poured in from all sides reminding the king that he was still young, -that there was no need of haste in appointing the queen a successor. -These memorials the king answered by banishing the senders. Even Song -Si-ryŭl who had entered a mild protest, was stripped of rank and sent -outside the city. The Nam-in party then stepped once more into power. -From the Prime Minister down all offices were again turned over to them. -Song Si-ryŭl was banished to Quelpart, but the Nam-in were not content -with that, and demanded his death. So he was summoned back to Seoul. -Posthumous honors were given to many of the Nam-ins whom the king had -ordered killed at the house of Hŭ Jŭk. - -Not long after this the king began to make preparations to put away his -queen. To this end he made the following statement. “For a long time I -have been aware of the queen’s jealous disposition and evil mind, and I -have borne with it patiently but now I can endure it no longer. Since I -have taken the concubine Chang it has been still more unendurable. The -queen and the concubine Kim have been putting their heads together in an -attempt to frighten me into putting away Chang, but I saw through the -plan. Now what shall we do?” Time and again the officials came pleading -for the queen, but the king was utterly deaf to all they had to say. He -piled unjust accusations upon her without deigning to give a single -proof. Large numbers where banished and a few killed outright because of -their intercessions with the king. The most notorious case was that of -Pak T‘ă-bo whose name has passed into a proverb. He with two others -memorialized the king begging him to drive away the concubine and retain -the queen. The king’s rage knew no bounds. He came out and took his seat -in front of the In-jŭng Gate of the Chang-dŭk Palace and had the man -brought before him. When asked why he had written the memorial he -answered, “Because of the treatment the queen has received.” The king -then ordered red hot plates to be passed along his limbs. Still he would -not express sorrow. Then bowls were broken into small pieces and the -fragments were piled up on the mans already burned limbs, a plank was -placed across them and men stood on either end of it and jumped up and -down. The pieces of pottery were of course ground into the man’s legs. -As he still remained firm he was tied with a rope and hoisted to the top -of a high pole in a cruelly painful position. As he still remained -unmoved he was banished to the south. His aged father accompanied him as -far as the river and there he died of his wounds. This, so far from -stopping the flood of petitions, only increased it, for immediately -16,000 men with Chöng To-gyŭng at their head sent in an appeal and -likewise all the country scholars and all the students of the Confucian -school. But every petition was returned by the passion-blinded king. - -In the fifth moon of the year, 1689, the king deposed the queen, -stripped her of all her titles, degraded her to the level of the common -people and sent her back to her father’s house, not by way of the great -gate of the palace but by a side gate, in a white sedan chair, the badge -of a criminal. Concubine Chang was proclaimed queen and her father -became a prince. We will remember that the aged Song Si-ryŭl had been -ordered back from Quelpart to meet his fate at the capital, but even the -popular sympathy which a public execution at Seoul would have aroused -was denied him, for the king sent a draught of poison to be administered -on the way, and so in an obscure country village the grand old man drank -the deadly potion and passed away. Some of his followers who afterwards -memorialized the king in regard to him were killed or banished, together -with the deposed queen’s relatives. The following year the son of the -newly appointed queen was made Crown Prince. - - - - - Chapter XI. - -Heavy tax remitted.... a _tendens_ novel.... the wheel of fortune - turns.... the queen restored..... sorcery.... Puk-han built.... - mourning.... a weak king.... a lucid interval.... terrible - reprisals.... a desecrated tomb.... contact with the West.... king’s - suspicious death.... enemies killed.... party strife put down.... - seals for Japanese.... prohibition of manufacture and sale of - wine.... a powerful conspiracy.... preparations for defense.... - Ch’ung-ju falls.... rebellion put down with a heavy hand.... honors - distributed.... mining prohibited.... incipient rebellion.... - reforms.... reservoirs.... use of wine interdicted.... bureau of - agriculture.... important secret service.... dress reform.... cruel - punishments stopped.... a new war vessel.... honest measurement.... - imperial tombs.... monument to the dead political parties.... - musical instruments. - - -Each year a large Chinese embassy visited Seoul, and it was customary to -feed them from silver dishes, which were given them as presents when -they returned to their own land. This expense was met by a tax on the -people of Song-do. While the king was making a small tour in the country -he arrived at Song-do and there he asked about this tax. The people -replied that they had to sell their very children to meet it, for it -amounted to 1,200 bags of rice, 900,000 cash, 3,000 bags of other grain, -3,000 pieces of cloth as well as other things. The king listened to -their petition and remitted the tax. - -Only five years elapse before we find the king making another complete -change in his household, by driving out the new queen, who had been the -concubine Chang, and reinstating the old queen in her rightful place -again. These sudden and complete changes of face in the king would have -been amusing had they not been accompanied by the shedding of so much -innocent blood. The king had tired of his new queen. He seems to have -been one of those men who require a periodical outbreak of some kind, -but who in the intervals are perfectly quiet. The time had come for such -an outbreak and Kim Ch‘un-t‘ăk was the instrument by which it was -brought about. He had bought himself into the good graces of the palace -women, and as a first step toward the accomplishment of his plans he -wrote a book in which was illustrated, in romance form, the evils of -putting away the true wife for a concubine. The copy of this book which -was given to the king materially hastened the catastrophe. The Nam-in -were in power but they looked with concern upon the king’s growing -antipathy toward them and they urged him to put the too bold novelist -out of the way; but the leaders of the No-ron party, knowing that all -depended on a quick, decisive blow, went in a body to the king at night -and urged him to follow the evident bent of his inclinations. This he -proceeded to do by banishing the brother of queen Chang, and with him -the leaders of the Nam-in party. Then once more the No-ron stepped to -the front and prepared to enjoy the good things. High posthumous honors -were given to Song Si-ryŭl and to the deposed queen’s father and to many -others of the No-rons who had perished during the last outbreak. The -king, to save his “face,” called the deposed queen back little by -little. He first put her in a little palace in An-dong; then he -transferred her to the “Mulberry Palace,” and finally brought her to the -palace proper. The woman Chang was again reduced to her former place and -a stringent law was made that henceforth no royal concubine should ever -be raised to the position of queen. The martyr Pak T‘ă-bo was given -posthumously the title of Prime Minister. The reinstated party tried to -induce the king to kill the concubine, but, as she was the mother of the -heir apparent to the throne, he could not consent. A slave of this -concubine’s resorted to a clever trick in order to turn the tables on -the No-ron party. Enticing to his house a slave of one of the leaders of -the No-ron party, he got him intoxicated and then stole from him his -name tag, a piece of wood which each person was supposed to carry and on -which his name was written. This he took and dropped beside the grave of -the father of the concubine where it was discovered that a fetich had -been buried. This was to show that a No-ron leader had resorted to the -black art to win back his way to power. The king, however, looked into -the matter, discovered the fraud and killed the prime mover in the plot, -a Nam-in leader. Many others were also banished. - -Four years passed without any events of importance, and then the queen -became afflicted with boils and expired. The records tell us that that -night the king dreamed that the dead queen came to him with her garments -covered with blood. To his enquiries she made no answer except to point -toward the apartments of the concubine Chang. The king arose and went in -that direction, and his ears were greeted with the sound of laughter and -merriment. Wetting his finger in his mouth he applied it to the paper -window and soon made a peep-hole. There he beheld the concubine and a -large company of sorceresses engaged in shooting arrows into an effigy -of the queen and making merry over having done her to death by placing a -fetich under her room. This was the signal for another of the king’s -periodical outbreaks. In spite of her being the mother of the Crown -Prince, he poisoned her and killed all her sorceress companions. A host -of the Nam-in party also met their death. The almost incredible number -of 1,700 people are said to have met their death as a result of this -disturbance. There must have been in connection with it a sort of “star -chamber,” or secret tribunal where many went in but none came out, for -we are told that a few years later a secret prison in the palace was -abolished. - -The year 1711 was marked by the building of the great mountain fortress -of Puk-han among the mountains immediately behind Seoul. There had been -a fortress there in the ancient days of Păk-je. It is an almost ideal -place for a place of retreat, being surrounded with very steep -mountains. - -When this king died in 1720 the custom was first inaugurated of having -the whole people put on mourning clothes, and wearing them for three -years in honor of the dead king. - -The new king, known by his posthumous title of Kyöng-jong Tă-wang, was -the son of the disgraced and executed concubine Chang. By this time the -so-called Nam-in party had practically passed off the stage of history; -its leading men had all been killed and it had left the field to its two -great rivals the No-ron and So-ron, although as we have before said the -No-ron was overwhelmingly predominant. - -King Kyöng-jong was a man of feeble intellect and he took no interest in -the affairs of government. He merely served as a center about which -factional fights went on. It is said that his mother, the concubine -Chang, when about to be led to execution, said to him, “If I am to die -you must die with me,” and at that she struck at him with an improvised -weapon, a piece of wood. She succeeded only in wounding him, but it was -in a portion of the body that rendered it impossible for him ever to -have an heir. He swung like a pendulum back and forth between the Noron -and Soron parties, agreeing with whichever happened for the moment to -gain his ear. This caused the Noron party some uneasiness and they -desired to see the reins of government in more responsible hands. They -warmly favored the king’s brother as a candidate for the throne. The -king was always ailing, for he never thoroughly recovered from the wound -which his mother had inflicted, and he was unable to perform the -ancestral rites. He was also afflicted with sores on his head, so that -for months at a time he was unable to wear the headband which is such a -distinctive mark of the Korean. The Noron leaders induced someone to -memorialize the king asking him to make his brother his heir. They all -added their advice of the same tenor, and finally induced him to consult -the Queen Mother about it. She entered heartily into the plan and the -decree went forth that the king’s brother was heir apparent. This was -like a thunder-bolt among the Soron ranks. The whole transaction had -been carefully concealed from them, and now a man who could not, under -the circumstances, be other than a warm friend of the Noron party was -heir to the throne, and every Soron was in danger. They stormed and -protested and memorialized but to no avail. The appointment of an heir -was like the laws of the Medes and Persians, unalterable. But the Noron -people knew the weakness of the king and they feared what might take -place in some unguarded hour when the enemy might get the king’s ear, -and so they played a bolder game still. They asked the king to resign in -favor of the heir. He promised to do so, but the unguarded hour which -the Norons feared came, and the promise was not kept. Not only so, but -when it was whispered in the king’s ear that the Norons were trying to -usurp the power the worst fears of that party were realized. They were -driven from power and the Sorons came up smiling. But the king who liked -quiet and repose had one lucid interval when he said, “There is no love -of country in all this; it is simple party prejudice and thirst for -blood.” - -At the head of the triumphant party were Cho T’ă gu, Ch’oé Kyu-sŭ and -Ch’oé Sŭk-hang. They began the performance of their official duties by -bribing the palace women and eunuchs to kill the heir to the throne. The -plan was to shoot him “by mistake” while pretending to hunt for a white -fox which they said was haunting the palace. The heir was informed -however and took measures to insure his own safety. He asked to have two -of the palace women killed and two of the eunuchs, but the king himself -was in mortal fear of the Sorons, whom he had brought back to power, and -he dared not do so. Thereupon the heir said “I will resign and go out -from the palace and become one of the common people.” - -The Noron party were not idle. They knew that the Sorons would soon be -hunting their heads, and so they attempted to take the offensive by -assassinating the king; but, as usually happened, they were betrayed, -and terrible reprisals followed. Twelve of the Noron leaders were -beheaded and hundreds were beaten to death or banished. It is gravely -stated that in this one connection eighteen hundred men lost their -lives. - -The close of the king’s second year witnessed a severe famine on the -island of Quelpart and the king sent thither 7,000 bags of grain and -remitted the tax of horses, for which that island has been from time -immemorial celebrated. - -The desperate state of affairs at this juncture is well illustrated by -two incidents. First, the king was so enamored of the Soron party that -he took Mok Ho-ryong, their leader, outside the gate one night and -sacrificed a white horse and, tasting its blood, swore that until time’s -end Mok Ho-ryong’s descendants should hold high office under the -government. Second, the Soron officials went to the shrine of the great -Song Si-ryŭl and tearing the tablet from its place, dragged it through -the filth of a dung-hill. Meanwhile we hear nothing about the people and -the country. The government was not for them and they probably cared as -little for it as it did for them. - -But even these sanguinary scenes could not entirely stop the march of -enlightenment, for we learn that at this very time foreign clocks, -barometers and water-hose were being brought into Korea from Peking -where they had been introduced by foreigners. This was done by the envoy -Yi I-myŭng who met missionaries in Peking. He had a conversation with -them on the subject of religion and professed to find great similarity -between Christian doctrines and those of the Chinese classics. - -The fourth year of this unfortunate king, 1724, opened with a reform -that augured well. It consisted in the destruction of all the convents -outside the city gates, especially outside the West Gate which was at -that time about half a mile west of the present New Gate. The reasons -are not specifically given, but these convents had obviously become -dangerous to the morals of the people, and hot-beds of sedition. But the -king was not permitted to continue his reforms, for he died in the -eighth moon, of poison, it is said, administered in a shrimp salad. It -is further alleged that it was the work of his brother, probably on the -principle that he was the one to gain most by the king’s death. But we -may well doubt the truth of the rumor, for nothing that is told of that -brother indicates that he would commit such an act, and in the second -place a man who will eat shrimps in mid-summer, that have been brought -thirty miles from the sea without ice might expect to die. Of course all -the Soron officials were willing to believe the heir did it and one of -them advised that a silver knife be stuck into the king’s dead body, for -it is popularly believed that poison in the system will tarnish silver; -but it was not done. There was no way to prevent the hated heir assuming -his royal prerogative, which he did the same year, 1724. - -The new king, known by his posthumous title of Yŭng-jong Tă-wang, now -entered upon the longest and one of the most brilliant reigns in the -annals of the present dynasty; a reign which proves, so far as -circumstantial evidence can prove, that he was not guilty of the murder -of his brother. As may be surmised, his deadly enemies, the Sorons, were -driven from office and the Norons reinstated. It is probable that the -king found it impossible to restrain the Norons from taking revenge upon -their enemies and we are told that a thousand men were killed each year -for some years. That this was done in spite of the king, rather than by -him, will be seen from the strenuous efforts which he made to destroy -the lines of party demarcation. - -He began his reign with a statement of his inability to rule the people -rightly, and blaming himself for the sufferings of the people from -famine and plague. He immediately proclaimed his son crown prince, so -that from the very first there might be no question as to the -succession. He had to give way to the importunities of his councillors -and decapitate Kim Il-gyŭng who had charged him with the murder of his -brother. - -On the very first day of the new year he proclaimed that all party -strife must cease; that men must think and plan for the good of the -whole country rather than for a particular party. As he was returning -one day from a royal tomb a man beside the road shouted “There goes the -man who poisoned his predecessor with shrimps.” Recognizing in this -nothing but an attempt to keep open the old party sore, the king handled -the man severely together with certain others of the Soron party who had -instigated him to the outrage. - -From that day to this the Noron party has been uniformly in power. Party -strife practically ceased, not by the dissolution of the other parties -but because one party obtained such an overwhelming ascendency that the -others died of starvation. Several things led to this result. A series -of unsuccessful conspiracies on the part of the Soron party, each of -which weakened it to the point of exhaustion; and secondly the extreme -length of the reign, during which, with one short interval, the king -held firmly to the Noron party. The closing act of his first year was a -reform which he forced in the government dispensary. It had long been a -rich morsel for conscienceless officials to fatten upon, but now the -whole personnel of the institution was changed and it again performed -its normal function of dispensing medicines for the public health. The -king’s forbearance is seen in the fact that when a thief was caught, -bearing upon his person a letter from two of the palace women asking him -to procure for them a deadly poison, the king executed the thief but -refused to proceed against the women, on the ground that they had no -possible cause for wishing his death. - -We here meet the curious statement, not mentioned heretofore, that from -the earliest times the Lords of Tsushima received seals from the king of -Korea. At this time the daimyo of that island sent and asked the king to -renew the custom, which had probably been discontinued for a short space -of time. The king complied with the request and had the seal cut and -sent. It is not possible to conclude from this that the daimyo of -Tsushima considered himself a vassal of Korea, for it is not mentioned -elsewhere in the Korean annals. We can form but one theory that will -account for it. This seal may have been only for the purpose of -identification to vouch for the authenticity of letters that might pass -between Korea and Tsushima. The time may come when, in the light of -facts not yet discovered, this incident may throw light on the early -relations between Korea and Japan. - -A striking feature of this king’s reign was the promulgation and -enforcement of the principle of the prohibition of the manufacture and -use of spirituous liquors. We venture to affirm that this king was the -first in history, if not the only one, to boldly assert and rigidly -enforce the principle of total abstinence from the use of wines and -liquors. His three commands were (1) Party strife must cease. (2) Luxury -must be curtailed. (3) The making, selling or drinking of fermented -wines or distilled liquors is a capital offense. - -But this and other reforms were about to be eclipsed by the great -upheaval of 1727, after the relation of which we will return to them. -The Norons made such desperate attempts to induce the king to continue -the persecution of the Soron party that he underwent a revulsion of -feeling and for a short time punished the Norons by calling back into -power many of the opposition. It may be that this short respite awoke -the slumbering ambition of the Soron party so that when they found it -was but partial and temporary their chagrin drove them into sedition. -There appeared at Nam-wŭn in Chŭl-la Province an insulting circular -asserting that the king had killed his brother and that the whole Noron -party were traitors. It called upon all good men to oppose the -government in every way possible. The governor sent a copy to the king -who simply said “Burn it up.” But he greatly miscalculated the amount of -sentiment that lay behind that circular, and his enemies took advantage -of his unsuspiciousness to work up a wide-spread and powerful conspiracy -against the government. It was headed by Kim Yŭng-hă. - -This conspiracy was headed by the son of the executed Kim Il-gyŭng, by -Mok Si-ryŭng the brother of Mok Ho-ryŭng and by the sons and other near -relatives of the killed and banished leaders of the Soron party. A large -force was collected in Kyŭng-sang Province and Yi In-jwa and Chöng -Heui-ryang were put in command. The conspiracy honeycombed the whole -country, for we are told that in P‘yŭng-an Province Yi Sa-sŭng took -charge of an insurrectionary force, while at the capital Kim Chung-geui -and Nam T‘ă-jung worked in its interests. It was agreed that on the -twentieth of the third moon Seoul should be entered and that Prince -Mil-wha be put on the throne. But there was a weak point in this as in -all such ventures. One of the leaders in the south, An Pak, had a friend -living at Yong-ju, in the direct line of the approach to Seoul and he -warned him to move, as something was about to happen. The friend coaxed -him into telling him the whole affair, and then brought the story -straight to Seoul. This informer was Choé Kyo-sŭ. Immediately the king -sent out a heavy guard to the river and also manned the wall of the -capital. Troops were thrown into Yang-sŭng, Chin-wi, Su-wŭn, Yong-in, -Chuk-san and Ch‘un-ch‘ŭn, and were told to seize anyone who made the -least disturbance. The brother of An Pak being caught, he gave the -details of the position of the rebel troops and other important -particulars. The king appointed O Myŭng-hang of the Soron party as -general-in-chief of an expedition against the seditious people of the -south. He took with him 2,000 soldiers, but gathered more as he -proceeded south. Strong bodies of troops were also sent north along the -Peking road and to Puk-pawi outside the East Gate, to guard the -approaches to the city. In the south loyal troops were in force at -Mun-gyŭng Fortress near Cho-ryŭng Pass and the governor of Whang-hă -Province also took soldiers and stationed himself at Whang-ju, near -P’yŭng-yang. Others were stationed in the defiles of the mountains just -beyond Song-do. It is quite evident from these extensive precautions -that the plot was a wide-spread and dangerous one and that it had -powerful leaders, not only in the country but at the capital itself. - -In the south, the great rebel leader, Yi In-jwa, with banners flying, -led his powerful army northward to the town of Chöng-ju. Here was stored -a large amount of government provisions and arms. It was taken not by -storm but by strategem. Arms were sent into the city on litters covered -with vegetables and other things and soldiers went in, disguised as -coolies. Once inside, they soon put the small garrison out of the way -and killed the commandant. Yi then resumed the march on Seoul, -appointing prefects in the districts through which he passed and -assuming the title “Great General-in-Chief.” The claim was that the -uprising was in behalf of the dead king. All the soldiers were in -mourning for him and they carried in their ranks a shrine to his memory, -before which they offered sacrifices. - -The road from the south coming up to Seoul divides at Mok-ch‘ŭn, one -branch proceeding by way of Chik-san and the other by An-sŭng, but they -unite again at Su-wŭn. The rebels arrived at Mok-ch‘ŭn just as the royal -troops arrived at Su-wŭn. It was of prime importance to the rebels to -know by which road the royal army, under O Myŭng hang, were coming. -Whichever way they came the rebels must take the other road and so evade -an action. Gen. O was astute enough to surmise this but he did not -propose to let the rebels steal a march on him in this way; so he sent -forward a small part of his force toward Chik-san, but with the main -body of his troops he took the road by way of An-sung. His calculations -were correct, and when he neared An-sŭng he found that the enemy were -encamped there in fancied security. Taking a picked band of 700 men Gen. -O made a detour and came around the hill on whose slope the rebels were -encamped. In the night he made a wild charge down from its summit into -the camp. The effect was instantaneous. A moment later the whole rebel -force was in full flight, racing for their lives, while the pursuers cut -them down at pleasure. Yi In-jwa was captured and brought to Seoul. -Meanwhile Pak P‘il-pön the prefect of Sön-san opposed the remaining -rebels in Kyŭng-sang Province, capturing and killing a great number of -them, especially the leaders Ung Po and Heui Ryang, whose heads he sent -to Seoul in a box. - -When Gen O Myŭng-hang returned in triumph to Seoul the king went out to -meet him, and after the traitors’ heads had been impaled on high, they -all adjourned to the palace where a great feast was spread, at which the -king gave Gen. O a sounding title and to Ch‘oé Kyo-sŭ, who betrayed the -plot he gave the house near the present English Church, which has in -connection with it a memorial shrine. The king had a book printed giving -in details the evil deeds of the Soron party. Since that time there have -been no great party struggles. Sacrifices were offered for all who had -been killed by the rebels. The king showed his clemency by liberating -the five-year-old son of one of the traitors. He had been imprisoned -according to the law of the country, to be kept until his fifteenth -year, and then he would be led out to execution. - -Hand in hand with the king’s prejudice against the use of wine went a -similar prejudice against mining, so that not only did he peremptorily -forbid the mining of silver at Au-byŭn but hearing that copper was being -mined near the same place he sent and put a stop to it. - -In 1727 the heir apparent died and was given the posthumous title of -Hyo-jang Se-ja. Two years later another incipient rebellion broke out in -the south having as its object the placing of Ha Keui, a relative of the -king, on the throne. It is said that with him died several hundred more -of the doomed Soron party. - -The next thirty-two years were crowded full of reforms and their mere -enumeration throws much light on the social and economic conditions of -the time. - -A map was made of the northern boundary and a fortress was built at -Un-du; the law was promulgated that the grandson of a slave woman should -be free; on account of drought the king ordered the making of numerous -reservoirs in which to store water for irrigation, and a commission was -appointed with headquarters at Seoul, under whose supervision these -reservoirs were built; the king had a new model of the solar system -made, to replace the one destroyed by the Japanese during the invasion; -at last China amended that clause in her history which stated that -Kwang-hă was a good man and that In-jong Tă-wang had usurped the throne, -and the king presented one of the corrected copies at the ancestral -temple; the cruel form of torture, which consisted in tying the ankles -together and then twisting a stout stick between the bones, was done -away; a granary was built on the eastern coast, to be stocked with grain -each year by the people of Kyŭng-sang Province, for use in case of -famine in the northern province of Ham-gyŭng; the king claimed that the -scarcity of rice was due to the fact that so much of it was used in the -making of wine and again threatened to kill anyone who should make, sell -or use that beverage; in fact he placed detectives all about Seoul, -along the main roads, whose business it was to smell of the breath of -everyone whose face or gait indicated indulgence in the flowing bowl! - -A boatload of men belonging to the overthrown Ming dynasty appeared on -the southern coast and asked aid in an attempt to wrest again the -scepter from the Manchus, but they were politely refused; the king -abolished that form of punishment which consisted in applying red hot -irons to the limbs; he built the Chung-sŭng, or inner wall at -P’yŭng-yang in order to cut off the view of a _kyu-bong_ or “spying -peak,” which in Korea is supposed to bring bad luck. Any place from -which may be seen the top of a mountain peak just peeping above the -summit of a nearer mountain is considered unfit for a burial or building -site. - -About the year 1733 famines were so frequent that the king appointed a -bureau of agriculture and appointed inspectors for each of the provinces -to help in securing good irrigation; a man named Yi Keui-ha invented a -war chariot with swords or spears extending out from the hubs of the -wheels on either side. He was rewarded with a generalship. The king -established a special detective force differing from the ordinary -detective force in being more secret in its operations and in holding -greater powers. The rules for its guidance were as follows, and they -throw light upon existing conditions. - -(1) After careful investigation they may close up any prefectural office -and send the prefect to Seoul for trial. - -(2) This does not apply to prefectures where animals are being reared -for use in ancestral sacrifices. - -(3) In order to maintain their incognito they shall not demand food for -nothing at the country inns but shall pay the regular prices. - -(4) For the same reason they shall not stop long in the same place. - -(5) They must look sharply after the district constables and -thief-catchers and see that they are diligent and effective. - -(6) They must put a stop to the pernicious custom of prefects’ servants -taking money in advance from farmers as a bribe to remit in part future -government dues. - -(7) They shall prevent the sending in of incorrect estimates of the area -of taxable land. - -(8) They shall see to it that prefects do not receive extra interest on -government seed loaned to the people and payable in the autumn after the -crop is harvested. - -(9) They shall prevent prefects appropriating ginseng which they -confiscate from illegal sellers. - -(10) They shall prevent the king’s relatives and friends seizing -people’s land. - -(11) They shall stop the evil custom of prefects withholding the -certificate of release from pardoned exiles until they have paid a -certain sum of money. - -(12) They shall prevent the enlistment of too many men, who thereby -claim their living from the government granaries. - -(13) They shall see to it that the prefects do not keep the good cloth -paid by the people for soldiers’ clothes, and hand over to the soldiers -a poorer quality. - -(14) They shall prevent creditors compounding interest if a debtor fails -to pay on time. - -(15) They shall stop the making of poor gun-powder and of muskets with -too small a bore. - -(16) They shall enforce the law that the grandson of a slave is free. - -(17) They shall see to it that the prefects in P‘yŭng-an Province do not -receive revenue above the legal amount. - -Each of these specifications might be made the heading of a long chapter -in Korean history. We have here in epitome the causes of Korea’s -condition to-day. - -The governor of Kang-wŭn Province stated that on account of the frequent -famines he could not send three men annually as heretofore to the island -of Ul-leung (Dagelet), but the king replied that as the Japanese had -asked for that island, it would be necessary to make the annual -inspection as heretofore. - -In the year 1734 the king made his second son heir to the throne; he did -away with the punishment of men who sold goods in competition with the -guilds or monopolies established at Chong-no, the center of the capital. -There had been so many royal deaths that the people had become -accustomed to the use of white clothes, and had forgotten all other -custom. But the king now declared that white was the worst of colors -because it soiled so easily, and he ordered the use of blue, red or -black, but giving the preference to the first as being the color that -corresponds with east. In the early years of the dynasty King Se-jong -had made a gauge of the size of whipping rods. It was shaped like a gun -barrel, and no one was to be whipped with a rod that could not be put -into this gauge like a ramrod. The king revived this law and had many -gauges made and sent all about the country to the different prefectures. -He also forbade anyone but a properly authorised official to administer -a whipping, and he abrogated the law by which thieves were branded by -being struck in the forehead and on each cheek with a great bunch of -needles after which ink was rubbed into the wounds. He next did away -with the clumsy three-decked war-vessels which were slow and unseaworthy -and in place of them substituted what he called the “Sea Falcon Boat” -which had sails extending from the sides like wings, and which combined -both speed and safety. These he stationed all along the coast. - -While on a trip to Song-do the king paid a compliment to the people of -Pu-jo-gă, the ward in that city where dwell the descendants of the men -of the former dynasty, who do not acknowledge the present dynasty, and -thus show their loyalty to their ancient master. At the same time he, -for the first time, inclosed in a fence the celebrated Sön-juk Bridge, -where still shows the blood of the murdered statesman Chöng Mong-ju. - -Since the days of King Se-jong, who determined the length of the Korean -yard-stick, that useful instrument had shrunken in some measure and its -length differed in different localities. So now again the king gave -strict orders about it and required all yard-sticks to be made to -conform to a pattern which he gave. Previous to the days of King -Myŭng-jong men of the literary degrees dressed in red, but white had -gradually taken its place; and now the king ordered them to go back to -the good old custom. The official grade called _Halyim_ became such an -object of strife among the officials that the king was constrained to -abolish it, though it has since been revived. Two of the emperors of the -Sung dynasty in China have their graves on Korean soil in the vicinity -of Kap-san. The duty of keeping these graves in order was now placed in -the hands of the governor of Ham-gyŭng Province. The king anticipated -the death of all party strife by setting up a monument at the -Song-gyun-gwan in memory thereof and he ordered the people of different -parties to intermarry and become good friends. During the Manchu and -Japanese invasions all the musical instruments had been either destroyed -or stolen, and as yet they had not been wholly replaced, but now there -were found in a well at the palace a set of twenty-four metal pendants -which, when struck with a hammer, gave four various musical notes. The -inscriptions on them indicated that they had come down from the time of -King Se-jong. This aroused the king’s interest and he set skillful men -at work making various instruments, notably a small chime of bells to be -used at the royal ancestral worship. - - - - - Chapter XII. - -Gates roofed.... superstition.... sorcery interdicted.... a - plebiscite.... wine-bibber executed.... a female Buddha.... growth - of Roman Catholicism.... sanitation.... a senile king.... suspicions - against the Crown Prince.... plot against him.... an ambitious - woman.... the prince’s trial.... a painful scene.... the prince - killed.... law against wine relaxed.... sacrifice.... census.... - various changes.... party schism.... emancipation proclamation.... a - dangerous uncle.... a new king.... literary works.... justice.... - study of Christianity.... various innovations.... rumors of - war....“birthplace” of Roman Catholicism in Korea.... opposition.... - terrible scourge of cholera.... conspiracy.... women’s coiffure.... - Roman Catholic persecution.... Roman Catholic books declared - seditious.... prosperity and adversity.... a Chinese priest enters - Korea.... types made.... literary works.... suggestion as to - coinage.... Chinese priest asks that a Portugese embassy be sent to - Korea.... the king not violently opposed to Christianity. - - -In the year 1743 the king put roofs upon the West and North-east Gates. -Before that time they had been simply arches. He set on foot an -agitation against the use of silk, and ordered that no more banners be -made of that material. He utterly did away with the last remnant of the -Soron party by an edict in which he stated that all who would go by that -name were traitors. There was a popular superstition that the third and -sixth on the list of successful candidates at the government -examinations would soon die; so the examiners were careful to substitute -other names, in case a friend or relative found himself in this awkward -predicament. The king happened to see this done once and upon inquiry -found that the names of two Song-do men were being substituted in place -of those of some friends of the examiners. In anger he ordered the names -to be all mixed up again, and that each man be made to run his chance of -sudden death. One of his most salutary reforms was the doing away with -the _mudang_ or sorceress class, who did and still do so much to corrupt -the morals and degrade the manners of the Korean people. This period -beheld the invention of the one-wheeled chair, but its use was always -confined to the third official grade. A step backward was taken when it -was decreed that no one above the ninth official grade could be beaten -as punishment for crime. It tended to build up another barrier between -the upper and lower classes. And yet it was not an unmixed evil, for a -public beating must inevitably lower the dignity of the office that the -culprit holds. There was such universal complaint against both the land -and the poll taxes that the king put it to vote at a plebiscite called -in Seoul in 1750, and the people voted unanimously for a house tax -instead, and the king complied. The next year a grandson was born to -him, who was destined to be his successor. He found it necessary to -police the four mountains about Seoul to prevent the trees all being cut -down. He built for the first time a fortification at the Im-jin River. -In 1751 famines in different localities drove crowds of people to Seoul -and the government was obliged to feed them; then the king’s mother -died; then the queen died. The king said there must be some -extraordinary cause for all these calamities. He believed it was because -wine was being secretly used in the palace. It was denied, but he was -incredulous and ordered that even in the ancestral sacrifices the use of -wine be dispensed with and that water be used instead. The provincial -general of Ham-gyŭng Province was convicted of having used wine and the -king went outside the South Gate to see him executed. The culprit’s head -was set on a pole in view of the populace. Following up the good work of -doing away with sorcery, the king banished from Seoul all the blind -exorcists. - -The year 1753 was marked by two events of importance. A woman created a -great disturbance in Whang-hă Province by claiming to be a Buddha and -inciting the women everywhere to burn up the ancestral shrines. The -trouble ended only when the king sent a special officer to seize and -execute her. - -We are told that by this time the secret study of the tenets of Roman -Catholicism had resulted in its wide diffusion in the provinces of -Whang-hă and Kang-wŭn. There was uneasiness at court on account of the -rumor that the people were throwing away their ancestral tablets, and -the king ordered the governors of those provinces to put down the -growing sect. This was more easily ordered than done, and as no deaths -followed it is probable that the governors did little beside threaten -and denounce. Two years later a work of importance was completed. The -great sewer of the city was quite inadequate to carry away the sewage of -the city and every time a heavy rain fell the sewer overflowed and the -street from the great bell to the East Gate became a torrent. The king -gave two million cash out of his private purse and the sewer was -properly cleaned out. He also appointed a commission on sewerage and -ordered that there be a systematic cleaning out every three years. - -We have now arrived at the thirty-eighth year of the reign, -corresponding to the year 1761 A. D. Up to that time the reign had been -a brilliant one, not because of military successes but because of -social, economic and other reforms. So far, it stands side by side with -the reign of Suk-jong Tă-wang, who with the aid of the illustrious Song -Si-ryŭl, effected such far-reaching reforms. We have yet seen but few -signs of that growing senility which forms such a marked characteristic -of the remainder of this reign. The king was now over seventy years old -and he had lost that vigor of mind which characterized the earlier years -of his reign. But he still possessed all that imperiousness of will -which likewise characterized him. Good judgment and will power should -decline together or else the results may be disastrous, as is -illustrated in the remaining years of his reign. - -We will remember that his first son had died and his second son had been -made heir to the throne. He in turn had a son who was now eight years -old. The evils which we are about to relate grew out of the fact that -the heir was not as strongly attached to the Noron party as its -adherents desired and they feared that his accession might result in a -resuscitation of the defunct Soron party. The truth is the son carried -out in fact what his father commanded, but did not live up to—namely the -obliteration of all party lines. The old man, while always preaching the -breaking up of party clanishness, remained a good Noron to the end of -his days and the Norons had all the good things in his gift. The king -perhaps thought that party lines had been lost sight of, but it was only -the overwhelming ascendency of the Noron party, which made comparison -absurd. Instead of destroying party lines he did the very opposite in -putting all the power into the hands of a single party. This suspicion -against the Crown Prince on the part of the party in power was the main -cause of the disturbance which followed, but its immediate cause was the -ambition of a woman, a not unusual stumbling-block in the path of -empire. This woman was the sister of the Crown Prince who desired that -her husband be made king. Her name was Princess Wha-whan Ong-ju. One of -the palace women also hated the Crown Prince. All these people desired -his removal from the field of action and all had different reasons. The -Noron party wanted to save themselves; the Princess wanted to become -queen, and the palace woman wanted revenge; why, we are not told. - -It did not take long to find a way. Hong Kye-heui, Hong Pong-han and Kim -Sang-no, three choice spirits came together and began laying plans for -the overthrow of the Crown Prince. They first instructed the soldiers -about the person of the Prince to steal women or goods and, when -questioned about it, claim that it was at the order of the Prince. One -day when the king was taking a walk behind the palace he came across a -shallow excavation in the earth, covered with thatch. Looking in, he -found it filled with mourners’ clothes and other objects of mourning. -Inquiring what it meant, he was told that the Crown Prince was impatient -to have him die and that he had prepared the mourners’ garments in -advance. This aroused the anger of the king. He never stopped to think -that it might be a trick against the Prince. Every thing lent color to -the suspicion. Again, one day, the king found the palace woman, above -mentioned, weeping bitterly. She said it was because the Crown Prince -had offered her indignity. So by degrees plotters, bringing apparent -evidence from several sides, which could not but seem conclusive, -gradually estranged the king from his son and at last caused the removal -of the latter to another palace, the one called the “Old Palace.” These -things preyed upon the mind of the Crown Prince and made him ill, but to -add to this, it is said they administered drugs to him which tended to -unbalance his mind and make him violent toward those about him. Then the -Princess his sister arranged a trip to P’yŭng-yang for his health. It -was intended that while he was there he should be charged with plotting -to bring a force to overthrow the king and usurp the government. On his -return, as he was approaching the city near night, an official came in -to the king and announced that the Crown Prince was outside the gate and -intended to come in that night and seize the scepter. This threw the -king into a frenzy of rage. He immediately had all the gates put under -double guard and sent out demanding the reason of the Prince’s -treasonable actions. The latter denied all treasonable intentions, but -it was too late. The old man was unable to reason calmly about the -matter. On the fifteenth day of the fifth moon the king went down to the -“Old Palace” to sit in judgment on his son. It was an exceedingly hot -day. When the Crown Prince came in and bowed before his father, the -latter said “Do you realize how you have sinned?” The Prince replied -that he was not conscious of having sinned against his father in any way -whatever. As the king had already decided in his mind that the Prince -was guilty, this denial made him simply furious. He screamed “If you do -not die it will mean the destruction of the dynasty. So die.” He then -ordered all the assembled courtiers to bare their swords but they -hesitated, for they knew the Prince was innocent; but when the king -leaped up and drew his sword they had to do likewise. The Prince calmly -said “I am no criminal, but if I am to die it ought not to be before the -eyes of my father. Let me return to my apartments and then do with me as -you will.” The king was too far gone with rage and excitement to care -for the dignity of his high station or to care for appearances. “No,” he -screamed, “It must be here before my eyes.” Thereupon the Prince undid -the girdle about his waist and proceeded to strangle himself. The whole -court were horrified, excepting the king, who could no longer be called -sane. They rushed forward, undid the cord and dashed water in his face -to bring him back to consciousness, in spite of the king’s loudly -vociferated commands to the contrary. They joined with one voice in -asking the king’s clemency, but they might as well have asked a maniac. -He threatened to kill them too if they persisted in thwarting him. He -then ordered a heavy plank box to be brought in and the Prince was -commanded to get into it. But at the moment he was trying to beat his -brains out against a stone and did not hear the command. One of the -officials ran to him and spread out his hands on the stone and received -the blows that were intended to end the life of the unhappy Prince. -Being dissuaded from this, the Prince arose and went to his father and -said “I am your only son, father, and though I may have sinned, overlook -it and forgive me. You are not like my father now. You will recover from -this passion and lament it.” This enraged the king to such an extent -that he could hardly articulate as he ordered the Prince to get into the -box. At this moment they brought up the little grandson to plead for his -father’s life, but the king raised his foot and gave the child a kick -that sent it reeling back into the arms of those who had brought it. It -was evident that there was nothing to be done; so the Prince proceeded -to climb into the box. It was now dark and when the cover was nailed on -it was not noticed that there was a large knot-hole in one side of the -box. One of the officials came and spoke to the Prince through this -hole. He was overcome by the heat and asked for water and a fan, which -were passed in to him. One of those who were interested in the Prince’s -death told the king what was going on, and he hurried out and ordered a -heavy plank nailed over the hole, and banished the man who had helped -the Prince. The assembly broke up, but the Prince was left in this -narrow prison day after day to starve. Each day one of the palace -servants gave the box a heavy blow with a stone. At first it elicited an -angry protest from the Prince but the fourth day he only said “I am very -dizzy. Please leave me in peace.” On the seventh day there was no -response, and the servant bored a hole and put in his hand and felt the -cold body of the dead Prince. The body was wrapped in grave-clothes and -taken away for burial. He received the posthumous name of Sa-do. It is a -singular fact that from that day to his end, some fifteen years later, -the king never expressed sorrow for this act of cruelty. It is also -significant that the Princess never tried to carry out her plan of -having her husband become king. The horror of this scene seems to have -turned her mind away from its purpose. At any rate she drops from the -page of history without being given an opportunity to atone even in part -for the terrible crime for which she was largely to blame. The king -still looked upon his grandson as the heir to the throne, but he made -him disown his dead father and take his uncle as father. He likewise -made the boy solemnly promise never to change his mind in this. We see -from this that the king continued to the very end to think that the -Prince was guilty and his deed justifiable. - -The year 1764 found an octogenarian on the throne. From this time on, -the king was exceedingly feeble, but he clung to life with a tenacity -that was amazing, and was destined to encumber the throne for a full -decade still. His increasing weakness made it necessary for his -physicians to prescribe a little wine. He acquiesced, and from this time -the laws against the use of wine were relaxed somewhat. Its use was soon -resumed in connection with the ancestral worship, but only at the -importunity of the princess. - -These declining years are by no means barren of interesting events. The -annual sacrifice in behalf of the country had always been made at Pi-băk -Mountain in Ham-gyŭng Province, but it was told the king that as Păk tu -Mountain stood at the head of the country and dominated the whole, as it -were, the sacrifice should be made on or near that mountain, So it was -decreed that from that time on the sacrifice should be performed at -Un-ch‘on Mang-dŭk-p‘yŭng, eight _li_ beyond Kap san and in full view of -the great Păk-tu-san or “Mountain of the White Head.” And it was further -decreed that those who took part in the service should be secluded for -four days before the event, should bathe often and put on clean clothes -and forego all commerce with women. - -In 1767 the king ordered a full census of the country. It was found to -contain 1,679,865 houses, containing 7,006,248 people. In other words -there had been an increase of over 800,000 since the year 1657. He also -ordered the making of a new rain gauge. The first one is said to have -been made by King Se-jong. He did away with the punishment that consists -in beating the tops of the feet until, frequently, the toes drop off. On -account of the danger of ship wreck in rounding the corner of Whang-hă -Province the king ordered the discontinuance of annual naval tactics at -Chang-nyŭn, excepting for the boats regularly stationed there. He built -a palace in Chŭn-ju in Chŭl-la Province and had sacrifices offered -there, for although Ham-gyŭng Province is said to be the birthplace of -the line, the family really originated in the south. The king also -revived the ancient custom of having a bell hang in the palace gateway, -to be struck by anyone who had a grievance to lay before the king. - -A split occurred in the Noron party in the year 1771. The two factions -were called respectively the Si and the Pyŭk. The former held that the -father of the Crown Prince was an innocent man and had been unjustly -punished, while the latter held the reverse. It is evident that those -who claimed he was innocent were making a bid for favor with the -prospective king. - -At the time of which we write the great sewer of the city had a line of -ancient willows extending the whole length. This was found to be a -disadvantage and they were hewn down and the sewer was walled in as we -see it today. Two more factions arose about this time. They were called -the Nak and the Ho. Their differences were caused by conflicting -theories as to the interpretation of the Confucian classics. - -The greatest act of this king, and the one that casts the greatest -luster on his memory, was reserved for the twilight of his reign. What -led to it we are not told, but in the eighty-ninth year of his life, by -a single stroke of the brush, he emancipated all the serfs in Korea. Up -to this time all the common people had been serfs of the _yang-bans_ or -noble class. In every district and in every ward each man of the common -people owed allegiance to some local gentleman. It took the form usually -of a tax or tribute in kind and was very loose in its application; but -on occasion the master could call upon all these people for service and -he could even sell them if he so desired. This is the reason why it is -exceedingly rare that a family removes permanently from any locality, at -least nominally. A man may go from place to place, or may live -permanently at the capital, but when asked where he lives he will -invariably name the exact spot where he originated and where the seat of -his family is still supposed to be. When the common people were serfs -they could not move at will, and the custom became so ingrained in them -that to this day its effects are plainly seen. This aged king put forth -his hand and decreed that this serfdom should cease once for all. It was -different from slavery. That institution still continued and has -continued to the present day. This serfdom included all the people who -did not belong to the so-called _yang-ban_ class. It is quite plain that -the line of demarcation between the common people and the nobility was -very much more clearly defined than at the present day. We find no -indication that the order was resisted in any part of the country. It is -probable that the serfdom had gradually become largely nominal and the -people only gradually came to realize what the edict realty meant. Even -to this day the spirit of serfdom is a marked characteristic of the -people. - -His ninetieth year beheld the complete mental and physical collapse of -the king. He could not attend to the ancestral sacrifices; his mind -continually wandered from the subject in hand. He would order a meeting -of his councillors and then forget that he had ordered it, or forget -what he had ordered it for. - -Hong In-han hated the young Crown Prince. It had long been his ambition -to see on the throne the son of the princess who had given up the -project of becoming queen. He worked with all his might to have the -fatal day put off, when the royal seals should be put in the hands of -the prince. He was all the more dangerous as he was the prince’s uncle, -and therefore more difficult to handle. - -When the aged king insisted upon giving up, this man said, “Not yet, you -have many years more to reign,” and he succeeded in delaying the matter, -hoping that something might intervene to prevent the consummation that -he dreaded. At one time when the king called a clerk to record his -decree that the Crown Prince, from that day, should assume the reins of -power, Hong violently pushed the clerk away and prevented it. The -officials were all in a state of trepidation over these high-handed -proceedings, fearing that they might become compromised, but help was at -hand. Sŭ Myŭng-sŭn memorialized the king and set forth this Hong in such -a light that the king with a last effort asserted himself and the young -prince became king. A near friend of Hong was banished as a hint that -Hong himself might expect punishment if he persisted in making trouble. -Early the next year more of Hong’s friends were banished. The aged king -took the newly appointed King to the shrine of his foster father and -made him swear that he would ever consider himself the son of that man -rather than of his real father. The young man asked that the record of -his father’s death be expunged from the official records and so they -were taken outside the Northwest Gate and “washed” in the stream. - -In the third moon of 1776 the old man died. The new king is known by his -posthumous title of Chöng-jong Tă-wang. He immediately raised his -adopted father to the rank of Chin-jong Tă-wang and gave his real father -the title Chang-hön Se-ja. - -The reign just ended had been rich in literary products. The names of -same of the books published are: “How to deal with the native fever,” -“The evil deeds of the Soron party,” “Conduct and Morals,” -“Fortifications and Military Tactics,” “A Catechism of Morals,” “A -reprint of the Confucian work So-hak-ji,” “An Abstract, in 100 volumes, -of five important historical and geographical works.” This last was -called the Mun-hön Pi-go. - -In spite of the oath that he had taken, the young king built a separate -shrine to his father and worshiped at it in the same manner as at the -ancestral temple. This was in accord with the letter of the oath, for he -religiously refrained, from calling his father by that name. He likewise -honored the memory of his father by decreeing that if anyone mentioned -the fact that he had been enclosed in a box and starved to death it -would mean death. He banished the son of the princess who had -encompassed his father’s death. The high-handed Hong In-han who had -worked so hard to prevent his accession was first banished to Yö-san and -enclosed in a thorn hedge, and then was poisoned by royal edict. - -His first year of rule was marked by an attempt to assassinate him and -put his brother on the throne, but the assassin was taken, knife in -hand, and upon his confession Hong Sang-bom and his whole family were -seized and put to death. At last in sheer self-defense the king was -obliged to put his brother to death. At the same time he forbade the -presence of sorceresses in the capital and banished many who had been -instrumental in his father’s death. From this it would appear that there -was a powerful clique in Seoul who were trying every means to accomplish -his overthrow. - -Being without issue, the king, at the instigation of his mother, took a -concubine, the sister of one of his favorites, Hong Kuk-yung. This -resulted very unfortunately, for when this concubine died her father was -drawn into treasonable operations. - -Many of the present customs of Korea date from this reign. The king -first made the law that after the closing of the gates, they could not -be opened except by special permission from himself. - -It was in his first year that the scholar Kwŭn Chŭl-sin gathered about -him a company of disciples and went to a mountain retreat to study. They -possessed one copy of a Christian work. This they diligently studied, -and one and all determined to adopt the belief there inculcated. So far -as they understood it, they practiced its teachings in secret. - -Two years later the king took as a second concubine the daughter of Yun -Ch‘ang-yun, and Hong the father of the first concubine, because of his -opposition to it, was banished. Up to this time very few officials had -been drawn from the northern provinces or from Song-do, but now the king -decreed that they were as worthy to receive office as any others and -said that they should share in the gifts of the government. He ordered -that, a record be kept of all the decisions in council and that they be -preserved in a book called the Il-deuk-rok. Those were days of severe -famine in the land and the king did all in his power to relieve the -distress, giving from his private treasure large quantities of silver -bullion, black pepper and dyewood, things of great value in Korea. - -In the year 1783 strange rumors were afloat. It was said that war had -been declared against Korea by some foreign power which was about to -throw an immense army into the peninsula. No one knew where it was to -come from, but many believed it was Japan. The excitement grew so strong -that crowds of people fled to the country, and so great was the influx -into the southern provinces that real estate rose rapidly in value. Such -was the haste of these deluded people that on the road families became -separated and children were lost. Out of pity for the latter the king -founded an asylum in Seoul for their maintenance. - -Yi Tŭk-cho of Kyöng-ju was one of the men who had accepted the teachings -of the Roman Catholic books and in this year he induced a young attaché -of the embassy to Peking to look up the missionaries there and get such -light as he could on the subject. This young man, Yi Sŭng-hun, met at -Peking the Portugese Alexandré de Govea of the Franciscan order. He -accepted Christianity and was baptized under the name of Pierre. He -brought back with him many books, crosses, images and other religious -emblems. Some of these he gave to Yi Tŭk-cho who redoubled his studies -and at the same time began to do some proselyting. Two of his most -celebrated converts were two brothers Kwŭn Ch‘ul-sin and Kwŭn Il-sin of -Yang-geun, thirty miles from Seoul. This town is called the birth-place -of Roman Catholicism in Korea. Yi Tŭk-cho took the baptismal name of -Jean Baptiste and Kwŭn Il-sin that of Francois Xavier. The propagation -of the Christian faith soon began in Seoul and from there rapidly spread -in the south. - -In 1785 the Minister of Justice began active operations against the new -faith and in the third moon of that year a courtier memorialized the -king on the subject. This caused the defection of many of the converts. - -In 1786 Kim Yi-so informed the king that when envoys came back from -China they brought in their train many Catholic books, which caused a -“conflagration” in the country, and he denounced it as a bad religion. -He said the books were flooding the land and that the only way to stop -it was to make Eui-ju, on the border, a customs port and have all -baggage strictly examined before being allowed to pass. - -Many Chinese had settled on Sin Island off Eui-ju but the Koreans on the -adjacent mainland resented it. They collected a considerable band of men -and crossed to the island where they burned all the houses of the -settlers and destroyed all their property. When the king heard of it he -condemned it as a brutal outrage. This year was marked by one of the -most destructive scourges that ever visited the country. Cholera swept -the land from end to end. It is asserted that 370,979 people perished, -among whom was the infant Crown Prince. The government found it -necessary to undertake the work of interment. The king gave out from the -dispensary 29,000 pills, and in Seoul alone there were 8,149 recoveries. -Knowing as we do the frightful ravages of this disease when it takes a -virulent turn, the fact that there were over 8,000 recoveries in Seoul -indicates that there must have been at least 60,000 deaths. Probably -this was more than half the population of the city at that time. It was -during this same year that the great mound in Kang-dong, P‘yŭng-an -Province, was found. It is some 680 feet in circumference. It was -called, from the first, the grave of the Tan-gun, though there is of -course no evidence to show that this is more than the merest fancy. - -The king had a half brother named Prince Eun-ön for whom he had a great -affection; but Hong Kuk-Yŭng whose daughter had been the king’s first -concubine and had violently opposed a second union, now conspired with -two other choice spirits with a view to putting Prince Eun-ön on the -throne. The vigilant Queen Mother discovered the plot and the -conspirators were executed. All likewise demanded the death of the young -prince but to this the king would not listen. He was forced to banish -him to Quelpart, but a short time after had him brought back as far as -Kang-wha, where comfortable quarters were provided for him. - -The king interdicted the use of silk excepting by very high officials -and by very old people. He set up stones to mark the place where the -great-grandfather of T’ă-jo Tă-wang had lived, where his grandfather had -fished and where that king himself had once lived, in Ham-gyŭng -Province. Someone found in P’yŭng ch’ang, Ham-gyŭng Province, the grave -of T’ă-jo Tă-wang’s great-grandmother and the king had it repaired and -guarded. - -Up to that date the women had been accustomed to wear the hair in a -great bunch on top of the head as female professional mourners do to-day -in Korea. Large amounts of false hair were used and it was decorated -with long pins and with flowers. It is said that a full headdress cost -as much as the furnishings of a house. The king ordered a change in this -expensive custom, and since that day only mourners and palace women have -been allowed to wear them. - -The city of Su-wŭn dates its importance from the year 1789, for at that -time the king removed his father’s grave to that place and went there -several times to sacrifice. He secretly called his banished brother from -Kang-wha, but when his mother learned of it she made such an ado about -it that he was fain to send him back. At Ham-heung, near the ancestral -seat of the dynasty, there was an immense tree, so large that ten men -holding each other’s hands could but just encircle it. The shadow which -it cast was “A hundred furrows wide.” So goes the story. The king had it -enclosed in a wall, as being the place where his great ancestor -practiced archery. - -The year 1791 will always be memorable for the persecution of the Roman -Catholics. During the preceding year the Roman Catholic converts had -sent a man to Peking to arrange for the coming of a priest who could -administer the sacraments, for the Koreans had been strictly forbidden -by the Catholic authorities in China to administer them among themselves -without the services of a regularly consecrated priest. At the same time -certain important questions about ancestor worship were asked. A priest -was promised to the Korean church but the answers to the questions about -ancestor worship were very unsatisfactory to the Koreans and in -consequence there were many defections. It is much to the credit of the -Roman propaganda that from the very first it set its face hard against -the practice of ancestor worship. In the fifth moon it is said the -“flame of Roman Catholicism burned high.” In other words it was -discovered then what had been going on quietly for many years. Two men -of Chin-san in Chŭl-la Province were caught and killed because they had -burned their ancestral tablets. It was only after long discussion and -with great hesitation that the order was given for their decapitation, -and at the very last moment, after the men had already been carried to -the place of execution, the king changed his mind and sent a reprieve; -but it was too late. The king called the new religion not Ch‘ŭn-ju-hak -or “Religion of the Lord of Heaven,” but Sa-hak or “The Deceiving -Religion.” The Minister Choă Che-gong advised the king to annihilate all -Roman Catholics, but the king answered, “We must do it by elevating -Confucianism.” He had found the only rational way to deal with religious -differences. He said, in substance, let the fittest survive. This is all -that Christianity asks in any land, and the opposition of it by force -always has been and always will be an acknowledgment of inferiority. The -king knew well that China was the source from which the new influences -came and he made a very strict law against the bringing across the -border of Christian books. An edict was promulgated threatening with -punishment all who did not deliver up their Christian books within -twenty days, and the prefect of Chin-san, where the two men had been -working, was cashiered and forty-five other prefects were degraded one -or two degrees, because Christian converts were numerous in their -districts. The Roman Catholic writers attribute the numerous defections -at this time to the entire lack of pastoral care, the absence of the -sacraments and the paucity of Christian literature. - -The king did not live up to his advanced ideas about using physical -force to combat Christianity, for in the eleventh moon of this year four -high officials who had embraced Christianity were seized and put to -death, together with a considerable number of the common people. - -In 1792 the pope formally put the care of the Korean church in the hands -of the Bishop of Peking. - -Sacrifices were offered at the tombs of Tan-gun, Ki-ja, Su-ro-wang (the -founder of Karak) and of T’ă-jo Tă-wang. Whether this was done to aid in -combatting Christianity we are not told but it is not improbable. This -was a time of general prosperity among the people and it witnessed a -rapid increase in the population of Korea. These things were evidenced -by the strong colonizing spirit which sprang up. Thousands flocked -northward to the banks of the Yalu and to the islands on the coast, and -the area of arable land was largely increased. Two years later this -period of prosperity terminated in a terrible famine in all the southern -and central provinces, and the government was obliged to dispense -280,000 bags of rice among the sufferers. This same year envoys from the -Liu Kiu Islands were well received. The King told them that two hundred -years before Liu Kiu officials had been given honorary titles by the -king of Korea. In view of the friendly relations that had always existed -between Korea and these islands, the envoys were feasted and sent off in -grand style. Late in this same year, 1794, the Chinese Roman Catholic -priest Tsiou crossed the Yalu and entered Korea. The government was -aware of it and his arrest was ordered, but he escaped from Seoul in -disguise. Two of his companions were taken, and as they refused to give -information as to his whereabouts they were immediately put to death. At -the time of his coming the Catholics estimate that there were 400 -believers in Korea, but within a very few years the number increased to -6,000. - -The year 1796 was signalised by a most important event in the field of -letters. In the beginning of the dynasty a fount of 100,000 pieces of -moveable copper types had been cast, and these had been supplemented -soon after by 200,000 more. Now the king began to add to them. First he -put out 50,000 and a year later he added 150,000 more; then 80,000 more -were made, and moveable wooden types were made to the number of 320,000. -Already during this reign the following works had appeared. “The -Gradation of Penalties,” “A Commentary on the Chinese Classics,” “The -Proper Conduct of the king,” “The Record of the Decisions in Council,” -“On Korean Customs,” “On Military Tactics,” “On Forms of Official -Correspondence,” “On the Science of Government.” These were now followed -by several editions of military and Confucian works, one of which was a -digest of all the Confucian Classics in ninety-nine volumes. The King -was a great lover of books and gathered all the best books that could be -procured. One work whose publishing he superintended in person reached -the modest number of 191 volumes. - -The Minister of Finance advised the minting of five-cash pieces but all -the officials united in a protest against it and advised retrenchment as -the alternative. In this they were right, for the policy of meeting a -deficit by minting money could not but be disastrous. - - - - - Chapter XIII. - -A peculiar plague.... a peculiar remedy.... a new king.... various - reforms.... beginning of the policy of Roman Catholic opposition.... - Christianity and politics.... causes of opposition.... prisons - full.... Chinese evangelist killed.... a traitorous letter - intercepted.... end of the persecution.... conflagration.... eight - severe charges.... the miners’ rebellion.... siege of Chöng-ju.... - the mine explodes.... Catholics send to Peking for a priest.... a - long list of calamities.... cholera.... taxes remitted.... Europeans - fail to enter Korea.... nine years' famine.... terrible - suffering.... a new king.... reform.... French priests enter - Korea.... the persecution of 1839.... the first French naval - expedition against Korea.... The Koreans answer the French - charges.... a new king.... reforms.... rapid spread of - Christianity.... consternation upon hearing of the fall of - Peking.... a noteworthy memorial.... panic.... a good opportunity - lost.... a women’s riot. - - -In 1799 a peculiar plague broke out in P’yŭng-yang and spread with great -rapidity. It began with fever and ague, accompanied by a cough, and -death was very sudden. The king decided that if people so afflicted -should eat beef they would recover. So he ordered cattle to be killed -and the beef to be distributed among the people. The plague suddenly -ceased and the people have always believed that it was the marvelous -acumen of the king that enabled him to see the remedy and stop the -ravages of the disease. - -Early in 1800 he made his son heir to the throne, and none too soon, for -in the sixth moon he sickened and died. It is said that his death was -caused by his mourning over the terrible fate of his father, whose cruel -and untimely death preyed upon his mind. Others say that the cause of -his death was a malignant boil. - -The infant king, known by his posthumous title of Sun-jo Tă-wang, was of -too tender an age to undertake the duties of royalty and so the -government was administered during his minority by his grandmother, the -woman who had wielded such a strong influence over his father. She began -by instituting various reforms. Outside the West Gate, which was then -some distance to the west of the present New Gate, there was a monastery -where sorceresses and fortune-tellers congregated. The Queen Mother -drove them all out and razed the monastery to the ground. The tax by -which the palace body-guard was kept up was very distasteful to the -people and it was now remitted. Up to this time the government medical -dispensary had been supported by revenue in money or herbs from the -country, but this tax was also remitted. If we may believe the records -when they say that she freed all the government slaves, we can not but -confess that in some directions at least this Queen Regent was of -exceeding liberal mind. - -It is from the year 1801 that we may date the determined and systematic -opposition on the part of the government against the Roman Catholic -propaganda in the peninsula. Two other factions had grown up in Seoul, -the Si and the Pyŭk. The latter were violent opponents of the new -religion but they had been held in check by the neutral attitude of the -late king. But now he was dead, and the Queen Regent, being a member of -that faction, determined to give full rein to the anti-Christian -prejudices of her partisans. It must be remembered that the Koreans were -extremely sensitive to outside influences. The terrible invasion of the -Japanese on the one hand and of the Manchus on the other had made the -Koreans hate all suggestions of commerce with the outside world, and -they sedulously avoided every possible contact with foreigners. This is -one of the main causes of the opposition to Christianity. But besides -this, they had been told that Roman Catholicism struck at the very -foundation of the state and was more than likely to assume a political -aspect, a charge which, from the very claims which it puts forth to -universal temporal as well as spiritual sovereignty, would be somewhat -hard to refute. We can scarcely wonder then that there was severe -opposition to it. It was looked upon as a danger which menaced the -state. It is said that Roman Catholicism had assumed large proportions -in Korea. Many were now seized and put to death. Among them were eleven -high officials. Release was granted in case the accused would consent to -curse Christ. The agents of this persecution went everywhere haling -forth believers from city and village. Soon the prisons were running -over. Eleven men were executed in April and fourteen in the following -month. It is said that two princesses who had adopted the foreign faith -were put to death. It was at this time that Tsiou, the Chinese -evangelist, whom the Koreans call Chu Mun-mo, was seized and put to -death outside the Little West Gate. He had at first fled north to the -Yalu and was on the point of crossing, when he suddenly thought better -of it, turned back, gave himself up and heroically met his death. - -A Korean named Whang Sa-yong had been instrumental in bringing this -Chinaman to preach the faith to his fellow-countrymen. Now that the -evangelist was executed this Whang sent out a letter to the European -residents of China asking that a military expedition be gotten up to -come to the shores of Korea, overthrow the dynasty and set up another in -sympathy with the Christian faith. This letter was intercepted, the man -seized and cruelly torn to pieces. As to the accuracy of these -statements it would be rash to vouch. The contents of that letter may or -may not have been what is generally believed by the Koreans, but judging -from the active interest which European governments rightly take in -missionaries from their shores, it is not unlikely that the letter -contained substantially what is here stated. The persecution terminated -the following year when the government ordered the execution of those -already apprehended but ordered that no more Christians be proceeded -against. Between three and four hundred people had perished and the -church seemed to have been crushed. - -It was in this year 1803 that a terrible conflagration swept -P‘yŭng-yang, and a thousand houses were destroyed. It was repeated the -following year, and it is asserted that almost the entire city was -destroyed. - -Upon the death of the Queen Regent in 1805 the last remnant of -persecution ceased and even the law which prohibited the import of books -was allowed to remain a dead letter. Corruption in government circles -ran riot. The state of things is well epitomized in a memorial which was -sent in at this time. (1) The Ministers spend all their time reading -books. (2) Nepotism and bribery are the rule rather than the exception. -(3) The judges sit and wait for bribes. (4) The examiners of the -candidates’ papers receive money in advance, and merit can make no -headway against cupidity. (5) The censors have been struck dumb. (6) The -prefects do nothing but extort money from the people. (7) Luxury saps -the strength and wealth of the land. (8) The whole commonwealth is -diseased and rotten to the core. - -The year 1811 is marked by an uprising in the north, where Hong Kyöng nă -attempted to set up a kingdom of his own. He was a resident of P‘yŭng-an -Province and was a man of enormous wealth. He was disaffected against -the government because the men of his section were discriminated against -in the distribution of offices; so he conferred with the miners who were -engaged in digging gold in various places, and he told them an -exaggerated story of how ill they were being treated by the government. -He ended by proposing that, as he had enough money for them all, they -set up a kingdom of their own. The hardy miners, 5,000 in number, -accepted the proposal with alacrity and war was on foot. This company of -undrilled but hardy miners were formidable and at first carried -everything before them. They first took the town of Chöng-ju, putting to -death the prefect and his whole family. When news of this reached Seoul -the king appointed Yi Yo-hön as general-in-chief against the rebels. -Five thousand soldiers were given him with which to do the work. He -acted in a characteristic manner, settled himself comfortably at the -governor’s house outside the New Gate and called it the headquarters. -From that point he sent to the front Generals Sŭ Kum-bo, Kim Kye-on and -Pak Keui-p‘ung. Meanwhile the rebels were carrying everything before -them. Ch‘ŭl-san, Ka-san, Song-ch‘ŭn, Yong ch‘ŭn, Pak-ch‘ŭn and Son-ch‘ŭn -fell in quick succession. All the government provisions and arms fell -into their hands. The main camp of the rebels was in the vicinity of -An-ju and they wished to take that place. Here they met with strenuous -opposition and it was only after a desperate struggle that they ever -took the town. It took ten days to reduce the place; but the back bone -of the revolt was broken before the government troops from Seoul arrived -on the scene. The various captains and local commanders joined their -forces, and by the time the government troops had collected in -P’yŭng-yang the rebels had been driven into their last remaining -fortress, Chöng-ju, and were being held in siege. During the retreat of -the rebels four of Hong’s lieutenants were captured and, being sent to -Seoul, were there summarily executed. The reduction of Chöng-ju by siege -was a work of some time, and the king becoming impatient, supplanted -Gen. Pak Kye-p‘ung and put Gen. Yu Hyo-wŭn in his place. The latter -immediately decided to attempt to blow up the town of Chöng-ju. -Constructing a fence, or barrier of some kind, a hundred and fifty paces -from the wall, he began, under cover of this, to mine the wall, -supporting the passage with beams of wood. When he had extended the -passage well under the wall he placed a large amount of powder in it and -attached a long fuse. After igniting the fuse the soldiers all hastened -out of the mine. No explosion followed. No one dared to go in, for fear -that the fuse might be burning slowly and that the mine might explode -while they were within. After waiting two days, and finding no one who -would venture in, Gen. Yu himself entered and found that the fuse had -become wet. He remedied the difficulty and soon there was a tremendous -explosion that tore down a long stretch of the wall and buried many of -the garrison in the debris. The place was soon taken. Hong was caught, -“The Man who Would be King,” and his head was sent to Seoul. - -The Christians had now begun to recover in some measure from the -terrible persecution of 1801 and a man was sent to Peking to urge that a -qualified priest be sent to Korea, but the Peking church itself was in -great vicissitudes and no help could be promised. - -From this time on the reign was one long list of calamities which -followed thick and fast upon each other. In 1813 there was a serious -rebellion on the island of Quelpart; in 1814 occurred one of those -fearful famines that sometimes happen in the southern provinces; this -was followed by a flood in Kyŭng-sang Province which wrecked thousands -of houses and cost many lives; Seoul was without rice and the government -had to open its granaries and sell at starvation rates; 414,000 bags of -grain were distributed to the sufferers in the country and 15,000,000 -cash, 5,000 pounds of dye-wood and 500 pounds of black pepper were -donated toward relief. The next year thousands who had been made -destitute by the famine flocked to Seoul and the government had to feed -them till the barley crop was harvested; then the native fever, a kind -of typhus, broke out and mowed the people down, and the government had -to erect pest houses for their accommodation. In 1816 two thousand -houses fell in a freshet in Ch’ung-ch’ŭng Province and the government -gave timber to help the people rebuild. The year 1821 beheld one of the -most terrible scourges of cholera that the country ever experienced. It -began in the north, and sweeping southward soon involved the capital. -Ten thousand people died in Seoul in ten days. In the south it was -equally destructive. The government was obliged to appoint a commission -to attend to the interment of the dead bodies along the road. The -following year it broke out again with unbated fury. Houses were built -at intervals along the roads, by the government, for the sake of those -who might be struck down with the plague while traveling and gangs of -men were kept busy along the main road burying the dead. It even crossed -to the island of Quelpart where two thousand people died. In 1824 the -government had to remit 69,300 bags of revenue grain in the north -because of the depredations of robber bands. - -In 1827 the Crown Prince was appointed deputy king and the same year a -son was born to him. But troubles continued. The government was obliged -to remit taxes of seaweed, salt, ginseng and fish in Kang-wŭn Province. -The following year a terrible freshet swept away whole villages in -Ham-gyŭng Province and the king sent large quantities of grain to feed -the destitute there. - -Still troubles multiplied thick and fast. In 1830 the Crown Prince died. -He is the grandfather of the present Emperor of Korea. The son who had -been born to him is known as the Tă wŭn-gun, who died in the spring of -1898. The building in which the body of this Crown Prince was placed -burned to the ground and nothing but the charred bones of the prince -were recovered. Two years later, in 1832 an English vessel appeared off -Hong-ju and its captain, Basil Hall, sent the king a letter saying that -he had come to trade, but the king refused permission. As the flag of -the ship bore the device “Religion of Jesus Christ,” some Roman Catholic -converts boarded her, but when they found that they were protestants -they beat a hasty retreat. It is said that several boxes of books were -landed and that some of them were sent to the king, who promptly -returned them. The foreigners who made this attempt to enter Korea were -Gutzlaff and Lindsay. - -During this year there were destructive fires and floods, but the -greatest calamity of all was a famine that began at that time and -continued for nine successive years, each year being accompanied with -cholera. It is said that bodies were piled in heaps inside the South -Gate. Many people are still living who remember that terrible time. The -next year, in addition to famine and plague, the palace burned down. In -the following year there was a devastating epidemic of native fever in -Seoul, and a flood in Eui-ju which wrecked 2,000 houses. That summer, -the people driven wild with hunger mobbed the government granaries but -found nothing in them. They laid the blame on the Prime Minister and -threatened his life. He fled precipitately to the country. - -In the last moon of 1834 the king died and his grandson a boy nine years -old came to the throne. He is known as Hön jong Tă-wang. His grandmother -Kim became regent. She is known as Sun-wŭn Whang-ho. She immediately -began a work of reform. The law that made the relatives of prefects’ -clerks liable to punishment for their crimes was abrogated. Many -burdensome taxes were remitted. The government revenue collectors were -kept to a strict account for all the monies passing through their hands. -A conspiracy, headed by one Nam Ong-jung, was put down with a strong -hand. The people were commanded not to slaughter their cattle for food, -for the only hope for future crops was the cattle, without which the -land could not be tilled. All prefects were commanded to have regular -office hours during which they should attend to government business -exclusively. - -In 1831 Pope Gregory XVI had made Korea a bishopric and appointed M. -Bruguiere as Bishop. A Chinaman named Yu who was then in Europe was -appointed to accompany him to Korea. This man Yu went ahead and found -means of entering Korea secretly. M. Bruguiere worked three years in the -attempt to enter the country by way of the north across the Yalu and at -last died on the very border. Yu who had preceeded him desired to hold -supreme power in the Korean church, and so put obstacles in the way of -the entrance of the Bishop. But in the following year Pierre Philibert -Maubant, who had been appointed to Korea, succeeded in entering the -country and began work in Seoul at once, but of course in secret. By -1837 two other French priests had arrived, including Bishop Imbert. It -is said that at the time of his arrival there were 9,000 adherents of -the Roman Catholic church. - -While the king was still but fourteen years old, in 1839, there occurred -a cruel persecution of the Catholics. Three foreigners were in Korea, as -we have seen, and they were known to the Koreans as Pöm Se-hyŭng, Na-bă -Do-ru and Chöng-ă Kak-bak-i. - -The persecution began as usual with a change of ministry. Yi Chi-ŏn -became Prime Minister. He hated Christianity and averred that the reason -why there were so many Christians was that the work of extermination had -not been thoroughly carried out in 1801. He demanded a house to house -inspection. This was done and soon the prisons were full to overflowing. -Hundreds were cruelly beaten, but the yamen-runners were not allowed to -loot the houses of the prisoners, which cooled their ardor not a little. -Finally the three foreigners were arrested. Being ordered to leave the -country they firmly refused. Thereupon they were declared high criminals -and were executed on Sept. 21st, 1839. This was followed by still -severer persecutions and even the Koreans themselves grew tired of the -horrors that were enacted. It is said that seventy were decapitated and -that sixty died of beating and strangulation. This is but a fraction -however of those who perished in consequence of this persecution. - -The last ten years of the reign were marked principally by events -connected with the Roman Catholic propaganda. In 1844 two more French -priests entered the country by way of Quelpart after a most difficult -and hazardous passage from China in a Korean junk. Two years later the -French government sent a message to Korea by a gun-boat, complaining of -the death of the three Frenchmen and threatening her with punishment if -these cruel actions were continued. This only excited the Koreans the -more against Christianity, for it seemed to imply that Roman Catholicism -had behind it a temporal power, and was therefore of political -significance. In consequence of this a new outbreak occurred which cost -the lives of several more Koreans, while the two priests were obliged to -hide away very closely in the country. - -In the summer of 1847 two French boats, the frigate _la Gloire_ and the -corvette _la Victorieuse_ set sail from the Gulf of Pechili to go to -Korea and ascertain what had been the result of the former letter. These -two boats both struck a mud-bank and when the tide went down they broke -in two. The crews to the number of 600 escaped to the neighboring island -of Kogeum off the province of Chŭl-la, and a pinace was immediately -despatched to Shanghai for aid. The Koreans gave every assistance in -their power and supplied them with food and other necessaries, and even -offered to provide boats to take the men back to China. In fact the -action of the Korean government was most creditable throughout. An -English ship happened to come by and it carried the survivors all back -to China. The Korean government, fearing further visits from the French, -decided to answer the letter of the previous year. It was couched in the -following terms: - -“Last year we received a letter from the foreigners. It was addressed to -the ministers of this realm and read as follows: ‘Three of our -countrymen, Imbert, Chastan and Maubant, have been put to death by you. -We come to demand why you have killed them. You will say perhaps that -your law forbids foreigners entering your country, but if Chinese or -Manchus should happen to enter your realm you would not kill them, but -you would have them carried back to their own country. Why then did you -not treat these men the same way? If they had been convicted of murder, -sedition or a like crime we would have nothing to say, but they were -innocent, and in condemning them unjustly you have committed a grave -injury against the French government.’ To this letter we beg to reply as -follows: In 1839 there were arrested here certain strangers who were -brought into the country at a time unknown to us. They wore Korean -clothes, they spoke the Korean language, they traveled by night and -slept by day; they veiled their faces, concealed their whereabouts and -consorted with men whom we consider rebels, godless men and enemies of -the government. When brought before the tribunal they claimed that their -names were Pierre No and Japanese Cang. Are these the men you refer to? -When interrogated, they said nothing about being Frenchmen, and even if -they had we could not have sent them back, for we did not know where -your country is. What could we do but apply our law, which forbids -secret entrance into our kingdom? On the other hand, their conduct in -changing their names and wearing Korean dress shows that they had -ulterior motives, and they cannot be compared to those who have been -shipwrecked upon our shores. Such men we save if possible and aid to -send back home. Such is our law. Had your fellow-countrymen been -shipwrecked upon our coast, they would have received precisely the same -treatment as Chinese, Japanese or Manchus under like circumstances. You -say that these men were killed without cause and that we have committed -a grave offense against the French government. This is most astonishing. -We have never had any communication with France. We do not know even how -far she is from Korea. What motive could we possibly have for injuring -her? How would you act if a foreigner should enter your country secretly -and in disguise and do what you consider evil? Would you leave him -alone? If a Chinaman or a Manchu should come here and do as your people -did they would be treated in the same manner as we did your people. In -fact, we did put to death a Chinaman because he came here in disguise -and changed his costume; and the Chinese government never said a word -about it, for they knew this to be our law. Even had we known their -nationality, their actions were so contrary to our laws that we could -hardly have spared them, how much less then when we did know it. This -matter hardly needs more explanation. Your letter was sent without the -proper formalities and we are not bound to answer it. This is not a -matter that a mere provincial governor can handle. As we are China’s -vassal it is our duty to consult the court at Peking on all foreign -matters. Tell this to your chief and do not be surprised that in order -to show the true state of the case we have been led to speak thus -plainly.” - -One needs but to read this to see that it is an unanswerable argument. -From a merely political and legal point of view the Korean government -had all the facts on her side, though from the standpoint of humanity -they were wrong. It is strange that they omitted the strongest argument -of all namely, that they asked the Frenchmen to leave and they refused. -It is evident that by so doing they made themselves amenable to Korean -law, and took the consequences, good or bad. One cannot admire enough -the heroism which they displayed in staying to suffer with their -coreligionists, though the opportunity was given them to save themselves -by departure. It cannot be doubted that the rapid spread of Catholicism -in Korea is due in large measure to the heroic self-sacrifice of those -men and others like them, who literally gave their lives to the work. It -would be wrong however to say that the government was wholly without -excuse. From time immemorial death had been the penalty for crimes of -far less import to the Korean mind than the spreading of heretical -beliefs. With the light they had and the provocation under which they -labored we should say they needed rather enlightenment than censure. - -This answer was not accepted as satisfactory by the French government -and a rejoinder was sent saying that thereafter French subjects who -should be taken on Korean soil must be sent to Peking, otherwise the -Korean government would lay itself open to grave evils. But soon after -this the revolution of 1848 took place in France and these eastern -questions were all forgotten for the time being. - -In 1849 the king died without male issue and his grandmother Kim -nominated his nephew, the son of a banished brother. The young man -entered upon the duties of his office at the age of nineteen and he is -known by his posthumous title of Ch’ŭl-jong Tă-wang. This reign of -fourteen years beheld some important reforms. The law was reaffirmed -that the families of banished men might follow them into exile. Gambling -was severely interdicted. The merchants’ monopolies were broken up. A -hard fight was made against bribery and peculation in high places. -Country gentlemen were forbidden to seize and beat any one belonging to -the lower orders. - -This king was the son Prince Chun-gye by a slave woman named Kang. He -was the great-grandson of the Crown Prince, Sado, whom his father nailed -up in the box. - -His reign was an important one in two respects. First the very rapid -spread of Roman Catholicism and second the settled policy which was -adopted toward all outside influences. When the reign began there were -about 11,000 Christians in Korea and when it closed in 1863 there were -in the vicinity of 20,000, or almost double. Everyone knew that to -combat it there would be need of a king of a different calibre from -Ch’ŭl jong; and so during these years the work of propagating the new -faith went on steadily and without any considerable drawbacks. The -picture of the country as drawn by the French is indeed a sad one. They -say the king had shown himself quite incapable and had become a mere -debauche. The highest officials were fattening off the people and the -latter were frequently consulting the books of prophecy which foretold -the dissolution of the dynasty. And now foreigners began to enter the -country in greater numbers. Maistre, Jansen, Berneux followed each other -in quick succession in the early fifties. The latter became Bishop of -Korea. - -About the end of 1860 came the news of the fall of Peking before the -combined French and English forces, the flight of the Emperor and the -burning and looting of the Summer Palace. The news was that thousands of -foreigners had come to overthrow the empire. The utmost consternation -prevailed in Seoul. An official memorialised the throne giving three -causes for lively concern. - -(1) The Emperor, fleeing before his enemies, might wish to find asylum -in Korea, or at least might take refuge in some Manchu fortress just -beyond the border. Every possible approach ought to be strictly guarded -so that the Emperor might not dare to force his way into Korean -territory. (This shows the depth of Korea’s loyalty to China.) - -(2) The outlaw bands that infested the neutral strip between Korea and -China might attempt an invasion of Korea and forts ought to be built to -prevent such an enterprise. - -(3) Worst of all, there might be a possible invasion of Korea by the -foreigners. Korean cities would be wrecked, the morals of the people -would be lowered, a depraved religion would be established. As the -foreigners were strong only on the sea or on level ground the -mountainous character of Korea would be of material advantage to her. -The army should be reorganised, and forts should be built along the -principal approaches to Seoul; also at Tong-nă, Nam-yang, Pu-byŭng and -In-ju. A fort should be built on high ground commanding the passage of -the narrows at Kang-wha. Western boats could not of course ascend the -Han River. As the foreign religion spread rapidly in the provinces every -precaution should be taken to prevent the foreign priests communicating -with their countrymen abroad. - -The ministry and the people all applauded this plan and the memorialist -was made a judge and given power to carry out his scheme. But news came -thick and fast telling of the killing of thousands of Chinese soldiers, -and the returning embassy in February 1861, gave definite news of the -flight of the Emperor and the treaty wrested from the great Chinese -empire. This news electrified the people. All business was suspended. -The well-to-do people all fled to mountain retreats the doughty -memorialist among the first. The ministers sent away their families and -their goods. Many of the high officials asked the protection of the -Roman Catholics, and tried to procure Roman Catholic books or badges of -any kind, and many wore these at their belts in broad daylight. The -yamen-runners were loud in their protestations that they had had nothing -to do with the persecution of the Catholics. It was believed by the -French in Korea at the time that a most favorable treaty could have been -concluded just at that time: but no effort in that direction was made by -the French. - -Gradually the excitement abated and preparations for war were pushed, -the wealthy classes supplying the money for the same. Old arms were -resurrected, and cannon were cast on the model of one obtained from the -French wrecks. At this time there were nine Frenchmen in Korea. - -The year 1861 was a hard one for the people. They were taxed to the last -farthing and local riots were exceedingly common. The French give us an -amusing incident, where the widows of a certain prefecture were taxed. -They rose up _en masse_ and mobbed the prefect’s office, caught his -mother, tore off all her garments and left her well nigh naked. This of -course meant that the prefect was disgraced for life. - - - - - Chapter XIV. - -Beside the death-bed of King Ch‘ŭl-jong.... a bold woman.... rise of the - Tong-hak.... its founder killed.... the King’s father becomes - regent.... his two mistakes.... he selects a Queen.... Russian - request.... the Regent pushed by the conservative party.... - death-warrant of.... Bishop Berneux.... French priests executed.... - priceless manuscript lost.... a French priest escapes to China and - tells the news.... China advises Korea to make peace.... shipwreck - of the “Surprise”.... face of the “General Sherman”.... persecution - renewed.... French reconnoitering expedition.... blockade of the Han - announced.... French expedition under Admiral Roze.... preparations - for defense.... correspondence.... French defeat.... the French - retire Koreans exultant.... persecution redoubled.... the Kyŭng-bok - Palace rebuilt.... American expedition under Admiral Rodgers.... - American victory on Kang-wha.... the fleet retires.... monument - erected in Seoul. - - -The events of the present reign, which began in January 1864, are fresh -in the memory of many still living, and the account here given is taken -largely from statements of eye-witnesses of the scenes therein -described. A detailed history of the present reign would fill a volume -in itself and of course we can but briefly touch upon the leading events -in it. - -The circumstances which ushered in the reign are graphically described -by Dallet and are substantially as follows. King Ch’ŭl-jong had been -suffering for some time with a pulmonary affection, but in January of -1864 he seemed better and he began to walk about a little. On the -fifteenth, feeling greater uneasiness than usual, he went into his -garden for a walk. There he was suddenly taken with faintness and was -just able to drag himself back to his room, where he fell in a dying -condition. The Minister Kim Choa-geun, his son Kim Pyŭng-gu and three -other relatives were immediately in attendance. As they were -deliberating, the nephew of the Dowager Queen Cho, widow of the King -Ik-jong, happened to pass, and seeing what was going on, he hastened to -his aunt’s apartments and exclaimed, “What are you doing here? The king -is dead.” He advised her to hasten to the king’s apartments, gain -possession of the royal seals and nominate to the throne some one of her -choice, declaring him to be the son and heir of King Ik-jong, her -husband. This woman thereupon hastened to the side of the expiring king -where she found the attendants, as we have said, and with them the -queen, who held the royal seals in a fold of her skirt. The Dowager -Queen peremptorily demanded these seals, and when the queen demurred she -snatched them violently from her. No one dared oppose the determined -woman who thus took fortune by the forelock and in the course of a -moment turned the course of empire. She then made proclamation in the -name of the king, saying “The king says the royal seals shall be in -charge of Queen Cho. The throne shall go to Myŭng-bok, second son of -Prince Heung-sŭng (whose name was Yi Ha-eung). Minister Chong shall be -executor of the king’s will and Minister Kim shall go and find the newly -appointed king.” The Dowager Queen Cho thus became Regent and the -queen’s party, the Kim family, had to retire from power. - -It was at the very beginning of the reign that the peculiar sect called -the Tong-hak arose in the south. Its founder was one Ch'oe Pok-sul of -Kyöng-ju in Kyŭng sang Province. The great formula of the sect was the -mysterious sentence _Ch’ŭn Ju cho a chung yŭng se bul mang man sa eui_, -which means “May the Lord of Heaven aid our minds that we may ever -remember, and may He make all things turn out according to our desire.” -The adherents of this sect would sit and sing this formula by the hour. -They would also dance, brandishing swords in a sort of frenzy, and -pretend to be rising to heaven. The name Tong-hak or “Eastern Sect” was -given by themselves to distinguish themselves from the Sŭ-hak or -“Western Sect,” namely Roman Catholicism. So at least some affirm. Its -rise was exceedingly rapid and soon it had enrolled an enormous number -of people. The government was at last obliged to take cognizance of it, -and a body of troops was sent south, who captured and put to death the -founder of the sect. This put an end for the time to its active -propagandism but it was by no means dead, as we shall see. - -The Dowager Queen Cho was a violent opponent of Christianity and filled -all the offices with enemies of the Roman Catholics. But she was not to -hold the reins of power long. The king’s father in view of his son’s -elevation to the throne had received the title Prince Tă-wŭn, or -Tă-wŭn-gun as he is usually called. He was a man of commanding -personality and inflexible will and on the whole lie was the most -striking character in modern Korean history. He has been variously -estimated. Some have considered him the greatest statesman in Korea; -others have taken him for a mere demagogue. His main characteristic was -an indomitable will which took the bit in its teeth and swept toward the -goal of its desire irrespective of every obstacle, whether of morals, -economics, politics or consanguinity. He was withal unable to read the -signs of the times. The two great mistakes of his life were, first in -supposing he could eradicate Roman Catholicism by force, and second in -supposing that he could prevent the opening of Korea to treaty -relations. The regency naturally passed into his hands and he tacitly -agreed to uphold the principles of the conservative party that had -raised him to power. - -His first act was to order a remeasurement of the tilled land of the -country with a view to the increasing of the revenue. The treasury was -empty and he had plans in mind that would require money. One of these -plans was the erection of a new palace on the ruins of the Kyöng-bok -Palace, an enterprise which the finances of the country by no means -warranted. His next act was to betroth his son the king to his wife’s -niece. His wife had two brothers one of whom was living but the other -had died leaving one daughter. It was this daughter of Min Ch’i-rok who -became queen. She was the king’s senior by four years. As her father as -dead she became the foster child of her uncle Min Ch’i-gu. In this -union, as every one knows, the Regent sought to cement his own power, -but, as every one likewise knows, he made a serious mistake. - -In January 1866 a Russian gunboat dropped anchor in the harbor of -Wŭn-san and a letter was sent to Seoul asking for freedom of trade with -Korea. The answer given was that as Korea was the vassal of China the -matter must be negotiated at Peking, and an envoy was dispatched for -that purpose. - -It is said that Roman Catholic adherents made use of the great -uneasiness which prevailed in government circles respecting Russia to -compose a letter urging that the only way to ward off Russia was by -making an alliance with France and England. It is said that the Regent -received this communication and gave it special and, as some believe, -favorable attention. We are told that the Roman Catholics were all in a -most hopeful state, of mind, fully believing the hour had come for the -awakening of Korea. In the light of subsequent events it is difficult to -determine whether the Regent’s interest in the plan was real or whether -it was a ruse whereby to make the final _coup_ all the more effective. -All things considered, the latter theory fits the facts more perfectly. -The French themselves believed the Regent was pushed on to the great -persecution of 1866 by the violent anti-Christian party that had put him -in power, and that it was simply another case of “If thou do it not thou -art not Caesar’s friend.” They found fault with him for harboring the -idea of a combination with this foreign element and demanded the death -of the foreign priests and a general persecution. It is said the Regent -reminded them of the burning of the Summer Palace at Peking and the -taking of that Imperial Capital, but that they answered that they had -killed Frenchmen before without harm resulting, and they could do it -again. - -Whatever may have been the pressure brought to bear on him, he finally -signed the death warrant of all the foreign priests in the land, and on -February 23rd Bishop Berneux was seized and thrown into the common jail, -but two days later he was transferred to the prison where noble -prisoners were confined. On the 26th he was brought before the tribunal -where he gave his name as Chang. He said he had come to save the souls -of the Koreans and that he had been in the country ten years. He refused -to leave except by force. As the government had made up its mind as to -its course, his death warrant was then made out, and it ran thus: “The -accused, Chang, refuses to obey the king. He will not apostatize. He -will not give the information demanded. He refuses to return to his own -country. Therefore, after the usual punishments, he will be -decapitated.” While he was awaiting his end, Bretenières, Beaulieu, and -Dorie were taken, and after similar trial were condemned to death. All -four of these heroic men were decapitated at the public execution ground -near the river on the eighth of March and their bodies were buried -together in a trench, from which they were recovered six months later -and given burial by Roman Catholic adherents. Four days later two more -priests, Petitnicolas and Pourthiè were executed at the same place. It -was the latter who lost at this time not only his life but his priceless -manuscripts, a Korean Grammar and a Latin Korean-Chinese Dictionary, on -which he had been at work for ten years. Three more of the priests, -Daveluy, Aumaitre and Huin were seized soon after this and put to death, -but not till the latter had despatched a letter to China, which was -destined to turn up long afterward. There were three priests left, -Calais, Feron and Ridel. The last of these was selected to attempt the -journey to China and give information of these terrible events. After -almost incredible labors he succeeded in getting away from the shore of -Whang-hă Province in a junk together with eleven native believers, and -made his way to Chefoo. From there he hastened to Tientsin and informed -Admiral Roze of the death of his fellow-countrymen. The Admiral promised -to hasten to the rescue of the remaining two and the avenging of those -who had been slain; but a revolt in Cochin-China prevented him from -redeeming his promise until the following September. - -The Chinese government, through the annual embassy, informed the king of -Korea that the killing of foreigners was an exceedingly foolish -proceeding and that he had better make peace with France on the best -terms possible, for if China could not withstand her surely Korea could -not. The Regent replied, however, that it was not the first time French -blood had remained unavenged in Korea. - -On June 24th an American sailing vessel, the “Surprise,” was wrecked off -the coast of Whang-hă Province. Her captain and crew were hospitably -treated and conducted to the Chinese border with great care, by order of -the Regent, who thus illustrated the truth of the assertion that Korea -would do no harm to men who were ship-wrecked on her coast. Even in the -midst of an anti-foreign demonstration of the most severe type, these -men were humanely treated and sent upon their way. - -Early in September the sailing vessel “General Sherman” entered the -mouth of the Ta-dong River. She carried five white foreigners and -nineteen Asiatics. Her ostensible object was trade. The governor of -P‘yŭng-an Province sent, demanding the cause of her coming and the -answer was that they desired to open up trade with Korea. Though told -that this was impossible, the foreign vessel not only did not leave but, -on the contrary, pushed up the river until she reached a point opposite -Yang-jak Island not far from the city of P’yŭng-yang. It was only the -heavy rains in the interior and an exceptionally high tide that allowed -her to get across the bar, and soon she was stuck in the mud, and all -hopes of ever saving her were gone. This rash move astonished the -Koreans above measure. Something desperate must be the intentions of men -who would drive a ship thus to certain destruction. After a time word -came from the Regent to attack her if she did not leave at once. Then -the fight began, but without effect on either side until the Koreans -succeeded in setting fire to the “General Sherman” with fire-rafts. The -officers and crew then were forced to drop into the water, where many of -them were drowned. Those that reached the shore were immediately hewn -down by the frenzied populace. The trophies of this fight are shown -today in the shape of the anchor chains of the ill-fated vessel, which -hang in one of the gateways of P’yŭng-yang. No impartial student of both -sides of this question can assert that the Koreans were specially -blame-worthy. The ship had been warned off but had rashly ventured where -no ship could go without being wrecked even were all other circumstances -favorable. The Koreans could not know that this was a mere blunder. They -took the vessel, and naturally, to be a hostile one and treated her -accordingly. - -In September the persecution of Roman Catholic adherents was resumed. -This is said to have been caused by a letter from one of the Christians -to the Regent urging a treaty of peace with France. But by this time -Admiral Roze was ready to redeem his promise, and on the tenth of that -month Bishop Ridel boarded his flag-ship at Chefoo. The French -authorities had already informed the Chinese at Peking that France did -not recognise the suzerainty of China over Korea and asserted that the -land about to be conquered would be disposed of as France wished without -reference to the Pekin government. It was decided to send the corvette -_la Primauguet_, and the aviso, _le Déroulède_, and the gunboat, -_Tardif_, to make a preliminary survey of the approaches to Seoul. -Bishop Ridel accompanied this expedition in the capacity of interpreter. -Arriving off Clifford Islands on the twentieth, the little fleet entered -Prince Jerome Gulf, and the following day _le Déroulède_ was sent to -explore the entrance to the Han River. Finding the channel between -Kang-wha and the mainland satisfactory, she returned to the anchorage -and together they steamed up the river the only casualty being the loss -of the false keel of the Primauguet. These vessels steamed up the river -as far as the river towns opposite the capital, silencing a few forts on -the way. Bishop Ridel used all his powers of persuasion to induce the -commander to leave one of these boats here while the others went to -China to report, but without avail. They all steamed away together. - -Meanwhile there was panic in Seoul. The end had come, in the estimation -of many of the people. A general stampede ensued and nearly a quarter of -the citizens of Seoul fled away, leaving their houses and goods. We will -remember that when Ridel escaped from Korea he left two companions -behind. These made a desperate attempt to communicate with the French -boats on the river, but so fierce was the persecution and so watchful -were the authorities that they were quite unable to do so. They finally -escaped, however, by means of junks which carried them out into the -Yellow Sea, where they fell in with Chinese boats that carried them to -China. - -Before the surveying expedition sailed back to China Bishop Ridel was -informed by native Christians of the burning of the “General Sherman” -and the fate of her crew, the renewal of the persecution and the order -that all Christians be put to death after only a preliminary trial. He -urged the commandant to stay, but the fleet sailed away and reported in -China, where the real punitive expedition was rapidly preparing. On -October eleventh the blockade of the Han River was announced to the -Chinese authorities and to the various powers through their -representatives at Peking, and then the French fleet sailed away to the -conquest of Korea. The flotilla consisted of the seven boats -_Querriere_, _Laplace_, _Primauguet_, _Deroulede_, _Kienchan_, _Tardif_ -and _Lebrethom_. - -But while these preparations were going on, other preparations were -going on in Korea. The total complement of troops throughout the -peninsula was called into requisition. Arms were forged and troops -drilled. The Japanese government, even, was invited to take a hand in -the war that was impending, but she did not respond. Japan herself was -about to enter upon a great civil war, and had no force to spare for -outside work, even if she had had the desire. - -On October thirteenth the French fleet reached Korea and three days -later the attack on Kang-wha commenced. In an hour’s time the town was -in the possession of the French and large amounts of arms, ammunition -and provisions were seized, besides various other valuables such as -treasure, works of art, books and porcelain. This reverse by no means -disheartened the Koreans. Gen. Yi Kyŭng-ha was put in charge of the -forces opposed to the “invaders.” This force was led in person by Gen. -Yi Wŭn-heui who found the French already in possession of the fortress. -The Koreans were in force at Tong-jin just across the estuary from -Kang-wha, and, fearing that the vessels would attempt to ascend the -river, they sank loaded junks in the channel. This channel must have -been much deeper than it is today. - -The Regent swore that any man who should suggest peace with the enemy -should meet with instant death. A letter was sent to the French saying -that the priests had come in disguise and had taken Korean names and had -desired to lay their hands on the wealth of the land. It declared that -the priests had been well killed. In reply the French said they had come -in the name of Napoleon, Sovereign of the Grand French Empire, who -desired the safety of his subjects, and that since nine of his subjects -had been killed, it must be explained. They also demanded the three -ministers who had been foremost in the persecution and in the killing of -the priests should be handed over to them and that a plenipotentiary be -appointed for the ratifying of a treaty. To this letter no answer was -received. - -Meanwhile Gen. Yang Hön-su had led 5,000 men to the fortress of -Chöng-jok on Kang-wha where a celebrated monastery stands. These men -were mostly hardy mountaineers and tiger-hunters from Kang-gye in the -far north, the descendants of those same men who in the ancient days of -Ko-yuryŭ drove back an army of Chinese 300,000 strong and destroyed all -but 700 of them. This fortress is admirably situated for defense, lying -as it does in a cup formed by a semi-circle of mountains and -approachable from only one direction, where it is guarded by a -crenellated wall and a heavy stone gate. - -The great mistake of the French was in supposing this place could be -stormed by a paltry 160 men. The whole French force could not have done -it. No sooner had this little band come well within range of the -concealed garrison than it was met by a withering fire which instantly -put half of them _hors de combat_. After some attempts to make a stand -in the shelter of trees, huts, rocks and other cover, a retreat was -called and the French moved slowly back carrying their dead and wounded. -They were closely pursued and with difficulty made their way back to the -main body. The result would probably have been much more serious had not -the retreating party been met by a body of reinforcements from the main -body. The next day orders were given to fire the town and re-embark. -This caused great surprise and dissatisfaction among the men, but we -incline to the belief that it was the only thing to do. The number of -men that had been mustered to effect the humiliation of Korea was -ridiculously small compared with what was necessary. Six thousand French -might have done it, but six hundred—never. We need seek no further than -this for the cause of the abandonment of the enterprise. To be sure, it -had done infinitely more harm than good, and if it had been possible to -succeed even at a heavy cost of life it would have been better to go on; -but it was not possible. - -The effect of this retreat upon the Regent and the court may be -imagined. Peking had fallen before these “barbarians” but the -tiger-hunters of the north had driven them away in confusion. If the -reader will try to view this event from the ill-informed standpoint of -the Korean court, he will see at once that their exultation was quite -reasonable and natural. The last argument against a sweeping persecution -of Christians was now removed and new and powerful arguments in favor of -it were added. The fiat went forth that the plague of the foreign -religion should be swept from the land. No quarter was to be given. -Neither age nor sex nor quality were to weigh in the balance. From that -time till 1870 the persecution was destined to rage with unabated fury -and the French estimated the number killed at 8,000. The hardships and -sufferings of this time are second to none in the history of religious -persecutions. Hundreds fled to the mountains and there starved or froze -to death. The tales of that terrible time remind one of the persecutions -under the Roman Emperors or the no less terrible scenes of the Spanish -Inquisition. - -But to return to 1866. There were other events of interest transpiring. -The pet scheme of the Regent to build his son a new palace was being -worked out. The palace was in process of erection, when suddenly the -funds gave out. Here the Regent committed his next great blunder. This -time it was in the realm of finance. He entertained the fallacy that he -could meet a deficit by coining money. Of course the only way to meet a -deficit in this way was to debase the currency. He did it on a grand -scale when he once determined upon it, for whereas the people had from -time immemorial used a one-cash piece, he began to mint a hundred-cash -piece which was actually less than fifty cash in weight. One of these -was given as a day’s wage to each of the workmen on the palace. This -coin bore on its face the legend “The great Finance Hundred Cash Piece,” -but it proved to be very small finance indeed, for of course its issue -was immediately followed by an enormous rise in the price of all -commodities, and rice went up two hundred per cent. The government was -thus plunged deeper in the mire than ever; but the Regent had set his -will on this thing and was determined to carry it through at any cost. -His next move, taken in the following year, was to bring in old, -discarded, Chinese cash literally by the cart-load, across the border. -This he had bought in China at auction prices and forced on the people -as legal tender. At the same time he forced the people to work in gangs -of 300 at a time on the palace without pay. In this way the work was -finished, but it is safe to say that to this day the country has not -recovered from the effects of that mad financiering. Wealthy citizens -were called upon to make donations to the building fund, and this gained -the soubriquet of “The Free-will Offering.” - -The year 1868, which meant so much for Japan, was not otherwise -signalised in Korea than by a demand on the part of Russia that Korean -refugees beyond the border be recalled. It also beheld the publication -of the work “The Six Departments and their Duties.” In September alone -2,000 Christians were killed, five hundred of them being residents of -Seoul. - -The United States had not forgotten the fate of the “General Sherman.” -She had no intention of letting the matter drop. In the early spring of -1871 minister Frederick F. Low, at Peking, received instructions from -his government to go in company with Rear-admiral Rodgers to the shores -of Korea and attempt to conclude a treaty relative to the treatment of -American seamen who might be cast upon the shores of that country. He -was also instructed to try to make a trade convention with Korea looking -toward the opening of Korea to foreign commerce. The fleet consisted of -the war vessels _Colorado_, _Alaska_, _Bernicia_, _Monocacy_, and -_Palos_. These vessels rendezvoused at Nagasaki and on May sixteenth -they set sail for Korea. Minister Low’s correspondence with his -government shows that he had accurately gauged the probabilities of the -situation. A long acquaintance with the Korean could not have rendered -his diagnosis of the case more accurate than it was. From the very first -he considered it to be a hopeless case, and he was right. But this in no -way lessened the care he exercised in doing every thing in his power to -render the expedition a success. After fourteen days of struggle against -dense fogs, tortuous channels and swift tidal currents the fleet dropped -anchor off the islands known as the Ferrierre group, not far from -Eugénie Island. This was on May 30th. They had not been there long -before they were boarded by some small officials with whom Minister Low -was of course unable to treat, but through them he sent a friendly -message to Seoul asking that an official of equal rank with the American -envoy be sent to confer with him on important matters. The Koreans had -already received through the Chinese an intimation of what the Americans -desired but they argued that as their policy of carrying ship-wrecked -mariners safely across the border was well known abroad and as they did -not care to open up relations with other countries, there was no call to -send an envoy to treat with the Americans. The Regent shrewdly, though -mistakenly, suspected that the “General Sherman” affair was at the -bottom of this, as the death of the French priests had been the cause of -the French expedition and he decided to garrison Kang-wha and deal with -the Americans as he had with the French. Gen. O-Yo-jŭn was sent with -3,000 troops to Kwang Fort on the island of Kang-wha. A part of this -force was stationed as garrison at Tok-chin, a little fort at the -narrowest part of the estuary between Kang-wha and the mainland, where -the tide runs through with tremendous force and a dangerous reef adds to -the difficulty of navigation. - -Thus it was that when the _Monocacy_ and _Palos_ steamed slowly up the -channel on a tour of inspection they were fired upon by the guns of this -little fort. No special damage was done, and as soon as the gunboats -could be gotten ready to reply to this unexpected assault they opened -fire upon the little fort and speedily drove its garrison out. The -Koreans supposed these gunboats were approaching for the purpose of -assault. Indeed, as no intimation had been given the Korean government -that such a reconnoitering expedition was planned, and as this narrow -passage was considered the main gateway of approach to the capital, the -Koreans argued strictly from the book and the American contention that -the attack was unprovoked was groundless, for to Korean eyes the very -approach to this stronghold was abundant provocation. - -When the fort had been silenced, the two gunboats steamed back to the -main anchorage and reported. It was instantly decided that an apology -must be forthcoming from the government, but as none came, retaliation -was the only thing left to vindicate the wounded honor of the United -States. A strong force was despatched, which, under cover of the ship’s -guns was landed near the fort, and after a hard hand to hand struggle in -which every man of the garrison was killed at his post the place was -taken. Thus was the tarnished honor of the Great Republic restored to -its former brightness. But mark the sequel. The Admiral plainly was -entirely unequal to the task of pushing the matter to the gates of -Seoul, and so he withdrew and sailed away to China exactly as the French -had done. The great mistake in this lay in ignorance of the Korean -character. The government cared little for the loss of a few earth-works -on Kang-wha. In fact, even if the Americans had overrun and ravaged half -the peninsula and yet had not unseated the king in his capital or -endangered his person, their departure would have left the Koreans in -the firm belief that the foreigners had been whipped. In the last decade -of the twelfth century the Japanese overran the country, forced the King -to flee to the very banks of the Yalu, killed hundreds of thousands of -the people and for seven years waged equal war in the peninsula, and yet -when Hideyoshi died and his troops were recalled Korea claimed that the -Japanese had been defeated; and it was true. The approach of United -States gunboats up to the very walls of the “Gibraltar” of Korea was -nothing less than a declaration of war, and the paltry loss of the -little garrison was a cheap price to pay for their ultimate triumph in -seeing the American ships “hull down” in the Yellow sea. - -When this glad news was published in Seoul the already plethoric pride -of the Regent swelled to bursting. Another brilliant victory had been -scored. - -Another of the great powers of the West had been humbled. Korea could -show her great patron China how to handle the barbarians. He immediately -ordered the erection in the center of the city of a monument which had -been in preparation since 1866. The inscription ran as follows. - -“The Western Barbarians have attacked and injured us, with a view either -to making war upon us or to forcing treaties upon us. If we consent to -the latter it will mean the betrayal of the country. Let our descendants -to the ten thousandth generation bear this in mind. Made in the Pyöng-in -Year and set up in the Sin-mi Year.” - -All the court and the nobility vied with each other in congratulating -the regent upon the completion of this work and declared that the people -were pleased with the prospect of excluding all foreigners and -preserving the time-honored seclusion of the land. - - - - - Chapter XV. - -The “Frontier Guard”.... Japanese attempts at making a treaty.... agent - at the palace.... the Regent’s power on the wane.... a - “Combination”.... the Regent retires.... a puppet....“infernal - machine”.... reforms.... a dangerous memorial.... fight with the - Japanese.... two parties in Japan.... Japanese commission.... - negotiations.... treaty signed.... a mysterious conflagration.... - Japanese minister.... French priests released.... a curious book.... - anti-Christian policy abandoned.... commission to Japan.... - conspiracy.... liberal party.... hopeful outlook.... the Min - policy.... split between the Min and liberal factions.... Minister - to Japan.... military students.... regular troops neglected.... - emeute of 1882.... Japanese legation attacked.... the palace - entered.... the Queen escapes.... the ex-Regent quiets the - soldiers.... a mock funeral. - - -In order to understand the interesting train of events that transpired -in 1873 it will be necessary to go back and review the relations that -existed between Korea and Japan. - -At the close of the Japanese invasion an arrangement had been arrived at -between Japan and Korea by the terms of which the Japanese placed a -number of traders at Fusan. The popular belief of the Koreans that the -government accepted these as hostages in place of an annual tribute of -three hundred Japanese female hides is an amusing fiction which is -intended to offset the ignominy of the ear and nose monument in Kyoto. - -This colony was called the Su-ja-ri or “Frontier Guard.” The Korean -government appropriated ten million cash a year to its support. The -Japanese claim that these people were not hostages but were merchants -and were placed there to form a commercial _point d’appui_ between the -two countries. That the money paid for their support was of the nature -of a tribute is neither claimed by the Japanese nor admitted by the -Koreans; in fact the terms always used in describing these payments -implies the coördinate degree of the recipient. - -This Japanese colony was continued up to the year 1869 without -intermission but it was not destined to remain undisturbed. No sooner -had the Imperial government become established in Japan than the Emperor -appointed a commission to approach the Korean government through the -time-honored avenue of approach, namely Fusan and the prefect of -Tong-nă, with a view to establishing closer commercial and diplomatic -relations. This commissioner transacted the business through the Daimyo -of Tsushima who sent the Imperial letter to the prefect of Tong-nă and -asked that it be transmitted to the capital. After reading it the -prefect refused to send it, on the plea that whereas Japan had always -addressed Korea in terms of respect she now adopted a tone of -superiority and called herself an Empire. The envoy urged that Japan had -recently undergone a complete change, that she had adopted Western ideas -and had centralised her government, and urged that the missive must be -sent on to Seoul. The prefect was prevailed upon to copy the letter and -send it on to the Regent but the Reply came back forthwith “We will not -receive the Japanese letter. Drive the envoy away.” The following year -the annual grant of rice was suddenly discontinued without a word of -warning and the Japanese in Fusan were greatly exercised thereby. They -made a loud outcry and their government made repeated attempts to come -to an understanding with the Korean government but without success. - -It was in 1870 that the Japanese Hanabusa, called Wha-bang Eui-jil by -the Koreans, came with an urgent request that a treaty of commerce be -signed, but he was likewise unsuccessful. The King, however, was nearing -the age when the Regent must hand over to him the reins of power and the -Queen, a woman of natural ability and of imperious will, was gathering -about her a faction which was wholly inimical to the plans and the -tactics of the Regent. The latter found to his chagrin that the woman -whom he had placed on the throne with his son with special reference to -the cementing of his own power was likely to become the instrument of -his undoing. Sure it is that in spite of the hatred which the Regent -evinced against the Japanese this same Hanabusa came to Seoul in 1871 or -early in 1872, in a quite unofficial manner, and was given quarters at -the palace where he was in constant communication with the Queen and the -members of her faction, and where, by exhibiting curious objects of -western manufacture, such as a toy telephone and the like, he amused his -royal patroness and won his way into the favor of the party that was -shortly to step into the place made vacant by the retiring Regent. - -The queen’s faction were diametrically opposed to the most cherished -prejudices of the Regent. They favored, or at least looked with -complacency upon, the growth of Roman Catholicism, they favored the -policy of listening to China’s advice in the matter of foreign -relations. They were doubtless urged in this direction partly by pure -opposition to the Regent and partly by the representations of the -Japanese who had gained the ear of royalty. The palace was the scene of -frequent and violent altercations between the heads of these two -factions, but an open rupture did not occur until the year 1873 when an -official named Ch‘oe Ik-hyŭn memorialised the throne speaking -disparagingly of the presence of the Japanese in the palace and, toward -the end, charging the Regent with indirection in the use of the public -funds. The king had for some time been growing restive under the control -of the Regent, being led to some extent by the new party of which the -queen was the patroness and at whose head stood her brother, Min -Seung-ho. The memorial was received with marks of approval by the king -and he immediately cut off a large part of the revenues of the Regent. -At the same time Min Seung-ho approached the Regent’s son, Yi Chă-myŭn, -elder brother to the king, and suggested that if the Regent could be -removed they two might share the leadership of affairs. The young man -accepted the offer and ranged himself in line with the opposition. The -Regent was now in great straits. The combination against him had proved -too strong, and in the last moon of 1873 he shook off the dust of Seoul -from his feet and retired to Ka-p‘yŭng, thirty-five miles to the east of -the capital. After five months of residence there he returned as far as -the village of Ko-deung ten miles to the north-east of Seoul. - -Among the people there was still a strong element that favored the -ex-Regent. They missed a strong personality at the helm of state, for -the Koreans have always preferred a strong even if tyrannical -leadership. In recognition of this sentiment it was deemed wise to put -the ex-Regent’s brother, whom he had always kept severely in the -back-ground, in the prominent if not necessarily important position of -Prime Minister. He proved as was intended a mere puppet in the hands of -the Min party who by this time had absorbed the whole power of the -government. He was allowed, in compensation for this, to control the -sale of public offices to his own profit, but always under the vigilant -eye of the dominant faction. - -A new era in the metamorphosis of Korea had now begun. Public affairs in -the peninsula took a new direction. Min Seung-ho was court favorite and -it looked as if matters would soon settle down to something like their -former tranquility. But the latter days of the year were destined to -bring a severe shock to the leaders of the new party. One day Min -Seung-ho received a letter purporting to be from a certain party with -whom he was on intimate terms, and with it came a casket wrapped in -silk. He was requested to open it only in the presence of his mother and -his son. Late at night in his inner chamber he opened it in the presence -of these members of his family, but when he lifted the cover the casket -exploded with terrific force killing the three instantly and setting the -house on fire. As Min Seung-ho had but one enemy bold enough to -perpetrate the deed the popular belief that it was done by his great -rival is practically undisputed, though no direct evidence perhaps -exists. - -Min T‘ă-ho immediately stepped into the place made vacant by the -terrible death of the favorite. Soon after this the government -discontinued the use of the 100 cash pieces with which the Regent had -diluted the currency of the country. In the second moon of 1874 the -crown prince was born. The year was also signalised by the remittance in -perpetuity of the tax on real estate in and about the city of Seoul. - -In 1875 three of the ex-Regent’s friends, led by Cho Ch‘ung-sik, -memorialised the throne begging that the Prince Tai-wŭn be again -reinstated in power. For this rash act they were all condemned to death, -and it was only by the personal intercession of the ex-Regent that the -sentence was commuted to banishment for life. Even so, Cho Ch‘ung-sik -was killed at his place of exile. - -In September the Japanese man-of-war _Unyo Kwan_, after making a trip to -Chefoo, approached the island of Kang-wha to make soundings. Approaching -the town of Yöng-jŭng, they sent a small boat ashore to look for water. -As they neared the town they were suddenly fired upon by the Koreans in -the little fortress, who evidently took them for Frenchmen or Americans. -A moment later the small boat was turned about and was making toward the -man-of-war again. The commander gave instant orders for summary -punishment to be inflicted for this perfectly unprovoked assault. He -opened fire on the town and soon silenced the batteries. A strong body -of marines was landed which put the garrison to flight, seized all the -arms and provisions and fired the town. The man-of-war then steamed away -to Nagasaki to report what had occurred. - -At this time there were in Japan two parties who took radically -different views of the Korean question. One of these parties, led by -Saigo of Satsuma, smarting under the insulting way in which Korea had -received the Japanese overtures, would listen to nothing but instant -war. The other party, which saw more clearly the vital points in the -question at issue, urged peaceful measures. The policy of the latter -prevailed and it was decided to send an embassy to attempt the -ratification of a treaty, and if that failed war was to be the -alternative. This peace policy was so distasteful to the war party that -Saigo returned to Satsuma and began to set in motion those agencies -which resulted in the sanguinary Satsuma Rebellion. - -For many centuries there had been a strip of neutral territory between -the Korean border, the Yalu River, and the Chinese border which was -marked by a line of stakes. This strip of land naturally became the -hiding place of refugees and criminals from both countries, for here -they were free from police supervision whether Korean or Chinese. The -statesman Li Hung-chang recognized this to be a menace to the wellfare -of both countries and took steps to put an end to it, by sending a -strong body of troops who, in conjunction with a gunboat, succeeded in -breaking up the nest of desperadoes and rendering the country fit for -colonisation. Two years later this strip of land was definitely -connected with China and the two countries again faced each other across -the waters of the Yalu. - -The Korean attack upon the Unyo Kwan off Kang-wha proved the lever which -finally roused Japan to active steps in regard to the opening of Korea. -The war party regarded it as their golden opportunity, while the peace -party believed it would pave the way for a peaceful accomplishment of -their purpose. An envoy was despatched to Peking to sound the policy of -that government. The Chinese, fearing that they would be held -responsible for the misdoings of Korea denied, all responsibility and -virtually acknowledged the independence of the peninsula. At the same -time a military and naval expedition under Kiroda Kiyotaku, seconded by -Inouye Bunda, sailed for Kang-wha with a fleet of gunboats, containing -in all some 800 men. The Chinese had already advised the Korean -government to make terms with the Japanese, and this in fact was the -wish of the dominant party; so, when the Japanese demand reached Seoul, -that commissioners be sent to Kang-wha to treat with the visitors the -government quickly complied. Two high officials. Sin Hön and Yun -Cha-seung, were despatched to Kang-wha and the first definite step was -taken toward casting off the old time isolation policy, the fond dream -of the ex-Regent. - -The Japanese envoy opened the conference by asking why the Koreans had -given no answer to the repeated requests of the Japanese for the -consummation of a treaty of peace and friendship. The Korean -commissioner replied that from the very earliest times Japan had always -addressed Korea in respectful language, but that now she had arrogated -to herself the title of Great Japan and called her ruler the Great -Emperor. This seemed to imply the vassalage of Korea, an entirely new -role for her to play. The Japanese replied that the mere assumption of -the name of empire on the part of Japan implied nothing as to the status -of Korea one way or the other. This seemed to satisfy the Koreans. - -The Japanese then asked why they had been fired upon at Yŭng-jŭng. The -answer was that the Japanese were dressed in European clothes and were -therefore mistaken for Europeans. But when the Japanese asked why the -Koreans had not recognized the Japanese flag, especially since the -Japanese government had been careful to send copies of their flag to -Korea and ask that one be sent to each of the prefectures throughout the -land, the Korean commissioners could find nothing to say and had to -confess that they had been in error. - -All these things were duly reported to the authorities in Seoul where -daily councils were being held to discuss the important questions. The -ex-Regent sent an urgent appeal to the ministers not to make a treaty, -but the tide had turned, and after some sharp discussion as to how the -two governments should be designated in the treaty it was finally -ratified on February 27th 1876, and Korea was a hermit no longer. Three -months later a semi official envoy was sent to Japan in the person of -Kim Keui-su. - -Meanwhile the closing days of 1875 had beheld a curious event in Seoul. -In the dead of night the house of Yi Ch’oe-eung, the Prime Minister and -the brother of the ex-Regent, was set on fire by an unknown hand and -burned to the ground. None of the inmates were injured. The culprit was -seized and under torture confessed that one Sin Ch’ŭl-gyun had hired him -to do the work. Sin was therefore seized and put to death as a traitor. -Whether he was indeed guilty and if so whether he was but an agent in -the business are questions that have never been answered. - -It was not until the sixth moon of 1879 that, in pursuance of the new -treaty, a Japanese Minister, Hanabusa, was sent to represent his -government at Seoul. We will remember that he had already served his -government most successfully at the Korean capital in a private -capacity. The new legation was situated at the Ch’ŭn Yŭn-jŭng near the -lotus pond outside the West Gate. At almost the very same time two -French priests arrived in Seoul and took up their quarters outside this -same gate and began to proselyte. They were forthwith seized by the -authorities, and were for some time in imminent danger. There was -however a strong feeling in the government that this was inconsistent -with the new role that it had elected to play and that it was distinctly -dangerous. A halt was called and the Japanese Minister took advantage of -it to inform the authorities that he had received a message from the -French Minister in Tokyo asking him to use his good offices in behalf of -these endangered men. The Minister added his own advice that the Korean -government should hand over the imprisoned men at once. This was done -and the Japanese Minister forwarded them to Japan. - -One year later, in the summer of 1880, Kim Hong-jip, a man of -progressive tendencies, went to Japan. Soon after arriving there he met -a Chinaman who seems to have made a strong impression on him. This -Chinaman had many talks with him and gave him a long manuscript dealing -with the subject of Korea’s foreign relations, which he asked should be -transmitted to the king of Korea. In it he advised the cementing of -friendship with the United States, China and Japan, but he spoke -disparagingly of Russia. It mentioned Protestant Christianity as being -the basis of Western greatness and advised that its propagation be -encouraged. It compared the division of Christianity into Roman Catholic -and Protestant to the division of Confucianism into the two sects Chu-ja -and Yuk-sang-san. When Kim Hong-jip brought this manuscript and placed -it in the hands of the king it created a profound sensation, and -awakened the bitterest opposition. Many advised that he be killed as an -introducer of Christianity. The most violent of all were Yi Man-son, -Hong Chă-hak and Păk Nak-kwan who memorialized the throne urging the -execution of Kim and the overthrow of all Christian work in the -peninsula. This met with the severest censure from the king, not because -it was in itself seditious but because it was an attempt to reinstate -the policy of the Regency. Yi Man-son was banished, Hong Chă-hak was -executed and Păk Nak-kwan was imprisoned. This put an end to -anti-Christian talk for the time being and it was never again seriously -raised. - -By the fourth moon of 1881 the progressive tendencies of the new regime -had made such headway that the king determined to send a commission to -Japan to look about and see something of the world, from which Korea had -been so carefully secluded. For this purpose His Majesty selected Cho -Chun-Yŭng, Pak Chöng-yang, Sim Sang hak, Cho Pyŭng-jik, Min Chong-muk. O -Yun jung, Om Se-yŭng, Kang Mun-hŭng, Hong Yŭng-sik, Yi Wŭn-whe, and Yi -Pong-eui. These men immediately took passage for Japan. At the same time -a party of young men was sent to Tientsin under the chaperonage of Kim -Yun-sik on a similar errand. - -Late in this year, 1881, four of the adherents of the ex-Regent -conspired to overthrow the government, dethrone the king and put in his -place Yi Chă-sŭn, a son of the ex-Regent by a concubine. The ex-Regent -was then to be brought back to power. The last day of the eighth moon -was set for the consummation of this plot. But on the day before, -Nam-Myŭng sŭn and Yi P’ung-nă divulged the whole scheme to the favorite -Min T’ă-ho, and as a result the four arch-conspirators were seized on -the morning of the day set for the culmination of the plot and within a -few days eleven others were taken. In the eleventh moon they were all -beheaded, and at the same time Yi Chă-sŭn was given poison and expired. - -By this time a real liberal party had begun to form. Its leading spirits -were Kim Ok-kyun, Pak Yŭng-hyo, So Kwang-bom, Hong Yŭng-sik, Yi To-jă, -Sin Keui-sŭn and Pak Yŭng-kyo. These were all men of very high family -and held important positions under the government. They were in favor of -the immediate opening of Korea to intercourse with foreign powers and -the establishment of reforms such as had been effected in Japan. The -king was largely influenced by the progressive policy mapped out by -these men and an era of rapid advancement seemed to be dawning. A -special department was established called the Ki-mu or Machinery Bureau -which was to take charge of the introduction of foreign machinery and -implements of all kinds. - -It is important to note the position of the Min faction at this point. -It was with the downfall of the Regent that, through the queen’s -influence, the Min faction sprang to life. With the utmost celerity all -government positions were filled with them or their sympathizers and it -seemed sure that they would have a long lease of official life. The -extreme opposition of the Regent to all reforms and to the opening of -the country to foreign intercourse naturally inclined his rivals in that -very direction and it was directly through the Min faction that the -policy of non-seclusion was inaugurated. The queen likewise was in favor -of opening up the country to the civilizing influences of the West. But -with the Min faction, as a whole, the question of national policy were -entirely secondary to the one main idea of preserving the ascendency -which they had gained. Here is the key to all that followed. The Mins -were not at that time facing China-ward and they never would have been -had it not become necessary in order to preserve the enviable position -they occupied. As we have seen, a number of high officials who had -imbibed something of the spirit of reform which had permeated Japan were -filling the ear of the king and queen with plans for reform. They were -meeting with a favorable hearing and in proportion as they succeeded, -the power of the Mins must wane; not because the latter disliked the -idea of opening up Korea but because it was another faction that had the -work in hand, and that faction would naturally attain more and more -power at court as success crowned their efforts. It was just here that -the difficulty began. If the liberal leaders had been willing to put the -working out of the plan into the hands of the Min faction all might have -gone along smoothly and Korea might have realized some of the hopes of -the would-be reformers. But such self-abnegation could scarcely be -expected from men who saw in the carrying out of their brilliant scheme -not only rewards for themselves but the advancement of the country. The -personal element was present in full force and this was the rock on -which the reformation of Korea split. We may believe that it was at this -point that the Min faction determined its policy, a policy that led it -straight into the arms of China. From this point it became not the -progressive party but the conservative party. Its leading members were -Min T’ă-ho, Min Yŭng-muk, Min Tu-ho, Han Kyu-jik and Cho Ryŭng-ha. There -was one of the Mins however who held with the liberal party, for a time -at least. This was Min Yŭng-ik, nephew to the queen, adopted son of Min -Seung-ho who had been killed by the infernal machine in 1874. That this -man took his stand at first with the liberals is shown by the fact that -in the spring of 1882 he joined Kim Hong-jip, Kim Ok-kyun, Hong Yŭng-sik -and other liberal leaders in advising the king to select 200 young men -and engage a Japanese instructor to drill them in military tactics. The -advice was followed, and Lieutenant Isobayachi was employed for that -purpose. Without delay he began work at the Ha-do-gam near the East -Gate. At the same time a number of young men were sent to Japan to study -military matters. Among these the most prominent was Sŭ Chă-p’il who was -intimately connected with the liberal movement, though at that time he -was too young to take a prominent part. - -The first regularly appointed Minister to the Japanese was Pak Yŭng-hyo -the liberal leader. In the early part of 1882 he departed on his -mission. It was at Chemulpo on board the little Japanese steamer that -the Korean flag was first designed. Pak Yŭng-hyo, Kim Ok-kyun, Sŭ -Kwang-bom and Sŭ Chă-p’il were all present when it was hoisted for the -first time in honor of the first Minister to Japan. - -While the two hundred men who were being drilled at the Ha-do-gam were -being plentifully fed and clothed by the government, the 3,700 troops, -called the Hul lyŭn To-gam, the former Royal Guard, were being badly -neglected. Their pay was two or three months in arrears and for a -similar period they had not received a grain of rice. They were -naturally incensed and there were angry mutterings against the two -hundred men who were being treated so much better than they. When the -king was made aware of this he ordered that a month’s allowance of rice -be given out to these discontented troops. This work was put into the -hands of Min Kyŭm-ho the overseer of the government finances, and he in -turn handed the matter over to his major-domo who, it appears, sold the -good rice and with the proceeds bought a large quantity of the poorest -quality which he mixed with sand and doled out to the hungry troops. The -result may be imagined. They congregated in various places and -determined that since they must die in any event they would rather die -fighting than starving. They strengthened the feeble-hearted among their -own number by threats of death in case any proved unfaithful and refused -to assist in the work in hand. On the night of the ninth of the sixth -moon, in the midst of heavily falling rain, they arose _en masse_ and -proceeded to their general’s house, where they announced that they were -going to take revenge on those who had wronged them. That they not only -did not attack him but that they even had the courtesy to go and tell -him what they were about to do shows clearly that he was in no wise to -blame for the ill-treatment they had received. They also sent a -messenger to the ex-Regent, but the purport of the message is not known. -They then hastened to the residence of Min Kyŭm-ho, but he had heard of -the trouble and had fled to the royal presence for protection. The -infuriated soldiery vented their rage on the property by tearing down -the house and destroying the furniture. They seized the dishonest -major-domo and beat him to death upon the spot. The sight of this -aroused all their worst instincts and, separating into bands of two or -three hundred, they hastened to different parts of the town to complete -what had been begun. Some ran to the prisons and liberated the inmates -who naturally joined the ranks of the rioters. One of these prisoners -was Păk Nak-kwan who had memorialized the throne in favor of the -ex-Regent. They took him on their shoulders and rushed through the -streets shouting “Păk Chung-sin” or “Păk the patriot.” For this, a few -months later he was torn to pieces by bullocks outside the West Gate. -Part of the mob went to the Ha-do-gam, but on their approach the -Japanese military instructor took to his heels and made for the Japanese -Legation. But he was overtaken and cut down in the streets. Another -detachment hastened to the Japanese Legation itself, but found the gates -shut and barred. Within were nine Japanese. In order to make it light -enough to carry on their dastardly work the assaulting mob threw -firebrands over the wall and thus illuminated the place, for it was -night. The little company of Japanese soon became aware that they could -not hope to stand a siege and that their only hope lay in a bold dash. -Suddenly the gates flew open and the nine determined men rushed out -brandishing their swords and firing their revolvers straight into the -crowd. The Koreans were taken wholly by surprise and beat a hasty -retreat. In their headlong flight many of them fell into the lotus pond -adjoining. As the Japanese hurried along to the governor’s yamen which -was not far away, they cut down a few of the mob. They found that the -governor had gone to the palace and so they turned their faces toward -Chemulpo and hastened away. Another party of the insurgents went outside -the city to various monasteries which they burned to the ground. The -most important of these was the Sin-heung Monastery outside the -Northeast Gate. This move was dictated by hate of the Min faction whose -patroness was known to be very well affected toward Buddhism and to have -made friends with the monks. - -Other parties scattered over the city carrying the torch to the door of -every member of the Min faction. The houses of Min Kyŭm-ho, Min T’ă-ho, -Min Yŭng-ik, Min Yŭng-so, Min Yŭng-jun, Min Yŭng-ju, Min Ch’ang-sik, -Prince Heung-in, Kim Po-hyŭn and Yun Chă-dŭk were torn down by the use -of long ropes. The furniture was piled in a great heap in the street and -burned. The only member of the Min clan however that was seized that -night was Min Ch’ang-sik who lived at Kon-dang-kol. He had the -unenviable reputation of having taken large sums of money from the -people by indirection. When he was seized he cried “I am not a Min; my -name is Păk.” They bound him and carried him through the streets -shouting “Is this a Min or a Păk?” The populace answered fiercely “He is -a Min.” So they took him down to the big bell and stabbed him in a -hundred places with their swords and cut his mouth from ear to ear. - -When the morning of the tenth broke Seoul was in a terrible condition. -Bands of frenzied soldiery were ranging through the streets. The people -either huddled about their fireplaces with barred doors or else sought -safety in flight from the city. At last the mob rendezvoused in front of -the palace gate and finding no opposition they boldly entered. Rushing -into the inner court of the king’s private apartments they found -themselves face to face with His Majesty. About him stood a few of the -officials who had not fled the city. There were Min Kyŭm-ho, Kim -Po-hyŭn, Cho Ryŭng-ha and Prince Heung-in. Rushing forward the soldiers -struck their swords against the floor and the door-posts and demanded -that these men be handed over to them. It was quite evident that there -was no escape and that by refusal they would only endanger the king’s -life. So these men made obeisance to His Majesty and then stepped down -into the hands of the soldiers. Min Kyŭm-ho and Kim Po-hyŭn were -instantly struck down and hacked in pieces before the very eyes of the -king. Of Kim nothing remained but the trunk of his body. Cho Ryŭng-ha -was spared but Prince Heung-in died the same day for he was mashed to a -jelly by the gun-stocks of the soldiers. - -This done, the soldiers demanded the person of the queen. The king -sternly demanded how they dared ask of him the person of his Queen. -Without answering they rushed away to her private apartments. Seizing -palace women by the hair they dragged them about demanding where their -mistress was. But while this was going on one of the palace guard named -Hong Cha-heui entered the Queen’s presence and said that she was in -danger and that her only hope of escape lay in getting on his back and -being carried out. This she instantly did. A skirt was hastily thrown -over her head and the heroic man took her straight out through the midst -of the infuriated soldiery. Some of them seized hold of him and demanded -whom he was carrying. He replied that it was one of the palace women, -his sister, whom he was conveying to a place of safety. His heroism was -rewarded by seeing her safely outside the palace and comfortably housed -at the residence of Yun T‘ă-jŭn to the west of the palace. The next day -she was taken in a closed chair toward the village of Chang-wŭn in the -district of Ch‘ung-ju in Ch’ung ch‘ŭng Province, where she arrived -several days later. In that place she found refuge in the house of Min -Eung-sik. This journey was made not along the main road but along -by-paths among the mountains, and it is said that Hong Cha-heui lost -several of his toes as a result of this terrible march, for shoes could -not be procured. - -But we must return to the palace. The ex-Regent appeared on the scene -while the solders were still raging through the palace in search of the -Queen. He gave the signal to stop, and instantly the soldiers obeyed and -quietly left the palace. That these soldiers, worked up as they were to -a perfect frenzy, should have obeyed the commands of the Prince Tai-wŭn -so instantly and implicitly would seem to argue a closer connection with -this outbreak than any overt act on his part would give us warrant to -affirm. - -The ex-Regent was now in power again. He supposed that the Queen had -been killed, and on the next day he summoned the officials and said that -though the Queen was dead yet her body had not been found; they must -therefore take some of her clothing and perform the funeral rites with -them instead. The proclamation went forth, and from the middle of the -sixth moon the people went into mourning for their Queen. - - - - - Chapter XVI. - -A panic.... Japanese envoy.... a counter demand.... Chinese troops - arrive.... rioters captured.... the Regent kidnapped.... the Queen - returns.... Foreign Office.... von Mollendorf.... minting.... - American Minister.... various innovations.... special envoy to the - United States.... the American farm.... treaties.... liberal and - conservative parties drift further apart.... Pak Yŭng-hyo’s - attempted reforms.... school for interpreters.... fears of the - progressive party.... a crisis imminent.... understanding with the - Japanese.... the dinner at the Post Office.... attempted - assassination.... confusion.... Liberal leaders hasten to the - palace.... Japanese called in.... conservative leaders put to - death.... official changes.... Chinese demands.... the fight in the - palace.... the king goes over to the Chinese.... liberals killed.... - the Japanese retire to Chemulpo.... indemnity.... executions.... - Japanese terms.... hospital.... missions.... Tientsin convention.... - corruption.... von Mollendorf dismissed.... China takes over the - customs.... Judge Denny engaged as adviser.... obstacles put in his - way.... government English School.... mission schools.... Minister - to the United States.... the “baby war.” - - -A few days after the flight of the Queen a rumor was circulated to the -effect that a large body of men belonging to the peddlar’s guild had -congregated outside the East Gate and were about to enter and loot the -city. A panic seized the people, and men, women and children might be -seen flying in all directions, some out into the neighboring country and -some up the steep sides of the surrounding mountains. The gates being -all locked the people forced the South Gate and the two West gates and -thus made good their escape. The king himself was affected by the rumor -and leaving the palace sought safety at the house of Yi Che-wan. But the -panic ceased as quickly as it had begun, and within three hours the -people were returning to their homes again. The extreme haste with which -the people tried to get away is illustrated in the case of one old man -who seized his little grand-son, as he supposed by the hand, and fled up -a mountain but found to his dismay that he had taken the boy by the leg -rather than by the hand and that the little fellow had succumbed to this -harsh treatment. - -On the fifth of the seventh moon Count Inouye arrived in Chemulpo as -Japanese envoy and immediately sent word to have a high Korean official -sent to Chemulpo to discuss the situation. Kim Hong-jip was sent, and as -a result the Korean government was asked to pay an indemnity for the -lives of the Japanese who had been killed. It appears that besides the -Japanese military instructor five or six others had been killed, also a -considerable amount of Japanese money had been seized and destroyed at -the Japanese headquarters. The indemnity was placed at a million cash -apiece for the Japanese who had fallen. This amounted to something like -$2,500 each, a ridiculously small sum, but perhaps all the Japanese -thought they could get. The ex-Regent replied that if the Japanese -demanded this indemnity the Korean government would feel obliged to levy -a tax upon all Japanese merchants doing business in Korea. This was -practically a refusal to pay the indemnity and the envoy took his -departure. - -Hardly had he left before a Chinese force 3,000 strong arrived at -Nam-yang off the town of Su-wŭn. They were commanded by Generals O -Chang-gyŭng, Wang Sŭk-ch’ang, Ma Kŭn-sang and by a lesser officer named -Wŭn Se-gă who was destined to play a leading part from this time on. -These troops came, it can hardly be doubted, at the request of the -conservative party and it was from this hour that that faction turned -unreservedly towards China and gave the latter occasion for beginning a -series of encroachments upon Korea’s practical independence which ended -in the China-Japan war. These troops encamped all about the capital, -some at Pă-o-gă outside the West Gate and some at the Ha-do-gam just -inside the East Gate. - -Some of the soldiers who had been most active in creating the -disturbance lived at Wang-sim-yi three miles outside the East Gate. The -Chinese made it their first work to seize these men by night. Ten of -them were court-martialed and were torn to pieces by bullocks. - -The Chinese general O Jang-gyŭng was told that the ex-Regent was at the -bottom of the emeute, and he sent a letter informing the Emperor of this -fact. The latter ordered him to seize the person of the offending party -and bring him to China. The Chinese general thereupon visited the palace -where the Prince Tai-wŭn was in full control and invited him to visit -Yong-san on the river, where he said there was something important for -him to see. Having once gotten him on board a Chinese boat there, under -pretext of showing him over it, the anchor was quickly raised and the -baffled Prince found himself on his way to China. When he arrived at -Tientsin he was refused audience with Li Hung-chang but was banished by -imperial decree to a place not far from Tientsin, where he was well -cared for until his return to Korea three years later. - -After this _deus ex machina_ had spirited the ex-Regent away, an -official, So Sang-jo, memorialized the throne stating that the Queen was -still alive and ought to be brought back to the capital. It is said that -Yi Yŭng-ik covered the space between the capital and her place of -hiding, sixty-three miles, in a single day, carrying the message of -recall. A large retinue of officials and soldiers were sent southward -and brought the Queen back to Seoul where she arrived on the first day -of the eighth moon. The people immediately doffed their mourning garb. - -Toward the close of 1882 a Foreign Office was established in the capital -and Kim Yun-sik was made Minister of Foreign Affairs. He invited P. G. -von Mollendorf, a member of the customs staff of China, to act as -adviser, and the Chinese generals Wang Sŭk-ch’ang and Ma Kŭn-sang were -made attaches of the new department. - -The year 1883 witnessed more advance in Korea than any year before or -since. In May Gen. Foote, the first United States Minister, arrived and -on the nineteenth of that month the treaty which had been drawn up at -Chemulpo between Commodore Shufeldt and the Korean Commissioners was -ratified. After this was done Gen. Foote left Korea to make preparations -for the establishment of a legation in Seoul. - -Kim Ok-kyun, one of the leading members of the progressive party was -made “Whale Catching Commissioner” and departed for Japan to fit out an -expedition to carry on this lucrative government monopoly along the -Korean coast. He was selected for this work because of his intimate -acquaintance with the Japanese. It was a move looking toward the -development of Korea’s resources and was therefore in direct line with -the wishes and plans of the progressionists. At about the same time a -powder-mill was built outside the Northwest Gate, and a foreign mint was -erected inside the Little West Gate. This was done with the aid of -Japanese experts at a great and, as it proved, useless expense to the -government. An office was founded for the printing and dissemination of -useful literature on the subjects of agriculture, forestry, -stock-raising and the like. The ports of Chemulpo and Wŭn-san were -opened to foreign trade according to the stipulation of the Japanese and -American treaties. In contrast to the progressive moves we find that -eight men who were suspected of complicacy with the ex-Regent in the -emeute of the preceding year were executed by poison. Of like character -was the building of the Kwan-wang temple, devoted to the interests of -sorceresses and exorcists who enjoyed the patronage of the Queen. - -In the summer of 1883 Min Yŭng-ik was made special envoy to the United -States. His second was Hong Yŭng-sik. Among his suite were Sŭ Kwang-bom, -Pak Un and others, all of whom were members of the progressive party or -at least well affected toward it. This same summer the king founded the -American Farm some ten miles east of Seoul and stocked it with foreign -seeds and cattle, with the idea of providing Korean farmers with a sort -of object-lesson in farming, and to provide seeds for distribution among -the people. The United States Department of Agriculture sent a large -stock of seeds by the hand of the special embassy of which Min Yŭng-ik -formed the head. - -Late in the autumn the German representative arrived and concluded a -treaty on behalf of his government. A month later a treaty was ratified -with Great Britain and a Consulate General was founded in Seoul. - -With the opening of 1884 the state of affairs in the peninsula was -something as follows. The progressive and conservative elements in the -government were clearly differentiated. The innovations effected by the -progressives had raised in them the hope of being able to speedily -reorganize the government on a foreign basis, and the degree of their -success marked the increasing suspicion and opposition of the -conservative element. The latter were strengthened in their position by -the presence and active support of the Chinese generals and troops, and -the influence of the foreign adviser von Mollendorf was always on the -side of Chinese interests. The ex-Regent was for the time being out of -the war and a great stumbling-block to the Min faction was thus removed. -The king and queen were both favorably inclined toward a progressive -policy but the latter was gradually being drawn back into line with the -conservative element of which the Min family was the leading -representative. Min Yŭng-ik was still true to his better instincts and -was an ardent supporter of the progressionist views but his return from -America was the sign for a vigorous attack upon his enlightened views by -the members of his family and he was being rapidly alienated from the -party whose interests he had tentatively espoused. It was not, however, -till later in the year that he broke away entirely from the progressive -following. - -The spring of 1884 saw the arrival of Ensign Geo. C. Foulk as naval -attache of the American Legation. He rapidly became acquainted with the -leading officials and it was through his advice and aid that several -reformatory measures were promulgated. In the sixth moon the influence -of the progressive party secured the position of Mayor of Seoul for Pak -Yŭng-hyo, one of the most ardent of the reform party, and he immediately -set to work at sanitary reforms and municipal improvements. He began by -tearing down houses that had encroached upon the main road between the -East and the West Gates. He had not proceeded far in this good work -before he was blocked by the influence of the opposing faction. His next -move was in the direction of dress reform and he succeeded in putting -through a law prohibiting the use of the long sleeves, long hat-strings -and long girdle strings. In these efforts he was seconded to a certain -extent by Min Yŭng-ik, but at this point terminates the latter’s active -interest in reforms, and from about this time the progressive leaders -began to look upon him as a traitor to their cause. Here again personal -interest came to injure a cause which, while good in itself, was -discredited by the means used to effect its end. One sign of advance was -the establishment of a school for the training of interpreters in -English, under the charge of a competent foreign instructor. - -In the autumn of this year 1884 twelve of the young men who had been -sent to Japan to study military tactics returned to Seoul, among them -being Sŭ Chă p’il, known in later years as Dr. Philip Jaisohn, who -though still a youth of about twenty years began to take an active part -in the plans of the liberal or progressive party. By this time Min -Yŭng-ik had practically taken his stand with the conservatives, and this -tended in no small measure to draw away from the progressives the -sympathy and support of the queen. It was becoming evident that the -hopes of the liberals were to be dashed to the ground. Yuan, the Chinese -commissioner, was staying at the barracks in front of the palace and was -active in the interests of his own government, which meant that he urged -on the conservative party in their opposition to reforms. It can hardly -be wondered at then that the progressives looked more and more to the -Japanese from whom they had imbibed their ideas of progress. Japan had -recognized the independence of Korea and this naturally carried with it -a desire to see Korea progress along the same lines that had raised -Japan out of the rut of centuries to the more satisfactory plane of -enlightened government. - -How to stem the tide that had set so strongly against them was a -difficult problem for the progressionist leaders to solve. From time -immemorial the method of effecting changes in the Korea government had -been to make an uprising, secure the person of the king and banish or -execute the leaders of the opposition. It must be remembered that at -that time, so far as the mass of the people was concerned, the -progressive party had little or no backing. On the other hand the -conservatives had the ear of the king and were backed by a Chinese army. -It was evidently necessary to secure military backing, and for this -Japan alone was available. But it was manifestly impossible for Japan to -come in and attempt to effect the change. It must be at the request of -the Korean government, or at least of the king. It seemed that the only -thing to do was to hasten a crisis, obtain possession of the person of -the king and then see to it that Japan be invited to loan troops to -preserve the new status. - -Instead of waiting patiently and suffering temporary defeat with the -hope of ultimate success, the progressive leaders determined to have -recourse to the old method, and in so doing they made a fatal blunder. -Even had they been successful the means they employed would have fatally -discredited them in the eyes of all enlightened people. - -It is generally accepted as true that the progressive leaders had a -distinct understanding with the Japanese. A Japanese man-of-war was on -the way to Chemulpo and was expected to arrive on the fifth or sixth of -December and the uprising was set for the seventh of that month. The -leaders in this movement had not been able to keep it entirely a secret, -for some of them talked about it in a very excited manner of the Naval -Attache of the American Legation and it came to the ears of the British -Consul-general, who, meeting Yun T’ă-jun on December fourth, asked him -if he had heard that there was trouble in the air. That gentleman who -was himself a strong conservative and a close friend of Min T’ă-ho, -hastened to the house of the latter and reported what he had heard. Min -advised him to hasten to the house of one of the relatives of one of the -progressionists and secure information if possible. He did so, and there -happened to meet one of the leaders of the progressive party and -intimated to him that he had heard that trouble was brewing. This man -denied all knowledge of any such plan but the minute his caller had gone -he hastened to the other progressionist leaders and told them that all -was lost unless instant action were taken. News had just arrived that -the Japanese gun-boat that was expected at Chemulpo had broken down and -could not come. There were only a few hundred Japanese troops in Seoul -at the time. But it seemed to these men that it would be better to risk -the whole venture on a single cast than to wait passively and see the -destruction of all their hopes and plans. The seventh of December was -the appointed day but as this was a matter of kill or be killed it was -decided to proceed at once to business. Hong Yŭng-sik had been made -Post-master General and on this very night he was to give a banquet at -the new post-office which was situated in that part of the city called -Kyo-dong. It was decided to start the ball rolling at this point. The -evening came and the guests assembled to the dinner. They were the -Chinese leaders Yuan, Chin and Wang, United States Minister Foote and -his secretary Mr. Scudder, the British Consul-general Aston, the Foreign -Office Adviser von Mollendorf, the Koreans Hong Yŭng-sik, Kim Ok-kyun, -Min Yŭng-ik, Pak Yŭng-ho, Sŭ Kwang-bom, Kim Hŭng-jip, Han Kyu-jik, Pak -Chöng-yang, O Yun-jung and a few others. The Japanese Minister had -excused himself on the plea of ill-health. It was noticed that Kim -Ok-kyun rose and left the table several times and went out into the -court-yard but no special significance was attached to this. The dinner -began at an early hour, not far from six o’clock, and about seven -o’clock an alarm of fire was sounded. A house immediately in front of -the Post Office was in flames. Min Yŭng-ik, being one of the officials -whose duty it was to superintend the extinguishing of conflagrations, -rose from the table and hastened out, calling to his servants to follow. -As he passed out of the inner gate, a man dressed in Japanese clothes -leaped out of the shadow of the gate-way and struck at him savagely with -a sword, wounding him severely in the head and in other parts of the -body. He fell heavily to the ground and in the confusion that ensued the -would-be assassin made good his escape. Von Mollendorf was not far -behind, and seeing what had happened he hastened forward, lifted the -wounded man in his arms and carried him back into the dining-room. The -Koreans who were present fled precipitately making their exit not by the -door but by way of the back wall. - -The wounded man was conveyed to the residence of von Mollendorf which -was in the vicinity, where Dr. H. N. Allen of the American Presbyterian -Mission was soon in attendance. - -The die had now been cast and there was no retreat. The leaders of the -conspiracy, Kim Ok-kyun, Sŭ Kwang-bom, Pak Yŭng-hyo, Hong Yŭng-sik and -Sŭ Chă-pil, hastened immediately to the palace known to us as “The Old -Palace” where the king had resided since the insurrection of 1882. -Entering the royal presence they announced that the Chinese were coming -to take possession of the king’s person and that he must hasten to a -place of safety. The king did not believe this report but as they -insisted he had no recourse but to submit. The little company hastened -along under the west wall of the palace until they came to a small gate -leading into Kyöng-u Palace which adjoins the “Old Palace” on the west. -As they proceeded Kim Ok-kyun asked the king to send to the Japanese -Minister asking for a body-guard, but he refused. Thereupon Sŭ Kwang-bom -drew out a piece of foreign note-paper and a pencil and wrote in Chinese -the words “Let the Japanese Minister come and give me his help.” This -was immediately despatched by a servant. That it was a mere matter of -form was evident when the little company passed into the Kyöng-u Palace, -for there they found the Japanese Minister and his interpreter already -in attendance and with them some two hundred troops drawn up in line. -When the king appeared they saluted. There were present also the twelve -students who had been in Japan. Word was immediately sent to Sin -Keui-sŭn, Pak Yŭng-hyo and O Yun-jung to come and receive office under -the reconstructed government. Within half an hour they were in -attendance, excepting O Yun-jung who happened to be away in the country -at the time. - -Very early in the morning a royal messenger was sent with the -_myong-p‘a_ or “summoning tablet” to the houses of Min T‘ă-ho, Min -Yŭng-mok and Cho Ryŭng-ha, ordering them to appear at once before the -king. They complied and hastened to the palace but no sooner had they -entered the palace gate than they were seized and cut down in cold -blood. Then the summons was sent to Han Kyu-jik, Yi Cho-yun and Yun T‘ă -jŭn. They too were assassinated as soon as they entered the palace. A -eunuch named Yu Cha-hyŭn was also put to death. It is useless to ask by -whose hand these men fell. Whoever wielded the brutal sword, the leaders -of the so-called progressive party were wholly responsible. The twelve -young men who had returned from Japan were all fully armed and it is -more than probable that they took an active part in the bloody work. Not -only was not the king consulted in regard to these murders but in the -case of the eunuch it was done in spite of his entreaties and -remonstrances. - -These seven men who thus went to their doom were not entirely -unconscious of what awaited them. When Cho Ryŭng-ha received the summons -the inmates of his house pleaded with him not to go, but as it was the -king’s summons he would not disobey even though he knew it meant death. - -Just at daylight the king was removed to the house of his cousin Yi -Chă-wŭn, escorted by the Japanese soldiers who surrounded him four deep. -Kim Ok-kyun gave passes to those who were to be allowed to go in and out -and only such had access to the premises. After remaining there some -three hours the whole company returned to the “Old Palace.” In the -reconstructed government Yi Chă wŭn and Hong Yŭng-sik were made Prime -Ministers, Pak Yŭng-hyo was made General-in chief. Su Kwang-bom was made -Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kim Ok-kyun Minister of Finance and Sŭ -Chă-p‘il Lieutenant-general. The rest of the young men who had studied -in Japan were also given official position. - -Before Yun T‘ă-jŭn, Yi Cho-yŭn and Han Kyu-jik went to the palace and -met their fate they sent word to Yuan warning him of the state of -affairs and asking help, but he made no immediate move. As the morning -broke thousands of Koreans came to him and said that the Japanese held -the king a prisoner in the palace and begged him to interfere. Yuan -replied by sending a messenger to the Japanese Minister demanding why he -had surrounded the king with soldiers and had killed the ministers, and -demanding that he immediately evacuate the place. Three hours passed and -still no answer came; and at last Yuan and the two other Chinese leaders -took a strong body of Chinese troops and several hundred Korean troops -and proceeded to the palace. Entering by way of the Sun-in Gate and -passing through the Ch‘ang-kyŭng Palace they approached the Po-t‘ong -Gate which gave entrance to the “Old Palace,” but they found it strongly -guarded by Japanese. Here a sharp encounter took place which lasted an -hour, beginning about three o’clock in the afternoon. About ten each of -the Chinese, Japanese and Koreans fell in this assault. As the darkness -came on the Japanese began to fall back and taking the king and the -newly appointed ministers they made their way to the extreme -northeasterly portion of the palace grounds, not far from the Hong-wha -Gate. The royal party took refuge in a summer house there and the -Japanese stationed themselves behind trees and guarded the place, -keeping up a lively fusillade with the Chinese who had followed them. -Meanwhile the Crown Prince, the Queen and the king’s foster-mother had -escaped in small closed chairs out the Sŭn-in Gate and had found refuge -in the house of Yi Pom-jin in the village of No-wŭn, twenty li outside -the East Gate. - -The chances of success for the Japanese were becoming smaller and -smaller and the king was anxiously looking for an opportunity of -escaping from them and making his way to the Chinese side. At last, -taking advantage of the extreme disorder that prevailed, he made his way -to the Puk-chang Gate at the extreme northeastern part of the palace -enclosure. Outside there was a crowd of Korean soldiers who wished to -gain entrance and rescue the king from his captors. When the latter made -his presence known inside the gate these soldiers effected an entrance -and lifting His Majesty on their shoulders carried him in triumph to the -North Temple just inside the Northeast Gate. Seeing that all hope of -immediate success was gone, Pak Yŭng-hyo, Kim Ok-kyun, Sŭ Kwang-bom, Sŭ -Chă-p‘il and a part of the company of military students accompanied the -Japanese troops out the front gate of the palace to the Japanese -Legation which was then situated in Kyo-dong. This was accomplished in -the midst of great excitement. - -Meanwhile Hong Yŭng-sik, Pak Yŭng-kyo, Sin Keui-sŭn and seven of the -military students had followed the fortunes of the king. But no sooner -did the party arrive at the North Temple than the people fell upon Hong -Yŭng-sik and Pak Yŭng-kyo and hacked them to pieces before the king’s -eyes. Hong Yŭng-sik attempted to hide in a closet behind His Majesty but -the latter indicated by a nod of the head that he was concealed there -and the people dragged him out and dispatched him on the spot. The seven -students tried to effect their escape but were pursued and killed, one -below Chong-no, and another at Yŭn-mot-kol. - -No sooner had the morning dawned than the Japanese Minister formed his -little company in a hollow square, placed the Korean refugees and the -Japanese women and children in the center, fired the legation buildings -and marched out through the city on their way to Chemulpo, shooting at -any Koreans whom they happened to see in their way. They found the West -Gate locked but they soon forced it and hurried away to the port. All -the Japanese in Seoul did not escape thus, for there were a few living -in Chin-go-gă. That same day the Koreans mobbed them and killed them -all, men, women and children. - -A Japanese merchant vessel happened to be lying at Chemulpo and the -Minister with all his company boarded her, carrying the Koreans with -them. The latter were hidden in the hold. - -That same day, later in the afternoon, the king made his way to the -Ha-do-gam where the Chinese had camped, and put himself under their -protection. Cho Pyŭng-ho was sent to Chemulpo to ask the Japanese -Minister not to leave, and to effect the arrest of the fugitives. In -neither quest was he successful. - -An anxious month passed by and at last the Japanese, Count Inouye, came -with a guard of 600 troops and took up his quarters at the governor’s -place outside the West Gate. Negotiations were at once begun and as a -result the Korean Government agreed to pay an indemnity of 600,000 yen. -Sŭ Sang-u and P. G. von Mollendorf were sent as commissioners to Japan -to arrange suitable terms for the renewal of friendly relations. To make -good their protestations of regret at the killing of defenseless -Japanese in Seoul four men who took part in that work were arrested and -put to death. At the same time Yi Ch‘ang-gyu, Sŭ Chă-Ch‘ang, Kim -Pong-jung and five others who had been charged with complicacy in the -plot were seized and executed. - -On January ninth 1885 Kim Hong-Jip, Special Korean Commissioner, signed -with Count Inouye a convention regarding the trouble of the preceeding -month, by the terms of which the government agreed to apologize to the -Japanese emperor, to pay an indemnity of 110,000 yen, to execute the -murderer of Lieut. Isobayachi, to give a site for a new Legation and -20,000 yen for its construction and to set aside a site for barracks for -the Japanese guard. Early in the Spring the Japanese Legation was built, -being the first foreign building in Seoul. - -The year 1885 beheld many events of importance. The government hospital -was founded under royal patronage by Dr. H. N. Allen of the American -Presbyterian Mission. It beheld also the arrival of that great vanguard -of civilization the Protestant Missionary. Dr. Allen had arrived in the -previous year but now the Presbyterian and Methodist Churches of America -sent a number of representatives into Seoul to secure property and begin -preparations for the founding of regular evangelistic and educational -work. In April the Chinese and Japanese signed the celebrated Tientsin -Convention by the terms of which they both agreed to evacuate Korea and -not to send troops there without previously notifying each other. It was -the breaking of this convention by China which was one of the immediate -causes of the Japan-China war. At this same time, England, fearing the -occupation of Port Hamilton by Russia, sent a fleet of war vessels and -occupied the place herself. She was finally induced to leave, but only -after China had guaranteed to secure it against occupation by any other -power. In October the treaty with Russia was signed and a Legation was -established in Seoul. The ex-Regent was still in China, but the Chinese -government now deemed it safe to send him back to the peninsula, and Min -Chŭng-muk was sent to act as his escort. - -Since the day when the Regent threw the finances of the country into -confusion by the debasement of the currency and since the officials had -learned how much the people would endure of unjust taxation, in the days -when every means was adopted to wring from them the funds for the -erection of the palace, official indirection had been on the rapid -increase. The people were being imposed upon more and more. All the -money that dishonest men paid to corrupt officials to purchase office -had to be drawn from the people later by dishonest means. The main -qualification of a successful prefect was the ability to judge when he -had reached the limit of the people’s endurance. The year 1885 beheld a -serious revolt in Yö-ju where the prefect had overstepped the dead-line -of the peoples’ patience. He was driven out and his _ajun_ or clerk was -killed. The prefect of Wŭn-ju also escaped death only by flight, while -an _ajun_ was killed. - -Not the least important event of 1885 was the completion under Chinese -patronage of the Seoul-Peking telegraph line by which Korea was for the -first time put into quick communication with the rest of the world. At -the dictation of China a commissioner, Yi Chung-ha was sent north to -meet a Chinese commissioner and determine the exact boundary between -Korean and Chinese territory along the Tu-man River. - -A customs service had been begun by von Mollendorf on an independent -basis but in July of 1885 he was dismissed from service in the Foreign -Office and two months later he was relieved of work in the Customs -because of unwarrantable schemes into which he had drawn that department -of the government. The whole service was thereupon put under the -management of Sir Robert Hart the Inspector General of the Chinese -Customs. An entirely new staff of men was sent from China. H. N. Merrill -was made Chief Commissioner and Chemulpo, Fusan and Wŭnsan were put in -charge of men directly from the Chinese Customs staff. This was a -guarantee of excellent management but it proved to be the strongest -lever China had in the carrying out her ambitious plans in the -peninsula. Before the close of the year Gen. Foote without giving -specific reasons retired from the United States Legation and returned to -America, Ensign Geo. C. Foulk becoming Charge d’Affaires. - -In the early months of 1886 Yi To-jă, Sin Keui-sŭn, Hong Chin-yu, An -Chŭng-su and Kyöng Kwang-guk were banished to distant islands for -complicacy in the plot which led to the emeute of 1884. - -In February the king by royal edict abolished the hereditary -transmission of slaves and the use of slave labor by the guilds in the -work on the palaces. This was a measure of far-reaching import had it -been carried out in full; but we find that it had to be re-enacted in -1894. - -The government desired to secure the services of a foreign expert as -adviser to the Home and Foreign Offices and with the sanction of Li -Hung-chang, the Chinese Viceroy, Judge O. N. Denny, ex-Consul-general of -U. S. to China, was called and he arrived in the spring of 1886 just in -time to be present at the signing of the treaty with France. He had for -some years been on rather intimate terms with the Great Viceroy and it -is probable that the latter hoped to use the Judge in forwarding Chinese -interests in Korea. If so he found himself grievously mistaken for the -United States as well as Japan and France, had recognized the -independence of Korea, and Judge Denny devoted his energies to the -maintenance of that independence. Yuan the Chinese commissioner had -taken up his residence in Seoul and had dubbed himself “Resident” in -opposition to the Korean claim to independence. The Peking government, -forgetting or ignoring the fact that whenever Korea had gotten into -trouble she (China) had always disavowed responsibility and had -practically disclaimed suzerainty, now began to bolster up her claims -and to use every means to make good her pretensions. The dominant party -which had ridden into power on the shoulders of the Chinese put no -obstacles in the way and thus Judge Denny found himself blocked in his -efforts to better the condition of the country. - -It was generally understood that the right of Japanese and Western -foreigners to reside in Seoul was based on the most favored nation -clause in the treaties and that if the Chinese removed from Seoul the -others could be compelled to do likewise. The Chinese, therefore, -hoping, it is said, to secure more exclusive power in the capital by the -removal of other foreigners began to agitate the question of removing -all their nationals to Yong-san near the river three miles from Seoul. -For a time it appeared as if this might be done but the large vested -rights of the Japanese in the capital as well as the interests of others -caused a counter agitation which frustrated the scheme. - -Geo. C. Foulk, Ensign in the U. S. Navy, had long been in connection -with the Legation in Seoul. Early in 1881 he had suggested to the -government the advisability of founding a school for the instruction of -young Koreans in Western languages and sciences, and consequently the -United States Secretary of State was requested by the Korean government -to secure three men as instructors; but the emeute of that year had -deferred the matter. In 1886 it was again brought up and in July three -men who had been selected by the U. S. Commissioner of Education arrived -at the Korean Capital. A terrible epidemic of cholera devastated the -city that summer and as many as seven or eight hundred deaths occurred -daily. It was in September that the Royal English School was opened. - -Chinese claims to suzerainty emboldened the Chinese merchants to attempt -to evade the customs regulations and the result was a serious affray in -Chemulpo when the Chinese tried to evade the export on ginseng. The -Chinese Commissioner tried to uphold them in it but a vigorous protest -to Li Hung-chang righted the matter and the offenders were deported and -the Customs Service was vindicated. - -It was in this year that the trading station Whe-ryŭng on the Tu-man -River was established for convenience of trade with Russia but it was -not made an open port. About this time the school founded by the -American Methodist Mission received royal recognition and the king -conferred upon it the name Pai Chai Hak Tang or “Hall for the Rearing of -Useful Men.” - -Contrary to the wishes of the Chinese a Korean Minister to America was -appointed in the person of Pak Chöng-yang, but in attempting to start -for America he was intercepted by the Chinese just outside the South -Gate and compelled to return. Two months later, however, he succeeded in -getting away. He was received in Washington with all the punctiliousness -due to a Minister from any sovereign power. This helped in a certain way -to forward Korea’s claim to independence but America’s well-known policy -of non-interferance in foreign matters largely neutralized its effect. - -The year 1888 beheld what is known as the “Baby War.” The report was -spread abroad that the Europeans and Americans were stealing children -and boiling them in kettles for food. It was also generally believed -that the foreigners caught women and cut off their breasts in order to -extract from them the condensed milk which was so commonly used among -the foreign residents. The Koreans knew that the foreigners had no cows -and they could explain the use of milk only on the above theory. The -_modus operandi_ was said to be as follows. The foreigners were -possessed of a peculiar drug which became a powerful gas when introduced -into the mouth. Approaching a Korean paper covered lattice door at the -dead of night the operator would make a tiny hole in the paper and -applying his mouth to it would blow the gas into the room. The effect -would be that if there were a woman in the room she would waken and be -seized with an uncontrolable desire to go outside. Once without the -door, the foreigner would seize her, cut off her breasts and return to -his home. It was believed that they had paid agents among the people to -whom they taught the secret and whom they sent about the country to -secure women’s breasts. Two suspicious looking men were set upon in -Hong-ch‘ŭn charged with being breast-hunters. They narrowly escaped with -their lives. For a short time there was imminent danger of an uprising -but a royal proclamation couched in trenchant language did much to calm -the excitement and the danger subsided as suddenly as it had arisen. In -Eui-ju there was a most destructive flood in which 300 lives were lost -and 1927 houses were swept away. - - - - - Chapter XVII. - -Corruption.... edicts of reform.... trouble with Japan.... envoy to - Europe.... death of Queen Cho.... the fisheries dispute.... - oppression.... retrogression.... excessive taxation.... - insurrections.... foreigners threatened.... on the verge of - anarchy.... prefects punished.... revolt in Song-do.... Tong-hak - manifesto.... government helpless.... Japan uneasy.... Kim Ok-kyun - murdered.... revolting barbarity.... the fall of Chŭn-ju.... Korea - asks China for help.... Chinese troops arrive.... Japanese - movements.... the other powers interfere.... Japanese demands.... - proposed reforms.... the palace taken by the Japanese.... the - sinking of the Kowshing.... war declared.... Korea breaks with - China.... Japan promises to leave Shanghai alone.... Japanese in - Shanghai.... battle of Asan.... battle of P’yŭng-yang.... battle of - the Yalu. - - -At this time the administration of the government was anything but -exemplary. The selling of the same office at such short intervals -increased the burden on the people to an almost unbearable point, so -that there were frequent uprisings in country districts. In Korea the -people form the court of final appeal. If a prefect oversteps the line -which marks the limit of the people’s endurance and they drive him from -the place the government ordinarily accepts it as final. - -The following year the government was obliged to take notice of this -state of things and the king sent out a proclamation saying that the -taking of bribes and the extortion of money in the provinces would be -severely punished. He took this opportunity also to speak about robbery -and gambling, which had begun to run rife in the land. The people were -forbidden to dress in silk, excepting those over fifty years of age. - -The year 1890 opened with serious trouble in Ham-gyŭng Province. Cho -Pyŭng-sik, a man of indomitable will and one whose unbridled temper had -more than once gotten him into serious trouble, was governor in that -province. The people had mortgaged their bean crop to the Japanese -exporters, of Wŭn-san, and had received some $176,000 therefor. But when -the beans had been harvested and were ready for shipment the governor -forbade its delivery. He wanted the Japanese to sell it back to the -people, as it was a year of scarcity, but this they refused to do; and -the beans rotted where they lay. The Japanese promptly took the matter -up and demanded an indemnity. The Foreign Office at once recognised the -validity of the claim but the king ordered Cho Pyŭng-sik to pay the bill -himself, since he had acted throughout without orders from Seoul. The -unhappy governor was obliged to part with all his patrimony and several -of his relatives had to do likewise. As this was not enough to settle -the bill the government paid the balance. - -This year saw the first embassy to Europe appointed in the person of Cho -Siu-heui but owing to his illness his place was filled by Pak Che-sun -who started on his mission but never got further than Hong-kong. It is -probable that it was through Chinese influence that he got no further. -The fourth moon of the year saw the death of the aged Dowager Queen Cho, -through whose influence the present king came to the throne. She was -buried with royal honors and the people assumed mourning for one year. - -Serious difficulties arose in regard to the fisheries in the south. The -Japanese had been accorded the right to fish in Korean waters, but on -the island of Quelpart a curious custom prevails. The women do the -fishing. They enter the water entirely nude and gather shell-fish. All -males are prohibited by law from coming within sight of the -fishing-grounds. The Japanese fishing-boats, however, did not hesitate -to pass into these prohibited waters and as a result the Koreans were -deprived of the means of livelihood. The Korean government took the -reasonable ground that the Japanese in coming near the Korean coast -should observe the local customs and prejudices, but the Japanese -government refused to take any sentimental view of the question and -after a long discussion the Koreans failed to carry their point. - -The year 1891 beheld the elevation to power of Min Yong-jun a man who -championed the most conservative principles of the retrogressive party -in power. The king’s son by the concubine Lady Kang was made Prince -Eui-wha. Corruption in official circles was accentuated by the lessening -of the term of office of country prefects thereby entailing fresh -burdens on the people, for they had to provide each prefect with money -to liquidate the debt he had incurred in purchasing the position. There -was an instant and loud outcry from all sides. The powers that be saw -that the limit of the people’s endurance had been passed and they -hastened to revoke the law. This same year a consulate was founded at -Tientsin and Yi Myŭng-sang became the first incumbent. - -Another sign of retrogression was the execution of six men charged with -being accessory to the insurrection of 1882 although eleven years had -passed since that event. - -The year 1892 passed without witnessing many events of special -importance, excepting that the state of things kept getting worse and -worse. It was a time during which the country was ripening for the great -disturbances of the following year. History shows that when the Korean -people are treated with anything like a fair degree of justice they are -loyal and peaceful. So long as the Korean is called upon to pay not more -than three or four times the legal rate of tax he will endure it quietly -and there will be no talk of seditious sects arising; but the people are -well aware that they themselves form the court of final appeal and when -all other means fail they are not slow to adopt any means of righting -their wrongs. - -In 1893 Korea began to reap what she had sown in 1891 and 1892. Having -sown the wind she began to reap the whirlwind. The whole province of -P‘yŭng-an was in a ferment. Insurrections occurred in Kang-gye, -Song-ch‘ŭn, Ham-jong and in other parts of the province. But the -difficulty was not confined to the North. The sect called the Tong-hak -which had arisen in 1864 began to show its head in the south again. -Rumors began to multiply in Seoul that they were coming to the capital -in great numbers to drive out the Japanese and other foreigners. The -government despatched O Yun-jung, a civilian, to pacify them and for a -time quiet was preserved, but in March threatening plackards were -fastened to foreigners’ gates in Seoul inveighing against the Christian -religion and warning foreigners to leave the country at once. It was the -general feeling that although serious trouble was not likely to occur in -Seoul it would be well to be in a state of preparedness in case the -Tong-hak saw fit to put their words to the test of action. - -At this time the Queen was extremely well-disposed toward that class of -female spiritual mediums called _mudang_, and one of them was elevated -to the rank of Princess. A Korean, An Hyo-je, who memorialised the king -against such practices, was overwhelmed with obloquy and was banished to -the island of Quelpart. Min Yong-jun had taken advantage of his high -position to add private profit to public usefulness and loud complaints -were heard on all sides against him and against others of the same name. -Insurrections of greater or less degree occurred in different parts of -the country and it seemed as if Korea were on the verge of anarchy. It -can hardly be gainsaid that this state of affairs was the legitimate -outcome of pro-Chinese agitation and was directly in line with -immemorial custom in China. Nothing could be truer than that Korea -needed reforming. The government found it necessary to deal with great -severity in some cases. Four prefects were taken to the center of the -city and publicly beaten and then banished. Even Min Yong-jun had to go -through the form of punishment in this public way, for the people of the -capital were so incensed against him that an insurrection seemed -imminent unless they were appeased. The Songdo people revolted against -the extortion that was practiced against them but they were overcome and -their ginseng was taken away from them by Kim Se-geui, the right hand -man of Min Yong-jun. - -Late in the year the Tong-hak made a startling proclamation which they -secretly nailed to the gate of the governor’s yamen in Chŭn-ju. It -called upon all right-minded men to join in the march on the capital and -the extirpation of the foreigners. This seemed more tangible than the -former rumors and foreign men-of-war began to congregate at Chemulpo for -the protection of their nationals in Seoul. Hundreds of Japanese left -the city and hurried to Chemulpo for safety. A force of Korean infantry -marched southward to head off the revolutionists but they were easily -defeated and their arms and accoutrements fell into the hands of the -enemy. - -It was quite evident that the Korean government was without the means or -the men to cope with such determined opposition. This deplorable state -of things was looked upon by Japan with some uneasiness. Korea seemed to -be coming more and more under Chinese influence and in the same -proportion her internal management became more corrupt. Japan regarded -Korea as an independent power and was determined to see that -independence upheld. This feeling on the part of Japan was sharply -accentuated when in the spring of 1894 a Korean detective, Hong Chong-u, -succeeded in gaining the confidence of Kim Ok-kyun who was living at -Tokyo as a political refugee. He was induced to accompany his betrayer -to Shanghai where, in a hotel, his betrayer shot him down in cold blood. -The Chinese government condoned the dastardly deed and sent the -assassin, together with the body of his victim, to Korea in a Chinese -gunboat. The body of Kim Ok-kyun was dismembered on April fourteenth in -a most brutal manner and the different portions of his body were sent -about the country as a warning to traitors. This lapse into the worst -excesses of the old regime opened the eyes of Japan to the actual -situation and gave her just the impetus she needed to take the strong -position which she did later. Soon after this the Tong-hak took the town -of Chŭn-ju and defeated all the government troops sent against them. The -governor of the province, Kim Mun-hyŭn, made his escape from the place. - -The government had at last become convinced of its inability to cope -with its enemies single-handed and it determined to have recourse to the -dangerous policy of asking China to throw troops into the peninsula to -aid in putting down the Tong-hak uprising. China immediately complied -and on June sixth 1,500 Chinese troops were embarked at Tientsin and -were sent to Chemulpo under the escort of three gunboats. - -It must be remembered that according to the third article of the -Tientsin Convention China and Japan each agreed not to send troops into -Korea without first notifying the other. In this case the Chinese failed -to notify the Japanese until after the departure of the troops and there -can be no doubt that at this point lies the strength of Japan’s -contention. When, later, the Chinese agreed to leave Korea -simultaneously with the Japanese the latter naturally refused. The -Chinese broke the convention first; they must leave first. But there -were other important points involved. Korea was rapidly losing all -semblance of independence and Japan was being jeopardized. The Chinese -abrogation of the treaty gave Japan just the excuse she wanted for -throwing troops into Korea and compelling those reforms which she -believed could be effected in no other way. No sooner was she informed -of China’s action than the Japanese Minister Otori, then on leave of -absence, was recalled, and sent immediately to Seoul with 400 marines, -arriving June ninth. - -The Chinese force did not approach the capital but landed at Asan some -eighty miles south of Seoul. This force was soon augmented till it -amounted to 2,000 men. But Japan was not idle. By the twelfth of June -she had approximately 8,000 troops in Korea. Matters stood thus when the -news came that the Tong-hak, either frightened by the rumor of the -approach of a Chinese army or being pressed by the government troops, -had suddenly retired and the south was at peace. This tended to hasten a -crisis between the Chinese and Japanese. There was no longer any cause -why foreign troops should remain in the peninsula. The Chinese had come -to put down the Tong-hak and the Japanese had come ostensibly to protect -their nationals. Now that the Tong-haks had retired it did not take long -to discover the real reasons underlying the actions of the Japanese. On -June 16th she landed 3,000 more troops at Chemulpo and matters began to -look so serious in Seoul that all the Chinese residents hastened away -from the city and sought safety by embarking for China. About a thousand -people thus made a hasty exit from the country. - -On June 25th the Russian, British, French and American representatives -in Seoul, in the interests of peace, jointly requested the Chinese and -Japanese to simultaneously withdraw. But the Chinese refused to go until -the Japanese did and the Japanese refused to go until reforms had been -introduced which would clear the political atmosphere and give some -semblance of truth to the fiction of Korean independence. The Korean -government was thrown into consternation when on June 28th the Japanese -Minister demanded a formal statement from Korea as to whether she were -an independent state or not. She replied that she was an independent -power. - -Early in July the Japanese Minister handed the government a list of the -reforms which it deemed necessary. As they were all incorporated in the -reforms inaugurated a little later it is unnecessary to enumerate them -here. Fifteen thousand Japanese troops had by this time landed on Korean -soil and the capital was thoroughly invested. The prospects of peace -seemed to be growing smaller each day. The people of Seoul fled in large -numbers leaving their houses and all their effects except such as could -be carried on their backs. Such was the terror that the very name of the -Japanese inspired. - -On July 20th the Japanese Minister sent an ultimatum to the king -complaining of the introduction of Chinese troops whose coming was -undeniably to protect a dependent state. He gave the king three days to -accept Japanese reforms. If within that time he did not accede to them -they would be enforced. On the night of the 22nd the king returned an -evasive answer and this decided the immediate policy of the Japanese. On -the following morning two battalions of Japanese troops, feigning to -start out for Asan, turned suddenly and marched on the palace. They met -with a certain weak show of resistance at the gates but easily forced -their way in and soon had the king in their care. Every member of the -Min faction was forthwith driven out and the Prince Tai-wŭn was called -in to assume a leading part in the management of the government. - -By this time China and Japan were hurrying troops into the peninsula, -the former by way of Asan and the latter by Fusan and Chemulpo. On July -21st eleven steamers left Taku for Asan and the mouth of the Yalu with -8,000 troops. Those that came to Asan were ostensibly for the purpose of -aiding the government in the putting down of the Tong-hak. The Japanese -government was immediately apprised of the departure of the transports -from the Peiho and on July 25th the Akitsushima, Yoshino and Naniwa, -among the best of the Japanese navy, were ordered from Sasebo to Asan. -Two days later at six-thirty they encountered the Chinese men-of-war -Tsi-yuen and Kwang-ki in the vicinity of P’ung Island off Asan. - -The Japanese were not aware of the sudden turn which affairs had taken -in Seoul but the Chinese were, and they expected the Japanese to take -the offensive. The Japanese became aware of the situation only when they -found the Chinese did not salute and that they were cleared for action. -The Japanese speedily put themselves in fighting trim. As the channel -narrowed and the vessels came within range the Chinese opened fire and -were answered with terrible effect by the Japanese. The Kwang-ki was -speedily disabled and beached. The Tsi-yuen, her bow-gun being disabled, -withdrew toward Wei-hai-wei. It is disputed as to which side began -firing first but it is quite immaterial. The fact that the Chinese knew -what had occurred at Seoul, that they were cleared for action and that -they failed to salute would seem to throw the burden of proof upon them. - -While the Yoshino was pursuing the Tsi yuen, two more ships appeared on -the horizon. They proved to be the Chinese dispatch boat Tsao-kiang and -the British steamer Kowshing carrying about 1,500 Chinese troops. The -Akitsushima took the former in charge and the Naniwa took the latter. -The Naniwa signalled the transport to follow her, but the Chinese on -board of her would not let the English Captain obey. Two parleys were -held but the Chinese officers were obdurate and would not listen to -reason. When it became apparent that the Chinese were bent upon -self-destruction the Naniwa turned her battery upon her and blew her up. -More than a thousand of the Chinese troops were drowned. A large number -were picked up and held as prisoners of war. The sinking of the Kowshing -has been judged as hasty but the situation was a peculiar one. The -Chinese would neither surrender nor follow. They were plentifully -supplied with small arms and could keep a boarding party at bay -effectually. The better judgment of second thought proves that the -Japanese were fully justified in their action. - -The results of the P’ung incident became apparent at once. It made -neutrals more careful, it proved that the sea was dangerous ground for -the Chinese, it kept over a thousand men from landing at Asan and it -proved beyond the shadow of a doubt that Japan was fully in earnest and -would fight to the bitter end. Moreover it changed the whole plan of -campaign for China. The Tong-hak were forgotten and the co-operation of -the force at the Yalu and that at Asan and a joint attack upon the -Japanese was the plan determined upon by the Chinese. - -The Japanese forces in and about Seoul were now ready for a land -campaign. It was wisely determined to eliminate from the problem all the -Chinese forces south of Seoul before advancing against those in the -north along the Ta-dong River. The army in the north was being watched -by mounted spies. For the time being there was no danger to be -apprehended from these troops in the north but the two thousand at Asan, -if reinforced, might advance on the capital and make trouble unless they -were dispersed once and for all. Accordingly on the twenty-fifth of July -Gen. Oshima started for Asan with the greater part of the troops in -Seoul. The march was rapid. On the way the news of the P’ung incident -was received and applauded. The vicinity of Asan was reached in three -days. As the Japanese approached, the Chinese retreated a short distance -to a point which they could easily fortify. On the twenty-eighth the -Japanese army arrived within five miles of this position. A night attack -was determined upon by Gen. Oshima. It was not explained to the army -until midnight when it was aroused and informed of the intended -movement. The advance was made in two divisions. The right wing, four -companies of infantry and one of engineers under Lieutenant-colonel -Tadeka, sought the enemy’s left. The left wing under Gen. Oshima, and -comprising nine companies of infantry, one battalion of artillery and -one company of cavalry, swept forward in the dark to attack the flank -and rear of the enemy’s right. - -It would have been a difficult undertaking even by daylight but in the -dark it was fourfold more trying. The Chinese outposts in the -neighboring village gave the signal, and, posted among the houses, -offered a stubborn resistance. The assaulting column was repulsed and -was compelled to lie down to hold the ground already taken. At last -however the Chinese had to withdraw. They crowded slowly out into the -neighboring, rice fields. - -This preliminary struggle was followed by a brief breathing space. It -had lasted less than an hour but had proved a stiff encounter. At five -the Japanese attached the redoubts. The left wing now came into action -and under the smoke of the artillery the troops stormed the forts at -either extremity. In half an hour the Chinese were dislodged and the -rising sun looked down upon its flaming image on Japanese banners flying -victoriously from the Chinese ramparts. - -The escape of the Chinese general, Yeh Chi-chao has given ground for the -alleged Chinese victory at A-san. It often happened during the Japan -China war that, unless the Chinese force was almost utterly annihilated, -they claimed a victory. It is still a puzzle to many, however, that in -the Asan skirmish as well as in the battle of the Yalu the victorious -Japanese permitted even a remnant of the enemy to escape. Although -thoroughly defeated Gen. Yeh brought a remnant of his force around the -city of Seoul and arrived safety at P’yŭng-yang, undoubtedly a difficult -and brilliant movement. - -This first battle won by Japan in a foreign land, for a period of three -centuries, illustrated two points. Not only had the Japanese soldiers -learned their lesson from instructors but the officers proved themselves -worthy of the steadfastness of the men under them. One man out of every -twelve killed was an officer. Nor, when elated by the victory, did the -Japanese forget the ends for which they were working. They did not -undertake any further subjugation of the south, not even attempting to -exterminate the Tong-haks. It was the Chinese in the peninsula with whom -they were measuring swords. The forces at A-san being destroyed or -dispersed and danger from that quarter was consequently removed, and the -banners of rising sun turned northward. - -The northern division of the Chinese army, which had been landed on -Korean soil near the mouth of the Yalu River and had advanced southward -from that point, had now held the city of P’yŭng-yang for upwards of a -month. In anticipation of a Japanese advance they had fortified it as -best they knew how, but as is usual with Chinese they had forgotten to -guard their rear. On three occasions in this war they were attacked in -their unprotected rear and utterly routed. - -During the second week of August the commander of the Japanese fleet, -Admiral Ito, with twenty men-of-war took a cruise into the mouth of the -Gulf of Pechili. The feint had its desired effect, though wholly -misunderstood by the world at large. It attracted the attention of the -Chinese and transport after transport made its way safely across from -Japan to Korea with its complement of troops. - -On August tenth Major Ichinohe with the vanguard started northward from -Seoul. It was the first step toward Peking. Songdo was reached the -following day. The next few days were spent in reconnoitering the -Ta-dong River, but this part retired eventually to Song-do and there -awaited reinforcements. - -On the nineteenth Lieutenant-general Nodzu arrived from Japan with the -reinforcements for which Gen. Oshima had been growing impatient. The -latter immediately forwarded a detachment by another route toward -P’yŭng-yang. This was ordered to occupy an important position known as -Sak Pass and was reinforced on September eighth by a battalion of -infantry and a company of artillery. This became known as the Sak -Division. - -On the twenty-third Gen. Oshima set out from Seoul for the north with a -Mixed Brigade. This was the name given to the Japanese army which -participated in all the operations in the peninsula, so called because -it was made up of various portions of the grand army. On the -twenty-fifth Oshima joined the forces at Song-do. A few days before this -Gen. Tadzumi had landed at Chemulpo and had been put in command of the -Sak Division. On the twenty-sixth another division under Gen. Sato -landed at Wun-san on the east coast nearly opposite P’yŭng-yang, and was -immediately put under the command of Gen. Nodzu. This is best known as -the Wun-san (Gensan) Division. - -These three bodies of troops slowly converged upon P’yŭng-yang by three -routes, and made as if they were about to surround the entire city. But -the commanders knew the weak point in Chinese tactics too well to begin -trying new methods. - -P’yŭng-yang was fortified beyond the expectations of the Japanese and it -should have held out indefinitely. The Ta-dong River flows before its -walls giving it defense on the south. On the north stands a high -eminence called Peony Mountain. To the west there are no special natural -defenses. The plan of attack was to take advantage of the proverbial -Chinese weakness, make a feint in the front but send the main body of -troops around the city and attack in the rear. The capture of -P’yŭng-yang was very much like that of Quebec. The plan of attack was -the same in each case. The Japanese made a feint in front of the town as -Wolfe did from the shores of Levis, and sent the real attacking party -around behind the town. The capture of Peony Mountain like the capture -of the Heights of Abraham determined the struggle. - -On the morning of the fifteenth the Japanese army was in position. The -Sak and Gensan divisions lay before Peony and the other five heights to -the north of the city. The Mixed Brigade lay beyond the river along the -Seoul road which led by six fortified redoubts to the bridge of boats -before the River Gate of the town. The main body had crossed the river -at Iron Island below the city and under cover of the cannonading of the -Mixed Brigade had crept nearer and nearer the enemy from the west—the -rear. - -At half past four on the morning of the fifteenth a terrific cannonading -was begun. Under cover of this the Sak Division took the fort nearest -the river, on the northeast of the city. At the same time the Gensan -Division took by assault the fort at the other end, on the north. From -its vantage ground the Gensan Division planted its guns and poured a -destructive fire on Peony Mountain. The Chinese commander being killed, -the defenders became discouraged and demoralized and this strategic -position was carried by the Sak Division by a single assault. The guns -of the enemy, being turned upon the city from the summit of this hill, -determined the contest. The main body trained its guns on the fifteen -redoubts which guarded the western approach and thus cut off all hope of -retreat from the city. - -While the Japanese were having it all their own way on the north and -west the Mixed Brigade across the river was suffering severely. Five -Chinese forts guarded this main approach to P’yŭng-yang. The Japanese -troops, though ordered to make merely a feint, were carried away by the -inspiration of the hour and rashly attempted to capture these forts by -assault, but they were greatly outnumbered and were compelled at last to -retire having lost heavily. But the fall of Peony Mountain settled the -day, and that night the Chinese soldiers, following in the wake of their -despicable commanders sought safety in flight toward the Yalu by such -avenues as the Japanese left open for them. It is generally believed -that the Japanese purposely left open a loophole of escape, not caring -to have so many prisoners on their hands. - -The feint made by Admiral Ito during the first week in August has been -mentioned. During the P’yŭng-yang campaign the Japanese fleet had been -patrolling the Yellow Sea about the Korean archipelego. Finally the last -company of Japanese troops were landed on Korean soil and the order was -given, “On to Peking.” Never was an invasion undertaken with such relish -since the days when, three centuries before, the hordes of Hideyoshi had -landed on the coast of Korea and raised this same cry. The outcome now -was destined to be far different from that of the former invasion. -Marshall Yamagata arriving in Korea on Sept. 12th with 10,000 -reinforcements began the new campaign as Commander-in-chief. - -During the P’yŭng-yang engagement the Japanese fleet had been stationed -at the mouth of the Ta-dong River, forty miles from the scene of the -battle, ready to be used in any emergency. On the sixteenth, the -campaign in Korea being settled by the flight of the Chinese army toward -the Yalu, the main and first flying squadrons weighed anchor and -departed for the supposed scene of Chinese activity at the mouth of the -Yalu, where it was believed that Chinese troops were being landed. Two -days previous 4,000 Chinese troops had left Taku to reinforce the new -army, being gathered on the banks of the Yalu for an invasion of Korea. -The transports which contained this detachment were protected by six -cruisers and four torpedo boats and were reinforced at Talien Bay by the -Peiyang squadron. On the sixteenth the transports landed their burden -and on the following day departed again for Taku, attended, as on the -trip over, by six cruisers and the Peiho squadron. - -On the same morning the Japanese fleet crossed the path of the returning -transports. At nine o’clock the smoke of the Chinese fleet was first -discovered and about twelve the fleet came into full view. The battle -opened with the main and flying squadrons leading in a single line -across the track of the Chinese fleet, which was advancing at half the -pace set by the enemy. This formation, the ironclads in the center and -the weakest ships on either wing, had been assumed as soon as it -appeared that the Japanese line was coming head on as if to pierce the -Chinese fleet. At a range of 5,200 meters the battle was opened by the -starboard barbette of the iron-clad Ting-yeun. The whole fleet soon -joined in the fight but the Japanese did not answer for some minutes. As -the Yoshino came on, the course was changed and the enemy was passed -from left to right. The comparatively helpless ships of the right flank -received the severest fire. The two old cruisers on the extreme right, -which were of wood and very inflamable, at once took fire and were -thenceforth useless. The Yang-wei took fire at the outset and retired. -The Chao-yung was not more fortunate and sank about half past two, the -battle having begun at one P.M. Japanese time. - -Two of the twelve Chinese ships were thus disposed of at once. Two more, -the Tsi-yuen and Kwang-chia, deserted the battle immediately on various -excuses and departed for Port Arthur. - -When the Japanese line had passed the Chinese fleet the flying squadron -had begun to port, when the two Chinese ships, which until then had -remained in the mouth of the Yalu, were seen making their way toward the -remainder of the fleet. Instantly the flying squadron began to starboard -and the oncoming vessels prudently retired. These two ships, the -Kwan-ping and Ping-yuen, not having come into action, and two, the -Yang-wei and Chao-yung, having retired from the battle in flames, and -two, the Tsi-yuen and Kwan-chia, having deserted, we find six ships of -23,000 tons bearing the brunt of the battle. - -When the flying squadron began to starboard, the main squadron, which -was following in fine order, kept to port. The feint against the -Kwan-ping and Ping-yuen proving successful, the flying squadron kept to -starboard and followed the main squadron. Soon, however, it was seen -that the slower vessels of the main squadron were being left exposed and -Admiral Ito signalled for the flying squadron to starboard again and -intervene between the distressed vessels and the enemy. Thus the main -and flying squadrons moved about the Chinese fleet in opposite -directions, the former on the inner track. - -This second round proved a severe one for the Chinese fleet. The contest -now assumed a desperate phase. During the opening of the struggle -attention on either side had been paid to the enemy’s weaker ships. The -two slow and defenseless ships of the Japanese fleet, the Akagi and -Saikio, caused the Admiral much trouble, if indeed they did not alter -entirely his plan of attack. That he brought them out of the battle at -all is a great credit to his ability to manoeuver at short notice and -under fire. It is, however, inexplicable that such ships were allowed to -follow the main squadron into the engagement. - -By two o’clock the ranks of the two struggling fleets were considerably -thinned out and the battle became simplified though more desperate than -ever, as the main squadron began to close in on the powerful iron-clads -and as the flying squadron separated the remainder of the Chinese fleet -from their only hope of safety and scattered them broadcast over the -sea. The Akagi was now out of the fight and, under the protection of the -flying squadron, was making for the Ta-dong River. The Hiyei, also -disabled and protected by the main squadron, was making for the same -destination. The Saikio having come as it were from the very jaws of -death, when attempting to attack the burning Yang-wei, lay between the -object of her deadly mission and the fleets, watching how the battle -fared. - -On the Chinese side there was far more destruction, because of the -larger number of slow and inflamable ships. Of the total, two, the -Tsi-yuen and Kwan-chia, had long since deserted as we have already said. -The Yang-wei and Chao-yung were both desperately burning. The Chih-yuen, -having passed from the Admiral’s wing to the right wing, had attempted -the most ridiculous feat of attacking the flying squadron as the latter -come to relieve the Akagi and Saikio. Being severely hit in her -foolhardy course, her commander, evidently as revenge for going under, -attempted to ram. The guns of the fleet were instantly brought to bear -upon the ill-starred ship and, riddled with the fire of the heavy and -machine guns alike, she went under, flinging her crew into the air as -she listed the last time. A similar fate overtook the Ping-yuen upon -whom the flying squadron bore. A terrible fire from the Yoshino riddled -her burning hulk and she too, went down like a monstrous bonfire into -the tawny waters of Yellow Sea. - -Meanwhile the struggle between the two iron-clads and the Japanese main -squadron had been raging until both the contestants were nearly -exhausted. The former, knowing well that in them rested China’s only -hope on the sea, and equally desperate because of the cowardliness and -incompetency displayed throughout the battle by their own comrades as -well as by the determined wrath of their ancient foe, fought to their -last charge save three with undaunted heroism. Nothing in the conflict -which raged so many hours could have equalled the sight of the crews of -the two battered iron-clads, their ammunition far spent, meeting the -last onslaught of the main squadron as it bore down upon them for the -last time on that memorable afternoon, with perfect calm and a purpose -to go down with the ships when the ammunition gave out. - -The last onslaught was made and met, but before another could be made -night had begun to fall and the Japanese, themselves not far from -exhaustion, deemed it wise to withdraw. This battle has been called a -Japanese victory and probably with reason, though according to the -dictum of modern naval warfare a decided Japanese victory could have -been achieved only by capturing or disabling the two Chinese iron-clads -which were the soul of the Chinese fleet. Technically the failure to do -this made it a drawn battle, each side retiring unconquered. But there -is every reason to believe that this battle, in reality, decided the -Japanese supremacy over the Yellow Sea. - -The land battle at P’yŭng-yang and the naval battle off the mouth of the -Yalu opened the eyes of the world to the fact that Japan was a power to -be reckoned with. The incident at P‘ung Island and the battle of Asan -had proved nothing except the fact that Japan was fully prepared to go -to extremities and that the war was actually begun. It is probable that -a majority of intelligent people thought the Japanese would fall an easy -victim to the Chinese forces. On the sea China had several war-vessels -that far out-matched anything which Japan possessed and on land she had -unlimited population from which to recruit her armies. She had enjoyed -the assistance of many foreign military and naval men in getting her -army and navy into shape, and in addition to this she had the sympathy -of Great Britain in the struggle. It was freely predicted that the -superior quickness of the Japanese might bring her certain small -victories at first but that as time went on and China really awoke to -the seriousness of the situation a Chinese army would be put in the -field which would eventually drive the Japanese off the mainland. The -Japanese invasion of 1592 was cited to show that though momentarily -successful, the Japanese would be ultimately defeated. - -The battles of P’yŭng-yang and Yalu changed all this. In the first place -it was discovered that the Chinese, with equal or superior numbers, -could not hold a strongly defensive position against their assailants. -The Chinese had everything in their favor so far as natural surroundings -went. They lacked the one essential and it was the demonstration of this -lack at P’yŭng-yang that made the world begin to doubt whether the -Chinese would really do what was expected of them. - -The battle of the Yalu, while technically a drawn battle, proved that -the Japanese could stand up against superior ships and hold them down to -a tie game. The Chinese ammunition was exhausted and if darkness had not -come on the Japanese would have discovered this and the big Chinese -vessels would have been captured. From that day the progress of the -Japanese was an unbroken series of victories. The myth of China’s -strength was shattered and the whole history of the Far East, if not of -the world, entered upon a new and unexpected phase. - -We have already mentioned that 4,000 Chinese troops had been landed at -the mouth of the Yalu to reinforce the army that had been gathered there -for the invasion of Korea. That invasion was destined not to be carried -out, for the routed Chinese army from P’yŭng-yang came streaming north -in headlong flight and the Japanese followed them up just fast enough to -worry them but without making it necessary to encumber themselves with -prisoners. It shows how perfectly the Japanese had gauged the calibre of -the Chinese that they should have driven them on in this contemptuous -manner. When the Japanese arrived at the Yalu they found that the -Chinese had occupied an advantageous position on the further side and -would attempt to block the advance but it was too late to stem the tide -of Japanese enthusiasm. The passage was made with ease, the Chinese -quickly put to flight and the war left Korean territory, not to return. - -The subsequent operations of war are of surpassing interest to the -general historian but they cannot be called a part of Korean history, so -we shall be compelled to leave them and go back to the peninsula, where -the results of Japan’s victories were to be keenly felt. - - - - - Chapter XVIII. - -A great Crisis.... condition of affairs in Seoul.... flight of - Chinese.... Tă-wŭn-kun summoned to palace.... new Cabinet.... - tribulations of Min Yong-jun.... Commission on Reforms appointed.... - names of Government offices changed.... list of proposed reforms.... - the currency.... new coinage.... revenue reforms.... a national - bank.... standardization of weights and measures.... past abuses - rectified.... foreign advisers. - - -The year 1894 marked the greatest crisis in Korean history since the -seventh century, when the kingdom of Silla gained control of the whole -peninsula. Considering the fact that so many of the old abuses survived -after the year 1894, the above statement may seem extreme but the facts -of the case warrant it. From the early years of the Christian era Korea -had been moulded by Chinese ideas and had been dominated by her -influence. There was no time from the very first when Korea did not -consider China her suzerain. In a sense this was natural and right. -Korea had received from China an immense number of the products of -civilization. Literature, art, science, government, religion—they had -all been practically borrowed from China. It is a thing to be marvelled -at that Korea through all these centuries has preserved any semblance of -individualism. She never would have done so if there had not been a -radical and ineffacable difference between the Chinese and the Korean -which no amount of moulding could remove. - -Never once during all those centuries did Korea attempt or desire to -throw off the garment of her vassalage. And even in this crisis of 1894 -it was not thrown off through any wish of the Korean government or -people but only through hard necessity. There had been no radical change -in the mental attitude of the great mass of Koreans which demanded the -severing of the tie which bound them to China and even at this year of -grace 1904, there is every reason to believe that a great majority of -Koreans would elect to go back under the mild and almost nominal control -of China. The change is not one of attitude on the part of the Korean -but it is the fact that the war proved to the world the supineness of -China and made it forever impossible to revive her claim to suzerainty -over Korea or even, it is to be feared, to hold together her own -unwieldy bulk. The outward influence of China upon Korea has ceased and -other influences have been at work which are slowly drawing her away -from her servile obedience to Chinese ideals. This was the first -necessary step to the final emancipation of Korea and her national -regeneration. It should be carefully noted that from the earliest -centuries the Chinese implanted in the Korean no genuine seed of -civilization and progress but simply unloaded upon her some finished -products of her civilization. These the Koreans swallowed whole without -question, unmindful of the fact that by far the greater part of them -were wholly unsuited to the Korean temperament. The result was that as -time went on these Chinese impositions were overlaid with a pure Korean -product just as the little leaden Buddhas that are thrust into the shell -of the pearl oyster become coated over with mother-o’pearl. Buddhism -came from China but Korea has so mingled with it her native fetichism -and animism that it is something radically different from the original -stock. - -Now this intrinsic freedom of the Korean from Chinese ideals argued -strongly in favor of the belief that from the year 1894 Korea would -gradually cast off even the mental vassalage and would begin to work -along individual lines. This could happen only in case the individualism -of the Korean had outlasted the deadening effects of Chinese -predominance. There are many evidences that this individualism has -survived but it must be confessed that it is in a crippled condition and -all but unable to walk alone. It is to the process and method of this -great transformation in Korean conditions that we must now turn. - -Up to the time when the Japanese began active operations in Seoul by the -seizure of the palace, Korea considered herself safe under the aegis of -China. Had she not secured the murder of Kim Ok-kyun and the return of -his body on a Chinese vessel for the purpose of wreaking upon it the old -time vengeance? Had she not invited Chinese troops into the country in -direct contravention of the agreement between China and Japan? In every -way and by every means Korea had expressed her contempt of Japanese -power and of Japanese interests. Under the hideously corrupt regime of -such men as Min Yong-jun the country had been going from bad to worse -until the people found it utterly impossible to endure the oppression -any longer. The provinces were in a state of anarchy and Yuan Shih-kei, -the unscrupulous Chinese “Resident” in Seoul, stood smilingly by and -watched the tragedy without suggesting any remedy for the disease that -was destroying the country, but ready to increase the prestige of China -in the peninsula by offering troops with which to crush the starving -malcontents in the provinces. The condition of things was about as bad -as it could be, and it was at this psychological moment that Japan -lifted her hand and at a single blow tumbled the Chinese house of cards -about their heads. - -By the twenty-first of July the situation in Seoul had become unbearable -for the Chinese. There was a small Chinese force at Asan but Seoul was -occupied by a strong Japanese force and every day the outbreak of -hostilities had become more imminent. On the early morning of the 20th -Yuan Shih-kei, in a mean little sedan chair, and entirely without -escort, made his escape from the city and hastened to Chemulpo, leaving -all his nationals to shift for themselves. His flight became known -almost immediately and there was a general scramble on the part of the -Chinese merchants and other Chinese to escape from the town. When the -Chinese Minister left Seoul their interests were put in the hands of the -British representative. - -On the morning of the 25th the palace was taken and the city walls -manned by the Japanese. Min Yong-jun, who was largely responsible for -the parlous condition of the government, fled that night to the country, -and found refuge in the town of Ch’un-ch’ŭn about sixty miles east of -Seoul. - -As soon as the Japanese had secured the palace Minister Otori sought the -presence of the king and assured him of his personal safety and that of -the Royal family. At the desire of His Majesty the ex-Regent, the -Tă-wŭn-kun was invited to the palace to participate in the discussion of -plans for the future, and to allay by his presence the natural fear of -the king. It was understood by common consent that the former officials -had all resigned and it was necessary to form a new government. Kim Hong -jip was summoned to act as Prime Minister. He was a man of strong -personality and of progressive tendencies, altogether a valuable man for -the emergency since he had the entire confidence of the Japanese and was -a man of the highest standing in Korea. Other leading men of progressive -tendencies were called in and a government was formed for temporary -purposes until matters could he put on a firmer footing. Min Yongijun, -Min Eung-sik, Min Hyungisik, Min Ch’i-hön, and Kim Se-geui were declared -banished to distant points. No attempt was made to send and arrest Min -Yong-jun but the members of the “Righteous Army” in the country seized -him and charged him with being the main author of the disturbances, and -beat him nearly to death. An enormous amount of money that he had -carried off with him was divided up and made away with by his followers. -He barely escaped with his life and fled to China where be gave the -Chinese advice as to the method of reasserting their authority in the -peninsula. - -At this same time the government recalled Yi To-jă, Sin Keui-sŭn, Yun -Ung-yŭl and others who had been in banishment for ten years because of -their espousal of the liberal cause in 1884. The prison doors were -opened and innocent and guilty alike received amnesty. - -The government was not yet ready to publish its full list of reforms, -based upon the demands already made by the Japanese Minister, but the -king immediately declared that as it was necessary to secure good men to -administer the Government in Seoul and in the provinces, the demarcation -between the upper and lower classes was a thing of the past and all men -of all grades were eligible to office, and at the same time he declared -the abolition of the great political parties and forbade the -apportionment of government offices along party lines. The different -leading offices under the government were put in the hands of the best -men that were available and it is probable that these men formed the -best government that Korea was capable of at the time. Some of the names -were as follows: Kim Hong-jip, Pak Chöng-yang, Kim Yun-sik, Kim -Chong-han, Cho Heui-yŭn, Yi Yun-yong, Kim Ka-jin, An Kyŭng-su, Chöng -Kyöng-wŭn, Pak Chun-yang, Yi Wŭn-göng Kim Ha-gu, Kwŭn Yŭng-jin. Yu -Kil-jun, Kim Ha-yŭng, Yi Eung-ik, Sö Sang jip. Among these names many -will be recognized as among the best that Korea has produced in recent -times. - -On the very next day after the Japanese took the palace and gave a new -direction to governmental affairs a special High Commission was called -together by the king to consider the matter of reconstructing the -government along the new lines. It was composed partly of the the -members the Cabinet and partly of other distinguished men. It was well -understood that these men were to carry out the ideas of the Japanese -authorities. Their deliberations continued for a period of forty-one -days during which time they completed a scheme for a new government, -along the following lines. - -Before this time there had been seven great governmental departments, -namely the _Eui-jung-bu_ or State Department, _Yi-jo_ or Home -Department, _Ho-jo_ or Finance Department, Yi-jo or Ceremonial -Department, _Pyŭng-jo_ or War Department, _Hyŭng-jo_ or Law Department, -_Kong-jo_ or Department of Public Works. Besides these there were the -two _Po-ch‘ŭng_ or Police offices, the _Eui-gom-bu_ or Supreme Court and -other lesser offices. In the new regime the seven Departments above -named were all retained excepting the Ceremonial Department and in place -of this they founded for the first time in Korean history a genuine -Educational Department coördinate in dignity with any other of the great -Departments. Besides this the Department of Public Works was broadened -to include Agriculture and Commerce. A Police Bureau was formed to take -the place of the former two Poch’ŭngs. - -They also prepared a list of needed reforms in the government. - -(1) From this time all Korean documents shall be dated from the year of -the present Dynasty. (This was the 503rd year, as the Dynasty was -founded in 1392). - -(2) Korean treaties with China shall be revised and ministers shall be -sent to the various treaty powers. - -(3) Class distinctions in Korea shall be wiped out and men shall be -judged solely on their merits in the matter of government office. - -(4) The distinction between civil and military rank, in favor of the -former, shall be done away and they shall stand on an equality. - -(5) The family and relatives of a criminal shall not be liable to arrest -or punishment for his crime. - -(6) The son by a concubine shall be eligible for the succession. - -(7) Men shall attain the age of twenty and women the age of sixteen -before marriage. - -(8) Widows shall be allowed to remarry without loss of social standing. - -(9) All slaves are declared free and the sale or purchase of human -beings is abolished. - -(10) The privilege of memorial is extended to the general public. Anyone -shall be at liberty to address the throne through a memorial. - -(11) The long sleeves on coats, whether court dress or common are -abolished. But officials shall be authorized to wear the sleeveless coat -over the ordinary one. Soldiers’ uniforms shall continue as at present -for a time but may be changed gradually to the foreign style. - -(12) The people shall be given one month in which to prepare for these -changes. - -(13) The Police Bureau shall be an adjunct of the Home Department. - -(14) Officials shall not ride on the streets in the high one-wheeled -chair nor shall they be accompanied by a large retinue, nor shall the -attendants call out for people to clear the way. - -(15) No one shall be obliged to dismount when passing an official nor to -show any other sign of servility. - -(16) The Prime Minister shall have only four attendants, the Vice Prime -Minister and all the other ministers of state shall have three, the -vice-ministers shall have two and the secretaries one. - -(17) Even eunuchs, if they are men of ability, shall be eligible for -office. - -(18) The law that relatives may not sue each other at law shall be -abrogated except for very near relatives, and feuds between families -shall be given up. - -(19) All debts of long standing shall be cancelled (such as debts -contracted by a father who is now dead or by relatives). - -(20) There shall be but eleven official grades (in place of the eighteen -which there had been formerly). - -(21) There shall be no longer any outcast class in Korea but butchers, -contortionists, acrobats, dancing girls, sorceresses and exorcists shall -all be considered equal to others before the law. - -(22) Even after holding high office a man may engage in business or -other occupation, at his pleasure. - -(23) The matter of the national examination shall be reserved for fuller -discussion. - -It is not necessary to go into an analysis of these proposed reforms. -They speak for themselves; some of them were necessary and others were -the reverse. But they form a striking commentary on the condition of -affairs in Korea at the time. Whatever may have been the defects of this -plan it was an honest and strenuous attempt on the part of the best -statesmen Korea could produce and it promised much. If its terms could -have been carried out it would have proved an inestimable blessing to -the people of the peninsula, but one can easily see that some of the -proposals struck at the very fabric of Korean society. For instance the -attempt to make acrobats, dancing-girls and _mudang_ the social equals -of reputable people was of course absurd. The submerged classes cannot -be enfranchised by a stroke of the pen. What Korea needed then and needs -still is education. This alone will make fundamental reforms possible. - -Early in August the currency of the country received serious attention. -Foreign money was in use in the open ports but the general currency of -the country consisted of two kinds of perforated “cash,” one called -_yŭp_, each piece of which was called one cash, and the other called -_tang-o_ or the “five fitter.” These represented five cash each. The -_yŭp_ was the old, genuine and universally recognized money of the -country. It was only in Seoul, the open ports and on the great -thoroughfares near Seoul that the _tang-o_ circulated. This _tang-o_ was -a debased coin made in 1883 and several succeeding years. At first each -of the _tang-o_ exchanged for five of the _yŭp_ but within a few months -the _tang-o_ fell to an inevitable discount which increased year by year -from 1883 until 1894, when it was found that they were practically the -same. Successive issues of the _yŭp_ had deteriorated the quality and -size of the coin until it was worth only a fifth of its face value. For -this reason the Government declared in August that the _yŭp_ and the -_tang-o_ were on a par and that no distinction should be made between -them. The fair thing would have been for the Government to redeem the -debased _tang-o_ at its face value but of course no one could expect -this under the circumstances. It had proved an indirect tax upon the -people equal to four fifths its face value. - -At the same time the national financiers determined to place in the -hands of the people a foreign style coinage, and soon a one cent copper -piece, a nickel five cent piece and silver coins of twenty cent and one -dollar denominations, which had been in process of manufacture since -1901, were issued. A few of them had been issued a year or two before -but had not been well received. Now they passed current and were used, -but it was soon found that the silver coins were being bought up and -hoarded by wealthy people who placed no faith in banks, and soon not a -single native silver piece could be found anywhere. - -It was the intention of the Commission to withdraw from circulation all -the old cash and replace it with the foreign style money. How absurd -this was will be seen at a glance. There is nothing else that people are -so timid about as their money and the bare idea of making such a -sweeping change was preposterous, but the Japanese were behind all these -reforms and, while their intentions were of the best, they made the -serious mistake in this as in other attempted reforms of hurrying things -too fast. - -Another important problem attacked by the Reform Commission was that of -the revenue. It had always been customary to pay taxes in rice, linen, -beans, cotton and a hundred other commodities, but it was decided now to -change all this and have the revenue turned into cash in the country and -sent up to the capital. In order to do this it was necessary to have -banking facilities in the provinces and it was planned to establish a -great national bank with branches all over the country. - -An attempt was also made to effect an inspection and standardization of -all the weights and measures in the country. - -It was ordered that every house in the land should have its owner’s name -and occupation and the number of his family posted in a conspicuous -place on his front gate. This was to facilitate the work of postal, -police and census officials and agents. - -One of the reforms that was carried out was the sending of students -abroad to acquire an education. - -It was decreed that all land or houses that had been illegally seized by -unscrupulous people in power during the past ten years should be -restored to their rightful owners. Many officials in Seoul, well known -in foreign circles, lost large fractions of their wealth because of this -decree. - -The policy was adopted of engaging foreign advisers for the various -great Departments of State and as a result of this a number of -foreigners were employed. Some of them had already been some time in the -service of the government. - - - - - Chapter XIX. - -The Ex-Regent.... The new Cabinet.... the _Tong-hak_ pacified.... - The Tă-wŭn-kun retires.... Japan declares war.... Korea - abrogates all treaties with China.... Pak Yong-hyo returns.... - his memorial.... he is pardoned.... Chinese excesses in the - north.... new Korean-Japanese treaty.... Marquis Saionji visits - Seoul...._Tong-hak_ in arms again.... Prince Eui-wha goes to - Japan.... Count Inouye comes.... amnesty to offenders of - 1884.... Dr. Jaisohn comes.... Army reform.... the privy - Council.... the King’s Oath. - - -The Tă-wŭn-kun, the former Regent, was now a prominent factor in the -government and the well known strength of his personality did much to -give stability to the new regime. The Queen necessarily retired from -active participation in politics for the time being and there was -apparent promise of better days to come. The new cabinet chosen at this -time was a curious mixture of progressive and conservative men. It was -composed of Kim Hong-jip, Kim Yun-sik, O Yun-jung, Pak Chöng-yang and An -Kyöng-su representing the progressive wing and Min Yong-dal, Sŭ -Chŭng-sun, Yi Kyu-wŭn, Yun Yong-gu and Um Se-yŭng representing the -conservative wing. Among the secondary officials some were progressive -and some conservative. This apparent blending of the various factions -was a hopeful sign outwardly but it had no real significance. All were -appointed by permission of the Japanese and they worked together only -because it was useless to oppose. But the same intrinsic hostility -remained and only needed opportunity to manifest itself. It was the calm -of repression rather than of genuine reconciliation, and it helped to -prove that there is no hope for good government in Korea by Koreans -until the country has secured the benefit of genuine education. - -These reforms that were proposed had the apparent sanction of His -Majesty, as is proved by the fact that after their proposal he called -all the high officials to the palace and made them a speech in which he -referred to this as a splendid opportunity to make a radical and -beneficent change in the government, and laid it as a sacred duty upon -the officials to carry out the reforms, and he declared that he, too, -would become a new king and do his part in bringing about the desired -renovation of the land. - -In spite of the previous declaration that the _tong-hak_ uprising was at -an end there was much unrest especially in the south and the _tong-hak_ -were really as ready as ever to take the offensive. For this reason the -king sent a high official to Kyüng-sang Province to make an attempt at -pacification and told the people that the trouble was because of his own -lack of virtue and begged them to be patient a little longer until the -reforms could be carried out. The people were pleased, especially with -the promise that slavery should be discontinued and that the barriers -between the classes should be broken down. The fact that this effort on -the part of the king was entirely successful shows that the _tong-hak_ -were not anarchists or banditti but were merely desperate citizens who -required some assurance that certain changes would be made so that life -would be bearable. - -A word is necessary as to the attitude of the Tă-wŭn-kun toward these -reforms. He had been called to the palace and put in a responsible -advisory position by the Japanese but he was not the sort of man to hold -an empty honor or to pose as a mere figure-head. Several of the proposed -reforms were distasteful to him but when he found that his objections -carried no weight he retired to his private house in disgust. It took -him only a few weeks to discover that his elevation had been merely a -formality. - -The month of August was an anxious one in Korea. The battle of Asan had -been fought on the 28th and 29th of July and it was known that there -would be a decisive battle fought at P‘yŭng Yang in the near future. -Foreign opinion was divided as to the probabilities, some people -believing that the Japanese would sweep every thing before them and -others being equally sure that the Chinese would win. - -But in spite of the state of anxiety and unrest the month of August saw -some important results accomplished in civil matters. The Commission on -Reforms were at work on their scheme until about the tenth of the month. -It was on August 1st that Japan formally declared war on China and a few -days later troops began to pour in by way of Chemulpo and join those -already here. - -It was on August 16 that there occurred the formal act of casting off -Chinese suzerainty. On that day the Korean government declared all -treaties hitherto signed between itself and China to be abrogated and -all political connection between the two countries to be at an end. The -Japanese Minister had already on June 28th demanded from the government -an expression of its attitude toward China and had received the answer -that Korea considered herself an independent power. This was now -followed up by a definite diplomatic rupture between the two and, -probably forever, the question of Chinese political predominance in the -peninsula was disposed of. - -It was about the 20th of August that Pak Yong-hyo, the refugee in Japan -since his participation in the attempted _coup_ of 1884, was brought to -Seoul _incognito_ by the Japanese. He had long since been declared an -arch-traitor by the Korean government, his house had been razed to the -ground and his family dispersed. For almost ten years he had enjoyed -asylum in Japan and had been treated with great consideration by the -Japanese who rightly saw in him a man of strong personality, settled -convictions and a genuine loyalty to the best interests of his native -land. His worst enemies would probably grant that he falls below none in -his desire to see Korea prosperous and enlightened. It was the methods -adopted that made all the trouble and drove him into exile. - -At first he remained in hiding in the Japanese quarter but from that -point of vantage he sent a long memorial to the King relating the fact -of his high ancestry and the fact that it was purely in the interests of -Korea that he participated in the _emeute_ of 1884. He had been however, -unsuccessful and was branded as a traitor, compelled to fly the country -and see his house broken up. Now that the country had fallen upon such -critical times and the King had determined to effect a radical change in -affairs it was a cause of utmost rejoicing to him and he could not help -coming back even though it cost his life. He begged to see the King’s -face once more, to be allowed to collect and bury the bones of his -relatives and be given back his life which had been forfeited. If then -the King should wish to use him again he would be at the service of His -Majesty. - -To this plea the King listened, whether from preference or out of -consideration for the Japanese, and replied that the petitioner was -forgiven and might resume his former status as a Korean citizen. A -number of memorials immediately poured into the palace urging that Pak -Yong-hyo be executed as a traitor, but as the decree of pardon had -already gone forth these memorials were ignored. - -The fall of P’yŭng-yang before the victorious Japanese on September -15-17 and the flight of the Chinese inflicted great sufferings upon the -Koreans in the north. The Chinese followed their usual medieval tactics -and pillaged right and left. The local magistrates and governors fled to -places of safety and the people survived the best they could. The -government hastened to send a high official to the north to calm the -excitement and counteract the disintegrating effects of the Chinese -flight. At the same time the perfect orderliness of the Japanese army -began to be understood by the people, and between these two agencies the -northern province speedily settled down to its former status. The city -of P’yŭng-yang had been almost deserted by its 60,000 or more of people -and it was many months before the town resumed its normal status. - -As August drew to an end the Japanese deemed the time ripe for -completing the purposed union with Korea and on the 26th there appeared -a provisional treaty between the two countries, which was not an -offensive and defensive alliance but one in which Japan guaranteed the -independence of Korea and Korea engaged to look to Japan for advice and -to aid her in every possible way. The nature of this agreement was -practically the same as that made between the same countries at the -opening of the Japan-Russia War in 1904. In it Japan once more -emphasized the independence of Korea which she had consistently -championed ever since the Japanese-Korean treaty was signed in 1876. - -The month of September opened with the arrival of Marquis Saionji with -presents and a friendly message from the Emperor of Japan. The visit was -merely a complimentary one and seems to have been devoid of great -political significance. - -It was evident that Japanese influence was overwhelmingly predominant in -Seoul and as the government had committed itself to the policy of -selecting advisers for its various departments there was reason to -believe that most of these places would be filled by Japanese and that -they would so predominate numerically as to seriously impair the -autonomy of the government. As foreign powers had concluded treaties -with Korea on the basis of equality, this possibility became a matter of -concern to them and through their representatives here they protested -against the employment of an undue number of assistants from any one -nationality. Whether there ever was any such danger as was anticipated -we cannot say, but this preventive measure was successful at any rate -and the apparent independence of the government was never shaken. - -The month of October saw the Chinese driven across the Yalu and order -restored in a measure on Korean soil, but it also saw the resurgence of -the _tong-hak_ in the south. These malcontents had been temporarily -cowed by the coming of Chinese and Japanese troops but now they seem to -have discovered that the Chinese and Japanese were too busy with each -other to attend to the civil troubles in the interior of Korea. So they -broke out much worse than ever and the principal anxiety of the month in -Seoul was the putting down of the serious insurrection. Sin Chŭng-heui, -the highest Korean general, was sent south to Kong-ju with three -thousand Korean troops to meet a strong body of _tong-hak_ who were -reported to be marching on Seoul. A few days later there was a series of -fights at various points throughout the province, notably at Kong-ju, -Ung-jin, U-gum Hill, Yi-in village, Hyo Harbor, Sö-san and Hong-ju. -About two hundred Japanese troops aided the government forces and at -every point the government troops were successful. Some of the fights -were very severe. It is probable that there were some 20,000 _tong-hak_ -in all, but they were a mere rabble compared with the well armed and at -least partially drilled government troops. A large number of the -_tong-hak_ leaders were captured and brought to Seoul. Many were also -executed in the country, for the generals were given the power of life -and death for the time being. - -Having been thus dispersed the _tong-hak_ moved southward and took their -stand at various places in Chulla and southern Ch’ung-ch’ŭng Provinces. -Their main point was the town of No-sŭng where for eleven days they -continued to revile the government and put up placards defying the -government troops. The Korean troops moved on them and soon had them on -the retreat again. Other encounters took place at various points but by -this time the leading spirits in the _tong-hak_ movement had been -captured. Among these were Chŭn Nok-tu and Kim Kă-nam. They were brought -to Seoul and the latter was executed and the former is said to have been -taken to Japan, but there is some doubt as to his fate. Two _tong-hak_ -leaders named Kim Chöng-hyŭn and Au Seung-gwan were beheaded at Su-wŭn -and their heads were raised high on poles and the people told to take -warning from them. This put an end to the _tong-hak_ except for some -small sporadic movements which amounted to nothing. But the _tong-hak_, -like the poor, we have ever with us,—_in posse_. - -Prince Eui-wha was sent to Tokyo to return the visit of Marquis Saionji -and present the compliments of the King to the Emperor of Japan. - -The Japanese government evidently realized the necessity of having an -exceptionally strong representation in Seoul, for Count Inouye arrived -on the 20th of October and assumed the duties of minister. He had more -than once helped to straighten out matters in Korea and he had the -confidence of the king and of the people as well. No better appointment -could have been made under the circumstances. - -The end of October was signalized by the murder of Kim Hak-u, the -vice-Minister of Law, who was one of the strongest and best men that the -reform movement had brought to the front. He was stabbed at night in his -house. - -The month of November witnessed some progress in the reconstruction of -the government. The pardon of Pak Yong-hyo had been the sign for a -general amnesty to all those who had forfeited their rights in 1884. Sŭ -Chă-p‘il, known better as Dr. Philip Jaisohn, who had been many years in -America and had become a naturalized citizen of that country, had come -back to Korea quietly and was awaiting an opportunity to make himself -useful. Sŭ Kwang-böm had also come back from exile in Japan and others -who had been kept sedulously in the background because of their liberal -tendencies all came forward and received recognition by the king and -were put again in line of political preferment. So rapid was the -progress of this movement that by the middle of December the king found -himself moved to form a new cabinet composed almost entirely of men who -had been foremost in the attempt of 1884, as the following list will -show. The Ministers were Kim Hong-jip, Yu Kil-jun, Pak Yong-hyo, Sŭ -Kwang-böm, Cho Heui-yŭn, Sin Keui-sŭn, Um Se-yŭng, O Yun-jung, Kim -Yun-sik, Pak Chong-yang and Yi Cha-myn. At the same time Dr. Jaisohn was -employed as adviser to the Privy Council for a term of ten years. - -This era of change also affected the Korean Army. The various regiments -in Seoul, numbering five, had heretofore been under wholly independent -and separate commands but now they were all placed in the hands of the -War Department, their names were changed and many men were dropped -because of age and younger men were appointed in their places. The -tactics that had been taught were given up and the Japanese tactics were -introduced instead. - -We have referred to the Privy Council. This was an advisory board or -council composed of some forty men whose business it was to take up and -discuss all important government matters, and it was supposed to have a -sort of veto power. It exercised this power for about three years but -lost it when the Independence Club was overthrown. The entire personnel -of this Council was progressive and pro-Japanese. There can be no -question that the machinery was now all complete whereby Korea could be -governed properly. There was no great obstacle in the way. All that was -needed was that no serious blunders should be made and that the Japanese -should act firmly but wisely. At the same time there was a strong -pressure being exerted behind the scenes in the opposite direction and, -as we shall see, not without effect. And so the year 1894 came to a -close and the new year opened with great promise of better things to -come. On the fifth of the new year the king went to the Ancestral Temple -and in the most solemn manner took an oath to carry out the reforms -already determined upon and partly inaugurated. It is unnecessary to -give this oath in full but only to enumerate the principal points. After -a long preamble in which the king declares his intention to uphold the -government as an independent one he guarantees specifically that— - -(1) All thought of dependence on China shall be put away. - -(2) The line of succession and rank in the Royal Family shall be clearly -marked. - -(3) The King shall attend to public business in person and in -consultation with his ministers, and the Queen shall not interfere in -government matters. - -(4) The affairs of the Royal Household shall be kept quite distinct from -the general government. - -(5) The duties of Ministers and other officials shall be clearly -defined. - -(6) Taxes shall be regulated by law and additions to them are forbidden. - -(7) The assessment, collection and disbursement of the national revenue -shall be in the hands of the Finance Department. - -(8) The expenses of the Royal Household shall be reduced, that the -example may become a law to the other departments. - -(9) An annual budget shall be made out so as to regulate the management -of the revenue. - -(10) The laws governing local officials shall be speedily revised in -order that their various functions may be differentiated. - -(11) Intelligent young men shall be sent to foreign countries to study. - -(12) A method for the instruction of military officers and a mode of -enlistment for soldiers shall be determined upon. - -(13) Civil and criminal law must be clearly defined and strictly adhered -to and imprisonment and fines in excess of the law are prohibited. - -(14) Men shall be employed irrespective of their origin. Ability alone -shall determine a man’s eligibility whether in Seoul or in the country. - - - - - Chapter XX. - -The ex-Regent’s influence.... The queen’s influence.... continued - reforms.... King adopts new title.... cruel punishments - abolished.... Arch demolished.... Yun Chi-ho.... Korea astonished at - Japanese victory over Chinese.... Buddhist monks allowed in - Seoul.... Yi Chun-yong banished.... Independence Day.... Pak - Yong-hyo.... again banished.... American Mining concession.... Count - Inouye retires.... cholera.... official change.... Educational - reform.... arrival of Viscount Miura.... Japanese policy.... Miura - directly implicated in murder of queen.... Inouye not concerned.... - Japanese Government ignorant of Miura’s plot. - - -The year 1895 was big with history. Its events created a strong and -lasting impression upon the whole Korean people and it is in the light -of these events that the whole subsequent history of the country must be -interpreted. The year opened in apparent prosperity. The king had taken -oath to govern according to enlightened principles and had exhorted his -officials to adhere strictly to the reform program, protesting that if -he himself failed to do so it would be an offence against Heaven. The -Tă-wŭn-gun had retired from public life but as his son, the brother of -the king, was Minister of the Household and his grandson Yi Chun-yong -held a position near the king, there can be no doubt that in a private -way the Tă-wŭn-gun exercised fully as much influence as he had done -while in active office. It is necessary to bear in mind that the enmity -of the queen against the ex-Regent extended to the sons of the latter -and in spite of the terms of the king’s oath constant pressure was -brought to bear upon the king from that direction. Whatever be the -reason, we find that in January Yi Chun-yong was sent to Japan as Korean -Minister, an act that was really in favor of the anti-Regent faction -since it temporarily removed one of the chief actors from the immediate -stage. - -As the king had sworn to pay personal attention to the details of -government it was deemed advisable to remove the cabinet meeting place -to the palace itself. Whether this was in accord with the spirit of the -reforms may be doubted, for it worked directly for the complete -centralization of power which later caused a reversal of the whole -governmental policy. - -The progress of the so-called reforms went on apace. The outside, the -integuments, were changed, whatever may or may not have happened in the -inner mind. The long baggy sleeves which had distinguished the true -_yang-ban_ were done away and the side-openings of the long coats were -sewed up. The width of the hat brims was curtailed and other minor -changes were effected. A salutary change was made by putting power into -the hands of the ministers of state to carry out the work of their -respective offices according to law without referring every thing to the -central government, excepting in very important cases where it affected -other departments. The immemorial customs regarding the salutations of -inferiors to superiors and _vice versa_ were largely done away and more -democratic rules formulated. The Home Minister undertook to correct many -abuses in the country, to ferret out cases where cultivated land -returned no revenue, because of the indirection of the _ajŭns_, and by -this means the revenue of the government was very largely augmented. - -At the advice of the leading members of the Cabinet His Majesty adopted -the title of _Ta-gun-ju Pye-ha_ ([Korean]) [Korean] in place of his -former title of _Chon-ha_ ([Korean]). This elevated him to a position -somewhat higher than that of _Wang_ ([Korean]) but still much lower than -the title of emperor which he later assumed. All other members of the -Royal Family were likewise elevated one degree. - -At this time a radical change was made in the manner of punishing -criminals. The cruel forms of execution and of torture which had always -prevailed were done away and more humane methods instituted. -Decapitation was done away and strangulation substituted. This worked no -relief for the criminal but the horrible spectacle of public -decapitation was relegated to the past. - -A large number of men who had been banished or who had fled the country -because of connection with the troubles of 1884 and other years, were -pardoned and their relatives were again recognized as eligible to -office. - -On the native New Year which occurred in February the king issued an -important edict saying that office should be given not only to men of -noble blood but to others of good character and attainments, and he -ordered that such men be selected and sent up from the country as -candidates for official position. This was very pleasing to the country -people and was hailed as a genuine sign of political renovation. At the -same time the ancient arch outside the West Gate was demolished. This -arch was the only remaining sign of Chinese suzerainty and its -demolition broke the last visible thread which bound Korea to her great -patron. We say visible advisedly, for there can be no doubt that the -intrinsic loyalty of the vast majority of Koreans to China was still -practically unimpaired. - -On February thirteenth Yun Chi-ho returned from many years’ sojourn in -America and China where he had gained a genuine insight into truly -enlightened government, and his return to Korea would have been a most -happy augury had there been enough enlightened sentiment in the country -to form a basis for genuine as distinguished from superficial reform. - -Meanwhile the Japanese were carrying everything before them in Manchuria -and the end had now come. The Korean government therefore sent a special -envoy to the Japanese headquarters on the field at Hai-cheng, -congratulating them upon their brilliant successes. Soon after this the -war terminated with the treaty of Shimonoseki by the terms of which -China ceded to Japan southern Manchuria, and the island of Formosa, -abjured all interest in Korea and paid an enormous indemnity. The result -astonished the Koreans but so strong was the feeling in favor of China -that very many still clung to the idea that China would pay the money -and then go to work preparing for a much greater struggle with the -victorious Japanese. - -Since the year 1456 Buddhist monks had been forbidden to enter Seoul. -This was part of the general policy of this dynasty to give Buddhism no -political foothold. Now the Japanese secured from the government a -reinstatement of the Buddhists in their original position and for the -first time in four centuries and a half the mendicant monk with his -wooden gong and rosary begged on the streets of Seoul. - -In April a great misfortune overtook the house of the ex-Regent. His -grandson, Yi Chun-yong, nephew to the king, was arrested and charged -with having connived with _tonghaks_ and others to depose the king and -assume the reins of power. It was not shown that Yi Chun-yong had been a -main mover in the scheme or that he had even favored the idea, but the -very fact that his name had been used in such a connection was enough to -send him into banishment on the island of Kyo-dong, off Kang-wha. Four -other men connected with this affair were executed. This was a severe -blow to the ex-Regent and did much to bring him to the point which made -possible the terrible events of the following October. - -The sixth of June witnessed a great celebration in Seoul, which has gone -down in history as Independence Day. A fete was held in the “Old Palace” -which exceeded in brilliancy any similar demonstration since the opening -of Korea to foreign relations. - -It was inevitable that, from the moment of his arrival in Korea, Pok -Yong-hyo should be at sword’s points with the Tă-wŭn-gun, for the -returned refugee represented the radical wing of the reform party, which -the ex-Regent had always bitterly opposed; and besides the presence of -such a strong man would necessarily subtract from the influence of the -aged but autocratic prince. It is probable that the Japanese brought Pak -Yong-hyo back to Korea under the impression that he would prove a -willing instrument in their hands, but they soon discovered that he had -ideas and opinions of his own and that he was working rather for Korea -than for Japan. He failed to fall in with some of the plans which would -help the Japanese but at the expense of Korea and, in fine, he became -something of an embarrassment to his former benefactors. Meanwhile the -king and queen were both attached to him, and this for several reasons. -He was a near relative of the king and would have no cause for desiring -a change in the status of the reigning house; in the second place he was -a determined enemy of the Tă-wŭn-gun, and in the third place he was sure -to work against a too liberal policy toward the Japanese. This attitude -of increasing friendliness between him and the Royal family was a -further cause of uneasiness to the Japanese, although Count Inouye -himself had done much to win the good will of the queen. Finally Pak -Yong-hyo had won the lasting gratitude of the king and queen by exposing -the machinations of Yi Chun-yong. - -The ex-Regent was determined that Pak Yong-hyo should be gotten out of -the way. To this end he concocted a scheme which, with the probable -sanction of the Japanese, seemed to promise success. He laid before the -king certain grave charges of treason against Pak, which, though not -believed either by the king or the queen, convinced them that it would -be impossible to shield him from probable destruction; for the people -still called him a traitor, the ex-Regent would spare no pains to see -him put out of the way and it was evident that the Japanese would not -take any strong measures to protect him. The queen called him up and -advised him to make good his escape before action could be taken on the -charge of treason. He complied and forthwith escaped again to Japan. He -had not as yet broken with the Japanese and they were doubtless glad to -help him away. It was early in July that he passed off the stage, -perhaps for ever, and thus there were lost to Korea the services of one -of the most genuinely patriotic Koreans of modern times. If the Japanese -could have determinedly put the ex-Regent in the background and allowed -Pak Yong-hyo to work out his plans on terms of amity with the Royal -family all the evils which followed might easily have been averted. It -was this act, as we believe, of allowing the ex-Regent to carry out his -scheme of personal revenge that caused the whole trouble and there never -was a time, before or since, when brighter hopes for Korea were more -ruthlessly sacrificed. - -But progressive measures kept on apace and during July the government -issued new and important mining, quarantine and army regulations and -organized a domestic postal system. A valuable mining concession in the -district of Un-san in the north was granted to an American syndicate, a -transaction that has proved the most profitable, at least to the -foreigner, of any attempt to open up the resources of Korea. - -Near the end of the month Korea suffered the misfortune of seeing Count -Inouye retire from the Legation in Seoul and return to Japan. Never did -the Japanese have such need of a strong and upright man in Seoul and -never had a Japanese Minister in Seoul opportunity for greater -distinction. There are those who believe that he despaired of -accomplishing anything so long as the two opposing factions in Seoul -were led by personalities so strong and so implacable in their mutual -hatred as the queen and the ex-Regent. It is not unlikely that he felt -that until one or other of these should be permanently removed from the -field of action there could be no real opportunity for the renovation of -Korea. This by no means implies that he desired such removal to be -effected by forcible means but it is not unnatural to suppose that he -must have given expression to the conviction as to the futility of doing -anything under existing conditions in the peninsula. There have been -some who have believed that the Japanese authorities in Tokyo determined -upon the removal of the obstacle in Seoul by any means in their power. -Subsequent events gave some color to this surmise but we cannot and do -not believe that the Japanese government was a party to the plot which -ended in the tragedy of the following October but that a fanatical and -injudicious Japanese Minister to Korea privately gave his sanction to an -act which the Japanese government would have sternly forbidden had they -been consulted. - -[Illustration: _THE AMERICAN MINES AT TA-BA-WI._] - -The summer of 1895 witnessed the first serious epidemic of cholera in -Korea since the far more destructive one of 1886. Special plague -hospitals were erected in Seoul and in spite of their temporary and -inadequate nature the foreign protestant missionaries of Seoul, who were -in charge, accomplished very much in the way of local relief. It is -impossible to say what the total mortality in Seoul was, to say nothing -of the country at large, but it is probable that ten or twelve thousand -people died in the Capital before the subsidence of the epidemic. - -The forces which worked to the expulsion of Pok Yong-hyo also operated -to curtail the term of banishment of Yi Chun-yung who was recalled from -Kyo-dong Island on August 6th, but even the ex-Regent could not secure -the residence of his grandson in Seoul, so he sent the young man to -Japan, since which time he has been numbered with the political refugees -and has never been able to think of returning to his native land. After -the departure of Count Inouye, who had enjoyed the partial confidence of -the queen, the ex-Regent’s prospects improved to such an extent that -several of the ministers of state who were well affected toward Her -Majesty were removed and others substituted; especially significant was -the removal of the king’s brother Yi Chŭ-myŭn from the Ministry of the -Household. As he was the son of the ex-Regent, this would seem to be a -defeat for that faction but, in fact, his removal from that position was -a necessary step to the carrying out of the dangerous plot which was -already being formulated in the mind of the queen’s determined enemy. - -This summer, which witnessed so many curious contradictions, was further -distinguished by a determined effort in the line of education. The -Educational Department projected a Normal school and a beginning was -made. One hundred and seventeen young men were sent to study in Japan -and other measures of lesser importance were carried out. - -On the first day of September Viscount Miura arrived from Japan to -assume the duties of Minister. Over a month had elapsed since the -departure of Count Inouye. The Viscount was an enthusiastic Buddhist and -evidently belonged to the old rather than the new Japan. He was, withal, -a strenuous man and is said to have considered the settlement of the -Korean difficulties merely a matter of prompt and vigorous action. At -the time of his arrival the ex-Regent was living at his summer-house -near the river and from the very first he was in close relations with -the new Japanese Minister. It was quite evident that the latter had -espoused the cause of the ex-Regent as against the queen and that -instead of trying to close the breach which was constantly widening -between these two powerful personages he was preparing to make use of -this estrangement to further what he supposed to be the interests of -Japan. Min Yong-whan, the most powerful of the queen’s friends, was sent -to America as Minister; and everything was ready for the _coup_ which -had undoubtedly been determined upon. From the mass of conflicting -evidence, charge and counter charge, it is difficult to escape the -following conclusion. There were two different policies held by -political parties in Japan as to the best way to handle the Korean -question; one was what we may call the radical policy which advocated -strong measures and the instant and complete overthrow of all opposition -to the will of Japan in the peninsula; the other, or conservative, -policy looked to the attainment of the same object by gradual and -pacific means. It seems that the failure of Count Inouye to accomplish -anything definite in the line of a settlement of internal dissentions at -Seoul resulted in the appointment of Viscount Miura as an exponent of -the extreme radical policy. He was supposed to do prompt work but what -that work would be perhaps neither he nor his constituency saw clearly -before his arrival on the scene. It would be going much too far to say -that the assassination of the queen was once thought of, and yet it is -more than likely that those most conversant with conditions in Seoul -felt that by some means or other her enormous influence must be -permanently checked and that affairs must be so managed that she should -have nothing more to do in the handling of questions of state. How this -was to be accomplished neither Miura nor any of his advisers knew until -he came and looked over the field. - -For this reason it is easy to see how the ex-Regent would be the first -man in Korea with whom the Japanese Minister would wish to consult, and -it is certain that the Tă-wŭn-gun would have but one word to say as to -the solution of the difficulty. His experience of twenty years had -convinced him that there was only one way to accomplish the object which -the Minister had in view and while Viscount Miura naturally shrunk from -adopting that course it would seem he too was at last convinced that it -was the only feasible plan. That he actually advised it in the first -instance we do not believe, but that he fell in with the plan which -others suggested and which they offered to carry through without his -personal intervention there can be no doubt whatever. Nor can there be -any question as to where the responsibility for the tragedy rests; not -with the Japanese Government, surely, except in-so-far as its -appointment of such a man to the difficult post of Minister to Seoul may -reflect upon its wisdom. - -It has sometimes been hinted that Count Inouye upon his return to Japan -advocated some such policy as that which was carried out by Marquis -Miura but there is nothing to indicate that this is other than a libel, -for the whole career of that able statesman gives the lie to such -suspicions and his dispatches to his government show the very opposite -spirit from that intimated in these slanderous reports. For instance we -have the extract from his reports read in the Japanese Parliament in -which he says: - - On one occasion the queen observed to me, “It was a matter of extreme - regret to me that the overtures made by me toward Japan were rejected. - The Tă-wŭn-gun, on the other hand, who showed his unfriendliness - toward Japan, was assisted by the Japanese Minister to rise in power.” - In reply to this I gave as far as I could an explanation of these - things to the queen and after allaying her suspicions I further - explained that it was the true and sincere desire of the emperor and - government of Japan to place the independence of Korea on a firm basis - and in the meantime to strengthen the Royal House of Korea. In the - event of any member of the Royal family, or indeed any Korean, - attempting treason against the Royal House, I gave the assurance that - the Japanese Government would not fail to protect the Royal House even - by force of arms. - -This unequivocal promise of protection was made by Count Inouye just -before his departure for Japan and we do not and cannot believe that he -expressed anything but his honest sentiments and those of the government -that was back of him. It has been urged that the action of the Japanese -Government in acquitting Viscount Miura in the face of the evidence -given proves the complicity of that government in the outrage and its -previous knowledge that it was to be perpetrated, but this does not -necessarily follow. That government was doubtless unwilling to stultify -itself by acknowledging that its accredited minister to Korea was -actually guilty of the crime indicated in the charge. This attempt to -evade the responsibility was of course futile. There was no escape from -the dilemma in which that government was placed but the deduction that -it was _particeps criminis_ in the events of October 8th is -unbelievable. It was the work of Viscount Miura and of his staff and of -them alone, as is shown by the following extract from the Decision of -the Japanese Court of Preliminary Inquiry, which court sat in Hiroshima -in January 1896. - - - - - Chapter XXI. - -Decision of Hiroshima Court on queen’s assassination.... Miura’s - estimate of situation.... Approached by Tă-wŭn-gun.... pledges - required of ex-Regent.... Miura’s instructions.... preparations - complete.... The rendezvous at the Tă-wŭn-gun’s summer place.... a - final exhortation.... joining the Korean troops outside the West - Gate.... The move on the palace.... the entrance.... Royal quarters - surrounded.... The search for the queen.... the assassination.... - Viscount Miura arrives on the scene.... an audience.... other - representatives arrive and see the king.... Miura disclaims any - connection with the plot.... degradation of the queen.... foreign - representatives refuse to recognize it.... Miura recalled. - - -We append the decision of the Hiroshima Court in full as it gives the -fullest and probably the most nearly correct account of the events which -led up to the assassination of the queen. It reads as follows:— - -“Okamoto Ryunosuke, Adviser to the Korean Departments of War and the -Household, etc. - -“Miura Goro, Vicount, Sho Sammi, First class order, Lieutenant General, -etc. - -“Sugimura Fukashi, Sho Rokui, First Secretary of Legation, and -forty-five others. - -“Having, in compliance with the request of the Public Procurator -conducted preliminary examinations in the case of murder and sedition -brought against the above-mentioned Okamoto Ryunosuke and forty-seven -others and that of wilful homicide brought against Hirayama Iwawo, we -find as follows:— - -“The accused, Miura Goro, assumed his official duties as His Imperial -Majesty’s Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at Seoul on -Sept. 1st, 1895. According to his observations, things in Korea were -tending in the wrong direction. The court was daily growing more and -more arbitrary, and attempting wanton interferance with the conduct of -state affairs. Disorder and confusion were in this way introduced into -the system of administration that had just been reorganized under the -guidance and advice of the Imperial government. The court went so far in -turning its face upon Japan that a project was mooted for disbanding the -_Kunrentai_ troops, drilled by Japanese officers, and for punishing -their officers. Moreover a report came to the knowledge of the said -Miura that the court had under contemplation a scheme for usurping all -political power by degrading some and killing others of the Cabinet -Ministers suspected of devotion to the cause of progress and -independence. - -“Under these circumstances he was greatly perturbed inasmuch as he -thought that the attitude assumed by the court not only showed -remarkable ingratitude toward this country which had spent labor and -money for Korea, but was also calculated to thwart the work of internal -reform and jeopardize the independence of the kingdom. The policy -pursued by the court was consequently considered to be injurious to -Korea, as well as prejudicial in no small degree to the interests of -this country. The accused felt it to be of urgent importance to apply an -effective remedy to this state of affairs, so as on the one hand to -secure the independence of the Korean kingdom and on the other to -maintain the prestige of this empire in that country. While thoughts -like these agitated his mind, he was secretly approached by the -Tă-wŭn-gun with a request for assistance, the Prince being indignant at -the untoward turn that events were taking and having determined to -undertake the reform of the court and thus discharge his duty of -advising the king. The accused then held at the legation a conference -with Sugimura Fukashi and Okamoto Ryunosuke on the 3rd of October. The -decision arrived at was that assistance should be rendered to the -Tă-wŭn-gun’s entrance into the palace by making use of the Japanese -drilled Korean soldiers who being hated by the court felt themselves in -danger, and of the young men who deeply lamented the course of events, -and also by causing the Japanese troops stationed in Seoul to offer -their support to the enterprise. It was further resolved that this -opportunity should be availed of for taking the life of the queen, who -exercised overwhelming influence in the court. They at the same time -thought it necessary to provide against the possible danger of the -Tă-wŭn-gun’s interfering with the conduct of State affairs in future—an -interferance that might prove of a more evil character than that which -it was now sought to overturn. To this end, a document containing -pledges required of the Ta-wun-gun on four points was drawn by Sigimura -Fukashi. The document was carried to the country residence of the -Ta-wun-gun on the 15th of the month by Okamoto Ryunosuke, the latter -being on intimate terms with His Highness. After informing the -Ta-wun-gun that the turn of events demanded His Highness’ intervention -once more, Okomoto presented the document to the Prince saying that it -embodied what Minister Miura expected from him. The Ta-wun-gun, together -with his son and grandson gladly consented to the conditions proposed -and also wrote a letter guaranteeing his good faith. Miura Goro and -others decided to carry out the concerted plan by the middle of the -month. Fearing lest Okamoto’s visit to the Ta-wun-gun’s residence should -excite suspicion and lead to the exposure of their plan, it was given -out that he had proceeded thither simply for the purpose of taking leave -of the Prince before departing for home, and to impart an appearance of -probability to this report, it was decided that Okamoto should leave -Seoul for Chemulpo and he took his departure from the capital on the -sixth. On the following day An Kyung-su, the Minister of War, visited -the Japanese Legation by order of the court. Referring to the projected -disbanding of the Japanese drilled Korean soldiers, he asked the -Japanese Minister’s views on the subject. It was now evident that the -moment had arrived, and that no more delay should be made. Miura Goro -and Sugimura Fukashi consequently determined to carry out the plot on -the night of that very day. On the one hand, a telegram was sent to -Okamoto requesting him to come back to Seoul at once, and on the other, -they delivered to Horiguchi Kumaichi a paper containing a detailed -program concerning the entry of the Ta-wun-gun into the palace and -caused him to meet Okamoto at Yong-san so that they might proceed to -enter the palace. Miura Goro further issued instructions to Umayabara -Muhon, commander of the Japanese battalion in Seoul, ordering him to -facilitate the Ta-wun-gun’s entry into the palace by directing the -disposition of the Japanese drilled Korean troops and by calling out the -Imperial force for their support. Miura also summoned the accused Adachi -Kenzo and Kunitomo Shigeakira, and requested them to collect their -friends, meeting Okamoto at Yong-san, and act as the Ta-wun-gun’s -body-guard on the occasion of His Highness’ entrance into the palace. -Miura told them that on the success of the enterprise depended the -eradication of the evils that had done so much mischief to the kingdom -for the past twenty years, and instigated them to dispatch the Queen -when they entered the palace. Miura ordered the accused Ogiyara Hidejiro -to proceed to Yong-san, at the head of the police force under him, and -after consultation with Okamoto to take such steps as might be necessary -to expedite the Ta-wun-gun’s entry into the palace. - -[Illustration: _THE BRITISH LEGATION._] - -“The accused, Sugimura Fukashi, summoned Suzuki Shigemoto and Asayama -Kenzo to the Legation and acquainted them with the projected enterprise, -directed the former to send the accused, Suzuki Junken, to Yong-san to -act as interpreter and the latter to carry the news to a Korean named Yi -Chu-whe, who was known to be a warm advocate of the Ta-wun-gun’s return -to the palace. Sugimura further drew up a manifesto, explaining the -reasons of the Ta-wun-gun’s entrance into the palace and charged Ogiwara -Hidejiro to deliver to Horiguchi Kumaichi. - -“The accused Horiguchi Kumaichi at once departed for Yong-san on -horse-back. Ogiwara Hidejiro issued orders to the policemen that were -off duty to put on civilian dress, provide themselves with swords and -proceed to Yong-san. Ogiwara also himself went to the same place. - -“Thither also, repaired by his order the accused Watanabe Takajiro, Oda -Yoshimitsu, Nariai Kishiro, Kiwaki Sukunori and Sakai Masataro. - -“The accused Yokowo Yutaro joined the party at Yong-san. Asayama Kenzo -saw Yi Chu-whe and informed him of the projected enterprise against the -palace that night. Having ascertained that Yi had then collected a few -other Koreans and proceeded toward the Ta-wun-gun’s place Asama at once -left for Yong-san. Suzuki Shigemoto went to Yong-san in company with -Suzuki Junken. The accused Adachi Kenzo and Kunitomo Shigeakira, at the -instigation of Miura, decided to murder the Queen and took steps to -collect accomplices. Twenty-four others (names here inserted) responded -to the call, by Miura’s order, to act as body-guard to the Ta-wun-gun on -the occasion of his entrance into the palace. Hirayama Iwahiko and more -than ten others were directed by Adachi Kenzo and others to do away with -the Queen and they decided to follow the advice. The others who were not -admitted into the secret but who joined the party from mere curiosity -also carried weapons. With the exception of Kunitomo Shigeakira -Tsukinori and two others all the accused went to Yong-san in company -with Adachi Kenzo. - -“The accused Okamoto Ryunosuke on receipt of a telegram saying that time -was urgent at once left Chemulpo for Seoul. Being informed on his way, -at about midnight, that Hoshiguchi Kennaichi was waiting for him at Mapo -he proceeded thither and met the persons assembled there. There he -received from Miura Goro the draft manifesto already alluded to, and -other documents. After he had consulted with two or three others about -the method of effecting an entrance into the palace the whole party -started for the Ta-wun-gun’s place with Okamoto as their leader. At -about three o’clock A. M. on the eighth of October they left the -Prince’s place escorting him in his palanquin, with Yi Chu-whe and other -Koreans. When on the point of departure, Okamoto assembled the whole -party outside the gate of the Prince’s residence and declared that on -entering the palace the “Fox” should be dealt with according as exigency -might require, the obvious purport of this declaration to instigate his -followers to murder Her Majesty the Queen. As the result of this -declaration, Sakai Marataro and a few others, who had not yet been -initiated into the secret, resolved to act in accordance with the -suggestion. Then slowly proceeding toward Seoul, the party met the -Japanese drilled Korean troops outside the West Gate where they waited -some time for the arrival of the Japanese troops. With the Korean troops -as vanguard the party then proceeded toward the palace at a more rapid -rate. On the way they were joined by Kunitomo Shigeakira and four -others. The accused Husamoto, Yasumaru and Oura Shigehiko also joined -the party having been requested by Umagabara Muhon to accompany as -interpreters the military officers charged with the supervision of the -Korean troops. About dawn the whole party entered the palace through the -Kwang-wha Gate and at once proceeded to enter the inner chambers.” - -At this point the recital of the facts abruptly stops and the court goes -on to state that in spite of these proven facts there is not sufficient -evidence to prove that any of the Japanese actually committed the crime -which had been contemplated, and all the accused are discharged. - -It is very much to the credit of the Japanese authorities that they -frankly published these incriminating facts and did not attempt to -suppress them. Their action discharging the accused was a candid -statement that in spite of the actual proof which they adduce it would -not be possible to punish the perpetrators of the outrage, for Miura had -been sent as the accredited Minister of Japan and his acts, though -unforeseen by his superiors could not but partake of an official -character, and therefore the onus of the affair must fall on the -Japanese Government. This is the effect that was produced in the public -mind, and while the Japanese Government as such must be acquitted of any -intention or desire to secure the assassination of the Queen, yet it can -scarcely escape the charge of criminal carelessness in according to the -Korean Court a representative who would so far forget the dignity of his -position as to plan and encourage the perpetration of such a revolting -crime. - -The description of the scene as given by the Hiroshima court stops -abruptly with the entrance into the palace before the actual business of -the day began. It is necessary for us to take up the narration from that -point. The buildings occupied by the King and Queen were near the back -of the palace enclosure almost half a mile from the front gate, so that -the Japanese and Korean force accompanied by the ex-Regent had to -traverse a long succession of passage-ways through a great mass of -buildings before reaching the object of their search. Some of the palace -guard were met on the way and easily pushed aside, some of them being -killed, among whom was Col. Hong. When the Japanese arrived at the -buildings occupied by their Majesties a part of them formed about it in -military order guarding all the approaches, but they did not enter the -building. A crowd of Japanese civilians commonly believed to be _soshi_, -and a considerable number of Koreans, all heavily armed, rushed into the -Royal quarters. A part of the crowd went into the presence of the King -brandishing their weapons but without directly attacking his person nor -that of the Crown Prince who stood beside him. Another part of the crowd -ranged through the apartments of the Queen, seizing palace women and -demanding information as to the whereabouts of the Queen. They met Yi -Kyŭng-jik the Minister of the Household before the Queen’s apartments -and at once cut him down, but he managed to crawl into the presence of -the King, where he was despatched by the Japanese. The Queen was found -in one of the rooms which constituted her suite and was ruthlessly cut -down. It is impossible to state with absolute certainty whether the blow -was struck by a Korean or by a Japanese but the overwhelming probability -is that it was done by one of the armed Japanese - -The body was wrapped in some sort of blanket, saturated with petroleum -and burned at the edge of a pine grove immediately to the east of the -pond which lies in front of the royal quarters. - -The Royal family had been aware for two days of the danger which -threatened. The guards at the palace had been reduced, the arms had been -taken away and the movements of Japanese troops were very suspicious. -The King advised the Queen to go to a place of safety and she said she -would do so if the Queen Dowager would also go, but the latter refused. -Chong Pyŭng-ha who had been raised to high office through the patronage -of the Queen but who had struck hands with the Japanese urged with great -insistence that there was no danger to Her Majesty’s person and it was -the confidence expressed by this traitor that did the most to set at -rest the apprehension, of the King and the Queen. - -During all the time leading up to these events, the palace guard was in -charge of Gen. Dye but his efforts to carry out the wishes of His -Majesty were continually thwarted and the guard was merely a nominal -one. - -At about the time when the Queen was being killed the Tă-wŭn-gun came -into the presence of the King and took the direction of affairs at the -court. As might be supposed, both the King and the Crown Prince were in -anything but an enviable frame of mind. They had been pushed about and -insulted by low Japanese and felt that their lives were momentarily in -danger. Col. Yi Kyŭng-jik the Minister of the Household Department had -taken his stand at the door of the Queen’s apartments and had there been -cut down by the Japanese or Koreans but succeeded in making his way, -desperately wounded, into the presence of the King. He was there stabbed -to death by the Japanese before the eyes of His Majesty. This did not -tend to reassure the King and the Crown Prince but the coming of the -Tă-wŭn-gun tended to quiet them somewhat. Of course they had no idea as -yet that the Queen had been despatched. - -Before dawn began to break the King learned that Japanese troops were -pouring into the barracks in front of the palace, and as some semblance -of order had been restored in the immediate presence of His Majesty, a -note was sent in haste to the Japanese Minister asking what all this -meant. The messenger found Miura and Sugimura already up and dressed and -sedan chairs at the door. Miura told the messenger that he had heard -that troops had been marched to the barracks but did not know why. The -Minister and his secretary thereupon proceeded rapidly to the palace. -Immediately upon their arrival all the disturbance suddenly quieted down -and the _soshi_ dispersed and left the palace grounds. The Japanese -Minister and secretary immediately sought an audience with His Majesty, -accompanied only by an interpreter and another Japanese who had led the -_soshi_. The Tă-wŭn-gun was also present. - -Three documents were prepared by those present and placed before His -Majesty for signature, one of them guaranteeing that the Cabinet should -thereafter manage the affairs of the country, the second appointing Yi -Chă-myŭn, the King’s brother, as Minister of the Household in place of -Yi Kyŭng-jik who had just been killed, and the third appointing a -vice-Minister of the Household. These documents the king perforce -signed. Whereupon all Japanese troops were removed from the palace and -only the Japanese-trained Korean troops were left as a palace-guard. -Later in the day Ministers of War and Police were appointed in the -persons of Cho Heui-yŭn and Kwŭn Yŭng-jin, both strong partisans of the -Japanese and doubtless privy to the attack upon the palace and the -murder of the Queen. In other words the King and court was surrounded by -men every one of whom were in sympathy with the movement which had been -planned by Viscount Miura. - -Very early in the morning, while it was still scarcely daylight, Mr. -Waeber the Russian _Charge d’Affaires_ and Dr. Allen the American -_Charge d’Affaires ad interim_ came to the palace and sought audience -with the King but were told that the King was unwell and could not see -them. They insisted, however, and succeeded in seeing His Majesty, who -told them that he still had hopes that the Queen had escaped, and -besought their friendly offices to prevent further trouble. Other -foreign representatives were received later in the day. - -It soon became evident that the Japanese authorities intended to deny -any responsibility for the outrages committed. Miura stated in his -dispatches to his government that the origin of the _emeute_ was a -conflict between the Japanese-drilled Korean troops, who desired to lay -a complaint before His Majesty, and the palace guards who tried to -prevent their entrance into the palace. Miura even sought to strengthen -his disclaimer by obtaining from the newly appointed Minister of War a -definite official statement that the rumors of his (Miura’s) complicity -in the affair were without foundation. The document that the Minister of -War sent in reply proved altogether too much and defeated its own -purpose, for it stated baldly that there was not a single Japanese in -the palace on the night of the eighth of October, when the Queen was -murdered. As this Minister was a creature of the Japanese and as the -presence of Japanese in the palace was clearly proved subsequently it is -evident that Miura, by this sort of trickery, only succeeded in further -implicating himself. - -On the ninth, the day after the _emeute_, a full cabinet was appointed -composed entirely of Japanese sympathisers, but with one or two -exceptions they were not privy to the assassination of the Queen, though -they were willing to profit by that crime in accepting office at the -hands of the perpetrators. The men appointed were Yi Chă-myŭn, Kim -Hong-jip, Kim Yun-sik, Pak Chöng-yang, Sim Sang-hun, Cho Heui-yŭn, So -Kwang-böm and Chong Pyung-ha. - -One would have supposed that the enemies of the Queen would have been -satisfied by her death, but not so. On the eleventh, three days after -her assassination, an edict purporting to have originated with His -Majesty and signed by the full cabinet appeared in the Court Gazette. In -it the Queen is charged with having interfered in public matters, -disturbed the government and put the dynasty in peril. It is stated that -she has disappeared and that her guilt is excessive; therefore she is -deposed from her rank as Queen and reduced to the level of the lowest -class. - -There can be no doubt that this edict is fraudulent. The King never gave -his consent to it and several of the members of the Cabinet knew nothing -about it, notably Sim Sang-hun who had already thrown up his position -and run away, and Pak Chöng-yang who denounced the nefarious business -and resigned. It was put through by a few of the Cabinet who were -thoroughly subservient to the Japanese. The Japanese Minister in reply -to the announcement of the Queen’s degradation, affected to sympathize -with the Korean Government but thought it was done for the good of the -State. The United States Representative refused to recognize the decree -as coming from His Majesty, and in this he was seconded by all the the -other Foreign Representatives except one. - -Meanwhile the Japanese government began to learn something of the truth -in regard to the Queen’s death and felt called upon to defend itself -from the charge of complicity in the outrage through its accredited -Minister. Consequently it recalled Miura and Sugimura and upon their -arrival in Japan they were arrested and charged with complicity in the -matter. The fact of their arrest and trial was a distinct disclaimer on -the part of the Japanese government that it was accessory to the crime; -and in spite of the utter inadequacy of the trial and its almost -ludicrous termination we hold to the theory that the Japanese government -was not a party to the crime excepting in so far as the appointment of -such a man as Miura can be called complicity. - -But the vigorous action of Japan in arresting Miura and putting him on -trial had a strong influence upon the course of events in Korea. The -Korean public and all the Foreign Representatives were demanding that -the occurrences of the eighth of October should be investigated and the -responsibility for the murder of the Queen placed where it rightly -belonged. This itself bore strongly upon the Cabinet, but when in -addition to this the Japanese government itself seemed to be weakening -and it appeared that Miura’s acts would prove to have been unauthorized -things begun to look rather black for the men who were enjoying office -solely through Miura’s influence, and although the fiction was still -maintained that the Queen was not dead but in hiding somewhere, the -situation became more and more strained until at last it became evident -even to the Cabinet that something must be done to relieve the -situation. Accordingly on the 26th of November the Foreign -Representatives and several other foreigners were invited to the palace -and it was announced in the presence of His Majesty that Cho Heui-yŭn -the Minister of War and Kwŭn Yŭng-jin the Chief of Police were -dismissed, that the edict degrading the Queen was rescinded and that the -facts connected with the attack on the palace would be investigated by -the Department of Justice and all guilty persons tried and punished. At -the same time the death of Her Majesty was formally announced. - -The popular feeling against the Japanese-trained troops was so strong -that they were dismissed and another guard summoned, but as a matter of -fact this new guard was composed almost entirely of the very men who had -formerly composed the Japanese-drilled corps. - -The position of His Majesty during the months succeeding the attack was -anything but comfortable. He had no voice in the direction of affairs, -and he considered himself practically a prisoner in the hands of the -Cabinet. He even feared for his life, and for weeks ate no food except -what was brought to him in a locked box from friends outside the palace. -He had requested that two or three foreigners should come to the palace -each night and be at hand in case of trouble, feeling that their -presence would exert a deterrent influence upon any who might plot -injury to his person. - -The half-way measures adopted on Nov. 26th by no means satisfied those -who wished to see His Majesty freed from practical durance at the hands -of men thoroughly obnoxious to him, and a scheme was evolved by a number -of Koreans to effect his release by forcible means. The purpose of these -men was a laudable one but the execution of it was ill-managed. On the -night of the 28th upwards of a thousand Koreans demanded entrance into -the palace. They had arranged with one of the members of the palace -guard, inside, to open the gate to them, but at the last moment he -failed them and they found themselves balked. The palace was in some -confusion, the King had called in to his presence the three foreigners -who, at his request, were on duty that night, but in spite of their -assurances that his person would be protected it was only natural that -excitement should run high. The crowd without were shouting wildly and -attempting to scale the high wall, and the members of the cabinet, -before the King, did not know at what moment the guard might betray them -to the assailants, and they knew that once betrayed they would be torn -to pieces without mercy. They tried therefore to induce the King to -remove to a distant part of the palace where he could hide for a long -time before he could be found even though the crowd should effect an -entrance. The night was bitterly cold and the King was but lightly clad, -and as the King’s person was safe in any event, the foreigners who were -with him opposed the move strongly and at last were compelled to use -physical force to prevent the change, which would certainly have -endangered the King’s life. The purpose of the cabinet was thus thwarted -but as the hours passed it become evident that the men outside would not -be able to effect an entrance. The shouts gradually died away and at -last the crowd dispersed leaving in the hands of the palace guard three -or four men who had scaled the wall but had not been followed by their -confreres. - -In view of the attitude of the Tokyo Government the Japanese in Seoul -were now entirely quiescent and the government was standing on its own -base. The cabinet held its own by virtue of the palace guard which was -composed of the soldiers trained by the Japanese. This cabinet and guard -held together from necessity, for both knew that should their power fail -they would be denounced as traitors and under the circumstances could -expect little help from the Japanese. The cabinet had to make a show of -investigating the attack of Oct. 5th and someone must be killed for -having murdered the queen. At the same time punishment was to be meted -out to the principals in the attempt on the palace on November 28th. - -Three men were arrested and charged with being directly implicated in -the crime of regicide. Of these one was certainly innocent and while the -second was probably privy to the crime, being a lieutenant of the -Japanese-trained troops, there was no evidence adduced to prove his -actual participation in the act of assassination. He had not been -reinstated in his position in the new guard and he knew altogether too -much about the existing cabinet. Their choice fell upon him as one of -the scapegoats. The third was Yi Chu-hoé formerly Vice Minister of War. -There was no evidence adduced against him at the trial, though from -other considerations he seems to have been implicated in the outrage. He -was chosen as the principal one to bear the obloquy of the crime, -probably because (1) he was a bitter enemy of the existing cabinet and -(2) because it was necessary for the sake of appearances to convict and -execute someone of rank and reputation. As a fact the court did not know -and never discovered who the actual perpetrators were. The three men -were executed before the end of the year. - -Though only three men were arrested in connection with the assassination -of the queen thirty-three men were arrested in connection with the -comparatively trivial affair of November 28th. Their trial proceeded -simultaneously with that of the other three. Two of them were condemned -to death, four to exile for life and four to three years imprisonment. -To show the kind of evidence on which these convictions were based we -will cite the case of Prince Yi Chă-sun who was proved to have gotten -hold of some compromising documents and to have shown them to the King -only, instead of to _the proper authorities_, namely, of course, the -cabinet. On these grounds he was sentenced to three years imprisonment! - -December and January saw matters move to an inevitable climax. The -cabinet forced upon the people the edict ordering the cutting off of the -top-knot, the distinctive mark of Korean citizenship. The whole country -was in a ferment and the people, almost to a man, were gnashing their -teeth at the cabinet. The finding of the Hiroshima court claimed to have -freed Miura and his fellows from blame and it was rumored that several -of them were to return to Korea to take office under the government. -Chöng Pyung-ha, a proved traitor, had been reinstated in the cabinet as -Minister of Agriculture and Cho Heui-yŭn as Minister of War, and it was -reported that Kwŭn Yŭng-jin who had fled to Japan would be made again -Chief of Police. It was perfectly evident, therefore, that the grip of -the Japanese upon the king through the Gaoler Cabinet was tightening and -that there was no escape from it except through heroic measures. These -measures the king was prepared to adopt rather than longer endure the -humiliating position to which he seemed condemned. At that time the -principal men in the cabinet were Kim Hong-jip, Chöng Pyŭng-ha, O -Yun-jung, Yu Kil-jun. Of these O Yun-jung seems to have been far less -culpable than the rest. The king had great confidence in him and had he -not met his fate at the hands of the people he would probably have been -called back to office. - -But now we come to the important step taken by His Majesty to free -himself from his unpleasant position. He determined to find asylum in -the Russian Legation. C. Waeber was the Russian Minister, a pronounced -friend of the dead Queen, and a man of great ability. Just how he was -approached and his consent gained to the king’s scheme is not generally -known but in view of subsequent events and the part that Russia intended -to play in Korea it is easy to see how the Russian Representative would -welcome an opportunity to do the King such a signal service and one -which was of such a personal character as to render it certain that it -would never be forgotten. - -The plan was carried out successfully in every detail. Women’s chairs -were caused to be sent in and out the palace gates at frequent intervals -by day and night until the guards had become quite accustomed to them. -Then on the night of the eleventh of February the King and the Crown -Prince without escort slipped by the guards in common women’s chairs and -were taken directly to the Russian Legation where they were courteously -received and given the best portion of the Legation building. This act -was of course a grievous lapse from the dignity that befits a king but -under the circumstances there is much to say by way of excuse. On the -whole it must be considered a mistake so far as the country at large is -concerned, for it set in motion a new set of factors which probably did -more harm than the temporary enforced seclusion of the King could have -done. It acted as a potent factor in embittering the Japanese against -Russia and opened the door for Russian intrigue which finally hastened -if it did not actually cause the war at present waging. Had Japan been -able to preserve the predominance which she held in Korea just after the -China-Japan war she might have looked with more or less complaisancy -upon the Russian aggression in Manchuria, but when Korea itself became -disputed ground the war was inevitable. - -At seven o’clock on the morning of February 11th the King and the Crown -Prince entered the Russian Legation. Several hours elapsed before the -Cabinet in the palace became aware of the fact. During that interval -active operations were going on at the Russian Legation. The -organization of a new cabinet was hastened by summoning from various -parts of the city such officials as the King could trust. Pak Chöng-yang -was made Prime Minister. No time was lost in putting out a Royal Edict -deprecating the necessity of taking refuge in a foreign legation, -promising to punish the real authors of the Queen’s assassination, -rescinding the order for cutting the top-knots. This was posted on the -gates of the Legation and at various points throughout the city. - - - - - Chapter XXII. - -The King at the Russian Legation.... A Royal edict.... Massacre or - flight of cabinet ministers.... an excited city.... Japanese - consternation.... provincial uprisings.... party reorganization.... - The Independence Club.... trial of Queen’s murderers.... Appointment - of Dr. Brown as adviser to Finance Department.... The - _Independent_.... The Waeber-Komura Convention.... material - reforms.... reaction.... The Independence Arch.... Seoul-Chemulpo - railway concession.... The new palace planned.... retrogressive - signs.... postal and other administrative reforms. - - -When the public awoke to the momentous fact, a thrill of excitement and, -generally, of approval went through the whole population of Seoul. The -city hummed with excited humanity. The streets swarmed with the crowds -bent upon watching the course of such stirring events. - -Later in the day the King put forth an edict calling upon the soldiers -to rally to his support and urging them to bring the heads of the -traitors Cho Heui-yŭn, U Pöm-sŭn, Yi Tu-whang, Yi Pom-nă, Yi Chin-ho and -Kon Yong-jin. But later still this was toned down to read that these -individuals should be seized and turned over to the proper authorities -for trial. - -The reason why the names of Kim Hong-jip, Chöng Pyŭng-Ha and others of -the former cabinet were not included was because they had already met -their fate. As soon as it became known in the palace that the King had -fled, these men saw that their lives were forfeited. O Yun-jung managed -to escape to the country but was set upon and killed by the people, Cho -Heui-Yŭn escaped, Yu Kil-jun was spirited away to Japan by the Japanese; -but Kim Hong-jip and Chöng Pyŭng-ha found no way of escape. Being seized -by the Korean soldiers, were immediately rushed by the crowd and killed. -Their bodies were hauled to Chong-no where they were stamped upon, -kicked, bitten and stoned by a half-crazed rabble for hours. A Japanese -who happened to be passing was set upon by the crowd and killed and -several foreigners drawn to the spot by curiosity were threatened. - -The King was shocked when he heard of the summary execution of the two -ministers, whom he intended to give a fair trial. Two days later an -edict was promulgated by the King deploring the impoverished state of -the country and laying the blame upon himself; and concluded by -remitting all arrears of taxes due up to July 1894. The new cabinet -consisted of the following men Pak Chöng-yang, Yi Yun-yong, An Kyŭng-su, -Ko Yong-heui, Yun Chi-ho, Yun Yong-gu, Yi Wan-yong and Cho Pyŭng-jik. - -To say that the Japanese were nonplussed by this _coup_ on the part of -the King would be to put it very mildly. All their efforts to -consolidate their power in Korea and to secure there some fruit of the -victory in the war just finished, had been worse than thrown away. The -King had thrown himself into the arms of Russia and the whole Korean -people were worked up to a white heat against Japan, comparable only -with the feelings elicited by the invasion of 1592. It was a very great -pity, for Japan was in a position to do for Korea infinitely more than -Russia would do. The interests of Korea and Japan were identical or at -least complementary and the mistake which Japan made in the latter half -of 1895 was one whose effects will require decades to efface. - -When the King thus wrenched himself out of Japanese hands the Japanese -papers in Seoul bewailed the fact that the country was without a ruler, -and almost directly advised the people to put someone else on the -throne, and this without censure from the Japanese authorities. And it -is well known among Koreans that there was a strong faction among the -Koreans who were willing to attempt to put Yi Chun-yong, the grandson of -the Tă-wŭn-gun on the throne, had that ambitious young man been -possessed of the requisite amount of assurance. Fortunately such was not -the case and the country was saved from further upheaval. - -But the Japanese authorities though thrown into consternation by this -radical movement of His Majesty did not give up hope of mending matters. -The Japanese Minister saw the King at the Russian Legation and urged -upon him every possible argument for returning to the palace. His -Majesty, however, being now wholly relieved from anxiety as to his -personal safety, enjoyed the respite too thoroughly to cut it short, and -so politely refused to change his place of residence. A large number of -Japanese in Seoul became convinced that Japan had hopelessly compromised -herself, and left the country, but the Japanese Government itself by no -act or word granted that her paramount influence in the peninsula was -impaired and with admirable _sang froid_ took up the new line of work -imposed upon her by the King’s peculiar action, meanwhile putting down -one more score against Russia, to be reckoned with later. - -The country was suffering from the excitement caused by the news of the -Japanese diplomatic reverses, and the people in many districts rose in -revolt and declared that they would drive all the Japanese out of the -country. These efforts were however scattered and sporadic in their -nature and were successfully quelled by Korean Government troops sent -down to the various disaffected districts for this purpose. - -Now that it was possible the King hastened to order a new investigation -of the circumstances attending the death of the Queen. It was feared -that this would result in a very sweeping arrest of Koreans and the -punishment of many people on mere suspicion, but these fears were -ill-founded. The trials were carried through under the eye of Mr. -Greathouse the adviser to the Law Department and a man of great legal -ability. Thirteen men were arrested and tried in open court without -torture and with every privilege of a fair trial. One man Yi Whi-wha was -condemned to death, four banished for life and five for lesser periods. -This dispassionate trial was not the least of the signs which pointed -toward a new and enlightened era in Korean political history. - -Not only in the country but in Seoul as well the prestige of Japan had -suffered greatly by the events of the winter of 1895-96. After the -Japan-China war the Koreans were divided into two distinct factions, one -holding strongly with the Japanese and the other advocating a more -conservative policy, but gradually as the political situation began to -crystalize these two split into four, namely the Japanese faction, the -King’s faction, the Queen’s faction, and the Tă-wŭn-gun’s faction. This -is merely another way of saying that every strong political possibility -will have its own faction in such a land as this, according as each man -fancies that his champion will get supreme power and reward those who -have followed in his train. The number of men who follow the standard of -this or that party because of any altruistic or purely patriotic -consideration is so small as to be a negligeable quantity. When, -therefore, it appeared that Japan’s star was setting in Korea there was -a hasty shifting of political platforms and soon it appeared that there -were only two, one of which favored Russian influence and the other -conservative and very quiet, for the time being, until the extreme -pro-Russian enthusiasm should subside somewhat. Of course the -Tă-wŭn-gun’s had disappeared with the waning fortunes of the Japanese -and the Queen’s faction had gone over to the Russians. It was the -conservatives alone that held to their former position and desired no -foreign interferance whatever. But many of those who had favored the -Japanese joined the conservative party but unlike the “moss-back” -conservatives wanted to do something actively to counteract Russian -influence. They therefore worked to bring English and American influence -into greater prominence. In the heart of this movement was born the -“Independence Club.” It will be remembered that ever since the previous -year Dr. Philip Jaisohn had been acting as adviser to the Privy Council. -This council enjoyed considerable power at first but gradually fell to a -secondary place, but now that new conditions had sprung up the element -combatting the Russian influence took advantage of the presence of Dr. -Jaisohn and other Koreans who had been educated abroad. The Russians -seemed to look with complaisance upon this movement and in the Spring of -this year seem to have made no effort to prevent the appointment of J. -McLeavy Brown, L.L.D., as Adviser to the Finance Department, with large -powers; which seemed to bear out the belief that the Russian Minister -was sincere in his statement that Russia wished the King to be quite -untrammelled in the administration of his government. It is this -generous policy of Mr. Waeber that is believed to have caused his -transfer later to another post, to be replaced by A. de Speyer who -adopted a very different policy. However this may have been, things -began to take on a very hopeful aspect in Seoul. Needed reforms were -carried through; torture was abolished in the Seoul courts, a concession -was given to an American company to construct a railway between Seoul -and Chemulpo, Min Yong-whan was appointed special envoy to the -coronation of the Czar, work was begun on the American mining concession -granted the year before, various schools were founded, and the outlook -on the whole was very bright indeed. It looked as if a solution had been -found for the difficulties that afflicted the state and that an era of -comparatively enlightened government was opening. - -For some time there had existed a more or less secret organization among -the Koreans, the single article of whose political creed was -Independence both from China and Japan, or in other words Korea for -Koreans. Now that the King had been relieved of Chinese suzerainty by -the Japanese and of Japanese restraint by himself, this little society -under the leadership of Dr. Philip Jaisohn blossomed out into what was -called _The Independence Club_. The name but partially described the -society, for while it advocated the complete independence of Korea it -still more insistently advocated a liberal government, in the shape of a -genuine constitutional monarchy in which the royal prerogative should be -largely curtailed and the element of paternalism eliminated. At first -the greater stress was laid upon the general principle of Korean -Independence and to this the King in the joy of his newly found freedom -heartily agreed. The royal sanction was given to the Independence Club -and it was launched upon a voyage which had no haven, but ended in total -shipwreck. This club, society was composed of young men many of whom -were doubtless aroused for the time being to something like patriotic -fervor but who had had no practical experience of the rocky road of -Korean politics or of the obstacles which would be encountered. The -cordiality of the King’s recognition blinded them to the fact that the -real object of their organization, namely the definition of the royal -prerogative, was one that must eventually arouse first the suspicion and -then the open hostility of His Majesty and would become the slogan of -all that army of self-seekers who saw no chance for self-aggrandisement -except in the immemorial spoils system. These young men were armed with -nothing but a laudable enthusiasm. They could command neither the aid of -the Korean army nor the advocacy of the older statesmen, all of whom -were either directly hostile to the movement or had learned caution -through connection with previous abortive attempts to stem the tide of -official corruption. The purpose of this club, so far as it knew its own -mind, was a laudable one in theory but the amount of persistency, -courage, tact and self-restraint necessary to carry the plan to a -successful issue was so immensely greater than they could possibly -guess, that, considering the youth and inexperience of the personnel of -the society, the attempt was doomed to failure. They never clearly -formulated a constructive plan by which to build upon the ruins of that -system which they were bent upon destroying. Even had they cleared the -way to such construction they could not have found a statesman in Korea -of recognized standing and prestige, to act as master-builder, whose -previous record would have made him acceptable to themselves or a fit -exponent of their principles. - -On April 7th the first foreign newspaper was founded by Dr. Philip -Jaisohn. It was called _The Independent_ and was partly in the native -character. From the first it exerted a powerful influence among the -Koreans and was one of the main factors which led to the formation of -the Independence Club. - -Both Japan and Russia were desirous of coming to an understanding as to -Korea and on May 14th there was published the Waeber-Komura Agreement -which was modified and ratified later under the name of the -Lobanoff-Yamata Agreement. According to the terms of this convention -both Powers guaranteed to respect the independence of Korea and not to -send soldiers into the country except by common consent. - -The summer of 1896 saw great material improvements in Seoul. The work of -clearing out and widening the streets was vigorously pushed and although -much of the work was done superficially some permanent improvement was -effected, and the “squatters” along the main streets were cleaned out, -it is hoped for all time. In July the concession for building a railway -between Seoul and Wiju was given to a French syndicate. From subsequent -events it appears that there was no fixed determination on the part of -the French to push this great engineering work to a finish but merely to -preempt the ground and prevent others from doing it. Russian influence -doubtless accomplished this, and from that time there began to spring up -the idea that Korea would be divided into two spheres of influence, the -Japanese predominant in the south and the Russians in the north. - -In spite of the favorable signs that appeared during the early months of -1896 and the hopes which were entertained that an era of genuine reform -had been entered upon, the coming of summer began to reveal the -hollowness of such hopes. The King himself was strongly conservative and -never looked with favor upon administrative changes which tended to -weaken his personal hold upon the finances of the country and he chafed -under the new order of things. In this he was encouraged by many of the -leading officials, who saw in the establishment of liberal institutions -the end of their opportunities for personal power and aggrandisement. -The old order of things appealed to them too strongly and it became -evident that the government was rapidly lapsing into its former -condition of arbitrary and partisan control. Open and violent opposition -to such harmless innovations as the wearing of foreign uniforms by the -students of Foreign Language Schools indicated too plainly the tendency -of the time and the Russian authorities did nothing to influence His -Majesty in the right direction. Judging from subsequent events it was -not Russia’s policy to see an enlightened administration in Seoul. The -political plans of that Power could be better advanced by a return to -the _status ante quo_. The act of the government in substituting an -Independence Arch in place of the former gate, outside the West Gate, -which commemorated Chinese suzerainty, was looked upon, and rightly, by -the more thoughtful as being merely a superficial demonstration which -was based upon no deeper desire than that of being free from all control -or restraint except such as personal inclination should dictate. The -current was setting toward a concentration of power rather than toward a -healthful distribution of it, and thus those who had hailed the vision -of a new and rejuvenated state were compelled to confess that it was but -a mirage. - -Pressure was brought to bear upon the court to remove from the Russian -Legation, and it was high time that such a move be made. As a matter of -urgent necessity it was considered a not too great sacrifice of dignity -to go to the Legation but to make it a permanent residence was out of -the question. The King was determined however, not to go back to the -palace from which he had fled. It held too many gruesome memories. It -was decided to build the Myŭng-ye Palace in the midst of the Foreign -Quarter with Legations on three sides of it. The site selected was the -same as that which King Sŭn-jo used in 1593 when he returned from his -flight to the north before the armies of Hideyoshi. He had lived here -for some fourteen years while the Chang-dok Palace was building. The -present King however intended it as a permanent residence, and building -operations were begun on a large scale, but it was not until February of -the following year that His Majesty finally removed from the Russian -Legation to his new palace. - -All during the latter half of 1896 the gulf between the Independence -party and the conservatives kept widening. The latter grew more and more -confident and the former more and more determined. Dr. Jaisohn in his -capacity of adviser to the Council of State was blunt and outspoken in -his advice to His Majesty and it was apparent that the latter listened -with growing impatience to suggestions which, however excellent in -themselves, found no response in his own inclinations. The Minister of -Education voiced the growing sentiment of the retrogressive faction in a -book called “The Warp and Woof of Confucianism” in which such extreme -statements were made that several of the Foreign Representatives felt -obliged to interfere and call him to account. A Chief of Police was -appointed who was violently anti-reform. The assassin of Kim Ok-kyun was -given an important position under the government. A man who had -attempted the life of Pak Yong-hyo was made Minister of Law, and on all -sides were heard contemptuous comments upon the “reform nonsense” of the -liberal faction. And yet in spite of this the momentum of the reform -movement though somewhat retarded had by no means been completely -stopped. The Summer and Autumn of this year 1896 saw the promulgation of -a large number of edicts of a salutary nature, relating to the more -systematic collection of the national revenues, the reorganization of -gubernatorial and prefectural systems, the definition of the powers and -privileges of provincial officials, the further regulation of the postal -system, the definition of the powers of the superintendents of trade in -the open ports, the abolition of illegal taxation and the establishment -of courts of law in the various provinces and in the open ports. As many -of these reforms survived the collapse of the liberal party they must be -set down as definite results which justify the existence of that party -and make its overthrow a matter of keen regret to those who have at -heart the best interests of the country. - -All this time Russian interests had been cared for sedulously. The king -remained in close touch with the Legation and Col. Potiata and three -other Russian officers were put in charge of the Palace Guard, while Kim -Hong-nyuk, the erstwhile water-carrier, continued to absorb the good -things in the gift of His Majesty. And yet the Russians with all their -power did not attempt to obstruct the plans of the subjects of other -Powers in Korea. Mr. Stripling, a British subject, was made adviser to -the Police Department, a mining concession was granted to a German -syndicate; an American was put in charge of a Normal School, Dr. Brown -continued to direct the work of the Finance Department and the work on -the Seoul Chemulpo Railway was pushed vigorously by an American -syndicate. The Russians held in their hands the power to put a stop to -much of this, but they appeared to be satisfied with holding the power -without exercising it. - - - - - Chapter XXIII. - -Material reforms.... growth of conservative feeling.... Russian - influence.... Mr. de Speyer.... his activity.... attack on Dr. - Brown.... England interposes.... establishment of the Empire.... the - Queen’s funeral.... opening of 1898.... Russians over-reach - themselves.... the death of Prince Tă-wŭn.... a paradox.... - withdrawal of the Russian employees.... Independence Club beyond - control.... abdication conspiracy.... Yun Chi-ho before the - Emperor.... fall of Kim Hong-nyuk.... attempted regicide.... foreign - body-guard.... Independent program.... popular meetings.... - peddlars’ guild.... Independents ask to be arrested.... more - government concessions.... Independents arrested.... final overthrow - of the Independence party. - - -The first half of 1897 was characterized by three special features in -Korea. The first was a continuance of so-called reforms, all of which -were of a utilitarian character. A gold mine concession was given to a -German syndicate, a Chinese Language School and other schools were -founded and the difficult work of cleaning out the Peking Pass was -completed. It was announced that Chinnampo and Mokpo would be opened to -trade in the Autumn. The second feature was the steady growth of the -conservative element which was eventually to resume complete control of -the government. As early as May of this year the editor of the _Korean -Repository_ said with truth “The collapse is as complete as it is -pathetic. After the King came to the Russian Legation the rush of the -reform movement could not be stayed at once nor even deflected. But soon -there came the inevitable reaction. Reforms came to be spoken of less -and less frequently. There was a decided movement backwards toward the -old, well-beaten paths. But it was impossible to reestablish the old -order of things entirely. We come then to the period of the revision of -laws. Shortly after the King removed to the new palace an edict was put -forth ordering the appointment of a Commission for the Revision of the -Laws. This was received with satisfaction by the friends of progress. -This commission contained the names of many prominent men such as Kim -Pyung-si, Pak Chöng-yang and Yi Wan-yong as well as the names of Dr. -Brown, General Greathouse, Mr. Legendre and Dr. Jaisohn.” But by the -twelfth of April the whole thing was dropped and the strong hopes of the -friends of Korea were again dashed to the ground. The third feature of -this period is the growing importance of Russian influence in Seoul. The -training of the Korean army had already been taken out of Japanese hands -and given to Russians and in August thirteen more Russian military -instructors were imported. It was plain that Russia meant to carry out -an active policy in Korea. Russian admirals, including Admiral -Alexeieff, made frequent visits to Seoul, and at last Russia made public -avowal of her purposes, when she removed Mr. Waeber, who had served her -so long and faithfully here and sent Mr. A. de Speyer to take his place. -There was an immediate and ominous change in the tone which Russia -assumed. From the very first de Speyer showed plainly that he was sent -here to impart a new vigor to Russo-Korean relations; that things had -been going too slow. It is probable that complaints had been made -because in spite of Russia’s predominating influence at the Korean Court -concessions were being given to Americans, Germans and others outside. -De Speyer soon showed the color of his instructions and began a course -of brow-beating, the futility of which must have surprised him. It was -on September 7th that he arrived, and within a month he had begun -operations so actively that he attracted the attention of the world. In -the first place he demanded a coaling station at Fusan on Deer Island -which commands the entrance to the harbor. This was a blow aimed -directly at Japan and sure to be resented. It came to nothing. Then Mr. -Kir Alexeieff arrived from Russia, an agent of the Finance Department in -St. Petersburg. In the face of the fact that Dr. Brown was Chief -Commissioner of Custom and Adviser to the Finance Department, Mr. -Alexeieff was appointed by the Foreign Office as director of the Finance -Department. But the policy of bluff which de Speyer had inaugurated was -not a success; he carried it so far that he aroused the strong -opposition of other Powers, notably England, and before the end of the -year, after only three months of incumbency, de Speyer was called away -from Seoul. As we shall see, the whole of his work was overthrown in the -following Spring. - -But we must retrace our steps a little and record some other interesting -events that happened during the closing months of 1897. It was on -October 17th that the King went to the Imperial Altar and there was -crowned Emperor of Tai-han. This had been some time in contemplation and -as Korea was free from foreign suzerainty she hastened, while it was -time, to declare herself an empire. This step was recognized by the -treaty powers within a short period and so Korea took her place on an -equality with China and Japan. - -On November 21st the funeral ceremony of the late Queen was held. It was -a most imposing pageant. The funeral procession passed at night out of -the city to the tomb where elaborate preparations had been made, and a -large number of foreigners assembled there to witness the obsequies. - -The situation in Korea as the year 1898 opened was something as follows. -The conservatives had things well in hand and the Independence Club was -passing on to its final effort and its final defeat. The work of such -men as Dr. Jaisohn was still tolerated but the King and the most -influential officials chafed under the wholesome advice that they -received and it was evident that the first pretext would be eagerly -seized for terminating a situation that was getting very awkward for -both sides. The reaction was illustrated in an attack on the -_Independent_ by which the Korean postal department refused to carry it -in the mails. The Russians had taken the bull by the horns and were -finding that they had undertaken more than they could carry through -without danger of serious complications. The Russian government saw this -and recalled de Speyer in time to preserve much of their influence in -Seoul. The Emperor, being now in his own palace but with easy access to -the Russian Legation, seems to have lent his voice to the checking of -the reform propaganda and in this he was heartily seconded by his -leading officials. The most promising aspect of the situation was the -determined attitude of the British government relative to the enforced -retirement of Dr. Brown. When it became evident that a scarcely -concealed plan was on foot to oust British and other foreigners in -Korea, Great Britain by a single word and by a concentration of war -vessels at Chemulpo changed the whole program of the Russians; but as it -appeared later the Russian plans were _only_ changed, not abandoned. So -the year opened with things political in a very unsettled state. -Everything was in transition. The Independents and the Russians had some -idea of what they wanted but seemed to be at sea as to the means for -accomplishing it. The conservatives alone sat still and held on, sure -that in the long run they would triumph even if they could not stop the -march of material progress in the cleaning of the streets and the -building of railways. - -February of 1898 saw the taking off of the most commanding figure in -Korean public life during the nineteenth century, in the person of -Prince Tă-wŭn the father of the Emperor, formerly Regent. For almost -forty years he had been more or less intimately connected with the -stirring events which have marked the present reign. The things which -specially marked his career are (1) the Roman Catholic persecution of -1866, (2) the determined opposition to the opening of the country to -foreign intercourse, (3) the building of the Kyöng-bok Palace, (4) the -debasing of Korean currency, (5) the feud with the Queen’s party, (6) -the temporary exile in China, (7) the assassination of the Queen. -Whatever may be said for or against the Prince because of his policy he -remains in the minds of the people a strong, independent character, and -they cannot fail to admire the man even though they have to condemn his -policy. His adherents stood by him with splendid loyalty even in the -hours of his disgrace, because he was in some sense really great. - -This time was characterized by curious inconsistencies. At the same time -that an edict was promulgated stating that no more concessions would be -granted to foreigners the Seoul Electric Company was organized to -construct a tramway and a lighting plant in Seoul. Material improvements -continued parallel with, but in the opposite direction from, the policy -of the Government. An agreement was even entered into with an American -firm for the construction of a system of water works for Seoul at a cost -of some seven million yen. - -The failing hopes of the Independence Club drove it to its final place, -that of protest. Memorials began to pour in protesting against this and -that. In February it complained of foreign control in Korea, directing -the attack apparently upon the Russian pretentions: but if so it was -unnecessary, for by the first of March the Russians decided that their -position was untenable or that a temporary withdrawal of pressure from -Seoul would facilitate operations in other directions, and so, under -cover of a complaint as to the vacillating policy of the Korean -Government they proposed to remove Mr. Alexeieff from his uncomfortable -position vis-a-vis Dr. Brown and also take away all the military -instructors. Perhaps they were under the impression that this startling -proposal would frighten the Government into making protestations that -would increase Russian influence here, but if so they were disappointed -for the Government promptly accepted their proposition and dispensed -with the services of these men. No doubt the Government had come to look -with some anxiety upon the growing influence of Russia here and with the -same oscillatory motion as of yore made a strong move in the opposite -direction when the opportunity came. The Korean Government has been -nearly as astute as Turkey in playing off her “friends” against each -other. - -Just one month later April 12th N. Matunine relieved Mr. de Speyer, the -Russo-Korean bank closed its doors, the Russian military and other -officers took their departure and a very strained situation was relieved -for the time being. At about the same time Dr. Jaisohn was paid off and -left the country, the management of the _Independent_ falling into other -hands. This event was important as strowing the hopeless state into -which the Independence Club and all other friends of progress had -fallen. From this time on the tone of the club grew steadily more -petulant. The older men in it who saw that the time was not ripe for -reform withdrew and left the management of the club and the -determination of its policy in the hands of younger men who had not the -experience necessary for the handling of such affairs; and although in -Yun-Chi-ho, the president of the Club, it had a clear-headed and devoted -man he was not able to control the young blood that had begun to run -with something too feverish a course in the veins of the society. The -excited state of the public mind is proved by the fact that several -other daily and weekly periodicals sprang up, debating societies -flourished and people began to talk about things. The conservations laid -all these things up against the Independence Club and awaited their -time. - -The summer of this year furnished Seoul with some excitement in the -shape of a discovered conspiracy to force the King to abdicate, place -the Crown Prince on the throne and institute a new era in Korean -history. The plot, if such it may be called, was badly planned and -deservedly fell through. It was one of the foolish moves called out by -the excitement engendered in the Independence movement. An Kyŭng su, -ex-president of the Independence Club, was the party mainly implicated -and he saved himself only by promptly decamping and putting himself into -the hands of the Japanese. - -About the same time the Independence Club came into direct opposition to -the Government in its strong protest against the appointment of the -conservative Cho Pyŭng-sik to the vice-presidency of the Council of -State. The commotion, engendered by this, resulted in Mr. Yun Chi-ho -being called before the Emperor, where he made a strong appeal in favor -of the Independence Club and asserted the continued loyalty of the club -toward His Majesty. Unfortunately he asserted that the Emperor having -sanctioned the founding of the club could disband it merely by Imperial -decree. For the time, this appeal sufficed and the immediate object of -the society was secured, but the Emperor did not forget that he had it -in his power to dissolve the club by a single word. As a fact, the mere -sanction of the founding of the Club gave no more power to dissolve it -than the wedding ceremony which a clergyman performs gives the right in -future to dissolve that union. There can be no doubt that from this time -on the Emperor was determined to eliminate this disturbing element at -the first opportunity. He had no sympathy with its platform, one plank -of which was the curtailment of the Imperial prerogative. - -August saw the fall of Kim Hong-nyuk, the former Russian interpreter, -who ruffled it so proudly at Court on account of his connection with the -Russian Legation. For a year he had a good time of it and amassed great -wealth, but when the Russians withdrew their influence in March of this -year Kim lost all his backing and thenceforward his doom was as sure as -fate itself. The genuine noblemen whose honors he had filched were on -his track and in August he was accused, deposed and banished. This did -not satisfy his enemies however, but an opportunity came when on -September tenth an attempt was made to poison the Emperor and the Crown -Prince. The attempt came near succeeding and in the investigation which -followed one of the scullions deposed that he had been instructed by a -friend of Kim Hong-nyuk to put something into the coffee. How Kim, away -in banishment, could have had anything to do with it would be hard to -tell. He may have conceived the plan but the verdict of a calm and -dispassionate mind must be that he probably knew nothing about it at -all. However, in such a case, someone must suffer. The criminal _must_ -be found; and it is more than probable that those who hated Kim -Hong-nyuk thought he would make an excellent scape-goat. He was tried, -condemned and executed. - -About the same time the Emperor came to the conclusion that he would -like to have a foreign body-guard. C. R. Greathouse was sent to Shanghai -to find the material for this guard. Thirty men were picked up, of -various nationalities, and they arrived in Seoul on September fifteenth. -This move caused intense excitement and opposition. The Independence -Club was in the fore-front of the protest that was made. A dozen good -arguments were adduced showing why this should not be done, and so -unanimous was the sentiment that the Emperor yielded to popular clamor -and dismissed the men, but this, again, cannot but have set the Emperor -against the Independence Club, inasmuch as they had been principally -instrumental in thwarting a pet scheme of his own. - -The month of September witnessed better things than these, however. The -Japanese obtained their concession for the Seoul-Fusan Railway, an event -of great importance in every way and one that will mean much to Korea. - -In September the Independence Club determined that it would be well to -put forward a program of work in place of the merely destructive -criticism which had for some time characterized its policy. An appeal -was made to the general public to assemble, in order to suggest reforms. -Whether this was wise or not is a question. A popular assembly in Korea -is hardly capable of coming to wise conclusions or to participate in -plans for constructive statesmanship. In addition to this an appeal to -the people was inevitably construed by the conservatives as a desperate -measure which invited revolution. In a sense they were justified in so -thinking, for the general populace of Korea never has risen in protest -unless the evils under which they are suffering have driven them to the -last court of appeal, mob law. The move was in the direction of -democracy and no one can judge that the people of Korea are ready for -any such thing. - -However this may be, a mass meeting was held at Chong-no, to which -representatives of all classes were called. The following articles were -formulated and presented to the cabinet for imperial sanction. - -(1) Neither officials nor people shall depend upon foreign aid, but -shall do their best to strengthen and uphold the Imperial power. - -(2) All documents pertaining to foreign loans, the hiring of foreign -soldiers, the granting of concessions, &c., in fact every document drawn -up between the Korean government and a foreign party or firm, shall be -signed and sealed by all the Ministers of State and the President of the -Privy Council. - -(3) Important offenders shall be punished only after they have been -given a public trial and ample opportunity to defend themselves. - -(4) To His Majesty shall belong the power to appoint Ministers, but in -case a majority of the cabinet disapproves of the Emperor’s nominee he -shall not be appointed. - -(5) All sources of revenue and methods of raising taxes shall be placed -under the control of the Finance Department, no other department or -officer or corporation being allowed to interfere therewith; and the -annual estimates and balances shall be made public. - -(6) The existing laws and regulations shall be enforced without fear or -favor. - -It will be seen that several of these measures strike directly at powers -which have been held for centuries by the King himself and it cannot be -supposed that His Majesty would listen willingly to the voice of the -common people when they demanded such far-reaching innovations. The -whole thing was utterly distasteful to him, but the united voice of the -people is a serious matter. In such a country as Korea the clearly -announced statement of the common people as to their wishes carries with -it the implication that they have come to the point where they are ready -to make trouble if their demands are not complied with. The intensity of -the popular feeling was shown in the general closing of shops and in the -attendance even of women upon the mass meetings. The reactionists were -seriously startled by these demonstrations, and it became necessary to -temporize. These demands were not such as would involve any immediate -changes; they all looked to the future. So it was an easy matter simply -to comply with the demands and wait for the public feeling to subside. -On the last day of September His Majesty ordered the carrying out of -these six propositions. - -The trouble was that the conservatives felt that they had not sufficient -physical power to oppose a popular uprising. The temporary concession -was made with no idea of real compliance, and was immediately followed -by measures for securing a counter demonstration. The instrument -selected for this purpose was the old-time Peddlar’s Guild. This was a -defunct institution, but the name survived, and the conservatives used -it to bring together a large number of men who were ready for any sort -of work that would mean pay. These were organized into a company whose -duty it was to run counter to all popular demonstrations like those -which had just been made. No sooner was this hireling band organized -than His Majesty, in pursuance of the hint dropped some months before by -the President of the Independence Club, ordered the disbanding of the -Club. From this time on the Independence Club was no longer recognized -by the Government and was an illegal institution, by the very terms of -the unfortunate admission of its President that the Emperor could at any -time disband it by Imperial decree. Mr. Yun Chi-ho had by this time come -to see that the Club was running to dangerous extremes and was likely to -cause serious harm; and he and others worked with all their power to -curb the excitement and secure rational action on the part of the -members of the Club. But the time when such counsels could prevail had -already passed. The Club knew that the principles it advocated were -correct and it was angry at the stubborn opposition that it met. It was -ready to go to any lengths to secure its ends. Passion took the place of -judgment and the overthrow of the opposition loomed larger in its view -than the accomplishment of its rational ambitions. - -[Illustration: _“GREAT ROCK”—TA-BA-WI GOLD-BEARING QUARTZ._] - -Instead of dispersing in compliance with the Imperial order the -assembled Independents went in a body to the Police Headquarters and -asked to be arrested. This is a peculiarly Korean mode of procedure, the -idea being that if put on trial they would be able to shame their -adversaries; and incidentally it embarrassed the administration, for the -prisons would not suffice to hold the multitude that clamored for -incarceration. The crowd was altogether too large and too determined for -the Peddlers to attack and another concession had to be made. The -Independents, for it can no longer be called the Independent Club, -offered to disperse on condition that they be guaranteed freedom of -speech. The demand was immediately complied with; anything to disperse -that angry crowd which under proper leadership might at any moment do -more than make verbal demands. So on the next day an Imperial decree -granted the right of free speech. This concession, likewise, was -followed by a hurried muster of all the peddlars and their more complete -organization. Backed by official aid and Imperial sanction they were -prepared to come to blows with the people who should assemble for the -purpose of making further demands upon the Emperor. - -Shortly before this the Emperor had consented to the proposition that -the Independence Club should choose by ballot from their own number -twenty-five men who should sit in the Privy Council. This council had -for a time exercised some influence during the earlier months of Dr. -Jaisohn’s residence in Seoul but it had lost all power and had become a -limbo to which were politely relegated those whom the government did not -care to use and yet was unwilling to dismiss. The edict of the Emperor -disbanding the Club would be supposed to countermand this order for -election, but the Independents themselves did not so view it, and the -day set for the election was November 5th. The conservatives now deemed -themselves strong enough to try conclusions with the outlawed Club and -before daylight of November 5th seventeen of the leading men of the -Independence Club were arrested and lodged in jail, Mr. Yun, the -president, narrowly escaped arrest. It was afterwards ascertained that -the plan of the captors was to kill the president of the Club before he -could receive aid from the enraged people. - -When morning came and the arrest became known the city hummed like a -bee-hive. A surging crowd was massed in front of the Supreme Court -demanding loudly the release of the prisoners who had been accused, so -the anonymous placards announced, of conspiring to establish a republic! -Again the popular feeling was too strong for the courage of the peddlar -thugs and they remained in the back-ground. The agitation continued all -that day and the next, and the next, until the authorities were either -frightened into submission or, deeming that they had shown the -Independents a glimpse of what they might expect, released the arrested -men. But the Independents, so far from being cowed, hailed this as a -vindication of their policy and attempted to follow up the defeat of the -conservatives by demanding the arrest and punishment of the people who -had played the trick upon the Club. As these men were very prominent -officials and had the ear of the Emperor it was not possible to obtain -the redress demanded. So the month of November wore away in a ferment of -excitement. Popular meetings were frequent but the crowd had not the -determination to come to conclusions with the government. The -conservatives saw this and with utmost nicety gauged the resisting power -of the malcontents. The offensive tactics of the latter were confined -merely to free speech and the conservatives determined to see what they -would do when on the defensive. Accordingly on the morning of November -21st a band of ruffians, the so-called peddlars, attacked the people who -had gathered as usual to discuss the stirring questions of the times. -Weapons were used and a number of people were injured. The Independents -had never contemplated the use of force, and this brutal assault aroused -the ire of the whole people, most of whom had not as yet taken sides. -Serious hand to hand fights occurred in various parts of the city and -the peddlars, conscious that even their most murderous attacks would be -condoned in high places, attempted to whip the people into something -like quietude. - -On the 26th of November in the midst of this chaotic state of things the -Emperor granted a great general audience outside the great gate of the -palace. The Independence Club was there in force, and foreign -representatives and a large number of other foreign residents. It was a -little Runnymede but with a different ending. Yun Chi-ho was naturally -the spokesman of the Independence party. He made a manly and temperate -statement of the position of his constituents. He denounced the armed -attacks of the peddlars upon people who intended no violence but only -desired the fulfillment of solemnly made pledges. He called to account -those who imputed to the Independence Club traitorous designs. He urged -that the legal existence of the Club should be again established by -Imperial decree and that the six measures so definitely and distinctly -promised by His Majesty should be carried out. There was no possible -argument to oppose to these requests and the Emperor promised to shape -the policy of the government in line with these suggestions. Again it -was mere promise, made to tide over an actual and present difficulty. -The Independence people should have recognized this. The Emperor was -surrounded by men inimical to the reform program, they had the police -and the army back of them as well as the peddlars. The Independence -party had not a single prominent representative in any really -responsible and influential government office. They simply had right and -the precarious voice of Korean popular feeling behind them. What was -necessary was a campaign of education. The program advocated was one -that could be carried out only under a government whose personnel was at -least approximately up to the standard of that program. This could be -claimed of only two or three members of the Independence Club. Having -secured this public promise of His Majesty the club should have waited -patiently to see what would happen and if the promises were not kept -they should have waited and worked for a time when public sentiment -among the leading men would compel reform. But as Mr. Yun himself -confesses, “The popular meetings had gone beyond the control of the -Independence Club and in the face of strong advice to the contrary they -were resumed on December 6th and their language became careless and -impudent. On the sixteenth of December the Privy Council recommended the -recall of Pak Yong-hyo from Japan. The popular meeting had the -imprudence to endorse this action. The more conservative portion of the -people revolted against the very mention of the name. Suspicion was -excited that the popular agitations had been started in the interests of -Pak Yong-hyo and they instantly lost the sympathy of the people.” The -enemies of the liberal party had probably used this argument to its -fullest extent, and when it was seen that the Independence movement had -at last been deprived of its strongest support, the popular voice, its -enemies came down upon it with cruel force. In spite of voluble promises -to the contrary large numbers of the reform party were arrested and -thrown into prison; not, to be sure, on the change of being members of -this party, but on trumped-up charges of various kinds, especially, that -of being accessory to the plan of bringing back Pak Yong-hyo. And thus -came to an end a political party whose aims were of the highest -character, whose methods were entirely peaceable but whose principles -were so far in advance of the times that from the very first there was -no human probability of success. But, as Mr. Yun Chi-ho said, though the -party dies the principles which it held will live and eventually -succeed. - -The year 1899 opened with political matters in a more quiet state than -for some years past, owing to the violent repression of the Independence -Club and the liberal movement. The judgment of the future will be that -at this point Japan made a serious mistake of omission. The aims and -purposes of the Independence party were directly in line with Japanese -interests here and if that powerful government had actively interested -itself in the success of the movement and had taken it for granted that -the plan was to be definitely carried out the succeeding years would -have made very different history than they did. But during all this time -Japan seems to have retired into comparative quietude, perhaps because -she saw the coming of her inevitable struggle with Russia and was not -willing to hasten matters by coming into premature conflict with the -northern power in Korea, pending the completion of her preparations for -the supreme struggle. - -Through all this period Russian influence was quietly at work securing -its hold upon the Korean Court and upon such members of the government -as it could win over. The general populace was always suspicious of her, -however, and always preferred the rougher hand of Japan to the soft but -heavy hand of Russia. The progress of the Russian plans was illustrated -when in January of 1899 a mission of the Greek Church was established in -Seoul. This suggests some remarks upon the general subject of mission -work in Korea. The Presbyterian Church of America had established work -here in 1884: the Methodist Episcopal Church of America began work in -1885; the Australian Presbyterian Church in 1889; The English Church -Mission in 1890; the Southern Presbyterian Church of America in 1892; -the Southern Methodist Church of America in 1896; the Canadian -Presbyterian Mission in 1898. Besides these there was independent work -under some smaller bodies including one Baptist organization and one -college mission. When the last year of the 19th century opened these -missions had all become firmly established, and important centres of -mission work were found all over the country, especially in Seoul, -Chemulpo, Pyeng-yang, Fusan, Wonsan, Chun-ju, Kunsan, Mokpo, Tă-gu and -Song-do. From the very first the Protestant Missions adopted the -principle of non-interferance with political affairs and with the -ordinary course of justice in Korean courts. It has not always been -possible to follow this principle implicitly but the people have come to -learn that connection with a Protestant Christian Church will not -absolve them from their duties and obligations toward their own -government nor shield them from the results of misconduct. It has been -found that the Korean temperament makes him easily accessible to the -rational idealism of Christianity. From the very first the form of -Christianity presented by the Protestant missionaries took hold of the -Koreans with great power and by the end of the first fifteen years of -work the various missions had some twenty thousand adherents. The -northern station of the Presbyterian Mission in Korea attained -world-wide notice as being, so far as human estimate can go, the most -successful mission station in the world; and this not merely because of -the number of people received into Church connection but because of the -striking results obtained along the line of self support and independent -Christian work. Hospitals were established in Seoul, Fusan, Wonsan, -Pyeng-yang, Tă-gu and Chemulpo, and schools of various grades both for -boys and girls were established in almost every mission station. The -work of Bible translation was carried on steadily until by the end of -1899 the whole of the New Testament was put in the hands of the people -at least in tentative form. The Korean Religious Tract Society, -established early in the last decade of the century, did heroic work in -putting forth Christian literature of all kinds. Literary work was -represented in various grammars and manuals of Korean, several hymnals, -an unabridged dictionary and the publication of a monthly magazine in -English called _The Korean Repository_. - -Before going forward into the new century we should note some of the -more important material advances that Korea had made. Railway -concessions for some 600 miles of track had been granted, half to -Japanese and half to a French syndicate; several new and important ports -had been opened, bringing the total number up to ten, inclusive of Seoul -and Pyeng-yang; mining concessions had been given to Americans, English, -Germans, French and Japanese, two of which had proved at least -reasonably successful; timber and whaling concessions had been given to -Russians on the east side of the peninsula and important fishing rights -had been given to the Japanese; an attempt at a general system of -education had been made throughout the country and the work of -publishing text books was being pushed; students were sent abroad to -acquire a finished education and legations at all the most important -political centers were established; an attempt at a better currency had -been made, though it was vitiated by official corruption and the -operations of counterfeiters; trade had steadily increased and the -imports and exports of Korea passed beyond the negligeable stage; an -excellent postal system had been inaugurated under foreign supervision, -and Korea had entered the Postal Union. - -Thus it will be seen that in spite of all domestic political -complications and discouragements the country was making definite -advance along some lines. The leaven had begun to work and no -conservatism on the part of the public leaders could stop the ferment. - -The necrology of the closing year of the century contains the names of -Mr. Legendre and Mr. Greathouse, the latter of whom, as legal adviser to -the government, did excellent work in his department and was recognized -by his employers as an able and efficient man in his official capacity. - - - - - Chapter XXIV. - -Russian tactics.... murder of An Kyŭng-su.... the Boxer troubles.... - evidences of advancement.... the career of Kim Yŭng-jin.... the rise - of Yi Yong-ik.... his methods of collecting money.... sale of Roze - Island to Japanese.... attempt to remove J. McLeavy Brown.... - establishment of Greek Church Mission.... French interests in Korea - growing.... the French Loan.... Yi Yong-ik makes a nickel - currency.... the famine of 1901.... the import of Annam rice.... - tension between Russia and Japan increasing.... material advances of - 1901.... deterioration.... Buddhism on the increase.... the - centralization of all power.... the use of special tax - commissioners.... the Russo-Korean agreement about Masanpo.... - useless employees. - - -The return to Seoul of M. Pavlow on Jan. 15, 1900, marked the definite -beginning of that train of events which led up to the declaration of war -by the Japanese in 1904. The Russians had been induced, two years -previously, to remove the heavy pressure which they had brought to bear -upon the government, but it was only a change of method. They were now -to adopt a policy of pure intrigue and by holding in power Koreans who -were hostile to the Japanese to harrass and injure Japanese interests in -every way possible. - -At this same time we see a clear indication of the trend of events in -the return to Korea of An Kyŭng-su and Kwan Yŭng-jin, two of the best -men that late years had developed in Korea. They had been charged with -connection with the plot to compass the abdication of His Majesty, and -had taken refuge in Japan. Now on the promise of the government that -they should have a perfectly fair trial and on the guarantee of -protection by the Japanese they returned boldly to Korea and presented -themselves for trial. They were strong men and they had to be reckoned -with. They strongly favored Japanese influence and the reforms that that -influence was supposed to embody. In fact they were thoroughly in -sympathy with the best motives of the defunct Independence Club. An -Kyŭng-su returned on January fifteenth and was held in detention until -May sixteenth when Kwan Yŭng-jin returned. They were to stand a fair -trial, but on the night of the twenty-seventh of May they were both -strangled secretly in the prison. No more dastardly crime ever stained -the annals of this or any other government. Induced to return on the -promise of a fair trial they were trapped and murdered. The reactionists -looked upon this as a signal victory, and indeed it was such, for it -indicated clearly that a man was not safe even when he had the guarantee -of the Japanese authorities. Nor would it be difficult to indicate the -source from which the government obtained the courage thus to flout the -Japanese. - -As the summer came on, all interest in things Korean was held in -suspension while the great uprising in China swelled to such monstrous -proportions and the investment of Peking and the siege of the foreign -legations there left the world no time to care for or think of other -things. There were fears that the boxer movement would be contagious and -that it would spread to Korea. Indeed it was reported in the middle of -July that the infection had reached northern Korea; but fortunately this -proved false. - -In spite of the reactionary policy of the government progress continued -to be made on certain lines, just as the momentum of a railway train -cannot be checked the moment the brakes are applied. A distinguished -French legalist was employed as adviser to the Law Department; mining -concessions were granted to British, French and Japanese syndicates; the -Government Middle School was established; the Seoul-Chemulpo Railway was -formally opened; a French teacher was engaged to open a School of Mines; -a representative was sent to the great Paris Exposition. - -This year 1900 was the heyday of another _parvenu_ in the person of Kim -Yŭng-jun. He was a man without any backing except his own colossal -effrontery. He had acquired influence by his ability to get together -considerable sums of money irrespective of the methods employed. Scores -of wealthy men were haled to prison on one pretext or another and were -released only upon the payment of a heavy sum. He was a man of -considerable force of character but like so many adventurers in Korea he -was lured by his successes into a false feeling of security and he -forgot that the history of this country is full of just such cases and -that they inevitably end in violent death. Even the fate of Kim -Hong-nyuk did not deter him, though his case was almost the counterpart -of that victim of his own overweening ambitions. Against Kim Yŭng-jun -was ranged the whole nobility of the country who waited with what -patience they could until his power to extort money began to wane, and -then fell upon him like wolves upon a belated traveler at night. But it -was not until the opening of the new year 1901 that he was deposed, -tried and killed in a most horrible manner. After excruciating tortures -he was at last strangled to death. - -But even as this act was perpetrated and the fate of all such -adventurers was again illustrated, another man of the same ilk was -pressing to the fore. This was Yi Yong-ik, who had once been the _major -domo_ of one of the high officials and in that capacity had learned how -to do all sorts of interesting, if unscrupulous, things. He was -prominent in a felonious attempt to cheat the ginseng farmers of Song-do -out of thousands, back in the eighties. He was an ignorant boor and even -when rolling in opulence failed to make himself presentable in dress or -manner. He was praised by some for his scorn of luxury and because he -made no attempt to hoard the money that he bled from the veins of the -people. The reason he did not hoard it was the same that makes the -farmer sow his seed, that he may reap a hundred-fold. Yi Yong-ik sowed -his golden seed in fertile soil and it yielded him a thousand-fold. - -One of his favorite methods of obtaining money for his patron was to -cause the arrest of shoals of former prefects who for one cause or -another had failed to turn into the public treasury the complete amount -nominally levied upon their respective districts. These arrears went -back several years and many of them were for cause. Either famine or -flood or some other calamity had made it impossible for the people to -pay the entire amount of their taxes. There were many cases, without -doubt, in which it was right to demand the money from the ex-prefects, -for they had “eaten” it themselves; but there were also many cases in -which it was a genuine hardship. Literally hundreds of men were haled -before a court and made to pay over large sums of money, in default of -which their property was seized as well as that of their relatives. In -exact proportion as the huge sums thus extorted paved his way to favor -in high places, in that same proportion it drove the people to -desperation. The taking off of Kim Yŭng-jin, so far from warning this -man, only opened a larger door for the exercise of his peculiar -abilities, and it may be said that the official career of Yi Yong-ik -began with the opening of 1901. - -In March a Japanese resident of Chemulpo claimed to have purchased the -whole of Roze Island in the harbor of Chemulpo. The matter made a great -stir, for it was plain that someone had assumed the responsibility of -selling the island to the Japanese. This was the signal for a sweeping -investigation which was so manipulated by powerful parties that the real -perpetrators of the outrage were dismissed as guiltless, but a -side-issue which arose in regard to certain threatening letters that -were sent to the foreign legations was made a peg upon which to hang the -seizure, trial and execution of Kim Yŭng-jun as before mentioned. Min -Yŭng-ju was the man who sold the island to the Japanese and he finally -had to put down Y35,000 and buy it back. - -Russia made steady advances toward her ultimate goal during the year -1901. In the Spring some buildings in connection with the palace were to -be erected and the Chief Commissioner of Customs, J. McLeavy Brown, C. -M. G., was ordered to vacate his house on the customs compound at short -notice. Soldiers even forced their way into his house. This affront was -a serious one and one that the Koreans would never have dared to give -had they not felt that they had behind them a power that would see them -through. The British authorities soon convinced the government that such -tactics could be easily met and it had to retreat with some loss of -dignity. - -The Russian Church established itself in Seoul at this time and took -active steps to start a propaganda in Korea. Considerable disturbance -was caused in the Southern provinces by Koreans who had become Russian -subjects pretending to be agents of the Russian church and collecting -from the people large sums of money by intimidation. For many months the -Russians tried to induce the Koreans to allow the Korean telegraph lines -in the North-east to be connected with the Russian line from -Vladivostock. Why this should not be done we cannot see but evidently -the Koreans considered it a national danger and, try as they might, the -Russians never really succeeded in making the connection. - -The Russians and French were naturally working together in the peninsula -and when Russia adopted the principle of withdrawing her military -instructors from Korea she so manipulated the wires that the government -threw many positions into the hands of the French. For the next three -years the French population of Seoul increased many-fold. Many of the -French gentlemen employed by the government were thoroughly competent -and rendered good service but their presence tended to add to the -tension between Japan and Russia, for it was quite plain that all their -influence would be thrown in the scale on Russia’s side. The attempt to -loan the Korean Government Y5,000,000 was pushed with desperate vigor -for many months by the French, but divided counsels prevented the final -consummation of the loan and the French thus failed to secure the strong -leverage which a heavy loan always gives to the creditor. Yi Yong-ik who -had become more or less of a Russian tool was pointedly accused by the -Japanese of being in favor of the French loan but he vigorously denied -it. It is generally admitted that Yi Yong-ik was something of a mystery -even to his most intimate acquaintances and just how far he really -favored the Russian side will never be known, but it is certain that he -assumed a more and more hostile attitude toward the Japanese as the -months went by, an attitude which brought him into violent conflict with -them, as we shall see. - -Yi Yong-ik posed as a master in finance, whatever else he may or may not -have been, and in 1901 he began the minting of the Korean nickel piece. -No greater monetary disaster ever overtook this country. Even the -desperate measures taken by the Regent thirty years before had not -shaken the monetary system as this did. The Regent introduced the -wretched five-cash piece which did enormous harm but that five-cash -piece was of too small face value to be worth counterfeiting. The nickel -was the ideal coin to tempt the counterfeiter, for its intrinsic value -was not so great as to require the employment of a large amount of -capital and yet its face value was sufficient to pay for the labor and -time expended. The effects of this departure will be noted in their -place. - -In the summer of 1901 Yi Yong-ik performed one act that, in the eyes of -the people, covered a multitude of other sins. It was a year of great -scarcity. The Korean farmers raised barely enough grain for domestic -consumption and in order to prevent this grain from being taken out of -the country the government proclaimed an embargo on its export. In spite -of the fact that Japan was enjoying an unusually good crop and did not -really need the Korean product, the Japanese authorities, in the -interest of the Japanese exporters in Korea, brought pressure to bear -upon the Korean government to raise the embargo, utterly regardless of -the interests of the Korean people. As it turned out however, the -enhanced price in Korea due to the famine and the cutting of a full crop -in Japan prevented the export of rice. But Yi Yong-ik saw that there -would inevitably be a shortage in Seoul and with much forethought he -sent and imported a large amount of Annam rice and put it on the market -at a price so reasonable that the people were highly gratified. From -that time on whenever the mistakes of Yi Yong-ik were cited there was -always someone to offer the extenuation of that Annam rice. It was a -most clever and successful appeal to popular favor. - -All through this year 1901 were heard the distant rumblings of that -storm that was to break three years later. Every movement of the -Russians by land or sea was watched with a fascinated attention and -every proposition of the Japanese was closely scrutinized. As a fact the -war was already in existence, only it had not been declared. Even then -Japanese agents were swarming all over Manchuria gaining exact -information of its geography and products and Japan was hastening the -preparation of her navy for the struggle that she felt to be inevitable. - -As the year 1901 came to a close the tension was beginning to be felt. -People were asking how much longer Japan would acquiesce in the insolent -encroachments of Russia. But the time was not yet. As for material -advances the year had seen not a few. Seoul had been supplied with -electric light. The Seoul-Fusan Railway had been begun. Plans for the -Seoul-Wiju Railway had been drawn up. Mokpo had been supplied with a -splendid sea-wall. Building had gone on apace in the capital and even a -scheme for a system of water-works for the city had been worked out and -had received the sanction of the government. Education had gone from bad -to worse and at one time when retrenchment seemed necessary it was even -suggested to close some of the schools, but better counsels prevailed -and this form of suicide was rejected. - -With the opening of the year 1902 there were several indications that -the general _morale_ of the government was deteriorating. The first was -a very determined attempt to revive the Buddhist cult. The Emperor -consented to the establishment of a great central monastery for the -whole country in the vicinity of Seoul, and in it was installed a -Buddhist High Priest in Chief who was to control the whole Buddhist -Church in the land. It was a ludicrous attempt, for Buddhism in Korea is -dead so far as any genuine influence is concerned. Mixed with the native -spirit-worship it has its millions of devotees, but so far as becoming a -fashionable cult is concerned nothing is more unlikely. But it has been -the case for over a thousand years that when things have gone badly in -the government there has been a harking back to the old Buddhist -mummery, to fortune-tellers, geomancers and the like, and the only -significance of this attempt was to prove that there was something -“rotten in Denmark.” - -Another evidence was the constant and successful attempt to centralize -the power of the Government in the hands of the Emperor. The overthrow -of the Independence Party, whose main tenet was curtailment of the -Imperial prerogative, gave a new impulse to the enlargement of that -prerogative so that in the year 1901 we find almost all the government -business transacted in the Palace itself. The various ministers of state -could do nothing on their own initiative. Everything was centered in the -throne and in two or three favorites who stood near the throne. Of these -Yi Yong-ik was the most prominent. - -A third evidence of deterioration was the methods adopted to fill the -coffers of the Household treasury. The previous year had been a bad one. -Out of a possible twelve million dollars of revenue only seven million -could be collected. There was great distress all over the country and -the pinch was felt in the palace. Special inspectors and agents were -therefore sent to the country armed with authority from the Emperor to -collect money for the Household treasury. These men adopted any and -every means to accomplish their work and this added very materially to -the discontent of the people. The prefects were very loath to forego a -fraction of the taxation, because they saw how previous prefects were -being mulcted because of failure to collect the full amount, and so -between the prefect and the special agents the people seemed to be -promised a rather bad time. In fact it caused such an outcry on every -side that the government at last reluctantly recalled the special -agents. - -Early in the year the fact was made public that Korea had entered into -an agreement with Russia whereby it was guaranteed that no land at -Masanpo or on the island of Kö-je at its entrance should ever be sold or -permanently leased to any foreign Power. Russia had already secured a -coaling station there and it was generally understood, the world over, -that Russia had special interest in that remarkably fine harbor. -Avowedly this was merely for pacific purposes, but the pains which -Russia took to make a secret agreement with Korea debarring other Powers -from privileges similar to those which she had acquired, naturally -aroused the suspicions of the Japanese and of the Koreans themselves, -those of them that had not been in the secret; and this step, inimical -to Japan as it undoubtedly was, probably helped to hasten the final -catastrophe. Meanwhile Russian subjects were taking advantage of the -influential position of their Government in Seoul and through -ministerial influence some glass-makers, iron-workers and weavers were -employed by the Government without the smallest probability of their -ever doing anything in any of these lines. In fact at about this time -the Government was induced to take on quite a large number of Russians -and Russian sympathisers who never were able to render any service -whatever in lieu of their pay. In many cases the most cursory -investigation would have shown that such would inevitably be the result. -It is difficult to evade the conclusion that the Government was -deliberately exploited. - -It was in the spring of this year that the project began to be seriously -discussed in Japan of colonizing portions of Korea with Japanese, and a -society or company was formed in Tokyo with this as its avowed purpose. -This naturally evoked a good deal of feeling in Korea where the Japanese -were not at the time enjoying any considerable influence at court. The -fact then came out for the first time, and has been further emphasized -since, that the Korean, whatever he may feel for his Government, is -passionately attached to the soil. - -But at this time another and a far greater surprise was in store for the -world. It was the announcement of a defensive alliance between Japan and -Great Britain. By the terms of this agreement Japan and Great Britain -guaranteed to insure the independence of Korea and the integrity of the -Chinese Empire. The tremendous influence of this historic document was -felt at once in every capital of Europe and in every capital, port and -village of the Far East. It stung the lethargic to life and it caused -the rashly enthusiastic to stop and think. There can be no manner of -doubt that this alliance was one of the necessary steps in preparing for -the war which Japan already foresaw on the horizon. It indicated clearly -to Russia that her continued occupation of Manchuria and her continued -encroachments upon Korea would be called in question at some not distant -day. But she was blind to the warning. This convention bound Great -Britain to aid Japan in defensive operations and to work with her to the -preservation of Korean independence and the integrity of China. It will -be seen, therefore, that Japan gave up once and for all any thought that -she might previously have had of impairing the independence of this -country and any move in that direction would absolve Great Britain from -all obligations due to the signing of the agreement. - -The year had but just begun when the operations of counterfeiters of -nickel coins became so flagrant as to demand the attention of all who -were interested in trade in the peninsula. Japan had most at stake and -Russia had least, and this explains why the Russian authorities -applauded the work of Yi Yong-ik and encouraged him to continue and -increase the issue of such coinage. In March matters had come to such a -pass that the foreign representatives, irrespective of partisan lines, -met and discussed ways and means for overcoming the difficulty. After -careful deliberation they framed a set of recommendations which were -sent to the Government. These urged the discontinuance of this nickel -coinage, the withdrawal from circulation of spurious coins and stringent -laws against counterfeiting. But this was of little or no avail. The -Government was making a five cent coin at a cost of less than two cents -and consequently the counterfeiters with good tools could make as good a -coin as the Government and still realize enormously on the operation. It -was impossible to detect the counterfeited coins, in many cases, and so -there was no possibility of withdrawing them from circulation. The heavy -drop in exchange was not due so much to the counterfeiting as to the -fact that the intrinsic value of the coin was nothing like as much as -the face value, and by an immutable law of finance as well as of human -nature it fell to a ruinous discount. But even this would not have -worked havoc with trade if, having fallen, the discredited coinage would -stay fallen, but it had the curious trick of rising and falling with -such sudden fluctuations that business became a mere gamble, and the -heavy interests of Japanese and Chinese merchants were nearly at a -standstill. - - - - - Chapter XXV. - -The Japanese Bank issues notes.... Independence Club scare.... - light-houses.... Opening of work on Seoul-Wiju R.R.... combination - against Yi Yong-ik.... he is accused and degraded.... rescued by - Russian guard.... protest of the Japanese against his return.... Yi - Keun-t’ăk.... Russian complacency.... Russian policy in the Far - East.... contrast between Russia’s and Japan’s aims. - - -At this point the First Bank of Japan, called the Dai Ichi Ginko, -brought up a scheme for putting out an issue of special bank notes that -would not circulate outside of Korea. Korea was importing much more than -she exported and the balance of trade being against her it was -impossible to keep Japanese paper in the country in sufficient -quantities to carry on ordinary local trade. For this reason the bank -received the sanction of the Korean Government to put out this issue of -bank paper which could not be sent abroad but would be extremely useful -as a local currency. This was done and it was found to work admirably. -The Koreans had confidence in this money and it circulated freely. It -had two advantages not enjoyed by any form of Korean currency, namely, -it was a stable currency and suffered no fluctuations and it was in -large enough denominations to make it possible to transfer a thousand -dollars from one man’s pocket to that of another without employing a -string of pack-ponies to carry the stuff. - -But we must retrace our steps and note some other events of interest -that happened in the spring months. One of these was the scare in -government circles over the reported revival of the Independence Club -under the encouragement of a so-called Korean Party in Tokyo, to which -it was believed some Korean political refugees belonged. A great stir -was made in Seoul and several men were arrested, but there was no -evidence that would pay sifting, and though it was evident that the -government would have been glad to find a true bill against some of the -men who were arrested it was forced by lack of evidence to let them go. -The incident was of importance only as showing the extreme sensitiveness -of the government on the point, and its determination, now that the -Independence Party was down, to keep it down. - -The one important material improvement of the year was the adoption of a -plan for the building of some thirty light-houses on the coast of Korea. -Ever since the opening up of foreign trade the lack of proper lights -especially on the western coast had been a matter of growing concern to -shipping companies. This concern was warranted by the dangerous nature -of the coast where high tides, a perfect network of islands and -oft-prevailing fogs made navigation a most difficult and dangerous -matter. The fact that light-houses ought to have been built ten years -ago does not detract from the merit of those who at last took the matter -in hand and pushed it to an issue. - -The month of May witnessed a spectacular event in the ceremony of the -formal opening of work on the Seoul-Wiju Railway. The spirit was willing -but the flesh was weak. Neither French nor Russian money was forthcoming -to push the work, and so the Korean government was invited to finance -the scheme. Yi Yong-ik was made president of the company and if there -had been a few thousand more ex-prefects to mulct he might have raised -enough money to carry the road a few miles; but it is much to be feared -that his financial ability, so tenderly touched upon by the Japanese -Minister in his speech on that “auspicious occasion,” was scarcely -sufficient for the work, and the plan was not completed. There is much -reason to believe that this whole operation was mainly a scheme on the -part of the Russians to preempt the ground in order to keep the Japanese -out. - -As the year wore toward its close the usurpation of numerous offices by -Yi Yong-ik and his assumption of complete control in the palace bore its -legitimate fruit in the intense hatred of four-fifths of the entire -official class. He was looked upon as but one more victim destined to -the same fate which had overtaken Kim Hong-nyuk and Kim Yŭng-jun. But in -his case the difficulties were much greater. Yi Yong-ik had put away in -some safe place an enormous amount of Government money and he held it as -a hostage for his personal safety. Until that money was safely in the -Imperial treasury even the revenge would not be sweet enough to make it -worth the loss. Not only so but the whole finances of the Household were -in his hands and his sudden taking off would leave the accounts in such -shape that no one could make them out, and enormous sums due the -department would be lost. Yi Yong-ik had fixed himself so that his life -was better worth than his death however much that might be desired. But -the officiary at large cared little for this. There was no doubt that -the one person who should accomplish the overthrow of the favorite and -thus bring embarrassment to the Imperial purse would suffer for it, but -Korean intrigue was quite capable of coping with a little difficulty -like this. The result must be brought about by a combination so strong -and so unanimous that no one would ever know who the prime mover was. -This at least is a plausible theory and the only one that adequately -explains how and why the scheme miscarried. The whole course of the -intrigue is so characteristically Korean and includes so many elements -of genuine humor, in spite of its object, that we will narrate it -briefly. It must of course be understood that the officials were keenly -on the lookout for an opportunity to get the hated favorite on the hip -and in such a manner that even his financial value to the Emperor would -not avail him. - -One day, while in conversation with Lady Om, the Emperor’s favorite -concubine who has been mistress of the palace since the death of the -Queen, Yi Yong-ik compared her to Yang Kwi-bi a concubine of the last -Emperor of the Tang dynasty in China. He intended this as a compliment -but as his education is very limited he was not aware that he could have -said nothing more insulting; for Kwi-bi by her meretricious arts is -believed to have brought about the destruction of the Tang dynasty. At -the time Lady Om herself was unaware that anything derogatory had been -said and she received the supposed compliment with complacency; but her -nephew who was present, not understanding the reference, went and asked -someone else about it and learned the truth of the matter. He doubtless -knew that Yi Yong-ik was not aware of his _gaucherie_ and so held his -peace for a time, but in some way the Prime Minister and the Foreign -Minister heard a rumor that something insulting had been said. They -called up the nephew of Lady Om and from him learned the damning facts. -They also knew well enough that no insult had been intended but here was -a “case” to be worked to its fullest capacity. The most sanguine could -not hope that the hated favorite would give them a better hold upon him -than this: for the position of Lady Om was a very delicate one and there -had been a dispute on for years between the Emperor’s counsellors as to -the advisability of raising her to the position of Empress. A word -against her was a most serious matter. - -Everything was now ready for the grand _coup_ and on the 27th of -November fourteen of the highest officials memorialized the throne -declaring that Yi Yong-ik was a traitor and must be condemned and -executed at once. His Majesty suggested a little delay but on the -evening of the same day the same men presented a second memorial couched -in still stronger language, and they followed if up the next morning -with a third. To their urgent advice was added that of Lady Om herself -and of many other of the officials. A crowd of officials gathered at the -palace gate and on their knees awaited the decision of the Emperor. -There was not a single soul of all that crowd but knew that the charge -was a mere excuse and yet it was nominally valid. It was the will of -that powerful company against the will of the Emperor. The tension was -too great and His Majesty at last reluctantly consented, or at least -expressed consent; but he first ordered the accused to be stripped of -all his honors and to render all his accounts. This was nominally as -reasonable as was the charge against the man. It was a case of “diamond -cut diamond” in which the astuteness of the Emperor won. The accusers -could not object to having the accused disgorge before being executed -but it was at this very point that they were foiled Yi Yong-ik’s -accounts were purposely in such shape that it would have taken a month -to examine them, for he alone held the key. Nothing can exceed the -desperate coolness of the man under the awful ordeal. At one point, just -after the acquiescence of the Emperor, the written sentence of death is -said to have gone forth but was recalled just as it was to have gone out -of the palace gates, after which there would have been no recall. No man -ever escaped by a narrower margin. When Yi Yong-ik presented his -accounts the Emperor announced that it would take some days to -straighten matters out since the accused was the only man to unravel the -skein. Here was probably the crucial point in the intrigue. If the white -heat of the day before had been maintained and the officials had -demanded instant punishment, accounts or no accounts, the thing would -have been done, but as it happened the consciousness of having won -relaxed the tension to such a degree that the accused gained time. This -time was utilized by calling in a Russian guard and spiriting the -accused away to the Russian Legation. This accomplished His Majesty -suavely announced that the case would be considered, but that meanwhile -the officials must disperse. There were further memorials, resignations -_en masse_, passionate recriminations until at last two or three -officials who had held their peace saw that the game was up and, in -order to curry favor themselves, offered a counter memorial charging Yi -Yong-ik’s accusers with indirection. This was listened to and the Prime -Minister was deprived of his official rank. This made possible a -compromise whereby both Yi Yong-ik and the Prime Minister were restored -to all their former honors and all went “merry as a marriage bell.” But -it was thought best to let Yi Yong-ik travel for his own and his -country’s good, so he was made Commissioner to Buy Annam Rice, which was -itself a pretty piece of diplomacy since it recalled prominently to the -people the one phase of the injured man’s career which they could -unhesitatingly applaud. He was taken off in a Russian cruiser to Port -Arthur—to buy Annam rice! - -When he returned to Seoul a few weeks later the Japanese lodged a strong -protest against his return to political power but the Russian -authorities made a counter-proposition urging that he was the only man -capable of handling the finances of the country. Under existing -circumstances the very protest of the Japanese was an argument in his -favor and he came back into power on the flood tide, backed, as he had -never been before, by the full favor of the Russian party. They -naturally expected substantial payment for having saved him, and so far -as he was able he liquidated the debt. - -Meanwhile another man, Yi Keun-t’ăk, had risen to power through servile -adherence to Russian interests. The somewhat enigmatical character of Yi -Yong-ik made him to a certain extent an unknown quantity. Not even the -Japanese considered him wholly given over to Russia; but this new man -was definitely committed to Russian interests and with his rise to -important position it became evident for the first time that the Korean -Government had decided to rely upon Russia and to reject the aid or the -advice of Japan. The end of the year 1902 may be said to have been the -approximate time when Japan first realized that all hope of a peaceful -solution of the Korean problem was gone. One naturally asks why Korea -took this step, and, while we are still too near the event to secure an -entirely dispassionate estimate or opinion, there seems to be little -doubt that it was because Russia made no pretensions, and expressed no -desire, to reform the administration of the Government. She was -perfectly content to let things go along in the old way in the -peninsula, knowing that this would constantly and increasingly -jeopardize the interests of Japan while she herself had practically no -commercial interests to suffer. - -The immemorial policy of Russia in Asia sufficiently accounts for her -work in Korea. Her policy of gradual absorption of native tribes has -never held within its purview the civilizing or the strengthening of -those tribes, until they have been gathered under her aegis. On the -other hand, until that has been accomplished she has either waited -patiently for the disintegration of the native tribes or has actually -aided in such disintegration. History shows no case in which Russia has -strengthened the hands of another people for the sake of profiting by -the larger market that would be opened up; for until very recently the -commercial side of the question has scarcely been considered, and even -now the commercial interests of Russia depend upon an exclusive market. -So that in any case a dominant political influence is the very first -step in every move of Russia in the East. Why then should Russia have -advised administrative or monetary or any other reform, since such -action would inevitably form a bar to the success of her own ultimate -plans? - -The historian of the future, taking his stand above and out of the smoke -of battle, will take a dispassionate view of the whole situation. He -will mark the antecedents of these two rival Powers, he will compare -their domestic and foreign policies, he will weigh the motives that -impelled them, he will mark the instruments wielded by each and the men -whom they employed as their intermediaries and agents. Then and not till -then will it be possible to tell whether the present recorders of events -are right in asserting that while the policies of both Powers are -essentially selfish the success of Russia’s policy involves the -disintegration and national ruin of the peoples she comes in contact -with while the success of Japan’s policy demands the rehabilitation of -the Far East. - -Much depended upon the attitude which Korea should finally assume toward -these two mutually antagonistic policies. If she had sided with Japan -and had shown a fixed determination to resist the encroachments of -Russia by adopting a policy of internal renovation which would enlist -the interest and command the admiration of the world, the present war -might have been indefinitely postponed. Whether it could have been -finally avoided would depend largely upon the changes that are taking -place in Russia herself where in spite of all repressive agencies -education and enlightenment are filtering in and causing a gradual -change. Here again the future historian may be able to say with -confidence that it was better that the war came when it did in that it -confirmed Japan in her course of commercial, industrial and intellectual -expansion, guaranteed China against disintegration and opened the eyes -of the Russians themselves to their need of radical internal reform. And -he may be able to say that the temporary suspension of Korean autonomy -was but a small price to pay for these enormous benefits to the Far East -and to the world at large. - - - - - Chapter XXVI. - -Return of Yi Yong-ik.... Attack on Japanese Bank.... Government backs - down.... Roman Catholic troubles in Whang-hă Province.... trials at - Hă-ju.... difficulty settled.... Korean students to be sent to - Russia.... The Russian timber concession.... Russia enters - Yongampo.... Korean prophecies.... Japan, England and America urge - the opening of Yongampo.... Russia prevents it.... Russians exceed - limits of concession.... Japanese protest.... Port Nicholas.... - Japanese suspend business in Seoul.... Korean pawn brokers stop - business.... Legation guards.... government protest against them.... - fears of popular uprising.... native press incendiary.... fears of - trouble in the country....Foreigners threatened. - - -The year 1903 beheld the rapid culmination of the difficulties between -Japan and Russia. It had already become almost sure that war alone would -cut the Gordian knot, and if any more proof was necessary this year -supplied it. - -Yi Yong-ik in Port Arthur received assurance from the Emperor that if he -returned he would be given a powerful guard, and in this he was -doubtless seconded by the Russians who could use him to better advantage -in Seoul than in Port Arthur. He telegraphed for 15,000 bags of Annam -rice and arrived in Chemulpo on the very day the rice came. It formed a -sort of peace offering which, in the temporary scarcity, was very -agreeable to the people. His return was the signal for a vigorous attack -upon Japanese interests. On the eleventh of the preceding September the -Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs had issued an order prohibiting the -use of the Japanese bank notes, alleging that since they were not -government notes they were unsafe. This was a direct breach of faith, -because as we have seen the Japanese Bank had already obtained the full -consent of the government to issue and circulate these notes. It is -almost inconceivable that any man of ministerial rank would be so devoid -of ordinary common sense as to attempt such a thing as this. Of course -there was an instant and peremptory protest on the part of the Japanese -authorities and the government had to stultify itself by taking it all -back. The promise was made that the governors of the provinces would be -instructed to remove all objections to the circulation of the notes, but -the promise was never kept. Now on the seventeenth of January Yi -Yong-ik, who had but just returned, made a fierce attack upon the -Japanese bank and a note was sent from the Finance Department to that of -Foreign Affairs demanding by what right the latter had ventured to -interfere in the finances of the country. Cho Pyŭng-sik who had -reinstated the Japanese notes was dismissed from the Foreign Office and -everything fell into the hands of Yi Yong-ik. A few days later the Mayor -of Seoul posted a circular forbidding the use of these notes on pain of -severe punishment. This went all over the country and there was an -immediate run on the bank, which was tided over with the greatest -difficulty. Of course the Japanese were in a position to make reprisals, -and after a little pointed talk the bluster of the favorite subsided to -a weak whisper, and the authorities apologized in the most abject -manner. It should be noted that the Russians gave no help to Yi Yong-ik -when it came to the point of an actual breach with Japan. - -For some time there had been great unrest throughout the province of -Whang-hă owing to the lawless acts of the Roman Catholic adherents -there. The matter was brought clearly before the notice of the -Government through American Protestant missionaries because many of the -Protestant native Christians had been involved in those troubles and had -been imprisoned, beaten, tortured and robbed by those who were avowedly -members of the Roman Church. A number of these lawless acts were -committed under the sign and seal of the Church itself. When the matter -became too notorious to escape action on the part of the Government a -native official named Yi Eung-ik was appointed as a special Commissioner -to go to Hă-ju, the capital of the province, and investigate the matter -thoroughly. Foreign representatives of both the Roman Catholics and of -the Protestants were present and the trial was instituted in a perfectly -fair and impartial manner. It was clear that the truth, the whole truth -and nothing but the truth was to be elicited by this trial and after -vain attempts to quash the indictment one of the French Catholic priests -left the place accompanied and followed by a considerable number of -those against whom there were most serious charges. These people -gathered at a certain town and assumed a threatening attitude toward the -Korean Government, but though all the foreign Roman Catholic -representatives refused to attend the trial of the dozen or more of -their adherents who had been arrested, the trial continued and charge -after charge of the most grievous nature was proved, one man being -convicted of murder. During the trial various attempts were made to -discredit the Commissioner but before the end of the trials his power -was greatly increased. The result was to put an end to the difficulties -and though those responsible for the outrages were never adequately -punished it is probable that the Korean Government sufficiently -demonstrated its purpose to deal with such matters in a strictly -impartial manner. - -The great preponderance of Russian influence was manifested early in -1903 by the decision on the part of the Government to send a number of -young Koreans to Russia to study, but when it came to the point of -selecting the men it was found that there was no desire on the part of -the students to go. This was due in part to the feeling that Korean -students abroad are not looked after very carefully by the authorities -and there are long delays in, if not complete cessation of, transmission -of money for their support. - -Early in the year it transpired that the Russians had obtained from the -Korean Emperor a concession to cut timber along the Yalu River. The -thing was done secretly and irregularly and the government never -received a tithe of the value of the concession. By this act the -government dispossessed itself of one of its finest sources of wealth -and sacrificed future millions for a few paltry thousand in hand, and a -promise to pay a share of the profits, though no provision was made for -giving the government an opportunity of watching the work in its own -interests. Soon after the Russians had begun to work the concession they -began to make advances for the obtaining of harbor facilities in -connection with it. The port of Yongampo was decided upon and the Korean -government was asked to allow the Russians the use of it for this -purpose. This created a very profound impression upon Japan and upon the -world at large. It was felt that this was giving Russia a foothold upon -the soil of Korea, and Russia’s history shows that, once gained, the -point would never be given up. The activity of Russia in the north gave -rise to the notion that Japanese influence was predominant in the -southern half of the peninsula and Russian in the northern half. This -gave birth to all sorts of rumors among the Korean people and the -ancient books were ransacked for prophecies that would fit the -situation. One of these is worth repeating since it illustrates very -perfectly the Korean tendency to consult some oracle in times of -national peril. This particular prophecy is supposed to say that “when -white pine-trees grow in Korea the northern half of the peninsula will -go to the Tartar and the southern half to the Shrimp.” Japan, from its -shape, is said to resemble a shrimp, while Tartar covers the Muscovite. -The people interpreted the “white pines” to refer to the telegraph -poles! And thus the prophecy was considered to mean that when Korea is -opened to foreign intercourse it will be divided between Russia and -Japan. It cannot be said that this caused any considerable stir among -the people and its only value lies in the certain indication that it -afforded of the general unrest and suspicion among them. As a whole the -attitude of the Korean has always been a rational and consistent one as -between Russia and Japan. He has a greater personal antipathy for the -latter because they have come into closer contact, but there is a -mysterious dread in his heart which warns him of the Russian. He will -never say which he would rather have in power here, but always says, “I -pray to be delivered from them both.” - -Japan began to urge upon the government the necessity of opening -Yongampo to foreign trade, but Russia, of course, opposed this with all -her powers of persuasion. Great Britain and the United States joined in -urging the opening of the port. The United States had already arranged -for the opening of the port of Antung just opposite Yongampo, and for -the sake of trade it was highly desirable that a port on the Korean side -of the Yalu should be opened. It had no special reference to the Russian -occupation of the port, but as pressure was being brought to bear upon -the government to throw open the port it was considered an opportune -time to join forces in pushing for this desired end. And it was more for -the interest of Korea to do this than for any of the powers that were -urging it. Such an act would have been a check to Russian aggression and -would have rendered nugatory any ulterior plan she might have as regards -Korea. But the Russian power in Seoul was too great. It had not upheld -the cause of Yi Yong-ik in vain, and the government, while using very -specious language, withstood every attempt to secure the opening of the -port. At last the American Government modified its request and asked -that Wiju be opened, but to this Russia objected almost as strongly as -to the other. There can be little doubt that this uncompromising -attitude of Russia on the Korean border confirmed Japan in the position -she had doubtless already assumed. It was quite evident that the force -of arms was the only thing that would make Russia retire from Korean -soil. - -All through the summer complaints came in from the north that the -Russians were working their own will along the northern border and -taking every advantage of the loose language in which the agreement had -been worded. Again and again information came up to Seoul that the -Russian agents were going outside the limits specified in the bond but -there was no one to check it. It was impossible to police the territory -encroached upon and there is reason to believe that the Government -chafed under the imposition. At least the telegraph lines which the -Russians erected entirely without warrant were repeatedly torn down by -emissaries of the Government and apparently without check from the -central authorities. - -In the Summer when the text of the proposed Agreement between Russia and -Korea anent Yongampo became public the Japanese Government made a strong -protest. She probably knew that this was a mere form but she owed it to -herself to file a protest against such suicidal action on the part of -Korea. The insolence of the Russians swelled to the point of renaming -Yongampo Port Nicholas. - -In October the Japanese merchants in Seoul and other commercial centers -began calling in all outstanding moneys, with the evident expectation of -war. All brokers and loan associations closed their accounts and refused -to make further loans. It is more than probable that they had received -the hint that it might be well to suspend operations for the time being. -From this time until war was declared the people of Korea waited in -utmost suspense. They knew war only as a universal desolation. They had -no notion of any of the comparative amenities of modern warfare or the -immunities of noncombatants. War meant to them the breaking up of the -very foundations of society, and many a time the anxious inquiry was put -as to whether the war would probably be fought on Korean soil or in -Manchuria. Once more Korea found herself the “Shrimp between two whales” -and doubly afflicted in that whichever one should win she would in all -probability form part of the booty of the victor. - -The year 1904, which will be recorded in history as one of the most -momentous in all the annals of the Far East, opened upon a very -unsatisfactory state of things in Korea. It had become as certain as any -future event can be that Japan and Russia would soon be at swords -points. The negotiations between these two powers were being carried on -in St. Petersburg and, as published later, were of the most -unsatisfactory nature. Japan was completing her arrangements for -striking the blow which fell on February the ninth. Of course these -plans were not made public but there was conflict in the very air and -all men were bracing themselves for the shock that they felt must soon -come. The action of Japanese money-lenders in suspending operations was -followed in January by the Korean pawn-brokers and at a season when such -action inflicted the greatest possible harm upon the poor people of the -capital, who find it impossible to live without temporarily -hypothecating a portion of their personal effects. This together with -the excessive cold aroused a spirit of unrest which came near assuming -dangerous proportions. Some of the native papers were so unwise as to -fan the embers by dilating upon the hard conditions under which the -Koreans labored. Their sharpest comments were directed at the Government -but their tendency was to incite the populace against foreigners. - -All through the month the various foreign legations were bringing in -guards to protect their legations and their respective nationals and -this very natural and entirely justifiable action was resented by the -Government. It protested time and again against the presence of foreign -troops, as if their coming were in some way an insult to Korea. The -officials in charge thereby showed their utter incompetence to diagnose -the situation correctly. It was well known that the disaffection among -the Korean troops in Seoul was great and that the dangerous element -known as the Peddlars Guild was capable of any excesses. The unfriendly -attitude of Yi Yong-ik and Yi Keun-tăk towards western foreigners, -excepting Russians and French, together with their more or less close -connection with the Peddlars was sufficient reason for the precautionary -measures that were adopted. But the native papers made matters worse by -ridiculing both the government and the army. At one time there was -considerable solicitude on the part of foreigners, not lest the Korean -populace itself would break into open revolt but lest some violent -faction would be encouraged by the authorities to make trouble; so -little confidence had they in the good sense of the court favorite. It -was fairly evident that in case of trouble the Japanese would very soon -hold the capital and it was feared that the violently pro-Russian -officials, despairing of protection at the hands of Russia, would cause -a general insurrection, hoping in the tumult to make good their escape. -It was felt that great precautions should be taken by foreigners not to -give any excuse for a popular uprising. The electric cars diminished -their speed so as to obviate the possibility of any accident, for even -the smallest casualty might form the match while would set the people on -fire. - -But popular unrest was not confined to Seoul. A serious movement was -begun in the two southern provinces where, it was reported, hundreds of -the _ajuns_ or prefectural constables were preparing to lead a -formidable insurrection. The firm hold that these men have upon the -people made it not unlikely that it would prove much more serious than -the Tonghak insurrection of 1894. From the north, as well, persistent -reports came of the banding together of the disaffected people, and -foreign residents in those parts affirmed that they had never before -seen such a state of affairs. One of them was driven from a country -village and threatened with death if he should ever return. The Korean -soldiers who formed the garrison of Pyeng-yang joined the police in -breaking into the houses of wealthy natives and stealing money and -goods. The authorities remonstrated, but without effect. By the -twentieth of January the tension became so great in Seoul that a -considerable number of the wealthy natives began removing their families -and their valuables to the country. - -About the 20th of January the report circulated that Russia had proposed -that northern Korea be made a neutral zone and that Japan exercise -predominant influence in the south. This was only an echo of the -negotiations which were nearing the breaking point in St. Petersburg, -and it confirmed those who knew Japan in their opinion that war alone -could settle the matter. On the following day the Korean Government -issued its proclamation of neutrality as between Russia and Japan. This -curious action, taken before any declaration of war or any act of -hostility, was a pretty demonstration of Russian tactics. It was evident -that in case of war Japan would be the first in the field and Korea -would naturally be the road by which she would attack Russia. Therefore -while the two were technically at peace with each other Korea was -evidently induced by Russia to put forth a premature declaration of -neutrality in order to anticipate any use of Korean territory by -Japanese troops. At the time this was done the Foreign Office was shorn -of all real power and was only the mouth-piece through which these -friends of Russia spoke in order to make their pronouncements official. -It was already known that two of the most powerful Koreans at court had -strongly urged that Russia be asked to send troops to guard the imperial -palace in Seoul and the Japanese were keenly on the lookout for -evidences of bad faith in the matter of this declared neutrality. When, -therefore, they picked up a boat on the Yellow Sea a few days later and -found on it a Korean bearing a letter to Port Arthur asking for troops, -and that, while unofficial in form, it came from the very officials who -had promulgated the declaration of neutrality, it became abundantly -clear that the spirit of neutrality was non-existent. It must be left to -the future historian to declare whether the Japanese were justified in -impairing a declared neutrality that existed only in name and under -cover of which the Korean officials were proved to be acting in a manner -distinctly hostile to the interests of Japan. - -All through January the Japanese were busy making military stations -every fifteen miles between Fusan and Seoul. All along the line small -buildings were erected, sufficiently large to house twenty or thirty -men. On January 22nd Gen. Ijichi arrived in Seoul as military attaché of -the Japanese Legation. The appointment of a man of such rank as this was -most significant and should have aroused the Russians to a realizing -sense of their danger, but it did not do so. Four days later this -general made a final appeal to the Korean Government, asking for some -definite statement as to its attitude toward Russia and Japan. The -Foreign Office answered that the government was entirely neutral. Two -days later the Japanese landed a large amount of barley at the port of -Kunsan, a few hours’ run south of Chemulpo, and a light railway of the -Decauville type was also landed at the same place. On the 29th all -Korean students were recalled from Japan. - -On February the first the Russians appeared to be the only ones who did -not realize that trouble was brewing, otherwise why should they have -stored 1,500 tons of coal and a quantity of barley in their godowus on -Roze Island in Chemulpo Harbor on the second of that month? On the -seventh the government received a dispatch from Wiju saying that several -thousand Russian troops were approaching the border and that the -Japanese merchants and others were preparing to retire from that place. -The same day the Foreign Office sent to all the open ports ordering that -news should be immediately telegraphed of any important movements. - -On the eighth day of February the Japanese posted notices in Seoul and -vicinity that what Japan was about to do was dictated by motives of -right and justice and that the property and personal rights of Koreans -would be respected. Koreans were urged to report any cases of -ill-treatment to the Japanese authorities and immediate justice was -promised. From this day the port of Chemulpo was practically blockaded -by the Japanese and only by their consent could vessels enter or clear. - -Having arrived at the point of actual rupture between Japan and Russia, -it is necessary before entering into any details of the struggle to -indicate the precise bearing of it upon Korea. Japan has always looked -upon Korea as a land whose political status and affinities are of vital -interest to herself; just as England once looked upon the _Cinque_ -ports, namely as a possible base of hostile action, and therefore to be -carefully watched. One of two things have therefore been deemed -essential, either that Korea should be thoroughly independent or that -she should be under a Japanese protectorate. These two ideas have -animated different parties in Japan, and have led to occasional -troubles. There is one radical faction which has consistently and -persistently demanded that Japan’s suzerainty over Korea should be -established and maintained, and it was the unwillingness of the Japanese -authorities to adopt strong measures in the Peninsula which led to the -Satsuma Rebellion. Another large fraction of the Japanese, of more -moderate and rational view, are committed to the policy of simply -holding to the independence of Korea, arguing very rightly that if such -independence is maintained and the resources of the country are -gradually developed Japan will reap all the material advantages of the -situation without shouldering the burden of the Korean administration or -meeting the violent opposition of the Koreans which such a step would -inevitably entail. It is this latter policy which has prevailed and -according to which Japan has attempted to work during the past three -decades. It is this which actuated her during the period of China’s -active claim to suzerainty and finally caused the war of 1894 which -finally settled the question of Korea’s independence. But following upon -this came the encroachments of Russia in Manchuria and the adoption of a -vigorous policy in Korea. Japan’s efforts to preserve the intrinsic -autonomy of Korea were rendered abortive partly through mistakes which -her own representatives and agents made but still more through the -supineness and venality of Korean officials. The subjects of the Czar at -the capital of Korea made use of the most corrupt officials at court and -through them opposed Japanese interests at every point. Furthermore they -made demands for exclusive rights in different Korean ports and -succeeded in encroaching upon Korean sovereignty in Yongampo. The -evident policy of Russia was to supplant Japan in the peninsula, and no -reasonable person can fail to see that it was their ultimate plan to add -Korea to the map of Russia. The cause of the war was, therefore, the -necessity laid upon Japan of safe-guarding her vital interests, nay her -very existence, by checking the encroachments of Russia upon Korean -territory. - -But before submitting the matter to the arbitrament of the sword Japan -exerted every effort to make Russia define her intentions in the Far -East. With a patience that elicited the admiration of the world she kept -plying Russia with pertinent questions until at last it was revealed -that Russia intended to deal with Manchuria as she wished and would -concede Japanese interests in Southern Korea, only and even then only as -Japan would engage not to act in that sphere as Russia was acting in -Manchuria. - -All this time the Japanese people were clamoring for war. They wanted to -get at the throat of their manifest foe; but their Government, in a -masterly way, held them in check, kept its own secrets so inviolable as -to astonish the most astute diplomatists of the day, and at last, when -the hour struck, she declared for war without having weakened the -enthusiasm of her people and without giving occasion to adverse critics -to say that she had yielded to popular importunity. When she -communicated to Russia her irreducible minimum one would think that even -the blind could see that war was certain to follow soon. But even then, -if there is any truth in direct evidence, the great majority of the -Russians laughed the matter aside as impossible. The moderation and -self-control of Japan was counted to her for hesitation, so that when -the moment for action came and Japan sprang upon her like a tigress -robbed of her whelps, Russia cried aloud that she had been wronged. It -was on the morning of the seventh that Baron Rosen’s credentials had -been handed back to him in Tokyo. The evening before this the Japanese -Minister had left St. Petersburg. This in itself was a declaration of -war, but forty hours elapsed before Japan struck the first blow. During -those hours Russia had ample time in which to withdraw her boats from -Chemulpo even though the Japanese refused to transmit telegrams to -Seoul. A fast boat from Port Arthur could easily have brought the -message. - -It was on the sixth and seventh that reports circulated in Seoul that -the Japanese were landing large bodies of troops at Kunsan or Asan or -both. These rumors turned out to be false, but beneath them was the fact -that a fleet was approaching Chemulpo. The question has been insistently -asked why the Russian Minister did not inform the commanders of these -Russian vessels and see to it that they were clear of the harbor before -these rumors were realized. The answer as given is that the Russian -Minister had no control over these boats. They had their orders to -remain in Chemulpo and they must stay. One would think that there would -be at least enough _rapport_ between the civil and military (or naval) -authorities to use the one in forwarding the interests of the other. - -Even yet the Russians did not appreciate the seriousness of the -situation, but they decided that it was time to send notice to their -authorities in Port Arthur of what was rumored at Chemulpo. So the small -gunboat _Koryetz_ made ready to move out. Her captain, Belaieff, -proposed to the Russian Consul that the Russian steamship _Sungari_, -which was in port, should go with the _Koryetz_ and thus enjoy her -protection, but the agent of the company which owned the steamship -strongly objected to her leaving the neutral port at such a time. He -evidently realized in part the acuteness of the situation. So the -_Sungari_ remained at her anchorage and the _Koryetz_ steamed out of -port at two o’clock in the afternoon. Now, the harbor of Chemulpo is a -somewhat peculiar one, for in one sense it is land-locked and in another -it is not. It is formed by islands between which there are many openings -to the open sea, but most of these are so shallow that ships of medium -draught do not dare attempt them. There is but one recognized entrance -and that is from the southwest, or between that and the south. This -entrance is several miles wide and in the center of it lies Round -Island. When the _Koryetz_ arrived at the exit of the harbor she -suddenly found herself surrounded by torpedo-boats. The only witnesses -of what occurred at this point are the Japanese and the Russians and we -can only give their accounts. The Russians say that the Japanese -launched four torpedoes at the _Koryetz_ and when within ten feet of her -side they sank. Another statement is that a shot was fired on board the -_Koryetz_ but it was a mere accident! The Japanese claim that the -_Koryetz_ fired first. If we try to weigh the probabilities it seems -impossible that the torpedoes of the Japanese should have missed the -_Koryetz_ if the torpedo-boats were as near as the Russians claim. On -the other hand the admission on the part of a single Russian that the -first gun was fired on the _Koryetz_, even though by accident, is rather -damaging, for it is more than singular that an accident should have -happened at that precise time. It is a tax on the credulity of the -public to give this lame excuse. - -In any case it makes little difference who began the firing. The -Japanese had already seized the Russian steamer _Mukden_ in the harbor -of Fusan and the war had begun. The Japanese doubtless held with -Polonius, that “if it is necessary to fight the man who strikes first -and hardest will have the advantage.” The _Koryetz_ turned back to her -anchorage and the Russians became aware of the extreme precariousness of -their position. Whatever attitude one may take toward the general -situation it is impossible not to extend a large degree of sympathy to -these Russians personally. Through no fault of their own they were -trapped in the harbor and found too late that they must engage in a -hopeless fight in order to uphold the honor of the Russian flag. But -even yet it was not sure that the neutrality of the port would be -ignored by the Japanese. Lying at anchor among neutral vessels in a -neutral harbor, there was more or less reason to believe that they were -safe for the time being. - -About four o’clock in the afternoon of February eighth, which fell on -Monday, three Japanese transports entered Chemulpo harbor from the -south, convoyed by cruisers and torpedo-boats. They seemingly took no -notice of the two Russian boats lying at anchor and were evidently sure -that the Russians would not fire upon the transports. It would be -interesting to know whether the Japanese were relying upon the declared -neutrality of the port in thus venturing or whether they felt sure that -their own superior strength would keep the Russians still, or whether, -again, they were certain that the Russians had orders not to fire the -first gun. But it is bootless to ask questions that can never be -answered. Here is where the assailant has the advantage. He can choose -the time and method of his attack. We may surmise that had the Russians -divined the intentions of the Japanese and had foreseen the outcome they -would have acted differently, but divination of Japanese intentions does -not seem to be Russia’s strong point. - -As soon as the Japanese came to anchor preparations were made for the -immediate landing of the troops, and the cruisers and torpedo-boats, -that had convoyed them in, left the port and joined the fleet outside. -This fleet consisted of six cruisers and several torpedo-boats. The -_Asama_ and the _Chiyoda_ were the most powerful of the cruisers, the -former being nearly half as large again as the _Variak_. - -Night came on, and throughout its long hours the Japanese troops, by the -light of huge fires burning on the jetty, were landed and marched up -into the town. When morning came everyone was in a state of expectancy. -If there was a Japanese fleet outside they doubtless had other work on -hand than simply watching two Russian boats. Nor could they leave them -behind, for one of them was Russia’s fastest cruiser and might steam out -of the harbor at any time and destroy Japanese transports. Knowing, as -we do now, that an immediate attack on Port Arthur had been decided upon -we see it was impossible to leave these Russian boats in the rear. Japan -had never recognized the neutrality of Korea, for she knew that the -declaration was merely a Russian move to embarrass her, and she never -hesitated a moment to break the thin shell of pretense. - -About ten o’clock a sealed letter was handed to Captain Rudnieff of the -_Variak_. It was from the Japanese Admiral and had been sent through the -Russian Consulate. It was delivered on board the _Variak_ by the hand of -Mr. N. Krell, a Russian resident of the port. This letter informed the -Russian commander that unless both Russian boats should leave the -anchorage and steam out of the bay before twelve o’clock the Japanese -would come in at four o’clock and attack them where they lay. Captain -Rudnieff immediately communicated the startling intelligence to Captain -Belaieff of the _Koryetz_ and to the commanders of the British, -American, French and Italian war-vessels. We are informed that a -conference of the various commanders took place and that the Russians -were advised to lie where they were. The British commander was deputed -to confer with the Japanese. This was done by signal and it is said a -protest was made against the proposed violation of neutrality of the -port, and that the neutral boats refused to shift their anchorage. But -all complications of this nature were avoided by the determination of -the Russians to accept the challenge. This they deemed to be due their -flag. It is not improbable that they now foresaw that the neutrality of -the port would not avail them against the enemy. By remaining at anchor -they could only succeed in involving France, Italy, Great Britain and -the United States, and there would be sure to be those who would charge -the Russians with cowardice. If this was to begin the war it must at -least prove the dauntless courage of the servants of the Czar. So the -commander of the _Variak_ ordered the decks cleared for action. It has -been stated that he would have preferred to have the _Koryetz_ stay at -her anchorage, for by a quick dash it was just possible that the swift -_Variak_ alone might be able to evade the Japanese and run the gauntlet -successfully. But the commander of the _Koryetz_ refused to listen to -any such proposition. If the only honor to be gotten out of the affair -was by a desperate attack he was not going to forego his share of it. He -would go out and sink with the _Variak_. So the _Koryetz_ also cleared -for action. It was done in such haste that all moveables that were -unnecessary were thrown overboard, a topmast that would not come down in -the usual manner was hewn down with an axe and by half past eleven the -two vessels were ready to go out to their doom. It was an almost -hopeless task—an entirely hopeless one unless the Japanese should change -their minds or should make some grave mistake, and neither of these -things was at all probable. The Russians were going to certain -destruction. Some call it rashness, not bravery, but they say not well. -The boats were doomed in any case and it was the duty of their officers -and crews to go forth and in dying inflict what injury they could upon -the enemy. To go into battle with chances equal is the act of a brave -man, but to walk into the jaws of death with nothing but defeat in -prospect is the act of a hero, and the Japanese would be the last to -detract from the noble record that the Russians made. Time has not yet -lent its glamor to this event, we are too near it to see it in proper -proportions, but if the six hundred heroes of Balaclava, veterans of -many a fight, gained undying honor for the desperate charge they made -how shall not the future crown these men who, having never been in -action before, made such a gallant dash at the foe? - - - - - Chapter XXVII. - -The Battle of Chemulpo.... Russian survivors on neutral boats.... - Blowing up of the Koryetz.... sinking of the Variak.... Russians - leave Korea.... hospital in Chemulpo.... skirmish at Pyeng Yang.... - Korean Japanese Protocol.... end of Peddlar’s Guild.... Marquis - Ito.... Yi Yong Ik retires.... Japanese conservative policy in - Korea.... skirmish at Chöng-ju.... suffering of Koreans in north.... - apathy of Korean Government.... burning of palace in Seoul.... - Korean currency. - - -It was a cloudless but hazy day and from the anchorage the Japanese -fleet was all but invisible, for it lay at least eight miles out in the -entrance of the harbor and partly concealed by Round Island which splits -the offing into two channels. The two boats made straight for the more -easterly of the channels, their course being a very little west of -south. When they had proceeded about half the distance from the -anchorage to the enemy’s fleet the latter threw a shot across the bows -of each of the Russian boats as a command to stop and surrender, but the -Russians took no notice of it. The only chance the Russians had to -inflict any damage was to reduce the firing range as much as possible -for the _Variak’s_ guns were only six inches and four-tenths in caliber -and at long range they would have been useless. This was at five minutes -before noon. The Japanese fleet was not deployed in a line facing the -approaching boats and it was apparent that they did not intend to bring -their whole force to bear upon the Russians simultaneously. We are -informed that only two of the Japanese vessels, the _Asama_ and the -_Chiyoda_, did the work. It was not long after the warning shots had -been fired that the Japanese let loose and the roar that went up from -those terrible machines of destruction tore the quiet of the windless -bay to tatters and made the houses of the town tremble where they stood. -As the _Variak_ advanced she swerved to the eastward and gave the -Japanese her starboard broadside. All about her the sea was lashed into -foam by striking shot and almost from the beginning of the fight her -steering-gear was shot away so that she had to depend on her engines -alone for steering. It became evident to her commander that the passage -was impossible. He had pushed eastward until there was imminent danger -of running aground. So he turned again toward the west and came around -in a curve which brought the _Variak_ much nearer to the Japanese. It -was at this time that the deadly work was done upon her. Ten of her -twelve gun-captains were shot away. A shell struck her fo’castle, passed -between the arm and body of a gunner who had his hand upon his hip and, -bursting, killed every other man on the fo’castle. Both bridges were -destroyed by bursting shell and the Captain was seriously wounded in the -left arm. The watchers on shore and on the shipping in the harbor saw -flames bursting out from her quarter-deck and one witness plainly saw -shells drop just beside her and burst beneath the water line. It was -these shots that did the real damage for when, after three quarters of -an hour of steady fighting, she turned her prow back toward the -anchorage it was seen that she had a heavy list to port which could have -been caused only by serious damage below the water-line. As the two -boats came slowly back to port, the _Variak_ so crippled by the -destruction of one of her engines that she could make only ten knots an -hour, the Japanese boats followed, pouring in a galling fire, until the -Russians had almost reached the anchorage. Then the pursuers drew back -and the battle was over. The _Koryetz_ was intact. The Japanese had -reserved all their fire for the larger vessel. The _Variak_ was useless -as a fighting machine, for her heavy list to port would probably have -made it impossible to train the guns on the enemy, but all knew that the -end had not yet come. The Russians had neither sunk nor surrendered. The -threat of the Japanese to come in at four o’clock was still active. As -soon as the _Variak_ dropped anchor the British sent off four hospital -boats to her with a surgeon and a nurse. Other vessels also sent offers -of aid. But it was found that the Russians had decided to lie at anchor -and fight to the bitter end and at the last moment blow up their vessels -with all on board. What else was there for them to do? They would not -surrender and they could not leave their ships and go ashore only to be -captured by the enemy. They would play out the tragedy to a finish and -go down fighting. Upon learning of this determination the commanders of -the various neutral vessels held another conference at which it was -decided that the Russians had done all that was necessary to vindicate -the honor of their flag and that, as it was a neutral port, the -survivors should be invited to seek asylum on the neutral vessels. The -invitation was accepted and the sixty-four wounded on board the _Variak_ -were at once transferred to the British cruiser _Talbot_ and the French -cruiser _Pascal_. As the commanders of the neutral vessels knew that the -_Variak_ and _Koryetz_ were to be sunk by the Russians they paid no -particular attention to the reiterated statement of the Japanese that -they would enter the harbor at four and finish the work already begun. -The passengers, crew and mails on board the steamship _Sungari_ had -already been transferred to the _Pascal_ and an attempt had been made to -scuttle her but she was filling very slowly indeed. It was about -half-past three in the afternoon that the officers and crew of the -_Koryetz_ went over the side and on board the _Pascal_. A train had been -laid by which she would be blown up and it is supposed that she was -entirely abandoned, but some spectators assert that they saw several men -on the forward deck an instant before the explosion took place. - -It was generally known throughout the town that the _Koryetz_ would be -blown up before four o’clock and everyone sought some point of vantage -from which to witness the spectacle. Scores of people went out to the -little island on which the light-house stands, for this was nearest to -the doomed ship. It was thirty-seven minutes past three when the waiting -multitude saw two blinding flashes of light one following the other in -quick succession. A terrific report followed which dwarfed the roar of -cannon to a whisper and shook every house in the town as if it had been -struck by a solid rock. The window-fastenings of one house at least were -torn off, so great was the concussion. An enormous cloud of smoke and -debris shot toward the sky and at the same time enveloped the spot where -the vessel had lain. A moment later there began a veritable shower of -splintered wood, torn and twisted railing, books, clothes, rope, -utensils and a hundred other belongings of the ship. The cloud of smoke -expanded in the upper air and blotted out the sun like an eclipse. The -startled gulls flew hither and thither as if dazed by this unheard of -phenomenon and men instinctively raised their hands to protect -themselves from the falling debris, pieces of which were drifted by the -upper currents of air for a distance of three miles landward where they -fell by the hundreds in peoples’ yards. - -When the smoke was dissipated it was discovered that the _Koryetz_ had -sunk, only her funnel and some torn rigging appearing above the surface, -if we except her forward steel deck which the force of the explosion had -bent up from the prow so that the point of it, like the share of a huge -plow, stood several feet out of water. The surface of the bay all about -the spot was covered thickly with smoking debris and several of the -ship’s boats were floating about intact upon the water. - -The _Variak_ was left to sink where she lay. The forty-one dead on board -were placed together in a cabin and went down with her. She burned on -till evening and then inclining more and more to port her funnels -finally touched the water and with a surging, choking groan as of some -great animal in pain she sank. As the water reached the fires a cloud of -steam went up which illuminated by the last flash of the fire formed her -signal of farewell. - -It was arranged that the British and the French boats should carry the -Russians to a neutral port and guarantee their parole until the end of -the war. - -This wholly unexpected annihilation of the Russian boats naturally -caused consternation among the Russians of Chemulpo and Seoul. The -Russian Consulate was surrounded by the Japanese troops and the Consul -was held practically a prisoner. The Japanese Minister in Seoul -suggested to the Russian Minister through the French Legation the -advisability of his removing from Seoul with his nationals, and every -facility was given him for doing this with expedition and with comfort. -A few days later all the Russians were taken by special train to -Chemulpo, and there, being joined by the Russian subjects in Chemulpo, -they all went on board the _Pascal_. This vessel must have been crowded, -for it is said that when she sailed she had on board six hundred -Russians, both civilians and military men. - -Twenty-four of the most desperately wounded men on board the neutral -ships were sent ashore and placed in the Provisional Red Cross Hospital. -For this purpose the English Church Mission kindly put at the disposal -of the Japanese their hospital at Chemulpo. Several of these wounded men -were suffering from gangrene when they came off the _Pascal_ but with -the most sedulous care the Japanese physicians and nurses pulled them -through. - -After this battle at Chemulpo there was no more question about landing -Korean troops further down the coast; in fact as soon as the ice was out -of the Tadong River, Chinnampo became the point of disembarkation. But -meanwhile the troops which had landed at Chemulpo were pushing north by -land as rapidly as circumstances would permit and within a few weeks of -the beginning of the war Pyeng-yang was held by a strong force of -Japanese. At the same time work was pushed rapidly on the Seoul-Fusan -Railway and also begun on the projected railway line between Seoul and -Wiju. - -As for the Russians they never seriously invaded Korean territory. Bands -of Cossacks crossed the Yalu and scoured the country right and left but -their only serious purpose was to keep in touch with the enemy and -report as to their movements. On February 28 a small band of Cossacks -approached the north gate of Pyeng Yang and after exchanging a few shots -with the Japanese guard withdrew. This was the first point at which the -two belligerents came in touch with each other. - -It was on the night of February 23rd that Korea signed with Japan a -protocol by the terms of which Korea practically allied herself with -Japan and became, as it were, a silent partner in the war. Korea granted -the Japanese the right to use Korea as a road to Manchuria and engaged -to give them every possible facility for prosecuting the war. On the -other hand Japan guaranteed the independence of Korea and the safety of -the Imperial Family. It is needless to discuss the degree of spontaneity -with which Korea did this. It was a case of necessity, but if rightly -used it might have proved of immense benefit to Korea, as it surely did -to Japan. It formally did away with the empty husk of neutrality which -had been proclaimed, and made every seaport of the peninsula belligerent -territory, even as it did the land itself. - -March saw the end of the Peddlars Guild. They had been organized in -Russian interests but now they had no longer any _raison d’etre_. As a -final flurry, one of their number entered the house of the Foreign -Minister with the intent to murder him, but did not find his victim. -Other similar attempts were made but did not succeed. - -The Japanese handled the situation in Seoul with great circumspection. -The notion that they would attack the pro-Russian officials proved -false. Everything was kept quiet and the perturbation into which the -court and the government were thrown by these startling events was soon -soothed. - -Marquis Ito was sent from Japan with a friendly message to the Emperor -of Korea and this did much to quiet the unsettled state of things in -Korea. At about the same time the northern ports of Wiju and Yongampo -were opened to foreign trade. This was a natural result of the -withdrawal of Russian influence. It was not long before Yi Yong-ik who -had played such a leading rôle in Korea was invited to go to Japan and -thus an element of unrest was removed from the field of action. It was -believed that the Japanese would immediately introduce much needed -reforms, but it seemed to be their policy to go very slowly, so slowly -in fact that the better element among the Koreans was disappointed, and -got the impression that Japan was not particularly interested in the -matter of reform. It is probable that the energies of the Japanese were -too much engaged in other directions to divert any to Korea at the time. -They had been complaining bitterly about the monetary conditions, but -when they suddenly stepped into power in Seoul on February 9th they -seemed to forget all about this, for up to the end of 1904 they failed -to do anything to correct the vagaries of Korean finance. But instead of -this the Japanese merchants in Korea and other Japanese who were here -for other reasons than their health immediately began to make requests -and demands for all sorts of privileges. The Board of Trade in Fusan -asked the Japanese government to secure the Maritime Customs service, -permission for extra territorial privileges, the establishment of -Japanese agricultural stations and other impossible things. - -Meanwhile the Japanese were steadily pushing north. At Anju a slight -skirmish occurred but there was nothing that could be called a fight -until the Japanese reached the town of Chöng ju where a small body of -Russians took a stand on a hill northwest of the town and held it for -three hours, but even here the casualties were only about fifteen on -either side. The Russians evidently had no notion of making a determined -stand this side the Yalu. Already, a week before, the Russian troops had -withdrawn from Yongampo and had crossed to Antung. This fight at -Chöng-ju occurred on March 28th and a week later practically all the -Russian forces had crossed the Yalu and Korea ceased to be belligerent -territory. It is not the province of this history to follow the Japanese -across that historic river and relate the events which occurred at the -beginning of May when the first great land battle of the war was fought. - -The whole north had been thrown into the greatest confusion by the -presence of these two belligerents. Cossack bands had scurried about the -country, making demands for food and fodder a part of which they were -willing to pay for with Russian currency quite unknown to the Korean. -From scores of villages and towns the women had fled to the mountain -recesses at a most inclement season, and untold suffering had been -entailed. But these are things that always come in the track of war and -the Koreans bore them as uncomplainingly as they could. Throughout the -whole country the absorption of the attention of the government in the -events of the war was taken advantage of by robbers, and their raids -were frequent and destructive. As soon as the government found that the -Japanese did not intend to rule with a high hand it sank back into the -former state of selfcomplacent lethargy, and things went along in the -old ruts. It was perfectly plain that Korean officialdom had no -enthusiasm for the Japanese cause. It is probable that a large majority -of the people preferred to see Japan win rather than the Russians, but -it was the fond wish of ninety-nine out of every hundred to see Korea -rid of them both. Whichever one held exclusive power here was certain to -become an object of hatred to the Korean people. Had the Russians driven -out the Japanese the Koreans would have hated them as heartily. -Whichever horn of the dilemma Korea became impaled upon she was sure to -think the other would have been less sharp. Few Koreans looked at the -matter from any large standpoint or tried to get from the situation -anything but personal advantage. This is doubtless the reason why it was -so difficult to gain an opinion from Korean officials. They did not want -to go on record as having any decided sympathies either way. The people -of no other land were so nearly neutral as were those of Korea. - -The month of April was comparatively quiet. The Japanese were struggling -north through frost and mud combined to rendezvous on the banks of the -Yalu. On the 14th occurred the great fire in Seoul which in a few hours -swept away almost the whole of the Kyöng-un Palace, the one recently -completed and the one occupied by the Emperor at the time. He was forced -to vacate it in haste and take up his abode for the time being in the -detached Imperial Library building. A strong effort was made by the -Japanese to induce him to return to the Chöng-dŭk Palace, which was his -place of residence at the time of the _emeutes_ of 1882 and 1884, but -this was combatted with all the means available, and the burned palace -was rebuilt as quickly as possible. - -The temporary effect of the war upon the Korean currency was to enhance -its value. Imports suddenly came to a standstill because of the lack of -steamships and the possible dangers of navigation. This stopped the -demand for yen. The Japanese army had to spend large sums in Korea and -this required the purchase of Korean money. The result was that the yen, -instead of holding its ratio of something like one to two and a half of -the Korean dollar fell to the ratio of one to only one and four tenths. -When, however, the sea was cleared of the Russians and import trade was -resumed and the bulk of the Japanese crossed the Yalu the Korean dollar -fell again to a ratio of about two to one, which it has preserved up to -the present time, i.e. December, 1904. - -From the time when the Russians retired beyond the Yalu warlike -operations between the two belligerents were confined to northeast Korea -though even there very little was doing. The Vladivostock squadron was -still in being and on April 25 it appeared at the mouth of Wonsan -harbor. Only one small Japanese boat was at anchor there, the _Goyo -Maru_, and this was destroyed by a torpedo boat which came in for the -express purpose. Of course this created intense excitement in the town -and there was a hurried exodus of women and children, but the Russians -had no intention of bombarding the place and soon took their departure. -Only a few hours before, the _Kinshiu_, a Japanese transport with -upwards of 150 troops on board, had sailed for Sŭng-ju to the north of -Wonsan but meeting bad weather in the night the torpedo-boats that -accompanied her were obliged to run for shelter and the _Kinshiu_ turned -back for Wonsan. By so doing she soon ran into the arms of the Russian -fleet and refusing to surrender she was sunk, but forty-five of the -troops on board effected their escape to the mainland. - -It was only a few days before this that a force of Cossacks had made a -dash down the eastern coast as far as Ham-heung which they entered after -a two hours’ skirmish with Korean troops. They burned about 300 houses -in the suburbs of the town and also fourteen _kan_ of the celebrated -“Ten Thousand Year Bridge,” the longest in Korea. After this they -retired to the north. But from that time on the whole northeast has been -scoured by parties of Russians and the Japanese have paid no attention -to them except to place troops at Wonsan and Ham-heung to hold these -places. On August 8th a small Russian force penetrated south to the very -suburbs of Wonsan but were speedily repulsed by the Japanese who had -thrown up intrenchments and were quite ready to meet any assault. The -Russians worked with great energy in repairing the road from the Tuman -River down to Sung-su, and even south of that place. They even built -good graded roads across two of the high passes south of Sung-jin until -they came in contact with the Japanese outposts twenty miles above -Ham-heung. Neither side seemed to desire to assume the offensive and so -matters stood until the end of the year, and the coming of the northern -winter put a stop to active operations. The only other incident worthy -of mention in this connection was the wanton attack upon the town of -Wonsan by the Russian fleet on the last day of June. On that morning -seven Russian torpedo-boats entered the harbor and after inquiring where -the Japanese barracks and other public buildings were situated began -shelling the town. In a panic the peaceful denizens of the place fled to -the shelter of the hills. The Russians gave no warning of the attack -even though many foreigners of various nationalities resided there and -might easily have been injured. After firing over 200 shells without -doing any considerable damage the torpedo boats withdrew. - -We must now go back and inquire into important civil matters. We have -seen that no strong attempt was made by the Japanese to secure reforms -in the administration of the Korean Government and for this reason many -of the best Koreans were dissatisfied with the way things were going. -Therefore it was doubly unfortunate that on the seventeenth of June the -Japanese authorities should make the startling suggestion that all -uncultivated land in the Peninsula as well as other national resources -should be thrown open to the Japanese. This appears to have been a -scheme evolved by one Nagamori and broached by him so speciously to the -powers in Tokyo that they backed him in it; but there can be no question -that it was a grave mistake. There is no other point on which the Korean -is so sensitive as upon that of his land. He is a son of the soil, and -agriculture is the basis of all his institutions. The mere proposal -raised an instant storm of protest from one end of Korea to the other. -The Koreans saw in this move the entering wedge which would rive the -country. It was the beginning of the end. This excessive show of feeling -was not expected by the Japanese and it is probable that their -intentions were by no means so black as the Koreans pictured them. The -very general terms in which the proposal was worded and the almost -entire lack of limiting particulars gave occasion for all sorts of wild -conjectures and, it must be confessed, left the door open to very wide -constructions. The time was unpropitious, the method was unfortunate and -the subject-matter of the proposal itself was questionable. The -all-important matter of water supply and control, the difficulties of -jurisdiction on account of the extraterritorial rights implied in the -proposal and other allied questions immediately presented themselves to -the minds of Koreans and they recognized the fact that the carrying out -of this plan would necessarily result in a Japanese protectorate if not -absolute absorption into the Empire of Japan. The Japanese do not seem -to have followed the logic of the matter to this point or else had not -believed the Koreans capable of doing so. But when the storm of protest -broke it carried everything before it. The Japanese were not prepared to -carry the thing to extremes and after repeated attempts at a compromise -the matter was dropped, though the Japanese neither withdrew their -request nor accepted the refusal of the Korean Government. It is a -matter of great regret that the Japanese did not quietly and steadily -press the question of internal reforms, and by so doing hasten the time -when the Korean people as a whole would repose such confidence in the -good intentions of the neighbor country that even such plans as this of -the waste lands could be carried through without serious opposition; for -it is quite sure that there is a large area of fallow land in Korea -which might well be put under the plow. - -During the weeks when the Japanese were pressing for a favorable answer -to the waste land proposition the Koreans adopted a characteristic -method of opposition. A society called the _Po-an-whe_ was formed. The -name means “Society for the Promotion of Peace and Safety.” It had among -its membership some of the leading Korean officials. It held meetings at -the cotton guild in the center of Seoul and a good deal of excited -discussion took place as to ways and means for defeating the purpose of -the Japanese. At the same time memorials by the some poured in upon the -Emperor, beseeching him not to give way to the demands. The Japanese -determined that these forms of opposition must be put down, so on July -the 16th the meeting of the society was broken in upon by the Japanese -police and some of the leading members were forcibly carried away to the -Japanese police station. Other raids were made upon the society and more -of its members were arrested and its papers confiscated. The Japanese -warned the government that these attempts to stir up a riot must be put -down with a stern hand and demanded that those who persisted in sending -in memorials against the Japanese be arrested and punished. If the -Korean government would not do it the Japanese threatened to take the -law into their own hands. The Japanese troops in Seoul were augmented -until the number was fully 6,000. - -The agitation was not confined to Seoul, for leading Koreans sent out -circular letters to all the country districts urging the people to come -up to Seoul and make a monster demonstration which should convince the -Japanese that they were in dead earnest. Many of these letters were -suppressed by the prefects but in spite of this the news spread far and -wide and the society enrolled thousands of members in every province. - -The effect of this was seen when, early in August, the Japanese military -authorities asked for the services of 6,000 Korean coolies in the north -at handsome wages. The number was apportioned among different provinces, -but the results were meager. Disaffected persons spread the report that -these coolies would be put on the fighting line, and it was with the -greatest difficulty that two thousand were secured. There were -sanguinary fights in many towns where attempts were made to force -coolies to go against their will. It was perfectly right for the -Japanese to wish to secure such labor, but the tide of public sentiment -was flowing strong in the other direction because of the attempt to -secure the waste land and because of the suspension of the right of free -speech. - -The cessation of Japanese efforts to push the waste land measure did not -put an end to agitation throughout the country, and the Il-chin society -continued to carry on its propaganda until on August 22nd a new society -took the field, named the Il-chin Society. This was protected by the -Japanese police who allowed only properly accredited members to enter -its doors. This looked as if it were intended as a counter-move to the -Il-chin Society, and as the latter was having very little success a -third society took up the gauntlet under the name of the Kuk-min or -“National People’s” Society. The platforms promulgated by all these -societies were quite faultless but the institutions had no power -whatever to carry out their laudable plans and so received only the -smiles of the public. - -During the summer the Japanese suggested that it would be well for Korea -to recall her foreign representatives. The idea was to have Korean -diplomatic business abroad transacted through Japanese legations. -Whether this was a serious attempt or only a feeler put out to get the -sense of the Korean government we are unable to say, but up to the end -of the year the matter was not pushed, and the nomination by the -Japanese of Mr. Stevens, an American subject as adviser to the Foreign -Office would seem to indicate that the existing diplomatic arrangements -will be continued for the time being. - -The various societies which had been formed as protests against existing -conditions stated some things that ought to be accomplished but -suggested no means by which they could be done. The difficulty which -besets the country is the lack of general education, and no genuine -improvement can be looked for until the people be educated up to it. For -this reason a number of foreigners joined themselves into the -Educational Association of Korea, their aim being to provide suitable -text books for Korean schools and to help in other ways toward the -solution of the great question. About the same time the Minister of -Education presented the government with a recommendation that the -graduates of the Government schools be given the preference in the -distribution of public offices. This had no apparent effect upon the -Government at the time, but this is what must come before students will -flock to the Government schools with any enthusiasm. Later in the year a -large number of Koreans also founded an Educational Society. It made no -pretensions to political significance but went quietly to work gathering -together those who are convinced that the education of the masses is the -one thing needed to put Korea upon her feet, in the best sense. - -In September there was celebrated the twentieth anniversary of the -founding of Protestant Christian missions in Korea. A great convention -had been arranged for and leading men were to attend it but the war -interfered with the plan and the convention was postponed till 1909, -when the quarter-centennial will be celebrated. In spite of this a -memorable meeting was held and the results of Christian work in Korea -were set forth and discussed. We need say no more here than that this -field is rightly considered as being one of the most successful in the -world and as giving promise of great things in the future. - -In the middle of October the Japanese military authorities sent Marshal -Hasegawa to take charge of military affairs in Korea. He arrived on the -thirteenth and shortly after went to Wonsan to inspect matters in that -vicinity. The news of considerable Russian activity in northeast Korea -seemed to need careful watching and the presence of a general competent -to do whatever was necessary to keep them in check. - -The laying of the last rail of the Seoul Fusan-Railway was an event of -great importance to Korea. It adds materially to the wealth of the -country both by forming a means of rapid communication and by enhancing -the value of all the territory through which it runs. It also gives -Japan such a large vested interest here that it becomes, in a sense, her -guarantee to prevent the country from falling into the hands of other -Powers. But like all good things it has its dangers as well. - -Mr. Megata, the new adviser to the Finance Department arrived in the -Autumn and began a close study of Korean monetary and financial -conditions. This was an augury of good, for Korean finance has always -been in a more or less chaotic condition since the time when the late -Regent flooded the country with discarded Chinese cash and a spurious -Korean coinage whose lack of intrinsic value gave the lie to its face. - -Late in the year Mr. Stevens, the newly appointed adviser of the Foreign -Department, took up his duties which, though less important than those -of Mr. Megata, nevertheless gave assurance that the foreign relations of -the government would be carefully handled. - -As the year came to a close there were evidences that the Japanese were -about to begin what should have been begun before, namely a gradual -reform in the administration of the government. Useless offices are to -be abolished, the army is to be brought down to its proper proportions, -retrenchment is to be effected in various other lines and education is -to be encouraged. On the whole the year closed with brighter prospects -in Korea than any former portion of the year had shown. - -The termination of an historical survey covering four thousand years of -time naturally suggests some general remarks upon that history as a -whole. And in the first place it is worth noting that the Korean people -became a homogeneous nation at a very early date. Before the opening of -the tenth century they were so firmly welded together that no sectional -difference has ever seriously threatened their disruption. - -Since the year 700 A. D. there have been two bloodless changes of -dynasty but there has not been a single successful revolution, in the -ordinary sense of the word. There have been three great and several -small invasions but none of these left any serious marks upon the -country either in the line of inter-mixture of blood or of linguistic -modification. They served simply to weld the people more closely -together and make the commonwealth more homogeneous than ever. - -In the second place the power has always been in the hands of the men of -greatest average wit, and it has uniformly been used to further personal -aims. The idea of any altruistic service has been conspicuously lacking, -though there have been brilliant exceptions. The concept of -individuality or personality is strangely lacking in all Turanian -peoples and this it is which has kept them so far in the rear of the -Indo-European peoples in the matter of civilization. The essential -feature of true progress, namely the recognition of the present time as -on the whole the best time, the present institutions as being the best -institution, the present opportunities as being the best opportunities, -the present people as being the best people that history has to -show—this feature is sadly lacking in the Far East. Japan has grafted -this into her life and it already bears fruit, but Korea stands with -China as yet. - -Individual people cannot be sure of getting their just deserts in this -life whether they be good or evil, but this is hardly true of nations. -They generally get about what they have deserved. If men lived as long -as empires they too might be served the same. It is poor philosophy to -mourn the fate of a decadent empire or a moribund civilization. They -have served their purposes and are ready to pass away. Upon their ruins -there are sure to arise edifices that are worthier of habitation than -were those of the past. In Korea the old is passing away, is crumbling -about our ears. The new wine is bursting the old bottles. The question -for the future to answer is whether the Korean people will allow their -ship of state to drift upon the Sargasso Sea until the seaweed “rising -strake on strake” shall make her utterly derilict, or whether they will -awake from their lethargy, clear away the barnacles and jam the helm -down hard a-port until the wind fills the sails and she can forge ahead -toward some desired haven. - -It is not the province of the historian to play the prophet nor shall we -try to forecast what the future may bring forth, but it is permissible -to express the hope that Korea will make herself increasingly worthy of -a continued and distinguished history. - - THE END. - - - - - INDEX. - - - Abdication of last King of Koryu, I 293 - of King of Tan-jong, I 311 - - Aborigines, I 2 - - Adulteration of food, I 171 - - Advisers, Foreign, II 271, 372 - - Adviser, Judge O. N. Denny, II 245 - - A-gol-t’a, I 171 - - Agriculture encouraged, I 149 - - Aid from China, I 400 - - Allen, Dr H. N., II 237, 241 - - Alexeieff arrives, Kir, II 313 - - Alexeieff supersedes Dr. Brown, 313 - withdraws, II 316 - - Alliance, Anglo-Japanese, II 335 - between Korea and Japan, II 275 - of Silla and China, I 104 - - Alphabet invented, I 307 - - Altar repaired, Tan-gun, II 136 - - Altar of Tan-gun, I 3 - - American expedition, II 212 - - American farm, II 232 - - American fleet retires, II 214 - - American fight on Kang-wha, II 214 - - American Minister, First, II 232 - - Anarchy in Koryu, I 109 - in Song do, I 195 - - Anju Skirmish, II 365 - - An Kyung-su murdered, II 328 - - Annals of Three Kingdoms, I 177 - of Koryu, I 149 - of Early Korea, I 35 - - Annani rice, II 332 - - Arab traders, I 118 - - Arch demolished, Chinese, II 281 - - Arms, Hideyoshi’s, I 350 - - Army cared for, I 143 - of Chinese, II 14 - - Army, Hideyoshi’s, I 350 - of 1000, B. C., I 11 - counter-invasion, Chinese, II 2 - reform, II 19 - to invade Japan, Mongol, I 219 - to meet Manchus, Korean, II 97 - - Asan, Battle of, II 254 - Naval battle of, II 252 - - Assassination of seven ministers, II 237 - of king of Koryu, I 181 - - Assault on Nam-han, II 109 - - Astronomical instrument, I 334 - work, II 169 - - Astronomy, I 154, 303, 315 - - Asylum in Korea, Wiman’s, I 14 - - Attack of Japanese war vessels, II 219 - - Authenticity of annals of early Korea, I 35 - - - “Baby War”, The, II 247 - - Banishment of king, I 179, 237 - - Bank Notes, Dai Ichi Giuko, II 337 - - Bank, Run on Japanese, II 345 - - Barter, I 222 - - Battle with Americans, II 214 - ” of Ab-sung, II 168 - ” A-san, II 254 - ” off A-san, Naval, II 252 - ” of Chemulpo, II 357 - ” Chik-san, II 34 - ” Chin-do, Naval, II 33 - ” Chin-ju, I 406 - ” Cho-gye, I 394 - ” at Chng-duk Monastery, French, II 210 - ” of Chöng-ju, II 365 - ” on Ch’ung-ju, I 404 - ” off Han-san, Naval, I 399 - ” of Hang-ju, II 10 - ” of He-on pass, II 8 - ” of I-ch’i, I 399 - ” of Ka-do Island, II 129 - ” of Keum-nyung, I 396 - ” of Kil-ju, I 409 - ” of Köm-san, I 394 - ” of Kwang-gyo Mt., I 374 - ” of Kye Pass, I 372 - ” of Kyöng-ju, I 408 - ” of Nam-wun, II 32 - ” of Ok-pŏ Island, Naval, I 375 - ” of Pu-go, II 65 - ” of Pom-nout Island, II 46 - ” of Puk-du-man, I 374 - ” of Pyeng-yang, I 401, II 257 - ” off Pyuk-hang Harbor, Naval, I 377 - ” near Sun-ch’un, Naval, II 48 - ” of Sung-ju, II 14 - ” of Tang-hang Harbor, Naval, I 377 - ” of Tong-na, I 352 - ” of Yalu, Naval, II 258 - ” of Yö-san, I 404 - ” of Yöng-jung, II 219 - ” at Yung-wun Fortress, I 378 - - Bear in Korean legend, The, I 1 - - Beginning of feud between Korea and Japan, I 59 - ” of government loans, I 56 - ” of historical writing, I 81 - ” of Japanese raids, I 190 - ” of Koguryu hostility to China, I 45 - ” of the Mongols, I 186 - ” of political parties, I 339 - ” of present reign, II 202 - - Bell cast for Seoul, I 314 - ” of Silla, I 121 - - Berneux, Bishop, II 200 - - “Big Bell” hung, The, I 318 - - Bishopric of Korea, The, II 196 - - Bismark of Korea, The, II 152 - - Blood-bridge fenced in, The, II 172 - - Blood stained bridge, I 292 - - Body-guard of Emperor, II 318 - - Bomb and Mortar, I 407 - - Bombardment of Nam-han, I 121 - - Books, Buddhist, I 169, 232 - ” Christian, II 183 - ” Edict against Christian, II 167 - ” of history, I 177 - ” on Japan, Korean, II 52 - ” published, I 338, II 188 - ” published by King In-jong, II 182 - - Books of sorceresses &c. burned, I 302 - ” on various sciences, I 315 - - Border warfare, I 321, 338, 340, 341, 344 - - Botany, I 171 - - Boundaries of Eum-nu, I 24 - ” of Kia-rak, I 50 - ” of Kija’s kingdom, I 8, 10 - ” of Koguryŭ, I 39 - ” of Ma-han, I 28 - ” of Mal-gal, I 25 - ” of Ok-jŭ, I 22 - ” of Sŭ-Ya-bŭl, I 34 - ” of Wi-man’s kingdom, I 16 - ” of Yŏ-mak, I 20 - - Branding forbidden, II 172 - - Bribed, Chinese, II 13 - - Bribery, Japanese, II 48 - - Bridge, First suspension, II 8 - ” of fish, I 38 - ” Kitan, I 161 - - British Gov’t upholds Mr. Brown, II 313 - ” occupy Port Hamilton, II 241 - ” treaty, II 233 - - Brown, C. M. G., J. McLeavy, Adviser, II 307 - - Bruguiere, First Bishop, II 196 - - Buddha, A standing, I 316 - - Buddhism under ban, I 298 - ” checked, I 145 - ” versus Confucianism, I 164 - ” Eight laws of, I 82 - ” Enormous increase, I 165 - ” to the fore, II 333 - ” Introduction of, I 65 - ” of Japan, I 123 - ” of Kung-ye, I 131 - ” obligatory in Coguryŭ, I 67 - ” in Pak-je, Introduction of, I 66 - ” rampant, I 145 - ” set back, I 301 - ” in Silla, I 76 - ” state religion, I 143 - ” of Wang-gön, I 134 - - Buddhist books, I 83, 150, 169, 232 - ” convents broken up, I 319 - ” excesses in Silla, I 83 - ” examination, I 169 - ” festival, I 134 - ” imposition, I 183 - ” monastery, Great, 167 - ” monastery, II 147 - ” monks forbidden to enter Seoul, I 319 - ” monk from China, 142 - - Buddhist militant, I 402 - ” relic, I 163 - ” superstition, II 149 - ” trickery, I 176 - - Burial alive, I 77 - - Burning of bad books, I 382 - - Burning of palace, II 366 - - - Cabinet, Liberal, II 238 - ” A new, II 266 - ” Pro-Japanese, II 296 - - Calendar, New, II 143 - - Camps, Mongol permanent, I 198 - ” Manchu, II 102 - - Cannibals, I 227, 249 - - Capital, First, I 2 - ” at Han-yang, I 243 - ” Kija’s, I 7 - ” of Koryu burned, I 158 - ” moved to Seoul, I 296 - ” plundered, I 249 - - Captives exchanged, II 129 - ” in Japan, Korean, II 37 - ” to Manchus, II 127 - - Cash, Copper, I 171 - - Catapult, Korean, I 193 - - Census of 1767, II 180 - ” II 153 - ” law, II 251 - - Centralization of Power, II 334 - - Ceramics, II 55 - - Cespedes, Gregoris de, II 37 - - Chariots, War, II 170 - - Charges against King Sun-jo, False, II 41 - ” against Queen of Sun-jo, False, II 62 - - Chemulpo, Battle of, II 359 - - Che-ju (Quelpart), I 74 See Quelpart - - Ch’i Dynasty in China, I 75 - - Chil-lin, Admiral, II 39 - - Chin-bun, I 18 - - Chin-han, I 30 - ” Origin of, I 30 - ” Customs of, I 31 - - China aids Korea, I 400 - ” appealed to, I 397, II 250 - ” breaks treaty with Japan, II 250 - ” disavows responsibility for Korea, I 220 - ” informed of Japanese invasion, I 385 - ” sides with Silla, I 97 - - Chinese army, II 14 - ” army arrives, II 230 - ” army of counter-invasion, II 2 - ” bribed, II 12 - ” demand removal of Japanese, II 238 - - Chinese disaster, I 91 - ” evacuate Pyeng-yang, II 257 - ” generals, II 2 - ” immigration, I 146 - ” influence, I 78 - ” innovations, I 78 - ” intervention, I 45 - ” official grades, I 148 - ” refuges, I 30, 36, 57 - ” refugees from Manchuria, II 68 - ” retire from Korea, II 21 - ” suzerainty denied, II 220 - ” take over Customs, II 242 - ” treachery, II 3 - ” victory over Koguryu, I 58 - - Ch‘ing Empire founded, II 94 - - Ch‘oe Ch‘i-wun, I 124, 128 - ” Literary work of, I 128 - - Cho Pyung-sik obstructs trade, II 248 - - Cho-ryung (Pass), II 354 - ” ” deserted, I 356 - - Cholera scourge, I 322, 330, II 85, 194, 285 - - Chong Kong-ju, I 288, 292 - - Cho-sun, Founding of, I 295 - ” ” Origin of word, I 19 - - Christian persecution of 1839, II 196 - ” persecutions, II 185, 186, 191 - - Christians at Nagasaki, Korean, II 37 - - Christianity, Causes of opposition to, II 191 - ” Spreads, II 200 - ” Studied, II 183 - - Chu, Emperor, I 4 - - Chu-mong, I 37 - - Chŭk Tribe, I 19 - - Chul-bun Pu yu, I 38 - - Civilization under Kija, I 8 - - Clepsydra, I 303 - - Clocks introduced, II 163 - - Club, The Independent, II 306, 307, 316, 324 - - Coaling station, Russia demands, II 313 - - Codification of laws, I 315 - - Coffee conspiracy, II 318 - - Coiffure, Mongol, I 224 - - Coinage, I 152, 242, II 211, 270 - - Colonization of the North, I 306 - ” Plan, II 335 - - Color of garments, I 222, 330 - - Compass, First, I 330 - - Concubines’ sons, I 340, II 81 - - Confucianism in Silla, I 121 - ” revived, I 148 - ” _versus_ Buddhism, I 164 - - Confucius, Image of, I 233 - - Consanguineous marriage, I 144, 145 - - Conscription, I 290 - - Conquest of Dagelet Island, I 78 - ” of Koguryu, I 40 - ” of Ma-han, I 45 - ” of Ok-ju, I 52 - ” of Pu-yu, I 47 - - Conquests of the Manchus, II 68 - ” of Su-ya-bul, I 34 - - Conspiracies, II 90 - - Conspiracy against Gen. Yi, I 90 - ” of Kim Cha-jum, II 142 - ” against King Sun-jo, I 346 - ” of Kim Yung ha, II 167 - ” of Regent’s son, II 282 - - Contrast between Korea and Japan, I 341 - ” between North and South, I 29 - - Convents broken up, I 319 - ” destroyed, II 164 - - Coolies demanded, II 370 - - Copper Buddha, A, I 301 - ” cash, I 171 - - Cossacks in Korea, II 363 - - Costume, Mourning, I 78 - - Cotton growing, II 149 - - Counterfeiting, I 171, II 336 - - Cremation, I 117, 122 - - Currency, I 175, 233, 242 - ” reform II 270, 366 - - Customs of aborigines, I 2 - ” of Chin-han, I 31 - ” of Cremation, I 117 - ” of Eum-nu, I 24 - ” of King plowing, I 77 - ” of Koguryŭ, I 39 - ” of Koryu, Mongol, I 221 - ” of Ku-ran, I 26 - ” of Ma-han, I 28 - ” of Mal-gal, I 26 - ” of memorialising the throne, I 121 - ” Mourning, I 148 - ” of Ok-ju, I 28 - ” of Pal-hă, I 26 - ” of Ye-mak, I 20 - - Customs Service, II 242 - - - Dagelet Island, I 73, 138, 178 - - Dallet’s historical work, II 203 - - Dancing-girls banned, I 320 - - Dancing-girl, A brave, II 15 - - Decadence of Koryu, I 177, 242, 324 - ” in Korea, II 69 - - Decadence of Wi-man Chosun, I 16 - ” of Pak-je, I 94 - ” of Sil-la, I 121, 131 - - Defense of Nam-han, II 102 - ” of Christian persecution, Korean, II 199 - - Delimitation of Korea, I 31 - - Denny, Judge O. N., II 245 - - Detectives, II 170 - - Dictionary of Korean, I 309 - ” Korean-Chinese, I 331 - - Disaffection, II 248 - - Disaster at Kang-wha, II 117 - ” Japanese naval, I 399 - ” to Chinese, I 91 - ” Kitan, I 163 - - Dismemberment of Koguryŭ, I 113 - - Divination, I 243 - - Dog in Korean tradition, I 265 - - Dream, King’s, I 255 - - Dress (see garments) - - Duel, I 278 - - - Ears and noses, Korean, II 38 - - Earthquakes, I 329 - - Eclipses recorded, I 11, 35, 154 - - Education, Western, II 246 - ” encouraged, I 304 - ” in Sil-la, I 120 - - Egg in Korean tradition, I 34, 44, 57 - - Electric light, II 333 - - Elixir of youth, I 12 - - Emancipation of serfs, II 181 - - Embalming, I 50 - - Embargo on export of grain, II 332 - - Embassy to Europe, II 247 - - Emeute of 1884, II 236 - - Emperor, King declared, II 314 - - Envoy to Hideyoshi, I 346 - ” insulted, Korean, II 57 - ” Manchu, II 96 - ” to Japan, Păk-je, I 67 - ” from Japan, First, I 59 - Japan, I 166, 260 - ” to Japan, Chinese, II 23 - ” Mongol, I 214 - ” Third Mongol, I 217 - ” killed, Mongol, I 224 - ” killed, Ming, I 268 - ” to King Sŭn-jo, Japanese, I 344, 345 - ” from Ktau, I 154 - ” from Liu Kin, II 188 - ” to Manchus, II 85 - ” Mongols Prince, I 209 - ” from Mings, First, I 261 - ” to Mongols, First, I 189 - ” to present dynasty, First Japanese, I 302 - ” from Quelpart, I 136 - ” to The United States, II 232 - - Eum-nu Tribe, I 24 - - Equestrian feat, I 250 - - Evacuation of Seoul, 1592, I 362 - ” of Nam-han, II 124 - ” of Korea by Japanese, 1596, II 26 - ” of Seoul by Japanese 1592, II 11 - ” of Pyeng yang, Japanese, 1596, II 7 - - Examinations begun, I 146 - ” Buddhist, I 169 - ” Decennial, I 329 - ” I 164, 237, 319 - - Examiners punished, II 174 - - Exposure of infants, II 151 - - Extortion, II 334 - - - Factions, I 146, 161 - - Faction massacred, Civil, I 178 - ” ” Military, I 162 - - Factional quarrels, I 333, II 52, 92, 153, 162, 163 - - Factions forbidden, II 165 - - Faith Cure, I 183 - - Fall of Ka-rak, I 80 - ” of Wija dynasty, I 15 - ” of Kitan, I 188 - ” of Koguryu, II 112 - ” of Kung-ye, I 132 - ” of Kyŭn-whŭn, I 140 - ” of Ma-han, I 33, 44 - ” of Mongol Empire, I 260 - ” of Ming Empire, II 139 - ” of Păk-je, I 106 - ” of Silla, I 140 - ” of Sin-don, I 265 - ” of Wiman dynasty, I 18 - ” of Yi-Kwal, II 78 - - Family names, I 49 - - Famine relief, I 149 - - Famine, flood, plague, 1814, II 194 - ” in Seoul, II 11 - - Farm, American, II 232 - - Feudal retainers, I 300 - - Feudalism stopped, I 300 - - Fire-arms, First, I 345 - - First bomb and mortar, I 407 - ” capital, I 2 - ” eclipse, I 11 - ” envoy from Japan, I 59 - ” fire-arms, I 345 - ” Japanese Minister, II 222 - ” Korean flag, II 225 - ” iron-clad, I 376 - ” Minister to Japan, II 225 - ” Mongol Invasion, I 192 - ” Printing-type, I 301 - ” suspension bridge, II 8 - ” tobacco, II 134 - ” woman ruler, I 93 - - Fish bridge, I 38 - - Fishery troubles in South, II 247 - - Flag, Korean, II 225 - ” of Kija dynasty, I 11 - - Flight of Japanese from Pyeng-yang, 1593 II 7 - ” of King in 1592, I 362, 363, 364 - ” of Koryŭ King, I 15 - ” to Kang-wha, I 195 - ” of Yuan-shei-kei, II 265 - - Flowers Artificial, I 240 - - “Flying General”, II 18 - - Foote arrives, Gen. L., II 232 - - Foreign Advisers, II 271 - - Foreign Office established, II 231 - - Foreign relations, Book on, I 315 - - Foreign visitor, II 195 - - Foreigners threatened, II 248 - - Forestry, II 149 - - Fort at Ul-san, II 35 - - Forts, Japanese, II 13 - - Fortresses of Koryŭ, I 165 - - Fortress of Nam-han built, II 82 - ” of Puk-han built 161 - - Foulk in American Legation, Geo. C., II 94 - - Founding of Chosŭn, I 295 - ” of Kin Power, I 172 - ” of Koguryŭ, I 36 - ” of _Koryu_, I 134 - ” of Su-ya-bul, I 34 - ” of South Pu-yu, I 41 - ” of Yuan Empire, I 218 - - Foundling asylum, II 151 - - Four Political parties, I 339 - ” provinces, The, I 18 - - Fowls, Long-tailed, I 29 - - Fox in Korean lore, The, I 5 - - French defeat on Kang-wha, I 210 - ” expedition, First, II 197 - ” ” under Adm. Roze, II 208, 209 - ” on Kang-wha, II 209 - ” priests enter Quelpart, II 197 - ” priests executed, II 196 - ” priests executed, Nine, II 206 - ” and Russian employees of Gov’t, II 332 - ” war-vessels wrecked, II 197 - - Funeral of Queen, II 314 - - Fusan trading port, II 50 - - - Gaoler Cabinet, II 301 - - Garments of Parties, II 146 - ” Color of, I 222, 242, 330 - ” Ming, I 263 - ” Official, I 146 - ” Style of, I 79 - - Gates roofed over, II 273 - ” of Seoul, I 297 - - Gayuk Khan, I 200 - - “General Sherman” wrecked, II 207 - - Genghis Khan, I 185 - - Gensho, I 345 - - Geology, I 315 - - German treaty, II 233 - - Geurilla warfare, I 409, II 18 - - Ginseng, Tax on, I 236 - - _Gloire, La_, II 197 - - God of War, Temples to, II 53 - - Gold mining, I 169, II 284 - - Governor-general, Mongol, I 204 - - Goyo maru, II 367 - - Guilds in Seoul, II 172 - - Guluk Khan, I 230 - - Gun-powder first seen, I 272 - - Gutzleff, II 195 - - - Ha-bu-ru, I 37 - - Hamel, Heinrich, II 143 - - Hair, False, II 186 - - Hair-cutting, I 204 - - Hall, Capt. Basil, II 195 - - Hanabusa in Seoul, II 217 - - Han Dynasty, I 14 - - Hans, The Three, I 28 - - Han-yang Capital, I 170 - - Hasegawa, II 372 - - Hats, Korean, I 9 - - Hen in tradition, The, I 52 - - Hideyi in Seoul, I 367 - - Hideyoshi, Answer to, I 348 - ” Envoy to, I 346 - - Hideyoshi’s ambition, I 344 - ” arms, I 350 - ” army, I 350 - ” character, II 51 - ” end, Story of, II 50 - ” invasion of Korea, I 349 - ” Letter, I 347 - ” Second plan of invasion, II 28 - - Hiroshima Court of the Queen’s murder, II 289 - - History begun in Silla, I 81 - ” of Koguryŭ written, I 87 - ” published, I 177 - - Historical work, I 149, 321 - - Hol-pil-ryul, I 210, 211 - - Hong-t’a-si, Manchu leader, II 82 - - Horse relay, Origin of, I 76 - - Horses sent to China, I 278 - - Horses of Ye-mak, I 21 - - Horse-breeding on Quelpart, I 252 - - Hospital founded, I 314, II 241 - - Hostage, Crown Prince as, II 128 - - Hostages to the Mongols, I 214 - - Hun, Last of Kija line, I 33 - - Hunting parks, I 302 - - Hyun Tribe, I 19 - - Hyuk ku-se, I 34 - - Hyun-do, I 18 - - - Imbert Bishop, II 196 - - Im-dun, I 18 - - Im-jin River, I 368 - ” ” forced, I 381 - ” ” guarded, I 370 - - Immigration of Chinese, I 146 - - Incarnation of Tan-gun, I 1 - - Incense, Mongol, I 240 - - Indemnity to Japanese, II 230, 240 - - Independence Club, The, II 306, 307 - ” Club disbands, II 324 - ” ” weakens, II 316 - ” Day, II 222 - ” declared, II 273 - ” of Korea, I 7 - - Independent, The, II 308 - - Infernal machine, II 218 - - Innovations, Chinese, I 78 - ” in Pak-je, I 81 - ” from China, I 110 - - Inouye as Minister, Count, II 277 - ” as special envoy, Count, II 230 - - Insurrection (see rebellion) - - Interest, Legal rate of, I 148 - - Invasion of 107 B. C., I 17 - ” Japanese, I 349 - ” of China planned, I 292 - ” Fears of Western, II 200 - ” Hideyoshi’s, I 349 - ” of Japan, plans of Mongol, I 214 - ” of Japan, Mongol, I 213, 225 - ” of Japan, I 214, 304 - ” by Kitan, I 150, 155 - ” of Koguryŭ, I 87 - ” of Korea by Sui Emperor, I 87 - ” by Manchus, II 69, 82 - ” First Mongol, I 192 - ” of Liao Tung 240 A. D., I 57 - ” Second Mongol, I 201 - ” ” Japanese, II 30 - ” planned, Second Japanese, II 29 - ” by Red-heads, I 244 - ” by Tap-dan, I 227 - ” by Wiman, I 15 - ” by Yŭ-jin, I 171 - - Invention of alphabet, I 307 - ” of new weapons, I 330 - ” in Silla,I 75 - - Iron building, I 236, 237 - - Iron-clad, The first, I 376 - - Iron money, I 152 - - Irrigation, II 169 - - Ito, Marquis, II 364 - - I-tu, The, I 119 - - - Jaisohn as adviser, Dr. P., II 277 - - Japan disavows acts of pirates, I 270 - ” helps against pirates, II 274 - ” invaded, I 214, 304 - ” Korean alliance, I 275 - ” Korean policy, II 219 - ” A Korean Queen for, I 61 - ” Mongolian invasion of, II 213, 225 - ” Mongol message to, I 213 - ” Mongol disaster in, I 220 - ” Third Mongol envoy to, I 217 - ” Second Mongol army to, I 223 - ” Under Hideyoshi, I 343 - - Japanese allies of Pak-je, I 109 - ” army lands, II 255, 256 - ” ask for books, I 320 - ” bribery, II 48 - ” Buddhism, I 166 - ” Captives to Mongols, I 215 - ” declaration of war against China, II 252 - ” defeated by Yi T‘a-jo, I 271 - ” enter Seoul, 1592, I 367 - ” envoy, I 260 - ” ” to present dynasty, First, I 302 - ” ” to King Sŭn-jo, I 344 - ” evacuate Seoul, II 77 - ” ” Pyeng-yang, II 7 - ” fort at Ul-san, II 35 - ” fortifications, II 13 - ” freebooters, I 218 - ” guard at palace, II 238 - ” incursions, I 35 - ” invasion, Omens of, I 334 - ” ” second, II 30 - ” land of Kunsan, II 354 - ” land at Chemulpo, II 356 - ” leave Korea 1596, II 26 - ” legation burned, II 227 - ” losses 1592, II 15 - ” marry Koreans, II 45 - ” masks, II 52 - ” military teacher, II 225 - ” minister First, II 222 - ” mobbed, II 240 - ” naval disaster, I 399 - ” in North-east 1592, I 390 - ” offer of aid against Manchus, II 91 - ” Japanese policy, II 352 - ” pirates, I 46 - ” pursued, II 12 - - Japanese take Pyeng-yang, 1592, 380 - ” before Pyeng-yang, I 386 - ” raids, I 238, 239, 240, 243, 244, 246, 254, - 255, 258, 264, 266, 267, 269, 279 - ” ravages begin, I 190 - ” relations, I 35 - ” retire from Seoul, II 240 - ” revolt, I 327 - ” robbers defeated, I 336 - ” routes, 1592, I 365 - ” settlements, I 26, II 38 - ” ” Shogun friendly, I 272 - ” take palace, II 252 - ” trade, I 307 - ” ” resumed, I 333 - ” ” suspended, I 328 - ” trade at Fusan, II 216 - ” trading station enlarged, II 136 - ” trading station, II 59, 153 - ” trading ports, I 298 - ” treatment of Mongol envoys, I 214 - ” treaty, II 221 - ” war vessel fired upon, II 219 - ” wish to colonise, II 335 - - Jealousy of Kato and Konishi, I 351 - ” of Min faction, II 234 - - Jesuit priests in Peking, II 143 - - - Ka-do Island, Battle of, II 129 - - Ka-ma tribe, I 48 - - Kang-wha attacked by French, II 209 - ” disaster at, II 117 - ” French defeat on, II 210 - ” King ordered from, I 206, 207 - ” King on, I 195 - ” Manchus take, II 118 - ” Palaces destroyed, I 209 - - Ka-rak, I 50 - ” boundaries, I 50 - ” fall of, I 80 - - Kato, General, I 351 - - Kaya, I 50 - - Keum-ma-gol, I 27 - - Keum-su-ro, I 50 - - Keum-wha, I 37 - - Kim Cha-jŭm’s blunder, II 99 - - Kim Hong-jip, Prime Minister, II 266 - ” murdered, II 303 - - Kim Hong-nyuk killed, II 318 - - Kim Ok-kyun’s body dismembered, II 250 - ” murdered, II 249 - ” II 223 - - Kidnapping the Regent, II 231 - - Kija’s Capital, I 7 - ” civilization, I 8 - ” coming of, I 4 - ” dynasty, I 11 - ” dynasty, End of, I 15 - ” laws, I 8 - ” loyalty, I 6 - ” origin of, I 4 - ” reforms, I 8 - ” route, I 6 - ” tomb, I 10 - - Kijun, Migration of, I 27 - - Kin Empire, I 172 - ” Good will of, I 173 - ” dynasty extinct, I 198 - ” letter, I 173 - - King deposed, Koryŭ, I 216, 287 - - King of Koryŭ abdicates, Last, I 292 - - Ki-tan bridge the Yalu, I 161 - ” calendar, I 151 - ” disaster, I 163 - ” driven back, I 160 - ” envoys, I 154 - ” falls, I 188 - ” refugees, I 187 - ” invasion, I 150, 155 - ” power, I 142 - ” suzerainty, I 152 - - “Knife Gang”, II 156 - - Koguryŭ, I 36 - ” Customs, I 39 - ” boundaries, I 39 - ” religion, I 39 - ” dismemberment of, I 113 - ” conquests, I 40 - ” expansion, I 40 - ” falls, I 112 - ” hostility to China, I 45 - ” Introduction of Buddhism, I 65 - ” Origin of word, I 38 - - Konishi, General, I 351 - - Korean captives returned, II 55 - - Koryetz, II 355, 361 - - Koryŭ dynasty founded, I 134 - ” King deposed, I 216 - ” king goes to China, I 212 - ” refugees, I 200 - ” revolts from Mings, I 283 - ” turns against Mongols, I 242 - ” vassal of China, I 135 - ” vassal to Mings, I 261 - ” woman, Empress of China, I 237 - - Ko-ŭlla, I 74 - - Kow-shing sunk, II 253 - - Kublai Khan, I 210, 211 - - Kublai Khan kindness, I 228 - - Kuk-cho Po-gam, I 314 - - Kung-ye, I 127 - ” a Buddhist, I 131 - ” capital, I 130 - ” fall, I 132 - ” proclaimed king, I 130 - ” rescue, I 127 - - Kŭ-ran tribe, I 26 - - Kŭ-sŭ-gan, I 34 - - Ku-wŭl Mountain, I 2 - - Kwaga, I 146, 237, 317 - - Kwang-ha becomes king, II 58 - ” deposed, II 70 - ” excesses, II 59 - ” Prince, II 55 - - Kye-rim, I 52 - - Kyöng-bok Palace rebuilt, II 211 - ” ” built, I 298 - - Kyöng-ju made Eastern Capital, I 149 - - Kyŭn Tribe, I 19 - - Kyŭn-whun, I 128 - ”defeated, I 136 - ”sacks Silla capital, I 136 - ”war with Wang gon, I 137 - - - Land measurement, I 142, 232 - - Law against adulteration of food, I 171 - ” against counterfeiting, I 171 - ” codification of, I 315 - ” for detectives, II 170 - ” of Kija, I 8 - ” against Monasteries, II 148 - ” against Murder, II 145 - ” penal, I 111 - ” of primogeniture, I 165 - ” published, I 318 - - Legal reform, I 167 - - Legation guards, II 349 - - Legend of Tangun, I 1 - - Legends (see Tradition) - - Letter from Hideyoshi, I 347 - ” to French Gov’t, II 197 - - Li Hung-chang and the neutral territory, II 220 - - Liao Fortress taken, I 264 - - Liberal cabinet, II 238 - ” party, II 223 - - Light-houses, II 338 - - Lindsay, II 195 - - Liu Kiu envoy, II 188 - ” islands, I 313 - - Literary activity, I 120, 315, 329, 331, 333, II 188 - ” work of Choé Ch’i-wŭn, I 128 - ” of King In-jong, II 182 - ” of King Sun-jo, I 340 - - Loans, Beginnings of Government, I 65 - - Lobanoff-Yamata Agreement, II 308 - - Long-tailed fowls, I 29 - - - Mabuda, II 94 - - Mahan, I 28 - ” Conquest of, I 45 - ” Customs, I 29 - ” Fall of, I 44 - ” population, I 30 - ” religion, I 30 - - Mal-gal Tribes, I 25 - ” treaty, I 135 - - Manchu camp, II 102 - ” ” captives, II 127 - ” ceremony, II 125 - ” charges, II 82 - ” conquests, II 68 - ” demands, II 84 - ” ” for tribute, II 93 - ” enter Korea, II 99 - ” ” Seoul, II 101 - ” envoys insulted, II 96 - ” invasion, II 69, 82 - ” invade China, II 135 - ” invasion, Omen of, II 97 - ” Japanese offer of aid against, II 91 - ” leader Hongt’asi, II 82 - ” leaders, II 94 - ” letter to Korea, First, II 66 - ” oath, II 86 - ” power, II 63 - ” suzerainty, II 125 - ” tablet, II 130 - ” take Kang-wha, II 118 - ” vandalism, II 113 - - Man-hunting, II 154 - - Map of North, II 169 - - Mararanta, Buddhist Monk, I 66 - - Mari Mountain, I 3 - - Ma-rip-gan, Royal title, I 70 - - Markets, Beginning of, I 76 - - Marriage Consanguineous, I 144, 145 - ” with sister, I 144, 145 - ” of present Emperor, II 205 - ” of Japanese and Koreans, II 45 - ” of widows first forbidden, I 321 - - Masanpo Russian coaling station, II 334 - - Masks, Japanese, II 52 - - Massacre of crew of “General Sherman”, II 207 - ” of military faction, I 162 - ” of civil faction, I 178 - - Mathematics, I 168 - - Maubant enters Korea, Pierre, II 196 - - Measures equalised, II 172 - - Measurement of land, I 232 - - Medical books, I 314 - - Megata, II 372 - - Memorial, I 121 - - Military emeute of, 1882 II 226 - - Military and civil factions, I 161 - ” instructors, Russian, II 313 - ” reforms, II 89, 144 - - Min faction, II 224 - - Min Seung-ho murdered, II 218 - - Min Yong-ik Envoy to U.S., II 232 - ” conservative, II 233 - ” wounded, II 236 - - Min Yong-jun beaten, II 249 - - Mines in warfare, II 193 - ” sulphur, II 149 - - Mings angry, II 273 - ” commands, I 263 - ” demand for tribute, I 275 - ” ” houses from Quelpart, I 267 - ” dress adopted, I 263 - ” dress and coiffure discarded, I 283 - ” dynasty falls, II 139 - ” envoy murdered, I 268 - ” First envoy from, I 261 - ” formally recognise Korea, I 279 - ” power appears, I 240 - ” suspicious, I 246 - - Mining concession, II 284 - ” forbidden, II 169 - ” gold, I 169 - - Minister to U.S., II 246 - ” to Japan, First, II 225 - ” of state killed, II 237 - - Minting of money, First, I 152 - - Mirrors, Japanese gift of, I 329 - - Missions in Korea, II 325 - ” Protestant, II 211 - - Miura arrives, Viscount, II 286 - - Mock Battle, I 330 - - Mollendorff dismissed, II 242 - ” employed P. G. von, II 232 - - Monasteries deprived of land, I 301 - - Monastery, Great, I 167 - ” in Koguryŭ, First, I 65 - ” Law against, II 148 - ” as poor-houses, II 147 - - Money, I 152, 171, 242 - ” Silver, I 233 - - Mongols, Allies of, I 187 - ” Appeal to, I 205 - ” army, Composition of, I 220 - - Mongols to invade Japan, I 219 - ” ” Japan, Second, I 224 - ” Origin of, I 185 - ” besiege Song-do, I 193 - ” captives, I 204 - ” charges, I 197 - ” ” against Koryŭ, I 213 - ” coiffure, I 223 - ” customs in Koryŭ, I 221 - ” demand for tribute, I 190, 194, 211 - ” ” of surrender, I 203 - ” disaster in Japan, I 220 - ” disaster, I 226 - ” dynasty decadent, I 240 - ” Empire falls, I 260 - ” envoy, First, I 189 - ” ” in Japan, I 214 - ” ” to Japan, Third, I 217 - ” ” to Japan killed, I 224 - ” fear of water, I 198 - ” Governor-general, I 204 - ” Hostages to, I 214 - ” humble, I 243 - ” incense, I 240 - ” invasion, First, I 192 - ” incursion, Last, I 254 - ” invasion of Japan, I 213, 225 - ” Korea surrenders to, I 194 - ” Koryŭ turns against, I 242 - ” message to Japan, I 213 - ” monster, I 204 - ” official names, I 222 - ” permanent camps, I 198 - ” Prince as envoy to, I 209 - ” princess, I 216 - ” Queen, I 223, 229 - ” in Quelpart, I 259 - ” ” ” destroyed, I 268 - ” residency, I 194 - ” resident dismissed, I 242 - ” retire from Korea, I 211 - ” ruthlessness, I 199 - ” second invasion, I 201 - ” siege of Ch‘un-ch‘un, I 203 - ” spies, I 200, II 94 - ” settle in Koryŭ, I 208 - ” Treaty with, I 197 - - Monk soldier, I 402 - - Morals, Lax, I 150 - - Mortar, Bomb and, I 407 - - Mourning customs changed, I 148 - ” for dead king begun, I 338 - ” garb, I 78 - - Mudangs banned, II 174 - - Mu je’s conquests, Emperor, I 18 - - Mukden, S. S., II 356 - - “Mulberry Palace” built, II 182 - - Murder of An Kyung-su, II 328 - ” of Chöng Mong-ju, I 292 - ” of king of Koryŭ, I 181 - ” of King Tan-jong, I 312 - ” of Kim Ok-kyun, II 249 - ” Law against, II 145 - ” Punishment for, I 176 - - Music in Silla, I 82 - - Musical instruments, I 11, 330, II 173 - ” reform, I 322 - - Myung-ye Palace, II 17 - - - Nagamori’s Scheme, II 368 - - Names, Family, I 49 - - Nam-han, Assault on, II 109 - ” Attempts to relieve, II 106, 109, 110, 111 - ” Defense of, II 102 - ” evacuated, II 124 - ” Fortress built, II 82 - ” King escapes to, II 100 - ” Manchu fence about, II 105 - ” offer of surrender, II 113 - ” Sorties from, II 103, 105, 107 - ” Starvation in, II 107 - - Nang-nang Tribe, I 18, 25 - - Nap-tap-chŭl defeated, I 252 - - National examinations, I 146, 237 - - Naval battle off A-san, II 252 - ” ” off Chemulpo, II 359 - ” ” of Chin-do, II 33 - ” ” at Ok-po Island, I 375 - ” ” at Pyuk-hang Harbor, I 377 - ” ” near Sun-ch‘un, II 48 - ” ” at Tang-hang Harbor, I 377 - ” ” of Yalu, II 258 - ” reform, II 172 - ” stations, II 155 - ” victory of Admiral Yi Sun-sin, I 399 - - Navy defeated, Korean, II 31 - ” Korean, I 207 - - Nelson of Korea, The, II 49 - - Neutral territory across the Yalu, II 220 - ” zone, II 350 - - Neutrality declared, Korean, II 351 - - Nickel coinage, II 270 - - Nine Tribes, The, I 2 - - Norach’i, Manchu Chief, II 63 - - Noron party in power, II 165 - - Northern Tribes, I 19 - - Noses and ears, II 38 - - Novel written, II 160 - - - Oath, Form of, I 110 - ” The King’s, II 278 - ” to Mok Ho-ryŭng, King’s, II 163 - ” to Manchus, II 86 - - Obeisance to Tsin Emperor, I 13 - - Obscene literature banned, I 321 - - Official garments, I 146 - ” grades, I 148 - ” names, Mongol, I 228 - - Ok-jŭ, Conquest of, I 52 - ” tribe, I 22 - - Ok-pyŭn, The, I 331 - - Old maids consoled, II 150 - - Omens of fall of Koguryŭ, I 112 - ” of fall of Koryŭ, I 239 - ” of the Japanese Invasion, I 334 - ” of fall of Păk-je, I 104 - ” of fall of Sil-la, I 121 - ” of Manchu invasion, II 97 - - Ondali, The, I 84 - - On-jo, I 41 - - Origin of A-gol-d’a, I 171 - ” of alphabet, I 308 - ” of Chin-han, I 30 - ” of Chu-mong, I 37 - ” of horse relay, I 76 - ” of Keum-wa, I 37 - ” of Kija, I 4 - ” of markets, I 76 - ” of Koguryŭ, I 36 - ” of Korea, Legendary, I 1 - ” of Korean hat, I 9 - ” of Manchus, II 63 - ” of mourning customs, I 78 - ” of name Sil-la, I 77 - ” of political parties, I 339 - ” of posthumous titles, I 79 - ” of Silla, I 34 - ” of southern Koreans, I 32 - ” of Sŭ-ya-bŭl, I 34 - ” of stone fights, I 236 - ” of T’am-nă, I 75 - ” of Tonghak, II 203 - ” of the word Chosun, I 19 - ” of word Koguryŭ, I 38 - ” of Yŭn Kingdom, I 52 - - - Pagoda built, I 170 - - Pai Chai School, II 246 - - Pak Tribe, I 19 - - Pak Hyŭk-kŭ-se, I 34 - - Păk-je, I 41 - ” falls, I 106 - ” Introduction of Buddhism into, I 166 - ” treachery, I 45 - - Păk-tu-san, Sacrifice to, II 179 - - Păk Yong-hyo pardoned, II 274 - ” final departure, II 284 - ” return from Japan, II 273 - ” II 225 - - Palace built, Kyöng-bok, I 298 - ” ” New, II 310 - ” ” “Mulberry”, II 61 - ” ” Burned 1592, I 363 - ” ” 1904, II 366 - ” guard, Russian, II 311 - ” of Kang-wha, I 198, 200 - ” on Kang-wha destroyed, I 209 - ” rebuilt, Kyöng-bok, II 211 - ” stormed, II 227 - ” taken by Japanese, 1894 II 252 - - Pal-hă Tribe, I 26 - - Pander to Mongol Court, I 232 - - Panic because of fall of Peking, II 200 - ” in Seoul, I 361 - ” in Seoul 1592, I 354 - ” ” ”, II 230 - ” Strange, II 184 - - Parties formed, Political, I 339, II 52, 92, 146 - - Party strife forbidden, II 165 - - Peace proposals 1598, I 48 - - Peddlars Guild, II 320, 364 - - Penal laws, I 11 - - Persecution of Christians, II 185, 186, 191, 196, 208, 209, 211 - ” of Kija, I 5 - - Philological argument, I 32 - - Pirates, Japanese, I 45 - ” Japan disavows acts of, I 270 - - Plague, A peculiar, II 189 - - Plants imported, I 171 - - Plebiscite, II 174 - - Plot against Queen’s life, II 286 - ” against Yi Sun-sin, II 29 - - Plowing by King begun, I 77 - - Poisoning, II 164 - - Political parties, II 52, 149 - ” ” formed, I 339 - - Polygamy, I 144 - - Poor-house, Monasteries as, II 147 - - Popular assembly, II 319 - - Population of Korea, II 153 - ” of Ma-han, I 30 - - Port Hamilton, British occupy, II 241 - ” Nicholas, II 348 - - Postal system, II 284 - - Posthumous titles, I 79 - - Post-office built, II 236 - - Pottery works, II 55 - - Primogeniture, Law of, I 165 - - Printing-type cast, II 188 - ” ” First, I 301 - ” ” restored, II 151 - - Prisoner, King a virtual, II 299 - - Progressive vs. Conservative, II 233 - - Prohibition platform, II 166 - - Prophecy, I 133, 297, II 347 - ” of the factions, I 338 - - Prostitutes made slaves, II 150 - - Protestant Missionaries, II 241, 325, 371 - - Protocol Korean Japanese, II 363 - - Provinces of Korea, I 152 - - Puk-han built, II 161 - ” Pak-je capital at, I 65 - - P’ung Tribe, I 19 - - Punishment of relatives forbidden, II 148 - - Puritanism, I 329 - - Pu-ŭlla, I 74 - - Pu-yŭ, I 36 - - Pu-yŭ, Position of, I 38 - ” Conquest of, I 47 - - Pyeng-yang besieged 1593, II 4 - ” captured by “Red-heads”, I 245 - ” invested, II 256 - ” Japanese before, 1592 I 386 - ” King Sŭn-jo at, I 369 - ” Schools in, I 138 - ” Siege of, I 48, 157 - - Pyon-han Tribe, I 31 - - - Queen’s body burned, II 295 - ” dies, II 294 - ” divorced, II 158 - ” False charges against King Sun-jo’s, II 62 - ” funeral, II 314 - ” for Japan, a Korean, I 61 - ” of Korea, A Mongol, I 216 - ” murder, Hiroshima Court on, II 289 - ” murder, Miura plots, II 288 - ” and Regent hostile, II 217 - ” return to Seoul 1882, II 231 - - Quelpart, I 74 - ” allegiance transferred, I 109 - ” copper Buddha, I 301 - ” disturbed, I 178 - ” Envoy from, I 75, 136 - ” Hamil wrecked on, II 143 - ” Mings demand horses from, I 267 - ” Mongols on, I 259 - ” destroyed, I 268 - ” Mongol Emperor to find asylum on, I 260 - ” Ravages on, I 210 - ” Rebels on, I 217, 219 - ” revolts, I 252 - ” Schools on, I 150 - ” Tradition of, I 47 - ” Vassal of Koyru, I 142 - ” Volcano on, I 152 - - - Railway concession, Seoul Fusan, II 318 - ” Seoul-Wiju, II 309 - ” Seoul-Chemulpo, II 311 - ” Seoul-Fusan, II 372 - - Rank, Chinese names of, I 148 - - Ravages, Japanese, I 238, 239, 240, 243, 244, 246, - 254, 255, 258, 264, 266, 267, 269, 279 - ” of Yŭ-jin, I 191 - - Rebellion of a butcher, I 336 - ” of 426 B. C., I 12 - ” of Cho Wi-jŭng, I 182 - ” of Hong Kyöng-nă, II 192 - ” in Kong-ju, II 140 - ” of Myo Chung, I 176 - ” in Sil-la 645 A. D., I 101 - ” in South,II 167 - ” of Yi Kwal, II 74 - ” of Yi Si-ă, I 316 - - Rebels off Quelpart, I 217, 219 - - Reconstruction, II 267 - - “Red-head” cannibals, I 249 - - “Red-head” defeated, I 244, 250 - - “Red-head” invasion, Second, I 248 - - Reforms of 1834, II 196 - ” of 1883, II 232 - ” demanded by Japan, II 261 - ” in Koryŭ, I 148 - ” of Kija, I 8 - ” of King Chŭl jong, II 200 - ” of King Chung-jong, I 327 - ” of King In-jo, II 72 - ” of King Se-jong, I 305 - ” of King Sŭn-jo, I 337 - ” of King T’ă-jo, I 295 - ” Military, II 89 - ” proposed, I 239, II 267 - ” under Song Si-ryŭl, II 147, 148, 149 - ” under Yi T’a-jo, I 288 - ” Superficial, II 280 - - Refugees, Chinese, I 36, 57 - - Regency of Tă-wŭn-gun, II 204 - - Regent retires, II 218 - ” returns from China, II 241 - ” returns to power, II 229 - - Relic, Buddhist, I 163 - ” of Kija, I 10 - ” of Tan-gun, I 3 - - Religion, Buddhism, I 76 - ” Buddhist a Government, I 66 - ” of Koguryŭ, I 39 - ” of Ma-han, I 30 - ” Shintoism, I 92 - ” of Ye-mak, I 21 - - Repository, The Korean, II 326 - - Resident dismissed, Mongol, I 242 - - Residency, Mongol, I 194 - - Retrogression, II 310 - - Revenue, I 168 - ” in Koryŭ, I 222 - ” of Korea, II 55 - ” laws revised, II 149 - ” reforms, II 270 - - Revolt in Koryŭ, I 197 - ” of Ajnus, II 350 - ” Nam-nyŭ, I 20 - ” of slaves, I 185, 195 - - Ricci, P., II 39, 148 - - Ridel, Bishop, II 208 - - Roads built, I 54 - - Robbers in Koryŭ, I 183 - ” Rodgers, Admiral, II 212 - - Roman Catholic Bishopric, II 196 - ” ” disturbance, II 345 - ” ” priest in Nanking, II 92 - ” ” priests on Quelpart, II 197 - - Roman Catholicism, spread of, II 184, 209 - ” ” Entrance of, II 37, 156 - ” ” First edict against, II 175 - - Roze appealed to, Admiral, II 206 - ” Expedition of Adm., II 208, 209 - ” Island sold, II 330 - - Russians ask for trading rights, II 205 - ” coaling station, II 334 - - Russia not favorable to reforms, II 309 - - Russian Church, II 331 - ” Aggression on Yalu, II 348 - ” Legation, King goes to, II 302 - ” Military instructors, II 313 - ” Palace guard, II 311 - ” pressure withdrawn, II 316 - ” tactics in the East, II 342 - ” timber concession, II 346 - ” treaty, II 346 - ” Variak, II 357, 367 - - - Sacrifice, Animal, II 179 - ” to the ch’ăk-ch’ăk, II 134 - ” by Tan-gun, I 3 - - Sa do the Martyr, II 179 - - Salt making, II 34 - ” monopoly, I 226, 231 - ” tax remitted, II 148 - ” works, II 15 - - Sam-guk-sa, I 177 - - Sanscrit in Korea, I 308 - ” books, I 232 - - Satsuma ware, II 55 - - Satsuma rebellion, II 220 - - Schaal, P., II 143 - - School founded, Western, II 246 - ” of letters, I 304 - ” Pai Chai, II 246 - ” in Pyeng-yang 932 A. D., I 138 - - Seal sent to Tsushima, II 165 - ” unearthed, I 20 - - Se-jo usurped power, I 311 - - Seoul becomes capital, I 296 - - Seoul-Chemulpo Railway, II 311 - - Seoul, Description of, I 297 - ” evacuated, 1592 I 362 - ” by Japanese, II 11 - - Seoul-Fusan Railway concession, II 318, 372 - - Seoul, Manchus enter, II 101 - ” panic-stricken, I 361 - ” reoccupied, II 16 - ” secondary capital, I 170 - ” taken by Japanese 1592, I 367 - ” taken by Yi Kwal, II 77 - ” Wall of, I 297 - - Seoul-Wiju railway, II 309 - - Serfs, Emancipation of, II 181 - - Sericulture, I 311, 314 - - Settlements, Japanese, I 261, II 38 - ” in South Korea, I 32 - - Sewer in Seoul built, II 175 - - Shang dynasty, I 4 - - Shintoism, I 92 - - Shogun, A Korean, I 145, 186 - - Shrine to Korean Trinity, I 4 - - Siege of Ch‘un-ch‘ŭn, I 203 - ” of Ku-ju, I 193 - ” by Mongols, I 202 - ” of Nam-han, II 102 - ” of Pyeng-yang, I 17, 48, 74, 64, 157 - ” of Song-do, Mongol, I 193 - ” of Ul-san, II 35 - ” of Yŭn-an, I 392 - - Sil-la absorbs most of Korea, I 118 - ” Buddhism in, I 76, 80 - ” capital sacked by Kyŭn-whŭn, I 136 - ” decadent, I 131 - ” decline, I 121 - ” falls, I 140 - ” opposes China, I 115 - ” Origin of, I 34 - ” Origin of name, I 77 - ” ravaged, I 130 - ” treasures, I 135 - - Silver money, I 232 - - Sil-yip defeated, Gen., I 358 - - Sim Yu-gyŭng, Envoy, II 26 - - Sin-don’s fall, I 265 - - Sin-don’s power, I 256 - ” rise, I 255 - - Sin-gak executed, Gen., I 372 - - Sister, Marriage with, I 144, 145 - - Slaves freed, Gov’t, II 190 - ” revolt, I 185, 196 - - Slavery, I 146, 149 - ” in Koryŭ, I 230 - - “Smoke-house Soldiers”, I 247 - - Social grades, II 181 - - Society, II 155, 369, 370, 371 - - Sodomy, I 265 - - Song-do becomes capital, I 134 - ” taken by Gen. Yi, I 285 - ” wall built, I 129 - - Song Si-ryŭl killed, II 157 - ” ” reforms, II 147, 148, 149 - - South Korea settlements, I 32 - ” Pu-yŭ, I 41 - - Southern Korea, Tribes of, I 28 - - Sparwehr, The, II 143 - - Speyer, de, II 315 - ” recalled, II 313 - - Spies, Mongol, I 200, II 94 - - Spoils system, II 54 - - Starvation in Nam-han, II 107 - - Stevens, Adviser, II 372 - - Stone-fight, Origin of, I 276 - - Stork as official emblem, II 144 - - Store-houses, Gov’t, I 149 - - Su Cha-pil’s return from Japan, II 234 - - Sui Emperor invades Korea, I 87 - - Suk T‘al-ha, I 44 - - Sul Ch‘ong, I 120 - - Sulphur mines, II 149 - - Sungari River, I 38 - - Sun-jo, False charges against King, II 41 - ” King, I 337 - ” in Wi-ju, I 392 - ” vindication of, II 41 - - Superstition, II 134 - ” Buddhist, II 149 - - “Surprise” wrecked, II 203 - - Surrender of Nam-han offered, II 113 - - Suspension bridge, First, II 8 - - Su-ya-bul, I 34 - - Suzerainty cast off, Chinese, II 273 - ” Chinese claims to, II 245 - ” Manchu, II 125 - ” Mongol, I 194 - - - Ta-bak Mt., I 1 - - Tablet of Regent, II 215 - ” of the Manchus, II 130 - - Tă-bong Kingdom, I 131 - - Tairano, I 345 - - Ta-jong active, I 292, 299 - ” becomes king, I 300 - - Tal-geui, I 5 - - T‘am-na Kingdom, I 75 - ” envoy to Koryŭ, I 136 - ” prefect, I 178 - ” a vassal of Koryŭ, I 142 - - Ta-nă well, I 184 - - Tang dynasty, I 92 - - Tan-gun, I 1 - ” altar repaired, II 136 - ” grave found, II 185 - - Tan-jong abdicates, I 311 - ” murdered, I 312 - - Ta-p‘a-ra, I 44 - - T‘ap-dan invasion, I 227 - ” Tribe, I 227 - - Tattooing, I 30 - - Tă-wŭn-gun becomes regent, II 204 - ” born, II 195 - ” career, II 315 - ” dies, II 315 - ” retires, II 218 - ” return from China, II 241 - ” taken to China, II 231 - - Tax on ginseng, I 236 - - Taxation under Kija, I 9 - - Taxes in Koryŭ, I 222 - ” lowered, II 146 - - Telegraph line built, II 242 - - Temples to God of War, II 52 - - Tests of endurance, I 30 - ” of Royal power, I 48 - - Thibetan books, I 232 - - Three Hans, The, I 28 - - Tien-tsin convention, II 241 - - Timber concession, II 346 - - Tiger as official emblem, II 144 - - Timur Khan, I 228 - - Timber on the Yalu, I 231 - - Title of Ma-rip-gan, I 70 - ” posthumous, I 79 - - Tobacco introduced, II 134 - - Tombs desecrate, Royal, II 12 - - Tomb, Kija’s, I 10 - - Tong-guk T‘ong-gam published, I 321 - - Tonghak founder killed, II 204 - ” Origin of, II 203 - ” rising, II 248 - ” resume operations, II 276 - - Tong-man, I 93 - ” Tortoise boat, I 376 - ” ” successful, I 399 - - Total abstinence, II 166 - - Trade relations with Japan, I 338, II 54 - ” with Japan, I 306 - ” ” ”resumed, I 333 - - Trading port at Fusan, II 59, 153 - ” stations enlarged, Japanese, II 136 - - Tradition of Hyŭk-kŭ-se, I 34 - ” of Kye-rim, I 52 - ” of Pu-yŭ, I 37 - ” of Quelpart, I 74 - ” of Sŭk-t’al-hă, I 44 - ” of Wang-gön, I 129 - ” ” escape, I 132 - ” of Yu-ri, I 41 - - Treachery Chinese, II 3 - ” of Păk-je, I 45 - - Treasures of Sil-la, I 135 - - Treaty with U. S., II 232 - ” with Germany, II 233 - ” with Great Britain, II 233 - ” with Japan, II 221 - ” with Manchus, II 86 - ” with Mongols, I 187 - ” with Russia, II 241 - - Tribe of Chin-han, I 30 - ” of Eum-nu, I 24 - ” of Hol-cha-on, II 55 - ” of Karak, I 50 - ” of Kŭ-ran, I 26 - ” of Mal-gal, I 25 - ” of Nang-nang, I 25 - ” of Ok-jŭ, I 22 - ” of Pal-hă, I 26 - ” of Pyön-han, I 31 - ” of T’ap-dan, I 227 - ” of Ye-măk, I 19 - - Tribute horses, I 278 - ” to Manchus, II 87, 93, 124 - ” Ming demand for, I 275 - ” Mongol demand for, I 190, 194 - - Trial of Koreans for murder of Queen, II 300, 305 - ” Laws of, I 167 - ” of Miura, II 298 - - Trinity, A Korean, I 1 - ” Shrine to, I 4 - - Truce with Japanese, I 405 - - Tsin dynasty, I 13 - - Tsuginobu, I 345 - - Tsushima daimyos, II 165 - ” a dependency, I 35 - - Type cast, II 188 - ” First, I 301 - ” restored, Copper, II 151 - - - U, Wild tribe, I 19 - - Ul-lan Kingdom, I 238 - - Ul-leung-do (Dagelet Id.), I 138 - - Ul san Fort, II 35 - ” ” relieved, II 36 - - Usurpation of King Se-jo, I 311 - ” Kyŭn-whŭn, I 128 - - - Vandalism of Manchus, II 113 - - Variak, II 357, 362 - - Vassalage to China, Koguryŭ’s, I 70 - ” ” ” Păk-je’s, I 70 - ” ” Manchus, II 132 - - Vessels, Silla war, I 72 - - Veterinary surgery, I 315 - - Victorieuse, La, II 197 - - Volcanic eruption, I 152 - - - Waste lands, II 368 - - Waeber-Komura Agreement, II 308 - - Wall across Korea, I 93, 165 - ” ” the North, I 135 - ” built against the Mongols, I 190 - - Wall of China, Great, I 13 - ” of Silla capital, I 36 - ” capital offence, Scaling of, II 157 - ” of Seoul, I 297 - - Wang, Introduction of word, I 77 - - Wang-gön’s advice, I 143 - ” becomes king, I 133 - ” military prowess, I 130 - - War chariots, I 170, II 170 - ” between China and Koguryŭ, I 86, 98 - ” declared by Japan against China, II 273 - ” with Kitan, I 162 - ” between Koguryŭ and Păk-je, I 64, 67, 73 - ” between Koguryŭ and Yŭn, I 62, 67 - ” between Kyŭn-whŭn and Wang-gön, I 137 - ” between Silla and China, I 116 - ” between Silla and Japan, I 64 - ” between Silla and Păk-je, I 56, 83, 102 - ” terminated, Chino Japanese, II 282 - ” The Triangular, I 72 - ” Vessels, Silla, I 72 - - Water-clock, I 121, 303 - - Weapons made, New, I 330 - - Weaving encouraged, I 315 - - Wei Kingdom in China, I 73 - - Weights and measures, I 166 - - Well, Ta-nă, I 184 - - Whan-in, I 1 - - Whan-ung, I 1 - - Whan Son-gil’s insurrection, I 133 - - Whang Tribe, I 19 - - Wheel invented, I 75 - - Widows first forbidden to re-marry, I 321 - - Willow capital, I 9 - - Wild tribes of North, I 19 - - Wiman, I 14 - ” Invasion, I 16 - - Wina Cliff, I 43 - - Wine-drinker executed, II 175 - - Wine-making prohibited, I 301 - ” and spirits prohibited, II 166 - - Witchcraft, I 330, II 161 - - Woman ruler, First, I 93 - - Women’s rights, I 221 - - Wreck of “Surprise”, II 207 - ” of French war vessels, II 197 - ” of “Gen. Sherman”, II 207 - ” of Sparwehr, II 143 - - Wu-ti’s Conquest, Emperor, I 18 - - Wu-yi, Emperor, I 4 - - Wŭn-gyun defeated, II 31 - - - Xylographic art, I 316 - - - Ya-gol-da, I 201 - - Yalu, Battle of, Naval, II 258 - ” Russian aggression on, II 348 - - Yamagata arrives, Marshall, II 258 - - Yang-ŭlla, I 74 - - Yang Tribe, I 19 - - Yasuhiro, I 344 - - Ye-măk horses, I 21 - ” religion, I 21 - ” tribe, I 19 - - Yi Kwal’s rebellion, II 74 - ” takes Seoul, II 77 - - Yi T’a-jo becomes King, I 295 - ” defeats Japanese, I 271 - ” deposes king, I 287 - ” honored, I 254 - ” reforms, I 288 - ” retires, I 299 - ” revolts, I 283 - ” rise, I 248 - ” successes, I 262 - ” takes Liao Fortress, I 264 - - Yi Yong-ik’s methods, II 330 - ” narrow escape, II 339 - ” return, II 344 - ” Rise of, II 329 - - Yi Sun-sin, I 375 - ” degraded, II 30 - ” fame, I 378 - ” genius, II 40 - ” great naval victory, I 399 - ” Plot against, II 29 - ” reinstated, II 32 - ” tactics, Admiral, I 276 - ” victorious, II 33, 48 - - Yin dynasty, I 4 - - Yongampo, II 347 - - Yong gol da, II 94 - - Yoshitoshi, I 345 - - Yŭ-jin attacked, I 161 - - Yŭ-jin invade, I 171 - ” ravages, I 191 - - Yuan Empire named, I 218 - - Yuan Shih-kei aids conservatives, II 234 - ” flight, II 265 - - Yŭn-u’s usurpation, I 56 - - Yun Chi-ho and independence, II 216 - - Yun Kingdom, I 13 - ” origin of, I 62 - - Yŭn-san’s evil rule, I 323 - ” deposed, I 326 - - - BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX.[A] - -Footnote A: - - If the volume is not indicated, Vol. II is understood. - - Adogan, I 43 - Agolda, I 18 - Ajin, I 43 - Amogan, I 195 - An, I 43 - An Gugol, I 18 - An Golp‘o, I 396 - An Hyoje, 246 - An Chungsu, 229 - An Tojok, I 247 - An Pak, 159 - An Kuksin, 61 - An P‘yunghyön, I 51 - An U, I 234 - An Yu, I 322 - An Si, I 85 - An U-Gyŭng, I 247 - Au Yul, I 195 - An Kyungsu, 263 - Ap Sulyung, I 61 - Ara Kaya, I 43 - Ason Keupri, I 51 - A-silla, I 127 - - - C‘ha Ch‘aung, I 43 - Ch‘arada, I 195 - Chasa, I 35 - Chasau Chinji, I 35 - Chakwŭn, I 349 - Ch‘alja, I 181 - Ch‘amsung, I 43 - Chamdu, I 295 - Chang, I 15, 43 - Ch‘angam, I 101 - Chang Ch‘unli, I 349 - Chang Dan, I 59 - Chang Euimun, I 295 - Chang Eungjung, 1 - Chang Keun, I 85 - Ch‘ang Kyung, I 309 - Chang Hagun, I 18 - Chang Heung, I 309 - Chang Hön Seja, 173 - Chang Cham, I 85 - Ch’ang Chori, I 51 - Chang Man, I 177, 61 - Chang Sasung, I 234 - Chang Sejuk, 1 - Chang Seungyun, 61 - Chang Sin, 116 - Ch‘angsung, I 153 - Ch‘angwha, I 153 - Ch‘angwun, I 221 - Chang Yewun, I 359 - Chang Yu, 61, 130 - Che, I 4 - Cheha, I 81 - Chep‘o, I 295 - Chewang Myunggan, I 309 - Cheungi, I 85 - Chi Ch‘wa mun, I 153 - Chi Talwun, I 383 - Chinansan, I 337 - Chire, I 359 - Chirisan, I 35 - Chi Yun, I 259 - Ch‘il Chungsung, I 35 - Chilga, 130 - Ch‘iljung, I 101 - Chinbun, I 4 - Chin Tadrok, I 85 - Chinhan, I 27 - Chinjong, I 153 - Cho, I 4 - Cho Pyungjik, 303 - Chong Keuiwun, 28 - Cho Pyungho, 229 - Cho Pyungsik, 246 - Cho Tukkong, I 296 - Cho Ku, I 337 - Chong Inji, I 309 - Cho Keukkwan, I 309 - Cho Kwang, I 177 - Cho Kwangjo, I 332 - Cho Il-kyung, 16 - Chong Mongju, I 259 - Cho Heniyun, 263 - Chong Munbu, I 383 - Cho Hoik, I 195, 396 - Cho Hon, I 337 - Cho Hyoja, I 85 - Cho Hyunham, I 359 - Cho Il-in, I 61 - Cho Im, I 195 - Cho Chisu, I 322 - Cho Chin, I 295 - Cho Chuk, I 234 - Cho Chunyung, I 215 - Cho mun, I 61 - Cho ryung, I 249 - Chong Soun, I 247 - Cho Ryungha, 215, 229 - Cho Seunghun, I 396 - Cho Sinheui, 246 - Cho Sosang, I 74 - Cho Sukmun, I 309 - Cho T’ago, 159 - Cho Ung, I 296 - Cho Whi, I 274 - Ch’wa Ihang, 130 - Ch’oe, I 43 - Ch’oebi, I 61 - Ch’oe Poksul, I 202 - Ch’oe Ch’iwun, I 113 - Ch’oe Ch’ukkyung, I 177 - Ch’oe Eungil, 73 - Ch’oe Kyungwhe, 130 - Ch’oe Kyusu, 159 - Ch’oe Heul, I 295 - Ch’oe Heungwun, I 283 - Ch’oe Hyoil, 130 - Ch’oe Ikhyun, 215 - Ch’oe Chang, I 195 - Ch’oe Myunggil, 61 - Ch’oe Suk hang, 159 - Ch’oe U, I 247 - Ch’oe Yunduk, I 295 - Ch’oe Yung, I 396 - Chuk, I 43 - Chukkeum, 1 - Ch’uk Kyegwang, 16 - Chon Kegun, I 189 - Chon Namsan, I 101 - Chon Saung, I 85 - Chon Sujong, I 1 - Chong, I 43 - Chonga Kakbak, 189 - Chong Ch’ungsin, 73 - Chong Tuwun, 88 - Chong Eungt’a, 28 - Chong Keuiwun, 28 - Chong Konsu, I 396 - Chong Heuiryang, I 159 - Chong Inhong, I 383 - Chong Inji, I 309 - Chongji, I 270 - Chongjong, I 295 - Chong Chungju, I 177 - Chong Mongju, I 259 - Chong Munbu, I 383 - Chong Myungjin, I 101 - Chong Nambu, I 396 - Chong Namsu, 61 - Chong Nogyung, 130 - Chong Okwun, I 309 - Chong On, 101 - Chong Pakhyung, 116 - Chongbangsan, 88 - Chong Pangsu, 73 - Chong Poeun, I 281 - Chong Pyungha, 288 - Chong Seun, I 247 - Chong Sugyu, 101 - Chong Sukha, I 396 - Chong Sung, I 153 - Chong Sung hong, I 309 - Chongt’ong, I 4 - Chong Wundo, I 85 - Chong Wungun, 61 - Chong Yorip, I 396 - Chou, I 4 - Chu Keun, I 43 - Chu Cha, 215 - Chu Mangin, I 270 - Chumong, I 35 - Chu Munmo, I 189 - Ch’u P’ungyung, I 359 - Chu Sebung, I 322 - Chusu, I 4 - Chukju, I 195 - Chukyung, I 349 - Chuksan, I 359 - Chulgang, I 337 - C’hulli, I 153 - Ch’ulmokchin, I 181 - Chulyung, 28 - Chulyungdo, I 127 - Chumsun, I 85 - Ch’unch’uk, I 141 - Ch’unjuhak, 173 - Chunsu, I 18 - Chunghogwun, 45 - Ch’ungmok, I 61 - Chungseung, I 295 - Ch’ungsun, I 221 - Chungwun, I 141 - Ch’ungyang, I 127 - - - Euijong, I 177 - Euiwha (Prince), 246 - Eulbul, I 51 - Eulji Munduk, I 85 - Eulneum, I 153 - Eumho, I 35 - Eumnu, I 18 - Eupch’a, I 18 - - - Haburu, I 4 - Hadogam, 215 - Hakongjin, I 153 - Hanam, I 101 - Haryuk, I 101 - Hasaju, I 113 - Ha Sang, 28 - Ha Sung, I 337 - Hau, I 51 - Hausi, I 1 - Hawang, I 18 - Ha Wiji, I 309 - Ha Yang, I 141 - Hakeui, 159 - Hamja, I 85 - Hamjung, I 234 - Hamma, I 18 - Hamp’yungno, I 4 - Han, I 15 - Han Eungin, I 359 - Hangang, I 4 - Han Keuksung, I 388 - Han Kyujik, 229 - Han Hyosun, 61 - Han Hyun, 16 - Hanju, I 113 - Han Myungwhe, I 309 - Han Roe, I 177 - Hansan, I 127 - Hansanju, I 113 - Han-sando, I 113 - Han Seungu, I 159 - Han Sun, I 181 - Han Usang, 116 - Hanyang, I 61 - Han Yun, 73 - Hanggu, 1 - Hang Chang, I 349 - Happ’o, I 221 - Hap Somun, I 85 - Heuk-su, I 18 - Heungch’ung, 130 - Heum-mu, I 153 - Heung Euiyuk, I 153 - Heungguk, I 181 - Heungin, 215 - Heung In Mun, I 295 - Heung Wha, I 153 - Heung Yo, I 153 - Hodo, I 259 - Hodobal, I 270 - Hodokkobulwha, I 247 - Ho Kong, 61 - Hobaldo, I 270 - Ho Sung, I 337 - Ho Yup, I 337 - Holdon, I 208 - Holjaon, I 295 - Holp’ilyul, I 208 - Honjang, I 127 - Hongbum, I 4 - Hong Chongu, 246 - Hong Ponghan, 173 - Hong Chinu, 229 - Hong Tujuk, I 234 - Hongeui Tajang, I 383 - Hong Kukyung, 173 - Hong Kyeheui, I 173 - Hong Kyenam, I 396 - Hong Kyungna, 189 - Hong Ikhan, 130 - Hong Inhan, 173 - Hong Chahak, 215 - Hong Chaheui, 215 - Hong Mu, I 259 - Hongmun, I 259 - Hong Myungil, I 116 - Hongsan, I 259 - Hong Sobong, 101 - Hong T’asi, 61 - Hongwun, I 177 - Hong Yungsik, 229 - Hsia, I 18 - Hsuanti, I 27 - Hu Kukch’ung, 1 - Hu Honggang, 16 - Hu Chuk, 88 - Hu Chin, I 359 - Hu Chung, I 309 - Hu Wan, I 101 - Hukyung, I 74 - Hujik, I 74 - Husung, I 85 - Hullyun Togam, 215 - Hullyunwun, I 322 - Hunmin Chong-eum, I 295 - Hyanggyo, I 322 - Hye, I 247 - Hyejong, I 141 - Hyewhamun, I 295 - Hyojang Seja, 159 - Hyoribal, I 177 - Hyukkuse, I 35 - Hyon Tuksu, I 181 - Hyonjong, I 141 - Hyong Ka, 28 - Hyupju, I 127 - Hyuppu, I 35 - Hyu Chung, I 396 - Hyun, I 4 - Hyundo, I 15 - Hyunmong, 16 - Hyun Yanggwa, I 322 - Hyung Wunhang, I 74 - - - Ibullan, I 61 - Ich’ukson, I 43 - Itu, I 113 - Ibulson, I 43 - Isabu, I 74 - Isageum, I 43 - Ison, I 43 - Ikjo, I 234 - Ilbon, I 113 - Ilt’ongji, I 4 - Imdun, I 15 - Im Kang-u, I 113 - Im Kukchung, I 177 - Im Kyongup, 116 - Imba, 45 - Im Hyun, 28 - Im In-gu, I 6 - Im Chagang, 1 - Imjon, I 101 - Im Sunmu, I 270 - Im Un, I 309 - Inpukwun, I 270 - Ingyung, 61 - Inju, I 177 - In San, 61 - Insung, 61 - - - Kaduk, I 371 - Ka Kang, 45 - Kahap, 61 - Karak, I 43 - Kari, I 43 - Ka yung, I 345 - Kaso, I 51 - Kasung, I 141 - Kaya, I 43 - Kaksan, I 234 - Kal Pongha, 1 - Kalsa, I 43 - Kalsuk, I 85 - Kang Kamch’an, I 153 - Kang Hongrip, 61 - Kang Chinsuk, 116 - Kangmok, I 4 - Kangmok Chunp’yun, I 322 - Kang Munhyung, 215 - Kangnam, I 141 - Kangwang, I 43 - Kangwhe, I 113 - Kang Wibing, 116 - Kangwherok, 45 - Kao, I 35 - Kap Whan, I 141 - Ke Pak, I 101 - Ke Yang, I 234 - Keni, I 234 - Keui Chahon, 61 - Keuirin, 73 - Keumjun, I 177 - Keumsuro, I 43 - Keumchuwi, 130 - Kibi, I 4 - Kichung, I 43 - Kija, I 4 - Kijun, I 4 - Kit’ak, I 43 - Kiwhun, I 208 - Kim, I 43 - Pin, I 322 - Podang, I 177 - Pohyun, I 229 - Pongchung, I 229 - Chonghan, 263 - Ch’wiryo, I 181 - Ch’unil, I 383 - Ch’unt’ak, 159 - Teukpa, I 247 - Tukyang, 16 - Tongyong, I 337 - Eungsu, 16 - Keon, 189 - Kimgu Ch’ilbu, I 74 - Kim Kongyang, I 259 - Kuhyung, I 74 - Kwiyung, I 359 - Kyungjeung, 88 - Kyung-no, 28 - Kyungsu, 61 - Hayung, 263 - Hong-jip, 215 - Hongmin, I 396 - Hongnyuk, 303 - Hyowun, I 359 - Hyuk, 130 - Ik-kyum, 130 - Ilsung, I 159 - Ilt’a, I 101 - Inmun, I 113 - Chajum, 61 - Chegap, I 371 - Chijong, I 113 - Chunggeui, I 159 - Chwageun, I 202 - Majin, 263 - Munhyun, 246 - Myon, I 383 - Myungwun, I 383 - Nyu, 61 - Yung, I 113 - Okch’u, I 396 - Okkyun, 215 - Onyun, 101 - P’yunggu, I 202 - P’yungsi, 312 - Sanggun, 1 - Sangno, 173 - Sangwi, I 153 - Sangyong, 88 - Segeui, 246 - Simin, I 396 - Sik, 130 - Singuk, 101 - Su, I 337 - Sunam, 116 - Suk heung, I 153 - Sungil, I 337 - T’a-suk, 61 - T’ak, I 396 - Yangun, 73 - Yiso, 173 - Yongan, I 247 - Yu, I 270 - Yusin, I 101 - Yunjung, I 113 - Yunsik, 215 - Yungha, 159 - Yungjun, 327 - Kin, I 4 - Ko, I 85 - Ko Pokjang, I 51 - Ko ch’ung, I 85 - Koeul, I 177 - Kogan, I 259 - Kogan, I 101 - Kogu, I 61 - Kojang, I 181 - Koguryu, I 15 - Ko Kungna, I 153 - Ko Kyungmin, I 396 - Ko Kyungmyung, I 383 - Kohu, I 85 - Koje, I 74 - Kojomo, I 322 - Ko Chonghu, 1 - Ko Onbak, 1 - Kuran, I 18 - Koryung Kaya, I 43 - Kusugan, I 35 - Ko Sujang, I 322 - Kosung, I 43 - Koulla, I 74 - Ko Unjip, I 113 - Ko Yanggyum, 16 - Ko Yongheui, 303 - Ko Yungch’ang, I 177 - Kolbu, I 153 - Kulgul Chungsung, I 113 - Kollu, I 61 - Kum Modam, I 113 - Kon Yongjin, 303 - Kong Sonsu, I 15 - Kongsong Wanghu, 45 - Kong Yuduk, 101 - Kuda, I 45 - Kugweng, 101 - Ku Kano, I 270 - Ku Hyoyun, I 359 - Ku Inhu, 45 - Kujusiso, 45 - Ku Wulsan, I 1 - Kukcho Pogam, I 309 - Kuk Kyungin, I 383 - Kungye, I 127 - Kwak, I 43 - Kwak Il, I 383 - Kwak Chau, I 383 - Kwak Chun, I 383 - Kwanbak, I 337 - Kwanna, I 127 - Kwannobu, I 35 - Kwanso, I 309 - Kwan Sunsang, I 234 - Kwan U, 45 - Kwan Yungjin, 327 - Kwangha (Prince), 45 - Kwang Heuimun, I 295 - Kwangmu, I 18 - Kweyu, I 43 - Kwisun, I 153 - Kwi Yungga, 61 - Kwun, I 43 - Kwun Ilsin, 173 - Kwun Chulsin, 173 - Kwun Chonggil, I 349 - Kwunnam, I 309 - Kwun Yungjin, 263 - Kwun Sunjang, 116 - Kwun Ryul, I 396 - Kyego, I 74 - Kye P’il, I 101 - Kyep’il Haryuk, I 101 - Kyerim, I 51 - Kyerobu, I 35 - Kyeryung, I 295 - Kyo Ilgeui, 61 - Kyun Naryang, I 399 - Kyongbokkung, 16 - Kyong U, 229 - Kyungguk Tajun, I 309 - - - Mach’un, I 295 - Ma Kunsang, 229 - Ma Kwi, 28 - Mahan, I 27 - Ma Heuich’un, 101 - Ma Pou, I 153 - Mabuda, 88 - Mararanta, I 61 - Mari, I 27 - Marisan, I 1 - Ma Susung, I 27 - Mak Chuljang, I 74 - Malgal, I 18 - Man, I 113 - Manbu, I 141 - Manduk, I 74 - Man Seduk, 45 - Mang Keumch’a, I 85 - Manggoda, 61 - Mangso, I 51 - Mang Udang, I 383 - Mija, I 4 - Misaheun, I 61 - Mil Chiksa, I 247 - Milu, I 51 - Min, I 48 - Min Ch’angsik, 215 - Min Chirok, 202 - Min Chongmuk, 215 - Min Eungsik, 215 - Min Kyumho, 215 - Min Seungho, 215 - Min Si, I 309 - Min T’aho, 215 - Min Tuho, 215 - Min Yungik, 229 - Min Yungju, 327 - Min Yungjun, 263 - Min Yungmok, 229 - Min Yungso, 215 - Min Yungwhan, 279 - Mo Kogyung, I 284 - Mo Ku-geum, I 51 - Mo Munnyung, 61 - Morino, I 259 - Mo Tungok, I 35 - Mo Whagwan, 73 - Mo Yong, I 61 - Mo Yonghan, I 61 - Mo Yongwe, I 61 - Mo Yongp’a, I 61 - Mo Yongp’ung, I 61 - Mo Yongwhang, I 61 - Mok Horyung, 144 - Mok Jo, I 101 - Mok Siryong, 144 - Mok Yakju, I 113 - Mogo Hyun, I 4 - Mong Nyuk, I 295 - Mu Gol, I 35 - Mu Gyung, I 322 - Mu Hak, I 295 - Mu Hyul, I 43 - Mu Je, I 15 - Mu Jinju, I 113 - Mu Ju, I 127 - Muroda, I 153 - Mu Sandasu, I 35 - Mu Song, I 18 - Mu Wang, I 4 - Muk Hoja, I 74 - Muk Ko, I 35 - Mulgil, I 18 - Mun Keukkyum, I 177 - Mun Hon T’onggo, I 295 - Mun Jong, I 322 - Mun Mu, I 113 - Mun Wang, I 4 - Mun Whe, I 73 - Myo Chung, I 177 - Myon Kuha, I 181 - Myungbol, 202 - Myungha, I 85 - Myung Sung, I 181 - Myungwhalsankoya, I 35 - Myungwul, I 259 - Myung-yegung, 16 - - - Na Kwak, I 85 - Na Heungyu, I 259 - Na Hoa, I 85 - Na Se, I 270 - Nak Sangji, I 1 - Nak Wha am, I 101 - Nam Angap, 101 - Nam-pyulgung, I 1 - Namgun, I 101 - Namha, I 35 - Nam Yiheung, 73 - Nam Myungsun, 295 - Namnyu, I 18 - Nam Ongyung, I 396 - Nam Onjung, 189 - Namsang, I 101 - Namso, I 85 - Nam T’ajung, 159 - Nangnang, I 15 - Napt’apchul, I 247 - Neung Ch’anggun, 61 - Neung Pongsu, 101 - Ni Mun, I 74 - No, I 43 - Nogwan, I 4 - No Chik, I 383 - Norach’i, 61 - Nu Bang, I 85 - - - O Ch’ungan, I 43 - O Talch’e, 166 - Odogan, I 43 - Odong, I 127 - O Eungjung, 28 - Oi, I 35 - O Changgyung, I 229 - O Maknam, I 51 - Omokdo, 130 - O Myunghang, 154 - Oran, I 322 - O Siun, I 4 - O Yeeui, I 309 - O Yungsu, 73 - O Yuch’ung, I 1 - O Yunjung, 229 - Okchu, I 18 - Okju, I 18 - Ok Kang, 61 - Okpyun, I 322 - Olja, I 259 - Ol Chokheup, I 309 - Ol Yanghap, I 295 - Om (Lady), 337 - Omu, I 43 - Onjo, I 35 - - - P‘agada, I 270 - Pa Keukyum, I 270 - Pai Chai, 229 - P’asa, 28 - P asu, I 141 - P asu, I 4 - Pak Chöngyang, 215 - Pak Eungsu, 45 - Pak Chesun, 246 - Pak Hong, I 349 - Pak Chunyang, 263 - Pak Hyorip, 73 - Pak Ingye, I 259 - Pak Ingul, I 337 - Pakje, I 18 - Pak Chesang, I 61 - Pak Chin, I 27 - Pak Keuip‘ung, 189 - Pak Kusa, I 51 - Pak Kwanon, I 371 - Pak Kakkwan, 215 - Pak P’angyun, I 309 - Pak P’ilgeun, 159 - Pak Po, I 295 - Pak Sa, I 4 - Pak Sun, I 337 - Pak T’abo, 144 - Paktol, I 18 - Pak Un, 229 - Pak Whan, 101 - Pak Wunjong, I 322 - Pak Yanggo, 61 - Pak Yong, I 322 - Pak Yonghyo, 271 - Pak Yonggyo, 229 - Pak Yongso, 215 - Pal, I 4 - Palgi, I 51 - Palha, I 113 - Palmyung Kangi, I 322 - Pan Kujun, 28 - Panyak, I 259 - Pang, I 1 - Pang Kukchin, I 61 - P’ango, I 1 - Pang Si-ch’an, 1 - Pang Suk, I 295 - P’ang Uduk, 28 - Pangwun, I 337 - Pang Yup, 61 - P’idogan, I 43 - Pigan, I 4 - Piin, I 295 - Pip’a, I 383 - Piryu, I 35 - Pingsan, I 127 - Piun, I 10 - Posuk, I 127 - Posul, I 35 - Pou, I 322 - Pokam, I 51 - Pokho, I 61 - Poksin, I 101 - Pom Sehyung, 189 - Pumneut, 45 - Punho, I 337 - Pong Ch’unbu, I 4 - Pukheungsa, I 396 - Pupji, I 74 - Pugyun, I 61 - Puru, I 1 - Puryu, I 35 - Puulla, I 74 - Puyang, I 121 - Puyu, I 1 - Puyup’ung, I 101 - Puksingu, 130 - Pukwun, I 113 - Pulgyung, I 61 - Pulhamsan, I 18 - Pulla, I 18 - Pulnal, I 18 - P’ungi, I 1 - P’unghong, I 61 - P’ungju, I 15 - Pyul-gwan, 130 - Pyulha, 144 - Pyung Eungsung, I 349 - Pyungeui, I 349 - Pyunhan, I 27 - P’yungjang, I 349 - P’yungsuga, I 349 - P’yungsugil, I 349 - - - Sahak, I 101 - Sa Whadong, I 337 - Saryang, I 113 - Sa Susin, 130 - Sa Tasu, 1 - Sayu, I 396 - Sakpang, I 309 - Salma, I 177 - Salsu, I 74 - Sal Yet’ap, I 195 - Sam-gang Hangsil, I 322 - Samguksa, I 177 - Sam Ka, I 247 - Samnyang, I 208 - Samseun, I 247 - Samyangju, I 113 - Sanch’uk, I 281 - San Kilda, I 195 - Sannam, I 141 - San Sagyul, I 221 - Sansu, I 18 - Sangata, I 35 - Sanggeui, I 141 - Sanguhyun, I 4 - Sanggye, I 127 - Sangmyung, I 130 - Sang Sihyung, I 4 - Sangsung, I 234 - Sejong, I 4 - Seo, I 51 - Seung Ch’unbu, I 195 - Shin, I 4 - Si, 173 - Si Honyuk, 130 - Sijun, I 4 - Si Osa, 16 - Siwun, 45 - Siljik, I 51 - Silla, I 18 - Sil Yip, I 337 - Sil Yung, I 359 - Sim Chip, 116 - Sim Euigyung, I 337 - Sim Keuiwun, 61 - Sim Kwangsu, 101 - Sim Ha, 161 - Sim Hyun, 116 - Sim Keuiwun, 161 - Sim Kyongjin, 61 - Sim Sajun, I 208 - Sim Sanghak, 215 - Sim Ta, I 396 - Sim Tukpu, I 270 - Simyang, I 4 - Sim Yugyung, I 396 - Sim Yul, 101 - Sim Yun, 101 - Sin Chang, I 181 - Sin Chang, I 281 - Sin Chisun, 215 - Sin Chi, I 18 - Sin Chipp’yung, I 195 - Sin Ch’ugyun, I 215 - Sindo, I 247 - Singeum, I 127 - Sin Keuisun, 263 - Sin Sin Kili, I 359 - Sin Kwigan, I 43 - Sin Kyungjin, I 116 - Sin Kyungwan, 101 - Sin Yheungsa, 215 - Sin Ho, 28 - Sin Hon, 215 - Sin Hong, I 270 - Sin Ik, I 371 - Sin Mi, I 309 - Sin Iksung, 101 - Sin Seung, I 74 - Sin Sejun, I 383 - Sin Sukchu, I 295 - Sinsung, I 61 - Sin U, I 259 - Sin Yuge, I 349 - Sip je, I 35 - So Euimun, I 259 - So Eunggung, I 28 - So Hakmyung, 16 - So Keumbe, 189 - So Kogan, I 309 - Sohakchi, 173 - So Ijou, I 322 - Soje, I 35 - So Chungbang, I 101 - Sokaya, I 34 - So P‘il, I 141 - Sorobu, I 34 - So Subi, 16 - So Sonryung, I 141 - Soyu, 11 I 4 - Sok Kang Mok, I 322 - Sokmun Heun t’ongno, I 4 - Solchi, I 43 - Songi Okhyung, I 322 - Son Kunbi, I 208 - Sou Kwang, 16 - Sou Insu, I 101 - Son Ingap, I 383 - Sou Chuk, I 281 - Son Munju, I 195 - Sonsu, I 61 - Son Suryum, 1 - Song Chemin, I 383 - Songdo, I 127 - Song Eungch’ang, 1 - Song Hanhong, I 127 - Song Heuian, I 322 - Song Kil, I 208 - Songmal, I 18 - Songp’a, 116 - Song Sanghyun, I 349 - Song Sihyung, 166 - Song Siryul, I 141 - Song Ugil, 45 - Song Wunsin, I 359 - Song Yujin, 16 - Song Yummun, 28 - Subulju, I 113 - Subuk, 144 - Su Kyul, I 309 - Su Kwangbum, 229 - Su Chach’ang, 229 - Su Chap’il, 229 - Sujari, 215 - Sujun, I 4 - Sumyungsan, 173 - Su Sangu, 229 - Su Sangjip, 263 - Surabul, I 35 - Su Saga, I 309 - Su Sangjo, 229 - Su Sangu, 229 - Susil, I 51 - Su Usin, 73 - Suyabul, I 35 - Suyak, I 113 - Suyang, I 309 - Su Yewun, I 349 - Suyuk, I 141 - Suksin, I 18 - Suktari, I 359 - Sukt’alha, I 43 - Suk Uro, I 51 - Suk Yida, I 208 - Sul Ch’ong, I 113 - Sulhan, 144 - Sul Ingwi, I 101 - Sul Seung, I 74 - Sunbi, I 51 - Sundo, I 61 - Sunjong, I 127 - Sunnobu, I 35 - Sungch’ung, I 101 - Sungbong, I 43 - Sungduk, I 113 - Sung Teup, I 383 - Sup ha, I 15 - - - Tabaksan, I 1 - Tabang, I 85 - Tabong, I 127 - Tabulsa, 28 - T’adaro, I 74 - Tahang, I 101 - Ta-heung, I 101 - Ta-in, I 85 - Ta-jang-gyung, I 141 - Ta-ja-bu, I 208 - Ta-ji, I 181 - T’a-jo, I 4 - T’a-jung, I 4 - Ta-ka-ya, I 43 - Ta-myung, I 231 - Ta-na, I 177 - Ta-p’a-ra, I 43 - Ta-sik, I 153 - Ta-so, I 43 - Ta-wun-gun, I 215 - Ta-Yun-in, I 153 - T’ai-k’ang, I 18 - Tak-soe, I 221 - Tal-geui, I 4 - Tal-yang, I 322 - Tam-dok, I 61 - Tam-jin, I 74 - T’am-na, I 61 - Tan, I 61 - Tan-dan, I 18 - T’an-geum-da, I 349 - Tan gun, I 1 - Tang, I 4 - Tang-jin, 116 - T’ang Yak-mang, 130 - T’ap-chin, I 181 - Tap-don, I 85 - T’ap chi, I 259 - Teung-na, 130 - Teung Wun-jung, I 300 - To-ak, I 295 - T’o-bun, I 221 - To-bong, I 153 - To-ja-do, I 221 - To-rim, I 61 - To-ryung-ko-do-wha, I 177 - To-san, I 295 - To-sun, I 127 - Tok-po, 130 - Tol-gwal, I 85 - Tol-san-ko-ho, I 35 - Tong-bu, I 157 - Tong Eul-ji, I 309 - Tong-guk T’ong-gam, I 309 - Tong Han-yu, 28 - Tong-i, I 18 - Tong Il-wun, 45 - Tong-in, I 337 - Tong-jak, 28 - Tong-ju, I 153 - Tong-myung, I 43 - Tong-nam, I 101 - Tong’sa Po-p’yun, 130 - Tong-whang, I 85 - Tsin, I 4 - Tsiou, 173 - Tu-hul, I 177 - Tu-no, I 51 - Tukjung, I 153 - Tungp’ayuk, I 359 - T’ung Yangjong, 61 - - - Ubalsu, I 35 - U Che, I 247 - U Chungmun, I 85 - Udubul, I 1 - Ugu, I 15 - Ui, I 18 - Umun, I 61 - U Munsul, I 85 - U Okku, I 51 - U Pakyung, 28 - U Pokyung, I 349 - U Pomsun, 303 - Usan, 74 - Usi, I 51 - Usuju, I 1 - Uwigu, I 51 - Uk, I 141 - Uknyi, I 61 - Ullam, I 234 - Ulo, I 127 - Um Seyung, 271 - Unbong, I 270 - Ungch’i, I 396 - Ungpo, I 159 - - - Wagyo, 45 - Wananjayun, I 181 - Wansanju, I 181 - Wanggeui, I 51 - Wanggom, I 1 - Wanggon, I 127 - Wanggyu, I 141 - Wangja, I 85 - Wangmang, I 43 - Wangok, I 396 - Wang Pangyun, I 309 - Wang P’iljuk, 1 - Wang Sukch’ang, 229 - Wangu, I 61 - Wang Yujung, 1 - Wei, I 4 - Whabang Euijil, 215 - Whaha Manmak, I 18 - Wharye, I 18 - Whawun Ongju, 173 - Whalla, I 177 - Whalyi Kilsa, I 221 - Whanin, I 1 - Whan Ugeui - Whanung, I 1 - Whangbak, I 396 - Whang Chisun, I 234 - Whang Chungye, 130 - Whang Poin, I 309 - Whang Sayung, 189 - Whang Yungil, I 337 - Whang Yunhun, I 322 - Whei, I 18 - Whewungun, 116 - Wiha, I 281 - Wiman, I 4 - Wi Munseung, I 85 - Wina, I 43 - Wirye - Wuyi, I 4 - Wun, I 18 - Wun Ch’angyung, 73 - Wun Ch’unggap, I 221 - Wun Chongsuk, I 153 - Wun Ho, I 359 - Wunhyo, I 113 - Wun Kyun, I 371 - Wun Mangyung, I 101 - Wun Sega, 229 - Wun Tojin, I 295 - Wun Sungwha, I 173 - Wunwang, I 27 - Wun Whang, I 1 - - - Yagolda, I 195 - Yasokha, I 181 - Yayul Kageum, I 177 - Yayul Sejang, I 153 - Ya Yulyung, I 177 - Yangbok, I 15 - Yang Ho, 28 - Yang Honsu, II 210 - Yang Hyungam, I 85 - Yang Kil, I 113 - Yang Kyu, I 153 - Yangmak, I 43 - Yang nyunggun, I 295 - Yango, I 51 - Yang Pakyun, I 270 - Yang Panghyun, 16 - Yang Puha, 45 - Yang Saheun, I 396 - Yang Sim, I 43 - Yang So, 1 - Yangulla, I 74 - Yang Wun, 61 - Yang Yu, I 259 - Yao, I 1 - Yeh Chichao, 246 - Yemak, I 4 - Yewiguk, I 18 - Yi Ansa, I 234 - Yi Chach’un, I 259 - Yi Chagyum, I 177 - Yi Chamyun, 215 - Yi Chasun, 215 - Yi Chasung, 130 - Yi Chawan, 229 - Yi Changgyu, 229 - Yi Changson, I 396 - Yi Chewan, 229 - Yi Chuiwan, 45 - Yi Chiyun, I 189 - Yi Chil, I 396 - Yi Chinho, 303 - Yi Chunyong, 279 - Yi Ch’un, I 259 - Yi Choyun, 226 - Yi Chongin, 1 - Yi Chongmu, I 295 - Yi Chongsung, 16 - Yi Chuk, I 101 - Yi Chun, I 309 - Yi Chungyung, I 337 - Yi Chungha, 229 - Yi Chungnam, 61 - Yi Euibang, I 177 - Yi Eungik, 263 - Yi Euimun, I 181 - Yi Eung, I 195 - Yi Hang, I 270 - Yi Hangi, I 234 - Yi Heungip, 61 - Yi Ho, I 322 - Yi Honguk, I 359 - Yi Hyon, I 259 - Yi Hyonun, I 153 - Yi Hyung, 116 - Yii Asi, I 43 - Yi I-ch’um, 45 - Yi I-myung, 159 - Yi Il, I 337 - Yi Inbok, I 259 - Yi Inim, I 270 - Yi Injwa, 159 - Yi Ka, I 309 - Yi Kasang, 116 - Yi Kak, I 349 - Yi Keuiha, 159 - Yi Ko, I 177 - Yi Keunt’ak, 337 - Yi Kongsu, I 247 - Yi Kwal, 61 - Yi Kwang, 61 - Yi Kwi, 61 - Yi Kyongha, 202 - Yi Kyongjeung, 101 - Yi Kyongsuk, 130 - Yi Kyongyo, 130 - Yi Kyu, 130 - Yi Kyungjik, 288 - Yi Manson, 215 - Yi Mingu, 88 - Yi Monghak, 16 - Yi Mongjun, I 141 - Yi Myunghan, 130 - Yi Myungsang, 246 - Yi Neungsu, 16 - Yi Ok, I 371 - Yi Okkeui, I 396 - Yi Pangch’un, 28 - Yi Pangjin, 1 - Yi Pangsil, I 259 - Yi Pong, 1 - Yi Pongeui, 215 - Yi Pongnam, I 396 - Yi Pumjin, 229 - Yi Puja, 73 - Yi Pyuk, I 309 - Yiro, I 396 - Yi Ryung, 1 - Yi Sasung, 159 - Yi Sak, I 234 - Yi Sangyum, I 396 - Yi Sanha, I 359 - Yi Shanggil, 116 - Yi Seunggyung, I 234 - Yi Sia, I 309 - Yi Sibak, 116 - Yi Sibal, 73 - Yi Sijik, 116 - Yi Songgye, I 234 - Yi Su, 73 - Yi Su, 173 - Yi Suil, 73 - Yi Suktal, 101 - Yi Sun, 322 - Yi Sunsin, I 271 - Yi Sunghun, 45 - Yi Sunghun, 173 - Yi Toja, 263 - Yi T’ong, I 195 - Yi Tuwhang, 303 - Yi Yang, I 309 - Yi Yohon, 189 - Yi Yongbang, 61 - Yi Yubak, 1 - Yi Yugeui, 28 - Yi Yuma, 1 - Yi Yuo, 1 - Yi Yungyung, I 322 - Yi Yunsu, 73 - Yi Yunyong, 263 - Yi Yungbang, 61 - Yi Yunggeui, 73 - Yi Wan, 45 - Yi Wanyong, 313 - Yi Whanjo, I 234 - Yi Wunch’un, 28 - Yi Wunheui, 202 - Yi Wunik, I 383 - Yin, I 4 - Yodogan, I 48 - Yosira, 16 - Yongch’ang, 61 - Yonggolda, 88 - Yonggung, I 349 - Yong Ho, 101 - Yongin, I 349 - Yong P’abu, 28 - Yuan, I 4 - Yu Chahyun, I 229 - Yu Cheung, I 113 - Yu Chong, I 153 - Yu Chungyang, 116 - Yugeui, I 259 - Yu Ha, 73 - Yu Hong, I 371 - Yu Hyo-gul, 73 - Yu Hyo-rip, 88 - Yu Hyo-wun, 189 - Yu In-wun, I 101 - Yu Ingwe, I 101 - Yu jung, I 396 - Yu Keuk-nyang, I 249 - Yu Kom-p’il, I 127 - Yu Kil-jun, 263 - Yu Pak-jung, 101 - Yu Pang, I 141 - Yu P’ang-no, I 394 - Yu rim, I 101 - Yu ryul, I 153 - Yu Sin, I 101 - Yu su-gan, I 43 - Yu sun-jong, I 309 - Yu Sung-jung, 116 - Yu Sung-wun, I 309 - Yu Sung-yong, I 383 - Yu U-gil, 45 - Yu wha, I 35 - Yu Wan-ga, I 396 - Yu Whang-sang, 1 - Yu Yong-gyung, 45 - Yul-su, I 18 - Yun, I 4 - Yun Cha-sung, 215 - Yun Ch’ang-yun, 173 - Yun Ch’i-ho, 279 - Yun Cheung, 144 - Yun Chi-wan, 101 - Yun Chip, 116 - Yun Cho-gong, I 309 - Yun-jun, 116 - Yun Pang, 88 - Yun-san, I 322 - Yun-san-ju, I 322 - Yun Sin-ji, 116 - Yun So-jong, I 281 - Yun Sung-gak, I 337 - Yun Sun-gu, 116 - Yun T’a-jun, 229 - Yun Tu-su, I 383 - Yun Whang, 116 - Yun Wun-hyung, I 309 - Yun Wun-no, I 309 - Yun Yung-gu, 303 - Yun-jong, 159 - Yun-jun, I 359 - Yung-gyu, I 396 - Yung-p’a, I 322 - - CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX - OF - THE KINGS OF KOREA. - -NOTE. The names in the right hand columns are the posthumous titles of -the various sovereigns. In the left hand columns are the ordinary names. - - - 2332 B.C. Tan-gun [Korean] or Wang-gom [Korean] - - ANCIENT CHOSUN [Korean] - - 1122 B.C. Ki-ja [Korean] Mun-song-wang [Korean] - - 1082 “ Ki-song “ [Korean] Chang-hye-wang [Korean] - - 1057 “ Ki-sun “ [Korean] Kyong-hyo-wang [Korean] - - 1030 “ Ki-bak “ [Korean] Kong-jung-wang [Korean] - - 1000 “ Ki-ch’un “ [Korean] Mun-mu-wang [Korean] - - 972 “ Ki-gong “ [Korean] T’a-wun-wang [Korean] - - 968 “ Ki-chang “ [Korean] Kyong-ch’ang-wang [Korean] - - 957 “ Ki-ch’ak “ [Korean] Heung-p’yung-wang [Korean] - - 943 “ Ki-jo “ [Korean] Ch’ul-wi-wang [Korean] - - 925 “ Ki-sak “ [Korean] Sun-hye-wang [Korean] - - 896 “ Ki-sa “ [Korean] Eui-yang-wang [Korean] - - 843 “ Ki-ryum “ [Korean] Mun-hye-wang [Korean] - - 793 “ Ki-wul “ [Korean] Song-duk-wang [Korean] - - 778 “ Ki-jik “ [Korean] To-whe-wang [Korean] - - 776 “ Ki-u “ [Korean] Mun-yul-wang [Korean] - - 761 “ Ki-mok “ [Korean] Ch’ang-guk-wang [Korean] - - 748 “ Ki-p’yung “ [Korean] Mu-sung-wang [Korean] - - 722 “ Ki-gwul “ [Korean] Chung-gyong-wang [Korean] - - 703 “ Ki-whe “ [Korean] Nak-sung-wang [Korean] - - 675 “ Ki-jon “ [Korean] Hyo-jong-wang [Korean] - - 658 “ Ki-hyo “ [Korean] Ch’ul-lo-wang [Korean] - - 634 “ Ki-yang “ [Korean] Su-do-wang [Korean] - - 615 “ Ki-i “ [Korean] Whi-yang-wang [Korean] - - 594 “ Ki-ch’am “ [Korean] Pong-il-wang [Korean] - - 578 “ Ki-gon “ [Korean] Tuk-ch’ang-wang [Korean] - - 560 “ Ki-sak “ [Korean] Su-song-wang [Korean] - - 519 “ Ki-yo “ [Korean] Yung-gul-wang [Korean] - - 503 “ Ki-gang “ [Korean] Il-song-wang [Korean] - - 486 “ Ki-hon “ [Korean] Che-se-wang [Korean] - - 465 “ Ki-pyuk “ [Korean] Chung-guk-wang [Korean] - - 432 “ Ki-jeung “ [Korean] To-guk-wang [Korean] - - 413 “ Ki-jil “ [Korean] Hyuk-song-wang [Korean] - - 385 “ Ki-seup “ [Korean] Wha-ra-wang [Korean] - - 369 “ Ki-ha “ [Korean] Yul-mun-wang [Korean] - - 361 “ Ki-wha “ [Korean] Kyong-sun-wang [Korean] - - 342 “ Ki-ho “ [Korean] Ka-duk-wang [Korean] - - 315 “ Ki-uk “ [Korean] Sam-no-wang [Korean] - - 290 “ Ki-suk “ [Korean] Hyon-mun-wang [Korean] - - 251 “ Ki-yun “ [Korean] Chang-p’yung-wang [Korean] - - 232 “ Ki-bu “ [Korean] Chong-t’ong-wang [Korean] - - 221 “ Ki-jun “ [Korean] A-wang [Korean] - - Ended in 193 B.C. - - KINGDOM OF MAHAN. [Korean] - - 193 B.C. Ki-t’ak [Korean] Mu-gang-wang [Korean] - - 189 “ Ki-kam “ [Korean] An-wang [Korean] - - 157 “ Ki-sik “ [Korean] Hye-wang [Korean] - - 144 “ Ki-mu “ [Korean] Myung-wang [Korean] - - 113 “ Ki-hyung “ [Korean] Hyo-wang [Korean] - - 73 “ Ki-sup “ [Korean] Yang-wang [Korean] - - 58 “ Ki-hun “ [Korean] Wun-wang [Korean] - - 32 “ Ki-jung “ [Korean] Kye-wang [Korean] - - 16 “ Ki-hak “ [Korean] (wanting) - - Ended in 9 B.C. - - - KINGDOM OF SILLA. [Korean] - - 57 B.C. Hyuk-ku-se [Korean] - - 4 A.D. Nam-ha [Korean] - - 25 “ Yu-ri [Korean] - - 58 “ Tal-ha [Korean] - - 81 “ P’a-sa [Korean] - - 113 “ Chi-ma [Korean] - - 135 “ Il-sung [Korean] - - 154 “ A-dal-la [Korean] - - 185 “ Pul-hyu [Korean] - - 196 “ Na-ha [Korean] - - 231 “ Cho-bun [Korean] - - 248 “ Ch’um-ha [Korean] - - 262 “ Mi-ch’u [Korean] - - 285 “ Yu-rye [Korean] - - 299 “ Keui-rim [Korean] - - 310 “ Heul-ha [Korean] - - 356 “ Na-mul [Korean] - - 402 “ Sil-sung [Korean] - - 417 “ Nul-ji [Korean] - - 458 “ Cha-bi [Korean] - - 479 “ So-ji [Korean] - - 500 “ Chi-da-ro [Korean] Chi-jeung-wang [Korean] - - 514 “ Wun-jong [Korean] Pup-heung-wang [Korean] - - 541 “ Mak-chong [Korean] Chin-heung-wang [Korean] - - 576 “ Keum-yun [Korean] Chin-ji-wang [Korean] - - 579 “ Pak-chung [Korean] Chin-p’yung-wang [Korean] - - 632 “ Tong-man [Korean] Son-duk-yu-ju [Korean] - - 647 “ Seung-man [Korean] Chin-duk-yu-ju [Korean] - - 654 “ Ch’un-ch’u [Korean] Mu-ryul-wang [Korean] - - 661 “ Pup-min [Korean] Mun-mu-wang [Korean] - - 681 “ Chung-myung [Korean] Sin-mun-wang [Korean] - - 692 “ Yi-hong [Korean] Hyo-so-wang [Korean] - - 702 “ Heung gwang [Korean] Song-duk-wang [Korean] - - 738 “ Seung-gyung [Korean] Hyo-sung-wang [Korean] - - 742 “ Hon-yung [Korean] Kyong-duk-wang [Korean] - - 765 “ Kun-un [Korean] Hye-gong-wang [Korean] - - 780 “ Yang-sung [Korean] Sun-duk-wang [Korean] - - 785 “ Kyong-sin [Korean] Wun-sung-wang [Korean] - - 799 “ Chun-ong [Korean] So-song-wang [Korean] - - 800 “ Chung-heui [Korean] A-jang-wang [Korean] “ - - 809 “ On-seung [Korean] Hon-duk-wang [Korean] “ - - 826 “ So-jong [Korean] Heung-duk-wang [Korean] “ - - 836 “ Che-yung [Korean] Heui-gang-wang [Korean] “ - - 839 “ U-jing [Korean] Sin-mu-wang [Korean] “ - - 840 “ Kyong-ong [Korean] Mun-sung-wang [Korean] “ - - 858 “ Eui-jung [Korean] Hon-an-wang [Korean] “ - - 862 “ Ong-yum [Korean] Kyong-mun-wang [Korean] “ - - 876 “ Chung [Korean] Hon-gang-wang [Korean] “ - - 887 “ Whang [Korean] Chong-gang-wang [Korean] “ - - 888 “ Man [Korean] Chin-song-yu-ju [Korean] - - 898 “ Yo [Korean] Hyo-gong-wang [Korean] - - 913 “ Kyong whi [Korean] Sin-duk-wang [Korean] “ - - 918 “ Seung-yung [Korean] Kyong-myung-wang [Korean] “ - - 925 “ Wi-ong [Korean] Kyong-a-wang [Korean] “ - - 928 “ Pu [Korean] Kyong-sun-wang [Korean] “ - - Ended in 935 A.D. - - - THE KINGDOM OF PAKCHE. [Korean] - - 17 B.C. On-jo [Korean] - - 29 A.D. Ta-ru [Korean] - - 78 “ Keui-ru [Korean] - - 128 “ Ka-ru [Korean] - - 168 “ Ch’o-go [Korean] - - 215 “ Ku-su [Korean] - - 235 “ Ko-i [Korean] - - 287 “ Ch’ak-kye [Korean] - - 299 “ Pun-su [Korean] - - 305 “ Pi-ryu [Korean] - - 344 “ Sul [Korean] - - 347 “ Kon-ch’o-go [Korean] - - 376 “ Kon-gu-su [Korean] - - 385 “ Ch’im-yu [Korean] - - 385 “ Chin-sa [Korean] - - 392 “ A-sin [Korean] - - 406 “ Chon-ji [Korean] - - 421 “ Ku-i-sin [Korean] - - 427 “ Pi-yu [Korean] - - 432 “ Ka-ro [Korean] - - 476 “ Mun-ju [Korean] - - 478 “ Sam-geun [Korean] - - 480 “ Mo-da [Korean] Tong-sung-wang [Korean] - - 501 “ Sa-ma [Korean] Mu-ryung-wang [Korean] “ - - 524 “ Myung-nong [Korean] Song-wang [Korean] “ - - 555 “ Ch’ang [Korean] Wi-duk-wang [Korean] “ - - 599 “ Kye-myung [Korean] Hye-wang [Korean] “ - - 600 “ Sun [Korean] Pup-wang [Korean] “ - - 601 “ Chang [Korean] Mu-wang [Korean] “ - - 642 “ —— Eui-ja-wang [Korean] “ - - Dynasty ended 660 A.D. - - - KINGDOM OF KOGURYU. [Korean] - - 37 B.C. Chu-mong [Korean] Tong-myung-wang [Korean] - - 18 “ Yu-ri [Korean] Yu-ri-wang [Korean] “ - - 19 A.D. Mu-hyul [Korean] Ta-mu-sin-wang [Korean] “ - - 45 “ Ha-eup-chu [Korean] Min-jung-wang [Korean] “ - - 49 “ Ha-u [Korean] Mo-bon-wang [Korean] “ - - 54 “ Kung [Korean] T’a-jo-wang [Korean] “ - - 147 “ Su-sung [Korean] C’ha-da-wang [Korean] “ - - 166 “ Pak-ko [Korean] Sin-da-wang [Korean] “ - - 180 “ Nam-mo [Korean] Ko-guk-ch’un-wang [Korean] “ - - 197 “ Yun-u [Korean] San-sang-wang [Korean] “ - - 228 “ U-wi-ku [Korean] Tong-ch’un-wang [Korean] “ - - 250 “ Yun-bul [Korean] Chung-ch’un-wang [Korean] “ - - 271 “ Yang-no [Korean] Su-ch’un-wang [Korean] “ - - 292 “ Sang-bu [Korean] Pong-sang-wang [Korean] “ - - 300 “ Eul-bul [Korean] Mi-ch’un-wang [Korean] “ - - 331 “ Soé [Korean] Ko-guk-wun-wang [Korean] “ - - 372 “ Ku-bu [Korean] So-su-rim-wang [Korean] “ - - 384 “ Yi-yun [Korean] Ko-guk-yang-wang [Korean] “ - - 392 “ Tam-duk [Korean] Kwang-ga-to-wang [Korean] “ - - 414 “ Ko-yun [Korean] Chang-su-wang [Korean] “ - - 491 “ Na-on [Korean] Mun-ja-wang [Korean] “ - - 520 “ Heung-an [Korean] An-jang-wang [Korean] “ - - 532 “ Po-yun [Korean] An-wun-wang [Korean] “ - - 546 “ Pyung-sung [Korean] Yang-wun-wang [Korean] “ - - 560 “ Yang-sung [Korean] P’yung-wun-wang [Korean] “ - - 591 “ Wun [Korean] Yung-yang-wang [Korean] “ - - 619 “ Kon-mu [Korean] Yung-yu-wang [Korean] “ - - 643 “ Chang [Korean] Po-jang-wang [Korean] “ - - Dynasty ended 668 A.D. - - - KINGDOM OF KORYU. [Korean] - - 918 A.D. Wang-gon [Korean] T’a-jo [Korean] - - 944 “ Wang-mu “ [Korean] Hye-jong [Korean] - - 946 “ Wang-yo “ [Korean] Chong-jong [Korean] - - 950 “ Wang-so “ [Korean] Kwang-jong [Korean] - - 976 “ Wang-ju “ [Korean] Kyong-jong [Korean] - - 982 “ Wang-ch’i “ [Korean] Sung-jong [Korean] - - 998 “ Wang-song “ [Korean] Mok-jong [Korean] - - 1010 “ Wang-sun “ [Korean] Hyon-jong [Korean] - - 1032 “ Wang-heum “ [Korean] Tuk-jong [Korean] - - 1035 “ Wang-hyung “ [Korean] Chung-jong [Korean] - - 1047 “ Wang-whi “ [Korean] Mun-jong [Korean] - - 1083 “ Wang-hun “ [Korean] Sun-jong [Korean] - - 1084 “ Wang-un “ [Korean] Sun-jong [Korean] - - 1095 “ Wang-uk “ [Korean] Hon-jong [Korean] - - 1096 “ Wang-ong “ [Korean] Suk-jong [Korean] - - 1106 “ Wang-o “ [Korean] Ye-jong [Korean] - - 1123 “ Wang-ha “ [Korean] In-jong [Korean] - - 1147 “ Wang-hyon “ [Korean] Eui-jong [Korean] - - 1171 “ Wang-ho [Korean] Myung-jong [Korean] - - 1198 “ Wang-tak “ Sin-jong [Korean] - [Korean] - - 1205 “ Wang-yung “ [Korean] Heui-jong [Korean] - - 1212 “ Wang-o “ [Korean] Kang-jong [Korean] - - 1214 “ Wang-ch’ul “ [Korean] Ko-jong [Korean] - - 1260 “ Wang-sik “ [Korean] Wun-jong [Korean] - - 1275 “ Wang-ji “ [Korean] Ch’ung-yul-wang [Korean] - - 1309 “ Wang-jang “ [Korean] Ch’ung-sun-wang [Korean] “ - - 1314 “ Wang-do “ [Korean] Ch’ung-suk-wang [Korean] “ - - 1331 “ Wang-jung “ [Korean] Ch’ung-hye-wang [Korean] “ - - 1345 “ Wang-heun “ [Korean] Ch’ung-mok-wang [Korean] “ - - 1349 “ Wang-ji “ [Korean] Ch’ung-jong-wang [Korean] “ - - 1352 “ Wang-uk “ [Korean] Kong-min-wang [Korean] “ - - 1375 “ Sin-u [Korean] Wi-ju [Korean] - - 1389 “ Wang-yo [Korean] Kong-yang-wang [Korean] - - Dynasty ended 1392. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - Transcriber’s Note - -The use of digital editions is greatly enhanced through the use of text -search features. That usefulness can be stymied by variations, -intentional or not, in spelling. The decision was taken here to attempt -to regularize spelling where printer or editorial errors were made, or -where there seemed to be gratuitous variations. Unfortunately, there -were many such errors, both in this volume and in the first. - -For errors in the English text, corrections were made where they could -be reasonably attributed to the printer or editor, or where the same -English word appears as expected elsewhere. - -One cannot determine a ‘correct’ printing of Korean, Chinese or Japanese -proper or place names. The romanization of Korean words was changing -even as this text was being prepared in the early 20th century. The -author notes (Vol I, p. iv) that a system of his own was adopted during -the preparation of this text, but a more official system issued by the -Royal Asiatic Society was employed later. The result, as he says, is -that there are inconsistencies in the spelling of proper names. -Sometimes variations can appear on a single page or paragraph. Since it -is impossible to distinquish between printer lapses and this -variability, proper names are generally given here as they appeared in -the text. - -Exceptions are made where frequently used names (e.g., ‘Ko-gu-ryŭ’) very -occasionally appear in other forms. - -Where the quality of the source text is suspect, the most common version -of a given name is used. Hyphenation can be very difficult to discern, -with the inking sometimes being vestigial. - -The system in use in this volume for Korean seems to solely employ ‘ŭ’ -and ‘ă’, except for the occasional ‘oé’ or ‘ö’. On rare occasions, ‘ŭ’ -will appear to be printed with the diaeresis ‘ü’, which is most likely a -poorly inked breve. There are also transliterations for Japanese and -Manchu which may include ‘ŏ’ and ‘ă’. Many names appear in the text with -or without diacritical marks, with alternate transliterations, e.g. -‘gwi’, ‘kwi’ or ‘guei’, and with or without hyphenation. A good example -appears on pp. 252 and 259, where the name of a Chinese war-ship appears -as ‘Kwang-chia’, ‘Kwan-chia’, ‘Kwang-yi’, ‘Kwang-ki’. - -Another exception is made for the (presumable) misprinting of proper -names, which, according to the author’s Preface to Volume I, have no -hyphen between the patronymic and the following given names, which are -hyphenated. Where this rule is violated, the hyphen is removed. Where a -hyphen occurs at the end of a line, it is retained or removed depending -on the preponderance of other instances of the same word. - -There is no mention by the author regarding the use of the special -characters ‘ and ’ within Korean names. More modern romanization schemes -simply utilize the apostrophe (’) to indicate aspirated consonants (p’, -t’, k’, and Ch’). In this text, however, though the place-name -‘P‘yŭng-yang’ can be found much more frequently than ‘P’yŭng-yang’, -there seems to be no rhyme nor reason to the variations. Both will -occasionally appear in different words on the same page. Every attempt -was made to follow the text. - -The second chapter of this volume was inadvertently headed as Chapter -XI, and is referred to here as Chapter I-A. Also, the heading of Chapter -X was misprinted as XX. - -The author consistently uses the word ‘geurilla’, where modern usage -would have us using ‘guerrilla’ or ‘guerilla’, and that has been honored -here. Other words which are consistently spelled oddly (e.g. -‘preceeding’, ‘peddlar’, ‘interferance’) are retained. - -There are three indexes: a General Index, a Biographical Index, and a -Chronological Index, which features (with one exception) the only Korean -characters in the volume. - -In the Indexes, particularly the biographical index, a different style -of Romanization was employed, which almost entirely dispenses with -hyphenation and diacritical marks. - -The Korean characters are given in this table simply as '[Korean]'. - -The page references to both volumes are unreliable, sometimes indicating -the precise page where the subject is first mentioned, and sometimes -indicating the first page of the chapter where that mention occurs. - -A number of page references were missing or obviously corrupt, and have -been added or replaced, where the reference is warranted by the text. -Those which simply reference the wrong locations have been retained. On -several occasions, dates were misinterpretted as volume and page -references, e.g., ‘1420’ became ‘I 420’ and ‘1592’ become ‘I 592’. These -have been corrected. The following table mentions these corrections: - - Decadence of Koryu, I 177, 242, [432/324] ? Invalid page. - - Education in Sil-la, I 120[4] Removed. - - Fortress of Puk-han built, [II 161] Added. - - Gutzleff, [561 I/II 195] Corrected. Corrupt - inversion? - - Horse-breeding on Quelpart, [I 252] Added. - - Invasion, Hideyoshi’s, I [5/3]49 Replaced. - - Invasion of Japan, [I 1420/1420, I] 304 Replaced - - Japanese declaration of war against China, I Replaced. - [473/252] - - Japanese take Pyeng-yang [I 592/1592], I 380 Replaced. - - Timber on the Yalu, I [231] Added. - - Solchi, I [745/43] Sŭl-chi? Invalid page. - - Song Kil, I 208 Duplicate entry removed. - - Song Siryul, [I 141] Added. - - Teung Wun-jung, I [3 2/330] Replaced. - - Waeber-Komura Agreement, II [3]08 Added. - - Whan Ugeui ? No page reference. - - Wirye ? No page reference. - - Yang Honsu, [II 210] Added. Yang Hön-su - - Yu P’ang-no, I [883/394] Replaced. - -The following table summarizes the substantive changes that were made. -It is a lengthy list, so most punctuation errors, such as missing full -stops or comma/full stop errors, have been corrected with no further -notice. - - 2.18 Sa T[a/ă]-su, Replaced. - - 4.6 could yet [harrass] and cut _sic_ - - 5.12 the fire-arrows flashed through[t] the air, Removed. - - 9.19 So when he heard that [N/K]ato Replaced. - - 10.13 K[y/w]ŭn Ryŭl took the bodies Replaced. - - 16.5 in the hands of the Korean ge[r/n]erals Replaced. - - 19.26 to the pleasures of peace tha[t/n] was for Replaced. - his own good - - 21.13 It is said that [e/o]ver 10,000 Replaced. - - 21.25 [waved] the main question _sic_ - - 31.7 Admiral Ma Gwi _sic_ - - 31.31 kept at Gen. [iK/Ki]m Transposed. - - 32.10a that [valliant] man _sic_ - - 32.10b first filled h[e/i]mself with wine Replaced. - - 34.29 move southward to Ch‘ung-ch[‘]ŭng Province Added. - - 36.4 right division the [T /P‘]a-wha-gang. Replaced. - - 37.2a far stronger tha[t/n] Replaced. - - 37.2b the beleagured Japanese _sic_ - - 37.35 this had no little to [t/d]o with the return Replaced. - of Gen. Konishi - - 38.2 but with the departure of Cesp[i/e]des Replaced. - - 41.3 tablet was raised there in his hon[o]ur Added. - - 42.16 to ravage a cer[t]ain part Added. - - 44.25 demand for condemnation or public [acquital] _sic_ - - 44.30 he instantly acknowle[d]ged his error. Added. - - 45.4 When Chung Eung-t’a arrived in Na[n]king Added. - - 45.27 the west was Sun-ch‘ŭn [ni/in] Chŭl-la Transposed. - Province - - 47.10 two handsome swords[.] Added. - - 50.34 he soon became on famil[i]ar Added. - - 51.6 it proved a deadly pois[i]on Removed. - - 54.36 being forwarded to [s/S]eoul to be beheaded. Replaced. - - 55.11 In the[y] year 1605 Removed. - - 57.19 as to n[m/u]mber of ships Replaced. - - 60.33 It will be n[ce/ec]essary Transposed. - - 64.10 the great Manchu leader[.] Added. - - 67.16 Norach’i has tak[a/e]n Puk-kwan Replaced. - - 67.22 I am sure they are intendin[d/g] Replaced. - - 69.24 drive back this Manchu horde.[”] Added. - - 70.6 the downfall of this wret[e/c]hed parody of a Added. - king. - - 72.36 with his headqua[r]ters Added. - - 76.16 from the r[o/e]bel ranks Replaced. - - 78.25 he s[m/h]all receive a reward. Replaced. - - 78.39 their leaders had to st[r]ike down Added. - - 82.18 p[er/re]fect was at that moment sleeping off Transposed. - the effects - - 83.3 had been confiscated by the Manc[h]us Added. - - 85.14 he also said[ said] the king must Removed. - - 87.11 The Manchu army then moved northward Replaced. - beyon[g/d] - - 89.4 When they had been thor[r]oughly Removed. - - 91.27 though it i[n/s] said, Replaced. - - 93.40 the king had [s/c]ome to his senses Replaced. - - 94.18 he despat[e/c]hed two envoys Replaced. - - 94.34 and learn the roads[.] Added. - - 95.26 The people of the no[r]thern provinces Added. - - 95.39 but it is a little p[er/re]mature for us Transposed. - - 96.27 wiping out this disgrace[.] Added. - - 97.14 Such are some of the popular Removed. - supers[i]titions. - - 101.3 approach to Kang-wha so careful[l]y Added. - - 102.1 help from the outside.... uns[e/u]ccessful Replaced. - - 103.36 provis[i]oning of Nam-han Added. - - 104.8 [beleagured] fortress. _sic_ - - 107.5 the surrounding line of bes[ei/ie]gers. Transposed. - - 112.13 spite has alway[s] been the rock Added. - - 113.17 principle of righteousness[ss] is broken, Removed. - - 113.32 and we surrender ou[r]selves to the clemency Added. - - 120.11 the Ma[m/n]chu Emperor, but shortly afterward Replaced. - - 121.30 The kingdo[n/m] will in that way be Replaced. - preserved. - - 122.13 plunged i[n/t] into his bowels, Replaced. - - 122.24 Thi[s] was the greatest honor Added. - - 125.14 at a con[d]siderable distance, Removed. - - 131.3 Genera[a]ls Yonggoldă and Mabudă Removed. - - 135.1 to inte[r]dict its use. Added. - - 136.1 doing what he could to mitigate[d] Removed. - - 136.23 these m[a/e]n , and held a proper court Replaced. - - 136.31 [plead] for them before the emperor, _sic_ - - 137.18 eleven men in Eui-ju and elsew[h]ere Added. - - 137.37 Ch[‘]oé Myŭng-gil the Prime Minister. Added. - - 138.3 In it he [exhonerates] Korea from all blame _sic_ - - 138.15 for the persons of Ch[‘]oé Myŭng-gil, Added. - - 138.26 to Puk-kwan [goal]. _sic_ - - 139.8 Then, terrified at his own de[a/e]d, he fled Replaced. - - 139.10 sa[v/y]ing “I am the greatest of rulers. Replaced. - - 143.35 Hamel afterwards wrote an account of his Transposed. - cap[it/ti]vity - - 145.3 an ab[s]cess broke out on his temple Added. - - 145.21 to avoid bei[o/n]g Replaced. - - 147.20 of his great p[re/er]sonality upon it. Transposed. - - 147.22 over his rival H[ŏ/ŭ] Mok Replaced. - - 148.1 the king sent forth an[d] edict that no more Removed. - - 148.12 much of their [illgotten] gains, _sic_ - - 148.32 such a large mil[l]itary retinue Removed. - - 149.28 169[,]771 _kyul_, Added. - - 158.22 stripped her of all her[e] titles, Added. - - 160.31 the father of the con[b/c]ubine Replaced. - - 164.6 The fourth year of this unfortunate king, Replaced. - 1[6/7]24, opened - - 168.1 Ch[ŭ/ö]ng-ju. Here was stored Replaced. - - 168.3 [strategem]. _sic_ - - 171.18 from the gove[r]nment granaries. Added. - - 172.4 and had forgotten all other [custom]. _sic_ - - 176.19 ascendency of the Noron par[t]y, Added. - - 176.31 The Noron [r/p]arty wanted to save Replaced. - themselves; - - 182.35 The ev[e]il evil deeds of the Soron party, Removed. - - 185.21 work of interment[.] Added. - - 188.28 there were 400 beli[e]vers in Korea, Added. - - 189.31 In 1799 a peculiar plague broke out in Replaced. - P’y[e/ŭ]ng-yang - - 196.15 Yu who had [preceeded] _sic_ - - 196.21 By 1[7/8]37 two other French priests had Replaced. - arrived, - - 197.1 by still severer p[re/er]secutions Transposed. - - 200.19 the very rapid spread of Roman Cathol[i]cism Added. - - 200.30 mere debauche. _sic_ - - 200.32 which foretold the dis[s]olution of the Added. - dynasty. - - 203.9 The Minister Kim [Choa-geun], _sic_ - - 212.19 [soubriquet] of “The Free-will Offering.” _sic_ - - 213.37 reply to this u[n]expected assault Added. - - 213.38 and spe[e]dily drove its garrison out. Added. - - 216.2a [h]undred Japanese female hides Added. - - 216.2b an amusing fiction which is[h] Removed. - - 219.24 inflicted for this perfectly u[n]provoked Added. - assault. - - 220.3 a strip of n[a/e]utral territory Replaced. - - 220.6 became the hiding pl[e/a]ce of refugees Replaced. - - 220.10 the [wellfare] of both countries _sic_ - - 220.16 waters of the Yalu[,/.] Replaced. - - 221.10 The Japanese th[a/e]n asked why they had been Replaced. - fired upon - - 221.26 on Feb[r]uary 27th 1876, Added. - - 225.27 While the two hund[er/re]d men who were being Transposed. - drilled - - 227.21 Min Yŭng-ju[,] Added. - - 233.17 and opposit[i]on of Added. - - 234.9 succeed[ed] in putting through a law Added. - - 234.33 on the conservative party in their Added. - oppos[i]tion to reforms. - - 235.5 and banish or ex[e]cute the leaders Added. - - 235.31 talked about it in a very excited manner [of] _sic_ - the Naval Attache - - 235.35 a strong con[v/s]ervative Replaced. - - 235.38 the relatives of one of the Replaced. - pr[e/o]gressionists - - 238.3 Then the summo[n]s was sent Added. - - 238.7 Who[w]ever wielded the brutal sword, Removed. - - 239.35a Pak Y[ŭ]ng-hyo, _sic_ - - 239.35b Kwang-bom[,] Added. - - 239.40 Meanwhile Hong Yŭng-sik, Pak Y[ŭ]ng-kyo, _sic_ - - 240.4 Y[ŭ]ng-kyo and hacked them to pieces _sic_ - - 240.20 and killed them all, men[,] women and Added. - - 241.7 the trouble of the [preceeding] month, _sic_ - - 243.20 Yuan the Chinese commissio[ne]r had taken up Added. - - 245.16 and be seized with an [uncontrolable] _sic_ - - 247.33 of the people[’]s endurance Added. - - 252.15 the former by way of Asan a[a/n]d the latter Replaced. - - 252.35 The Kwang-[y/k]i was speedily disabled Replaced. - - 254.36 It i[t/s] still a puzzle to many Replaced. - - 256.12 of the Sak Divis[i]on. Added. - - 257.8 took by ass[a]ult Added. - - 257.36 about the Korean [archipelego]. _sic_ - - 258.5 During the P’yŭng-yang e[n]gagement Added. - - 258.23 At nine o[’]clock the smoke of the Added. - - 261.9 deemed it wise to with[d]raw. Added. - - 261.22 the battle of A[n]san had proved nothing Removed. - - 262.11 proved that the Jap[a]nese could stand up Added. - - 263.16 a radical and [ineffacable] difference _sic_ - - 266.13 of the “R[e]ighteous Army” in the country Removed. - - 267.11 and partly of other d[e/i]stinguished men. Replaced. - - 267.19 [Yi-jo] or Ceremonial Department, _sic_ - - 268.15 at liberty to address the thro[ n/ne] Replaced. - - 268.37 (17) Even eunuc[k/h]s, if they are men of Replaced. - ability, - - 270.27 How absu[r]d this was Added. - - 270.37 hundred other commodi[ti]es , Added. - - 283.10 under the i[n/m]pression Replaced. - - 286.8 Viscount was an ent[uh/hu]siastic Buddhist Transposed - - 286.18 between these two powerf[n/u]l personages Replaced. - - 286.38 his arrival on the sce[u/n]e. Replaced. - - 286.39 was assis[s]ted by the Japanese Minister Removed. - - 288.26 from the Decis[i]on of the Japanese Added. - - 291.22 ba[tall/ttal/ion in Seoul, Replaced. - - 291.26 Adachi Ken[s]zo and Kunitomo Shigeakira, Removed. - - 293.13 Sakai [Marataro] and a few others, _sic_: - Masataro? - - 293.16 the party met the Japanese [drilled] Korean _sic_: - troops drilling? - - 293.39 and his acts, th[r]ough unforeseen by his Removed. - superiors - - 294.10 as given by the Hirosh[i]ma Added. - - 296.38 foreign representatives were received Removed. - lat[t]er later in the day. - - 298.20 man as Miura ca[n] be called complicity. Added. - - 300.16 Japanese in Seoul were now entirely Added. - qu[i]escent - - 301.33 through the G[oa]/ao]ler Cabinet Transposed. - - 303.17 of Dr. Brown as ad[i]viser to Finance Added. - Department - - 305.11 enjoyed the respite too thoroug[h]ly Added. - - 306.16 a [negligeable] quantity. _sic_ - - 307.35 Indepen[d]ence and to this Added. - - 313.9 Russian admirals, including[,] Admiral Removed. - Alexeieff - - 315.13 the father of the Emper[p]or Removed. - - 315.15 connected with the stir[r]ing events Added. - - 318.5 attempt was made to po[si/is]on the Emperor Transposed. - - 318.26a this should not be[ be] done, Removed. - - 318.26b and so una[min/nim]ous was the sentiment Transposed. - - 318.34 an event of great importance [ ] every _sic_: in? - - 319.6 In a sense they were just[i]fied in so Added. - thinking, - - 321.12 it embarrassed the admin[i]stration, Added. - - 323.40 of the Indepe[n]dence Added. - - 324.1 to the contr[a]ry they Added. - - 326.38 [negligeable] stage; _sic_ - - 327.7 the names of Mr. Legend[er/re] and Mr. Transposed. - Greathouse, - - 327.31 to [harrass] and injure Japanese interests _sic_ - - 329.30 even when rolling in op[p]ulence Removed. - - 329.37 thousand[-]fold Added. - - 330.25 of the outrage were d[e/i]smissed as Replaced. - - 331.37 but it is cert[ia/ai]n Transposed. - - 335.3 and through minister[i]al influence Added. - - 335.32 it caused the rashly enthusia[a/s]tic to stop Replaced. - and think. - - 337.2 T[a/h]e Japanese Bank issu[e]s Replaced, - added. - - 339.20 many elements of g[uin/enui]une humor, Replaced. - - 340.13 27th of Nove[n/m]ber fourteen Replaced. - - 340.26 The tension was t[w/o]o great Replaced. - - 342.2 power through servile adher[a/e]nce to Replaced. - Russian interests. - - 342.26 and exp[r]essed no desire Added. - - 344.8 Foreigner[s] threatened. Added. - - 345.27 Hă-ju, the capital [ ] the province, _sic_: missing - ‘of’? - - 348.6 she had doubtless[s] already assumed. Removed. - - 348.17 territory encro[a]ched upon Added. - - 349.21 inflicted the grea[s]test possible harm Removed. - - 350.39 removing the[re/ir] families and [re/ir] Replaced. - valuables - - 352.3 Four days l[e/a]ter this general made a final Replaced. - appeal - - 352.18 that seve[r]al thousand Russian troops Added. - - 355.4 be at least enough rap[p]ort between the Added. - civil and military - - 356.7 that [“]if it is necessary Added. - - 356.26 the Russians would not fire upon the Added. - t[r]ansports. - - 357.17 Japan had never recognized the Transposed. - n[ue/eu]trality of Korea, - - 358.35 we are t[w/o]o near it to see it Replaced. - - 361.10 the British cruiser _Talbot_ and the French Transposed. - c[ur/ru]iser _Pascal_. - - 364.9 but did not succe[e]d. Added. - - 364.29 in other directi[a/o]ns Replaced. - - 366.39 warlike operations between the two Replaced. - belligerents [was/were] - - 367.9 and soon took their depa[r]ture Added. - - 368.15 Koreans we[a/r]e dissatisfied Replaced. - - 370.22 It was perfect[l]y right for the Japanese Added. - - 370.31 named the Il-chin [s/S]ociety. Replaced. - - 371.8 an Ameri[c]an Added. - - 371.37 but the war interfer[r]ed with the Removed. - - 371.40 and the results of Chris[i]tian Removed. - - 374.2 They have served their purpose[d/s] and are Replaced. - ready - - 374.8 to drift upon the Sar[g]asso Sea Added. - - General Index - i1.2.24 “Baby [“]War”, The, Removed. - - i1.2.44 ” of Hang-[jnI/ju], II 10 Replaced. - - i2.1.3 ” of Ka[Y]-do Island, II 129 Removed. - - i4.2.39 Ma[u/n]chu, II 96 Replaced. - - i4.2.41 ” ” [Japan], I 166, 260 Added. - - i4.2.54 to present d[a/y]nasty, First Japanese, I 302 Replaced. - - i6.1.12 _Gloir[e], La_, II 197 Added. - - i6.2.37 ” of Japan, plans of Mongol, I[I] 214 Removed. - - i6.1.20 Gutzleff, [561 I/II 195] Replaced. - - i8.1.12 Kijun, [K/M]igration of, I I27 Replaced. - - i10.1.22 ” Govern[a/o]r-general, I 204 Replaced. - - i10.2.22 ” Sorti[e]s from, II 103, 105, 107 Added. - - i10.1.59 “Mul[l]berry Palace” built, II 182 Removed. - - i11.2.21 Party strife forbidd[d]en, II 165 Removed. - - i12.2.1 Railway concess[s/i]on, Seoul Fusan, II 318 Replaced. - - i13.1.6 ” laws re[c]vised, II 149 Removed. - - i13.1.39 ” Aggressi[o]n on Yalu, II 348 Added. - - i14.1.51 Suzerainty c[o/a]st off, Chinese, II 273 Replaced. - - i15.2.28 ” between China and Kogur[y]ŭ, I 86, 98 Added. - - Biographical Index - bi1.2.24 Chi [ /Y]un, I 259 Replaced. - - bi4.2.37 Nak Wh[a] am, I 101 Added. - - bi5.1.11 [Y/O] Yeeui, I 309 Replaced. - - bi5.1.17 Ok K[ /a]ng, 61 Replaced. - - bi6.1.7 Sin Kil[l/i], I 359 Replaced. - - bi6.1.55 S[a/o]ng Hanhong, I 127 Replaced. - - bi6.1.56 S[a/o]ang Heuian, I 322 Replaced. - - bi6.1.35 So P‘il[l], I 141 Removed. - - bi6.1.40 Sok Kang [Y]mok, I 322 Removed. - - bi6.3.26 Tap-[ /d]on, I 85 Added. - - bi7.2.51 [ /Y]i Chamyun, 215 Restored. - - Chronological Index - ci2.2.17 Ka-duk[./-]wang Replaced. - - ci4.2.35 Pong[ /-]sang-wang Replaced. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of Korea, Volume 2 (of 2), by -Homer B. Hulbert - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF KOREA, VOLUME 2 *** - -***** This file should be named 52749-0.txt or 52749-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/2/7/4/52749/ - -Produced by KD Weeks, David Edwards and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |