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diff --git a/old/52713-8.txt b/old/52713-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 7c98d54..0000000 --- a/old/52713-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,27308 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Ireland under the Tudors. Volume 3 (of 3), by -Richard Bagwell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Ireland under the Tudors. Volume 3 (of 3) - With a Succinct Account of the Earlier History - -Author: Richard Bagwell - -Release Date: August 3, 2016 [EBook #52713] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS, VOL 3 *** - - - - -Produced by Brownfox and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from -images generously made available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - -IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS - -VOL. III. - - - - -2 vols. 8vo. 32_s._ - -IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS. - -WITH A SUCCINCT ACCOUNT OF THE EARLIER HISTORY. - -By RICHARD BAGWELL, M.A. - -VOLS. I. and II. - -From the First Invasion of the Northmen to the year 1578. - - -London: LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. - - - - - IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS - - WITH A SUCCINCT ACCOUNT OF THE - EARLIER HISTORY - - BY - - RICHARD BAGWELL, M.A. - - IN THREE VOLUMES - - VOL. III. - - LONDON - - LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. - - AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST 16th STREET - 1890 - - _All rights reserved_ - - - - -PREFACE - -TO - -THE THIRD VOLUME. - - -By a mistake which was not the author's, the title-pages of its first -instalment described this book as being in two volumes. A third -had, nevertheless, been previously announced, and this promise is -now fulfilled. The Desmond and Tyrone rebellions, the destruction -of the Armada, the disastrous enterprise of Essex, and two foreign -invasions, have been described in some detail; and even those who -speak slightingly of drum and trumpet histories may find something of -interest in the adventures of Captain Cuellar, and in the chapter on -Elizabethan Ireland. - -A critic has said that your true State-paper historian may be known -by his ignorance of all that has already been printed on any given -subject. If this wise saying be true, then am I no State-paper -historian; for the number of original documents in print steadily -increases as we go down the stream of time, and they have been -freely drawn upon here. But by far the larger part still remains in -manuscript, and the labour connected with them has been greater than -before, since Mr. H. C. Hamilton's guidance was wanting after 1592. -Much help is given by Fynes Moryson's history. Moryson was a great -traveller, whose business it had been to study manners and customs, -who was Mountjoy's secretary during most of his time in Ireland, and -whose brother held good official positions both before and after. -Much of what this amusing writer says is corroborated by independent -evidence. Other authorities are indicated in the foot-notes, or have -been discussed in the preface to the first two volumes. Wherever no -other collection is mentioned, it is to be understood that all letters -and papers cited are in the public Record Office. - -It has not been thought generally necessary to give the dates both in -old and new style. The officials, and Englishmen generally, invariably -refused to adopt the Gregorian calendar, but the priests, and many -Irishmen who followed them, naturally took the opposite course. As a -rule, therefore, the chronology is old style, but a double date has -been given wherever confusion seemed likely to arise. - -It has often been said that religion had little or nothing to do with -the Tudor wars in Ireland, but this is very far from the truth. It was -the energy and devotion of the friars and Jesuits that made the people -resist, and it was Spanish or papal gold that enabled the chiefs to -keep the field. This volume shows how violent was the feeling against -an excommunicated Queen, and, whether they were always right or not, -we can scarcely wonder that Elizabeth and her servants saw an enemy of -England in every active adherent of Rome. - -At first the Queen showed some signs of a wish to remain on friendly -terms with the Holy See, but she became the Protestant champion even -against her own inclination. Sixtus V. admired her great qualities, -and invited her to return to the bosom of the Church. 'Strange -proposition!' says Ranke, 'as if she had it in her power to choose; as -if her past life, the whole import of her being, her political position -and attitude, did not, even supposing her conviction not to be sincere, -enchain her to the Protestant cause. Elizabeth returned no answer, but -she laughed.' - -The Elizabethan conquest of Ireland was cruel mainly because the -Crown was poor. Unpaid soldiers are necessarily oppressors, and are -as certain to cause discontent as they are certain to be inefficient -for police purposes. The history of Ireland would have been quite -different had it been possible for England to govern her as she has -governed India--by scientific administrators, who tolerate all creeds -and respect all prejudices. But no such machinery, nor even the idea of -it, then existed, and nothing seemed possible but to crush rebellion -by destroying the means of resistance. It was famine that really ended -the Tyrone war, and it was caused as much by internecine quarrels among -the Irish as by the more systematic blood-letting of Mountjoy and -Carew. The work was so completely done that it lasted for nearly forty -years, and even then there could have been no upheaval, but that forces -outside Ireland had paralysed the English Government. - -My best thanks are due to the Marquis of Salisbury for his kindness in -giving me access to the treasures at Hatfield, and to Mr. R. T. Gunton -for enabling me to use that privilege in the pleasantest way. - - MARLFIELD, CLONMEL, - _March 17, 1890_. - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE THIRD VOLUME. - - - CHAPTER XXXVI. - - REBELLION OF JAMES FITZMAURICE, 1579. - PAGE - - Papal designs against Ireland 1 - James Fitzmaurice abroad 3 - The last of Thomas Stukeley 6 - Defencelessness of Ireland 8 - Ulster in 1579 9 - Fitzmaurice invades Ireland 10 - Manifestoes against Elizabeth 13 - Attitude of Desmond 17 - Nicholas Sanders 17 - Murder of Henry Davells 20 - The Geraldines disunited 22 - Death of Fitzmaurice 23 - - - CHAPTER XXXVII. - - THE DESMOND REBELLION, 1579-1580. - - English vacillation 25 - Progress of the rebellion 26 - Last hesitations of Desmond 28 - Desmond proclaimed traitor 31 - Youghal sacked by Desmond 33 - Ormonde's revenge 35 - The Queen is persuaded to act 38 - Irish warfare 40 - Pelham and Ormonde in Kerry 42 - Maltby in Connaught 43 - State of Munster 44 - Ormonde's raid 48 - Rebellion of Baltinglas 51 - A Catholic confederacy 52 - Results of Pelham's policy 54 - Low condition of Desmond 57 - - - CHAPTER XXXVIII. - - THE DESMOND WAR--SECOND STAGE, 1580-1581. - - Arrival of Lord-Deputy Grey 59 - The disaster in Glenmalure 60 - Consequences 63 - Spanish descent in Kerry 65 - Siege and surrender of the Smerwick fort 72 - The massacre 74 - State of Connaught 79 - An empty treasury and storehouses 79 - The Earl of Kildare's troubles 80 - Confusion in Munster 83 - Raleigh 85 - Ormonde superseded 87 - Death of Sanders 89 - - - CHAPTER XXXIX. - - THE DESMOND WAR--FINAL STAGE, 1581-1582. - - Partial amnesty--William Nugent 91 - Maltby in Connaught 92 - John of Desmond slain 93 - Savage warfare 96 - Recall of Grey 97 - William Nugent's rebellion 99 - Ormonde is restored 101 - How ill-paid soldiers behaved 102 - Desmond's cruelty 103 - General famine 104 - Abortive negotiations 105 - The rebels repulsed from Youghal 107 - Ormonde shuts up Desmond in Kerry 107 - Last struggles of Desmond 108 - Ormonde and his detractors 110 - Death of Desmond 113 - The Geraldine legend 114 - - - CHAPTER XL. - - GOVERNMENT OF PERROTT, 1583-1584. - - Case of Archbishop O'Hurley 116 - Spanish help comes too late 118 - Murder of Sir John Shamrock Burke 119 - Trial by combat 121 - First proceedings of Perrott 122 - Sir John Norris and Sir Richard Bingham 124 - The Church 125 - Munster forfeitures 126 - The Ulster Scots 127 - A forest stronghold 131 - Proposed University 131 - Hostility of Perrott and Loftus 134 - State of the four provinces 135 - - - CHAPTER XLI. - - GOVERNMENT OF PERROTT, 1585-1588. - - The MacDonnells in Ulster 138 - Perrott's Parliament 140 - Composition in Connaught 147 - Perrott's troubles 148 - The Desmond attainder 149 - The MacDonnells become subjects 150 - Bingham in Connaught 151 - The Scots overthrown in Sligo 154 - Perrott's enemies 157 - Irish troops in Holland--Sir W. Stanley 161 - The Irish in Spain 163 - Prerogative and revenue 165 - Bingham and Perrott 166 - Perrott leaves Ireland peaceful 168 - The Desmond forfeitures 169 - - - CHAPTER XLII. - - THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. - - Unprepared state of Ireland 172 - Sufferings of the Spaniards--Recalde 173 - Wrecks in Kerry, Clare, and Mayo 174 - Wrecks in Galway 176 - Alonso de Leyva 177 - Wrecks in Sligo 180 - Adventures of Captain Cuellar 183 - Spanish account of the wild Irish 185 - Summary of Spanish losses 188 - Tyrone and O'Donnell 190 - Wreck in Lough Foyle 191 - Relics and traditions 192 - The Armada a crusade 193 - The last of the Armada 194 - - - CHAPTER XLIII. - - ADMINISTRATION OF FITZWILLIAM, 1588-1594. - - Ulster after the Armada 196 - O'Donnell politics 197 - The Desmond forfeitures--Spenser 198 - Raleigh 199 - Florence MacCarthy 200 - The MacMahons 201 - Bingham in Connaught 203 - O'Connor Sligo's case 208 - Bingham and his accusers 210 - Sir Brian O'Rourke 212 - Mutiny in Dublin 217 - Tyrone and Tirlogh Luineach 218 - Rival O'Neills 220 - Rival O'Donnells 221 - Hugh Roe O'Donnell 222 - Tyrone and the Bagenals 223 - - - CHAPTER XLIV. - - ADMINISTRATION OF FITZWILLIAM, 1592-1594. - - Escape of Hugh Roe O'Donnell 226 - O'Donnell, Maguire, and Tyrone 227 - Trial and death of Perrott 228 - Spanish intrigues 233 - Fighting in Ulster 234 - Recall of Fitzwilliam 236 - Tyrone's grievances 237 - Fitzwilliam, Tyrone, and Ormonde 238 - Florence MacCarthy 240 - Remarks on Fitzwilliam's government 241 - - - CHAPTER XLV. - - GOVERNMENT OF RUSSELL, 1594-1597. - - Russell and Tyrone 242 - Russell relieves Enniskillen 244 - Tyrone generally suspected 245 - The Wicklow Highlanders--Walter Reagh 246 - Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne 247 - Recruiting for Irish service 248 - Soldiers and amateurs 250 - Sir John Norris 251 - The Irish retake Enniskillen 252 - Murder of George Bingham 253 - Tyrone proclaimed traitor 254 - Quarrels of Norris and Russell 255 - Ormonde and Tyrone 255 - Bingham, Tyrone, and Norris 256 - Death of Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill 258 - Tyrone's dealings with Spain 258 - A truce 259 - O'Donnell overruns Connaught 260 - Liberty of conscience 261 - Confusion in Connaught 263 - Elizabeth on the dispensing power 264 - Norris and Russell 265 - Story of the Spanish letter 267 - Spaniards in Ulster 268 - Bingham in Connaught 268 - Bingham leaves Ireland 271 - Crusade against English Protestants 272 - Disorderly soldiers 273 - Death of Feagh MacHugh 274 - Dissensions between Norris and Russell 276 - Bingham in disgrace 278 - - - CHAPTER XLVI. - - GOVERNMENT OF LORD BURGH, 1597. - - Last acts of Russell 280 - Norris and Burgh 282 - Burgh attacks Tyrone 283 - Failure of Clifford at Ballyshannon 285 - Gallant defence of Blackwater fort 286 - Death of Burgh 287 - Death of Norris 288 - Belfast in 1597 289 - Disaster at Carrickfergus 290 - Tyrone and Ormonde 291 - Brigandage in Munster 292 - Florence MacCarthy 293 - - - CHAPTER XLVII. - - GENERAL RISING UNDER TYRONE, 1598-1599. - - Bacon and Essex 294 - The Blackwater fort 295 - Battle of the Yellow Ford 297 - Panic in Dublin 300 - The Munster settlement destroyed 301 - The Sugane Earl of Desmond 302 - Spenser, Raleigh, and others 305 - The native gentry and Tyrone 307 - Religious animosity 308 - Weakness of the Government 309 - O'Donnell in Clare 310 - Tyrone in Munster 311 - - - CHAPTER XLVIII. - - ESSEX IN IRELAND, 1599. - - Essex offends the Queen 313 - His ambition 315 - Opinions of Bacon and Wotton 316 - Great expectations 318 - Evil auguries 320 - Sir Arthur Chichester 321 - Essex in Leinster 323 - In Munster 324 - Siege of Cahir 325 - Deaths of Sir Thomas and Sir Henry Norris 326 - Harrington's defeat in Wicklow 328 - Failure of Essex 331 - Anger of the Queen 332 - Death of Sir Conyers Clifford 336 - Essex goes to Ulster 339 - Essex makes peace with Tyrone 340 - The Queen blames Essex 342 - Who goes home without leave 343 - Harrington's account of Tyrone 344 - Reception of Essex at court 346 - Negotiations with Tyrone 347 - Folly of Essex 348 - Liberty of conscience 349 - - - CHAPTER XLIX. - - GOVERNMENT OF MOUNTJOY, 1600. - - Raleigh's advice 351 - Tyrone's Holy War in Munster 352 - Arrival of Mountjoy and Carew 353 - Tyrone plays the king 354 - Ormonde captured by the O'Mores 355 - Carew in Munster--Florence MacCarthy 360 - Docwra occupies Derry 361 - Carew in Munster 363 - O'Donnell harries Clare 365 - Mountjoy and Essex 366 - James VI. 368 - The Pale 369 - The midland counties 370 - Mountjoy bridles Tyrone 372 - Progress of Docwra 373 - Relief of Derry 375 - Spaniards in Donegal 376 - Carew reduces Munster 377 - The Queen's Earl of Desmond 379 - The end of the house of Desmond 384 - - - CHAPTER L. - - GOVERNMENT OF MOUNTJOY, 1601. - - Mountjoy and the Queen 386 - Final reduction of Wicklow 387 - Mountjoy and Essex 388 - Confession of Essex--Lady Rich 389 - The last of the Sugane Earl 391 - Mountjoy in Tyrone 392 - Plot to assassinate Tyrone 393 - An Irish stronghold 394 - Brass money 395 - - - CHAPTER LI. - - THE SPANIARDS IN MUNSTER, 1601-1602. - - The Spaniards land at Kinsale 398 - Mountjoy in Munster 399 - The Spaniards come in the Pope's name 400 - The siege of Kinsale 401 - O'Donnell joins Tyrone 403 - Spanish reinforcements 404 - Irish auxiliaries 406 - Total defeat of Tyrone 408 - Kinsale capitulates 411 - Importance of this siege 414 - Great cost of the war 415 - - - CHAPTER LII. - - THE END OF THE REIGN, 1602-1603. - - The Spaniards still feared 417 - The Queen's anger against Tyrone 418 - Carew reduces Munster 419 - Siege of Dunboy 421 - Death and character of Hugh Roe O'Donnell 425 - Last struggles in Connaught 426 - Progress of Docwra in Ulster 427 - The O'Neill throne broken up 428 - Last struggles in Munster 429 - O'Sullivan Bere 430 - Submission of Rory O'Donnell 432 - Tyrone sues for mercy 433 - Famine 434 - Tyrone and James VI. 435 - Death of Queen Elizabeth 437 - Submission of Tyrone 438 - Elizabeth's work in Ireland 439 - - - CHAPTER LIII. - - ELIZABETHAN IRELAND. - - Natural features 441 - Roads and strongholds 442 - Field sports 444 - Agriculture 445 - Cattle 445 - Fish 447 - Trade and manufactures 447 - Wine, ale, and whisky 448 - Descriptions of the people 450 - Tyrone's soldiers 451 - Costume 452 - Conversion of chiefs into noblemen 453 - Bards and musicians 454 - Tobacco 455 - Garrison life 456 - Spenser and his friends 457 - - - CHAPTER LIV. - - THE CHURCH. - - Elizabeth's bishops 459 - Forlorn state of the Church 460 - Zeal of the Roman party 461 - Bishop Lyon 463 - Position of Protestants 464 - Papal emissaries 465 - Protestant Primates 466 - Miler Magrath 468 - The country clergy 469 - Trinity College, Dublin 470 - Irish seminaries abroad 472 - Early printers in Ireland 473 - Toleration--Bacon's ideas 474 - Social forces against the Reformation 475 - - - INDEX 477 - - - - -_MAPS._ - - - MUNSTER _To face p._ 24. - ULSTER _To face p._ 244. - - - - -_Errata._ - - -Page 18, line 12 from bottom, _for_ provided to Killaloe _read_ -provided to Killala. - -Page 56, bottom line, _before_ Sanders _insert_ and. - -Page 384, line 4 from bottom, _for_ Butler _read_ Preston. - - - - -IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVI. - -REBELLION OF JAMES FITZMAURICE, 1579. - - -[Sidenote: Papal designs against Ireland. Stukeley.] - -Sidney's departure had been partly delayed by a report that Stukeley's -long-threatened invasion was at last coming. The adventurer had been -knighted in Spain, and Philip had said something about the Duchy of -Leinster. The Duke of Feria and his party were willing to make him -Duke of Ireland, and he seems to have taken that title. At Paris -Walsingham remonstrated with Olivares, who carelessly, and no doubt -falsely, replied that he had never heard of Stukeley, but that the -king habitually honoured those who offered him service. Walsingham -knew no Spanish, and Olivares would speak nothing else, so that the -conversation could scarcely have serious results. But the remonstrances -of Archbishop Fitzgibbon and other genuine Irish refugees gradually -told upon Philip, and the means of living luxuriously and making -a show were withheld. 'The practices of Stukeley,' wrote Burghley -to Walsingham, 'are abated in Spain by discovery of his lewdness -and insufficiency;' and he went to Rome, where the Countess of -Northumberland had secured him a good reception. 'He left Florida -kingdom,' said Fitzwilliam sarcastically, 'only for holiness' sake, and -to have a red hat;' adding that he was thought holy at Waterford for -going barefooted about streets and churches. 'It is incredible,' says -Fuller, 'how quickly he wrought himself through the notice into the -favour, through the court into the chamber, yea, closet and bosom, of -Pope Pius Quintus.' An able seaman, Stukeley was in some degree fitted -to advance the Pontiff's darling plan for crushing the Turks. The old -pirate did find his way to Don John of Austria's fleet, and seems to -have been present at Lepanto. His prowess in the Levant restored him -to Philip's favour, and he was soon again in Spain, in company with a -Doria and in receipt of 1,000 ducats a week.[1] - -[Sidenote: Thomas Stukeley on the Continent.] - -There was much movement at the time among the Irish in Spain, and -the air was filled with rumours. Irish friars showed letters from -Philip ordering all captains to be punished who refused them passages -to Ireland, and the Inquisition was very active. One Frenchman was -nevertheless bold enough to say that he would rather burn than have a -friar on board, and those who sought a passage from him had to bestow -themselves on a Portuguese ship. In 1575 Stukeley was again at Rome, -and in as high favour with Gregory XIII. as he had been with his -predecessor. The Pope employed him in Flanders, where he had dealings -with Egremont Radcliffe. That luckless rebel had bitterly repented; but -when he returned and offered his services to the queen, she spurned -them and bade him depart the realm. From very want, perhaps, he entered -Don John's service, and when that prince died he was executed on a -trumped-up charge of poisoning him. Stukeley was more fortunate, for -he had then left the Netherlands, and Don John took credit with the -English agent for sending him away. Wilson was equal to the occasion, -and said the gain was the king's, for Stukeley was a vain 'nebulo' -and all the treasures of the Indies too little for his prodigal -expenditure. It would be interesting to know what passed between the -two adventurers, the bastard of Austria and the Devonshire renegade; -between the man who tried to found a kingdom at Tunis, and talked -of marrying Mary Stuart, conquering England, and obtaining the crown -matrimonial, and the man who, having dreamed of addressing his dear -sister Elizabeth from the throne of Florida, now sought to deprive her -of the Duchy of Ireland. Like so many who had to deal with this strange -being, perhaps the governor of the Netherlands was imposed upon by his -vapourings and treated him as a serious political agent. After leaving -Brussels he went to Rome, well supplied with money and spending it in -his old style everywhere. At Sienna Mr. Henry Cheek thought him so -dangerous that he moved to Ferrara to be out of his way. At Florence -the Duke honoured Stukeley greatly, 'as did the other dukes of Italy, -esteeming him as their companion.' But he was without honour among his -own countrymen, and they refused a dinner to which he invited all the -English at Sienna except Cheek.[2] - -[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice on the Continent.] - -James Fitzmaurice was already at Rome. He had spent the best part of -two years in France, where he was well entertained, but where he found -no real help. He received supplies of money occasionally. The Parisians -daily addressed him as King of Ireland, but nothing was done towards -the realisation of the title. Sir William Drury's secret agent was in -communication with one of Fitzmaurice's most trusted companions, and -his hopes and fears were well known in Ireland. At one time he was sure -of 1,200 Frenchmen, at another he was likely to get 4,000; and De la -Roche, who was no stranger in Munster, was to have at least six tall -ships for transport. De la Roche did nothing but convey the exile's -eldest son, Maurice, to Portugal, where he entered the University of -Coimbra. Sir Amyas Paulet had instructions to remonstrate with the -French Court, and the old Puritan seems to have been quite a match for -Catherine de Medici; but there was little sincerity on either side. The -Queen-mother's confidential agent confessed that all was in disorder, -and that the French harbours were full of pirates and thieves, but -she herself told Paulet that De la Roche had strict orders to attempt -nothing against England. Having little hope of France, Fitzmaurice -himself went to Spain, where his reception was equally barren of -result. The Catholic King was perhaps offended at the Most Christian -King having been first applied to, and at all events he was not yet -anxious to break openly with his sister-in-law.[3] - -[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice and the Pope.] - -But at Rome, Fitzmaurice was received by Gregory with open arms. He was -on very friendly terms with Everard Mercurian, the aged general of the -Jesuits, who was, however, personally opposed to sending members of the -order to England, Ireland, or Scotland; a point on which he was soon -overruled by younger men. What the life of a Jesuit missionary was may -be gathered from a letter written to the General about this time. - -'Once,' wrote Edmund Tanner from Rosscarbery, 'was I captured by the -heretics and liberated by God's grace, and the industry of pious -people; twelve times did I escape the snares of the impious, who would -have caught me again had God permitted them.' - -But the harvest, though hard to reap, was not inconsiderable. Tanner -reported that nobles and townsmen were daily received into the bosom of -Holy Church out of the 'sink of schism,' and that the conversion would -have been much more numerous but that many feared present persecution, -and the loss of life, property, or liberty. - -This chain still kept back a well-affected multitude, but the links -were worn, and there was good hope that it soon would break.[4] - -[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice expects to free Ireland.] - -We know from an original paper which fell into the hands of the English -Government, what were Fitzmaurice's modes and requirements for the -conquest of Ireland. Six thousand armed soldiers and their pay for six -months, ten good Spanish or Italian officers, six heavy and fifteen -light guns, 3,000 stand of arms with powder and lead, three ships of -400, 50, and 30 tons respectively, three boats for crossing rivers, and -a nuncio with twenty well-instructed priests--such were the instruments -proposed. He required licence to take English ships outside Spanish -ports, and to sell prizes in Spain. Property taken from Geraldines was -to remain in the family, and every Geraldine doing good service was -to be confirmed by his Holiness and his Catholic Majesty in land and -title. Finally, 6,000 troops were to be sent to him in six months, -should he make a successful descent. - -As sanguine, or as desperate, as Wolfe Tone in later times, he fancied -that England could be beaten in her own dominion by such means as -these. Sanders, who was probably deceived by his Irish friends as to -the amount of help which might be expected in Ireland, had no belief in -Philip, whom he pronounced 'as fearful of war as a child of fire.' The -Pope alone could be trusted, and he would give 2,000 men. 'If they do -not serve to go to England,' he said, 'at least they will serve to go -to Ireland; the state of Christendom dependeth upon the stout assailing -of England.'[5] - -[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice and Stukeley.] - -Stukeley appears to have got on better with Fitzmaurice than with -Archbishop Fitzgibbon, which may have been owing to the mediation of -Sanders or Allen. The Pope agreed to give some money, and Fitzmaurice -hit upon an original way of raising an army. 'At that time,' says an -historian likely to be well informed about Roman affairs, 'Italy was -infested by certain bands of robbers, who used to lurk in woods and -mountains, whence they descended by night to plunder the villages, -and to spoil travellers on the highways. James implored Pope Gregory -XIII. to afford help to the tottering Catholic Church in Ireland, and -obtained pardon for these brigands on condition of accompanying him -to Ireland, and with these and others he recruited a force of 1,000 -soldiers more or less.' This body of desperadoes was commanded by -veteran officers, of which Hercules of Pisa (or Pisano) was one, and -accompanied by Sanders and by Cornelius O'Mulrian, Bishop of Killaloe. -Stukeley kept up the outward show of piety which he had begun at -Waterford and continued in Spain, and he obtained a large number of -privileged crucifixes from the Pontiff, perhaps with the intention of -selling them well. It must be allowed that an army of brigands greatly -needed indulgence, and fifty days were granted to everyone who devoutly -beheld one of these crosses, the period beginning afresh at each act of -adoration. Every other kind of indulgence might seem superfluous after -this, but many were also offered for special acts of prayer, a main -object of which was the aggrandisement of Mary Stuart. - -Stukeley was placed in supreme charge of the expedition, which seems to -have been done by the desire of Fitzmaurice, and the titles conferred -on him by Gregory were magnificent enough even for his taste. He took -upon himself to act as mediator between some travelling Englishmen -and the Holy Office, and having obtained their release he gave them a -passport. This precious document was in the name of Thomas Stukeley, -Knight, Baron of Ross and Idrone, Viscount of Murrows and Kinsella, -Earl of Wexford and Carlow, Marquis of Leinster, General of our Most -Holy Father; and the contents are certified 'in ample and infallible -manner.' Marquis of Leinster was the title by which Roman ecclesiastics -generally addressed him.[6] - -[Sidenote: Battle of Alcazar, 1578. Death of Stukeley.] - -Stukeley left Civita Vecchia early in 1578, and brought his ships, -his men, and his stores of arms to Lisbon, where he found nine Irish -refugees, priests and scholars, whom Gregory had ordered to accompany -him. He called them together, and, with characteristic grandiosity, -offered a suitable daily stipend to each. Six out of the nine refused, -saying: 'They were no man's subjects, and would take no stipend from -anyone but the supreme Pontiff, or some king or great prince.' This -exhibition of the chronic ill-feeling between English and Irish -refugees argued badly for the success of their joint enterprise. After -some hesitation, Sebastian of Portugal decided not to take part in -this attack on a friendly power, and he invited the English adventurer -to join him in invading Morocco, where dynastic quarrels gave him a -pretext for intervention. Secretary Wilson was told that Stukeley had -no choice, 'the King having seized upon him and his company to serve -in Africa.' Sebastian had also German mercenaries with him. There -was a sort of alliance at this time between England and Morocco, -Elizabeth having sent an agent, with an Irish name, who found the -Moorish Emperor 'an earnest Protestant, of good religion and living, -and well experimented as well in the Old Testament as in the New, with -great affection to God's true religion used in Her Highness's realm.' -Whatever we may think of this, it is easy to believe that the Moor -despised Philip as being 'governed by the Pope and Inquisition.' But it -is not probable that this curious piece of diplomacy had much effect on -the main issue. Stukeley warned Sebastian against rashness, advising -him to halt at the seaside to exercise his troops, who were chiefly -raw levies, and to gain some experience in Moorish tactics. But the -young King, whose life was of such supreme importance to his country, -was determined to risk all upon the cast of a die. The great battle of -Alcazar was fatal alike to the Portuguese King and the Moorish Emperor. -Stukeley also fell, fighting bravely to the last, at the head of his -Italians. It may be said of him, as it was said of a greater man, that -nothing in his life became him so much as his manner of leaving it.[7] - -[Sidenote: Result of this battle.] - -The Geraldine historian, O'Daly, says Fitzmaurice landed in Ireland -entirely ignorant of Stukeley's fate, but this statement is -contradicted by known dates. Nor can we believe that if Stukeley had -come with his Italian swordsmen while Fitzmaurice lived, it would have -fared ill with the English--that a little money and less blood would -have sufficed to drive them out of Ireland. Yet it is probably true -that the battle of Alcazar was of great indirect value to England. -Sebastian left no heir, and the Crown of Portugal devolved on his -great-uncle, Cardinal Henry, who was sixty-seven and childless. The -next in reversion was Philip II., whose energies were now turned -towards securing the much-coveted land which nature seemed to designate -as proper to be joined with Spain. For a time, however, it was supposed -that he would heartily embrace the sanguine Gregory's schemes, and -rumours were multiplied by hope or fear. - -[Sidenote: Ireland ill-prepared to resist invasion.] - -Lord Justice Drury knew that the lull in Ireland was only temporary, -but Elizabeth made it an excuse for economy, and disaffected people, -'otherwise base-minded enough,' were encouraged to believe that the -government would stand anything rather than spend money. By refusing -to grant any protections, and by holding his head high, Drury kept -things pretty quiet, but he had to sell or pawn his plate. He hinted -that, as there was no foreign invasion, her Majesty might continue -to pay him his salary, and save his credit. Meanwhile, he had some -small successes. Feagh MacHugh made his submission in Christ Church -cathedral, and gave pledges to Harrington, whom he acknowledged as his -captain. Desmond and his brother John came to Waterford and behaved -well, and a considerable number of troublesome local magnates made -their submissions at Carlow, Leighlin, Castledermot, and Kilkenny; -twenty-nine persons were executed at Philipstown, but the fort was -falling down, and this was little likely to impress the neighbouring -chiefs. Drury's presence alone saved it from a sudden attack by the -O'Connors. But a son of O'Doyne's was fined for concealment, and his -father took it well, so that it was possible to report some slight -progress of legal ideas. Meanwhile there was great danger lest the -Queen's ill-judged parsimony should destroy much of what had been done -in Sidney's time. Thus, the town of Carrickfergus had been paved and -surrounded by wet ditches; the inhabitants had, in consequence, been -increased from twenty to two hundred, forty fishermen resorted daily -to the quay, and sixty ploughs were at work. But over 200_l._ was owing -to the town, the garrison were in danger of starving, and it was feared -that 'the townsmen came not so fast thither, but would faster depart -thence.'[8] - -[Sidenote: Ulster in 1579.] - -Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill was now old and in bad health. It was again -proposed to make him a peer; but this was not done, since it was -evident that a title would make fresh divisions after his death. There -were already four competitors, or rather groups of competitors, for the -reversion; of whom only two were of much importance. Shane O'Neill's -eldest legitimate son, known as Henry MacShane, was supported by one -legitimate and five illegitimate brothers, and Drury's idea was 'by -persuasion or by force of testoons' to make him a counterpoise to the -Baron of Dungannon, whose ambitious character was already known. The -bastardy of the baron's grandfather had been often condoned by the -Crown, but was not forgotten and might be turned to account. Against -the advice of his leeches old Tirlogh was carried forty miles on men's -shoulders, to meet Bagenal at Blackwater, and said he was most anxious -to meet Drury. Dungannon, who expected an immediate vacancy, begged -hard for 200 soldiers, without which the MacShanes would muster twice -as many men as he could. He promised not to go out of his own district -as long as the old chief lived. Drury temporised, since he could do -nothing else, and tried what effect his own presence in the North -might have. The suddenness of his movement frightened Tirlogh, who got -better, contrary to all expectation, and showed himself with a strong -force on the top of a hill near Armagh, refusing however to come in -without protection. This Drury refused on principle, and Tirlogh's -wife, who was clever enough to see that no harm was intended, tried -in vain to bring her husband to the Viceroy's camp. Meanwhile he and -the Baron became fast friends, and the latter proposed to put away -O'Donnell's daughter, to whom he was perhaps not legally married, -and to take Tirlogh's for his wife. Drury made him promise not to -deal further in the match; but his back was no sooner turned than -the marriage was celebrated, and the other unfortunate sent back to -Tyrconnell. At the same time Tirlogh gave another of his daughters to -Sorley Boy MacDonnell's son, and the assistance of the Scots was thus -supposed to be secured. There were rumours that Fitzmaurice would land -at Sligo, and a general confederacy was to be looked for. Fitton, who -had been long enough in Ireland to know something about it, saw that -the Irish had great natural wits and knew how to get an advantage quite -as well as more civil people, and that Tirlogh, like the rest of his -countrymen, would submit while it suited him and no longer.[9] - -[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice and Sanders sail for Ireland.] - -After Stukeley's death James Fitzmaurice continued to prepare for a -descent on Ireland. After his return from Rome he went to France, where -he joined his wife, son, and two daughters. He then spent nearly three -months at Madrid with Sanders, and obtained 1,000 ducats for his wife, -who was then in actual penury at 'Vidonia' in Biscay. But he could not -see the king, and professed himself indifferent to help from Spain or -Portugal. 'I care for no soldiers at all,' he said to Sanders; 'you -and I are enough; therefore let me go, for I know the minds of the -noblemen in Ireland.' Some of Stukeley's men, with a ship of about 400 -tons, had survived the Barbary disaster. O'Mulrian, Papal Bishop of -Killaloe, came to Lisbon from Rome with the same men and two smaller -vessels, and by the Pope's orders Stukeley's ship was given to them. -Sanders accompanied the bishop, and there seem to have been about 600 -men--Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese, Flemings, Frenchmen, Irish, -and a few English. It was arranged that this motley crew should join -Fitzmaurice at Corunna, and then sail straight to Ireland. A Waterford -merchant told his wife that the men were very reticent, but were -reported to be about to establish the true religion. When questioned -they said they were bound for Africa, but the Waterford man thought -they were going to spoil her Majesty's subjects. Meanwhile Fitzmaurice -was at Bilbao with a few light craft. The largest was of sixty tons, -commanded by a Dingle man who knew the Irish coast, but who ultimately -took no part in the expedition. William Roche, who had been Perrott's -master gunner at Castlemaine, and James Den of Galway, were also -retained as pilots. A little later Fitzmaurice had a ship of 300 tons, -for which he gave 800 crowns, several small pieces of artillery, 6,000 -muskets, and a good supply of provisions and trenching tools. The men -received two months' pay in advance. - -Fitzmaurice's one idea was to raise an army in Munster, and he told -an Irish merchant who thought his preparations quite inadequate, that -'when the arms were occupied' he made no account of all the Queen's -forces in Ireland. He was accompanied by his wife and daughter and -about fifty men, who were nearly all Spaniards. Sanders went to Bilbao -after a short stay at Lisbon, and two merchants, one of Waterford -and one of Wexford, who came together from the Tagus to the Shannon, -reported that a descent was imminent. 'The men,' they said, 'be -willing; they want no treasure, they lack no furniture, and they have -skilful leaders.' To oppose a landing the Queen had one disabled ship -in Ireland, and there were no means of fitting her out for sea.[10] - -[Sidenote: The voyage.] - -The French rover, De la Roche, in spite of Catherine de Medici's -assurance, seems to have co-operated with Fitzmaurice. John Picot, of -Jersey, bound for Waterford with Spanish wine, was warned at San Lucar -by a Brest man that De la Roche and Fitzmaurice spoiled everyone they -met. To avoid them Picot kept wide of the coast; nevertheless he fell -in with eight sail 60 leagues N.W. of Cape St. Vincent. They fired -and obliged him to lower a boat, and then robbed him of wine, oil, -raisins, and other things of Spain. Picot saw twelve pieces of cannon -in De la Roche's hold, but was warned significantly not to pry under -hatches again. The Jerseymen were beaten, the St. Malo men spared, -and all were told, with 'vehement oaths and gnashing of teeth,' that -if they had been Englishmen they would have been thrown overboard--a -fate which actually befell the crew of a Bristol vessel two or three -days later. Finding that Picot was going to Ireland, his captors said -they would keep company with him; but thick weather came on, and by -changing his course, he got clear within twenty-four hours. A few days -after Fitzmaurice was in Dursey Sound with six ships, and others were -sighted off Baltimore. He picked up a fisherman and bade him fetch in -Owen O'Sullivan Bere, but that chief refused, and three days later the -invading squadron cast anchor off Dingle.[11] - -[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice and Sanders reach Ireland.] - -The portreeve and his brethren went off to speak with the strangers -next morning. Some Spaniards whom they knew refused to let them come -on board, and they sent at once to Desmond for help. The preparations -for resistance were of the slightest. The constable of Castlemaine -reported that he had only five hogsheads of wheat, two tuns of wine, -three hogsheads of salmon, and some malt; and that he was dependent -for meat upon such bruised reeds as Desmond and Clancare. There were -neither men nor stores at Dublin, and no hope of borrowing even 500_l._ -Cork had but five barrels of inferior powder, and no lead. At Waterford -there were only 2,000 pounds of powder. All that Drury could do was to -write letters charging the Munster lords to withstand the traitors, but -a fortnight passed before he himself could get as far as Limerick.[12] - -[Sidenote: They land at Dingle.] - -Mr. James Golde, Attorney-General for Munster, writing from Tralee, -thus describes the manner of Fitzmaurice's landing, which took place on -the day after his arrival at Dingle:-- - -'The traitor upon Saturday last came out of his ship. Two friars were -his ancient-bearers, and they went before with two ancients. A bishop, -with a crozier-staff and his mitre, was next the friars. After came -the traitor himself at the head of his company, about 100, and went -to seek for flesh and kine, which they found, and so returned to his -ships.'[13] On the same day they burned the town, lit fires on the -hills as if signalling to some expected allies, and then shifted their -berths to Smerwick harbour, taking with them as prisoners some of -the chief inhabitants of Dingle. At Smerwick they began to construct -a fort, of which the later history is famous. It was believed that -Fitzmaurice expected immediate help out of Connaught. 'Ulick Burke is -obedient,' said Waterhouse; 'but I believe that John will presently -face the confederacy.' Drury could only preach fidelity, and commission -Sir Humphrey Gilbert to take up ships and prosecute the enemy by sea -and land.[14] - -[Sidenote: Proclamation of Fitzmaurice.] - -Fitzmaurice brought to Ireland two printed proclamations--one in -English for those who spoke it and were attached to the English crown, -the other in Latin for the Irish and their priests. - -The first paper sets forth that Gregory XIII. 'perceiving what -dishonour to God and his Saints, &c.... hath fallen to Scotland, -France, and Flanders, by the procurement of Elizabeth, the pretensed -Queen of England; perceiving also that neither the warning of other -Catholic princes and good Christians, nor the sentence of Pope Pius -V., his predecessor, nor the long sufferance of God, could make her to -forsake her schism, heresy, and wicked attempts; now purposeth (not -without the consent of other Catholic potentates) to deprive her -actually of the unjust possession of these kingdoms, &c.' Any attack -on the Crown of England is disclaimed; the usurper was alone aimed -at, and the help of the English Catholics was considered certain. The -Catholics were everywhere, but 'Wales, Chestershire, Lancastershire, -and Cumberland' were entirely devoted to the old faith, and their -proximity to Ireland increased their importance. Throughout England -the husbandmen--the raw material of every army--were 'commonly all -Catholics.' Elizabeth had a few friends indeed, but she would be afraid -to send them away from her, and if Ireland remained united, all must go -well. One great crime of Queen Elizabeth was her refusal to declare an -heir-apparent; by espousing the cause of that heir, whose name is not -mentioned, the reward of those who worship the rising sun might fairly -be expected. Fitzmaurice explained that the Pope had appointed him -general because he alone had been present at Rome, but that he intended -to act by the advice of the Irish prelates, princes, and lords, 'whom -he took in great part for his betters.' And his appeal ends thus: 'This -one thing I will say, which I wish to be imprinted on all our hearts, -if all we that are indeed of a good mind would openly and speedily -pass our faith by resorting to his Holiness' banner, and by commanding -your people and countries to keep no other but the Catholic faith, and -forthwith to expel all heresies and schismatical services, you should -not only deliver your country from heresy and tyranny, but also do that -most godly and noble act without any danger at all, because there is -no foreign power that would or durst go about to assault so universal -a consent of this country; being also backed and maintained by other -foreign powers, as you see we are, and, God willing, shall be; but now -if one of you stand still and look what the other doth, and thereby the -ancient nobility do slack to come or send us (which God forbid), they -surely that come first, and are in the next place of honour to the said -nobility, must of necessity occupy the chief place in his Holiness' -army, as the safeguard thereof requireth, not meaning thereby to -prejudice any nobleman in his own dominion or lands, which he otherwise -rightfully possesseth, unless he be found to fight, or to aid them -that do fight, against the Cross of Christ and his Holiness' banner, -for both which I, as well as all other Christians, ought to spend our -blood and, for my part, intend at least by God's grace, Whom I beseech -to give you all, my lords, in this world courage and stoutness for the -defence of His faith, and in the world to come life everlasting.'[15] - -[Sidenote: Continuity of some Irish ideas.] - -The whole document is a good example of the sanguine rhetoric in which -exiles have always indulged, and of the way in which the leaders of -Irish sedition have been accustomed to talk. The part assigned to -continental powers and to English Catholics in the sixteenth century, -was transferred to the French monarchy in the seventeenth, and to the -revolutionary republic in the eighteenth; and now, in the nineteenth, -it is given to the United States of America, and to the British -working-man. - -[Sidenote: A second proclamation.] - -A translation of the shorter paper may well be given in full:--'A just -war requires three conditions--a just cause, lawful power, and the -means of carrying on lawful war. It shall be made clear that all three -conditions are fulfilled in the present case. - -'The cause of this war is God's glory, for it is our care to restore -the outward rite of sacrifice and the visible honour of the holy altar -which the heretics have impiously taken away. The glory of Christ is -belied by the heretics, who deny that his sacraments confer grace, thus -invalidating Christ's gospel on account of which the law was condemned; -and the glory of the Catholic Church they also belie, which against the -truth of the Scriptures they declare to have been for some centuries -hidden from the world. But in the name of God, in sanctification by -Christ's sacraments, and in preserving the unity of the Church, the -salvation of us all has had its chief root. - -'The power of this war is derived first from natural, and then from -evangelical, law. Natural law empowers us to defend ourselves against -the very manifest tyranny of heretics, who, against the law of nature, -force us, under pain of death, to abjure our first faith in the primacy -of the Roman Pontiff, and unwillingly to receive and profess a plainly -contrary religion; a yoke which has never been imposed by Christians, -Jews, or Turks, nor by themselves formerly upon us. And so since Christ -in his gospel has given the help of the kingdom of heaven--that is, -the supreme administration of his Church--to Peter, Gregory XIII., the -legitimate successor of that chief of the Apostles in the same chair, -has chosen us general of this war, as abundantly appears from his -letters and patent (diploma), and which he has the rather done that his -predecessor, Pius V., had deprived Elizabeth, the patroness of those -heresies, of all royal power and dominion, as his declaratory decision -(sententia), which we have also with us, most manifestly witnesseth. - -'Thus we are not warring against the legitimate sceptre and honourable -throne of England, but against a she-tyrant who has deservedly lost her -royal power by refusing to listen to Christ in the person of his vicar, -and through daring to subject Christ's Church to her feminine sex on -matters of faith, about which she has no right to speak with authority. - -'In what belongs to the conduct of the war, we have no thoughts of -invading the rights of our fellow-citizens, nor of following up -private enmities, from which we are especially free, nor of usurping -the supreme royal power. I swear that God's honour shall be at once -restored to Him, and we are ready at any moment to lay down the sword, -and to obey our lawful superiors. But if any hesitate to combat heresy, -it is they who rob Ireland of peace, and not us. For when there is talk -of peace, not with God but with the Devil, then we ought to say, with -our Saviour: I came not to bring peace on earth, but a sword. If then -we wage continual war to restore peace with God, it is most just that -those who oppose us should purchase their own damnation, and have for -enemies all the saints whose bones they spurn, and also God himself, -whose glory they fight against. - -'Let so much here suffice, for if anyone wishes to understand the -rights of the case he need but read and understand the justice and -reasonableness of the fuller edict which we have taken care should be -also published.'[16] - -[Sidenote: How Fitzmaurice understood liberty of conscience.] - -In these papers the arguments derived from the right to liberty of -conscience, which all Protestants should respect, and from the Papal -claims which all Protestants deny, are blended with no small skill; -but Fitzmaurice, while demanding liberty of conscience for himself, -expressly denies it to those who disagree with him. - -[Sidenote: Desmond and Fitzmaurice.] - -There can be no doubt that Desmond was jealous of James Fitzmaurice; -and historians well-affected to the Geraldines have attributed the -latter's rebellion to the ill-feeling existing between them. It is -said that Lady Desmond, who was a Butler, had prevented her husband -from making any provision for his distinguished kinsman. It was -reported to Drury that Fitzmaurice had called himself Earl of Desmond -on the Continent, and that this would be sure to annoy the Earl, whose -pride was overweening. But this does not seem to have been the case. -Fitzmaurice is not called Earl either in his own letters or in those -written to him. The general of the Jesuits addresses him as 'the -most illustrious Lord James Geraldine'; the Pope speaks of him as -James Geraldine simply, and so he calls himself, sometimes adding 'of -Desmond.' But that he should have been appointed general of a force -which was to operate in Desmond's country was quite enough to excite -suspicion. No sooner did the news of his arrival reach the Earl than -he wrote to tell Drury that he and his were ready to venture their -lives in her Majesty's quarrel, 'and to prevent the traitorous attempts -of the said James.' He had nevertheless been in correspondence with -Fitzmaurice, and had urged his immediate descent upon the Irish coast -some eighteen months before.[17] - -[Sidenote: Nicholas Sanders, the Jesuit.] - -Not less important than Fitzmaurice was Dr. Nicholas Sanders, who -acted as treasurer of the expedition. He was known by the treatise _De -Visibili Monarchia_ which Parker said was long enough to wear out a -Fabius, and almost unanswerable, 'not for the invincibleness of it, but -for the huge volume.' Answers were nevertheless written which no doubt -satisfied the Anglican party, but the Catholic refugees at Brussels -thought so highly of Sanders that they begged Philip to get him made a -cardinal. - -[Sidenote: Making the best of both worlds.] - -The English were then in disgrace at Rome, where the appointment of a -Welshman as Rector of the new college had caused a mutiny among the -students, and Allen doubted whether his own credit was good, but it -was upon him that the red hat was at last conferred. To Sanders must -be ascribed most of what was written in Fitzmaurice's name, and that -was a small part of what fell from his prolific pen. Queen Elizabeth, -said the nuncio, was a heretic. She was childless, and the approaching -extinction of Henry VIII.'s race was an evident judgment. She was -'a wicked woman, neither born in true wedlock nor esteeming her -Christendom, and therefore deprived by the Vicar of Christ, her and -your lawful judge.' Her feminine supremacy was a continuation of that -which the Devil implanted in Paradise when he made Eve Adam's mistress -in God's matters.' When a knowledge of Celtic was necessary Sanders's -place might be taken by Cornelius O'Mulrian, an observant friar, lately -provided to the see of Killaloe, or by Donough O'Gallagher, of the same -order, who was provided to Killala in 1570. Letters in Irish were -written to the Munster MacDonnells, Hebridean gallowglasses serving -in Desmond, whom Fitzmaurice exhorts to help him at once--'first, -inasmuch as we are fighting for our faith, and for the Church of God; -and next, that we are defending our country, and extirpating heretics, -barbarians, and unjust and lawless men; and besides that you were never -employed by any lord who will pay you and your people their wages and -bounty better than I shall, inasmuch as I never was at any time more -competent to pay it than now.... We are on the side of truth and they -on the side of falsehood; we are Catholic Christians, and they are -heretics; justice is with us, and injustice with them.... All the -bonaght men shall get their pay readily, and moreover we shall all -obtain eternal wages from our Lord, from the loving Jesus, on account -of fighting for his sake.... I was never more thankful to God for -having great power and influence than now. Advise every one of your -friends who likes fighting for his religion and his country better than -for gold and silver, or who wishes to obtain them all, to come to me, -and that he will find each of these things.'[18] - -[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice appeals to Desmond.] - -In the letter written by Sanders to Desmond in Fitzmaurice's name, the -Earl is reminded that the latter 'warfareth under Christ's banner, -for the restoring of the Catholic faith in Ireland.' Then, flying -into the first person in his hurry, he says His Holiness 'has made me -general-captain of this Holy War.' There are many allusions to Christ's -banner and to the ancient glories of the Geraldines, and the epistle -ends with a recommendation to 'your fellows, and to all my good cousins -your children, and to my dear uncle your brother, longing to see all -us, all one, first as in faith so in field, and afterwards in glory and -life everlasting.' - -A like appeal was made to the Earl of Kildare, and we may be sure -that none of the Munster lords were forgotten. Friars were busy with -O'Rourke, O'Donnell, and other northern chiefs, and the piratical -O'Flaherties brought a flotilla of galleys, which might have their own -way in the absence of men-of-war. Three of Fitzmaurice's ships sailed -away, and were expected soon to return with more help. Thomas Courtenay -of Devonshire happened to be at Kinsale with an armed vessel, and was -persuaded by his countryman Henry Davells, one of the Commissioners of -Munster, to come round and seize the remaining Spanish ships. Courtenay -seems not to have been in the Queen's service; like so many other men -of Devon, he was probably half-pirate and half-patriot. To cut out the -undefended vessels from their anchorage was an easy and congenial -task, and thus, to quote another Devonian, 'James Fitzmaurice and his -company lost a piece of the Pope's blessing, for they were altogether -destituted of any ship to ease and relieve themselves by the seas, -what need soever should happen.' The O'Flaherties sailed away with -the two bishops on Courtenay's arrival, but Maltby afterwards found -their lair upon the shores of Clew Bay. One was promptly hanged by -martial law; a second, who had property to confiscate, was reserved -for the sessions, and a third was killed for resisting his captors; -the rest were to be hanged when caught. Fitzmaurice had with him at -Smerwick but twenty-five Spaniards, six Frenchmen, and six Englishmen, -besides twenty-seven English prisoners whom he forced to work at the -entrenchments. Provisions were scarce, and the whole enterprise might -have collapsed had it not been for a crime which committed the Desmonds -irretrievably.[19] - -[Sidenote: Murder of Davells and Carter.] - -On hearing of the landing in Kerry Drury had despatched a trusty -messenger to confirm the Earl and his brother in their allegiance. -The person selected was Henry Davells, a Devonshire gentleman who had -served Henry VIII. in France, had afterwards seen fighting in Scotland, -and had long lived in Carlow and Wexford, where he was well known and -much respected. His countryman Hooker, who knew him, says he was not -only the friend of every Englishman in Ireland, but also much esteemed -by the Irish for his hospitality and true dealing. 'If any of them had -spoken the word, which was assuredly looked to be performed, they would -say Davells hath said it, as who saith "it shall be performed." For -the nature of the Irishman is, that albeit he keepeth faith, for the -most part, with nobody, yet will he have no man to break with him.' -The same writer assures us that the mere fact of being Davells' man -would secure any Englishman a free passage and hospitable reception -throughout Munster and Leinster. He was equally valued by Desmond and -Ormonde, an intimate friend of Sir Edmund Butler, and on such terms -with Sir John of Desmond, whose gossip he was and whom he had several -times redeemed out of prison, that the latter used to call him father. -Davells now went straight to Kerry, saw the Earl and his brothers, whom -he exhorted to stand firm, and visited Smerwick, which he found in no -condition to withstand a resolute attack. Returning to the Desmonds -he begged for a company of gallowglasses and sixty musketeers, with -whom and with the aid of Captain Courtenay, he undertook to master the -unfinished fort. Desmond refused, saying that his musketeers were more -fitted to shoot at fowls than at a strong place, and that gallowglasses -were good against gallowglasses, but no match for old soldiers. English -officers afterwards reported that sixty resolute men might have taken -Smerwick, and were thus confirmed in their belief that Desmond had -intended rebellion from the first, and that Fitzmaurice, whose ability -was undeniable, would not have taken up such a weak position without -being sure of the Earl's co-operation. But religious zeal might account -for that. - -Davells, who was accompanied by Arthur Carter, Provost Marshal of -Munster, and a few men, started on his return journey, prepared no -doubt to tell Drury that nothing was to be expected of the Desmonds. -John of Desmond, accompanied by his brother James and a strong party, -followed to Tralee, surrounded the tavern where the English officers -lay, and bribed the porter to open the door. Davells and Carter were -so unsuspicious that they had gone to bed, and allowed their servant -to lodge in the town. When Davells saw Sir John entering his room with -a drawn sword he called out, 'What, son! what is the matter?' 'No more -son, nor no more father,' said the other, 'but make thyself ready, for -die thou shalt.' A faithful page cast himself upon his master's body; -but he was thrust aside and Sir John himself despatched Davells. - -Carter was also killed, and so were the servants. In a curious print -the two Englishmen are represented as sleeping in the same bed. -Sir John holds back the servant with his left hand and transfixes -Davells with the right, while Sir James goes round, with a sword -drawn, to Carter's side. Outside stand several squads of the Desmond -gallowglasses, and armed men are killing Davells' followers, while -Sanders appears in two places, carrying the consecrated papal banner, -hounding on the murderers, and congratulating the brothers on their -prowess. According to all the English accounts Sanders commended the -murder as a sweet sacrifice in the sight of God, and two Irish Catholic -historians mention it. But Fitzmaurice was a soldier, and disapproved -of killing men in their beds. There is no positive evidence as to -Desmond. Geraldine partisans say he abhorred the deed, but he never -punished anyone for it, and Sir James was said to have pleaded that he -was merely the Earl's 'executioner.' Desmond accepted a silver-gilt -basin and ewer, and a gold chain only a few days after the murder.[20] - -[Sidenote: Fitzmaurice and John of Desmond.] - -'Landed gentlemen,' says Sidney Smith, 'have molar teeth, and -are destitute of the carnivorous and incisive jaws of political -adventurers.' The Munster proprietors held aloof with the Earl of -Desmond, 'letting "I dare not" wait upon "I would,"' while the landless -men followed his bolder and more unscrupulous brother. When Fitzmaurice -disembarked, Desmond had 1,200 men with him; shortly after the murder -of Davells he had less than 60; but Sir John was soon at the head of -a large force. The activity of Maltby not only prevented any rising -in Connaught, but also made it impossible for Scots to enter Munster. -He lay at Limerick waiting till Drury was ready, and when the latter, -who was ill, came to Limerick at the risk of his life, it was Maltby -who entered the woods and drove the rebels from place to place. For -a time Fitzmaurice and his cousin kept together, though it may be -that the latter's savagery was disagreeable to the man who had seen -foreign courts, and who was evidently sincerely religious, though the -English accused him of hypocrisy. According to Russell, who gives -details which are wanting elsewhere, the two marched together unopposed -into the county of Limerick, where one of Sir John's men outraged a -camp-follower. Fitzmaurice ordered him for execution, but Sir John, -'little regarding the Pope's commission, and not respecting murder or -rape,' refused to allow this, and Fitzmaurice, seeing that he could not -maintain discipline, departed with a few horsemen and kernes, nominally -on a pilgrimage to Holy Cross Abbey, really perhaps to enter Connaught -through Tipperary and Limerick, and thus get into Maltby's rear. In -doing so he had to pass through the territory of a sept of Burkes, of -whom some had been with him in his former enterprise. Fitzmaurice was -in want of draught animals, and took two horses out of the plough. -The poor peasants raised an alarm, and at a ford some miles south of -Castle Connell the chief's son Theobald, who was learned in the English -language and law, and who may have had Protestant leanings, appeared -with a strong party. He was already on the look-out, and had summoned -MacBrien to his aid. - -[Sidenote: Death of Fitzmaurice.] - -Fitzmaurice urged Burke to join the Catholic enterprise; he answered -that he would be loyal to the Queen, and a fight followed. Burke had -but two musketeers with him, one of whom aimed at Fitzmaurice, who was -easily known by his yellow doublet. The ball penetrated his chest, and -feeling himself mortally wounded, he made a desperate dash forward, -killed Theobald Burke and one of his brothers, and then fell, with or -without a second wound. 'He found,' says Hooker characteristically, -'that the Pope's blessings and warrants, his _agnus Dei_ and his -grains, had not those virtues to save him as an Irish staff, or a -bullet, had to kill him.' The Burkes returned after the death of their -leader, and, having confessed to Dr. Allen, the best of the Geraldines -breathed his last. Lest the knowledge of his death should prove fatal -to his cause, a kinsman cut off Fitzmaurice's head and left the bare -trunk under an oak--an evidence of haste which shows that there was -no great victory to boast of. The body was nevertheless recognised, -carried to Kilmallock, and hanged on a gibbet; and the soldiers -barbarously amused themselves by shooting at their dead enemy. 'Well,' -says Russell, 'there was no remedy--God's will must be done, punishing -the sins of the father in the death of the son. Fitzmaurice made a -goodly end of his life (only that he bore arms against his sovereign -princess, the Queen of England). His death was the beginning of the -decay of the honourable house of Desmond, out of which never issued -so brave a man in all perfection, both for qualities of the mind and -body, besides the league between him and others for the defence of -religion.'[21] - -[Illustration: _To face page 24._ - -MUNSTER with ADJACENT DISTRICTS - -_London: Longmans & Co._ Edwd. Weller, _lith._] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Strype's _Annals_, Eliz. lib. i. ch. i. and ii. i. Walsingham to -Cecil, February 25, 1571, and Burghley to Walsingham, June 5, both in -Digges's _Complete Ambassador_. Lady Northumberland to Stukeley, June -21, 1571, in Wright's _Elizabeth_. Answers of Martin de Guerres, master -mariner, February 12, 1572; Examination of Walter French, March 30; -report of John Crofton, April 13. - -[2] Stukeley to Mistress Julian (from Rome) October 24, 1575, in -Wright's _Elizabeth_, Motley's _Dutch Republic_, part v. ch. v.; -Strype's _Annals_, Eliz. book ii. ch. viii.; Wilson to Burghley and -Walsingham, February 19, 1577, and to the Queen, May 1, both in the -Calendar of S. P. _Foreign_; Henry Cheek to Burghley, March 29, 1577; -Strype's _Life of Sir John Cheek_. Stukeley left Don John at the end of -February, 1577. - -[3] Intelligence received by Drury, February 19, 1577, and April 16; -Examination of Edmund MacGawran and others May 10; Paulet to Wilson, -August, 1577, in Murdin's _State Papers_. - -[4] Edmundus Tanner Patri Generali Everardo, October 11, 1577, in -Hogan's _Hibernia Ignatiana_. - -[5] Sanders to Allen, Nov. 6, 1577 (from Madrid) in Cardinal Allen's -_Memorials_; James Fitzmaurice's instruction and advice (now among the -undated papers of 1578) written in Latin and signed 'spes nostra Jesus -et Maria, Jacobus Geraldinus Desmoniæ.' - -[6] This passport, given at Cadiz in April, 1578, 'by command of his -Excellency,' is in _Sidney Papers_, i. 263. O'Sullivan's _Hist. Cath._ -lib. iv. cap. xv. O'Daly's _Geraldines_, ch. xx. Strype's _Annals_, -Eliz. book ii. ch. xiii. - -[7] Letter signed by 'Donatus Episcopus Aladensis,' David Wolf the -Jesuit, and two other Irish priests, printed from the Vatican archives -in Brady's _Episcopal Succession_, ii. p. 174. Edmund Hogan to Queen -Elizabeth (from Morocco) June 11, 1577; Dr. Wilson to----, June 14, -1578, in Wright's _Elizabeth_. - -[8] Drury to Walsingham, Jan. 6 and 12, 1579; to Burghley, Sept. 21, -1578; Drury and Fitton to Burghley, Oct. 10, 1578; Fitton to Burghley, -Feb. 22, 1579. Note of services &c., town of Knockfergus in _Carew_, -ii. p. 148. - -[9] Drury to Walsingham, Jan. 6, 1579 (enclosing an O'Neill pedigree); -to Burghley, Jan. 6 and Feb. 11, 1579; to the Privy Council, March 14; -Fitton to Burghley, Feb. 12, 1579. - -[10] Patrick Lumbarde to his wife (from Lisbon) Feb. 20, 1579; Nic. -Walshe to Drury, Feb. 27; Declaration of James Fagan and Leonard -Sutton, March 23; Drury to Walsingham, March 6; Desmond to Drury, April -20; Examination of Dominick Creagh, April 22, and of Thomas Monvell of -Kinsale, mariner, April 30. - -[11] July 17, 1579. Examination (at Waterford) of John Picot of Jersey, -master, and Fr. Gyrard, of St. Malo, pilot, July 24; Lord Justice and -Council to the Privy Council, July 22; Sir Owen O'Sullivan to Mayor of -Cork, July 16; Portreeve of Dingle to Earl of Desmond, July 17. The -story of the Bristol crew is told in Mr. Froude's 27th chapter, 'from a -Simancas MS.' - -[12] Lord Justice and Council to the Privy Council with enclosure, July -22, 1579; Waterhouse to Walsingham, July 23 and 26; Mayor of Waterford -to Drury, July 25. - -[13] James Golde to the Mayor of Limerick, July 22, 1579. - -[14] Desmond, abp. of Cashel (Magrath), and Wm. Apsley to Drury, July -20, 1579; Waterhouse to Walsingham, July 23 and 24; Commission to Sir -H. Gilbert, July 24; James Golde to the Mayor of Limerick, July 22. - -[15] The signature is 'In omni tribulatione spes mea Jesus et Maria, -James Geraldyne.' - -[16] These two declarations are at Lambeth. In the _Carew Calendar_, -they are wrongly placed under 1569, when Pius V. was still alive. They -are printed in full in the Irish (Kilkenny) _Archæological Journal_, -N.S. ii. 364. - -[17] Desmond to Drury, July 19, 1579; Russell. The letter from -Desmond's servant, William of Danubi, to Fitzmaurice, calendared under -July 1579 (No. 37) certainly belongs to the end of 1577, just after -Rory Oge had burned Naas. - -[18] James Fitzmaurice to Alexander, Ustun, and Randal MacDonnell, -July, 1579; these letters, with translation, were printed by O'Donovan -in Irish (Kilkenny) _Archæological Journal_, N.S. ii. 362; Strype's -_Parker_, lib. iv. cap. 15, and the appendix; Sanders to Ulick Burke -in _Carew_, Oct. 27, 1579. In Cardinal Allen's _Memorials_ is a letter -dated April 5, 1579, in which Allen calls Sanders his 'special friend.' - -[19] Fitzmaurice to Desmond and Kildare, July 18, 1579; Waterhouse to -Walsingham, July 24; notes of Mr. Herbert's speech, Aug. 3; Maltby's -discourse April 8, 1580; Hooker in _Holinshed_. - -[20] Hooker and Camden for the English view of Desmond's conduct; -Russell and O'Daly for the other side, and also O'Sullivan, ii. iv. -15. The picture is reproduced in the Irish (Kilkenny) _Archæological -Journal_, 3rd S. i. 483. In his 27th chapter Mr. Froude quotes -Mendoza to the effect that Davells was Desmond's guest; but Hooker -says distinctly that he 'lodged in one Rice's house, who kept a -victualling-house and wine tavern.' In a letter of Oct. 10, 1579, -Desmond says his brother James was 'enticed into the detestable act.' -E. Fenton to Walsingham, July 11, 1580; Lord Justice and Earl of -Kildare to the Privy Council, Aug. 3, 1579. Examination of Friar James -O'Hea in _Carew_, Aug. 17, 1580. Collection of matters to Nov. 1579. - -[21] Irish _Archæological Journal_, 3rd S. i. 384; _Four Masters_; -Camden; Hooker; O'Sullivan, ii. iv. 94. Waterhouse to Walsingham, Aug. -3 and 9, 1579. Fitzmaurice fell shortly before Aug. 20. O'Sullivan -calls the place _Beal Antha an Bhorin_, which may be Barrington's -bridge or Boher. This writer, who loves the marvellous, says a -Geraldine named Gibbon Duff, was tended among the bushes by a friendly -leech, who bound up his eighteen wounds. A wolf came out of the wood -and devoured the dirty bandages, but without touching the helpless man. -The Four Masters, who wrote under Charles I., praise Theobald Burke and -regret his death. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVII. - -THE DESMOND REBELLION, 1579-1580. - - -[Sidenote: Vacillating policy of England.] - -Sir John of Desmond at once assumed the vacant command, and Drury -warned the English Government that he was no contemptible enemy, though -he had not Fitzmaurice's power of exciting religious enthusiasm, -and had yet to show that he had like skill in protracting a war. -The Munster Lords were generally unsound, the means were wanting -to withstand any fresh supply of foreigners, and there could be no -safety till every spark of rebellion was extinguished. The changes of -purpose at Court were indeed more than usually frequent and capricious. -English statesmen, who were well informed about foreign intrigues, -were always inclined to despise the diversion which Pope or Spaniard -might attempt in Ireland; and the Netherlands were very expensive. -Moreover, the Queen was amusing herself with Monsieur Simier. -Walsingham, however, got leave to send some soldiers to Ireland, and -provisions were ordered to be collected at Bristol and Barnstaple. -Then came the news that Fitzmaurice had not above 200 or 300 men, and -the shipping of stores was countermanded. On the arrival of letters -from Ireland, the danger was seen to be greater, and Walsingham was -constrained to acknowledge that foreign potentates were concerned, -'notwithstanding our entertainment of marriage.' One thousand men -were ordered to be instantly raised in Wales, 300 to be got ready at -Berwick, extraordinary posts were laid to Holyhead, Tavistock, and -Bristol. Money and provisions were promised. Sir John Perrott received -a commission, as admiral, to cruise off Ireland with five ships and -1,950 men, and to go against the Scilly pirates when he had nothing -better to do. Then Fitzmaurice's death was announced, and again the -spirit of parsimony prevailed. The soldiers, who were actually on -board, were ordered to disembark. These poor wretches, the paupers -and vagrants of Somersetshire, and as such selected by the justices, -had been more than a fortnight at Bristol, living on bare rations at -sixpence a day, and Wallop with great difficulty procured an allowance -of a halfpenny a mile to get them home. The troops despatched from -Barnstaple were intercepted at Ilfracombe, and all the provisions -collected were ordered to be dispersed. Then again the mood changed, -and the Devonshire men were allowed to go.[22] - -[Sidenote: The Munster people sympathise with the rebellion.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Drury, who is succeeded by Sir William Pelham.] - -The Earl of Kildare, who was probably anxious to avoid fresh suspicion, -gave active help to the Irish government, 'making,' as Waterhouse -testified, 'no shew to pity names or kindred.' He exerted his influence -with the gentry of the Pale to provide for victualling the army, and -he accompanied the Lord Justice in person on his journey to Munster. -The Queen wrote him a special letter of thanks, and Drury declared that -he found him constant and resolute to spend his life in the quarrel. -The means at the Lord Justice's disposal were scanty enough:--400 -foot, of which some were in garrison, and 200 horse. He himself was -extremely ill, but struggled on from Limerick to Cork, and from -Cork to Kilmallock, finding little help and much sullen opposition; -but the arrival of Perrott, with four ships, at Baltimore seemed -security enough against foreign reinforcements to the rebels, and -Maltby prevented John of Desmond from communicating with Connaught. -Sanders contrived to send letters, but one received by Ulick Burke -was forwarded, after some delay, to the government, and Desmond still -wavered, though the Doctor tried to persuade him that Fitzmaurice's -death was a provision of God for his fame. 'That devilish traitor -Sanders,' wrote Chancellor Gerrard, 'I hear--by examination of some -persons who were in the forts with him and heard his four or five -masses a day--that he persuaded all men that it is lawful to kill any -English Protestants, and that he hath authority to warrant all such -from the Pope, and absolution to all who can so draw blood; and how -deeply this is rooted in the traitors' hearts may appear by John of -Desmond's cruelty, hanging poor men of Chester, the best pilots in -these parts, taken by James, and in hold with John, whom he so executed -maintenant upon the understanding of James his death.' No one, for love -or money, would arrest Sanders, and Drury could only hope that the -soldiers might take him by chance, or that 'some false brother' might -betray him. Desmond came to the camp at Kilmallock, but would not, or -could not, do any service. Drury had him arrested on suspicion, and, -according to English accounts, he made great professions of loyalty -before he was liberated. The Irish annalists say his professions were -voluntary, that he was promised immunity for his territory in return, -and that the bargain was broken by the English. Between the two -versions it is impossible to decide. The Earl did accompany Drury on an -expedition intended to drive John of Desmond out of the great wood on -the borders of Cork and Limerick. At the place now called Springfield, -the English were worsted in a chance encounter, their Connaught -allies running away rather than fight against the Geraldines. In this -inglorious fray fell two tried old captains and a lieutenant, who had -fought in the Netherlands, and the total loss was considerable. Drury's -health broke down after this, and instead of scouring Aherlow Woods the -stout old soldier was carried in a litter to his deathbed at Waterford. -As he passed through Tipperary, Lady Desmond came to him and gave up -her only son as a hostage--an unfortunate child who was destined to be -the victim of state policy. - -Sir William Pelham, another Suffolk man, had just arrived in Dublin, -and was busy organising the defence of the Pale against possible -inroads by the O'Neills. He was at once chosen Lord Justice of the -Council, and the Queen confirmed their choice. - -Drury was an able and honest, though severe governor, and deserves -well of posterity for taking steps to preserve the records in -Birmingham Tower. Sanders gave out that his death was a judgment for -fighting against the Pope, forgetting that Protestants might use like -reasoning about Fitzmaurice.[23] - -[Sidenote: Desmond still hesitates.] - -Maltby was temporary Governor of Munster by virtue of Drury's -commission, and had about 150 horse and 900 foot, the latter -consisting, in great measure, of recruits from Devonshire. He summoned -Desmond to meet him at Limerick, and sent him a proclamation to -publish against the rebels. The Earl would not come, and desired -that freeholders and others attending him might be excepted from the -proclamation. Maltby, who had won a battle in the meantime, then -required him to give up Sanders, 'that papistical arrogant traitor, -that deceiveth the people with false lies,' or to lodge him so that he -might be surprised. Upon this the Earl merely marvelled that Maltby -should spoil his poor tenants. 'I wish to your lordship as well as -you wish to me,' was the Englishman's retort, 'and for my being here, -if it please your Lordship to come to me you shall know the cause.' -It did not please him, and the governor made no further attempt at -conciliation.[24] - -[Sidenote: Maltby defeats the rebels.] - -The encounter which gave Maltby such confidence in negotiation took -place on October 3 at Monasternenagh, an ancient Cistercian abbey on -the Maigue. The ground was flat, and Sir William Stanley, the future -traitor of Deventer, said the rebels came on as resolutely as the best -soldiers in Europe. Sir John and Sir James of Desmond had over 2,000 -men, of which 1,200 were choice gallowglasses, and Maltby had about -1,000. Desmond visited his brothers in the early morning, gave them his -blessing, and then withdrew to Askeaton, leaving his men behind. - -'He is now,' said Maltby, 'so far in, that if her Majesty will take -advantage of his doings his forfeited living will countervail her -Highness's charges; and Stanley remarked that the Queen might make -instead of losing money by the rebellion. After a sharp fight, the -Geraldines were worsted, and the Sheehy gallowglasses, which were -Desmond's chief strength, lost very heavily. The two brothers escaped -by the speed of their horses and bore off the consecrated banner, -'which I believe,' said Maltby, 'was anew scratched about the face, for -they carried it through the woods and thorns in post haste.' Sanders, -if he was present, escaped, but his fellow-Jesuit, Allen, was killed. -In a highly rhetorical passage Hooker describes this enthusiast's -proceedings, and likens his fall to that of the prophets of Baal. -Maltby's commission died with Drury, and he stood on the defensive as -soon as he heard of the event.[25] - -[Sidenote: Desmond and Ormonde.] - -Ormonde had been about three years in England, looking after his own -interests, and binding himself more closely to the party of whom Sussex -was the head. Disturbance in Munster of course demanded his presence, -and he prepared to start soon after the landing of James Fitzmaurice. -'I pray you,' he wrote to Walsingham, 'do more in this my cause than -you do for yourself, or else the world will go hard.' - -[Sidenote: Desmond is forced to say 'yes' or 'no.'] - -In thanking the Secretary for his good offices he said, 'I am ready to -serve the Queen with my wonted good-will. I hope she will not forget my -honour in place of service, though she be careless of my commodity.' -A month later he was in Ireland, and after spending some days at -Kilkenny, was present at the delivery of the sword to Pelham, whom he -prepared to accompany to the south. He had the Queen's commission as -general in Munster, and Kildare was left to guard the Ulster border. -Little knowing the man he had to deal with, Desmond wrote to bid him -weigh his cause as his own. 'Maltby,' he said, 'is a knave that hath -no authority, who has been always an enemy to mine house.' To some -person at Court, perhaps to Sidney, he recounted his services. Before -the landing of Fitzmaurice he had executed three scholars, of which one -was known to be a bishop. He had at once given notice of the landing, -had blockaded Smerwick, and had helped to drive off the O'Flaherties, -so that the traitors had like to starve. After Fitzmaurice's death -he had broken down the fort and had been ready to victual Drury's -army, had not the latter prepared to support his men by spoiling the -Desmond tenants. Finally, he had delivered his son, and would have -done more, but that many of his men had deserted while he was under -arrest. All along he had feared the fate of Davells for his wife and -son, knowing that his brother John hated them mortally. Maltby had -none the less treated him as an enemy, and had in particular 'most -maliciously defaced the old monument of my ancestors, fired both the -abbey, the whole town, and all the corn thereabouts, and ceased not -to shoot at my men within Askeaton Castle.' The letters which Ormonde -received from Desmond--for there seem to have been more than one--were -handed over to Pelham, who directed the writer to meet him between -Cashel and Limerick, or at least at the latter place. He was to lose -no time, for the Lord Justice was determined not to lie idle. Desmond -did not come, but he had an interview with Ormonde for the discussion -of certain articles dictated by Pelham. The principal were that Desmond -should surrender Sanders and other strangers, give up Carrigafoyle or -Askeaton, repair to the Lord Justice, and prosecute his rebellious -brother to the uttermost. The penalty for refusing these terms was -that he should be proclaimed traitor. After conferring with Ormonde, -he wrote to say that he had been arrested when he went to the late -Lord Justice. He refused to give up Askeaton, perhaps thinking it -impregnable, but was ready to do his best against Sanders and his -unnatural brethren if his other castles were restored to him. Pelham -answered that the proclamation was ready and should be published in -three days, unless Desmond came sooner to his senses. Still protesting -his loyalty, he refused to make any further concession. A last chance -was given him; if he would repair to Pelham's presence by eight -next morning he should have licence to go to England. No answer was -returned, and the proclamation was published as Pelham had promised. -By a singular coincidence, and as if to presage the ruin of the house -of Desmond, a great piece of the wall of Youghal fell of itself upon -the same day. The die was cast, and the fate of the Geraldine power was -sealed.[26] - -[Sidenote: Desmond is proclaimed traitor. November, 1579.] - -The proclamation asserted that Desmond had practised with foreign -princes, that he had suffered Fitzmaurice and his Spaniards to lurk in -his country, and that he had been privy to the murder of Davells and -others. He was accused of feigning loyalty and of purposely allowing -the garrison to escape from their untenable post at Smerwick. It was -said that he had gone from the Lord Justice into Kerry against express -orders, had seen that the strangers were well treated--being, in fact, -in his pay--and had even placed some of them in charge of castles. He -had joined himself openly with the proclaimed traitors his brothers, -and with Dr. Sanders, that odious, unnatural, and pestiferous traitor; -and quite lately his household servants had been engaged with the -Queen's troops at Rathkeale. Perhaps the strongest piece of evidence -was a paper found in a portmanteau belonging to Dr. Allen, 'one of -the traitors lately slain,' which showed how the artillery found at -Smerwick had been distributed by Desmond among the rebels. To detach -waverers it was announced that all who appeared unconditionally before -the Lord Justice or the Earl of Ormonde should be received as liege -subjects. Besides Pelham, Waterhouse, Maltby, and Patrick Dobbyn, Mayor -of Waterford, the subscribers to the proclamation were all Butlers; -Ormonde and his three brothers, Lords Mountgarret and Dunboyne, and -Sir Theobald Butler of Cahir. Some of these had been rebels, but all -were now united to overwhelm the Geraldines and possibly to win their -lands. 'There was,' said Waterhouse, 'great practice that the Earl of -Ormonde should have dealt for a pacification, but when it came to the -touch he dealt soundly--and will, I think, follow the prosecution with -as much earnestness as any to whom it might have been committed.' He -was, in fact, enough of an Irishman to wish that even Desmond might -have a last chance; but when it came to choosing between loyalty and -rebellion his choice was as quickly made as his father's had been when -he resisted the blandishments of Silken Thomas.[27] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of the Government.] - -[Sidenote: The Queen grumbles.] - -Finding himself in no condition to attack so strong a place as -Askeaton, Pelham returned to Dublin, and Ormonde went to Waterford to -prepare for a western campaign. He wrote to tell Walsingham of his vast -expenses. His own company of 100 men was so well horsed and armed that -none could gainsay it; but the ships were unvictualled, and Youghal -and Kinsale were doubtfully loyal. 'I have the name of 800 footmen -left in all my charge, and they be not 600 able men, as Mr. Fenton -can tell, for I caused my Lord Justice to take view of them. They be -sickly, unapparelled, and almost utterly unvictualled. There are 150 -horsemen with me that be not 100.... My allowance is such as I am -ashamed to write of.... I long to be in service among the traitors, who -hope for foreign power.' But the Queen was very loth to spend money, -and very angry at the imperfect intelligence from Ireland. The number -of Spaniards who landed was never known. There were certainly more -in the country than Fitzmaurice had at Smerwick; and the number of -harbours between Kinsale and Tralee was most convenient for contraband -cargoes. Her Majesty also grumbled about Pelham's new knights, lest -they should be emboldened to 'crave support to maintain their degree.' -There were but two, Gerrard the Chancellor, and Vice-Treasurer Fitton; -both had served long and well, and it was customary for every new -governor to confer some honours. Peremptory orders were sent that -the pension list should be cut down, and the Queen even talked of -reducing the scanty garrison. She was offended at the proclamation -of Desmond, as she had been five years before, and found fault with -everything and everybody. Pelham said the proclamation was an absolute -necessity, since no person of any consideration in Munster would stir -a finger until 'assured by this public act that your Majesty will deal -thoroughly for his extirpation.' Before the proclamation, at the time -of the fight with Maltby, Desmond had guarded the Pope's ensign with -all his own servants, and 'in all his skirmishes and outrages since the -proclamation crieth _Papa Aboo_, which is the Pope above, even above -you and your imperial crown.' In despair the Lord Justice begged to be -recalled, but Ormonde, who knew Elizabeth's humour, made up his mind -to do what he could with small means. At this juncture, and as if to -show that he had not been proclaimed for nothing, Desmond committed an -outrage which for ever deprived him of all hope of pardon.[28] - -[Sidenote: Desmond threatens Youghal.] - -[Sidenote: Sack of Youghal] - -The town of Youghal, which had always been under the influence of -his family, was at this time fervently Catholic. The Jesuits kept -a school there, and the townsmen had been 'daily instructed in -Christian doctrine, in the celebration of the Sacrament, and in good -morals, as far as the time permitted, but not without hindrance.' The -corporation were uneasy, and sent two messengers, of which one was a -priest, to fetch powder from Cork. Sir Warham St. Leger, who had been -acting as Provost Marshal of Munster since Carter's death, gave the -powder or sent it, and offered to send one of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's -well-armed ships to protect the town, which the fallen wall laid -open to attack. But the corporation refused to incur the expense of -supporting Gilbert's sailors or Ormonde's soldiers, and made little or -no preparation for their own defence. On Friday, November 13, Desmond, -accompanied by the Seneschal of Imokilly, encamped on the south side -of Youghal, near the Franciscan priory, which his own ancestors had -founded. He gave out that his intentions were harmless, and that he -had come only to send messengers to Ormonde, who could prove that -he had been wrongfully proclaimed traitor. Meanwhile, he demanded -wine for his men, and the mayor, who was either a fool or a traitor, -let him take the ferry-boat, which was the only means by which the -town might be relieved from the Waterford side. The Geraldines were -to take two tuns of wine, and then depart; but during Saturday and -Sunday morning they had frequent conversations with their friends on -the walls. The result was that they mustered with evidently hostile -intentions, and that the mayor ordered the gunners in the round tower, -which commanded the landing-place, not to fire first, although they -had a 'saker charged with a round shot, a square shot, and a handspike -of an ell long, wherewith they were like to have spoiled many of them. -One elderly man of the town commanded not to shoot off lest the rebels -would be angry therewith, and threatened to kill the gunner if he would -give fire.' Other sympathisers had already carried out ladders and hung -ropes over the walls. With such help the rebels easily entered the -breach, and in an hour all was over. Wives and maidens were ravished, -and the town was ruthlessly sacked. Many of the inhabitants helped the -work, 'notwithstanding that they saw the ravishing of their women, the -spoiling of their goods and burning of their houses, and that (which is -most detestable treason), notwithstanding that they saw the Earl and -Sir John, the Seneschal of Imokilly, and divers others draw down in -the court-house of the town her Majesty's arms, and most despitefully -with their daggers to cut it and thrust it through.' 'This they did,' -Ormonde added, 'as an argument of their cankered and alienated hearts.' -The plunder was considerable, and the Four Masters sympathetically -record that many a poor indigent person became rich and affluent by the -spoils of this town. Some of Lord Barry's men were present, and most -of the plunder was carried into his country and sold there. As one of -Desmond's followers filled his pouch with gold and silver from a broken -chest, he said to his master that the thing was very pleasant if not a -dream. Dermot O'Sullivan, the historian's father, stood by and warned -the Earl that the sweetest dreams might be but a mockery. The houses -and gates were burned, and when Ormonde came a few weeks later he -found the ruins in sole possession of a friar, who was spared for his -humanity in securing Christian burial to Henry Davells. The mayor was -caught and hanged at his own door, and it is hard to say that he did -not deserve it.[29] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's revenge.] - -[Sidenote: The garrisons.] - -A fortnight after the sack of Youghal, Ormonde was in the field, and -thus describes the nature of his three weeks' campaign: 'I was in -Connello the 6th of this month, between Askeaton and Newcastle, two of -the Earl's chief houses, and preyed, spoiled, and burned the country, -even to the mountain of Slieve Logher, and returned to Adare without -sight of the rebels. In the county of Cork I burned John of Desmond's -town and castle called Lisfinnen, with all his land in Coshbride.' He -then returned to Tipperary, and let his officers go to Dublin for a -holiday. The soldiers had had bread only for one day out of four, and -neither wine, beer, nor spirits. Beef and forage were scarce, and they -had passed rivers, wading to the stomach, often seven times a day, and -never less than three. They had to bivouack in the open, and camp-fires -were hard to light in December. 'It is easier,' said Wallop, 'to talk -at home of Irish wars than to be in them.' The garrisons had not a very -pleasant time of it either. Sir George Bourchier was at Kilmallock with -200 men whose pay was two months in arrear. He had but fifty pounds -of powder, and was unable to join Ormonde, for the chief magistrate -locked the gates, and the inhabitants declared that they would vacate -the town if he deserted them. Desmond was expected daily, and the fate -of Youghal was before their eyes. Sir William Stanley and George Carew -had been left by Maltby at Adare. Between them and Askeaton lay Kerry, -which Sanders, in the Pope's name, had granted to Sir James of Desmond. -One morning early Stanley and Carew passed 120 of their men over the -Maigue in one of the small boats, then and now called cots, which -scarcely held ten at a time. After spoiling the country and putting -to the sword whomsoever they thought good, they were attacked by Sir -James, the knight of Glin, and the Spaniards who garrisoned Balliloghan -Castle. Though the enemy were nearly four to one, Stanley and Carew -managed to keep them in check till they reached the river, and then -passed all their men over without loss, they themselves being the last -to cross. It may be supposed, though Hooker does not say so, that they -were in some measure covered by the guns of the castle. A little later -Desmond tried to lure the garrison out by driving cattle under their -walls, failing which 'he sent a fair young harlot as a present to the -constable, by whose means he hoped to get the house; but the constable, -learning from whence she came, threw her (as is reported to me), with a -stone about her neck, into the river.'[30] - -[Sidenote: Rumours from abroad.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's troubles.] - -The English Government urged Pelham to go to Munster himself, and he -waited for provisions at Waterford. Reports of the rebels' successes -came to England constantly from Paris, for the war had become a -religious one. By every ship sailing to France or Spain, 'Sanders,' -said Burghley, 'sent false libels of the strength of his partners, -and of the weakness of the Queen's part.' He spread rumours through -Ireland that a great fleet was coming from Spain and Italy, bringing -infinite stores of wine, corn, rice, and oil from the Pope and King -Philip. Munster was to be Desmond's; Ulster Tirlogh Luineach's, and a -nuncio was soon to come with full powers. It was reported that Desmond -and Sanders distrusted each other, and that the latter was watched -lest he should try to escape. His credit was probably restored by the -arrival of two Spanish frigates at Dingle. It had been reported in -Spain that both Desmond and Sanders were killed, but after conferring -with the doctor, and learning that the rebellion was not yet crushed, -the strangers promised help before the end of May. Sanders pleaded hard -for St. Patrick's day, lamenting that he had been made 'an instrument -to promise to perfect Christians what should not be performed.' Still, -through the spring and summer he confidently declared that help was -coming, and in the meantime both he and Desmond were hunted like -partridges upon the mountains. Pelham begged the Queen to consider what -her position would have been had a stronger force landed with James -Fitzmaurice, and to harden her heart to spend the necessary money. -Ormonde was still more outspoken, and we know from others that his -complaints were well founded. 'I required,' he said, 'to be victualled, -that I might bestow the captains and soldiers under my leading in -such places as I knew to be fitted for the service, and most among -the rebels. I was answered there was none. I required the ordnance -for batteries many times and could have none, nor cannot as yet, for -my Lord Justice sayeth to me, it is not in the land. Money I required -for the army to supply necessary wants, and could have but 200_l._, a -bare proportion for to leave with an army. Now what any man can do with -these wants I leave to your judgment. I hear the Queen mislikes that -her service has gone no faster forward, but she suffereth all things -needful to be supplied, to want. I would to God I could feed soldiers -with the air, and throw down castles with my breath, and furnish naked -men with a wish, and if these things might be done the service should -on as fast as her Highness would have it. This is the second time that -I have been suffered to want all these things, having the like charge -that now I have, but there shall not be a third; for I protest I will -sooner be committed as a prisoner by the heels than to be thus dealt -with again; taking charge of service upon me. I am also beholding to -some small friends that make (as I understand) the Queen mislike of -me for the spoil of Youghal, who most traitorously have played the -villains, as by their own examination appeareth, an abstract of which -I send to the Council, with letters written by the Earl of Desmond and -his brethren to procure rebellion. There be here can write lies, as in -writing Kilkenny was burned, before which, though it be a poor weak -town, the rebels never came. They bragged they would spoil my country, -but I hope if they do they will pay better for it than I did at the -burning of theirs.'[31] - -[Sidenote: Burghley and Walsingham persuade the Queen.] - -Burghley and Walsingham strove hard to persuade the Queen that her -economy would save nothing in the end, and Pelham's wise obedience -in discharging some pensioners conciliated her a little. But he told -the ministers that there had been no such peril in Ireland since the -conquest, and Burghley agreed that the fire could only be quenched by -English power. The conflagration would be great if not checked before -the spring, for the Pope stood ever ready to supply Spanish coals, and -the barbarous people ever willing to receive them. But even Burghley -thought some one was to blame for proclaiming Desmond before there -were means to punish him. The Queen, he told Ormonde, had yielded at -last; 'money is sent, munition is in lading, and so is victualling for -2,000 men for three months, and for men to serve it is certain there -are more in charge of the Queen's pay than ever there were in Ireland -those hundreds of years, and for anything we hear no open hostilities -in any part of Ireland but these in Munster, so as now merely I must -say _Butleraboo_, against all that cry as I hear in a new language -_Papeaboo_. God send you only your heart's desire, which I know is -agreeable to mine, to banish or vanquish those cankered Desmonds and -their sequels, and to plant again the Queen's Majesty's honour and -reputation.... I and others have persuaded her Majesty that you may -have authority to reclaim by offer of pardon all such as have offended, -saving the Earl and his brothers, and such as murdered Davells, and -such as have come from foreign parts to stir up the rebellion, among -which I mean Sanders, that viper, whom of all others the Queen's -Majesty is most desirous that you could take hold of.[32] - -[Sidenote: Miseries of Irish service.] - -Ormonde sent Zouch and Stanley to garrison Youghal, who lost two or -three men in passing the Blackwater at Lismore. The Spaniards set fire -to Strancally Castle, where some of the plunder had been stored, and -ran out at the first sound of the English drums. Some were shot or -drowned, and the remainder crossed over to Decies in boats, 'where -they were very friendly welcomed in sight of the soldiers.' Sir James -Fitzgerald of Dromana was loyal, but his followers preferred Desmond. - -Stanley and Zouch went on to Youghal, driving before them 140 cows and -300 sheep, with which they fed their men. The poor soldiers suffered -dreadfully from rain and cold, for they were penniless, and unroofed -houses gave but scant shelter. For horses there was no food. Nor was -this misery peculiar to Munster, since Athlone required repair to the -extent of 500_l._, Maryborough and Philipstown did not keep their -defenders dry, and the wall in each case was ready to fall into the -ditch. Leighlin and Dungarvan were almost untenable. Dublin Castle was -much dilapidated, and the timber of Kilmallock was rotting. English -artificers must be brought over to repair damages, 'for lack of skill -and desire to gain by the work had been the ruin of all.' On the other -hand there were signs of wavering among the rebels. A ship with 400 -soldiers from the Pope was driven ashore at Corunna, and four-fifths of -the men perished. Sanders was suspected of wishing to steal away, and -Desmond had him carefully watched.[33] - -[Sidenote: Foreign sympathisers.] - -At this juncture one French and one Spanish vessel arrived in Dingle -Bay with letters for Desmond and earnest inquiries for Dr. Sanders. -They were well received by the country people, and the bearers of the -letters were conducted to Castle Island, where they found the men they -sought. The foreigners said it had been reported at the French and -Spanish Courts that no Geraldine was left alive. Sanders 'railed and -reviled them' for not performing their promises to perfect Christians; -but they still maintained that 20,000 were ready in Spain to sail with -James Fitzmaurice's sons, and that France would also help as soon as -the truth was known. One Owen O'Madden, a foster-brother of Desmond -who was present, fell into Ormonde's hands, and reported that Desmond -and Clancare had solemnly sworn to join their forces; 'which oath was -ministered by Dr. Sanders, having a mass-book under their feet and -a cloth spread over their heads.' He believed that Lord Fitzmaurice -would also join them. The confederacy would command a force of 600 -gallowglasses, 1,600 kerne, and 80 horse, with 200 musketeers. Sympathy -with the Geraldines was universal among the common people, but men who -had something to lose were in no great hurry to commit themselves. 'I -suppose,' said Pelham, 'it is now considered that what foreign prince -soever come, he will not allow to any freeholder more acres than he -hath already, nor more free manner of life than they have under our -Sovereign. And further I am told that some of the traitors themselves -begin to consider that the invaders will put no great trust in those -that do betray their natural prince and country.'[34] - -[Sidenote: The nature of Irish warfare.] - -Pelham left Waterford about the middle of February, having with great -difficulty made such preparations as would give likelihood of a -successful campaign. Unable to feed pack-horses he had his provisions -carried by 300 strong countrymen, and he vigorously describes the -pleasures of Irish warfare. 'Touching the comparison between the -soldier of Berwick and the soldier of Ireland, alleging him of Berwick -to serve in greater toil... all the soldiers of Christendom must give -place in that to the soldiers of Ireland; and so much difference for -ease... as is between an alderman of London and a Berwick soldier.' And -surely, said Captain Zouch, 'the wars here is most painful, in respect -that of force we make great and long journeys without victual, by which -means we have great sicknesses, and, do what we can, we shall never -fight with them unless they have a will to fight with us.' But a good -spirit prevailed, and some companies stood so much on their reputation -that they begged to be mustered, in order that their wants might be -known and supplied. - -[Sidenote: Pelham and Ormonde's campaign.] - -[Sidenote: State of Kerry.] - -Ormonde joined the Lord Justice at Clonmel, where it was arranged that -the Butlers should guard the eastern end of the Aherlow fastness. -Pelham proposed to make all the country from Askeaton to Dingle 'as -bare a country as ever Spaniard set his foot in.' At Limerick he spent -more than a fortnight listening to reports of what was going on in -Kerry and in Spain, and waiting for Wallop and Maltby. On March 10, he -met Ormonde at Rathkeale, and each assumed his own share in the work -of destruction. The Earl took the Shannon side, the Lord Justice kept -inland, spoiling the country far and wide, and meeting with no enemy. -Near Shanet Castle, the original seat of the Desmonds, from which their -war-cry was derived, the two camps were not far apart, and the country -was scoured to the foot of the mountain in which the Feale and the -Blackwater take their rise. According to the Four Masters, they killed -'blind and feeble men, women, boys and girls, sick persons, idiots, and -old people.' Four hundred were killed in the woods on the first day, -and everything that would burn was burned. The next camp was at Glin, -where provisions had been collected, and thither came Lord Fitzmaurice, -who thought it time to declare himself on the side of the strongest. -Pelham and Ormonde then determined to cross the mountain into Kerry, -having heard that ships with stores had arrived at Dingle. Desmond -had already gone that way, in the belief that the ships were Spanish. -Passing the Feale a little above Listowel, the army marched unopposed -to Tralee, and on the march Patrick Fitzmaurice, heir of the house of -Lixnaw, followed his father's example. Everything between Castle Island -and Tralee was already destroyed by the rebels, and Tralee itself was -burned, with the exception of the abbey. Three hundred men, under Sir -William Stanley, were detached to Castlemaine, and Pelham and Ormonde -started for Dingle, but were driven back by a furious snowstorm from -the foot of the Corkaguiny mountains. In the meantime the ships had -gone to the Shannon, and Pelham, having no means of feeding the men, -was forced to withdraw Stanley's division from Castlemaine. Clancare -had promised to come to Tralee, but excused himself on account of the -floods. The same reason prevented Pelham from recrossing the mountains, -and he lost men and horses in fording the Feale near its mouth. The -ships had arrived at Carrigafoyle, and immediate preparations were made -to besiege the castle, which was held by nineteen Spaniards and fifty -natives. The commandant was Captain Julian, 'who reported himself to be -a very notable engineer,' and who had undertaken the defence at Lady -Desmond's request. - -[Sidenote: Siege of Carrigafoyle.] - -[Sidenote: Fate of the garrison.] - -While the guns were being landed, Pelham went forward to view the -place, and had a narrow escape from a shot. 'The villains of Spaniards, -and the traitors,' said Ormonde, 'railed like themselves at Her -Majesty, especially the Spaniards, who had named the King of Spain -King of Ireland, which, or it be long, God willing, they shall dearly -pay for.' Julian probably trusted in the strength of the castle, which -was eighty-six feet high, surrounded by water, and defended by several -outworks. On the land side there were two separate ditches, divided by -a wall, and a strong earthwork. Vessels of 100 tons could go up to the -wall at high tide. The pieces used in the attack were three cannons, -one culver, and one culverin--not a formidable battery according to -modern ideas, but too much for the old castle, even with Julian's -additional defences. The hyperbolical Four Masters say such guns had -never yet been heard in those parts, and that their tremendous and -terror-awakening roar penetrated every glen from Mizen Head to Tuam. -A cannonade of six hours on two successive days was enough to make a -practicable breach, both in the barbican and in the inner walls, which -crushed many as they crumbled. The storming party soon mastered all -but one turret, which stood farthest from the battery and was still -intact. The fire was directed upon this point, and two or three shots -dislodged the garrison, of whom, says Zouch, 'there escaped not one, -neither man, woman, nor child.' Those who swam were shot in the water, -others were put to the sword, and a few who surrendered, including one -woman, were hanged in the camp. Captain Julian was kept prisoner for -two or three days and then hanged. The people began to curse Desmond -for bringing all these misfortunes upon them. He answered that, if no -help from Pope or Spaniard came before Whit Sunday, 'he should seek a -strange country and leave them to make their compositions.' The castles -of Balliloghan and Askeaton were abandoned by their defenders when -they saw the fate of Carrigafoyle. Those at Askeaton escaped across -the water, having made an unsuccessful attempt to blow up the castle. -Pelham occupied this last stronghold, and the war was turned into a -hunt.[35] - -[Sidenote: Maltby in Connaught.] - -Sanders and Desmond failed to rouse Connaught, which Maltby had -retained after Drury's death. Richard Burke, called Richard-in-Iron, -husband of the redoubtable Grace O'Malley, alone ventured to take arms, -in reliance upon the remoteness and natural strength of his country. He -collected all the loose men of Connaught, and sent for 100 Scots bowmen -from Ulster. But the Hebrideans were disinclined to join him, knowing -that they would encounter English soldiers and a skilful leader. To -prevent them from changing their minds, Maltby secured Sligo, through -which they would have to pass. O'Connor Sligo, and O'Rourke--proudest -man in Ireland though he was--agreed to Maltby's terms, and kept their -words as to excluding the Scots. He had two English companies, to which -he added 100 native horse and 400 foot, who were to pay themselves -in Richard-in-Iron's country, and to cost the Queen nothing. Burke, -with 1,000 men, had spoiled the devoted district about Athenry and -the northern part of Roscommon, but he fell back to the shore of the -Atlantic before Maltby could advance. When all was ready, he went -from Athlone to Ballinasloe, where he hung six malefactors, and to -Athenry, where he hung another. At Clare Galway he met John and Ulick -Burke, full of complaints against each other, between whom he made a -truce till he had leisure to hear them. He then marched by Shrule and -Ballintubber to Clew Bay. The fate of a castle held by a priest, who -was Richard-in-Iron's chief counsellor, is thus concisely described:-- - -'I put the band, both men, women, and children, to the sword, whereupon -all the other castles in the country were given up without any -resistance.' Grace O'Malley came to him with some of her kinsmen, but -her husband took refuge with his forces in the islands in Clew Bay. -Burrishoole Abbey, where Maltby encamped, was chosen by him as the site -of a walled town, the people seeming very willing to have such a place -among them, and MacWilliam Burke, who accompanied the governor of his -own accord, offered land for its support. Richard-in-Iron, finding -Maltby too strong for him, said he was ready to submit. Maltby sent for -boats to Achill, but the weather was so bad that he could not reach the -island for a week. In the meantime more than 100 of Richard's followers -had died of starvation--a little episode which shows what Irish warfare -sometimes was. In the end Burke submitted to the garrison which Maltby -left at Burrishoole. The return journey to Athlone was accomplished -in deep snow. The starved pigs and sheep with lambs came out of the -woods into the camp, but they were killed and eaten. During the siege -of Carrigafoyle, Maltby was in Scattery Island, and in frequent -communication with Pelham, whom he joined at Limerick after the capture -of Askeaton.[36] - -[Sidenote: Man-hunting and cattle-lifting.] - -Pelham's policy was to bridle the Desmond district with garrisons, who -should be strong enough to eat up the country and to fatten themselves -while the rebels starved. He hoped thus to localise the struggle in -Kerry, which was too poor to maintain it unaided. The English fleet -would look after the seaboard. The garrisons seem to have performed -perfectly their rather inglorious duties. Captains Hollingsworth -and George Carew had 400 foot at Askeaton, but no horse, the soil -being already too bare to support them. The soldiers drove in all -the sheep and cows in their neighbourhood, and killed twenty-five of -the miserable people who ventured to protect their own. Sir George -Bourchier, who had two companies and a troop of horse at Kilmallock, -scoured the woods in the Maigue district, and killed sixty rebels in -a skirmish, making good his retreat and keeping his spoils. Captain -Walker, who held Adare with 200 men, met Desmond himself on one of -his forays. The Earl had about 600 followers, who stood well to their -pikes for a time, but were ultimately worsted with great loss. Captain -Dowdall occupied Cashel with 300 men. With the help of Lord Dunboyne, -he penetrated Aherlow wood, and brought off 300 cows and ponies. -Pelham himself lay chiefly at Limerick, endeavouring to do his part by -diplomacy, while Ormonde was securing his own district against Piers -Grace and other marauders.[37] - -[Sidenote: Gathering at Limerick.] - -The 10th of May was appointed by the Lord Justice for a general -assembly of the Munster lords at Limerick. Ormonde duly appeared, -bringing with him White, the Master of the Rolls, who had just returned -from England, Lords Dunboyne and Power, and Sir James Fitzgerald, of -Decies. Lord Roche and his son Maurice, who had for a time been in -rebellion, and Sir Thomas, of Desmond, came from Cork, and two days -later they were followed by Lord Barry and by Sir Cormac MacTeigue. -Thomond also attended. None of the western chiefs came, but Lord -Fitzmaurice took the precaution of sending an excuse. - -[Sidenote: A new peer.] - -Sir William Burke, whose son had lost his life in taking that of James -Fitzmaurice, received his patent as Baron of Castle Connell, and was -invested by Pelham. 'The poor old gentleman,' says White with a certain -pathos, 'made many grateful speeches in his language, and afterwards, -partly from joy at his own promotion, partly from some natural -remembrance of his child, and partly from the unwonted straitness of -his new robes, fell suddenly in a swoon at the Lord Justice's table, -so as he was like to have been made and unmade all of a day.' Seeing -no hopes of many more, Pelham conferred with those who were present. -Lords Barry and Roche were sworn to forego their private quarrels and -to join with Sir Cormac in prosecuting the rebels, under Ormonde's -directions, and particularly in keeping them out of the county of Cork. -A like arrangement was made for Waterford, and Ormonde was to encamp -at or near Kilmallock. The deliberations at Limerick were concluded -by a volley of three or four hundred shots. Pelham himself decided -to visit Kerry. As the plot thickened round Desmond, Dr. Sanders -redoubled his assurances that help was coming from Spain. Six thousand -Italians were reported to be in the Asturias, ready to sail. The Lord -Justice believed himself well able to deal with invaders; but want of -provisions and arrears of pay in the Queen's army helped the rebels -more effectually than any foreigners could do.[38] - -[Sidenote: More hares than people.] - -[Sidenote: An Earl's house.] - -[Sidenote: Desmond, Pelham, and Ormonde.] - -After many delays Pelham and Ormonde prepared to enter Kerry together. -The Earl lay for some time at Cashel, where he enjoyed the society of -Sir Nicholas White. The Master of the Rolls complained, with an odd -professional conceit, that he had to sleep in the Star Chamber--that -is, in the open air. Clancare's eldest son was also in the camp, and -Ormonde declared that if the father wavered in his allegiance he would -'graft him to the highest tree in his country.' In the meantime they -probably amused themselves with coursing, for White says her Majesty -had many countries forsaken of the people, but well stocked with -hares. Pelham left Askeaton on June 11, joined the Adare garrison, -and marched up the Maigue valley to Bruree. Edward Fenton, who had an -eye for scenery rare in those days, was struck by the pleasantness -of the scene. The neighbourhood was explored next day, but neither -rebels nor cows were caught in any numbers, and the army crossed the -hills which divide Limerick from Cork. Ormonde broke up his camp and -joined the Lord Justice near Buttevant, where Lord Roche came to pay -his respects, but offered very little help in the way of provisions. -Pelham noted this in silence, and led the whole army up the Blackwater, -driving the MacCarthies and O'Callaghans with their cattle into the -vast woods. Then followed a toilsome and dangerous march through the -hills to Castle Island, the Lord Justice riding in advance and taking -up the ground himself. 'The island,' says White, and the ruins attest -it, 'is a huge, monstrous castle of many rooms, but very filthy and -full of cowdung.' Desmond and Sanders had but just time to escape, and -the Earl's store of whiskey, the Countess' 'kerchers,' and certain -sacerdotal vestments, which Pelham calls masking furniture, fell into -English hands. White secured the _sanctus_ bell, a cruciform lectern, -and the cover of a chalice. 'Never,' he says, 'was the bad Earl and -his legate _a latere_ so bested in his own privy chamber and county -palatine of Kerry.' The bell and lectern went to his patron, Burghley, -'with remainder to Mrs. Blanche as toys.' The valley of the Maine -was full of cattle, but the soldiers were too tired to do much. Some -horsemen, who were fresher than the rest, managed to bring in 1,500 -kine and 2,000 sheep. Desmond and his wife had a narrow escape, being -carried on men's shoulders through the bogs. The best of the cattle -were driven off into Clanmaurice, but Lord Fitzmaurice and his son -Patrick came into the camp. While Pelham was at Castlemaine, Ormonde -searched the recesses of Glenflesk, where he found no cattle, but -many of the Munster chieftains, Clancarties, O'Callaghan, MacAuliffe, -O'Donoghue More, and MacGibbon. All offered their services, and he took -them with him to Pelham at Castlemaine. Thus accompanied, the whole -army marched to Dingle, having first erected a breastwork to protect -the cattle which had been taken.[39] - -[Sidenote: Dingle found in ruins.] - -[Sidenote: The peasantry starving.] - -At Dingle they found the squadron under Winter. Pelham dined on board -the admiral, and afterwards went round the fleet, the 'Swallow' firing -a royal salute when he went ashore. Over 8,000 pounds of biscuit and -10 tuns of beer were sent round to Castlemaine. Dingle was found razed -to the ground by John of Desmond, though the merchants' houses had -been 'very strong and built castle-wise.' The inhabitants--Bonvilles, -Hallys, Scurlocks, Knolts, Sleynys, Angelis, Goldings, Horgetts, Rices, -and Trants--hung about their ruined homes, cursing John of Desmond, the -Knight of Kerry, and Dr. Sanders, as the root of all their calamities. -The 'Merlin' was sent to ransack the numerous harbours between Dingle -and Cork, and Pelham and Winter scoured the country; on one occasion -amusing themselves by robbing an eagle's nest. The Lord Justice came by -chance upon a deserted bakehouse belonging to the Knight of Kerry, and -converted a barrel of meal into bread, from the want of which he had -suffered much. After exploring both shores of Dingle Bay, even sending -light vessels to the Blaskets, lest cattle should be harboured in those -sea-beaten islands, Winter and Pelham returned to Castlemaine, and came -suddenly upon a vast herd of cows, not less than 4,000 or 5,000, which -they drove into their entrenchments, and slaughtered for the use of -the fleet. The starving people of the county besought Winter for God's -sake to give them something to eat, and he left them twelve or thirteen -cows, a few goats, and 400 sheep, the distribution being entrusted to -one MacMorris, a steward of Desmond's, who had deserted, and from whom -some service was expected. The works made for the protection of the -prey were then razed, and the fleet sailed for Berehaven.[40] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's raid.] - -[Sidenote: An Irish palace.] - -Ormonde accompanied Pelham to Dingle and left him taking in provisions -from the fleet, while he went to look for James of Desmond in -O'Sullivan More's country. He had to pass round the bottom of Dingle -Bay through Clancare's territory, and that Earl met him and acted as -guide. The expedition was not expected, and 1,000 cows were taken; but -Ormonde's followers were closely pursued by O'Sullivan's sons. Many -of the chief's tenants sided with the strongest, and with their help -the cattle were brought away. Beef and water formed the only sustenance -of Ormonde's men, but they did not lag in their work of destruction, -and the fires which they raised in Valentia were seen across the bay -at Ventry. Pelham returned to Castlemaine, where Ormonde, 'sore broken -in his feet with rocks,' joined him after a foray of five or six days. -He brought with him Clancare, O'Sullivan Bere, and O'Sullivan More, -'Mac Fynyn of the kerne,' MacDonogh, O'Keefe, O'Callaghan, MacAuliffe, -O'Donoghue More, and all the other chiefs of Desmond except O'Donoghue -of Glenflesk, who remained with the traitor earl. The combined forces -of Pelham and Ormonde encamped between Pallice and Dunloe by the lower -lake of Killarney, 'the famous lake called Lough Leane.' Sir N. White -notes forty islands, an abbey--Innisfallen--in one, a parish church in -another, in a third a castle, 'out of which came to us a fair lady, -the rejected wife of Lord Fitzmaurice, daughter to the late MacCarthy -More, eldest brother to this earl.' Edward Fenton was struck by the -beauty of the scene, and interested by the report of large mussels -containing pearls; but he was even more struck by Clancare's castle, -'called the Palace, a name very unfit for so beggarly a building, not -answerable to a mean farmer's house in England, and his entertainment -much like to his dwelling.' O'Sullivan More's castle of Dunloe had been -razed by Ormonde during his first expedition against James Fitzmaurice. -Leaving Killarney, the army explored Glenflesk, which White, with -Virgil and Cacus in his mind, calls a 'famous spelunce.' But they -saw neither men, monsters, nor cattle, and crossed into the upper -valley of the Blackwater without any fighting. Near Kanturk Ormonde -recovered his heavy baggage which he had left behind on first entering -the mountains, and the whole army then marched by Mallow to Cork. The -citizens, who were half-starved themselves, were very slow to relieve -their wants, but at last agreed to send Pelham 100_l._, to give 100_l._ -worth of wine on credit, and 100_l._ worth of friezes, brogues, and -stockings. Many soldiers had broken down for want of bread. They could -do anything, White said, 'if they had but bread, the lack whereof is -their only overthrow, and nothing else.'[41] - -[Sidenote: Great gathering at Cork] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's speech.] - -In White's quaint language, all the lords and chiefs 'cisalpine and -transalpine the mountains of Slieve Logher,' were present at Cork. -Pelham found that nearly as many Barries as Geraldines were in -rebellion; but nevertheless Lord Barrymore stood the stiffest on his -defence. The rest had very little to say for themselves, and Ormonde -bitterly upbraided them, 'charging himself with their faults for making -of Her Majesty to conceive so well of them.' Desmond, he says, was -their ancient scourge and enemy, and as they had favoured him he would -cast them off and bid each shift for himself. He would utterly refuse -their friendship and spend his blood against them all and against all -Her Majesty's enemies, 'advising such as loved him to follow his ways, -and such as would not bade them defiance, swearing a great oath and -clapping his hand upon the Bible, that if Her Majesty did proclaim -them traitors with the rest he would lay it on their skins, and in -conclusion advised the Lord Justice to carry them all with him to -Limerick till better order were taken with them.' All were received -to mercy except Lord Barrymore, who was committed for trial. 'He is,' -said Ormonde, 'an arrant Papist, who a long time kept in his house Dr. -Tanner, made bishop here by the Pope, who died in my Lord of Upper -Ossory's house, being secretly kept there. Believe me, Mr. Secretary, -you shall find my Lord of Upper Ossory as bad a man as may be.' Pelham -took Clancare, Barrymore, and several others with him, and, having -been delayed at Mallow by a summer flood in the Blackwater, arrived -at Limerick without further adventure. He professed himself fairly -satisfied with the progress made. Frequent inroads, and still more the -steady pressure of the garrisons, would soon starve out the rebels, -unless help came from abroad. In that case, he said, 'I look their -strength will be infinitely multiplied.'[42] - -[Sidenote: Rebellion of Viscount Baltinglas.] - -As if to fill the time till the Spaniards came, a movement now began -which defeated Pelham's calculations. The new rebel was James Eustace, -who had lately succeeded his father as Viscount Baltinglas, and who -was an enthusiastic Catholic. He was already connected with the -turbulent O'Byrnes, and his father had been in opposition on the cess -question; but it is clear that religion was the chief motive. Before -he succeeded to the title, Sanders and others persuaded him to go to -Rome, and what he saw there under Gregory XIII. had exactly a contrary -effect on him to what the Rome of Leo X. had upon Luther. On his return -he heard mass, boldly gloried in the fact before the Ecclesiastical -Commission, and was mulcted in the statutable fine of 100 marks, -Sidney quaintly declaring that he could not countenance 'Papistry and -abolished religion.' Loftus was told to exact the money or a bond, and -to imprison in default. The young lord went to gaol for twenty-four -hours, and was pardoned on signing the bond. But fine and imprisonment -never convince, though they sometimes silence, and Baltinglas was in -no way changed by what courtly officials called her Majesty's godly -proceedings. 'I mean,' he wrote to a Waterford merchant, 'to take this -holy enterprise in hand by the authority of the Supreme Head of the -Church.' - -[Sidenote: Baltinglas and Ormonde.] - -The letter fell into Ormonde's hands, and the bearer seems to have -been hanged in chains. Ormonde had already warned the Viscount to -be careful, and he now sent an answer which at once committed him -irretrievably and almost without hope of pardon. He said he had been -commanded to take the sword by the highest power on earth, and would -maintain the truth to the extent of his means. - -'Questionless,' he added, 'it is great want of knowledge, and more of -grace, to think and believe that a woman uncapax of all holy orders, -should be the supreme governor of Christ's Church; a thing that -Christ did not grant unto his own mother. If the Queen's pleasure -be, as you allege, to minister justice, it were time to begin; for -in this twenty years' part of her reign we have seen more damnable -doctrine maintained, more oppressing of poor subjects, under pretence -of justice, within this land than ever we read or heard.... If Thomas -Becket, the Bishop of Canterbury, had never suffered death in the -defence of the Church, Thomas Butler, alias Becket, had never been Earl -of Ormonde.'[43] Ormonde sent the letter by express to Walsingham, for -the Queen's eye, characterising it as 'foolish, traitorous, popish, and -devil-persuaded,' praying that God might confound all her unnatural -subjects and give her victory over all His enemies. - -'Sir, I pray you tell her Majesty that poor Lucas will remain constant -in the true faith, whoever follow the Pope and do the contrary, and -that neither Becket nor Canterbury shall alter him.' - -[Sidenote: A Catholic confederacy.] - -It was a year of great activity among the English Catholics. Parsons -and Campion had just landed; the air teemed with rumours, and papers -were freely circulated to prepare men for something extraordinary. -A Devonshire gentleman named Eve brought one of these to Waterford, -and it was not calculated to make the task of the Irish Government -easier. Ten or twelve thousand men from the Pope, rather more from -the King of Spain, and rather fewer from the Duke of Florence, were -expected to invade England, and there to reassert the Pope's lawful -sovereignty. Elizabeth was declared ineligible, both as bastard and -as heretic, to wear the vassal crown, and it was proposed to publish -the Bull of excommunication in every Christian church and court. The -English Catholic nobles were, however, to be allowed to crown one of -their own number, who was to be independent of Spain, but her faithful -ally in reducing the Hollanders. All Church lands were to be restored. -The importer of this notable scheme was arrested by the Mayor of -Waterford, and sent in irons to Clonmel, with his companion, a merchant -of Bridgewater, to be dealt with by Pelham. We may, however, be sure -that for one such production intercepted, many escaped the notice of -the officials, and that Baltinglas had reason to expect support from -outside. But he probably rested his hopes mainly upon the help of his -neighbours, and even fancied he could get Kildare to join him.[44] - -[Sidenote: Attitude of Kildare.] - -On July 14th, nearly a fortnight before the insurrection actually -broke out, the Archbishop of Dublin met Kildare on the legendary hill -of Tara. Baltinglas was only two miles off, and in charge of the -Earl's own troop. Kildare had been told everything, and he informed -Loftus that the Viscount and other Papists had conspired and were -ready to rebel. 'The first exploit they will do,' he said, 'is to kill -you and me; you, for the envy they bear to your religion, and me, -for that being taken away, they think there is no one to make head -against them.' Dr. Loftus indeed might have had a bad chance had he -fallen into their hands, but there is no likelihood that they had any -murderous intention towards Kildare. The threat was probably used as -likely to have weight with one whose sympathies were already more than -half-gained: The Archbishop pressed the Earl to arrest the traitor -and more than once received an evasive answer; but at last Kildare -confessed what was doubtless the true cause of his inaction. 'I should -heap to myself universally the hatred and illwill of my country, and -pull upon my house and posterity for ever the blame.' At last he agreed -to make an appointment with Baltinglas, and to arrest him, provided the -Archbishop had an agent present to charge him on his allegiance. In the -meantime he went to the Viscount several times in a quiet way, and did -nothing until he and Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne were in actual rebellion. -After this Baltinglas wrote to tell the Earl that he had unfurled -his Holiness's banner, and asking for an interview at the bridge of -Ballymore Eustace. Kildare not appearing, he wrote again to express -his regret and to urge him to join the good cause. 'I trust therefore -the day shall never come that strangers shall say that when Christ's -banner was in the field on the one side, and the banner of heresy on -the other side, that the Earl of Kildare's forces were openly seen to -stand under the heretical banner.' The charming was not particularly -wise, yet Kildare did not altogether refuse to hear it. In the end he -so managed matters as to alienate both sides.[45] - -[Sidenote: Results of Pelham's proceedings.] - -At the very moment that Baltinglas broke out, Lord Grey de Wilton's -patent as Deputy was signed in England. Pelham had but a few weeks of -authority left, and he did not pass them in idleness. By the advice -of Sir Warham St. Leger, and with the consent of Ormonde, he detained -most of the Munster lords and chiefs at Limerick; and, having thus laid -hands on the shepherds, he proceeded to make his own terms with the -flock. 'My manner of prosecuting,' he wrote to the Queen, 'it is thus: -I give the rebels no breath to relieve themselves, but by one of your -garrisons or other they be continually hunted. I keep them from their -harvest, and have taken great preys of cattle from them, by which it -seemeth the poor people that lived only upon labour, and fed by their -milch cows, are so distressed as they follow their goods and offer -themselves with their wives and children rather to be slain by the army -than to suffer the famine that now in extremity beginneth to pinch -them. And the calamity of these things have made a division between -the Earl and John of Desmond, John and Sanders seeking for relief -to fall into the company and fellowship of the Viscount Baltinglas; -and the Earl, without rest anywhere, flieth from place to place, and -maketh mediation for peace by the Countess, whom yesterday I licensed -to have speech with me at Askeaton, whose abundance of tears betrayed -sufficiently the miserable estate both of herself, her husband, and -their followers.' It was by just such means that Mountjoy afterwards -put down a much greater rebellion and a much abler rebel than Desmond, -and those Englishmen who knew Ireland best could see no alternative. -'It shall be found,' said Bagenal, 'how severely and thoroughly good -Sir William Pelham hath handled Munster; as in all his government here -he deserved with the best that preceded him, so in that wrought he -good perfection, and so weakened the traitors there, that John Desmond -is fled to Leinster, where he is to salve his drained estate with -Baltinglas. His own actions, if his commendation should be withdrawn, -will sufficiently express his desert.'[46] - -[Sidenote: Terms offered to the repentant.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Sir James of Desmond.] - -All important persons who sued for mercy were first required to imbrue -their hands in some better blood than their own, and special services -in proportion to their rank were required of leading rebels. Rory -MacSheehy, a noted captain of the Desmond gallowglasses, was given to -understand that he could have a pardon if he gave up Sanders alive. -Sir John of Desmond sought to confer with St. Leger; he was told -that he could have his own life by giving up his eldest brother, Dr. -Sanders, and the seneschal of Imokilly. Sanders himself might perhaps -be spared, if he would lay bare the whole network of foreign intrigue. -The detained magnates were let loose one by one as they seemed likely -to do service. Sir Cormac MacTeige MacCarthy was sheriff of Cork; he -made humble submission, confessed his negligence, took a new oath, and -departed with 150 English soldiers under Captain Apsley and Captain -Dering. Soon afterwards Sir James of Desmond entered Muskerry and -collected 2,000 of Sir Cormac's cattle, which he proposed to drive off -into the mountains west of Macroon. The sheriff came up with him, and -a skirmish followed, in which Sir James was wounded and taken. He was -carried from Carrigadrohid to Blarney and thence to Cork, where he was -tried and condemned, having in vain begged for summary decapitation to -avoid a public trial. After two months, during which he gave earnest -attention to religious subjects, he was hanged, drawn, and quartered, -or as the Four Masters say, cut into little pieces, dying a fervent -Catholic and, as his enemies allowed, 'a yielding to Godward a better -end than otherwise he would have done if he had not died the death.' -'And thus,' says Hooker, 'the pestilent hydra hath lost another of his -heads.'[47] - -[Sidenote: Munster chiefs in trouble.] - -Lord Fitzmaurice was at liberty, but his two sons were detained -at Limerick, and he was told that he could only make his peace by -intercepting Desmond or the Seneschal, or at the very least by -procuring the release of Sir James Fitzgerald, of Decies, who was -imprisoned in Kerry by the rebels. Sir Owen O'Sullivan Bere it was -thought safe to keep at Limerick; but his neighbour Sir Owen MacCarthy -Reagh was released, his tanist Donell na Pipy being retained as a -hostage. Clancare had been protected by Ormonde, and the engagement -was kept, but he was required to leave his son, Lord Valentia, in -pledge. Lord Barrymore remained contumacious, and was sent to Dublin -Castle, his sons being encouraged to come in under protection, but St. -Leger was told to keep them safe until they offered good security. -Sir Warham, who was always for harsh courses, advised that the father -should be executed and his estate confiscated. The example, he thought, -would be salutary, and the land would pay the whole cost of the war.[48] - -[Sidenote: Narrow escapes of Sanders and John of Desmond,] - -In the meantime the garrisons were busy. Sir George Bourchier was near -taking a rich prize at Kilmallock. During a night foray, the soldiers -fell in accidentally with Sanders and John of Desmond. Sir John was -wounded, and both he and Sanders were over an hour in company with the -soldiers, whose suspicions they disarmed by exhorting them, in English, -to slay the Irish. An Englishman in Sanders' service was taken and -killed by the soldiers, because he would confess nothing. James O'Hea, -a friar of Youghal, was made prisoner, and gave important information. - -[Sidenote: who contrive to join Baltinglas.] - -A division of opinion had arisen between Desmond on the one hand, -and his brother and Sanders on the other. The Earl was inclined to sue -for peace, but the others were determined to fight it out to the -last. Finding themselves straitened in Kerry, they made their way -to Leinster, where Baltinglas eagerly expected them. With about -five-and-twenty followers, they passed through the glen of Aherlow, and -crossed North Tipperary into the Queen's County, where they were helped -by the remnant of the O'Mores, and by the veteran Piers Grace, until -they joined the O'Byrnes near the border of Wicklow. They had an escape -on the road, which Pelham called strange, and which a Catholic writer -evidently thought miraculous. They met Ormonde--or more probably one -of his brothers--who called out that they were in the net. 'A sudden -tempest,' we are told, 'arose on a fine day--whether at the Doctor's -prayers, or not, God knows--and the rain was so thick that the Earl, -with the ministers of Satan, could not advance against the Catholics, -nor even hold up their heads for a whole hour.' The fugitives, who -had the wind at their backs, threw away all superfluous weight, and -escaped. Having lost their best leader, the Munster rebels sought terms -for themselves. Baltinglas summoned Desmond himself to join him, for -defence of the Catholic faith, but the Earl's people said they were -starving, and could endure no longer war; and they openly reviled -Sanders as the cause of all their misery.[49] - -[Sidenote: Desmond almost surrenders,] - -[Sidenote: but changes his mind] - -[Sidenote: when a new governor comes.] - -Wearied by want of bread and all comforts, the rebel Earl began to -feel that the game was up, and he besought Winter to give him a -passage to England. Pelham did not object, provided the surrender was -unconditional; but would allow no agents to pass, nor the Countess to -go over without her husband. The poor lady's tears showed him that her -cause was desperate. Chief Secretary Fenton was principally struck by -her impudence in venturing to defend her husband's conduct. Pelham was -inclined to believe that they both meant nothing but villainy, and were -only seeking time to get in the harvest, and he directed Bourchier at -Kilmallock, and Case at Askeaton, to give the fugitive Earl no rest -for the sole of his foot. The hunted wretch might have surrendered -to Winter had it not been for the change of government, which, both -before and since, in Ireland, has often been wrongly supposed to denote -a change of policy. He had perhaps been told that Grey's orders from -the Queen were to treat him leniently. At all events he changed his -tone, though he had but 120 gallowglasses with him. These men clamoured -loudly and vainly for their quarter's pay, and the camp was followed by -a horde of poor starving creatures, who begged such scraps as unpaid -soldiers could give. In spite of all this, Desmond now declared that he -would yield to Grey only, for that he remembered former hard treatment -in England, and doubted that it would be worse than ever. And so the -matter stood when Pelham, who had himself desired to be relieved, -received the order to go to Dublin, and there surrender the sword to -his successor. He had declared himself willing to serve under the new -governor in Munster, with or without the title of Lord President, and -the latter was directed to take advantage of his zeal, his experience, -and his martial skill. As it was, he left Ireland on the nominal ground -of health, perhaps because he could not get on with Grey, or because -the Queen was frightened at the expense. He afterwards found work in -the Netherlands, and Bourchier was left in charge of Munster with the -rank of Colonel, Ormonde having enough to do in defending his own -country against the Leinster insurgents.[50] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[22] Drury to Walsingham, Aug. 23, 1579; Walsingham's letters of Aug. -5, 6, and 7; E. Tremayne to Burghley, Aug. 5; Proportions of victual, -&c. Aug. 24; Wallop to Walsingham, Aug. 27, and Sept. 3, 4, and 14; -Instructions to Sir John Perrott, Aug. 19. - -[23] Lord Justice and Earl of Kildare to the Privy Council, Aug. 3, -1579; Waterhouse to Walsingham, Aug. 22; Gerard to Walsingham, Wilson, -and Burghley, Sept. 10, 15, and 16; Drury to Walsingham, Sept. 14 and -17; Wallop to Burghley, Sept. 20. Drury died Sept. 30, and what Sanders -said about him is in a letter of Feb. 21, 1580, printed in Strype's -_Parker_, appendix 77. - -[24] Maltby to Walsingham, Oct. 12, 1579, with enclosures. - -[25] Maltby to Walsingham, Oct. 12, 1579, and to Leicester, April -8, 1580; The Jesuit Allen is not mentioned by the Four Masters, by -O'Sullivan, by O'Daly, or by several other Irish authorities, but -frequently by Hooker, who says he was Irish-born. Russell mentions him, -but calls him an English priest, and this seems probable. - -[26] Ormonde to Walsingham, July 27 and August 10, 1579; Desmond to -Ormonde and also to some powerful person at court Oct. 10; and the -letters in _Carew_ from Oct. 17 to Nov. 1. - -[27] Waterhouse to Walsingham, Nov. 4, 1579. The proclamation is in -_Carew_, under Nov. 2. - -[28] Ormonde to Walsingham, Nov. 7, 1579; Walsingham to Waterhouse, -Nov. 8; Pelham to Wilson, Nov. 28; to the Queen, Dec. 15 and 28; and -many other letters in _Carew_. - -[29] O'Sullivan Bere, ii. iv. 15; Pelham to Burghley, Nov. 28, 1579; -Arthur and White to Maltby, Nov. 27; St. Leger to Ormonde, Dec. 1; -Ormonde to Burghley, Dec. 27; Pelham to Burghley, Jan. 27, 1580. -Abstract of examinations Jan. 4, 1580. Hooker says Desmond's horde -took five days to collect the spoils, and that Ormonde sent an armed -vessel which recovered some guns, but that her master was killed. See -also the examination of Friar James O'Hea in _Carew_, Aug. 17, 1580, -and the petition of Anyas, Burgomaster of Youghal, Sept. 9, 1583. -Edmund Tanner, S.J., to the General of the Jesuits, Oct. 11, 1577, in -_Hibernia Ignatiana_. - -[30] Pelham to the Irish Council, Jan. 26, 1580, in _Carew_. Ormonde to -Burghley, Dec. 27, 1579; Wallop to Burghley, Dec. 29; Letters of Dec. -3, in _Carew_; Hooker. - -[31] Ormonde to Walsingham, Jan. 4, 1580; Burghley to Ormonde, Jan. 26; -Pelham to Wallop, Feb. 9; to the Privy Council, Feb. 28; to Walsingham, -May 20; Lord Justice and Council to the Privy Council, Jan. 29: the -four last in _Carew_. - -[32] Burghley to Pelham, Dec. 30, 1579; and to Ormonde, Jan. 26, 1580. - -[33] Pelham to Burghley, Feb. 4, 1580; Waterhouse to Walsingham, Feb. -3; G. Fenton to Burghley, Feb. 18; Lord Justice and Council to the -Privy Council, Jan. 29, in _Carew_. - -[34] Pelham to Wallop, Feb. 9, 1580; to the Privy Council, Feb. 10 and -28; to the Queen and to Leicester, Feb. 16; Lord Roche to Ormonde, Feb. -11: all these in _Carew_. - -[35] Pelham to the Queen and to Burghley, April 1, 1580; and to the -Queen, April 5; Zouch to Walsingham, April 8. Hooker. - -[36] Discourse of Sir N. Maltby's proceedings, April 8, 1580, and his -letter to Walsingham of that date. - -[37] Pelham to the Privy Council, April 11 and 16, 1580, in _Carew_. - -[38] Pelham to the Privy Council, May 20; James Golde to Leicester, -May 20; White, M.R., to Leicester, May 31, all in _Carew_. White to -Burghley, May 31; Pelham to the Queen. May 18. - -[39] Sir N. White, M.R., to Burghley, Walsingham, and Leicester, May -31, 1580, the last in _Carew_; Journal of Occurrences, July 2; Pelham -to Wallop, June 21; Edw. Fenton to Walsingham, July 11; Ormonde to -Walsingham, July 21; White, M.R., to Walsingham, July 22; Pelham to the -Privy Council, July 9, in _Carew_. - -[40] Chiefly from Journal of Occurrences, July 2. - -[41] Edw. Fenton to Walsingham, July 11; Ormonde to same, July 21; -White M.R. to same, July 22; Pelham to the Privy Council, July 4 and 8 -in _Carew_. - -[42] White M.R. to the Privy Council, July 22, 1580, where Ormonde's -speech is given; Ormonde to Walsingham, July 21; Pelham and his Council -to the Privy Council, July 9 and 12, in _Carew_. - -[43] Baltinglas to Ormonde, received before July 24, 1580, to R. -Walshe, July 18; Ormonde to Walsingham, July 24. I believe the -connection of the Butlers with the Beckets has never been proved. - -[44] Eve's seditious libel, July 3; Pelham to the Mayor of Waterford, -July 26, in _Carew_. - -[45] Baltinglas to Kildare, July 22, 1580; Deputy Grey to the Queen, -Dec. 23; _Earls of Kildare_, ii. 198 sqq. - -[46] Pelham to the Queen, Aug. 12, 1580, in _Carew_; Sir N. Bagenal to -Leicester, Oct. 3, in Wright's _Elizabeth_. - -[47] Pelham to Lord Fitzmaurice, July 27, 1580; to St. Leger, Aug. -15; the Estate wherein Pelham left Munster, Aug. 28: these three in -_Carew_. St. Leger and P. Grant to Ormonde, Aug. 6; St. Leger to -Burghley, Oct 9. - -[48] Pelham to Burghley, July 15, 1580; to St. Leger, Aug. 26; the -latter in _Carew_. State in which Pelham left Ireland, Aug. 28, in -_Carew_. St. Leger to Burghley, July 15. - -[49] Paper by J. Holing, S.J., in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 94. -Pelham to Bourchier, Aug. 5, 1580; to the Queen, Aug. 12; to Winter, -Aug. 16; State in which Pelham left Ireland, Aug. 28; all in _Carew_. -G. Fenton to Burghley and Leicester, Aug. 8; Wallop to Walsingham, Aug. -9. - -[50] Pelham to Winter, Aug. 24, 1580; Winter to Pelham, Aug. 24; -Directions to Sir G. Bourchier, Aug. 28: all in _Carew_. Gerard, White, -M.R., and Wallop to Burghley, Oct. 7; Wallop to Walsingham, Sept. 28; -Grey to the Queen, Oct. 5. Grey landed Aug. 12, and was sworn in Sept. -7. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXVIII. - -THE DESMOND WAR--SECOND STAGE, 1580-1581. - - -[Sidenote: Lord Grey's instructions.] - -Whatever private hints the Queen might give to Grey, his official -instructions contained nothing to Desmond's advantage. On the contrary, -he was warned to avoid the common fault of former governors, who had -been too easy in granting pardons to notorious transgressors of the -law, and had thereby bred boldness in subjects prone to offend. In -future, pardons were not to be given without good reasons, nor at -all in general terms, but only for some specified offence. On the -other hand the Queen was anxious to have it known that she did not -wish to extirpate the inhabitants of Ireland, as it had been falsely -and maliciously reported. Outrages committed by soldiers were to be -severely punished, and officers of high rank were not to be exempt. -The rebellion was to be put down as quickly as possible, so that her -Majesty's charge might be reduced. Grey landed on August 12, but the -sword of state was still in Munster, and he could not take the oath -without it. Baltinglas and Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne were in force not much -more than twenty miles from Dublin, and he resolved to attack them -before Pelham's arrival.[51] - -[Sidenote: State of the Pale.] - -Whatever hopes Desmond himself may have had from Grey, the change -of government was not favourable to the chances of a rebellion near -Dublin. The advent of a governor of high rank generally signified -increased force, a more liberal expenditure of money, and more activity -in official circles. Lord Chancellor Gerard had just landed on a -part of the coast over which Baltinglas was for the moment supreme; -and the latter had unaccountably neglected to make him a hostage. -'Compared with the rest of his doings,' said Pelham, 'this doth argue -that both he and his followers be the most foolish traitors that ever -I heard of.' The Chancellor reported that all the Leinster chiefs as -well as O'Neill, O'Donnell, O'Rourke, and O'Connor Sligo were sworn -to Baltinglas, and that he had the hearts of the whole country. The -rebels had burned Harrington's town of Newcastle, and openly displayed -the Pope's banner; but Kildare seemed to stand firm, and comforted the -Chancellor by abusing the captains for giving false musters, saying -that the Queen paid for 1,300 when she had only 700. But his most -trusted follower, Gerald Fitzmaurice, had joined the rebels with his -company. Sir William Stanley brought reinforcements from England, -but in such plight as to argue no great probability of good service. -Out of 120 calivers scarce twenty were serviceable, and the men were -raw, ill-provided with necessaries, and fewer than their leader had -been given to expect. The captains, blamed by Kildare, said their -pay was at least three months in arrear, and of course all their -men were discontented. Gormanston lay at Naas with 500 men, but the -distrust was so general that Archbishop Loftus believed the throats -of all Englishmen were about to be cut. 'Unless strangers land,' -the Chancellor remarked, 'I mistrust; and if they do I am of the -Archbishop's mind.' Meanwhile the country south of Dublin was at the -mercy of the rebels, and it was easy to know who sympathised with them. -'They religiously prey,' said Gerard, 'overskipping some, many have -taken oaths not to fight against them.' 2,000 Scots were plundering -loyal people in Ulster, and it was hard to see where it was to stop.[52] - -[Sidenote: Grey attacks the Irish in Glenmalure.] - -Baltinglas and Feagh MacHugh lay in the valley of the Liffey, -somewhere about Ballymore Eustace. On the approach of Grey's army -from the side of Naas they withdrew into Glenmalure, a deep and rocky -fortress--a combe, as the Devonian Hooker calls it--to the N.E. of -Lugnaquilla. The glen was thickly wooded, and at least four miles long, -and Colonel George Moore was ordered to enter it with about half the -army. Grey was more a knight-errant than a general, and he determined -to attack at once and in front, though warned by those about him of -the risk he was running. His object was to drive the rebels from -the covert, so that they might be shot or ridden down on the open -hillside. Old Francis Cosby, general of the Queen's kerne, who was a -man of extraordinary personal courage and of unrivalled experience in -Irish warfare, foresaw the danger; but he was not listened to, and he -boldly advanced to what he believed to be almost certain death. Jacques -Wingfield, the Master of the Ordinance, who doubtless remembered his -own overthrow nineteen years before, was present with his two nephews, -Peter and George Carew, and he vainly tried to dissuade them from -risking their lives. 'If I lose one,' he then urged, 'yet will I keep -the other,' and George, reserved, as Camden says, for greater things, -consented to stay by his uncle. Sir Peter, with Captain Audley and -Lieutenant Parker, were with Colonel Moore in front, while Sir Henry -Bagenal and Sir William Stanley brought up the rear. 'When we entered,' -says Stanley, 'the foresaid glen, we were forced to slide sometimes -three or four fathoms ere we could stay our feet. It was in depth at -least a mile, full of stones, rocks, bogs, and wood; in the bottom a -river full of loose stones, which we were driven to cross divers times. -So long as our leaders kept the bottom, the odds were on our side. But -our colonel, being a corpulent man, before we were half through the -glen, being four miles in length, led us up the hill that was a long -mile in height; it was so steep that we were forced to use our hands -as well to climb as our feet, and the vanward being gone up the hill, -we must of necessity follow.... It was the hottest piece of service -for the time that ever I saw in any place. I was in the rearward, and -with me twenty-eight soldiers of mine, whereof were slain eight, and -hurt ten. I had with me my drum, whom I caused to sound many alarms, -which was well answered by them that was in the rearward, which stayed -them from pulling us down by the heels. But I lost divers of my dear -friends. They were laid all along the wood as we should pass, behind -trees, rocks, crags, bogs, and in covert. Yet so long as we kept the -bottom we lost never a man, till we were drawn up the hill by our -leaders, where we could observe no order; we could have no sight of -them, but were fain only to beat the places where we saw the smoke of -our pieces; but the hazard of myself and the loss of my company was the -safeguard of many others... were a man never so slightly hurt, he was -lost, because no man was able to help him up the hill. Some died, being -so out of breath that they were able to go no further, being not hurt -at all.'[53] - -[Sidenote: Defeat of the English.] - -Carew and Audley had a dispute at the outset, and the loud talk of -two usually quiet and modest officers had a very bad effect on their -men. The renegade captain, Gerald Fitzmaurice, had full information -from Kildare's people, if not from the Earl himself, and he knew the -companies had never been together before. They contained many raw -recruits, and he rightly calculated that they would be thrown into -confusion by an unseen enemy. The soldiers fresh from England wore -red or blue coats, and Maltby, who was with Grey in the open, saw how -easily they were picked off. 'The strangeness of the fight,' he adds, -'is such to the new-come ignorant men that at the first brunt they -stand all amazed, or rather give back to the enemy.... Their coats -stand them in no stead, neither in fashion nor in giving them any -succour to their bodies. Let the coat-money be given to some person of -credit, with which, and with that which is also bestowed on their hose, -they may clothe themselves here with jerkins and hose of frieze, and -with the same money bring them every man a mantle which shall serve him -for his bedding and thereby shall not be otherwise known to the rebels -than the old soldiers be.' The recruits wavered, the kerne ran away to -the enemy, and so 'the gentlemen were lost.' - -Stanley says not above thirty Englishmen were killed, but Moore, Cosby, -Audley, and other officers were among them. Grey thought the rebels -were fewer than the soldiers, who were stricken by panic. Sir Peter -Carew was clad in complete armour, which proved more fatal than even -a red coat. Suffocated from running up hill he was forced to lie down -and was easily taken. It was proposed to hold him to ransom, 'but one -villain,' says Hooker, 'most butcherly, as soon as he was disarmed, -with his sword slaughtered and killed him, who in time after was also -killed.' - -Three months afterwards George Carew rejoiced that he had the good -fortune to slay him who slew his brother, and announced that he meant -to lay his bones by his or to be 'thoroughly satisfied with revenge.' -No doubt the survivor under such circumstances would be filled with -remorseful bitterness; but his thirst for revenge, fully slaked by a -murder three years later, can be scarcely justified even according to -that ancient code which prescribes an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a -tooth.[54] - -[Sidenote: Consequences of the affair.] - -When a civilised government receives a check from its revolted -subjects, the moral effect is generally out of all proportion to the -actual loss. But Pelham had effectually bridled Munster, and Maltby had -for the moment nearly neutralised Connaught and Ulster also. O'Rourke -and O'Donnell now both took arms in the Catholic cause, and there -was every prospect of a general conflagration. Maltby rode post from -Dublin northwards, and such was the dread which he had inspired, that -O'Donnell at once disbanded his men, and wrote to say that nothing -should make him swerve from his allegiance. The President hastened -to Leitrim, where he found that O'Rourke had dismantled the castle. -He immediately began to repair it, though he had to draw lime eight -miles. The tanist Brian O'Rourke, who regarded the chief as his -greatest enemy, helped the work, and gladly acted as sheriff under the -President. - -O'Rourke appeared at the edge of a wood with 1,200 men, of whom 500 -were Scots; but Ulick Burke, who begged for the place of honour, -charged at the head of 200 soldiers and 500 kerne. Some Scots were -killed, and the building was not further interrupted. Leaving a strong -garrison in the castle, Maltby then hurried back to Dublin, and arrived -there in time to be a witness and a critic of the Glenmalure affair. -He warned the English Government that Ulster was in a dangerous state, -and that Tirlogh Luineach's wife was determined to make a new Scotland -of that province. 'She has already planted a good foundation, for she -in Tyrone, her daughter in Tyrconnell (being O'Donnell's wife), and -Sorleyboy in Clandeboy, do carry all the sway in the North, and do seek -to creep into Connaught, but I will stay them from that.'[55] - -[Sidenote: Results of the defeat--in Ulster,] - -The news of Grey's defeat did not reach the officials at Cork for -eleven days, and then only in a fragmentary way, but its effect upon -the natives was instantaneous. Tirlogh Luineach, whom Captain Piers -had just brought to terms, suddenly swept round the lower end of Lough -Neagh, drove off the cattle of the loyalist Sir Hugh Magennis, and -killed many of his men, demanded the title of O'Neill, and the old -hegemony claimed by Shane, declared that he would stand in defence of -religion while life lasted, and proposed to invade the Pale with 5,000 -men. The Scots' galleys lay in Lough Foyle, and effectual resistance -seemed impossible. The Baron of Dungannon sent his cattle to the -mountains, and hid himself in the woods, protesting his loyalty even -'if all the Irishry in Ireland should rebel,' and if he had nothing -left but his bare body. But Magennis, after crouching for a while at -Narrow Water, was forced to go as a suppliant to Tirlogh's camp. - -[Sidenote: In the Pale,] - -[Sidenote: and in Connaught.] - -The southern side of the Pale was in no better case. A strong force -under John of Desmond besieged Maryborough, and the constable was so -closely watched that he dared not write. A private settler living in -the unfinished castle of Disert, and expecting to be attacked every -moment, sent the news to Dublin, but was forced to entrust his letter -to a poor beggar-man. Ladders were ready in the woods to attack all -posts. Some of Ormonde's villages were burned, and his brother Piers, -though he maintained his own ground, could not save Abbeyleix from -the flames. The remnant of the O'Connors rose once more, and Ross -MacGeohegan, the most loyal and useful subject in the midlands, was -murdered by his half-brother Brian, whose mother was an O'Connor. 'All -is naught here,' wrote Maltby from Dublin, 'and like to be worse.' He -had to reach Athlone by a circuitous route, and found his province -already in an uproar.[56] - -[Sidenote: The Spaniards appear at last.] - -It was in foreign aid that all Irish rebels mainly trusted; and it was -supposed that the fleet would prevent any descent upon Munster, the -only district where strangers from the South would have much chance of -maintaining themselves. Winter had been directed to cruise about the -mouth of the Shannon, having first sent some light craft to the Biscay -coast for news. He was not to land himself, but if necessary to employ -a naval brigade under Captain Richard Bingham. The admiral was not -in good health; he hated the service, he hated Captain Bingham, and -he was ready to run home as soon as there seemed the least chance of -victuals running short. The fleet reached Ireland about the beginning -of April, and early in July Winter threatened to sail away. But the -Queen's positive orders restrained him for a time, and Pelham was at -hand to inculcate obedience, reminding him that there was generally a -Michaelmas summer in Ireland. Pelham left Munster on the last day of -August, on December 5th Winter sailed for England, and on the 12th the -long-expected Spaniards arrived at Smerwick. The admiral was required -to explain his very unseasonable departure, and it must be admitted -that he had reasons, though a Drake or a Nelson might not have allowed -them much weight. The ships were foul, and sailed too badly either for -flight or chase, the sails and ropes were rotten from the unceasing -wet of a Kerry summer, victuals were running short, there was a most -plentiful lack of news, and the Shannon was a bad anchorage at the -best. Whatever the Queen may have thought of the admiral's conduct, it -did not prevent her from sending him to Ireland again.[57] - -[Sidenote: An English sea-dog in Spain.] - -An attack on England could not be secretly prepared in Spain, for -the carrying trade was in England's hands. Armed rovers like Drake, -Hawkins, and Frobisher, half merchants and half buccaneers, came and -went as they pleased upon the peninsular coast, in the confident hope -that no Spaniard could catch them. Such a one was Captain James Sidee, -an excellent seaman but not altogether free from suspicion of piracy, -whom it had been necessary to pardon some years before. He sailed -boldly into the splendid harbour of Ferroll, and wrote to the governor -demanding the surrender of certain English subjects whom he supposed -to be living there. He had perceived, he said grimly, that the country -folk were in terror at his approach, but he was no pirate and would -take no one by force, for Ferroll was the 'king's chamber which he was -commanded not to break.' But he wanted his own fellow-subjects, who -had plundered a Plymouth ship at sea, and hinted plainly that he could -take them if he liked. He said they were only cowkeepers who had left -their cows, and John Fleming, James Fitzmaurice's admiral, had run away -from his creditors. The Irish bishop who was with them might find some -better employment than keeping kine in Ireland. The Spanish governor's -answer does not appear; but one Barnaby O'Neill wrote to say that the -bishop was noble, chaste, virtuous, and learned, while the heretic -bishops of England were shoe-makers, scavengers, and pudding-makers, -that Fleming was Lord Slane's cousin, and that Sidee had served under -that rebel, traitor, and coward, the Prince of Orange. Sidee retorted -that the Silent Prince was far above his praise, and that he did not -believe his correspondent was an O'Neill at all, for he had never heard -his name. He might of course be some bastard, but he rather inclined to -think that he was really one William Hall, a murderous thief well known -in Ireland and Spain. Sir William Winter was of opinion that Sidee's -proceedings would not facilitate English diplomacy in Spain, and indeed -it was an uncomfortable time for Englishmen there. But Philip was most -anxious to avoid war--much too anxious indeed for the taste of his -ambassadors in England--and Elizabeth's subjects suffered more petty -annoyance than actual hardship.[58] - -[Sidenote: Irish refugees in Spain.] - -William Carusse of Drogheda sailed from Tenby to Spain, with a cargo, -in the 'Gift of God,' a vessel of only nineteen tons. Being chased by a -man-of-war, he put into Santander, where he found an English ship and -an English bark, and where he was boarded by the corregidor, and by -two or three ecclesiastics who vainly searched for books, and seem to -have helped themselves to six shillings. The national proverb that in -Spain a little oil sticks to every hand was exemplified by Carusse's -treatment. He made friends with Mr. Browne, natural brother of Lady -Kildare, and afterwards with Oliver Plunkett, a Drogheda gentleman who -had served Spain in Flanders. Both befriended him with the Spanish -authorities; and as they meditated an invasion of Ireland, it was not -their cue to make enemies there. Browne had a map of Ireland drawn -by himself, and showed by his conversation that he knew the coast. -Plunkett declared that the conquest of the island would be child's -play, but that Dublin and Drogheda might give trouble. Lord Gormanston -had just married a relative or friend of Plunkett's, who was most -anxious to send her a letter of congratulation, but Carusse refused to -carry letters. His sails were then taken away, and by Browne's advice -he gave six ducats to the corregidor, four to a scrivener, and two -each to two other officers. Then the sails were restored. Five hundred -ducats belonging to him were impounded, but afterwards restored, -with a deduction of four as a fee for counting them. A further fee -of three ducats and expenses was exacted by Browne, and then Carusse -was allowed to go free. He noted that Plunkett had three large ships -under his orders, and he conversed with several Irishmen, including a -priest and a friar. All talked long and loud of the coming conquest, -and the ecclesiastics dwelt with unction on the bishoprics and other -preferments which would be vacant. Meanwhile the very Lord Gormanston -about whom Plunkett spoke was giving information to the Government. -It was, he said, a religious war, and religion would draw men far; -nevertheless, he could do a great deal if he had only money. Ireland -was as corrupt as Spain.[59] - -[Sidenote: Devastation of Kerry.] - -[Sidenote: The Spaniards land.] - -The fleet were lying at Ventry when the news came that Pelham had gone -to Dublin, and left the troops under Sir George Bourchier's command. -Bourchier immediately entered Kerry with 600 or 700 men, and with the -help of Lord Fitzmaurice began to devastate the country still further. -From Castle Island to Dingle, on both sides of Slieve Mish, the powers -of fire were tried to the utmost. An Englishman who had been with -Sanders was taken and executed, and Lady Desmond was closely chased -for two miles. The Earl fled into Limerick, and the wretched people -crowded down to the sea, and submitted to the admiral, as the lesser of -two evils. Winter persuaded Bourchier to spare them, on condition of -their maintaining a garrison of 200 foot and 30 horse at Tralee, and -of giving hostages for good behaviour, otherwise they were told that -Sir George would execute his commission strictly; and his commission -was 'to burn their corn, spoil their harvest, kill and drive their -cattle.' The 4,000 cows which had been driven in were then spared, and -so were many prisoners poor and rich. Winter sailed away just as the -hostile expedition was leaving Corunna, and one week later four Spanish -vessels came into Smerwick, where they landed men and tents, and began -to fortify on the old ground. Two other ships were taken at sea by the -Huguenots, who carried them into Rochelle. The more successful part -of the squadron took a homeward-bound Frenchman with 56,000 codfish -from Newfoundland, killed the captain and three men, and brought the -remaining twenty-eight to Ireland, where they used them as labourers. -One of the Spanish ships was a galley with thirty-two oars, and they -gave out that she was powerful enough to batter castles. But Captain -Thomas Clinton, who was cruising about the mouth of the Shannon, -said he would fight her had he but ten musketeers on board his small -vessel. The strangers were nearly all Italians, and only about 600 men -seem to have landed, though there were rumours of more coming. Friar -Matthew Oviedo was apostolic commissary, and with him were Dr. Ryan, -papal Bishop of Killaloe, two Jesuit preachers, and three or four -friars. Desmond came down the coast to meet them, and attacked Ardfert -and Fenit castles with their aid. But they had brought up only small -cannon, and the Irish garrisons easily beat them off. Captain Bingham -contemptuously designates the rank and file as 'poor simple bisognos, -very ragged, and a great part of them boys'; but they had 5,000 stand -of arms, and four kegs of Spanish reals were given to Desmond. Ormonde -immediately prepared to take the field, and Grey, who at first scarcely -believed that the strangers had landed, thought it better to temporise -with Tirlogh Luineach, to whom Sanders had offered the sovereignty of -Ulster. If the Queen would give him a butt or two of sack, it might, -for the moment, make him forget to urge inadmissible claims. 'As toys -please children, so to Bacchus knights the lick of grapes is liking, of -which crew this is a royal fellow.'[60] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's march to Smerwick.] - -Just three weeks after the landing of the Spaniards, Ormonde set out -from Cork with 1,600 men. He was completely ignorant of the enemy's -force, but was anxious to have the first brush with them; and he -passed the mountains into Kerry without his full armour and without -camp furniture. He learned at once that Desmond and his brother John, -Baltinglas, Piers Grace, and Sanders, with most of the foreigners, were -strongly posted at Bungunder near Tralee. They gave out that they would -fight, but fell back at Ormonde's approach, and left his way open to -Smerwick. The enemy in the field broke up into small bodies, but the -fort was too strong to attempt without artillery. After conferring with -the invaders, Baltinglas returned to his district, thus passing, as -John of Desmond and Sanders did, twice unmolested right across Ireland. -Hearing that Desmond had got into his rear, Ormonde turned to pursue, -when the garrison of Smerwick made a sally and tried to provoke a -fight. But Ormonde was too cautious thus to be drawn under their guns, -and went on to surprise Desmond's bivouac near Castlemaine. He took a -few Spanish prisoners as well as some 'painted tables, altar-cloths, -chalices, books, and other such furniture said to be the nuncio's.' The -Earl left his troops in the county of Limerick, and went home to help -his wife to make great cheer, for the Lord Deputy Grey had written to -him for 1,000 beeves, and he remarked that he might as well ask him to -kill all the enemy with a breath. 500, by great exertion, might perhaps -be collected. He found time to write a letter to a Spanish nobleman -and to send him a hawk taken, as he was careful to mention, out of one -of the many castles from which Desmond had been driven to woods and -mountains. He told his correspondent that he was busy hunting the wild -Biskyes and Italians, and that the rebel Earl would soon be hanged and -quartered, like his brother James. 'As for the foreigners,' he added, -'this much I will assure you, that they curse the Pope and as many as -sent them, which they shall shortly have better cause to do.'[61] - -[Sidenote: Rapid voyage of Bingham.] - -Having had time to put his squadron into something like trim, Winter -was ordered back to Ireland, Bingham accompanying him as vice-admiral. -Sailing from Harwich with a fine breeze from the N.E., they ran -through the Straits and down Channel as far as Ryde, where some days -were lost waiting for orders. When the word was at last given, the -wind held in the same point, but the sea rose and the ships parted -company in Portland Race. Captain Bingham, in the 'Swiftsure,' looked -into Falmouth, but did not see the admiral, and chose to think that -he was gone ahead, whereas he was really far astern. Bingham ran past -the Land's End, where the wind changed to W.N.W., made Cape Clear in -the morning, and anchored at the mouth of Valentia harbour. Winter -strongly objected to his second-in-command's excessive zeal, and it is -plain that they hated each other cordially. In great glee probably at -having outstripped his chief, the strenuous Bingham went into Valentia -with the boats, but found only Captain Clinton, who directed him to -Smerwick. There he anchored near the fort, after a run of sixty hours -from Portland, of which ten had been passed in Valentia harbour; yet -he tells us that the 'Swiftsure' was the slowest ship in the fleet. -Ormonde was gone already; and the garrison, with the help of the -peasantry, were busy strengthening their works. Bingham prepared to -cut out their ships; but they towed them in almost aground, and, after -exchanging shots with them, he made up his mind that the works could -not be taken without heavy ordnance. Fourteen pieces were mounted on -the rampart, the largest being of the kind called sakers. John of -Desmond and all the foreigners were at the fort, and Bingham understood -that many of the latter would leave Ireland if they could. The chill -October weather did not suit the Italians, and many of them died. Brave -Romans the Irish called them, but the Englishman said they were as poor -rascals as he had ever met with.[62] - -[Sidenote: Grey goes to Kerry.] - -Towards the end of October, the Lord Deputy, much hindered by flooded -rivers and a bad commissariat, slowly made his way by Kilkenny into the -county of Limerick. At Rathkeale he was joined by the English companies -whom Ormonde had with him, and led the united force to Dingle. The Earl -seems to have returned himself. Among the newly arrived captains was -Walter Raleigh, burning with anxiety to distinguish himself, and ready -to tempt fortune to almost any extent. When the camp at Rathkeale broke -up, he held his own company in ambush until the main column had gone -to some distance. Then came some wretched kernes to pick up what they -could, as the lepers came to the Syrian camp before Samaria. Raleigh -took them all prisoners, including one who carried a bundle of osiers, -used by the Irish as halters, and who imprudently said that they were -to hang up English churls. 'They shall now serve an Irish kerne,' said -Raleigh, and this jester out of season was hanged forthwith. The other -prisoners, says Hooker, were treated according to their deserts, but -we are not told what those deserts were. The whole army then marched -as far as Dingle, where they encamped to wait for the admiral, who -lingered at Kinsale after his rough voyage. After conferring with -Bingham and viewing the fort, Grey agreed that regular approaches were -necessary, and until the fleet came nothing could be done, for the army -was not provided either with trenching tools or heavy guns.[63] - -[Sidenote: The fleet at Smerwick.] - -More than a week later an express came from Winter to say that he had -been delayed by weather, but was now in Smerwick harbour, and that -three provision ships had come from Cork and Limerick. Grey at once -rode to Smerwick from his camp near Dingle, and Winter agreed to land -eight pieces of cannon. Next day was Sunday, part of which Grey spent -with Bingham studying the ground, and on Monday he moved his camp to -near the doomed fort. At his approach the garrison hung out the Pope's -banner and saluted the Lord Deputy with a round shot, which very nearly -killed Jacques Wingfield. A small party sallied forth and skirmished -with the advanced guard of the English under cover of a heavy fire -from musketeers lying in the ditch. The practice was remarkably bad, -for the only damage done to the English by more than 600 rounds was to -graze Captain Zouch's leg without breaking the skin. Grey pitched his -tent near the fort, and that night a trench was made. The sailors went -to work with a will, and two pieces were mounted, which began to play -next morning at a distance of about 240 yards from the work. The enemy -had mounted their guns so badly that only two seriously annoyed the -besiegers. These were disabled by two o'clock; and the garrison were -reduced to musketry and to harquebusses which they fired from rests. -Every little skirmish went against the Italians, and in spite of four -sallies the sappers worked up that night to within 120 yards of the -ditch. - -[Sidenote: The foreigners cannot maintain themselves.] - -The only serious casualty happened next morning. Good John Cheke, as -Grey calls him, was a son of the great scholar, and inherited most -scholarlike poverty, although he was Burghley's nephew. Tired of living -as a dependant on his uncle's favour, and much more in awe of him than -of Spanish bullets, he begged a horse from the great Lord Treasurer -and resolved to seek his fortune in Ireland. Incautiously raising his -head above the trench, he received a fatal wound, and Grey descants -at great length upon his edifying end. 'He made,' wrote the Puritan -warrior to the Queen, 'so divine a confession of his faith, as all -divines in either of your Majesty's realms could not have passed, if -matched, it; so wrought in him God's spirit, plainly declaring him a -child of His elected.' Grey observed that the fatal volley came from -under a wooden penthouse, and pointed out the spot to Winter, who -himself laid the guns. The second shot dislodged the musketeers, and at -the fourth a flag of truce was shown on the ramparts. The Pope's banner -had first been struck and replaced by a black and a white banner. This -was to warn Desmond, who had promised to be on the neighbouring hills -with 4,000 men. The furling of the black flag was a first signal of -distress; but no help came, and a parley was asked for. Sir James -Fitzgerald of Decies had been given by Desmond to the Italians with -instructions to exact 1,000_l._ ransom; he was now brought out and -liberated. The camp-master, Alexander Bartoni, a Florentine, then -came into the trenches, and said that certain Spaniards and Italians -had been lured to Ireland by false representations, that they had no -quarrel with Queen Elizabeth, and that they were quite ready to depart -as they had come. A Spanish captain followed, but he made no pretence -of being sent by his king, or of having communicated with any higher -authority than Recalde, the governor of Bilboa. The Florentine said -they were all sent by the Pope for the defence of the Catholica fede, -and Grey, in true Puritan style, replied that his Holiness was 'a -detestable shaveling, the right Antichrist and general ambitious tyrant -over all right principalities, and patron of the diabolica fede.' All -conditions were refused, and in the evening the commandant, Sebastian -de San Josefo, a Bolognese, came himself into the trenches and begged -for a truce till morning. - -[Sidenote: The surrender.] - -[Sidenote: The massacre.] - -The interpreter was Oliver Plunkett, who expected no mercy and -therefore opposed all negotiations, and his double-dealing may have -caused such confusion as to make it possible to say that the garrison -had surrendered on promise of their lives. The strangers may even have -thought they had such a promise, but it is clear that Grey's terms -were unconditional surrender or storm as soon as practicable. The -unfortunate Sebastian embraced his knees, and promised to evacuate -the place unconditionally next morning. Catholic writers accuse San -Josefo of cowardice, but he could not help surrendering, for the fort -had been heavily battered, and there was no chance of relief. To make -assurance doubly sure the English worked all night and mounted two -fresh guns before sunrise. On the morrow about a dozen officers came -out with their ensigns trailed and surrendered the fort at discretion. -Grey distributed them among his officers to be held to ransom for their -profit. The arms and stores were secured, 'and then,' says Arthegal -himself, 'put I in certain bands, who straight fell to execution. There -were 600 slain.' Hooker adds that Mackworth and Walter Raleigh were -the captains on duty, and that they superintended the butchery.[64] - -[Sidenote: The massacre approved by the Queen.] - -The poor Italians had no commissions and were treated as filibusters, -just as the Spaniards would have treated Drake had they been able to -catch him; but many blamed Grey, though he does not himself seem to -have been conscious that he had done anything extraordinary. Sussex -was among the critics, though he had plenty to answer for himself, -but the Queen approved of what had been done. At the top of the -despatch sent in answer to the Lord Deputy's, she wrote as follows, in -the fine Roman hand which sometimes contrasts so strangely with her -studiously involved and obscure phraseology:--"The mighty hand of the -Almighty's power hath shewed manifest the force of his strength in -the weakness of feeblest sex and minds this year to make men ashamed -ever after to disdain us, in which action I joy that you have been -chose the instrument of his glory which I mean to give you no cause to -forethink." She censured Grey rather for sparing some of the principals -than for slaying the accessories; not for what he had done, but for -what he had left undone; for the object was to prevent such expeditions -in future. Elizabeth, who belonged to her age, probably wondered that -anybody should object. Nor does it appear that the Catholic powers -made any official complaint; it was their habit to do likewise. - -[Sidenote: Reflections on the event.] - -Those who condescended to excuse Grey urged that 600 prisoners would -be very inconvenient to an army of 800, and that lack of provisions -made delay dangerous. But there were eight ships of war and four -provision-vessels in the bay, which might have carried most of the -prisoners, and enough biscuit, bacon, oil, fish, rice, beans, peas, and -barley were found in the fort to support 600 men for six months. The -4,000 stand of arms taken might easily have been conveyed on shipboard. -Between 300_l._ and 400_l._ was found in Spanish reals, and this money -was divided among the soldiers, who were in their habitual half-paid -state. If the Pope recruited for this enterprise, as he did for the -former one, among the brigands of Umbria and Samnium, there would be -a reason for treating the rank and file rigorously while sparing the -officers, but this point is not raised in the official correspondence. - -The best defence of Grey, and yet not a very good one, is to be found -in the cruelty of the age. After the fall of Haarlem Alva butchered -three or four times as many as perished at Smerwick. Santa Cruz put to -death the crews of several French ships after the fight at Terceira in -the Azores. It would be easy to multiply examples, but it may suffice -to say that Captain Mackworth afterwards fell into the hands of the -Offaly O'Connors, who mutilated him horribly and flayed him alive.[65] - -[Sidenote: Reasons for failure of foreign invaders.] - -The Four Masters say that the name of the Italians exceeded the -reality, and that either Limerick, Cork, or Galway would at first have -opened their gates to them. This is probable enough, and at any rate -Smerwick was a bad place for their enterprise, for it was hardly to be -supposed that England would not have the command of the sea. The same -mistake was made more than once by the French in later times, and it -may be assumed that Ireland is unassailable except by an overwhelming -force. The Spaniards at one period, and the French at another, might -often have landed an army large enough to overtax the actual resources -of the Irish Government. For a time they might have been masters of -the country, and would at first have commanded the sympathies of the -people. But the rule of a foreign soldiery would soon become more -irksome than the old settled government, and the invading general -would find as little real native help as Hannibal found in Latium, -or as Charles Edward found in Lancashire. Had Limerick, Galway, or -Cork admitted Sanders and his Italians the struggle might have been -prolonged, but while an English fleet kept the sea, the result could -hardly have been doubtful. - -[Sidenote: Composition of the Smerwick garrison.] - -The garrison at Smerwick consisted chiefly of Italians, with a -contingent from Northern Spain, and the numbers were variously -estimated at from 400 to 700. Two hundred are said to have been veteran -soldiers, but opinions differed as to the general quality of the men. -Grey, when he saw their corpses, mused over them as gallant and goodly -personages, while Bingham said they were beggarly rascals. Among the -officers were a few Spaniards, but the majority were from Italy: Rome, -Florence, Milan, Bologna, Genoa, and Bolsena being all represented. - -[Sidenote: Executions.] - -A few Irishmen who had allowed themselves to be entrapped were hanged, -and some women with them. An Englishman who followed Dr. Sanders, -a friar who is not named, and Oliver Plunkett, were reserved for a -peculiarly hard fate. Their arms and legs were broken, and they were -hanged on a gallows on the wall of the fort. Plunkett, who was examined -before his death, said that twenty-four sail at Corunna and Santander -were ready to sail for Ireland. Lord Westmoreland was to be sent over -by the Pope, and Charles Browne, at Santander, was in correspondence -with Inglefield and others.[66] - -[Sidenote: Account of Fort Del Oro.] - -Not only was the extreme point of Kerry a bad place to attack Queen -Elizabeth, but the fort itself was ill suited for defence. The only -water supply was from streams half-a-mile off on each side, and the -work was too small for those whom it had to protect. Its greatest -length was 350 feet, and its average breadth was about 100, and -50 square feet of ground to each person is but scanty room. 'The -thing itself,' says Sir Nicholas White, 'is but the end of a rock -shooting out into the Bay of Smerwick, under a long cape, whereupon a -merchant of the Dingle, called Piers Rice, about a year before James -Fitzmaurice's landing, built a castle, under pretence of gaining by the -resort of strangers thither a-fishing, whereas in very truth it was to -receive James at his landing, and because at that very instant time, -a ship laden with Mr. Furbisher's new-found riches happened to press -upon the sands near to the place, whose carcase and stores I saw lie -there, carrying also in his mind a golden imagination of the coming of -the Spaniards called his building _Down-enoyr_, which is as much as -to say, the "Golden Down." The ancient name of the bay, Ardcanny... -from a certain devout man named Canutius, which upon the height of the -cliffs, as appears at this day, built a little hermitage to live a -contemplative there.' - -White's description is very good, but it applies only to the little -promontory which contains the salient seaward angle of the work, and -where embrasures are still clearly traceable. The lines on the land -side, which did not exist at the time of White's visit, are visible -enough, being covered with roughish pasture, but the 'mariner's trench' -is undecipherable owing to tillage. There was a bridge between the -mainland and the outer rock, and Rice's fortalice was no doubt confined -to the 'island.'[67] - -[Sidenote: State of Connaught.] - -In the meantime, O'Rourke had risen and attacked Maltby's garrison at -Leitrim. The President had but 400 English, half of whom were newcomers -and 'simple enough,' and he had to ferry them over the flooded Shannon -in cots. The gentlemen of the county advised him not to face such great -odds, but 100 of their kerne behaved well, and he put a bold face on -it. The O'Rourkes and their Scots allies railed exceedingly against -the Queen and exalted the Pope; but they did not dare to face the -dreaded President, and disappeared, leaving him to burn Brefny at his -will. Ulick Burke seemed at first inclined to serve faithfully, and -Maltby was disposed to trust him, but John and William were in open -rebellion, and their youngest sister begged for protection. 'I pray -you,' she wrote to the President, 'receive me as a poor, destitute, -and fatherless gentlewoman.... I found nowhere aid nor assistance, and -no friends since my lord and father departed, but what I found at your -worship's hands.' A few days later Ulick styled himself MacWilliam, -and joined John, who accepted the position of Tanist, in forcibly -collecting corn for the papal garrison. They announced that they -would hang all priests who refused to say mass, and Maltby reported -that the papal Bishop of Kilmacduagh was leading them to the devil -headlong. They demolished Loughrea, and most of the castles between the -Shannon and Galway Bay. Communications with Munster were interrupted, -and Maltby, self-reliant as he was, began to fear for the safety of -Galway, where there was no stock of provisions, and no artillery worth -mentioning. Affairs were at this pass when Grey's success at Smerwick -reduced the rebellion in Connaught to insignificance.[68] - -[Sidenote: Want of money.] - -Grey was not long in Ireland before he encountered the great -Elizabethan problem of how to make bricks without straw. Treasurer -Wallop estimated the soldiers' pay at 6,000_l._ worth, exclusive of -extraordinaries, and the victualling difficulties were as great as -ever. The English officials in Dublin seldom gave Ormonde a good word, -but on this head their complaints chimed in with his. The victualler -at Cork warned him not to reckon on more than twelve days' biscuit -and wine, and there were no means of brewing at Cork. 'I know,' said -the Earl, 'it is sour speech to speak of money; I know it will be -also wondered at how victuals should want.... I never had for me and -my companies one hundred pounds worth of victual, and this being -true, I can avow that some have told lies at Court to some of your -councillors--yea, not only in this, but in many other things.' - -'The soldiers,' said Sir William Stanley, 'are so ill chosen in England -that few are able or willing to do any service, but run away with our -furniture, and when they come into England there is no punishment used -to them, by means whereof we can hardly keep any.' - -Meantime there were loud complaints of abuses in purveyance for the -Viceregal household, and the Irish Council could think of no better -plan than to swear the purveyors, and cut off their ears in case of -perjury. Wallop reported that bribes were openly taken in official -circles; that was the usual course, though he had never given or taken -any himself.[69] - -[Sidenote: Kildare in charge of the Pale.] - -When Grey went to Munster he left Kildare to act as general in the -Pale. With the whole force of the country, and with 1,400 men in the -Queen's pay, including garrisons, he undertook to defend Dublin to -the south, and to do some service against the rebels. Six hundred men -were on the Ulster frontier, and these also were to be at his disposal -in case of necessity. He and his son-in-law, the Baron of Delvin, -were accused of conspiring to turn the war to their own advantage, -by promising everything and doing nothing. Should the Pope's title -prevail, they would be all-powerful; should the Queen be victorious -they would at least make money out of the business. It was arranged -that Kildare should have 600 men paid by the country in addition to -the Queen's troops. He preferred to take the money, and to raise 400 -kernes himself; 'but I think,' said Wallop, 'he will put all that in -his purse and three parts of his entertainment of his horsemen, and -fifty shillings a day for his diet. In this town he lieth for the most -part, and spendeth not five pounds a week, keeping his chamber with a -board not anyways an ell long.' A civilian named Eustace, 'properly -learned, but a papist in the highest degree,' was accused of fomenting -treason among the nominally loyal, and Gerard, by remaining 'a secret -ghostly father to him for a time,' made him fear for his own neck, -and induced him to give information against many persons in the Pale. -Maltby took care to remind the Irish Government that both Kildare and -Ormonde had given security for John and Ulick Burke, and that Kildare -was the same man that he had always been and always would be. It was -plain that those to whom the conduct of the war was entrusted did not -care to end it, and that only English officers and soldiers could -really be depended on. An occasional raid into the Wicklow mountains -did not advance matters much, and Feagh MacHugh was able to burn -Rathcoole, a prosperous village ten miles from Dublin, and to make the -very suburbs tremble for their own safety. Kildare made light of the -burning of Rathcoole, and threw the blame on inferior officers; but -this was not the view taken by the Council generally.[70] - -[Sidenote: Kildare is strongly suspected.] - -When Grey returned to Dublin he found the whole official circle bent -upon disgracing Kildare, and after some days' consideration he summoned -the general body of nobles to meet the Council, ostensibly for the -discussion of military dispositions. Delvin saw that he was suspected, -and vehemently demanded an enquiry, putting in a written declaration -in answer to rumoured accusations. The full Council, including -Kildare, found this statement inconsistent with known facts, and -committed him to the Castle. Then Gerard, who had conducted the private -investigation, rashly disclosed his whole case, and openly accused the -Earl of complicity with the treason of Baltinglas. Wallop, who believed -that no good thing could come out of Galilee, observed that the -Chancellor 'would needs have the attorney and serjeant by, who are of -this country birth, and so were many councillors then present, by means -of which it is now in every man's mouth what the Earl is to be charged -with.' - -The Vice-Treasurer adds that his lands were worth 3,000_l._ a year, -but that he had taken good care to return them to England as worth -only 1,500_l._, that the only road towards good government lay through -severity, and that unless traitors were made to pay both in person -and lands, Ireland would always be what it long had been,--'the sink -of the treasure of England.' Waterhouse, whose office it was to look -after unconsidered trifles of revenue, thought the original cause of -war was Kildare's military commission, and that treason should be made -to pay its own expenses. 'I will hear your honour's opinion,' he wrote -to Walsingham, 'whether her Majesty will be content to have her great -charges answered out of the livings of the conspirators, and to use -a sharp and a severe course without respect of any man's greatness, -wheresoever law will catch hold, or whether all faults must be lapped -up in lenity with pardons, protections, and fair semblance, as in times -past; if severity, then is there hope enough of good reformation; if -mildness, then discharge the army and officers, and leave this nation -to themselves, for sure the mean will do no good. We must embrace one -of these extremities.'[71] - -[Sidenote: Kildare and Delvin prisoners in England.] - -Grey could not deny that appearances were strong against the Earl, and -he ordered his arrest, giving full credit for their exertions to Gerard -and Loftus. He believed that 'greediness of pay and arrogant zeal to -Popish government' were the stumbling-blocks of great personages in -Ireland, and that Delvin certainly was 'a wicked creature who had cut -the poor Earl's throat.' As if to add to the suspicion, Kildare's son -and heir ran off to the O'Connors, and they refused to let him go when -Grey sent for him. At last, fearing the construction that might be put -upon this, they handed him over to Ormonde, and he was shut up in the -Castle with his father and Lord Delvin. All three were sent over to -England, Secretary Fenton carrying the despatches, and Gerard going -with him to tell his own story.[72] - -[Sidenote: The Munster rebellion drags on.] - -The capture of Smerwick did not put down the Munster rebellion; but -Ormonde, or some of those about him, contemptuously reported that -Desmond, his brother, and Baltinglas had 'but a company of rascals and -four Spaniards, and a drum to make men believe that they had a great -number of the strangers.' Both Youghal and Ross thought themselves in -danger, and Wallop reported that communications between the capital and -Limerick were only kept up by 'simple fellows that pass afoot in nature -of beggars, in wages not accustomed.' Grey and Ormonde having turned -their backs, Desmond appeared again near Dingle, and Bingham felt that -there might be an attack at any moment. Half of Captain Zouch's men -were dead and buried, the survivors being too ill to work or fight. -Captain Case's company were little better, and they would have made -no resistance without Bingham and his sailors, who worked with a will -and raised a breastwork tenable by 20 men against 2,000 kernes and -gallowglasses. The men were put on short allowance, and having thus -made the provisions last thirteen days longer than they would otherwise -have done, Bingham was compelled to return to England. His crew were -so reduced by spare diet that they were unable to work the ship up -Channel, and had to run into Bristol. He left Ireland, to quote a -correspondent of Walsingham, 'in as great confusion as the Tower of -Babylon was a building.' There were more soldiers in Munster than had -been since the first conquest, and war material was abundant. But no -two officers agreed with each other personally, or were agreed upon -the policy to be pursued. Ormonde was in Dublin, looking after his own -interests, and leaving his lieutenants to shift for themselves. Sir -Warham St. Leger, Chief Commissioner at Cork, claimed superiority over -Sir George Bourchier at Kilmallock, while the latter acted as a captain -of free lances and granted protections to whom he pleased. Sir William -Morgan at Youghal would give way to neither, and there seemed no escape -from the difficulty but once more to appoint an English President, -'upright, valiant, severe, and wise.' In the meantime the rebellion -was as strong as ever, and what the rebels spared the soldiers -ravaged. In Connaught the young Burkes daily razed houses and fences, -northern Leinster lay waste, in Munster nothing was left standing save -towns and cities, and Ulster was ready to break out on the smallest -provocation.[73] - -[Sidenote: Official attack upon Ormonde.] - -The English officials all maintained that Ormonde had shown himself -unfit to conduct the war. One writer estimates his emoluments at -215_l._ a month, and another at 3,677_l._ a year, and the first result -of a peace would be to deprive him of these comfortable subsidies. He -was mixed up with Irish families and Irish lawsuits, and could not have -a single eye to the public service. He owed the Queen over 3,000_l._ in -rents, and the war was an excuse for not paying. Nor was his system of -warfare calculated to finish a rebellion, for all experienced officers -said that could be done only by settled garrisons. 'He followeth,' -says his enemy St. Leger, 'with a running host, which is to no end but -only wearing out and consuming of men by travel, for I can compare -the difference between our footmen and the traitors to a mastiff and -wight greyhound.' According to the same authority Ormonde was generally -disliked, and those whom he was set over would 'rather be hanged than -follow him, finding their travel and great pains altogether in vain.' -He procured the imprisonment of the Baron of Upper Ossory, whom he -accused of treason, of harbouring papists and consorting with rebels, -and of meeting Desmond after he had been proclaimed; but Wallop -thought the Earl coveted his neighbour's land, being 'so imperious as -he can abide none near him that dependeth not on him.' Spenser's friend -Ludovic Bryskett said the Lord General did nothing of moment with his -2,000 men, and as for his toil and travel, 'the noble gentleman was -worthy of pity to take so much labour in vain.' Wallop, Waterhouse, -Fenton, and St. Leger agreed that Ireland could only be pacified by -severity, and that Ormonde was not the man to do it. But perhaps the -heaviest, as it is certainly the most graphic, indictment was that -which Captain Raleigh forwarded to Walsingham.[74] - -[Sidenote: Adventures of Raleigh.] - -Lord Barrymore's eldest son David, Lord Roche's eldest son Maurice, -Florence MacCarthy, Patrick Condon, and others, long professed loyalty -because it seemed the winning side. But Barry's country lay open to -the seneschal of Imokilly, and in passing through it Raleigh had an -adventure by which the world was near losing some of its brightest -memories. On his return from Dublin, and having at the time only two -followers with him and as many more within shot, he was attacked at a -ford by the seneschal with seventy-four men. The place seems to have -been Midleton or Ballinacurra, and Raleigh's aim was to gain an old -castle, which may have been Ballivodig, to which his Irish guide at -once fled. In crossing the river Henry Moile was unhorsed, and begged -his captain not to desert him. Raleigh rode back into the river, and -recovered both man and horse; but in his hurry to remount, Moile fell -into a bog on the off side, while his horse ran away to the enemy. 'The -captain nevertheless stood still, and did abide for the coming of the -residue of his company, of the four shot which as yet were not come -forth, and for his man Jenkin, who had about 200_l._ in money about -him; and sat upon his horse in the meanwhile, having his staff in one -hand, and his pistol charged in the other.' Like an Homeric hero he -kept the seneschal's whole party at bay, although they were twenty to -one. Raleigh modestly left the details to others, and only reported -that the escape was strange to all.[75] - -[Sidenote: Raleigh's policy.] - -Two days later David Barry was in open rebellion, and Raleigh minded -to take possession of Barry's Court and of the adjoining island--the -'great island' on which Queenstown now stands. He had been granted the -custody of these lands by Grey, but Ormonde interposed delays, and -Raleigh, who was as fond of property as he was careless of danger, -greatly resented this. 'When,' he said, 'my Lord Deputy came, and Barry -had burned all the rest, the Lord General, either meaning to keep it -for himself--as I think all is too little for him--or else unwilling -any Englishman should have anything, stayed the taking thereof so long, -meaning to put a guard of his own in it, as it is, with the rest, -defaced and spoiled. I pray God her Majesty do not find, that--with -the defence of his own country assaulted on all sides, what with -the bearing and forbearing of his kindred, as all these traitors of -this new rebellion are his own cousins-german, what by reason of the -incomparable hatred between him and the Geraldines, who will die a -thousand deaths, enter into a million of mischiefs, and seek succour of -all nations, rather than they will ever be subdued by a Butler--that -after her Majesty hath spent a hundred thousand pounds more she shall -at last be driven by too dear experience to send an English President -to follow these malicious traitors with fire and sword, neither -respecting the alliance nor the nation.... This man having been Lord -General of Munster now about two years, there are at this instant a -thousand traitors more than there were the first day. Would God the -service of Sir Humfry Gilbert might be rightly looked into; who, with -the third part of the garrison now in Ireland, ended a rebellion not -much inferior to this in two months.' A little later, Raleigh reported -that he had repaired Belvelly Castle, which commands the strait between -the island and the mainland, but that Ormonde meant to rob him of the -fruits of his trouble and expense, and to undo what he had done. The -soldiers, he declared, cursed the change which made them followers -of the Earl rather than of the Lord Deputy, and spent their strength -in 'posting journeys' with convoys to Kilkenny instead of in service -against the rebels.[76] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde loses his command.] - -Grey yielded to the arguments of those about him, and announced that -there was no help while Irish government and Ormonde were continued, -adding that neither Walsingham nor Leicester would believe it. -Leicester at least, who corresponded frequently with Maltby, was quite -willing to believe anything against their common enemy, and it may be -that the present favourite prevailed over the absent friend. At all -events the Queen yielded, and Grey was allowed to tell Ormonde that -his authority as Lord Lieutenant of Munster was at an end. The Earl -submitted cheerfully and with many loyal expressions, saying that he -would do such service without pay as would prove him no hireling. His -property, he declared, was wasted in her Majesty's service and the -loss of salary would be therefore great, but to lose his sovereign's -favour and to be traduced in England was far worse. There was now a -disposition in high quarters to grant pardons freely; had he known it -he could have brought in every man in Munster. - -He had thought nothing worth notifying while Desmond was still at -large, but he would now make a collection of his services, and the -Queen should see that he had not been inactive, and that his activity -had not been fruitless. In private he had confessed to having borne -too long with some for old acquaintance' sake; but blamed Sussex -for forgetting his friends, and could not excuse Captain Zouch, who -by sickness had lost 300 men out of 450. Walsingham, in a moment of -irritation, had said that his appointment had resulted in the death of -only three rebels. Three thousand would be nearer the mark, and that he -was ready to prove.[77] - -[Sidenote: An amnesty.] - -The dismissal of Ormonde was intended by Grey and those about him to -form part of a policy of the severest and most unsparing repression, -and it was assumed that Gilbert, or some equally uncompromising person, -would be appointed President. The Queen, on the other hand, considered -it merely as a piece of economy, for she determined at the same time -to grant a general pardon, or as the Lord Deputy despairingly put it, -to 'leave the Irish to tumble to their own sensual government.' It was -the easiest way perhaps for a Lord Deputy; but he had a conscience, -and could not see it with equanimity. A considerable number were -excepted by name, but even on these terms a proclamation of amnesty was -a confession of failure. The news leaked out prematurely through the -treachery of a servant, and the rebels bragged loudly of the revenge -they would have when their past offences had been condoned. - -[Sidenote: Grey's despair.] - -The change of policy did not prevent Maltby from executing -Clanricarde's son William, and he reported to Walsingham the opinion -of an ancient Irish counsellor that her Majesty was only casting -pearls before swine. Desmond still had 1,600 able men with him, and -a brilliant night attack by Zouch on his camp, though it was made -much of, had no particular result. As to Leinster, Grey reported it -generally rebellious; but the bogs and woods were far smaller than in -Munster, and the remains of castles showed that Wexford and Carlow at -least, with the flatter portions of Wicklow, had formerly been well -bridled. The object of the rebels was to have no stronghold, for the -open country would be always at their mercy. As the Lord Deputy's train -passed through Wicklow the O'Byrnes showed themselves on the hills and -even cut off some plate-waggons; but he made his way to Wexford, where -he hanged some malefactors, and garrisoned Arklow, Castle Kevin, and -other places. Grey felt he had done nothing worth speaking of, and -begged earnestly for a recall, since he had been overruled in opposing -the amnesty as 'not standing with the reason which he had conceived -for her Majesty's service.' Sheer severity, was in fact, all he had to -recommend, for 'fear, and not dandling, must bring them to the bias of -obedience... it is a pity that the resolutions in England should be so -uncertain.... If taking of cows, killing of their kerne and churls, -had been thought worth the advertising, I could have had every day to -trouble your Highness.... He that to-day seems a dutiful subject, let -him for any of those, or for other less crimes be to-morrow called upon -to come and answer, straightway a protection is demanded and in the -mean he will be upon his keeping, which in plain English is none other -than a traitor that will forcibly defend his cause and not answer to -justice.... Beggars fall to pride, rail at your Majesty, and rely only -upon the Pope, and that changes shall in the end free them.[78] - -[Sidenote: Death of Sanders.] - -Just before Ormonde's dismissal became known, his enemy, Sir Warham -St. Leger, told Burghley that he lost twenty Englishmen killed for -every one of the rebels. But famine and disease succeeded where the -sword failed, and in the same letter St. Leger was able to announce -that Dr. Sanders had died of dysentery. For two months the secret had -been kept, his partisans giving out that he had gone to Spain for help; -but at last one of the women who had clothed him in his winding-sheet -brought the news to Sir Thomas of Desmond. Since the fall of Fort Del -Oro, he had scarcely been heard of, and had spent his time miserably -in the woods on the border of Cork and Limerick. Some English accounts -say that he was out of his mind, but of this there does not seem to -be any proof. All agree that he died in the wood of Clonlish, and it -seems that he was buried in a neighbouring church. His companion at the -last was Cornelius Ryan, the papal bishop of Killaloe, and according -to O'Sullivan--who had evidently himself good means of knowing the -truth--the following scene took place:-- - -'In the beginning of the night, Dr. Sanders, whose naturally strong -frame was worn out by dysentery, thus addressed the Bishop of -Killaloe,--"Anoint me, illustrious lord, with extreme unction, for my -Creator calls me, and I shall die to-night." "You are strong," answered -the bishop, "and your case is not bad, and I think there will be no -dying or anointing just now." Nevertheless, he grew worse, and was -anointed at midnight, and at cockcrow resigned his spirit to the Lord, -and the following night he was secretly buried by priests, and borne to -the grave by four Irish knights, of which my father, Dermot, was one. -Others were forbidden to attend, lest the English should find the body, -and make their usual cruel spectacle of the dead.' - -[Sidenote: What he did for Ireland.] - -Sanders had been three years in Ireland. He had brought upon the -country only bloodshed, famine, and confiscation, and yet among the -starving people, none could be found to earn a reward by betraying -him.[79] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[51] Lord Grey's instructions, July 15, 1580, are printed in -_Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_. - -[52] Gerard, C., to Burghley, July 29 and August 3, 1580, to -Walsingham, August 3 (with enclosures); to Wallop, August 7; Lord -Deputy Grey and Council to the Privy Council, August 14; Zouch and -Stanley to Walsingham, July 29; Pelham to Gerard, July 30, in _Carew_. - -[53] _Four Masters_: Stanley to Walsingham, August 31, 1580. - -[54] George Carew to Walsingham, November 20, 1580. For the defeat -in Glenmalure, see Stanley, Maltby, and Gerard to Walsingham, August -31 Grey to Walsingham, August 31; to Burghley, September 12; Wallop -to Walsingham, September 9; Hooker; _Four Masters_, 1580; Camden, -who exaggerates the loss; O'Sullivan, ii. iv. 14, who ridiculously -estimates the slain at 800. - -[55] Maltby to Leicester and Walsingham, August 17; the former in -_Carew_; Gerard to Walsingham, August 14. - -[56] Hugh Magennis to Grey, August 29, 1580; Dungannon and Sir Hugh -O'Reilly to Grey, September 3; Gormanston to Grey, September 4; -Sir N. Bagenal to Grey, September 2; Mr. John Barnes to Grey (from -Disert), September 4; Nathaniel Smith to Maltby, September 3; Maltby to -Walsingham, September 7 and 8. - -[57] Pelham to the Privy Council, July 14, 1580; to the Irish Council, -July 22; to Winter, August 16, all in _Carew_. Instructions to Sir -William Winter, March 17; and considerations which moved him, September -23; Sir R. Bingham to Walsingham, September 20; Baron of Lixnaw to the -Munster Commissioners, September 15. - -[58] The correspondence about Sidee is between March 19 and 21, 1580; -Winter to the Privy Council, April 27; Notes for the Privy Council, May -14. - -[59] Examination of William Carusse, August 12, 1580; Viscount -Gormanston to Gerard, July 28. - -[60] Grey to the Queen, October 5, 1580; Bingham to Walsingham, -September 20 and October 18; and to Leicester same date in _Carew_; -James Golde and Thomas Arthur to Wallop and Waterhouse, September 30; -Commons of Lixnaw to same, September 27; Thomas Clinton to the Attorney -of Munster, September 26. - -[61] Ormonde to R. Shee, October 8, 1580, to an unnamed correspondent, -Nov. (No. 71), to the Conde 'the Lemes' (? De Lerma) October 31. - -[62] Captain R. Bingham to Walsingham, October 13, 18, and 23, 1580; to -Leicester, October 18, in _Carew_. - -[63] Hooker; Grey to the Queen, November 12, 1580; Bingham to -Walsingham, November 3. - -[64] Strype's Life of Cheke, ch. vi. Bingham to Leicester, November 11, -1580, in Wright's _Elizabeth_; to Walsingham, November 12; Grey to the -Queen and to Walsingham, November 12; Anonymous to Walsingham, November -(No. 27). Bingham says the confusion and slaughter were increased by -the sailors who swarmed in over the sea-face of the fort, but Grey -makes no excuse. See also G. Fenton to Walsingham, November 14, Hooker, -Camden, and Spenser's _State of Ireland_. The poet expressly says that -he was present. All the above agree that Grey made no promise, and -the _Four Masters_ do not materially contradict the English writers, -for their 'promise of protection' may only refer to the negotiations. -O'Daly and O'Sullivan, whose accounts seem to have been drawn from the -same source, and very probably from Sanders, accuse Grey of bad faith; -but they also say the siege lasted forty days, and that the English -had recourse to fraud because force had failed. Now it is certain that -only one clear day elapsed between the turning of the first sod and -the surrender of the fort. _Graia fides_ became a by-word in Catholic -Europe, but that would be a matter of course, and it is a pity that -so great a scholar as O'Donovan should give implicit faith to rumour, -while scouting as 'mere fiction' the solemn statement of such an eye -witness as Edmund Spenser. - -[65] The Queen to Grey, December 12, 1580; Anonymous to Walsingham, -November (No. 27); Dowling _ad ann._ 1583; Maltby to Leicester, May -28, 1582. The chronology of the Smerwick affair is as follows: Friday, -November 4, fleet enters Ventry harbour; 5th, moves to Smerwick; 6th, -reconnoitring; 7th, Grey shifts camp from Dingle and opens trenches; -8th, battery opens; 9th, battery continued and surrender agreed upon at -night; 10th, the foreign officers come out, and their men are massacred. - -[66] The above details are in the letter of November 11 and 12, already -cited; the examination of Plunkett in a letter of the latter date from -Grey to Walsingham. - -[67] Sir N. White to Burghley, July 22, 1580. I have heard that Mr. -Hennessy interprets 'Ard canny' as 'hill of Arbutus,' and without -reference to any saint. There is a contemporary map of Fort _del oro_ -in the Record Office, which seems correct, and it is printed on a -reduced scale in the _Kerry Magazine_. I inspected the place and took -measurements in June 1883. _Dun-an oir_ is the 'earthwork of gold.' -Poor Frobisher's gold was pyrites, as the London goldsmiths knew, but -an Italian alchemist was believed. The 'carcase' mentioned by White was -that of the ship, not of the owner. - -[68] Lady Honora Burke to Maltby, October 29, 1580; Maltby to -Walsingham, October 25, October 27, and November 17; Gerard to -Burghley, November 27; _Four Masters_. - -[69] Ormonde to Walsingham and to Burghley, September 28, 1580; J. -Thickpenny to Ormonde, September 27; Stanley to Walsingham, October 2; -order by the Lord Deputy and Council, October 3; Wallop to Walsingham, -November 12. - -[70] Wallop to Walsingham, October 9 and 25, and November 27; to -Burghley, November 11, 1580; Waterhouse to Walsingham, October 13; -Lord Chancellor and Council to the Privy Council, November 3; Gerard -to Burghley, October 18; Captain R. Pypho to Walsingham, November 9; -Kildare to Walsingham, December 10. Writing to Wallop, on November 17, -Maltby says of Kildare, 'sicut erat in principio et tel il sera toute -sa vie.' The letter is a queer mixture of Latin, French, and cypher. - -[71] Wallop and Waterhouse to Walsingham, December 23, 1580. - -[72] Grey to the Queen, December 22, 1580; Lord Deputy and Council to -the Queen, December 23; Wallop to Walsingham, December 30; White, M.R., -to Burghley, February 2, 1581. - -[73] James Sherlock, Mayor of Waterford to Walsingham, November 18, -1580, with the enclosures; Wallop to Walsingham, November 30; Bingham -to Walsingham, December 12 and January 9; John Myagh to Walsingham, -January 26, 1581; White, M.R., to Burghley, February 2. - -[74] Notes of Ormonde's entertainments December, 1580 (No. 45); Wallop -to Walsingham, January 14, 1581; to Burghley, May 13; L. Bryskett -to Walsingham, April 21; St. Leger to Burghley, June 3. See also -'Observations on the Earl of Ormonde's government,' drawn up probably -by Maltby and St. Leger, and calendared in _Carew_ at March 1582. For -Ormonde's quarrel with Upper Ossory see his letter to Walsingham, July -21, 1580; and to Grey, August 28; and Waterhouse to Walsingham, August -13. King Edward's old playfellow was six months in prison, and his -lands at the mercy of the Butlers. He earnestly desired a trial, adding -that his enemy's hands were perhaps less clean than his; see his letter -to Leicester of June 7, 1581, in _Carew_. - -[75] Captain W. Rawley to Burghley, Feb. 23, 1581; Hooker in -_Holinshed_. - -[76] Raleigh to Walsingham, February 25, 1581; to Grey, May 1. - -[77] Grey to Leicester, March 20, 1581; to Walsingham, May 12, June 9; -to the Privy Council, June 10; Wallop and Waterhouse to Walsingham, -June 10; Ormonde to Burghley, July 15. - -[78] Grey to the Queen, April 26, 1581; to Walsingham, May 14; to the -Privy Council, June 10 and July 10; Zouch to Walsingham, June 15; -Maltby to Walsingham, June 30; Lord Grey's services, September, 1582. - -[79] St. Leger to Burghley, June 3, 1581; where it appears that Sanders -died about the beginning of April; O'Sullivan, lib. iv. cap. 16; -_Four Masters_, 1581; Camden; Hooker; Holing, S.J., in _Spicilegium -Ossoriense_, i. 94. - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIX. - -THE DESMOND WAR--FINAL STAGE, 1581-1583. - - -[Sidenote: Exceptions from the amnesty.] - -Desmond, his brother John, and Baltinglas were excepted by the Queen -from the general pardon. Grey himself made several further exceptions, -not, as he explained, that he wished to remove the hope of mercy, -but only that he did not think them cases for pardon without further -inquiry. Lady Desmond was excepted, as having encouraged the rebels -to persevere, and as having remained with them rather than live -under protection. David Barry, to whom Lord Barrymore had conveyed -his lands, and Baltinglas's brothers, Edmund and Walter, who were -heirs-presumptive to his entailed property, were excepted, not only -as important rebels, but lest the Queen should lose the escheats. -Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne, 'the minister of all wickedness in Leinster,' -refused a pardon unless a like were granted to Desmond and his brother, -and unless 'religion might be at liberty.' Several other rebels or -plotters were excepted, among whom it is only necessary to mention -William Nugent, Lord Delvin's brother, who had become the leader of a -separate conspiracy. Perhaps Grey's additions to the list of those whom -Elizabeth thought unfit for pardon may have wrecked the whole scheme. -July 17 was fixed as the last day for the rebels to come in, and up to -that date very few penitents appeared.[80] - -[Sidenote: Conspirators welcome the amnesty.] - -While notorious offenders abstained from taking advantage of the -Queen's clemency, it was noticed that many inhabitants of the Pale, -against whom nothing was known, were eager to accept the pardon. As -early as 1575 William Nugent had fallen under the suspicion of the -Government, and was supposed to have an understanding with Baltinglas -from the first. He eluded capture during the winter of 1580, and in -March 1581 it was announced that he had conspired with some 300 of the -O'Connors and MacCoghlans to raise an insurrection. A few weeks later -he fled to Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill, who flatly refused to surrender -him to the Lord Deputy, when he appeared in person at the Blackwater. -In the autumn Nugent was back in the Pale, and suing for mercy; but -he got no encouragement, and added to the weight of his offence by -helping the mountain rebels to harry some of the Archbishop of Dublin's -property. When Baltinglas fled a month or two later, he made his way -back to Ulster, and thence to Scotland and the Continent. A very large -number of his friends and neighbours were more or less implicated, and -it is easy to see why so many gentlemen of the Pale were anxious to -cover themselves by accepting a pardon.[81] - -[Sidenote: Maltby in Connaught.] - -Clanricarde was in confinement at the time of the Smerwick affair, -and it is doubtful how far he had the power to influence his sons. He -persuaded the younger, William, to ask for protection, but could not -make him observe the implied conditions. Maltby granted it only with a -view of weakening the two elder brothers. In the meantime, and no doubt -having an understanding with the Earl's sons, 600 well-armed Scots -invaded the province. They were to be paid at the rate of 4,200_l._ a -quarter, and it was supposed that their presence would turn the scale -in favour of Richard-in-Iron, Grace O'Malley's husband, who claimed -to be Lower MacWilliam by popular election only, and against Richard -MacOliver, who had been made tanist by the Queen. John Burke took -advantage of the occasion to plan an attack on the O'Kellies, and the -Scots encamped near Shrule, where they engaged to meet the Burkes on -the 1st of March. Three days before the appointed time, Maltby made -his appearance. Richard-in-Iron, who had advanced within ten miles -of Shrule, at once drew back into Mayo, and the Clanricarde Burkes, -hearing of the President's movements, never stirred at all. The Scots -were surprised, and Maltby, after killing a few, drove them before him -to the Moy. They crossed the river, and he followed, but they made -good their retreat into Ulster. The President then recrossed, and at -Strade Abbey the two competitors for the chiefry of Mayo met him. They -were both submissive enough to Maltby, but not at all polite to each -other. Richard MacOliver said Richard-in-Iron was a traitor, that all -those who elected him were traitors, and that he himself would refuse -to be MacWilliam, except by the Queen's appointment. The other told -him he lied, and the President had to remind them that this was very -improper language to use in the presence of the Queen's representative. -It was agreed that Richard-in-Iron should be MacWilliam, and that -MacOliver should be sheriff of Mayo, receiving 40_l._ a year out of the -chief-rent of his barony of Tyrawley.[82] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde's son hanged.] - -About three months later William Burke, though he was under protection, -took to plundering people on the highway, and had even the audacity -to offer their goods for sale at Galway. He behaved so outrageously -that the townsmen laid hands on him. Nine of his men were executed -by martial law, and Maltby held special sessions for the trial of -the chief offender. The Grand Jury found a bill for treason, and the -prisoner was then tried and convicted. The verdict was considered proof -of Burke having violated his protection. The Irish annalists insinuate -a breach of faith; but even a free pardon would not save a subject -from the consequence of acts done after its date, and Maltby seems to -have been legally justified. He refused 1,000_l._ for the prisoner's -life, and a like sum for that of Tirlogh O'Brien, a noted rebel who was -executed two days before.[83] - -[Sidenote: John of Desmond is slain.] - -More than a year had passed since the capture of Smerwick, an amnesty -had been proclaimed, and yet the end of the rebellion seemed no -nearer. On January 2 a spy came to Zouch at Cork to tell him that David -Barry was at Castle Lyons and might easily be taken. The Governor -waited till nine o'clock at night, and then set out with a hundred men, -of whom one-half were mounted. Arriving at the castle at daybreak, he -found that Barry had not arrived; but in the immediate neighbourhood -he lighted accidentally upon John of Desmond with three companions. -He had been sent by his brother the Earl, who himself lay north of -the Blackwater, to compose a quarrel between Barry and the seneschal -of Imokilly. So little danger was dreamed of that Sir John and his -friends rode on ponies and without defensive armour. Patrick Condon, -a noted leader, and another managed to escape, but Sir John was run -through with a spear and also shot in the throat by one Fleming, who -had formerly been his servant. James Fitzjohn of Strancally, a cousin -of Desmond, was taken prisoner. Sir John only survived a few minutes, -but he was able to say that had he lived longer he would have done more -mischief, and that Henry Davells was never his friend. His body was -sent to Cork and hung in chains over one of the gates for three or four -years, when a great storm blew it into the river. The head was sent to -Dublin as a 'New Year's gift' for Grey, and stuck upon a pole on the -castle wall. James Fitzjohn was executed, having first confessed that -the Earl was in a sad plight, and lived only by eating at night the -cows that he had killed in the day. A turquoise set in gold was found -upon Sir John and was sent to the Queen; his _agnus dei_, with its -glass and gold frame, was transmitted to the Earl of Bedford. Having -been designated as his successor by James Fitzmaurice, who had the -Pope's authority for so doing, John of Desmond was acknowledged as the -Catholic leader, and his death was of considerable importance. He was a -man of ability, and the only person fit to manage the turbulent chiefs -who had never served, and who could therefore never command.[84] - -[Sidenote: Ill-timed parsimony.] - -The rebellion had received a great blow, and if it had been followed -up promptly all would soon have been over. But the Queen immediately -ordered the discharge of 700 men, making the second reduction of -the forces within three months. Zouch had now only 400 men at his -disposal, and disasters of course followed. In March James Fenton, the -secretary's brother, who had succeeded Captain Apsley in West Cork, -crossed over from Berehaven with the intention of provisioning Bantry -Abbey, where he expected to find some of his men. David Barry, with a -strong party, had already cut the detachment to pieces, and lay hidden -in the building till the first boat landed. The unsuspecting soldiers -were all killed. Fenton, who followed in another boat, turned back -when he discovered what had happened. The Irish gave chase, but night -favoured the fugitive, who landed in the darkness, and after three -days' 'cold entertainment on the rocks,' scrambled back to his castle, -badly bruised and very hungry, but unwounded.[85] - -[Sidenote: Indecisive skirmishes.] - -[Sidenote: Zouch presses Desmond hard.] - -In April the Baron of Lixnaw joined the rebels, and the soldiers in -Kerry narrowly escaped annihilation. Captain Acham and a score of men -were killed and the rest closely shut up in Ardfert Abbey, where they -daily expected to be overwhelmed. The presence of a Spanish vessel -may have determined the action of the Fitzmaurices. There had been a -similar visitor before the descent at Smerwick, and it was thought that -another and stronger force was about to fortify one of the islands -off Baltimore or Castlehaven. Zouch had, however, the satisfaction of -taking his revenge on David Barry. Led by John FitzEdmond of Cloyne, -a noted loyalist, he surprised Barry in a wood near the Blackwater, -and killed nearly 100 of his men. The defeated chief sued for -protection, and Zouch granted it until his return from Kerry, whither -he immediately hurried, and succeeded in relieving the beleaguered -men at Ardfert. He then went to the glen of Aherlow, where Desmond -himself lay. The rebels were so hard pressed that Lady Desmond took -to the mountains, leaving her baggage and female attendants to be -captured. Zouch's foot could not come up in time, and nothing decisive -was done. Zouch took it on himself to offer the Earl life and liberty, -but he demanded the restoration of all his lands and possessions. Lady -Desmond, however, went to Dublin and surrendered to Grey.[86] - -[Sidenote: Lady Desmond surrenders.] - -[Sidenote: Savage warfare.] - -[Sidenote: Desmond's heir.] - -Lady Desmond's desertion of her husband was justly considered as a -sign that he was becoming weaker, but the immediate effect was to make -him freer in his movements. He plundered and devastated the whole of -Tipperary, and descended the valley of the Suir almost to Waterford. -At Knockgraffon, near Cahir, he defeated Ormonde's three brothers in a -fair fight, though the Butlers had greatly the superior force. In Kerry -he was not opposed at all. The seneschal of Imokilly had the eastern -part of Cork and the western part of Waterford at his mercy, and the -estates of Lord Roche were so completely depopulated that settlers had -afterwards to be brought from a distance. The style of warfare may be -guessed from the Irish annalists, who remark that when Grace MacBrien, -the wife of Theobald Roche, 'saw her husband mangled, and mutilated, -and disfigured, she shrieked extremely and dreadfully, so that she died -that night alongside the body of her husband, and both were buried -together.' There were but fourteen men fit to bear arms left alive in -the whole district round Fermoy. Ormonde's own house at Carrick was -plundered by the seneschal. On the whole it was thought that the time -had not come to show mercy to important rebels, and the Queen ordered -that Lady Desmond should be sent back to her husband, unless she could -induce him to surrender unconditionally. Her only son, as she wrote -to Burghley, 'remained in the castle of Dublin, without any kind of -learning or bringing up, or any to attend on him,' and she begged that -he might be sent to England as 'the lesser evil of the two.'[87] - -[Sidenote: Grey is recalled.] - -However much the Queen may have been to blame, it was clear that -Grey had not been a successful governor, and Burghley had formed -a bad opinion of his capacity. He had begun with the disaster at -Glenmalure, and his bloody success at Smerwick had not added much to -his reputation. Sheer severity was his great resource, and he had made -enemies on all sides. Yet Sidney had been severe enough, and even -the children in the streets clamoured for his return. 'Where,' said -Secretary Fenton, 'there is so great an antipathy and dissimilitude -of humour and manners between a people and their governor, then the -government cannot be carried in just rule and frame no more than a -wound can be healed which is plied with medicine contrary to its -proper cure.' The Queen had accused her most successful lieutenant of -extravagance, but she found his successor more costly still, and she -resolved to recall him. There was no great difficulty about this, for -he had very often begged to be relieved, but it was feared that a bad -impression would be made in Ireland. Elizabeth therefore determined -to send for him under the guise of a conference. This resolution was -quickly acted upon, and Grey surrendered the sword to Wallop and -Loftus.[88] - -[Sidenote: Causes of Grey's failure.] - -[Sidenote: The famine in Munster.] - -The governor of a dependency will always be in some measure judged by -the state in which he leaves the country that he has been called to -rule, and, tried by this standard, not much can be said for Grey. The -friend and hero of Spenser was called, as the poet himself records, 'a -bloody man, who regarded not the life of her Majesty's subjects no more -than dogs, but had wasted and consumed all, so as now she had nothing -almost left, but to reign in their ashes.' Sir Warham St. Leger, who -certainly cannot be suspected of any great sympathy with the Irish -people, and who was not hostile to Grey, has left a terrible picture -of the state of Munster. The country was ruined almost past recovery by -the ruthless exaction of cess, and by the extortions of the soldiers. -30,000 at least had perished by famine within six months, and disease -also was doing its work. Cork was then a small town, consisting of one -street scarce a furlong in length, yet there were sometimes seventy -deaths in a day and very seldom as few as twenty. John FitzEdmond of -Cloyne, one of the few really loyal men in the province, had lost -nineteen-twentieths of his people, and the cattle, which could never -graze in safety, were as lean as their masters. The only inhabitants -in tolerable case were the actual rebels, who took freely all men's -goods and escaped disease 'by enjoying continually the wholesome air -of the fields.' And this was Grey's settled policy. Five counties -were to be laid waste, in order that the traitors might be starved -into submission. 'I have,' St. Leger said, 'often told the Governor -that this is far wide from the true course of government,' for the -towns would waste away, the revenues dwindle, and the whole country be -exhausted by such a frightful drain. Nevertheless, the destruction was -nearly as complete as it could be. Nine-tenths of the men had succumbed -to the sword, the halter, or the pestilence. The women escaped better, -but, taking one thing with another, a competent observer thought there -were not enough people left alive to cultivate one hundredth part of -the land. But the most harrowing account of all is the oft-quoted -passage of Spenser, though the poet lays the blame on the people and -not on their ruler. At the beginning of the war, he says, Munster was -full of corn and cattle. Eighteen months had destroyed all. Lean as -were the starving people, their legs would not bear them, and they -crawled out of caves and glens to feed on carrion, or, like ghouls, -to scrape the dead from their graves, 'and if they found a plot of -watercresses or shamrocks, there they flocked as to a feast for a time, -yet not able long to continue therewithal, so that in short space -there were none almost left, and a most populous and plentiful country -suddenly left void of man or beast; yet sure in all that was there -perished not many by the sword, but all by the extremity of famine -which they themselves had wrought.'[89] - -[Sidenote: Rising of William Nugent.] - -[Sidenote: A chief justice executed.] - -If Grey was unsuccessful in dealing with Munster, he had at least -driven Baltinglas to Spain and crushed the abortive rising of William -Nugent. Seven persons were executed on account of one, and six on -account of the other movement. Of those who suffered, the most -remarkable was Nicholas Nugent, late Chief Justice of the Common -Pleas, who was perhaps actuated by discontent at being removed from -his place. He was uncle to Delvin and his rebellious brother, and the -mode of his conviction must have added much to the hatred which was -generally felt for Grey. Privy Councillors were joined in commission -with the ordinary judges, 'and with them,' said the Lord Deputy, 'I -went in person, and sat upon the bench, to see justice more equally -ministered.' The evidence against Nugent and against Edward Cusack, -who was tried at the same time, was almost wholly that of an informer, -John Cusack, who had been one of the most active conspirators. Grey -blames the prisoners for audaciously casting doubts on the evidence of -'this double-dyed traitor. A verdict was, however, secured, some of the -jurors knowing in their private consciences that the prisoners were far -from that innocency that they pretended.' Nugent appears to have died -protesting his innocence, though he made private admissions to some -officials which perhaps went to show that he was technically guilty of -treason. But these admissions were not made until after his conviction, -nor in open court at all. Baron Cusack, and perhaps another judge, was -against the verdict. It is to be feared that the extreme severity shown -was rather because Nugent was a troublesome person than for anything -actually rebellious that he had done. Formerly, when a Baron of the -Exchequer, he had opposed the cess, and had been removed from the bench -by Sidney. Gerard restored him to a higher place, and from this he was -driven by Grey.[90] - -[Sidenote: Sufferings of Nugent and his wife.] - -William Nugent himself underwent the utmost misery. He lay in the -fields without covering at night, and his friends were afraid to -attract attention by bringing him as much canvas as would make a -shelter-tent. His wife--the Janet Marward, whose abduction has been -already related--was with her mother, Mrs. Nicholas Nugent, but his -two boys were in his own keeping. Nicholas Nugent might have made his -peace with the Government had he been able to get hold of the eldest; -but William said the brother, wife, and child were over many hostages. -Give him back his wife, and the children should be sent in exchange. -The poor mother, who was half-crazed with her troubles, supported her -stepfather's request that the child should be given up, in hopes, -probably, that she might thus see him. All the while John Cusack was -the active agent who swore in confederates for the 'holy cause,' and -took the lead generally. William ultimately escaped to Scotland, and -thence to Italy, and his wife, after some delay, was allowed to receive -the profits of her own property. Ormonde warmly supported her cause, -and reminded Burghley that she had been married by force. The only -charge against her was that she had sent some shirts to her destitute -husband, but she was imprisoned for a whole year. 'If any fault were,' -it was urged on the Lord Treasurer, 'the dutiful love of a wife to a -husband in that extremity may, I trust, procure some remorse towards -her in your Lordship's honourable opinion.' The desire of the informers -to get her land probably caused the harsh treatment. She was at one -time on the point of starvation, and yet was accused of offering a -bribe for her own safety, and fined 500_l._ She had, she pleaded, -nothing to give, and though she had friends, 'who perhaps would have -given all they had in the world rather than see her life lost,' yet -they had given nothing with her knowledge.[91] - -[Sidenote: Raleigh sides with Ormonde,] - -Walter Raleigh was not on good terms with Grey. 'I like not,' said -the latter, 'his carriage or company, and he has nothing to expect -from me.' The brilliant adventurer, who had now got Burghley's ear, -may have been influenced by this, but, whatever the reason, he seems -to have turned to Ormonde, whom he had formerly depreciated. His plan -for ending the Desmond rebellion was to put the Earl's pardon and -restoration altogether out of the question, and to receive to mercy -and service all those chiefs who were actuated more by fear of him -than by disaffection to the Government, such as Lord Fitzmaurice, -MacDonough of Duhallow, Patrick Condon, and the White Knight. 700 men -in garrison would do the rest. The Earl of Ormonde was to be chiefly -relied on for bringing back the still rebellious chiefs to their -allegiance. Raleigh's reasons may be given in his own words: 'There are -many adhering to Desmond which heretofore was good subjects and served -against the Earl, and some of them being evil used by the English -soldiers and having an opinion that in the end her Majesty will both -pardon and restore the Earl as heretofore he hath been, they do rather -follow him for fear to be hereafter plagued by him, if now they should -not follow him. And therefore if many of these were privately dealt -with to return to the service of her Majesty, and to be permitted to -possess their own countries quietly, and were well persuaded that the -Earl should never be restored, they would be brought to serve her -Majesty, &c.' - -[Sidenote: who is restored.] - -The soldiers, he added, if they were to be really efficient, should -be able to live on their pay, for the certain evils of free quarters -were worse than the risks of rebellion. This reasoning prevailed, and -Ormonde was appointed governor of Munster, with power to act as Raleigh -had advised.[92] - -[Sidenote: Disorders of an ill-paid soldiery.] - -Ireland could not be held without an army, and that army was -irregularly paid. The consequence was that the Queen's peaceable -subjects found their defenders more burdensome than their enemies. 'I -think in conscience,' said Bishop Lyons '(speaking it with grief of -heart), amongst the heathen there is no such wicked soldiers.' In the -Pale food and forage were taken without payment, 'every soldier, having -his boy or woman, would when he came in the afternoon have a meal's -meat, which they term a "Kusshyinge," and then after that his supper, -and if the poor people when they came offered them such as they had, -as bread, milk, butter, cheese, or eggs, they would have none of it, -but would have flesh, and when they found poultry or sheep they would -kill them, and every soldier would have a quarter of that mutton or -poultry at his pleasure, with the reversion of which he would break -his fast in the morning and have sixpence for his dinner, for all -which they would pay nothing, nor captain nor officer give their bill, -whereby the ordinary allowance might be answered of the country.' Men, -and even women, were beaten to death, and a great part of Kildare lay -waste. A proper composition, in lieu of cess, and increased pay were -the only remedies which the Irish Government could suggest. In Munster -there was scarcely any attempt made to levy a regular cess, but the -soldiers took whatever they could find. If the mayor or citizens of -Cork interceded for their miserable neighbours, they received such -answers as, 'Ye are but beggars, rascals, and traitors, and I am a -soldier and a gentleman.' Under these circumstances it is not wonderful -that Desmond's band was 1,000 strong, that the rebels reaped the corn -everywhere, and that Captain Smith and his company, who were among the -worst offenders, were cut to pieces at Ardfert. The cattle were swept -away at noon from under the walls of Cashel. The seneschal of Imokilly -plundered freely in the immediate neighbourhood of Cork, and the mayor -pursued them in vain--luckily, in St. Leger's opinion, for the citizen -soldiers were fit only to defend walls, and scarcely to do that against -any serious attack.[93] - -[Sidenote: Desmond's cruelty.] - -Desmond was strong for the moment, but his cruel and impolitic conduct -shows that he was a desperate man. Four gentlemen of the Geraldines, -who had refused to follow him were captured and sentenced by his -council of war to be hanged. But the Earl said that every Geraldine -who failed him should be cut in pieces, and called on as many as loved -him to give the prisoner a stroke of the sword. They were accordingly -'cut in gobbets,' in Desmond's presence. He attacked the O'Keefes, a -loyal clan upon the upper Blackwater, killed the chief's son and other -prisoners, and took 'the Vicar of Oskallie, and put out upon him a jury -of twelve of the Earl's men, which jury passed upon him and condemned -him to death, seeing he was a true subject to her Majesty, and held -office under her highness always.' Of the whole party, O'Keefe alone -was spared, and he was badly wounded.[94] - -[Sidenote: Death of Clanricarde, whose sons come to terms.] - -From Maltby in Connaught came the only news which could possibly be -called good. Old Clanricarde was at last liberated about the end of -June, and a few weeks later he died at Galway of jaundice, aggravated -by vexation at the sight of his ruined castle and wasted country. -With his last breath he cursed his sons should they prove disobedient -subjects, and thanked the Queen for her clemency. The young men soon -came in and professed their willingness to have disputes settled -according to law, but Secretary Fenton observed that it would be -easy to make a civil faction between them, and cut off one without -disturbing the province. There was little difficulty in proving that -Ulick, the elder brother, was Earl, and the more difficult matter of -the lands was settled quietly, and with at least some show of amity. -Each competitor gave a bond in 10,000_l._ to abide by the award, which -was based upon the principle of equal division, first choice being in -some cases given to the Earl. The whole barony of Leitrim was given to -John absolutely, and the title was afterwards conferred upon him. The -castles of Portumna and Loughrea were awarded to Ulick; the brothers -agreed to surrender Ballinasloe to Maltby. The right of some other -Burkes were defined, and in general terms it may be said that the -baronies of Dunkellin, Loughrea, and Longford remained with the Earl, -though some parcels were excepted. The award was accepted, but the -hatred of the brothers was of too long standing to be thus appeased, -and it was not long before it broke out again.[95] - -[Sidenote: General famine.] - -Famine and pestilence continued to rage through the summer, autumn, and -winter of 1582. All Waterford, Limerick, and Cork, and a great part of -Tipperary, were spoiled. 200 or 300 kine for the public service were as -much as could be had for love or money. 'The wolf and the best rebel -lodged in one inn, with one diet and one kind of bedding.' Archbishop -Loftus being, as Spenser says, more mildly disposed, as 'was meet for -his profession,' than his colleague Wallop, was so horrified that he -advised Burghley to pardon Desmond. There might, he said, be some -question of the Queen's honour if the war of Ireland was like other -wars, between one prince and another, but this was against a subject, -bare, rude, and savage. The only honour to be had was by healing the -sores of the poor subjects. For the famine was not confined to Munster, -but ran its course even in Dublin under the eyes of the Lords Justices. - -A horse of Secretary Fenton's was accidentally burned, and was eaten by -the people before it was half-roasted. Another of Wallop's died, and -was devoured, entrails and all, apparently without any preparation. It -became, indeed, a regular thing 'to eat the carcasses of dead horses, -and to buy them at the soldiers' hands.' The Lords Justices admitted -that this was a lamentable thing to happen under a Christian prince. -The Irish, however, they explained, were less averse to carrion than -other people; still they could not but be grieved that the soldiers -should extort money for any such wares. The fact is that all were -starving alike.[96] - -[Sidenote: St. Leger seeks to treat with Desmond,] - -[Sidenote: and foretells Ormonde's failure.] - -Sir Warham St. Leger, who hated Ormonde and all his works, attributed -the evil state of Munster to the 'cockling and dandling of -hollow-hearted wretches,' in pursuance of the Earl's policy. In the -meantime he intrigued for a capitulation on Desmond's part. He had -taken the Seneschal's natural son--a boy of seven--'as like him as if -he had spit him out of his mouth,' and proposed to hang him in case -the father should break out again. In the meantime he endeavoured to -treat with Desmond through his means, but the rebel Earl was buoyed up -constantly with the hopes of aid from abroad. The Countess persuaded -him never to write anything, for fear of compromising himself with -foreign princes. St. Leger was authorised to offer him his life, -restraint without any imprisonment in some part of England or Ireland, -and hope of further mercy for himself and child; but a full restoration -was not to be thought of. There seems to have been little sincerity in -the negotiation, though doubtless both the Queen and Burghley would -have been glad to avoid further expense; and Ormonde, on his arrival, -found the state of affairs unaltered. St. Leger foretold his failure. -The protectees would fail him, and he would have enough to do to -keep his own. 'He is,' he said, 'a person most odious of all men to -Desmond's friends.... It is death to all the lords and chieftains of -both factions to have English government come among them, for they know -that if English government be established here, their Irish exactions -is laid aground; the which to forego they had as leave die, such is -their devilish consciences.' How true was the prophecy as to Ormonde's -failure will appear hereafter.[97] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde returns to Ireland with fresh powers 1583.] - -After many delays Ormonde was at last despatched, and 1,000 men were -assigned to be under his orders in Munster. He had power to promise -pardon to all rebels except Desmond himself. His pay and allowances -were calculated on a liberal scale, amounting in all to over 4,000_l._ -a year, and his rents due to the Crown were suspended until he should -be able to make the lands profitable. Much was left to his discretion. -Thus, rebels who surrendered might have a promise of their lands in -consideration of a reasonable rent. 300 men were sent from Devon and -Cornwall, Cheshire and Lancashire, Somersetshire and Gloucestershire, -to fill up the gaps in the Irish garrisons. A large store of provisions -was sent; but, on landing, Ormonde found Waterford, Tipperary, Cork, -and Limerick in such a state that he thought it would not last for two -months. His personal allowance was fixed at 3_l._ a day, but Wallop -at once made a difficulty about paying this and many other claims. -Ormonde, he said, was already too great for Ireland, and desired to -be absolute in his government. Money no doubt was scarce in Dublin, -but the Vice-Treasurer was advised to satisfy the Earl's demands. The -new governor lost no time in preparing for action, but he complained -bitterly that companies were defective, that troops of horse were -mounted on borrowed ponies, and that he was expected to perform -impossibilities. He was ordered not to have more than four per cent. -of Irishmen in any band; whereas Englishmen could not be had, and the -Irish were the best shots.[98] - -[Sidenote: Gallant defence of Youghal.] - -While Munster waited for its new governor, the Seneschal of Imokilly -made two attempts to get possession of Youghal. Just at the beginning -of winter, some English soldiers, who were probably unpaid, agreed -to open the gates; but the plot was discovered. More than two months -later, two goldsmiths, who pretended to be soldiers, were admitted into -the town. On the appointed night one kept the guard drinking while -the other held a ladder for the assailants, whose plan was to occupy -every stone house, and to cut it off from the gates. Fortunately, the -soldiers had only a few days before broken down a stair leading from -the walls, and thus only a few rebels were able to descend at a time. -Two houses were, however, taken, and held for three days, in one of -which the seneschal, in cold blood and with his own hands, knocked out -the brains of six soldiers. Dermod Magrath, Papal Bishop of Cork and -Cloyne, and 'a very learned man in the papist doctrine,' was present, -and persuaded him not to kill any of the townsmen. The Sovereign, or -Burgomaster, Francis Agnes (or Anes), behaved with great gallantry, -and on the rumoured approach of troops from Waterford, the seneschal -withdrew, having lost some sixty men, but carrying away a great -quantity of corn, wine, beef, and hides, and leaving half the town in -ashes. Cork was asked to send men to the relief of Youghal, but that -city had none to spare, having itself been pressed by the rebels, who -came up to the very walls and carried off the linen which was drying on -the hedges. One of Ormonde's first cares was to reinforce the garrison -of Youghal.[99] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde shuts Desmond up in Kerry, and his adherents fall -away.] - -In order to put down the Munster rebellion, the first thing was to -localise it. The Queen herself had suggested that if Desmond could be -kept out of Tipperary and Waterford, it would be comparatively easy -to deal with him, and this was the plan adopted by Ormonde. At first -he fixed his headquarters at Clonmel, whence the woods of Aherlow -were easily accessible, and the Seneschal of Imokilly, who lay there, -was harassed by the garrisons of Limerick and Kilmallock. In a month -after Ormonde's arrival, Desmond fled to the borders of Kerry, and his -adherents began to desert him fast. Patrick Condon and over 300 others -received protections, which they showed a disposition to pay for with -the heads of their late comrades. The Baron of Lixnaw submitted about -the end of March and was followed in a few days by Gerald MacThomas, -called Toneboyreagh, who had long kept the county of Limerick -disturbed, and now served well against his late associates. About the -same time Lady Desmond came to Ormonde under a twenty days' protection, -but as she still demanded life, liberty, and property for her husband, -no terms were granted to her. She then surrendered unconditionally, -rather than return to such misery as she had lately endured. Early in -June the Seneschal of Imokilly also made his submission, and Desmond -was thus deprived of his last important supporter. The rebellion was -now confined to Kerry and West Cork, and thither Ormonde repaired about -the end of June.[100] - -[Sidenote: Desmond is hard pressed;] - -A few days before Ormonde's arrival Desmond and his wife had a narrow -escape from a night attack by the garrison of Kilmallock. The bed -in which they had lain was found warm by the soldiers, into whose -hands 'the countess's gentlewoman' and others fell. A fog covered the -flight of the two principal personages; but cattle, plate, jewels, and -wardrobes were all captured. The presence of a lady and her attendants -no doubt acted as a clog, and Desmond himself was becoming infirm. The -old hurt received at Affane was likely to be aggravated by cold and -fatigue, and a month later he had to be carried in his shirt by four -men into a bog, and ferried over a river in a trough to escape from a -sudden attack by Captain Thornton. After this he fled into Kerry, and -it was reported that he would be glad if possible to escape by sea. He -was too closely watched for this, but after the failure of his wife's -mission, he still refused to come to Ormonde. The following letter to -St. Leger may well be given entire:-- - -[Sidenote: but will not come to Ormonde,] - -'Sir Warham, where I understand that the Earl of Ormonde giveth forth -that I should submit myself before him as attorney to Her Majesty, you -may be sure he doth report more thereof than I have sent him either -by word or writing. But this I have offered in hope to prove the -unreasonable wrong and injuries done unto me by her Highness's officers -in this realm from time to time, unguilty in me behalf as God knoweth. -I am contented upon these conditions so as me country, castles, -possessions, and lands, with me son, might be put and left in the hands -and quiet possession of me counsel and followers, and also me religion -and conscience not barred, with a pardon, protection, and passport for -me own body to pass and repass. I would have gone before her Majesty -to try all those causes just and true on me part, as I still do allege -if I might be heard or may have indifference, and likewise hoping that -I might have more justice, favour, and grace at her Majesty's hands -when I am before herself than here at the hands of such of her cruel -officers as have me wrongfully proclaimed, and so thereby thinking that -her Majesty and I may agree; if not that I may be put safe in the hands -of me followers again, and I to deliver me son and me said possessions -back to her Majesty's officers. Dated at Feale the 28th of April, -1583.--GEROT DESMOND.' - -[Sidenote: who insists on an unconditional surrender.] - -Ormonde would hear of nothing but an unconditional surrender, and -continued to ply his double policy of war and clemency. Before the end -of May he could announce that 134 had been slain, and 247 protected, -since those last mentioned. The few remaining rebels were reduced to -horseflesh or carrion, and Desmond himself knew not where to lay his -head. He had still eighty men with him, but his pride was sufficiently -humbled to make him address Ormonde directly. He could not, he -said, accuse himself of disloyalty, but confessed that he had been -misled, and pleaded that he had been tyrannously used. He begged for -a conference, 'humbly craving that you will please to appoint some -place and time where I may attend upon your honour.' Ormonde, who was -justly proud at this falsification of St. Leger's prediction, would not -alter his terms, and a few days afterwards reported that the rebel's -eighty followers were reduced to twenty. A little later, when he was -himself marching towards Kerry, he learned that the fugitive's retinue -consisted of only five persons--a priest, two horsemen, one kerne, and -a boy. The people of the South-West had already experience enough of -an invasion by Ormonde, and hastened on all sides to make terms for -themselves. There were rumours that the Queen was getting tired of the -war, and that he would be recalled. He was, he said, so confident of -success that he was ready to begin the reduction of the forces under -his command. Success was very near when he had been removed before, and -he begged that the mistake might not be repeated. 'Thus,' he said, 'am -I handled, and do break the ice for others to pass with ease.'[101] - -[Sidenote: St. Leger thwarts Ormonde.] - -Sir Warham St. Leger did all that he possibly could to thwart Ormonde. -Protections to rebels were, he said, bad things, which enabled traitors -to extort from good subjects. Henry VIII., he reminded the Queen, had -quieted the Pale for years by first making a somewhat dishonourable -peace with the rebels, 'and then paying them home.' His advice was that -Desmond should be received to life and liberty. 'I dare,' he added, -'adventure the loss of one of my arms, which I would not willingly -lose for all the lands and livings that ever he had, he will, within -one quarter of a year after he is so received (if the matter be well -and politically handled), be wrought to enter into new treasons, -and thereby apprehended, and his head cut off according to his due -deserts.' Any other course would be too expensive. In other words, the -wretched man was to be lulled into fancied security, watched by spies -and tempted by false friends until he was induced to do something -technically equivalent to treason. This abominable advice was not -taken, happily for Elizabeth's honour; but constant detraction was -very near shaking Ormonde's credit. Wallop and Fenton, who knew the -Queen's weak point and who hated the Earl for his independent conduct -and position, lost no opportunity of showing what a costly luxury her -Lord-General was. Walsingham urged Ormonde to make a quick end lest -her Majesty should repent, and he afterwards repeated St. Leger's -sentiments and almost his very words about the impolicy of granting -protections. Burghley, however, stood firm, and it was probably through -his influence that some of St. Leger's letters to the Queen were kept -from her eye and sent back to Ormonde, who accused his adversary of -offering to secure mercy for Desmond if he would only hold out until -the Earl was no longer governor of Munster, and of giving out that -his supersession was resolved on. Ormonde says he heard this from -rebels who were likely to know the truth, that it was confirmed by -a priest who had long been with Desmond, and that the latter had -thus been 'animated' to hold out although in great straits. Ormonde -thought Wallop disliked him nearly as much as St. Leger, and the -Vice-Treasurer's own letters bear out this opinion.[102] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde scours Kerry.] - -Fate, or Burghley, had, however, decreed that Ormonde should be allowed -to finish the business in his own way, and the sad story may now be -told to the end. There was no more fighting to be done, and at the -end of June the Lord General passed through Tipperary and Limerick -into Kerry. He visited Castle Island, Castlemaine, and Dingle, a -principal object of the journey being to prevent Desmond escaping -by sea. Castlemaine he found roofless and in ruins, and that famous -hold was never again destined to resist the royal power. Clancare, -the two O'Sullivans, and other gentlemen came to him with assurances -of fidelity, and not the slightest resistance was offered anywhere. -The protected people, he said, had generally served well, and were -supported by their friends without charge to the Queen. Those who did -no service had given hostages, and the work of reducing the garrisons -might now be at once begun. The rebels were weary of the war and were -ploughing the land; sword, law, and famine had done their work. In -all his journey to the farthest point of Kerry, and back by Kinsale -to Cork, Ormonde had to tell of no enemy but Sir Warham St. Leger, -'who dwelleth in Cork Castle to small purpose for any good service he -doth... drinking and writing (saving your honour) shameful lies.'[103] - -[Sidenote: Desmond is driven into a corner.] - -Early in August St. Leger reported that Desmond had crossed the Shannon -and escaped to Scotland; but there was no truth in this. He was -confined to that part of Kerry which lies north of Castlemaine and to -the mountainous corner of Cork where the Blackwater rises. Ormonde was -pretty confident that he would be captured, and none of the protected -men relapsed except Goran MacSwiney, a captain of gallowglasses. Orders -were sent to reduce the army in Munster from 1,000 to 600, and to -prepare, if possible, for a further reduction to 200. On the very day -that this order was penned Lord Roche was able to announce that he had -very nearly taken Desmond, and that he had actually taken his chaplain, -who was not so well horsed as the rest. 'I would,' Ormonde wrote to -Burghley, 'this chaplain and I were for one hour with you in your -chamber, that you might know the secrets of his heart, which by fair -means or foul he must open unto me.' The poor man was coupled with -a handlock to one of Ormonde's servants, so that no one could speak -to him privately. And thus the hunted chief was deprived of his last -adviser.[104] - -[Sidenote: Death of Desmond.] - -On November 1, Goran MacSwiney was killed, and Ormonde proceeded -to discharge 110 foot and 12 horse. Even yet a few desperate men -adhered to Desmond, and he might have long eluded his pursuers but -for an outrage done in his name. On November 9, he sent twenty men -on a plundering expedition to the south side of Tralee Bay, and they -drove off forty cows and some horses belonging to Maurice O'Moriarty, -whose house they robbed, and whose wife and children they barbarously -stripped naked. Next day, having first asked leave from Lieutenant -Stanley at Dingle, the O'Moriarties, with near a score of kerne and -some half-dozen soldiers of the garrison of Castlemaine, traced -the lost cattle to the woods of Glanageenty, about five miles to -the east of Tralee. Owen O'Moriarty climbed the hill by moonlight, -and looking down into the deep glen saw a fire beneath him, which -was found to proceed from a cabin. The hut was surrounded, and at -daybreak the O'Moriarties entered. Taken unawares and but half-awake, -Desmond's companion only thought of escaping, and he was left behind -and wounded in the arm with a sword-cut by a soldier named Daniel -O'Kelly. 'I am the Earl of Desmond,' he cried, 'save my life!' 'Thou -hast killed thyself long ago,' said Owen O'Moriarty, and now thou -shalt be prisoner to the Queen's Majesty and the Earl of Ormonde, Lord -General of Munster.' They carried him some distance, but a rescue -was imminent, and Owen ordered O'Kelly to strike off the prisoner's -head, since it was impossible to fight thus encumbered. The soldier -obeyed, and the head was carried to Castlemaine, and from thence to -Ormonde at Kilkenny. The ghastly trophy was by him sent to the Queen. -As the best evidence against those who 'spoke malicious lies touching -the service and state of Munster,' it was exposed on London Bridge. -The like exposure at Cork was designed for the headless trunk, but -friendly hands hid it for eight weeks, and finally deposited it in a -neighbouring chapel where only Fitzgeralds were buried, and which is -still called 'the church of the name.'[105] - -[Sidenote: Desmond a popular hero.] - -The spot where Desmond was decapitated is marked by a mound, and -retains the name of _Bothar-an-Iarla_, or the Earl's way. A gigantic -elder formerly overshadowed the place, and in our own day it is covered -by a young oak, a holly, and a bright tangle of ferns and foxgloves. -A good carriage-road runs through the once inaccessible glen, and -marks the difference between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. -Desmond's death closes the mediæval history of Munster, and it is no -wonder that much legendary glory attaches to his name. He was a man of -little talent or virtue, though he need not be too severely condemned -for refusing to see that the days of feudal or tribal independence -were over. But the past has an irresistible attraction for Irish -sentiment, and the popular ear is more readily opened to fable than to -historical truth. With nothing heroic about him, the unhappy Earl is -still honoured as a hero; but even the fidelity of tradition to his -memory is less than that of the natives to him while he yet lived. Let -thus much be said in honour of the poor kerne, who stood so staunchly -in a doubtful cause. The Earl's ghost, mounted on a phantom steed -with silver shoes, is said sometimes to rise at night from the waters -of Lough Gur; and when the west wind comes up fitfully from the sea -and makes slates and windows rattle, the Kerry people still call upon -travellers to listen to the Desmond howl.[106] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[80] Grey to the Privy Council, July 10, 1581; Wallop to Walsingham, -July 17. - -[81] Wallop to Walsingham, March 8, 1581; L. Bryskett to Walsingham, -April 21; Grey to the Queen, August 10; G. Fenton to Leicester, -September 1; and to Burghley, September 21. - -[82] Relation of Sir N. Maltby's proceedings, March 23, 1581. - -[83] Maltby to Walsingham, June 30, 1581; _Four Masters_, 1581. From -Maltby's letter of September 20, it appears that Burghley approved of -William Burke's execution. - -[84] Zouch to Burghley, January 5, 1582; White Knight to Ormonde, -same date; William Wendover to Fenton, January 6; Grey to Walsingham, -January 13; Russell; O'Daly. - -[85] The Queen to Grey, January 28, 1582; G. Fenton to Walsingham, -March 28; St. Leger to Fenton, March 24. - -[86] G. Fenton to Walsingham, May 8, 1582; St. Leger to Walsingham, and -Justice Meade to same, May 28; Loftus and Wallop to Walsingham, June 7; -Grey to Walsingham, June 16. - -[87] Maltby to Walsingham, June 17, 1582; Wallop to Walsingham, June -21; Walsingham to Grey, June 25; Lady Desmond to Burghley, August 28; -Lords Justices to the Privy Council, October 12; _Four Masters_, 1582; -O'Daly. - -[88] G. Fenton to Walsingham, November 5, 1581. In a letter to -Walsingham of July 2, 1582, Grey complains that Burghley listens to -slanderers; the Queen's opinion, &c., July, No. 76. The sword was -delivered August 31. - -[89] Spenser's _View of the State of Ireland_. This is one of the -many passages tending to prove that the original shamrock was the -wood-sorrel, and not the white clover, which could never have been -edible; consult Bentham's British Flora under _Oxalis_, and see -below note to chapter 52. St. Leger to the Queen, March 12, 1582, to -Burghley, April 20; Justice Meade to Walsingham, May 28. The soldiers -were nearly as badly off as the natives, Dowdall to Walsingham, April -24. In the relation of Lord Grey's services (September 1582) is -mentioned 'the general destruction of the enemy's churls.' The churls -were the non-combatant country folk. - -[90] Grey to the Privy Council, April 12, 1582; to Walsingham, May 7; a -friend to Mrs. Nugent, July 5, 1583; Sidney's _Brief Relation_, 1583. -Sir Robert Dillon, who succeeded Nugent as Chief Justice, was much -blamed for his conduct in this case; see his letter to Walsingham, June -25, 1582. - -[91] John Nugent's confession, February 5, 1582; petition to Burghley, -September (No. 85); Ormonde to Burghley, May 30, 1583; Janet Nugent's -petition, August 30; warrants for the remission of her fine and for -restoration to her property, April 18, 1584. It is stated that the fine -was imposed on the information of John Cusack. William Nugent left -Ireland in or before January 1582. - -[92] Grey to Walsingham, May 7, 1582; Mr. Rawley's opinion, October 25. -Ormonde's appointment was announced on December 3. - -[93] The Bishop of Ross to the Lords Justices, October 9, 1582, with -remarks by the Lords Justices; Auditor Jenyson to Burghley, September -4; St. Leger to Burghley, September 22, and to the Lords Justices, -September 26; the Portreeve of Cashel to the Lords Justices, September -28. - -[94] Letter from Onor Cartye enclosed in one from the Lords Justices -to Walsingham, October 3, 1582; St. Leger to Burghley and Walsingham, -September 22. - -[95] Maltby to Walsingham, June 21, 1582; Clanricarde to Maltby, July -7; Fenton to Leicester, August 13; to Walsingham, August 23. The award -is in _Carew_, under November 17. - -[96] Barnaby Gooche to Burghley, August 27, 1582; Justice Meade to the -Lords Justices, October 13; Lord Justice Loftus to Burghley, November -5; Lords Justices to Burghley, December 8; Spenser's _State of Ireland_. - -[97] St. Leger to Fenton, October 31; to the Queen and to Burghley, -November 26, 1582; Burghley to Loftus and Fenton, and to St. Leger, -December 9; St. Leger to Burghley and Walsingham, February 2, 1583. - -[98] Earl of Ormonde's demands, &c., November 1582; Walsingham to -Wallop, December 6; Burghley to the Lords Justices, December 8; Rate -for 1,000 men to be sent into Munster, December 15; Lords Justices to -Burghley, January 5, 1583; Ormonde to Walsingham, January 27; Wallop -to Walsingham, February 7 and March 6; Minute for the Lords Justices, -March 5; Ormonde to the Lords Justices, March 20. Ormonde left London, -or Windsor, December 22, and landed at Waterford (viâ Milford) January -21, having been long hindered by storms. - -[99] St. Leger to Burghley, Oct. 29, 1582, and Jan. 16, 1583; and to -Walsingham, Feb. 11. - -[100] G. Fenton to Burghley, Feb. 24, 1583; Ormonde to the Privy -Council, Feb. 28 and April 5; to the Queen, April 24; to the Privy -Council and to Burghley and Walsingham, May 28; to the Lords Justices, -June 15; to the Queen, June 18; to Walsingham, June 22; Thomas Mynne to -Wallop, April 9. - -[101] G. Fenton to Walsingham, Jan. 16; St. Leger to Walsingham, Feb. -11; Sir W. Stanley to Fenton, May 25; Desmond to Ormonde, June 5; -Ormonde to Burghley and to the Queen, June 18; to Burghley, June 22. - -[102] St. Leger to the Queen, May 8 and Aug. 5 (the latter was -intercepted); to Burghley, Aug. 5 and Oct. 19; to Walsingham, Aug. 5, -1583, and Sept. 14, 1584; Ormonde to Burghley, Oct. 20, 1583; to the -Privy Council, Jan. 23, 1584; to Burghley, Jan. 26, 1584; Walsingham -to Ormonde, March 25 and June 12, 1583; Lords Justices to Walsingham, -June 18, 1583; G. Fenton to Walsingham, May 30, 1583. The tone of all -Wallop's and Fenton's letters is unfriendly to Ormonde. - -[103] Ormonde to Burghley and to Walsingham, July 10, 1583. The nobles -and gentlemen who came to Ormonde at Cork and gave pledges were as -follows:--Earl of Clancare; Lords Barrymore, Roche, Kinsale and Lixnaw; -Sirs--Thomas of Desmond, Owen MacCarthy Reagh, Owen O'Sullivan, Barry -Roe, Lord Lixnaw's son Patrick, the White Knight, Patrick Condon, -the seneschal of Imokilly, Cormac MacDermot, nephew to Sir Cormac -MacTeig, Callaghan MacTeig MacCarthy, brother to Sir Cormac MacTeig, -O'Sullivan More, Donell, nephew to Sir Owen O'Sullivan, O'Donoghue More -(inhabiting in MacCarthy More's country), O'Donoghue of Glenflesk, -MacDonogh MacCarthy of Duhallow, O'Keefe, MacAuliffe, O'Callaghan, -MacFynnyne, William, brother to the Knight of Kerry, Thomas Oge, -seneschal of Kerry, Donogh MacCragh (a rhymer), and divers captains of -gallowglasses of the MacSwineys and the MacSheehy's. - -[104] St. Leger to Burghley, Aug. 5 and Oct. 19, 1583; N. White to -Burghley, Aug. 24; Ormonde to Burghley, Sept. 4 and 23 (the latter -enclosing Lord Roche's letter); Privy Council to Ormonde, Sept. 19. - -[105] I have followed the strictly contemporary account printed by -Archdeacon Rowan in the _Kerry Magazine_ (Jan. 1854), and reprinted -by Miss Hickson in _Old Kerry Records_. No other account is so full, -and it is easily reconciled with the _Four Masters_ and with Ormonde's -letters printed by Mr. Gilbert in vol. iv. of the _Irish National MSS_, -and see Ormonde to Walsingham and Burghley, Nov. 28, and Smith's _Cork_. - -[106] The spot where Desmond fell is on the right bank, rather low down -in the glen. No doubt the cabin where he spent the night was higher up. -In the survey made by Sir Valentine Browne and others, and privately -printed by Mr. S. M. Hussey, is the following passage: 'A great wood -here and there, filled with oak-trees fit for house timber, but not -large enough for the making of ships and castles. But the greater part -of the said wood consists in underwood of the age of fifty and sixty -years, filled with dotted trees--ash, hazels, sallows, willows, alders, -birches, white-thorns and such like.... The wood is called Glanageenty, -in which the late Earl of Desmond was slain in his rebellion, -containing in length about four miles, and in breadth two miles, which -said woods, because no woods there are saleable, and they lie under the -mountains of Slew-Logher, far from any river or navigable stream, are -here valued at _nil_.' I inspected the ground in June 1883. - - - - -CHAPTER XL. - -GOVERNMENT OF PERROTT, 1583-1584. - - -[Sidenote: Sir John Perrott is made Lord Deputy.] - -As early as December 1582, Sir John Perrott had been spoken of as -Grey's successor. His actual appointment was, however, deferred for -more than a year, Loftus and Wallop continuing to act as Lords Justices -till June 1584. They were fortunate in seeing the end of the Desmond -rebellion, but less so in having to deal with those who had been -engaged in it. Lady Desmond, in her poverty, subsisted upon a pension -allowed her by Ormonde, until the Queen's pleasure should be known; -and the protections which he had given to the seneschal of Imokilly, -Patrick Condon, and other leaders, were respected. Wallop did not like -the Lord-General, but he did not thwart him seriously. Piers Grace, -an old and notorious offender in the Kilkenny district, was pardoned -at the Earl's intercession, and the Lords Justices observed that they -would not have done it for anyone else.[107] - -[Sidenote: Archbishop O'Hurley.] - -[Sidenote: His treatment at Rome.] - -In 1581, after the death of Fitzgibbon, Gregory XIII. appointed Dermod -O'Hurley to the Archbishopric of Cashel. He had spent fifteen years -at Louvain and four at Rheims, and he was deeply engaged in the plans -of Irish exiles against Elizabeth's government. We get a glimpse of -him at Rome not long after his appointment, and find him, like his -predecessor, occupied in schemes for the invasion of Ireland. The -caution of the Italian ecclesiastic is, as usual, contrasted with the -sanguine temper of the exiles. Christopher Barnewall, who had been sent -to the Continent by Baltinglas, was introduced by O'Hurley to Cardinal -Como, and informed him that Kildare and Delvin were in prison, though -both had served against the Wicklow rebels. 'Who,' said the Cardinal, -with an expressive shrug, 'would trust an Irishman? The Earl promised -to take our part.' O'Hurley thought he had not gone so far. 'Wilt thou -tell me?' answered the Italian angrily, and produced a letter from -Kildare and a document signed by most of the Lords of Ulster, Munster, -and Connaught, which made his view good. 'Do you think,' he said, 'that -we would have trusted to James Fitzmaurice and Stukeley, or to all -these lords which subscribed the great letter, unless we had received -this letter from the Earl of Kildare? The Pope has no money for any of -your nation.'[108] - -[Sidenote: O'Hurley reaches Ireland,] - -[Sidenote: where he is tortured] - -[Sidenote: and hanged.] - -O'Hurley landed at Drogheda in September, 1583, bringing letters from -Rome with him. He was harboured by Lord Slane, whose daughter was -married to Ormonde's natural son Piers, and in the latter's company -he went into Munster after a few days' rest. The Archbishop, who was -soon hunted down, with Ormonde's help, made no secret of having been -engaged in the work of the Inquisition, and charged Kildare and Delvin -with the late insurrection--thus showing that Barnewall had spoken -truly. Walsingham recommended the use of 'torture, or any other severe -manner of proceeding, to gain his knowledge of all foreign practices -against Her Majesty's states.' The Lords Justices objected that they -had no rack nor other such instrument of terror, and that the Tower -of London would be a fitter place for the experiment. Walsingham then -advised them to toast the prisoner's feet at the fire with hot boots. -A commission was accordingly made out to Fenton and Waterhouse, and -the ordeal was applied with frightful severity. The letters brought -by O'Hurley had been intercepted, and could not therefore be denied, -but nothing of importance was elicited. A letter which he had written -to Ormonde was produced, and the Lords Justices took care to hint -at the Earl's complicity, but without effect. The lawyers held that -an indictment for treasons committed abroad would not lie, and in -any case a trial by jury was not to be risked. The Lords Justices -suggested martial law, to which, as they grimly observed, the landless -Archbishop could not fairly object. Seeing that further torture would -be useless Walsingham agreed to this course, and noted the Queen's -'good acceptation of their careful travail in this matter.' Throughout -the correspondence it is evident that Elizabeth and all her servants -looked upon O'Hurley mainly as a traitor and not as a recusant; and -that defence of their conduct may stand for what it is worth. The -torture is indefensible; but it was only too common in those days, and -O'Hurley himself had been an Inquisitor. The Archbishop was hanged -privately in the Castle early on June 19, after the arrival of Perrott, -but before he had been sworn in.[109] - -[Sidenote: Help comes from Spain,] - -[Sidenote: but it is too late.] - -There can be no doubt that the court of Rome had urged upon that of -Spain the necessity of relieving Desmond. But Philip II. was never in -time, and his energies, such as they were, were absorbed by Portuguese -affairs. It was not until the final defeat of Strozzi's expedition to -the Azores that Irish exiles could get their business attended to. -The Cardinal of Como became friendly once more, and sent for William -Nugent almost as often as the post arrived from Spain, saying that -he remembered him at every turn of his beads. The Pope saw Nugent -every six weeks, and the intervals were spent in making interest with -Gregory's son Giacomo, whose influence over the aged Pontiff had become -very great. It was confidently reported that the whole Spanish fleet -would sail for Ireland on its return from the Azores, but only two -ships actually arrived. The papal bishop of Killaloe, Cornelius Ryan, -had been sent by Desmond to Spain towards the end of 1582. In the -spring of 1583 it was announced that help was coming, but it may have -been delayed until the return of Santa Cruz and his fleet. Desmond had -been dead nearly two months when the tardy succour arrived. Bishop Ryan -appeared on the west coast with one large ship laden with artillery. -Another, also with munitions of war, anchored in Ringabella Bay outside -Cork harbour, and sent a boat, which brought off a countryman. Of those -on board the chief spokesman was a friar named Shane O'Ferrall, who -wept bitterly on hearing of Desmond's death. A Spaniard wrote down all -the particulars. 'Is there none of the Earl's name,' he asked, 'that -will take upon him to follow and maintain that enterprise? You say -none. Well, if any had continued it until now, we had brought here to -furnish them treasure and munition good store, and shortly they should -have had more, and aid enough.' There were three bags of silver and -two of gold, each as much as a man could carry. A present was sent -by O'Ferrall to a lady living close by--marmalade, lemons and figs, -a poignard, and a taffeta scarf--and then finding their occupation -gone, the strangers left the coast. Don Antonio and Philip Strozzi -had not saved Portugal, but they had destroyed Spanish influence in -Ireland.[110] - -[Sidenote: Murder of John Burke;] - -[Sidenote: his popularity.] - -[Sidenote: Clanricarde is pardoned.] - -Within a week of Desmond's death the newly made Baron of Leitrim came -to a violent end. Public opinion attributed the deed to his brother, -and no doubt he profited largely by it. Clanricarde himself said that -he had intercepted a band of traitors in the Baron's company, and -that he fell in the scuffle. His sister, Lady Mary, clamoured loudly -for vengeance, but the Earl found means to silence her. A competent -English observer tells us that 'Sir John of the Shamrocks,' as the -Irish called him, was the best beloved man in Connaught, perhaps in all -Ireland. 'He was very well spoken, he was courteous, he was liberal -to every man that had occasion to try him, in his house he was very -bountiful, and he wrote better than any Irishman whose letters I have -seen.... First he would speak fair to every man, and mean no truth to -any man that was honest. He had always a treasonable mind, and did ever -thirst after blood. He was betrothed to one woman, and, leaving her, he -was married to two others; they are all three alive. He was a common -haunter of women, and men say he had a child by his own sister, and a -great maintainer of thieves he was.... The Earl will not steal from one -to give to another. He will not spare the offender for any respects; I -mean thieves: other offenders are seldom punished in Ireland, and never -among the Irish.' The Earl offered to prove the incest by irrefutable -witnesses. The Lord Justice thought the simplest plan was to attribute -the murder to the mutual hatred between the half-brothers since their -cradles. They advised that Clanricarde's future good conduct should be -secured by a pardon, 'especially in those remote parts where so many -heinous facts contrary to the laws of God and man have been infinitely -borne with in all ages.' Three years before, when Clanricarde was ill, -it was generally supposed that his brother had poisoned him. To avoid -further confusion the English Government thought it better to allow a -pardon. The murdered man had no legitimate children, and the peerage -died with him. This long-standing faction fight was now at an end; the -Earl was undisputed master over all the possessions of his house, and -became the mainstay of English law and order in the West.[111] - -[Sidenote: Trial by combat.] - -The once mighty tribe of the Leinster O'Connors had fallen very low, -but even the miserable remnant could not keep from internecine war. -Teig MacGilpatrick, who led one party, was accused by Connor MacCormac -of killing men who were under protection. Connor retorted that they -had broken into rebellion since protection was granted. The Lords -Justices persuaded Connor, and Sir Nicholas White persuaded Teig to -appear and accuse each other. An appeal of treason was thus technically -constituted, and for this they were told that trial by battle was -the proper remedy. Fearing, it would appear, that the courage of the -litigants might ooze away, the combat was fixed for the next day. The -Lords Justices and Council sat solemnly in the inner Castle yard, the -display being made more impressive by a large attendance of military -officers. The proper ceremonies were observed, and the Lords Justices -were careful to excuse any possible want of accuracy by pleading the -shortness of the time. The combatants who were allowed only sword, -target, and skull-cap, were stripped to their shirts and searched by -Secretary Fenton himself. They then took their seats on two stools -at opposite ends of the lists, and the pleadings having been read a -trumpet sounded the onset. Connor, who was wounded twice in the leg and -once in the eye, attempted to close, but his adversary was too strong -for him. Having stunned and disarmed his accuser, Teig, who was himself -seriously wounded, 'but not mortally, the more was the pity,' cut off -his head with his own sword and presented it on the point to the Lords -Justices, one of whom, be it remembered, was the Archbishop of Dublin. -Fenton sent the sword to Leicester, 'wishing her Majesty had the same -end of all the O'Connors in Ireland.' 'We commend,' they said, 'the -diligent travail of Sir Lucas Dillon and the Master of the Rolls, who -equally and openly seemed to countenance the champions, but secretly -with very good concurrence with us and between themselves for her -Majesty's service.'[112] - -[Sidenote: A second trial goes by default.] - -The Lords Justices hoped to make more O'Connors kill one another, but -a second combat arranged to take place two or three days later was -frustrated by the non-appearance of the accused, a brother of the -victorious Teig, who had accepted the challenge for him. His adversary, -Morrogh-ni-Cogge, came into the lists and made proclamation for two -hours with drums and trumpets. Morrogh was adjudged victorious, but the -absent man described him as 'readiest to fight with those that he knew -were farthest off from him.' He urged that his brother had no right to -promise for him, that Morrogh was too base a fellow to place in the -balance with him, and that he could not be spared until his brother had -recovered. 'Notwithstanding,' he added, 'when my brother is whole of -his wounds and able to take charge of his men, if it shall please the -Lords Justices to call Morrogh and me face to face, that I may know -upon what ground and quarrel I am to fight, I will then make it openly -known how little able that vain boaster is to stand in my hands, who at -the very sound of my name was wont to trot over whole countries.'[113] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Perrott--his instructions.] - -Sir John Perrott was in no great hurry to take up his government, and -five months elapsed between the date of his patent and his arrival in -Ireland. It was rumoured in Dublin that he would not come at all. In -England and in Ireland, his choleric temper involved him in frequent -quarrels, and it is probable that delay was caused by some of these. -His instructions did not greatly differ from those which Elizabeth was -wont to give to her representatives. To increase the revenue without -oppressing the subject, to reduce the army without impairing its -efficiency, to punish rebels without driving them to desperation, and -to reward loyal people without cost to the Crown--these were the usual -orders, and they were easier to give than to carry out. Perrott had -already tasted the misery of Irish official life, and his half-brother, -Sir Henry Jones, warned him that he would now be envied more than ever, -and truly prophesied that he would never see him again.[114] - -[Sidenote: Perrott and Ormonde.] - -The settlement of Munster was, of course, the most important part -of Perrott's work, and he was probably chosen because he knew that -province well. He was ordered to take Ormonde with him, and to give his -opinion due weight. The Earl was directed to come to England as soon -as he had given all the information in his power. Tired of the delay, -and fearing lest he should be undermined at court, Ormonde slipped over -to Wales and met the new Lord Deputy, who handed him a gracious letter -from the Queen. This somewhat reassured him, but he complained of hard -dealing in being displaced before he had made known in England in how -good and quiet order he had left his late charge. At Carew Castle he -received orders to accompany his host to Ireland, and complied, though -he always hated a sea-passage. He felt that his personal interests were -safe in the hands of his old companion in arms, but thought it a little -late to consult him about Munster. The journey would only increase his -debts, unless, as he hinted to Burghley, the Queen made it worth his -while; 'but over I will, God willing, and back again, seeing you wish -it should be so.'[115] - -[Sidenote: Perrott makes a speech,] - -[Sidenote: which is generally admired.] - -Perrott made a speech to the great crowd assembled at his installation. -He said that the Queen held her subjects of Ireland equal with those -of England, and that her care, as well as his own, was to make them -equally happy by means of good government. Among other sayings it -was noted as worthy of remark, that he wished to suppress 'the name -of a churl and crushing of a churl,' and to substitute such terms as -husbandman, franklin, or yeoman. 'This,' says Secretary Fenton, 'was -so plausible to the assembly, that it was carried from hand to hand -throughout the whole realm in less time than might be thought credible -if I should express it.' - -[Sidenote: No respecter of persons.] - -Next day the Lord Deputy ordered a general hosting, according to -the ancient custom, for six weeks, beginning on August 10. Tara was -assigned as the place of meeting, and Tyrone, Ormonde, Barrymore, and -Mountgarret were among those who signed the order. Perrott devoted a -few days to the Council, whose help was necessary to enable him to -gather up the reins. Fenton found him 'affable and pleasing, seeking -by good means to recover the hearts of the people that were somewhat -estranged, quick and industrious, careful of her Majesty's profit, -sincere, just, and no respecter of persons.' Indeed, he did not respect -persons enough. Wallop, whose office of Vice-Treasurer made him the -most important man next to the Viceroy, and who had been virtual chief -governor for nearly two years past, was on the point of quarrelling -with him at the outset, but forced himself to make allowance for -the Deputy's passionate disposition. With Loftus, who had lately -been Wallop's colleague in the government, and who was still Lord -Chancellor, Perrott was at open war in a very short time.[116] - -[Sidenote: John Norris governor of Munster, and Bingham of Connaught.] - -John Norris, the most famous of Lord Norris of Rycot's six good -sons, had been appointed Lord President of Munster. Bingham, whom -Perrott knighted at his installation, was, at the same time, made -Chief Commissioner of Connaught in Maltby's room, but with inferior -emoluments. The Lord Deputy proposed to settle the two provincial -governors in their places at once, and to return in time for the -hosting at Tara. Norris went straight to Munster, and Bingham -accompanied Perrott to the West. All the chief men of Connaught -and Thomond flocked dutifully to the Viceroy, and he decided -controversies to their satisfaction. The sheriffs maintained great -trains of followers, who became a scourge to the country, and this -abuse was sternly repressed. Clanricarde and the rest were ready to -make some permanent arrangement with their tenants, 'so as I,' said -Perrott, 'would take a time among them to perform it, which, if I -have quietness, I will do hereafter.' He was not fated to have much -quietness. Bingham's first impression of his province was that the -Irish should be won by plausible means. It was, he said, their habit -to acknowledge their duty to her Majesty on the arrival of a new Lord -Deputy, 'more for fashion than for faithful obedience.' The fashion and -the want of faithful obedience have both continued to our own time. -Bingham saw clearly that the Queen's government would never be really -popular--'the people, for every small trifle, are daily suggesting that -they are intolerably oppressed and extorted upon.' His advice was to -keep them down by steady but gentle pressure, 'so that by having too -little the country may not be waste, and by having too much the people -may not rebel. Nevertheless, my meaning is rather to better their -estate than to make it worse.' He understood the problem, but he was -not much more successful than others in finding the solution.[117] - -[Sidenote: State of the Church.] - -John Long, a Cambridge man and a Londoner, was consecrated Primate -on the day on which Perrott left Dublin. As a special mark of favour -the new Deputy had been allowed to fill the vacant see. Loftus -desired the appointment of Thomas Jones, Dean of St. Patrick's, who -ultimately succeeded him in Dublin. Not much, either good or bad, is -recorded of Archbishop Long, but he became the chief pastor of a most -forlorn flock. 'There are here,' says an English visitor to Ireland, -'so many churches fallen down, so many children dispensed withal to -enjoy the livings of the Church, so many laymen--as they are commonly -termed--suffered to hold benefices with cure, so many clergymen -tolerated to have the profit of three or four pastoral dignities, who, -being themselves unlearned, are not meet men, though they were willing, -to teach and instruct others, as whoso beholdeth it must not choose but -make it known.'[118] - -[Sidenote: Munster thoroughly cowed.] - -Many of the chief men of Munster came to Perrott at Limerick, and the -rest signified their intention of attending him at Cork. But news -arrived that Scots had landed in Ulster, and the Lord Deputy, who liked -fighting better than anything, turned aside from Limerick, crossed -Tipperary, and returned by Kilkenny to Dublin. Ormonde and Norris, -together with all the late rebels whom the Earl had pardoned, were -ordered to make ready for the northern enterprise. Malachi O'Moloney, -Papal Bishop of Kilmacduagh, was suspected of having a hand in the -Ulster plot; he came to Perrott, renounced the Pope, and took the -oath of supremacy; but there can be little doubt that this conversion -was insincere. A messenger from Tirlogh O'Neill had certainly been in -Munster, but found it impossible to stir up the embers of the Desmond -rebellion. Lord Fitzmaurice told him plainly that no one would stir -as long as Perrott and Ormonde were in Ireland. The Lord Deputy could -therefore turn his back safely on Munster, and he hastened to Dublin -to make preparations for repelling what he believed to be a serious -invasion.[119] - -[Sidenote: Escheated lands in Munster.] - -[Sidenote: Difficulties of the survey.] - -Far more important than the perennial but limited trouble with the -Scots, was the question of surveying and resettling the attainted lands -in Munster. In June 1584, a commission for the purpose was directed to -Vice-Treasurer Wallop, Sir Valentine Browne a man of long experience -in English revenue business, Surveyor-General Alford, and auditors -Jenyson and Peyton. Their survey began early in September, and they did -not return till the end of November, having found a great part of the -province waste; and Kerry in particular seemed impossible to re-people -except by importation from England. Sir Valentine Browne, who was an -elderly man, was active and zealous, but he found the work very hard. -'He hath,' says his colleague the Vice-Treasurer, 'been sundry times -bogged, yet hath gone better through with it than might be imagined -so corpulent a man of his years would have been able.' Rivers and -mountains had to be crossed, and provisions could hardly be procured -at any point between Limerick and Dingle. One hundred persons fed at -the Commissioners' table, who had to supply it on credit. Wallop was -struck by the great fertility of the land, and estimated that the Queen -would have a new revenue of 6,000_l._ within three years. But the -difficulty in making an accurate survey was very great. It was supposed -that land worth more than 1,000_l._ a year had escheated in parts of -Tipperary, outside of Ormonde's jurisdiction; but what he had once -claimed no one dared to inhabit in spite of him. The Earl's palatinate -was originally a matter of grace and favour, but he tried to extend it -to the whole county, and it seemed doubtful whether any subject ought -to be so great. The difficulty of arriving at the truth proved even -more serious than Wallop at first supposed. Many months passed without -anything being decided, and in the meantime Munster was in the utmost -misery. Vice-President Norris could not prevent his starving soldiers -from running after his brother into Flanders, and the towns, which -truly pleaded poverty, could neither be forced nor persuaded to support -them.[120] - -[Sidenote: Scots in Ulster.] - -Ormonde, who was in a hurry to get to London, deferred his journey that -he might accompany Perrott to Ulster. The young Earl of Thomond, who -had been educated in England, and who lived to be called 'the great -Earl,' was glad to take part in the expedition. His great object was -to have the county of Clare acknowledged as part of Munster, and freed -from the jurisdiction of the Connaught government; and in this he -ultimately succeeded. Clanricarde also gave his services, and so did -Lord President Norris. Perrott had 2,000 trained men with him, besides -Irish allies, and he thought they would all be necessary. It had been -his intention to govern plausibly, and 'to look through his fingers at -Ulster as a fit receptacle for all the savage beasts of the land;' but -the Scots were said to be 4,000, and there were the usual reports about -Spanish ships. Norris, who had a cooler head than Perrott, afterwards -said that he thought the Scots were bent 'only on their customary -fetching of meat.' They took 3,000 cows from Tyrconnell, but their -numbers were larger than usual. Macleans, as well as MacDonnells, were -engaged, and the whole movement had probably more to do with Hebridean -politics than with any intention of hurting Queen Elizabeth. The Scots -disappeared as quickly as they had come, and when Perrott reached -Newry, he found that no foeman worthy of his steel awaited him. He -resolved, however, to go on, and to show that Ulster was within his -reach.[121] - -[Sidenote: The Scots clans,] - -[Sidenote: and the Ulster Irish.] - -Secretary Davison was in Scotland at this time, and he ridiculed -Perrott's fear of Scottish invasion. The obscure politics of Isla -and Cantire were not well understood even at Edinburgh, and the -Englishman's judgment may have been warped by the contempt which he -certainly felt for Arran. The whole thing, he said, had been greatly -exaggerated. But, notwithstanding his opinion and that of Norris, it -seems clear that the uneasiness among the western clans had something -to say to the fall of Gowrie, and to Arran's short-lived triumph. The -islanders would hardly move for king or regent, unless they saw some -advantage to themselves. Some of them at least were paid by cattle -taken from the O'Donnells, and all were willing to make interest at -court if it could be done cheaply. Perrott's ships just failed in -intercepting the Scots at Lough Foyle, and he could only speak from -report. 'Yet truly,' he maintained, 'although they ran away thus -cowardly, howsoever Mr. Davison was abused by his intelligence, they -were in number little fewer, their training and furniture no worse, -and their purpose no better, than I wrote.' Tirlogh Luineach was not -minded to oppose Perrott, and he came to him at Newry without pardon -or protection. The old chief's adhesion proved of little value, for, -like other Irish leaders before and since, 'the better subject he -became, the weaker he waxed, and the less regarded of his followers.' -In fact he required help against his own people. But O'Cahan and the -crafty Baron of Dungannon also came in, and Perrott proceeded to invest -Dunluce Castle.[122] - -[Sidenote: Slight connection of the western clans with Edinburgh.] - -[Sidenote: Perrott takes Dunluce.] - -The legal government of Scotland accepted no responsibility for the -raids of Macleans and MacDonnells in Ulster. Formerly attempts to -retaliate on the Hebrides had not been successful, though Perrott -wished to repeat them; but James and Elizabeth were at peace, and the -Queen was quite justified in treating the intruders as filibusters. -Whether or not they were partly moved by Catholic intriguers in Mary -Stuart's interest really mattered very little, for they could not -influence seriously the fate of creeds or kingdoms. But they were a -constant source of expense, and the officer who dealt them a crushing -blow would deserve well of his sovereign. This honour was, however, -denied to Perrott, and reserved for Bingham. The Scot who commanded -the garrison of Dunluce declared that he held the castle for the King -of Scots' use, and would defend it to the last. He can, however, have -had no valid commission. The position of this place was at once its -strength and its weakness. Situated on a precipitous rock rising out of -a stormy sea, and connected with the mainland by a narrow ledge, it was -almost unapproachable by any enemy. On the other hand it could scarcely -be relieved, and it was impossible for the garrison to escape. The fire -of three pieces converging on the small castle soon made it untenable, -and the forty men whom it contained surrendered at discretion on the -second or third day.[123] - -[Sidenote: Claims of the MacDonnells.] - -The MacDonnells had always rested their Irish claims upon their -relationship to the extinct Bissetts. The extent of the lands once -held by that family was very uncertain; but Sorley Boy never ceased -his efforts to get rid of the MacQuillins, who had long held the -Route, and upon whom the garrison of Coleraine habitually depended for -provisions. Lady Agnes O'Neill, on the other hand, had the Campbell -instinct for annexation, and endeavoured to set up her own son Donnell -Gorme Macdonnell against his uncle. As the elder brother's son he had -perhaps the better legal right; but Sorley was supported by the clan. -Tirlogh Luineach was under his wife's influence, but had enough to do -to hold his own against Shane O'Neill's sons, and against the Baron of -Dungannon. Norris said Tirlogh could do nothing without the Queen's -help; but even he seems to have been persuaded by Lady Agnes that -Sorley's followers resented his tyranny, and were ready to leave him. - -After the loss of Dunluce Sorley went to Scotland for help, and Perrott -agreed that Donnell Gorme should have a grant of the Bissetts' lands in -consideration of reasonable service. Donnell, on his part, undertook to -entertain none but Irish-born Scots, to book the men of his country and -be responsible for them, and to serve against his uncle or any other -foreign Scot. MacQuillin made a contract for victualling Coleraine, -and O'Donnell, whose wife was Donnell Gorme's sister, made a treaty -with Tirlogh Luineach, who agreed to maintain 300 English soldiers and -to perform other services. Magennis and the Clandeboye O'Neills also -made terms, and Perrott, finding no enemy in the field, returned to -Dublin.[124] - -[Sidenote: Perrott, Ormonde, and Norris lift 50,000 cows.] - -[Sidenote: The forest of Glenconkein.] - -The war being at an end for want of an enemy, Perrott thought that -Scottish raids could best be prevented by clearing the country of -cattle. Norris and Ormonde entered Glenconkein, now the south-western -portion of Londonderry, but then considered part of Tyrone, and -50,000 cattle were collected in what was then an almost impenetrable -stronghold. Twenty-five years later Sir John Davies described -Chichester's march though the district, 'where the wild inhabitants -wondered as much to see the King's Deputy as the ghosts in Virgil -wondered to see Æneas alive in hell.' The woods were then said to be -among the best in Ireland, and to be as extensive as the New Forest; -but they had been wastefully treated, and it was feared that they would -soon be exhausted. So completely was the work of destruction carried -out that a report written in 1803 declared the county of Londonderry to -be the worst wooded in the King's dominions. In the sixteenth century -a considerable population inhabited Glenconkein, who tilled such -portions as were fit for tillage, and who looked upon the O'Neills as -their superior lords. As had been the case in Kerry, fires marked the -course of Ormonde's march. Norris took much the same view of the Ulster -problem as Sidney had done. Permanent garrisons must be maintained, and -this would be the cheapest way in the long run. 'Ireland,' he said, -'is not to be brought to obedience but by force; and albeit that some -governments have been performed with fewer men, yet have these times -served for nothing but to give breath for a further trouble, and then -the country ruled by entreaty and not by commandment.'[125] - -[Sidenote: Perrott proposes to dissolve St. Patrick's,] - -[Sidenote: and to endow a university.] - -Among the private instructions given to Perrott by the Privy Council -was one directing him to consider 'how St. Patrick's in Dublin, and -the revenue belonging to the same, might be made to serve, as had been -theretofore intended,' for the erection of a college. This old plan -of Archbishop Browne's had been revived in 1564, and again abandoned -in deference to the remonstrances of the threatened foundation; but it -was very much to Perrott's liking, and he adopted it with additions. -The dean, Thomas Jones, had just been promoted to the see of Meath, -and a principal obstacle had thus been removed. The Courts of Justice -were at this time held in the Castle over the powder magazine, but -the lawyers had also claims upon the house of Black Friars, on the -left bank of the Liffey, where the Four Courts now stand. Ormonde and -others had conflicting interests, but the Judges and Bar petitioned -that they might be otherwise compensated, and that the law might be -permanently lodged by the riverside. This was the plan favoured by the -late Lords Justices, but Secretary Fenton, with whom Perrott agreed, -cast eyes on the Friars as a convenient landing-place, and wished to -turn it into a Government victualling-store. The Lord Deputy's idea -was to combine the two schemes; to let the judges sit in St. Patrick's -church, to convert the residence of the chapter into inns of court, and -to found a university with the revenues. The two cathedrals, he urged, -were too near together to be both useful, and St. Patrick's was 'held -in more superstitious veneration' than the one named after Christ. He -thought 2,000_l._ might suffice for the erection of two colleges, and -the surplus, which he estimated at about 700_l._, could go to eke out -the revenue of Christ Church. 'For the conversion of the whole church -of St. Patrick,' he told Burghley, 'whatsoever shall or can be said to -the contrary, it proceedeth from particular covetous humour without -regard to the general good. I could name the sink if I listed whereinto -the whole profit falleth under the colour of maintenance of a few bad -singers.' A reformer who begins in this way, though he be a king and -not merely a viceroy, very seldom succeeds in effecting reforms.[126] - -[Sidenote: Loftus and Jones are too fond of money.] - -Adam Loftus was fond of money. He begged so unblushingly for himself -and his relations, that the chapter of Christ Church, on granting one -of his requests, made him promise, before them all, not to ask for -anything more. Even this promise he afterwards tried to evade. He was -accused of jobbing away the revenues of St. Patrick's, and the late -dean, who was married to his sister-in-law, earned a very bad name -for wasting the substance of his deanery first, and afterwards of -his bishopric. One extant deed in particular bears Swift's indignant -endorsement, made in 1714, as 'a lease of Coolmine, made by that rascal -Dean Jones, and the knaves, or fools, his chapter, to one John Allen -for eighty-one years, to commence from the expiration of a lease of -eighty years made in 1583; so that there was a lease of 161 years of -253 acres in Tassagard parish, within three miles of Dublin, for 2_l._ -per annum... now worth 150_l._, and, so near Dublin, could not then -be worth less than 50_l._ How the lease was surrendered, I cannot yet -tell.' - -[Sidenote: St. Patrick's rescued;] - -[Sidenote: though Loftus liked a university in the abstract.] - -[Sidenote: Archbishop Bancroft.] - -Loftus was accused of being interested in many such leases, and it -was said that in defending St. Patrick's he was really defending his -own pocket. He had been dean himself, too, and very possibly he was -not anxious for the inquisition which must have taken place had the -cathedral been dissolved. On the other hand, the Archbishop could give -good reason why Perrott's plan should not take effect. St. Patrick's, -he said, was the only place in Ireland where a learned man, and -especially a learned Englishman, 'could, without imminent danger, -thrust his head.' There were twenty-six dignitaries, some of them very -slightly endowed, and of these fifteen were university graduates. With -the exception of one bishop, there were no good preachers in Ireland -but those furnished by St. Patrick's, and amongst them were Dean Jones, -Thompson, the treasurer, Conway, the chancellor, and Henry Ussher, the -archdeacon, who lived to be Archbishop of Armagh. Of three bishops -who could preach, two had been promoted out of St. Patrick's, and -Christ Church neither had done nor could do anything in that way. He -was ready to give what help he could towards the establishment of a -university, but a university could not be maintained long if there were -no benefices to bestow upon fellows. The prebends did not depend upon -temporalities, but were all attached to parishes. Kildare was patron of -two, but the others were in the Archbishop's gift, and they were all -opposed to Perrott's scheme. Loftus himself was ready to resign rather -than leave himself 'a perpetual blot and infamy' to his successor, -for having consented to the destruction of his cathedral. Archdeacon -Ussher was sent to England, and Loftus also employed Richard Bancroft, -one of the prebendaries, to plead the cause of St. Patrick's at Court. -Bancroft became Archbishop of Canterbury, and gained lasting fame for -his services in connection with the authorised version of the Bible, -but appears to have resided very little in Dublin, though he held his -preferment there for at least thirty years.[127] - -[Sidenote: The scheme makes Perrott and Loftus enemies.] - -Whatever may be thought of Loftus's character, his arguments on -this occasion were good, and Burghley felt them to be unanswerable. -The thing could not be done, he said, without the consent of the -prebendaries, and he asked Perrott how he would like to have his own -salary diverted to some other use. Preaching was necessary as well -as teaching, and there was no greater abuse in the Church of England -than the transfer of livings to abbeys and colleges. Tithes had been -instituted for the service of parishes, and he would never do evil -that good might come. Perrott answered that the idea had not been -originated by him, and that his instructions from the Privy Council, -signed by Burghley himself with many others, would have warranted him -in proceeding far more roughly than he had done. Where he seems really -to have done wrong was in not showing this order of the Privy Council -to Loftus, and in letting him suppose that he was acting of his own -motion. Even after Burghley had given his opinion, he was unwilling to -give up the scheme, and the Archbishop begged for a letter signed by -the Queen herself. This was granted, and the royal missive was read to -Perrott in the presence of Waterhouse and Sir Lucas Dillon. Even then -the Lord Deputy was not silenced, and the result was bitter hostility -between the Queen's representative and the Chancellor Archbishop, who -should have been his chief adviser.[128] - -[Sidenote: Three hundred executions in Munster.] - -While Norris was absent in the North, Sir William Stanley governed -Munster, and improved the occasion by 300 executions. 'This,' he said, -'doth terrify them so that a man now may travel the whole country, and -none to molest him.' The Lord President on his return declared the -country was waste and depopulate. Even malefactors were scarce, and -there was no chance of resettling the province but by importing people. - -[Sidenote: State of Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Forty-eight executions in Leinster.] - -[Sidenote: Feagh MacHugh a prosecutor of thieves.] - -In Connaught Bingham complained that he was denied means to maintain -the strict government necessary for a people who were not naturally -inclined to civility. He hoped nevertheless to increase the revenue -in time. From Leinster alone was there anything like a good report. -The Master of the Rolls went circuit, and 48 prisoners out of 181 were -executed on verdicts found by their own clansmen. Among them were -two landowners of the Kavanaghs, who had regularly preyed upon the -Barrow navigation, and whose property near Leighlin thus escheated to -the Crown. White settled some dispute between chiefs and sheriffs, -and visited Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne at Ballinacor, 'where law never -approached.' Nor was the reconciliation with the notable partisan -altogether hollow. About three months afterwards, fifty head of cattle -were lifted in the Pale, and 'carried with a pipe to the mountain.' -Feagh MacHugh followed, brought back the cows, and sent three of the -reivers' heads to Perrott. The piper and another were sent alive, and -speedily hanged, and O'Byrne declared his willingness to send his own -son, who had been implicated in the robbery. 'Your lordship,' said -Perrott, 'perhaps will marvel to hear that Feagh is such a prosecutor -of theft, and will think it a great change that the O'Connors are ready -to do good service; and the O'Mores, having put in pledges, do live -without doing harm. In Munster only one of the Burkes is abroad in -Aherlow woods with a 20 or 30 swords.'[129] - -[Sidenote: State of Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Perrott addresses the Parliament of England.] - -[Sidenote: The Queen spares both money and thanks.] - -Exhaustion or despair had for a time quieted East, South, and West, but -the North was still unsubdued, and Perrott felt that only permanent -garrisons could secure it. He asked for 600 men, 25 to be levied in -each of the 24 handiest counties of England and Wales. In common years -the Queen had hitherto spent 30,000_l._ or 40,000_l._ a year over and -above the Irish revenue, and the average expense was considerably more. -If he might have 50,000_l._ for three years only, he would at the end -of them hand over Ireland provided with a trained garrison of 2,000 -foot and 400 horse, with seven walled towns of a mile in circumference, -with seven bridges, and with seven castles; and the whole country -might then be governed infinitely better and more cheaply than it had -ever been before. He went so far as to write a letter to the English -Parliament, addressing it as 'most high and noble assembly.' The -malice of the Pope was urged, and also the certainty that foreign -princes would again attempt Ireland, and make it a noisome neighbour to -England. 'Choke up the sink at once,' he exclaimed, 'make one charge -of all, conceiving you do but lend so much upon large interest.' -But even Perrott was not rash enough to address Parliament without -Elizabeth's leave, and the despatch was forwarded through Walsingham, -who consulted Burghley and promptly suppressed it. The Queen, they -said, would certainly resent anyone but herself moving Parliament. She -had now resolved to help the Dutch, and was the more determined to -spare treasure in Ireland. No real danger was to be apprehended from -the Scots, about whom she meant to deal roundly with King James. But -Perrott was thanked for his services, and some minor requests were -granted. A few weeks later, fearing perhaps lest he should be puffed -up, she wrote with her own hand as follows:--'Let us have no more such -rash, unadvised journeys without good ground as your last journey in -the North. We marvel that you hanged not such saucy an advertiser as -he that made you believe so great a company was coming. I know you do -nothing but with a good intention for my service, but yet take better -heed ere you use us so again.' - -He could only reiterate, what seems to have been the fact, that -thousands of Scots had really landed, and had run away before he could -reach them.[130] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[107] Birch's _Memoirs_, i. 27; Ormonde to Burghley, Jan. 26, 1584; -Lords Justices to Ormonde, Dec. 31, 1583. - -[108] Second examination of Christopher Barnewall, Aug. 12, 1583. - -[109] The text is taken from the official correspondence, Lords -Justices to Robert Beale, Oct. 8, 1583; to Walsingham, Oct. 20, Dec. -10, March 7 and 8, 1584, April 14, and July 9; Walsingham to the -Lords Justices, April 28, 1584. It appears from the Catholic accounts -that combustibles were poured into the boots. That of the Jesuit -Holing, who died in 1599, may be taken as contemporary; it is printed -in _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, i. 87. 'Tormenta nova illi parantur; -nam ejus pedibus atroces hæreticorum ministri ocreas, butiro, oleo, -et sale oppletas, ac--quod longe crudelius fuit--crudo ex corio -conditas subjecerunt; postea, vero, catenis simul et compedibus -alligatum, aperto in loco, nempe in medio castri--ubi spectaculum -mundo, hominibus, et angelis--ubi ab omnibus videri potuit, lento igne -apposuerunt, illicque detinuerunt, donec ipso corio consumpto, butiro, -oleo, et sale ferventibus, ossa non cute pro carne tecta verum etiam -omnino munda fuerint relicta.... Postea in ergastulum et obscurissimum -carcerem reducitur, et post sex menses tanquam traditor et reus -criminis læsæ majestatis, ab iniquo judice ad mortem condemnatus est. -Ad extremum, post inaudita tormenta et carceris molestias, albescente -cælo, ne forte tumultus fieret in populo qui ejus exemplo, doctrina, -et constantia permotus ad ejus defensionem perveniret, ignorantibus -civibus patibulo suspensus martyrium consummavit Dublinii circa -annum 1585, mense Maio.' Other accounts, which agree in essentials, -are collected in Brady's _Episcopal Succession_, ii. 11, 599. The -Valicellian MS. there quoted, says a withen rope was used to protract -his agony; but Bacon tells us that this kind of halter was generally -used in Ireland, and that a rebel objected to any other. - -[110] Ormonde to the Privy Council and to Burghley, Jan. 11, 1584, with -enclosures; Wallop to Walsingham, Jan. 21. - -[111] John Browne to Hatton and Walsingham, Nov. 19, 1583; Clanricarde -to the Privy Council, Jan. 31, 1584; Lords Justices to the Privy -Council, March 28, 1584; Wallop to Leicester, Jan. 26, 1581, in -Wright's _Elizabeth_. The _Four Masters_ bear out Browne's statement as -to John Burke's popularity; see also a damaged paper calendared under -Nov. 1583 (No. 99). The Earl's pardon passed the Irish Council, June -28, 1584. Lady Mary married O'Rourke. 'That honest woman,' Bingham -wrote some years later, 'is deceased in childbirth' (to Gardiner, June -10, 1589). - -[112] Lords Justices to the Privy Council, Sept. 12, 1583. Fenton to -Leicester and Warwick, Sept. 13, in _Carew_; Hooker. This is one of the -last, if not the very last trial by combat in the British Islands. Lord -Reay's case, in 1631, is in Howell's _State Trials_, vol. iii., with a -minute account of the ridiculous ceremonies proper to such a mode of -trial; but in that case the fight did not actually take place. - -[113] Reasons of Brian MacGilpatrick O'Connor &c. (translated out of -Irish), Oct. 15, 1583. The brothers seem to have subsided, or as some -would say risen, into farmers. - -[114] The memorial of the Privy Council and the Queen's instructions -are both printed in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_; see also Perrott's -_Life_, and Ormonde to Burghley, March 13, 1584. Perrott landed at -Dalkey, June 9, and was sworn in by Loftus in St. Patrick's on the 21st. - -[115] Ormonde to Burghley, March 13, 1584 (from Carrick); docquet of -letter, April 4; Ormonde to Burghley, May 19 (from Abermorles); June 4, -(from Carew). - -[116] Order for a hosting, June 22, 1584; Wallop to Walsingham, July 9; -Fenton to Walsingham, July 10. - -[117] Henry Sheffield to Burghley, July 12, 1584; Memorial for Mr. -Edward Norris, Aug. 6; Bingham to Burghley, Aug. 7. - -[118] William Johnes to Walsingham, July 14, 1584. - -[119] Perrott's Memorial for Mr. Edward Norris, Aug. 6, 1584. - -[120] Wallop to Burghley, Sept. 17, 1584; to Walsingham, Oct. 14 -and Dec. 4; Sir V. Browne to Burghley and Walsingham, Oct. 18; to -Walsingham, Dec. 11; Waterhouse to Walsingham, Nov. 28; Lord Thomond -to Burghley, July 14, 1585; Vice-President Norris to Perrott, Dec. 30, -1585. - -[121] Fenton to Burghley, Aug. 19, 1584; Perrott to the Privy Council, -Aug. 21; Bingham to Walsingham, Aug. 30; John Norris to Burghley, Oct. -16. - -[122] Walsingham to Hunsdon, Aug. 24, 1584, in Wright's _Elizabeth_; -Privy Council to Perrott, Aug. 31; Perrott to Privy Council, Sept. 15. - -[123] Perrott to Privy Council, Sept. 15 and 17. - -[124] Norris to Burghley, Oct. 16, 1584. The various agreements are in -_Carew_, from Sept. 18 to Oct. 7. Perrott returned to Dublin within -a few days of the latter date. On the 20th he sent Walsingham 'Holy -Columkill's cross, a god of great veneration with Sorley Boy and all -Ulster.... When you have made some sacrifice to him, according to the -disposition you bear to idolatry, you may, if you please, bestow him -upon my good Lady Walsingham or my Lady Sidney, to wear as a jewel of -weight and bigness, and not of price and goodness, upon some solemn -feast or triumph day at the Court.' - -[125] Norris to Burghley, Oct. 16, 1584. See also (in Russell and -Prendergast's Calendar) Sir John Davies to Salisbury, July 1, 1607, and -Aug. 5, 1608, and the second conference about the Plantation, Jan. 12, -1610; and J. C. Beresford's report in the _Concise View of the Irish -Society_, p. ccxxii. In the Irish _Archæological Journal_, vol. i. p. -477, Ormonde's contemporary panegyrist, who is an unconscious satirist, -says: - - Twice he set Glenconkein on fire, - This wealthy and tender-hearted chieftain; - He left no herds around Lough Neagh, - This seer so provident and bountiful. - -According to O'Donovan (_Four Masters_, 1526) Glenconkein originally -composed the parishes of Ballinascreen, Desertmartin, and Kilcronaghan. - -[126] Sir J. Cusack to Cecil, Feb. 2, 1564; Memorial for Perrott in -_Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_; Fenton to Burghley, Jan. 31, 1584; -Petition to the Judges, Feb. 16; Perrott to Walsingham, Aug. 21; and to -Burghley, Oct. 22. - -[127] Loftus to Walsingham, Oct. 4, 1584; and March 21, 1585; -to Burghley, March 18, 1585; Petition of the prebendaries (with -enclosures), Dec. 1584. See also Ware's _Bishops_, arts. 'Jones' and -'Loftus,' and Cotton's _Fasti_. Writing to Burghley, Jan 10, 1585, -Loftus says the only great abuse was the non-residence of prebendaries, -some of them by her Majesty's express command, and he proposes to -remedy this by calling on them to reside, or resign. Bancroft was one -of these privileged absentees. For Swift's remark see Monck Mason's -_Hist. of St. Patrick's_, book ii. chap. iii. sec. 8, where another -disgraceful lease made by Jones is also mentioned. Loftus was an -accomplice in this later case. - -[128] Burghley to Perrott, Nov. 6, 1584; Loftus to Burghley, June 7 -and 11, 1585. Writing to Burghley on the previous 10th of Jan., Loftus -says Fenton had dealt earnestly for the overthrow of St. Patrick's. -'After all,' says Monck Mason, 'the opposition made by Loftus must be -considered as quite reasonable. Had the scheme taken effect there would -scarcely have remained a single benefice in the gift of the Archbishop; -the Crown presented to all the dignities in the other cathedral, and -the Chapter to all the prebends.'--_Hist. of St. Patrick's_, book i. -ch. 14. - -[129] Stanley to Walsingham, Sept. 17, 1584; Norris to Burghley, Nov. -20; Sir N. White to Perrott, Sept. 16; Bingham to Walsingham, Nov. 24 -and Dec. 21; and to Burghley, Dec. 24; Perrott to Burghley, Dec. 4. - -[130] Perrott to the Privy Council, Oct. 25, 1584; to Walsingham -(enclosing that to the High Court of Parliament), Jan. 17, 1585; to the -Queen, April 1; Walsingham to Perrott, Feb. 1; the Queen to Perrott, -April 14. Perrott's proposed towns were Athlone, Coleraine, Sligo, -Mayo, Dingle, Lifford, and Newry; bridges at Coleraine, Lifford, -Ballyshannon, Dundalk, the Munster Black Water, the Feale, and Kells -in Clandeboye; castles at Ballyshannon, Meelick, Castle Martin in the -Route, at Gallen in King's County, Kilcommon in Wicklow, and on both -the Blackwaters. - - - - -CHAPTER XLI. - -GOVERNMENT OF PERROTT, 1585-1588. - - -[Sidenote: The Scots invade Ulster in force.] - -Colin Campbell, 6th Earl of Argyle, died in September, 1584, leaving -his eldest son a minor, and this event added to the confusion generally -prevalent in the Western Isles. Sorley Boy, as usual, contrived to take -advantage of the situation, and persuaded an assembly of chiefs who met -in the island of Bute to support his Irish claims. 1,300 Scots, under -Angus MacDonnell, landed on Rathlin, a much greater number being ready -to follow, and Sir Henry Bagenal hastily moved from Carrickfergus to -meet them. The ships which should have co-operated failed to appear, -and the Scots attacked him in his camp at Red Bay. In spite of the late -negotiations Donnell Gorme was in command, and it is evident that the -islanders were not really worsted, though the English officers put a -good face on the matter. Sir William Stanley was hastily summoned from -Munster to take charge of Coleraine, and Norris was also sent for. -Stanley accompanied Bagenal as far as Glenarm, and then marched inland -to Ballycastle. The Scots had threatened to burn Ballycastle, but a -skirmish with Bagenal proved that they could not do this, and they then -withdrew in a northerly direction.[131] - -[Sidenote: They are driven away.] - -Stanley arrived at Ballycastle on New Year's day, with two companies of -foot, and joined Captain Carleile, whose troop of horse were already -quartered in Bunamargey Abbey. Captain Bowen's company held the fort -of Dunanynie on a hill to the westward. At eleven o'clock that night -the Scots made a sudden attack, set fire to the thatched roof of the -church with brands fixed to the points of their spears, and fell upon -the infantry encamped outside. Stanley rushed out in his shirt and -succeeded in rallying the men, but many were hurt by arrows. He himself -received one in the back, another pinned his arm to his side, and a -third penetrated his thigh. Some horses were burned in the church, and -none could be got out in time to pursue the Scots, whose enterprise -failed in the main. But a fleet of galleys from Cantire passed in -full view, and a very unusual calm prevented the Queen's ships from -following. Stanley sent for reinforcements, and Perrott laid all blame -on the English Government for not sending the 600 men he had asked for. -But the real difficulty was to feed the garrisons already established. -There was no good harbour. Ballycastle Bay is rocky, and everything had -to be landed upon rafts. Some provision vessels were driven back to -Holyhead; others in great danger rode out the gales off Carrickfergus -and Coleraine, 'where the sea raiseth such a billow as can hardly be -endured by the greatest ships. And scarce once in fourteen days those -winter seas will suffer any small vessel to lay the ships aboard to -unlade the victuals.' Money, as usual, was wanting, and the supply -service was none of the best. The captains were charged 42_s._ for -corslets, which might be bought of better quality in any London shop -for 25_s._ or less. Useless articles were sent, and whoever else might -be to blame, Perrott was quite sure that the Master of the Ordnance in -Ireland deserved hanging.[132] - -[Sidenote: Sorley Boy offers to become a good subject.] - -Sorley Boy found that the garrisons, notwithstanding all difficulties, -were likely to become permanent in Ulster. He was growing old, there -had been attempts to dispose of him by foul means, and on the whole -he thought it would be better to make terms for himself. He therefore -sought an interview with Captain Carleile, and professed willingness to -live and die a faithful subject of Queen Elizabeth, on condition of -being acknowledged as owner of at least a large part of the Bissett -estate. He only asked, he said, for such terms as Sidney had been -willing to grant some ten years before. But Perrott preferred strong -measures. At first he wished to go himself, but the Council dissuaded -him, and he even allowed Norris to return to his province. The Lord -President was very angry at being brought to Dublin merely to suit the -Council's humour, and at having to spend 300_l._ in bringing up 40 -horse and keeping them serviceable. Perrott, he said, had never really -meant him to go to Ulster. Such honours as might be had there he wanted -for himself, but he liked economising at other folks' expense. The -officers stationed in the North proved sufficient, and hunted Sorley -from place to place till he was glad to escape to Scotland. Before -April 26, no important Scot was left in Ulster, and Perrott was at -leisure to meet his Parliament on that day.[133] - -[Sidenote: Perrott's Parliament--the House of Lords.] - -A list of this Parliament has been preserved, and it is interesting to -compare its composition with that held by Sussex in 1560. The spiritual -peers summoned were twenty-six in place of twenty, but in both cases -it is doubtful how far the more distant bishops attended. The temporal -peers had increased from twenty-three to twenty-six, but the earldom of -Tyrone and the barony of Dungannon were both centred in the person of -Hugh O'Neill, who petitioned the House for the higher title conferred -by patent on his grandfather, and whose claim was allowed.[134] - -[Sidenote: The House of Commons--counties; cities and boroughs.] - -Twenty-seven counties are mentioned instead of twenty on the former -occasion, Connaught being now divided into Galway, Mayo, Roscommon, and -Sligo. Cavan, represented by two O'Reillys, and Longford represented -by two O'Ferralls, appear for the first time as shires, and so do -Longford and Wicklow. Wexford and Ferns are given as separate counties, -and Tipperary, reverting to ancient custom, is divided into the County -and the Cross. Ards disappears as a separate county. All the shires -named appear to have made returns. Thirty-six cities and boroughs are -enumerated instead of twenty-nine, only Carrickfergus and Downpatrick -neglecting to make returns. Athy is omitted, and Cashel, Inistioge, -Dingle, Callan, Philipstown, Maryborough, Swords, and Downpatrick are -added. For some unexplained reason the counties of Cork and Sligo -returned three knights each.[135] - -[Sidenote: Representation of the Irish race.] - -[Sidenote: Irish chiefs in Dublin.] - -Besides the O'Reillys and O'Ferralls the house of Commons contained -but few of the native race. An O'Brien and a Clancy sat for Clare. -Sir Hugh Magennis divided Down with Sir Nicholas Bagenal, and Shane -MacBrian O'Neill was returned, but did not attend, as Captain -Barkley's colleague for Antrim. Among the burgesses we find a Shee or -O'Shea sitting for Kilkenny, a Gwire or Maguire for Trim, a Kearney -for Cashel, a Hurley for Kilmallock, a Casey for Mullingar, and a -Neill or O'Neill for Carlingford. John Ffrehan, who was returned for -Philipstown, was most likely a Celt also. The bulk of the members -were of old Anglo-Irish race, with a good sprinkling of more modern -settlers, of officials, and of military officers. John and Thomas -Norris sat for the counties of Cork and Limerick respectively, Sir -Warham St. Leger for Queen's County, Sir Richard Bingham for Roscommon, -and Sir Henry Harrington for Wicklow. Nearly all the chieftains of -Ireland, though not actually members of Parliament, obeyed the Lord -Deputy's summons, and he strictly insisted on English costume being -worn. 'Please your lordship,' said old Tirlogh Luineach, 'let my priest -attend me in Irish apparel, and then they will wonder at him as they do -now at me; so shall I pass more quickly and unpointed at.'[136] - -[Sidenote: Parliamentary procedure.] - -[Sidenote: The Speaker.] - -Rules were laid down for the conduct of business in the House of -Commons. Members were not to wear arms in the House, they were to -speak standing and uncovered, and only once on each reading of a Bill. -Freedom of speech was granted, and freedom from arrest for members, -their servants, and their goods. On the other hand no member was to -disclose 'the secrets either spoken or done in the House' to any -stranger, under such penalties as the Speaker, with the assent of the -House, should think proper to inflict. One rule may seem strange to the -present age, in which parliamentary debate has come to be so largely -a matter of flouts and gibes and sneers. Every member was enjoined -'to frame his speech after a quiet and courteous manner, without any -taunts or words tending to the reproach of any person in the said House -assembled.' The first struggle was about the election of a Speaker. -Nicholas Walshe, Chief Justice of Munster and member for the city of -Waterford, was put forward by Perrott. Ormonde had a very good opinion -of him, and Perrott, when President of Munster, must have learned his -value. The opposition, though strong, was fruitless, and Walshe was -duly chosen Speaker.[137] - -[Sidenote: The Parliament is hard to manage.] - -[Sidenote: A prorogation.] - -Perrott had not been easily induced to abandon his scheme for the -dissolution of St. Patrick's. He continued to attack Loftus, but -nevertheless gave him the chief control over the drafting of Bills; and -the Chancellor was accused of purposely drawing them so as to arouse -opposition. By Poyning's law, and the Acts explaining it, these Bills -had to be sent to England and returned after passing the Privy Council. -If disapproved in this form, they could not be amended without sending -them to England again. Travelling was tedious, Parliaments were short, -and thus there was a risk that all legislation would be stopped. One -Bill was for extending to Ireland all the English laws against Popish -recusants, and this was certain to arouse the fiercest animosity. -Another contained provisions derogatory to the privileges of the -peerage. Desmond's Bill of Attainder as amended contained eight names -instead of twenty times that number, and made so many reservations -that it would have been almost useless to the Crown. Nearly all the -other Bills went too far or not far enough, but the difficulty might -have been avoided by suspending Poyning's Act, as had been done in 1537 -and 1569. The landowners and lawyers of the Pale said that they feared -to make the Viceroy despotic, but Perrott said that they dreaded all -legislation favourable to the Crown. The bill only passed the Lords -by one vote, of which the validity was disputed, Lord Lixnaw having -given his proxy first to Lord Slane, who opposed, and afterwards to -Lord Dunboyne, who supported the bill. The Chancellor took it privately -from Dunboyne, and counted the absent peer among the 'contents.' Upon -this or some other pretext the Commons threw the Bill out on the third -reading by a majority of thirty-five. Perrott looked upon this check -as a disgrace to himself and a hindrance to the Queen, and prorogued -Parliament for a few days. This enabled him to bring the Bill in -again, but it was lost by a reduced majority, although Ormonde's -friends, who had at first opposed, now voted with the 'ayes.' Partly -by his rudeness, and partly by his determination to prevent jobs, -the Lord Deputy had made many enemies, and six Englishmen turned the -scale against the Bill. 'And thus,' said Perrott, 'they have not only -overthrown the repeal of Poyning's Act, that should have set them at -liberty to treat of that and all other things necessary for this State, -but also dashed most of the statutes that were penned in Ireland and -sent back confirmed from England, as, namely, that for the safety of -the Queen.'[138] - -[Sidenote: Agitators.] - -The chief opposition to Perrott's measures came from the Pale, and -among the leaders were Sidney's old antagonists Richard Netterville -and Henry Burnell. 'These popular fellows,' said Perrott, 'or good -countrymen, as they would be gloriously termed, have been ever of this -humour against all governors, and some of them, namely Netterville and -Burnell, have been in the Tower of London for causes of far less moment -than this is.' - -[Sidenote: A fair system of taxation rejected.] - -One great cause of opposition was a Bill proposing to equalise -ploughlands, and to impose a tax of 13_s._ 4_d._ in lieu of cess on -each ploughland throughout the whole country. The Pale had hitherto -paid when Irish countries were not charged, and the native chiefs -were now willing to come to an arrangement. But even in the counties -which had always contributed there were many permanent exemptions, and -still more fraudulent evasions. A new survey had thus many terrors, -and, as is so often the case, threatened interests were more powerful -than arguments founded on considerations of public policy. The Pale -offered a lump sum of 1,200_l._ in lieu of all cess; but this was far -less than had always been paid, and Perrott indignantly refused it. -The chance of making the whole country voluntarily contribute to the -expenses of government was thus unhappily lost. The Irish chiefs, who -had come prepared to agree with the Lord Deputy, now left Dublin in -far worse humour than they had reached it, and the plan of making them -English subjects was indefinitely postponed. Religion was at the bottom -of the whole difficulty, and one of the Pale patriots said, in open -Parliament, that 'things did prosper in Henry V.'s and former kings' -times when the mass was up.' Perrott was willing and anxious to punish -his parliamentary opponents, but required orders from home first, -'because these kind of people by the mild dealing of England have ever -found more favour there than hath been for the good of this State.'[139] - -[Sidenote: Small results of the session.] - -[Sidenote: A stranger in the gallery.] - -Parliament was a second time prorogued on May 25, and it did not meet -again for eleven months. The only legislative results of the first -session--or, more properly speaking, of the first two sessions--were -an Act for the attainder of Baltinglas and his brothers, and an Act -for the restoration in blood of Laurence, the son of the old Geraldine -rebel James Delahide. A German nobleman who was in Dublin during -the session is said to have been much struck by Perrott's stately -appearance at the opening of Parliament. He had, he said, travelled -through Germany, Italy, France, and England, but had never seen anyone -so majestic, and he asked for his portrait to carry home with him. -And this presence, coupled with substantial fair-dealing, no doubt -made Perrott popular with the masses and with the Irish chiefs. With -officials and members of council it was different, for they felt the -weight of his hand. Had he been as courteous as he was anxious for the -Queen's service, his fate might have been very different. A reformer -can never hope to be really liked by those who desire the maintenance -of abuses; but a soft hand is no less necessary than a stout heart.[140] - -[Sidenote: Eloquence of Sir John Norris.] - -The oratorical honours of the session were carried off by John Norris. -Fenton said he would deserve the Queen's special thanks had he done -her no other service, and Loftus, himself a great preacher, pronounced -him to be the best speaker in the House, both for force of reasoning -and eloquence of delivery. But Norris himself had no wish 'to be -drowned in this forgetful corner,' as he called Ireland, almost in -the very words of a still more remarkable man nearly a century and a -half later. He longed to be again in the Netherlands, and thought that -he could save Antwerp with 20,000_l._ Once lost, it would never be -regained. Had his advice been taken, Ghent and Bruges might have been -retained; but the Walloon provinces were now past hope, and the Dutch -would have to yield unless they received foreign help. His prayer was -heard, and a commission to his brother Thomas to execute the office of -Lord President in his absence was signed on the day before the Irish -Parliament met. Immediately after the prorogation he left Dublin, and -was in Flanders a few weeks later.[141] - -[Sidenote: Ulster again invaded by Scots,] - -[Sidenote: who surprise Dunluce,] - -[Sidenote: to Perrott's great disgust.] - -Norris was gone, and Stanley had returned to Munster, when the Scots -again invaded Antrim in some force. 170 English soldiers encountered -1,200 Scots and Irish, near Carrickfergus, and Perrott again moved to -Ulster. He approved and confirmed a deed by which Tirlogh Luineach -handed over the southern half of Tyrone to the newly-acknowledged Earl, -reserving the northern half to himself, with such tribute as he might -be able to collect from Maguire and O'Cahan. Wallop and Loftus, who -were left in charge of the Pale, saw it was quite impossible for the -Lord Deputy to keep the Scots at bay without garrisons and fortresses -more permanent than the Queen was inclined to pay for. Perrott was -really of the same opinion, but he persevered in the hopeless task. -There were, he said, more than 2,000 Scots in Ulster, combined to -set up Shane O'Neill's sons. Journeys to the North had always been -allowed, and he could not see why he, of all Deputies, was to be kept -in enforced idleness. He did, however, return to Dublin after a short -absence, for the orders to save money were peremptory. The army was -almost literally naked, and many soldiers for sheer want took service -with the Irish. The natural result was not long delayed. Perrott had -returned to Dublin early in September, and on the 1st of November, -Dunluce--about the capture of which so much fuss had been made--was -once more in the hands of the Scots. Peter Cary, the constable, a man -of English blood and Ulster birth, had but fourteen soldiers, of which -several were Irish; and, what was perhaps more important, he had a -Scotch mistress. Ropes, which are said to have been made of withes, -were let down at night by two of the Irish warders, and fifty Scots -climbed over the battlements. Cary, whose orders not to keep Irishmen -in the fort were strict, refused quarter, and he and his English -soldiers were killed after a desperate resistance. 'I do not,' said -Perrott, 'weigh the loss, but can hardly endure the discredit. As -things are purposed now any man is fitter for the place than I am.' -James VI. had promised Perrott to punish his subjects as rebels should -they again invade Ireland; but he had not the power, nor perhaps -the will, to keep his promise. Queen Elizabeth's thoughts were now -concentrated on foreign politics, and economy was her one object in -Ireland. It was even proposed to disband companies lately raised, and -necessarily composed of natives, since Englishmen could not be found to -serve without pay or clothes. 'Thus,' said Wallop, 'have we trained and -furnished Irishmen to serve the enemy's turn.' Walsingham could only -say that Perrott might have lived in better season under Henry VIII., -when princes were resolute in honourable attempts. 'Our age has been -given to other manner of proceedings, whereto the Lord Deputy must be -content to conform himself as other men do.'[142] - -[Sidenote: Composition in Connaught.] - -Unsuccessful with his parliament, with his council, and with the -great men of the Pale, Perrott found the chieftains of Connaught -still amenable to reason. Ten years before, Sidney had found them -willing to hold their lands of the Queen and to pay rent, but the -completion of the contract was Perrott's work. The commissioners named -were Bingham as governor, the Earls of Thomond and Clanricarde, the -Baron of Athenry, Sir Tirlogh O'Brien, Sir Richard Burke of Mayo, -O'Connor Sligo, O'Rourke, O'Flaherty, and others, and they proposed -that the Queen should have a quit rent of 10_s._ a quarter out of -all arable and pasture land in Connaught and Clare. There were to be -no other exactions except certain days' labour for fortifications or -other public buildings. Contributions of horse and foot on warlike -occasions were to be matter of special agreement. Anxious for -peace among themselves and convinced that they could not make head -against the State, the chiefs agreed to these terms, in the hopes of -obtaining a firm and just government. To make things pleasant, some -special privileges were granted to a few important people, and it was -calculated that a revenue of rather less than 4,000_l._ a year would -be secured to the Crown. Less than one-third of the whole soil was -really included in this settlement; waste lands, water, and fraudulent -concealments will account for the rest. The plan of the composition -was good, but the result did not fulfil Perrott's expectation. In -so extensive an area many were dissatisfied with their lot, and the -Government was neither strong enough nor steady enough to enforce order -among a rude people.[143] - -[Sidenote: Perrott's personal troubles.] - -[Sidenote: His traducers.] - -Perrott claimed to be a careful husband of the Queen's resources, -and rather ostentatiously professed his contempt for the interested -criticism of others. But Elizabeth's parsimony increased with her -years, and she was only too ready to listen to those who told her she -was being robbed. She directed a stringent inquiry into the revenue, -suggesting that arrears had been allowed to accumulate, that improper -concessions had been granted, that crown leases had been given without -due inquiry, that personal allowances had been made without exacting -service in return, and in short that everyone's interests had been -regarded but her own. 'It is not meant,' she said, 'that the possession -of lands and chattels lately escheated by rebellion should be in -the power and authority of the Lord Deputy, but to be stayed at her -Majesty's will and pleasure.' This and other similar hints cut Perrott -to the quick. No doubt his despotic temper sometimes induced him to -overstep the bounds of strict law, and his enemies were always on -the watch. He was accused of making money unfairly out of household -and table allowances. It was said that his accounts showed annual -liveries, whereas they were in reality biennial; he allowed no fires -even in bitter February weather, and there was no good cheer in the -Castle. 'I had little thought,' he indignantly exclaimed, 'that any -part of her Highness's honour had depended on my supper. I am sorry -that men's eyes are so narrowly bent on my diet, and I doubt will -watch my uprising and downlying too.' He had always provided supper -for those who could enjoy it; as for himself the doctors had forbidden -him that insidious meal for nearly a quarter of a century. And yet, he -said, he would rather die of indigestion than incur the imputation of -niggardly conduct. 'I pray you,' he wrote to Burghley, 'help to rid -me hence, that I may avoid all these spiteful occasions of grief and -unkindness.'[144] - -[Sidenote: Rumours of invasion.] - -[Sidenote: Miserable state of the army.] - -Preparations for the settlement of Munster, and speculations as to the -coming of the Armada, occupied the early days of 1586. A rover, who put -into Cork Harbour, declared that 20,000 Spaniards were intended for -Ireland. Redmond O'Gallagher, whom the Pope had provided to the See of -Derry, and whom the Queen had not sought to displace, was once more on -his travels in search of aid from France or Spain, and Munster lay open -to attack. There was no garrison even at Limerick, which was called the -strongest place in the province, and the guns had fallen to the ground -from their rotten carriages. The muskets were useless from rust, and -the feathers had damped off the arrows. Cork, Waterford, and the rest -were in no better case. Wallop had to pledge his plate for 100_l._, -and the captains were in debt through vain attempts to clothe their -shivering men, who ran off to the Irish chiefs to look for brogues and -frieze mantles. The Vice-Treasurer anxiously begged for 20,000_l._; -if the Spaniards landed it would cost 300,000_l._ to get rid of them. -But Elizabeth's thoughts were all given to the Continent, and better -than any man in Ireland she probably understood the real impotence of -Spain.[145] - -[Sidenote: Parliament--the Desmond attainder.] - -[Sidenote: Parliament dissolved.] - -In the second session of Perrott's Parliament the chief business was -the Desmond attainder, and there was so much opposition that some of -the judges were sent for to assure the House of Commons that Ormonde's -rights should be saved. In the bill which then passed, Desmond and his -brothers John and James, James Fitzmaurice, and thirty-four others were -named, their lands being vested in the Crown without inquisition, but -without prejudice to innocent parties. Eighty-two others were attainted -by name in another Act, which contained the same reservations. Some of -the late Opposition had apologised, but an Opposition still remained, -and Perrott was not allowed to punish it as he wished. The Commons -rejected a bill vesting the lands of persons thereafter attainted in -the Crown without the usual formalities, and they finally refused to -grant a subsidy of 13_s._ 4_d._ upon every ploughland. The session -lasted less than three weeks. At the dissolution Speaker Walshe -addressed the Lord Deputy at length, praising the constitution, -lamenting that the Queen was an absentee, and hinting pretty plainly -that the subject was overburdened. 'Lamps,' he said, 'cannot give light -that are not maintained with oil.' Perrott's answer, if he gave one, is -not recorded; but Elizabeth was so little pleased with her Parliament -of Ireland, that she summoned no other during the remaining sixteen -years of her reign.[146] - -[Sidenote: The MacDonnells in Antrim.] - -[Sidenote: Sorley Boy becomes a subject,] - -[Sidenote: and a great landowner.] - -Perrott's last invasion of Ulster, and his correspondence with the King -of Scotland, had done little good. Dunluce was now in Sorley Boy's -hands, and the English Government inclined to make friends with him. -Sorley hesitated to go to Dublin, and in the meantime his eldest son -Alaster was killed in Tyrconnell. After being wounded in a skirmish he -swam across a river, but we found him, says Captain Price, 'by great -chance in a deep grave, strewn over with rushes, and on every side six -old calliox weeping... but a quick corse therein, and in memory of -Dunluce we cried quittance with him, and sent his head to be set on -Dublin Castle.' Perrott was inclined to make the most of success, and -to break off the negotiations, 'as though,' said Fenton, 'by this blow -hydra's head were seared up.' But his loss made the old chief readier -to treat, and he came to Dublin on protection, after writing a humble -letter. It is said that an official brutally showed him his son's head -over the Castle gate, and that he proudly answered, as if to justify -Fenton's simile, 'my son has many heads.' He made a formal submission, -prostrating himself before a portrait of Queen Elizabeth, admitting -that he had no legal right in Ulster, and particularly condemning his -own folly 'in leaving such men in the Castle of Dunluce, within this -her Highness's land, as should say they kept it in the name, or to the -use of, the King of Scots, a Prince that honoureth her Majesty and -embraceth her favour.' The land he held had been taken by force, and he -was willing to keep it on such terms as the Queen might be pleased to -grant. Upon this basis a treaty was concluded, by which Sorley had a -grant by knight service of all the land between the Bann and the Bush, -and of much to the eastward, and he was made Constable of Dunluce, -while resigning his claim to property in it. He became a denizen, -and having got all that he had fought for, gave Perrott no further -trouble. A great part of the Glynns, comprising the coast between Larne -and Ballycastle, had already been granted to his nephew Angus. Thus -were the MacDonnells confirmed in the possessions for which they had -struggled so long.[147] - -[Sidenote: Bingham in Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: The Mayo Burkes rebel,] - -[Sidenote: and are harried by Bingham,] - -[Sidenote: who strikes terror into all.] - -Bingham soon tried how real was the submission of western Connaught, -for he held sessions at Galway, and hanged seventy persons, of whom -some were gentlemen. This he modestly called the cutting off of a few -bad members. He then, after a three weeks' siege, took Clonloan Castle -from the O'Briens and killed all the garrison. He went next against the -Hag's Castle in Lough Mask, which was held by some Burkes, who had -risen rather than attend Galway sessions. An attack in boats failed, -but the garrison slipped away by water, and resolved, according to the -annalists, to defend no more castles against the Queen of England. -Resistance was vain, and most of the chiefs came in to Bingham, among -them being Richard Burke, a noted partisan, who was called the Hedge -or Pale of Ireland. It was proved that he had been intriguing with the -Scots, and he was promptly hanged, by the sentence of a court-martial. -Peremptory orders then came from Perrott to give the rest protection, -and the Burkes immediately broke out again, saying that they would have -a MacWilliam, though they fetched him out of Spain. They would have no -sheriff, and attend no sessions, nor serve a heretic hag, but would -transfer their allegiance to the Pope or the Catholic king. They were -near 800 strong, and Bingham would not attack them without Perrott's -orders, who gave them as soon as he saw clearly that conciliation -had done no good. After three months' delay, Bingham again took the -field, with Clanricarde and others, and had a parley with the rebels -at Ballinrobe. They stood out for their old terms, whereupon Bingham -proclaimed them all traitors and hanged the hostages in his hands. -Three thousand cows were driven from the mountains between Mayo and -Galway; but the annalists assert that the guilty escaped, and that -only the innocent were plundered. The soldiers, they say, killed old -men, women, and boys, 'and hanged Theobald O'Toole, supporter of the -destitute and keeper of a house of hospitality.' The proclamation had, -however, the effect of making Bingham's enemies distrust each other. -The Joyces, a tribe of Welsh origin, very long settled in Galway, the -Clandonnells, or gallowglasses of Scottish descent, and the various -septs of Burkes, kept separate; while the O'Flaherties, who had lately -been in rebellion, were now glad to attack their neighbours at the -Governor's instance. Sir Murrogh of the Battleaxes, chief of the -O'Flaherties, plundered the Joyces, while his kinsman Roger, with a -flotilla, prevented them from escaping into the islands. The corn was -not yet ripe, but Bingham meant to burn it when the time came, and -thought that his subjects would then be in no case to make dangerous -alliance with the Scots. The bad spirit showed signs of spreading, and -a messenger from Munster reported that Leicester was dead in Holland, -and that his army was destroyed. Two great Spanish armies, he gave out, -had landed in England, there was a Spanish fleet at Baltimore, James of -Scotland was preparing for war, and, to crown all, Queen Elizabeth was -at the point of death. Bingham managed to catch the tale-bearer, and -hanged him as a spy, and finding that they had little chance against -this pitiless soldier, most of the rebels came in; 'so pined away for -want of food, and so ghasted with fear within seven or eight weeks, by -reason they were so roundly followed without any interim of rest, that -they looked rather like to ghosts than men.' Except a small body of the -Burkes, who remained in arms at Castlebar, no one was left to greet the -Scots when they at last appeared.[148] - -[Sidenote: The Scots invade Connaught,] - -[Sidenote: and are pursued by Bingham.] - -Two years before, Donnell Gorme, a brother to Angus, had been granted -nearly two-thirds of the Glynns which were then in his possession. But -he afterwards rebelled, and was ready for anything. Messengers from the -Mayo Burkes earnestly sought his help, and being joined by his brother, -Alaster, he brought 2,000 Redshanks from the isles. The brothers landed -in Innishowen, and all the loose Scots in Ireland gathered round them, -so that their force was uncertain. Only a week before their appearance -on the Erne, Wallop said they were less than 600 bare-tailed beggars, -and not at all dangerous. They plundered O'Dogherty and Maguire, and -waited at Belleek for news of their Connaught friends. Bingham, who was -at Balla in Mayo, heard that they were likely to enter his province -by the north shore of Lough Ree, hurried to Roscommon, found that he -had been misled, and then made his way to Sligo by forced marches. The -Scots were encamped on the Erne, and he sent to ask what they wanted. -The MacDonnells said their friends had drawn them over by offering the -spoil of Connaught: that like all other soldiers in the world they had -no shift but to serve the highest bidder, and that they would take what -they could until hindered by the strong hand.[149] - -[Sidenote: Bingham watches the Scots.] - -[Sidenote: Who draw towards Mayo.] - -Bingham had with him but 60 regular horse and 400 foot. Of these 300 -were half-trained Irishmen, and upon his 200 kerne and 200 Irish horse -he could place little reliance. He stood on the defensive till help -came; and after a fortnight's delay the Scots advanced stealthily -towards the Curlew hills, and passed Bingham's scouts on a very dark -and stormy night. 50 Irish horse watched the bridge at Collooney, but -they made no fight, and 400 Scots passed before the infantry came up. -The rest of the intruders crossed higher up by a ford Bingham had never -heard of, but they lost some 50 men in subsequent skirmishes. Bingham -then discharged his Irish auxiliaries. 'They were,' he said, 'to me -a great trouble, and very chargeable, and during their being in my -company, I could keep no enterprise secret, and yet but mean men when -they come to action, for at the charge they forsook me.' Their hearts -were not in the work, and no real help was given but by Clanricarde -and two or three of his men. While waiting for reinforcements, Bingham -crossed the Slieve Gamp mountains near the sea, with a view to saving -the great herds of cattle in Tireragh. Mayo was the real destination -of the Scots, but Bingham's information was uncertain, and he moved -towards Lough Gara, where he was joined by 40 horse and 250 foot -which Perrott had ordered up from Munster. He had now nearly 600 -men, of which less than 100 were horse, and this was his greatest -strength. It had been supposed that the Scots would seize Roscommon; -but they moved 'the clean contrary way' towards Ballina, giving out, -and perhaps believing, that Bingham's forces had abandoned him, and -that the country was theirs. Sir Richard's spies brought the news at -noon, 'before our men could kill their beef and prepare it to refresh -themselves with'; and he followed the Scots at once through the woods -to Bannada Abbey. A priest and two gentlemen of the O'Haras guided him -by Aclare to Ardnarea on the Moy, where the strangers lay waiting for -the Burkes to join them. - -[Sidenote: Bingham follows the Scots by night,] - -[Sidenote: and annihilates them at the Moy.] - -Bingham left Castlemore-Costello in the afternoon of Wednesday, halted -at Bannada Abbey two hours after nightfall, and marched by moonlight -to Aclare. With the morning light, he says, 'we forsook the highway, -and took through the mountains with horsemen, footmen, and carriage, -carrying all our own forces as in a "heyrse" together, keeping the -bottoms and lowest passages as near as we might by circumferent ways, -and with as great silence as was possible.' Reaching firm ground about -nine o'clock, Bingham learned that the enemy were only two miles away, -and pushed on at once with his cavalry, the advanced guard actually -riding into their camp unchallenged. The Scots got into order as -quickly as they could, Bingham skirmishing until his foot came up. -He had the advantage of ground, and the Redshanks broke at the first -charge. 'I was never,' said Captain Woodhouse, 'so weary with killing -of men, for I protest to God, for as fast as I could I did but hough -and paunch them.' In an hour all was over. About eighty swam naked -over the Moy, and were mostly killed by the natives whom they had come -to fight for; the rest became entangled in each other, and, to use -Bingham's own expression, were carried out to sea in 'plumpes.' Both -their leaders were slain. A thousand corpses lay on the field, and 500 -more were found next day about the banks and shallows. 'The number of -their fighting-men slain and drowned that day we estimated and numbered -to be 1,400 or 1,500, besides boys, women, churls, and children, which -could not be so few as as many more and upwards.' If it be true that -Bingham only lost two or three men, and those chiefly through their own -folly, the surprise must have been more complete than we should infer -from the English accounts. 'They were,' says the Four Masters, 'first -aroused from their profound slumbers by the shrieks of their military -attendants, whom the Governor's people were slaughtering throughout the -town. The Scots then arose expertly, and placed themselves, as well as -they were able, in order and battle array.'[150] - -[Sidenote: Perrott insists on going to Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Bad feeling between Perrott and Bingham.] - -Bingham had asked for only 250 men from Perrott, and had particularly -requested that the Deputy should not enter Connaught. He complained -that the aid was tardily sent, and that much of the effect of his -victory would be taken away if he were not left to follow it up in -his own way. The Council also opposed Perrott's expedition, but -notwithstanding this and the rebuke he had received from the Queen -for visiting Ulster under similar circumstances, he set out upon the -journey, but had only reached Mullingar at the date of Bingham's -victory. He went on to Galway, though his retinue were a heavy burden -to the province. He took cattle for their use at a forced price, and -thus broke the composition which had been made in his name, but chiefly -through Bingham's exertions. Perrott afterwards declared that the -journey only cost the Queen 100_l._, that Bingham had requested his -presence, and that the Council had given him leave to go. But it is -impossible to reconcile these statements with those made in a hostile -sense. At first the Council altogether refused their consent, and then, -when some of Perrott's opponents were absent and more of his supporters -present, they agreed, by no means unanimously, that he should go to the -borders of Connaught only. After the overthrow of the Scots there was -no longer any valid reason for going forward. Bingham complained that -at Galway the Lord Deputy did nothing but hunt up evidence against -him, so as, if possible, to make it appear that his misgovernment -had made the Burkes rebel. The chief men of the clans were, however, -induced to sign a paper in which they declared their confidence in the -Governor. They said their revolt was caused by what they could not deny -to be commendable reforms. It had been reported that 'this new governor -would make their churls their masters, and that the gentlemen were -like to become beggars for want of their cuttings and spendings, and -such other exactions as they compelled the tenants to yield unto them -at their own devotion.' This and the destruction of their old tribal -organisation, by abolishing the name and power of MacWilliam, were -the real causes of the outbreak; and surely we need look no farther. -It is impossible to say whether Perrott was jealous, or whether he -really disapproved of Bingham's proceedings; but he indulged in strong -and even coarse language, and that could not fail to excite prejudice -against him.[151] - -[Sidenote: Perrott quarrels with his Council] - -Like many of his predecessors, Perrott chafed under the restraint of -the Council. The English or official party at the Board were inclined -to lessen his power by frequent references to the Home Government. -On this side were Lord Chancellor Loftus, Sir Nicholas Bagenal the -Knight-Marshal, Vice-Treasurer Wallop, and Secretary Fenton. The Great -Seal was in the Chancellor's hands, the signet in the Secretary's, and -Perrott had thus the mortification of seeing his opponents concerned -in every act of importance. Most lawyers of Irish birth took the other -side, and of these the most active were Sir Nicholas White and Chief -Baron Sir Lucas Dillon. Loftus and his friends generally leaned on -Walsingham, while their opponents had more hope from Burghley. Fenton -was in England during the latter half of 1585 and until March in the -next year, and Perrott, who knew what the Secretary's influence would -be, expected his recall, and was ready to welcome it. - -[Sidenote: and thereby displeases the Queen.] - -The Queen did not blame her representative directly; but she sent home -despatches by Fenton which he greatly disliked, though they were very -moderate and considerate in terms. The Council was to be more often -consulted, and the Secretary was directed to read all instructions -from headquarters openly at the Board at least once a quarter. This -was no new thing, but a rebuke may have been implied in giving Fenton -the initiative. In secret matters the Deputy was to confer with the -English councillors, and offices in his gift were to be bestowed only -on fit persons, which seems to suggest that he had made some improper -appointments. Perrott considered these orders derogatory to his -dignity, and he begged to be relieved.[152] - -[Sidenote: Perrott quarrels with Archbishop Loftus,] - -[Sidenote: and sends the Chief Secretary to gaol.] - -[Sidenote: Challenges the Governor of Connaught,] - -[Sidenote: and assaults the marshal.] - -The argument between the Lord Deputy and the Lord Chancellor about St. -Patrick's was so loud that it reached the Queen's ear, and she wrote -to them both, enjoining a reconciliation. Burghley added some fatherly -advice to Loftus, and an open breach was avoided. But the Archbishop -lost no opportunity of doing the Deputy an ill turn. "Contempt of God's -religion," "immoderate government," "abhorred and loathed of the best -sort of this people," were among the expressions he allowed himself -to use in writing to Walsingham. With Burghley he was more guarded, -acknowledging that the private mislike between him and the Deputy -made open complaint unbecoming, yet complaining very strongly at the -same time. There was not much outward scandal, for the Chancellor's -mitre protected him in some measure, and a dignified ecclesiastic had -probably enough self-restraint to avoid irritating language. Others -were less fortunate. Secretary Fenton owed 20_l._ to the Deputy, and -50_l._ to one of his retainers; and for this small debt--the liability -to pay which he had not denied--Perrott had this high official hurried -off through the streets on market-day, and ignominiously cast into -the common gaol. For this extraordinary proceeding the Queen took her -Deputy severely to task, and ordered Fenton's immediate enlargement. -'Considering,' she said, 'how inconvenient it is at all times, but -especially in so doubtful and perilous a season as this, to have -you and the rest of our Council there divided, as we hear you are -by factions and partialities, to our just offence and mislike, the -slander of your government and prejudice of our service, whereof we -doubt not but you will, for your own part, have that regard that in -honour and duty appertaineth.' Bingham's duties in Connaught kept him -from the Council-board, but Perrott gave him as little countenance as -possible. There was a standing dispute about the house at Athlone, -which was in the Deputy's hands, and which Bingham naturally wanted -for an official residence. Perrott's journey into the province against -the Governor's advice made things worse, and Bingham complained of -hard usage, 'especially in bad speeches and uncourteous terms, such as -for modesty's sake I omit to write here.' Theobald Dillon, collector -of composition rents in Connaught, was supported by the Lord Deputy -against Bingham; but the Council heard Dillon's charges, and declared -them unfounded. The evening before the Council gave their decision, and -doubtless after the result of the hearing was known, Stephen Seagrave, -constable of the Castle, came to Bingham, on Perrott's part, with a -great white truncheon in his hand, and informed him that his lordship -was ready for the combat. Bingham said he never heard of any such -combat before, and the Lord Deputy admitted having sent Seagrave. The -provocation alleged was mere hearsay: that Lord Delvin had told Perrott -that Sir Richard had told Lieutenant Jacques that he would fight the -Deputy if he were out of office; and Seagrave was told to tell Bingham -that the duel might take place at once. Still worse was the treatment -of Sir Nicholas Bagenal, who was near eighty years old, and who had -served the State well for half a century. A dispute arising in the -Council Chamber, Perrott actually struck the old man. According to -Bagenal, he knocked him down; others thought the blow was nothing, -but that the aged marshal fell in the confusion. Bagenal held up his -stick, but not till the Deputy had first laid hands on him. They were -separated; and then this edifying dialogue took place: 'You do lie,' -said the Deputy, 'if you think I have dealt evil in anything.' - -'You lie,' said the Marshal, and to mend it said, 'if you were not -Deputy, I would say you lie, for I care not for Sir John Perrott.' - -'If I were but Sir John Perrott,' said the Deputy, 'I would teach him -that came from a tailor's stall, to use me thus.' - -'It makes no matter,' said the Marshal. - -'Well,' said the Deputy, 'because you doat, I will bear with you; -otherwise I would commit you to the prison.' - -'If you did,' said he, 'I would come out, whether you would or not.' - -'Very well, Mr. Marshal,' said the Deputy, 'get you hence, for it is -not reason to talk with you. A man would think you are drunk.' - -'Nay, you are drunk,' said the Marshal to the Deputy. - -After this it is hardly worth while to repeat Wallop's complaints, -that his labours in Munster were slighted, and that the Lord Deputy -sometimes indulged in violent language against him, and against Chief -Justice Gardiner.[153] - -[Sidenote: Perrott's troubles.] - -Perrott's health may partly excuse him, for he suffered much. 'By God, -Mr. Carew,' he wrote, 'I daily grow weaker and weaker of body through -the great pain I have of the stone, growing more and more upon me in -this slimy country. In Connaught, if I travelled one day, through the -grating of the stone in my kidneys I was fain to rest another; and in -the end the Irish ague took me, that I was seven days like to die in -Galway, and am not yet thoroughly recovered thereof, nor shall not (I -believe) pass this next year, except her Majesty, of her great grace, -give me licence to go to the Spa the next spring; a suit that I made -to her Highness nine years agone. It were better her Majesty preserved -me to serve her in some other place, than I to be wilfully cast away -here.' Ireland was a prison where he could do no good to himself nor to -any other man. 'Help your poor friend out of this hell,' was his prayer -to Leicester. If he could but see Elizabeth all would be well, for she -had promised not to listen to detractors who were his enemies because -he served one God and one Queen; but now her Deputy was brought into -greater contempt than ever Sir John Perrott was. One can sympathise -with the man; but no good work could be expected from a governor who -had personally quarrelled with all the more important members of the -Council, by whose advice he was bound to act.[154] - -[Sidenote: An Irish regiment sent to Holland,] - -[Sidenote: under Sir William Stanley,] - -[Sidenote: who deserts to the Spaniards.] - -[Sidenote: Stanley wished to invade Ireland,] - -[Sidenote: but never effected anything.] - -Ireland being comparatively peaceful, it occurred to Elizabeth, or to -some of her advisers, that an Irish force might be raised for service -in the Netherlands. Perhaps it was also thought that the more loose -swordsmen were sent out of the country the more likely it was to -remain quiet. The officer chosen was Sir William Stanley, who had done -good service in many parts of Ireland, and who had been rewarded by -a reversionary grant of the Mastership of the Ordnance. The Catholic -party was at this time in the ascendency at Deventer, and had given -trouble by introducing provisions into the beleaguered city of Zutphen. -Leicester sent Sir William Pelham to secure Deventer, and Stanley, whom -he must have known well in Ireland, was ordered to support him. Pelham -secured the municipality in Protestant hands, and Leicester then handed -over the place to Stanley, who was known to favour the old religion, -and suspected of being concerned in plots, and who had been associating -with Spaniards for months. Leicester's chief object in making this -appointment seems to have been to annoy Sir John Norris, from whose -control, with almost incredible folly, he specially excepted Stanley -and his Irishmen. The fort of Zutphen, which had been lately taken, -was entrusted to Rowland Yorke, an adventurer of the worst character, -who soon opened communications with the Spanish garrison of the town. -Stanley's Irish soldiers were allowed into Zutphen to hear mass; and -Leicester, though he was warned of what was going on, took no steps to -prevent it. When the Earl went to England, Yorke and Stanley had ample -time for plotting, and Deventer was given up to the Spaniards in due -course. But treason rarely prospers. Yorke, who was promised a large -reward, died under suspicious circumstances before he could enjoy it. -Stanley seems to have been more disinterested; but he received money -from Philip, joined Parma's army, and was seen by Robert Cecil during -his mission to France in 1598, who notes that the renegade was fain to -pull his cap over his face. Nor did all Spaniards approve Stanley's -conduct, if it be true that in passing through Seville 'he was well -handled of the country, for they unarmed him, unhorsed him, reviled him -for his lewd doings towards his prince, and made him go on foot; but -coming to the King he was in favour, and punishment used on such as -thus dealt with him, and the officers displaced for suffering it.' An -invasion of Ireland was contemplated under Stanley's leadership, and he -looked forward with pleasure to the service. 'I will,' he said, 'ruin -the whole country as far as Holland and the parts about Wezel (Ijssel) -and Emden in six days, and in Ireland I will open such a game of war as -the Queen has never seen in her life.' Against his advice the descent -on Ireland was abandoned, and he sank into obscurity; it was even -reported that he had gone mad. An Italian named Giacomo de Francesqui, -and sometimes called Captain Jacques, who had been his lieutenant -in Ireland, was arrested by Burghley's orders. This officer was on -friendly terms with Florence MacCarthy, and was known to have been -acquainted with Ballard; and it was thought that he might be utilised -by the Spaniards in Munster. Most of Stanley's Irish levies doubtless -left their bones in the Low Countries, but a few returned to Ireland, -and eleven of these poor men were pardoned by Elizabeth nearly seven -years after the treason at Deventer. 'They were,' she said, 'innocently -forced to disobey us.' For many years there were reports that Stanley -was coming to Ireland, but he never came. In Cheshire old Sir Rowland -Stanley 'grievously lamented his son William the traitor, maintaining -his son in Cambridge, and also relieving his wife and children, having -no other maintenance.'[155] - -[Sidenote: The Irish in Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Drake is the terror of Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Irish merchants partisans of Spain.] - -If Stanley's advice had been taken, Elizabeth might have been reduced -to serious straits, for it was impossible to prevent a Spanish descent, -and there were but scant preparations to meet an enemy on shore. Early -in 1586 it was rumoured that there would be an invasion on May Day, and -Perrott asked for a small cruiser to gather news on the Biscay coast. -Merchants from Spain and Portugal reported that Irishmen were free from -the embargo laid on English shipping, and that the many Irish residents -in the peninsula made no secret of what was going on. Forty thousand -men had been collected; eighty-five ships were ready, all but the -rigging; Irish refugees from Rome and elsewhere flocked to Spain. Irish -sailors were often detained by the Spanish Government, and occasionally -told their adventures to Perrott, who also employed a secret agent, -one Davy Duke, who knew Italian and Spanish, passed as a Jesuit, and -had letters of introduction from a papal bishop imprisoned in Dublin -Castle. Miles Brewett, mariner of Dublin, told how he had been taken -before Santa Cruz, and how the Marquis had said that he knew Perrott -very well, regretting that he was such a Lutheran, and wishing for one -of his best horses and for one of his best hawks. The Admiral asked -Brewett much about Ireland, and he answered that he had never known it -so quiet. One of James Fitzmaurice's sons boasted to him that 5,000 -men were going to Ireland, that Feagh MacHugh was ready to welcome -them, and that all Ireland would do the same, except Dublin, Waterford, -and Drogheda. But Brewett heard from others that Philip was weary of -the Irish, and that his subjects called them beggars. Their priests -cried out against Duke, who, after learning all he could, went over -to Bayonne and wrote boldly to say that he was going to his mistress -Queen Elizabeth. He bade the Pope farewell, saying that he liked of -his countrymen's company, but not of their learning. As the plot -thickened, news of Santa Cruz came constantly to Waterford, and Drake's -very successful predatory cruise was freely discussed by merchants and -others. One said that the great sailor must have taken Cadiz if he had -landed at once; for that the whole population were at a comedy, where -eighteen persons were crushed to death in the panic caused by his -appearance--a lady with 16,000 ducats a year being among the victims. -Even in the heart of Castille, Spaniards hardly thought themselves -safe. Philip and his train were amusing themselves on some artificial -water, and a lady who was invited to enter the royal barge refused to -do so, 'for fear of Sir Francis Drake.' The usually impassive monarch -is said to have lost his temper, and banished the timid, or perhaps -only sarcastic, lady from court, swearing a great oath that he would -be revenged on England. To bring this happy result about, he ordered -that all Irishmen and Scots should be used as Spaniards. Baltinglas had -left a brother who assumed his title, and offered to invade Ireland if -the King would give him 5,000 men. Philip was willing to do so much, -but the Irish gentlemen clamoured for twice or thrice as many, and he -then said they did not know their own minds, and should have none at -all. Despairing of Spain, Fitzmaurice's son and some others proposed -to go to Ireland and make terms with Perrott, but this plan was given -up, owing to rumours of some severe measures of the Irish Government, -and they again began to talk glibly of invasion. Santa Cruz had good -information about Ireland from Limerick and Waterford merchants, 'who, -under colour of their conscience lie at Lisbon these two years past, -and hath their wives and children at home, and doth nothing but hearken -for news of the state of England and Ireland, and whatever they can -hear they report to the Cardinal and Marquis, and deliver the same -with more than they can learn, and all to win themselves credit.' The -English court were not blind to the danger of Ireland, though almost to -the last Elizabeth seems hardly to have realised the Armada. Everything -was wanting for the defence of Ireland, and the Queen would not listen. -'If,' said Perrott, 'any number of enemies arrive here, the cities and -towns of this kingdom, and consequently the realm itself, will stand -in great danger of losing, and the few Englishmen that be here in like -danger of perishing.... I wish that the desire of peace (whereof I have -little hope) may not cause forgetfulness, or breed peril to lose that -we have.'[156] - -[Sidenote: The cess.] - -The regular revenue of Ireland was small, and as an army was absolutely -necessary, it had been usual to levy irregular taxes upon the shires -of the Pale. There were plenty of lawyers to condemn taxation without -the consent of Parliament; but in this case the prerogative had -been allowed, though there were many long disputes as to the amount -of the aid, and as to its incidence. Cess of some kind had been -exacted since the time of Edward III., and Sidney, who understood -the subject thoroughly, describes it as a 'prerogative of the Prince -and an agreement and consent of the nobility and Council to impose -upon the country a certain proportion of victual of all kinds, to -be delivered and issued at a reasonable rate, and, as it is commonly -termed, the Queen's price, so that the rising and falling of prices -makes the matter easier or heavier to the people.' The cess had been -regularly levied since the latter years of Henry VIII., and a practice -had crept in of applying it to the Lord-Deputy's household as well -as to the army. The uncertainty of the impost was the worst part -of it, and Elizabeth wished to substitute a regular money payment. -Temporary arrangements were made, and the total sum leviable was fixed -at 2,100_l._; the cultivated parts of Kilkenny, Tipperary, Wexford, -Carlow, King's County, and Queen's County being made contributory, -as well as the original Pale. Perrott tried to abolish the cess -altogether, and to substitute a fixed land-tax of 1_l._ on every -ploughland. This was reduced to 13_s._ 4_d._, but the Bill failed in -the House of Commons, and Perrott had to fall back upon the composition -of 2,100_l._[157] - -[Sidenote: Bingham is sent to Holland,] - -[Sidenote: but soon returns to Ireland.] - -The Council acquitted Bingham of all Dillon's charges; but no peace -followed, and Perrott continued to pile up accusations against him. For -the sake of quiet the English Government resolved to utilise Bingham's -energies in Holland, and he took the opportunity to sum up his services -for Burghley's information. Connaught was at peace, though he had -little help from his official superior, and Elizabeth was sure to be -pleased at his having made the province pay its own expenses. 'The Lord -Deputy,' he said, 'took the Composition book from myself, and would -not give me so much as a copy of that which in effect was my own work, -whereby I was driven to search it out with infinite labour and pains.' -Bingham had been given to understand that he should succeed Lord -Willoughby in Holland, and be allowed to appoint a deputy in Connaught. -But the Queen named Sir Thomas Le Strange to act during his absence, -while giving particular orders that none of his officers should be -displaced. Bingham saw no prospect of advancement in Holland after the -departure of Leicester, on whose patronage he relied, and returned -to England with him or before him. He was admitted to the Queen's -presence, the house at Athlone was given up to him, in spite of Perrott -and of Wallop's claim to a leasehold interest in it, and he returned to -Ireland much stronger than he had left it.[158] - -[Sidenote: Perrott's credit declines.] - -[Sidenote: Perrott leaves Ireland.] - -The restoration of Bingham to his government marks the time when the -scale finally turned against Sir John Perrott. His faults of temper -have been already sufficiently commented on; he was in bad health; and -worse things than ill-health or ill-temper were whispered about him. -But Ireland was manifestly peaceful, and by appointing Sir William -Fitzwilliam the Queen showed that she expected quiet times and wished -for an unambitious policy. Whatever chagrin Perrott may have felt at -his supersession, he certainly expressed none. All he asked was that -his successor might come at once, so as to let him take the waters -at Bath; Spa being now out of the question. Fitzwilliam, however, -lingered six months; and when at last the time came for delivering the -sword Perrott presented to the Corporation of Dublin a silver gilt -bowl bearing his arms and crest, and the words _relinquo in pace_. In -handing over the badge of office he called his successor to witness -that all was peaceful, and hoped that he would say so to the Queen's -Council. Fitzwilliam answered that if he could leave it half as well -he should do his Queen and country good service. 'There is,' continued -Perrott, 'no ill-minded or suspected person in this kingdom, which can -carry but six swords after him into the field, but if you will name him -and shall desire to have him, notwithstanding that I have resigned the -sword, yet... if they come not in on my word, I will lose the merit and -reputation of all my service.' Fitzwilliam replied that it needed not, -for all was well. Three days later Perrott left Ireland for ever. A -great number of noblemen and gentlemen came to see him off, among whom -old Tirlogh Luineach was conspicuous. That representative of an order -that had almost passed away accompanied him to the ship and would not -put off until the last moment. He watched the retreating sail until it -was below the horizon, and then shed tears 'as if he had been beaten.' -Nor was it only lords and chiefs who mourned for Perrott. The poor came -forty miles to see him pass, praying for his long life and striving to -take his hand if possible, or to touch the hem of his garment. When he -asked them why they did so, they answered, 'that they never had enjoyed -their own with peace before his time, and did doubt they should never -do so again when he was gone.'[159] - -[Sidenote: State of Ireland when Perrott left--Connaught and Leinster.] - -The quiet state of Connaught is perhaps most justly attributable to -Bingham, but the Lord Deputy might take full credit for Leinster. -Yet it was perhaps well that Fitzwilliam was polite, for the home -province, though not in rebellion, was full of brigands who would -certainly not have come at Perrott's call. Feagh MacHugh, with his -100 swordsmen, gave a ready refuge to vain and light persons, but -he thought it politic to pay his respects to the new governor. His -son-in-law, Walter Reagh, one of the bastard Geraldines who had long -given trouble, was ready for any desperate feat. Captain Thomas Lee -planned his destruction, but Mrs. Lee was an Irishwoman and kept -the outlaw well-informed. Walter Reagh promptly murdered one of his -followers who had been in communication with Lee, and the captain, not -unnaturally, separated from his wife. Sir George Carew had assigned his -constableship of Leighlin to Dudley Bagenal, son of the old marshal, -whom Perrott justly called a 'very unadvised man.' Bagenal had treated -many of his Irish neighbours abominably, yet he neglected to keep his -proper quota of English, and garrisoned his fort with kerne at 40_s._ -or 3_l._ a year. Walter Reagh having stolen some cattle, the constable -pursued with eighteen men, was drawn into an ambuscade, killed and -mutilated. Walter Reagh was not hanged until ten years later.[160] - -[Sidenote: Munster. The Desmond forfeitures.] - -[Sidenote: The settlement hangs fire.] - -[Sidenote: Irish and English tenants.] - -Munster was exhausted by war, and the only danger was from Spain. Some -said soldiers were as little needed in Kerry as in Surrey or Middlesex, -but little could be done in the way of colonisation while rumours of -the Armada filled the air. The land, however, was roughly surveyed, and -the seignory of 12,000 acres was fixed as the basis of a plantation, -fractional parts being assigned in proportion to the colonists' -means. The younger sons of gentlemen and substantial yeomen were to -be encouraged to take leases under the undertakers, as the great -grantees were called, and English artisans and labourers were also to -be provided, while settlers from the same country were to be placed -near one another. Difficulties soon arose. A disposition was shown to -stretch the Queen's title, and this caused universal distrust. Thus -Fitzgerald of Decies, who had been created a viscount for his staunch -loyalty against the Desmonds, and who had always claimed to hold of -the Queen, was required to prove his title strictly. If he could be -made out Desmond's tenant, then was Decies at the Queen's mercy. It -was no wonder that Mr. Surveyor Robins had stones thrown at him. Legal -questions sprang up like mushrooms after rain. Who were innocent of -rebellion, and how far were conveyances to uses fraudulent? 'At Cork, -Kilmallock, and Clonmel,' said the Solicitor-General, 'we spent five -weeks in hearing the claims and titles to her Majesty's lands found by -office. We had every man's bills, and fair evidence showed us, whereby -it appears that the Irishry (especially by their daily feofments to -uses) have practised as many fraudulent shifts for preserving their -lands from forfeiture as in England; and albeit their evidence be fair -and very lawlike without exception, yet because fraud is secret and -seldom found for her Majesty by jury, we have put the undertakers for -the most part in possession, who, dwelling but half a year upon the -lands, shall have better intelligence to discover the false practices -than the commissioners can possibly learn out. They plead their cause -by lawyers, who almost all of them in those parts have purchased titles -against her Majesty, so as we have had much trouble to pacify and -content them in some reasonable sort by persuasion of further hearing -hereafter, and full allowance of their good titles.' The Irish took -advantage of the delay to take possession of land everywhere, and three -or four years after Desmond's death, the population was five times as -great as it had been at the end of the war. A native squatter would -offer a higher rent than any English settler, and everyone saw that -the Plantation would fail in its main provisions. Between surveyors, -lawyers, and undertakers it was impossible to make a clear title to -anything, and the settlement hung fire during Perrott's administration. -But some of the undertakers came over and resided, leaving the final -measurement of lands to a future day. They quarrelled among themselves, -and made confusion more confounded.[161] - -[Sidenote: Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone and Tirlogh Luineach.] - -[Sidenote: Ambition of Tyrone.] - -In Ulster Tirlogh Luineach was getting old, while Hugh O'Neill, -representing the bastard Dungannon branch, grew daily stronger. Hugh -was now Earl of Tyrone, with a title to all he held in his country or -district, reserving 240 acres to the Crown for the fort at Blackwater, -and with a grant of markets and fairs. The new Earl covenanted to let -Tirlogh enjoy the chiefry during his life, to abide by the decision of -a royal commission as to boundaries, rents, and services, and not to -make estates to any of the smaller chiefs called _urraughts_, without -consent of the State. Tirlogh was thus placed in possession of that -part of Tyrone which lies north and west of the Mullaghcarne mountains, -while receiving 1,000 marks from the Earl for the remainder. But Tyrone -grasped at all which Con Bacagh or Shane had enjoyed, and Perrott saw -that he was restrained by fear only. His wife was O'Donnell's daughter, -and with that chief's help he hoped to crush Tirlogh. But Hugh, the son -of Calvagh, claimed the succession in Tyrconnell, and joining his force -to that of Tirlogh he attacked Tyrone's camp at night. The latter's -force was much superior, but he was surprised, defeated, and obliged to -fly to Dungannon. Hugh was afterwards murdered by order of Ineen Duive, -who wished to clear the succession for her own son. When Fitzwilliam -reached Dublin, he found the Earl and Tirlogh there, lodging complaints -against each other. Tyrone's defeat gave great delight to many, and -David Power, who had some personal experience of his dealings, said -publicly at Dundalk that he would climb so high as to break his neck, -while Perrott thought 'nothing had done so much good in the North these -nine years.' But the troubles in Ulster were only beginning.[162] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[131] Perrott to Walsingham, Nov. 16 and 27, 1584 (with enclosures); -to Burghley (with enclosures), Jan. 15, 1585.--Gregory's _Western -Highlands_, chap. iv., where Perrott's siege of Dunluce, and other -matters belonging to 1584, are placed under 1585. - -[132] Stanley to Walsingham, Jan. 5, 1585; George Peverley, victualler, -to Walsingham, Jan. 5; to Burghley, Jan. 20; Perrott to Walsingham, -Nov. 16, 1584; to Burghley, Jan 15, 1585. The Master of the Ordnance -was the same Jacques Wingfield who so narrowly escaped professional -ruin in 1561. - -[133] Composition of Lord Deputy and Council with Sorley Boy, Oct. 17, -1575; Sorley Boy to Perrott and to Captain Carleile, Feb. 5, 1585; -Captain Barkley to Perrott, Feb. 26; Norris to the Privy Council and -Fenton to Walsingham, March 7; Beverley to Burghley, April 1; Perrott -to Walsingham, April 24. - -[134] Lists printed from the roll in _Tracts relating to Ireland_, -vol. ii. p. 134. Kildare, who died in England this year, no doubt had -his writ of summons, but does not seem to have attended. He was ill in -London on Aug. 3. - -[135] _Lists_ as above. - -[136] _Lists_ as above. Perrott's _Life_, p. 199; see also a partial -list of members calendared at May 11, 1586. The _Four Masters_, under -1585, give a sort of Homeric catalogue of the chiefs present. - -[137] _Tracts relating to Ireland_, vol. ii. p. 143. Ormonde to -Burghley, Oct. 20, 1583; Sir N. White to Burghley, May 27, 1585. - -[138] Sir N. White to Burghley, May 27, 1585; Perrott to Walsingham, -May 30; the Poyning's Suspension Bill is in _Carew_, June 1585, No. 578. - -[139] Perrott to Walsingham, May 30 and June 18, 1585. He believed that -the opposition would collapse if firmly handled, and that firmness -would save the Queen's pocket. 'If they escape,' he said, 'farewell to -my reputation both with Irish and English.' - -[140] Irish _Statutes_, 27 Eliz.; Perrott's _Life_. - -[141] Norris to Walsingham, March 3; Fenton to Walsingham, May 24; -Loftus to Burghley, May 31. 'I am forced to play at small game to set -the beasts here a-madding, merely for want of better game.... You -think, as I ought to think, that it is time for me to have done with -the world; and so I would, if I could get into a better, before I was -called into the best, and not die here in a rage, like a poisoned rat -in a hole.'--Swift to Bolingbroke, from Dublin, March 21, 1729. - -[142] Perrott's _Life_; James VI. to Perrott, Aug. 8, in _Carew_; -Perrott to Walsingham, Aug. 10 and Nov. 11; to Burghley, Sept. 8 -and 24; Sir H. Bagenal to Perrott, Sept. 3; Wallop to Burghley and -Walsingham, Nov. 18; Walsingham to Archbishop Long, Dec. - -[143] Composition Book of Connaught and Thomond, Oct. 3. Details may -be studied in the appendix to Hardiman's edition of O'Flaherty's _West -Connaught_. As to the measurement it may be observed that Clare, to -take one county as an example, is estimated at 1,260 quarters. Making -allowance for the difference between Irish and English measure, this -gives rather less than 250,000 statute acres for all Clare. The real -area is about 828,000 acres. The gross acreage of all Connaught and -Clare is about five millions and a quarter, and a rental of 4,000_l._ -gives much less than a farthing per acre. - -[144] Perrott to Burghley, Sept. 8 and 24, 1585. The 'Articles' -referred to were sent to Ireland by Fenton in the following spring, and -are printed in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 63. - -[145] Perrott to Walsingham, Jan. 27, 1586; Sir G. Carew to Walsingham -Feb. 27; to Burghley, Aug. 2, 1588, in _Carew_; Lord Deputy and Council -to the Privy Council, Jan. 28, 1586; description of Munster, 1588, p. -530; Wallop to Burghley, Oct. 1585 (No. 19) and Nov. 18; to Walsingham, -March 7, 1586; Vice-President Norris to the Privy Council, Oct. 18, -1586. - -[146] Printed statutes, 28 Eliz. caps. 7 and 8; Perrott to Walsingham, -June 18, 1585; Lords Gormanston, Slane, Howth, and Trimleston to the -Queen, Dec. 10, 1585. Parliament was dissolved May 14, 1586; and see -Speaker Walshe's speech on that day. - -[147] Perrott's _Life_, p. 216; Hill's _MacDonnells of Antrim_, pp. -171-187; the Queen to the Lord Chancellor and Council, Feb. 26, 1586; -Captain Price to Walsingham, March 31; to Burghley, April 15; Fenton to -Burghley, April 19 and June 14, 1586; Submission of Sorley Boy, June -14. The Indentures are in _Carew_ ii. 427. - -[148] Docwra's _Relation_; _Four Masters_, 1586; Bingham to Walsingham, -Feb. 5, 1586; to Perrott, July 30 and Aug. 16 and 26; to Loftus, Aug. -30; Wallop to Walsingham, Aug. 23. The execution of Richard Oge Burke, -called _Fal fo Erinn_, was made a principal charge against Bingham in -1595 and 1596, when his accusers seemed to have driven him finally -from Ireland. Bingham justified this execution, since most of the -Burkes (including the Blind Abbot, afterwards MacWilliam) declared, -under their hands and under the sanction of an oath, that Richard Oge -had persuaded them to resist the Governor, to bring in Scots, and -to hold the Hag's Castle against him. Seven members of the Council -of Connaught were present at the execution, 'Sir Richard having no -other means of ordinary trial at that time by reason of the great -troubles.'--Discourse of the late rebellion of the Burkes, with all the -signatures, Nov. 17, 1586; O'Flaherty's _West Connaught_, p. 186. - -[149] Wallop to Walsingham, Aug. 23, 1586; Maguire to Perrott, Aug. 28; -Bingham to Loftus, Aug. 30; answer of Donnell Gorme, &c. (Sept. 22). -Bingham says he marched seventy-two miles in two days. - -[150] Docwra's _Relation_ ('not slain past two persons'); _Four -Masters_, 1586; Stowe's _Chronicle_; Bingham to Burghley, Oct. 6, 1586, -'not one man slain by the enemy;' to Loftus and Perrott, Sept. 23; to -Wallop, Oct. 18; Captain Woodhouse to Fenton, Sept. 23. Bingham owns to -'divers men hurt and galled.' - -[151] Bingham to Burghley, Oct. 8 and Dec. 5, 1586; to Wallop, Oct. -18; Wallop to Burghley, Nov. 15; Irish Council to Burghley, Sept. 27; -true discourse of the cause, &c., Nov. 16 and 17; Perrott's note of his -expenses, Sept. (No. 43). - -[152] The despatch sent by Fenton is printed in _Desiderata Curiosa -Hibernica_, i. 49; Perrott to Walsingham, Jan. 12, 1586, and four -letters to Burghley, on April 12, 15, 16, and 26, from White, Fenton, -Perrott, and Wallop respectively. - -[153] Perrott's _Life_, p. 243. Loftus to Burghley, April 26 and Dec. -4 and 12 1586; to Walsingham, Sept. 30; Bingham to Burghley, Dec. 5 -and Feb. 26, 1587; acquital of Bingham under the hands of the Council -(Loftus, Bagenal, Bishop Garvey of Kilmore, Gardiner, C.J., and -Fenton), Feb. 20, 1587; Wallop to Walsingham, May 31, 1586; Perrott to -Leicester, April 18, 1587, in _Carew_; the Queen to Perrott, Feb. 9, -1587. For the altercation with Bagenal see the Marshal's own passionate -and affecting letter to the Privy Council, May 15, 1587, and another -to Leicester in _Carew_; the Council's account, May 15; and White's -account, May 23. See also, for Perrott's behaviour, Wallop to Burghley -and Walsingham, April 26, and July 5, 1588. - -[154] Perrott to Sir George Carew, April 27 and Oct. 30, 1586, and Aug. -9, 1587; to Leicester, April 18, 1587 (all in _Carew_); Perrott to -Walsingham, March 7, 1588. - -[155] The above is chiefly from Motley's _United Netherlands_, chap. -xiii.; the story of Stanley's ill-treatment at Seville is in a letter -of Dec. 17, 1587, from Bishop Lyons of Cork to Fenton, on the authority -of Galway merchants lately from Spain; Privy Council to Perrott, Jan. -30, 1587; warrant for arrest of Captain Jacques, Feb. 9. For reports -about Stanley see the Irish and Foreign S. P. _passim_; the pardon for -the eleven soldiers is in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_ 35 Eliz. No. 31. For -Sir Rowland Stanley see Sir Roger Wilbraham to Burghley, May 10, 1590. - -[156] Perrott to the Privy Council, Jan. 28, 1586; to Walsingham, Feb. -7, 11, and 20, and March 7; Examination of Miles Brewett, April 26, -1587; James Wyse, Mayor of Waterford, to Perrott, July 30; Perrott -to Walsingham, Aug. 9; news by Tyrrell and Woode, Aug. 21; Gaspar -Thunder's report, Oct. 5; Instructions for Sir W. Fitzwilliam, Dec.; -Perrott to Walsingham, May 12, 1588. - -[157] Sidney's Brief Relation, 1583; Sidney to the Privy Council, Jan. -27, 1577, in _Carew_; petition of N. Nugent and others, July 1563, in -_Carew_; Answer of B. Scurlock and others, Jan. 11, 1577, in _Carew_; -Fenton to Burghley, Aug. 22 and Sept. 4, 1586; Perrott to Burghley, -June 10, 1585; Note of acts, 1586, in _Carew_, ii. 425. The composition -is in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_ (note to 39 Eliz.) - -[158] Acquittal of Sir R. Bingham, Feb. 20, 1587; his discourse, July; -Bingham to Burghley, Oct. 3, 1587, and Feb. 13, 1588. - -[159] Perrott to Walsingham, March 7, 18, and 21, and April 1, 1588, -and Perrott's _Life_; Fitzwilliam's patent is dated Feb. 17, but he was -not sworn till June 30. - -[160] Perrott to Carew, March 27, 1587, in _Carew_; Sir N. Bagenal to -Burghley, March 26; H. Sheffield to Burghley, March 29; Andrew Trollope -to Burghley, Oct. 27 (for Lee's case); Perrott's declaration, June 29, -1588, and Fitzwilliam to Burghley, July 31. - -[161] Wallop to Burghley, April 26, 1586; St. Leger to Burghley, May -30; Sir Roger Wilbraham, S.G., to the Munster Commissioners, Sept. -11, 1587; Arthur Robins to Walsingham, Sept. 17; Andrew Trollope to -Burghley, Oct. 19; Sir W. Herbert to Burghley, April 30, 1587, and to -Walsingham, July 12, 1588. - -[162] Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, May 10, 29 Eliz., and May 13; Tyrone's -answer, April 1587 (No. 58); Andrew Trollope to Burghley, Oct. 26, -1587; Tyrone to Perrott, Jan. 4, 1588; Perrott to Walsingham, May 12; -Bingham to Burghley, May 15; Wallop to Walsingham, June 21. - - - - -CHAPTER XLII. - -THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. - - -[Sidenote: The Armada expected.] - -On the death of Jacques Wingfield, Perrott had granted the Mastership -of the Ordnance to his son, Sir Thomas. It appeared, however, that -there had been a grant in reversion passed to Sir William Stanley, -which was voidable, but not void, by that officer's treason. On the -place becoming legally vacant it was conferred upon Sir George Carew, -the late Master's nephew. He reported that almost everything in the -Dublin store was rusty and rotten, and that the small remainder would -soon be as bad, since no allowance was made for maintaining it in a -serviceable state. The gunners and armourers were no better than the -stores; while Cork, Limerick, and other places were as ill-provided -as the capital. Yet the Spaniards were daily expected, and the whole -population, exhausted by their late sufferings, stood at gaze, waiting -in fear and trembling for the great event.[163] - -[Sidenote: The Spanish ships appear.] - -[Sidenote: Admiral Recalde.] - -On the 2nd of August Drake made up his mind that the enemy could not -land in any part of Great Britain, and left the Armada to contend with -the elements only. The rumours of English defeat which reached Spain -were industriously propagated in Ireland also, but on the 26th the -discomfiture of the invaders was known as far west as Athlone, though -no letter had yet arrived. In the first days of September the flying -ships began to tell their own story. From the Giant's Causeway to the -outermost point of Kerry the wild Atlantic seaboard presented its -inhospitable face, and the Spaniards who landed met with a reception -to match. At first they were the objects of great anxiety, and if the -fleet had kept together, the crews, sick and hungry as they were, -might have made some dangerous combination with the natives. But the -Duke of Medina Sidonia, with fifty-two ships, managed to weather the -Irish coast. This was owing to the advice of Calderon, who was the only -officer with him that knew our shores, and who had a proper horror of -the terrible west coast of Ireland. Admiral Recalde, a distinguished -sailor, but with less local knowledge, parted company with the Duke -off the Shetlands. When the storm moderated he had twenty-seven sail -with him, but by the time he reached Kerry these were reduced to three. -There were twenty-five pipes of wine on board, but no water except what -had come from Spain, 'which stinketh marvellously.' There was very -little bread, and the thirsty wretches could not eat their salt beef. -Recalde anchored between the Blaskets and the main land, and sent for -water. But Smerwick was close by, and no Kerry Catholic cared to run -the risk of comforting the Queen's enemies. Recalde's ship, 'The Don -John of Oporto,' was one of the largest in the whole Armada, containing -500 men, but of these 100 were ill; some died daily, and the strongest -were scarcely able to stand. The masts were injured by the English shot -and would not bear a press of canvas, yet there was nothing for it but -to trust once more to those crazy spars. When Slea Head was passed, the -immediate danger was over, and Recalde ultimately reached Corunna, but -only to die of exhaustion four days after. He seems to have had some -presentiment of disaster. When Medina Sidonia was appointed to command -the expedition, his Duchess wished him to decline the perilous honour. -If he succeeded, she philosophically remarked, he could be no more than -Duke of Medina Sidonia; whereas he would lose his reputation if he -failed. 'Yes,' said Recalde significantly, 'if he returns.'[164] - -[Sidenote: Misery of the Spaniards.] - -[Sidenote: Wreck off Kerry.] - -[Sidenote: Spaniards hanged at Tralee.] - -The noble landsman to whom Philip, with extraordinary folly, entrusted -the greatest fleet which the world had yet seen, had probably no -choice but to make his way homewards as best he might. Unable to cope -with the English or to co-operate with Parma, a great seaman might -perhaps have been equally unsuccessful in attaining the objects of the -expedition. But a chief of even ordinary capacity might have managed -to ship some fresh water on the Faroes or the Shetlands. Neither on -those islands nor on the Norwegian coast could any serious resistance -have been offered; but the chance was lost and the consequences of this -neglect were frightful. Wine was but a poor substitute, and some of -the victuals were as unwholesome as the foul water. Among other things -lime had been mixed with the biscuit, and for this many bakers in Spain -were afterwards hanged. The ships were so much damaged, and the men -so weak, that it was often impossible to keep clear of the coast. One -unfortunate vessel, named 'Our Lady of the Rose,' foundered in the -Sound of Blasket, in sight of the open water which Recalde had reached. -The Genoese pilot had probably no local knowledge, and steered her on -to a sunken rock, where she went down with 500 men on board; but not -before an officer had killed the poor Italian for supposed treason. The -pilot's son alone escaped, by swimming, to tell the tale. Among the -doomed was the young prince of Ascoli, said to be a son of Philip's, -who had originally sailed with Medina Sidonia and had taken a boat at -Calais, had failed to regain the admiral's ship, and had sought refuge -upon that which had now gone to the bottom. A small vessel, which -seems to have had no boat, was driven into Tralee Bay. Three men swam -ashore and offered to surrender, saying they had friends at Waterford -who would ransom them; but the names of those friends they refused to -disclose. Lady Denny hanged the whole crew, consisting of twenty-four -Spaniards, on the ground that there was no way of keeping them safely. -Norris afterwards regretted that this had been done, but he also at -first dreaded a landing in force.[165] - -[Sidenote: Wrecks off Clare.] - -Seven ships were driven into the Shannon, and lay for a short time -off Carrigaholt. The Spaniards burned one which was too leaky to go -to sea again. Another was wrecked in Dunbeg Bay, on the other side of -Loop Head, and between 200 and 300 men were drowned. Another was lost -at Trumree, a few miles farther north, and the names of Spanish Point -and Mal Bay are believed to commemorate the impression which these -disasters left upon the native mind. 300 men who landed were slain by -the sheriff, in obedience to Bingham's orders. Another ship lay for a -time at Liscannor, where there is little or no shelter, but the crew -were unable to land; one of her two boats was washed ashore, and a -large oil-jar found in her showed that water was the Spaniards' great -want. Other ships were seen off the Arran Islands, and one of 200 tons -came within a mile of Galway. It is not recorded that any of these were -lost; but neither does it appear that any were relieved. They drifted -away in misery, the men dying daily, and the survivors having to work, -though themselves in a condition very little better than that of the -fabulous Ancient Mariner.[166] - -[Sidenote: Wreck in Clew Bay.] - -[Sidenote: Spaniards slaughtered by the Irish.] - -The ocean waves which roll into Clew Bay are partly broken by the -island of Clare, which belonged in the sixteenth century to the -O'Malleys--a clan famous as sea-rovers and fishermen. The western -half of the island consists of a heathery mountain, which is said to -harbour grouse, though other grouse are so far away. The eastern half -is cultivated; but as late as 1870 there were no roads in the island, -no wheeled vehicles, and only a single saddle, reserved for the annual -visit of the agent. A native leaning on his spade, and lamenting the -badness of the potatoes, asked a stray visitor if there were any news -of the world. Upon these lonely rocks a large ship, commanded by Don -Pedro de Mendoza, foundered with 700 men. Less than 100 had landed two -days before, and these were all slaughtered by Dowdary Roe O'Malley, -for the sake of the gold which they had brought with them. Mendoza -tried to escape with some fishing-boats, but he shared the fate of his -men, much to Bingham's regret. One poor Spaniard and an Irishman of -Wexford were spared out of 800. At Ormonde's village of Burrishoole -farther up the bay a ship of 1,000 tons and fifty-four guns was driven -ashore. Most of those on board were lost, but sixteen landed with gold -chains and surrendered to the Earl's tenant. It was reported in London -that the Duke of Medina Sidonia was among them, and Ormonde sent over -a special messenger with orders to seize all that was valuable, to let -the Duke ride his own horse, and not to put him in irons, but to treat -him as the greatest prince in Spain. But Ormonde was not fortunate -enough to capture this rich prize, nor is it likely that any of the -plunder was reserved for him.[167] - -[Sidenote: Wrecks in Connemara.] - -[Sidenote: Spaniards executed.] - -In the western part of Galway two vessels were wrecked, one of them -being the 'White Falcon' with Don Luis de Cordova and his company. -The O'Flaherties were at first disposed to shelter and befriend the -strangers, but Bingham made proclamation that anyone who harboured -Spaniards for more than four hours would be reputed as traitors. Many -were brought to Galway accordingly, where 300 were straightway executed -by the Provost Marshal, who was then sent to exercise his office in -O'Flaherty's country and to do what he could towards saving ordnance -and munitions; and other officers were sent into Mayo with similar -instructions. Of the prisoners at Galway forty picked men were reserved -for Bingham's decision, of whom thirty were afterwards executed. Don -Luis and nine others were spared, as likely to be worth ransom, or to -be able to give useful information.[168] - -[Sidenote: Alonso de Leyva.] - -The most famous Spaniard in the Armada was Alonso de Leyva, who was -in command of the troops, and who would have acted as general had the -invaders effected a landing in force. Even at sea he was the second -in command, and had a commission to take supreme direction in case -anything should happen to the Duke of Medina Sidonia. De Leyva had -been suspected of intriguing for the command during the life of Santa -Cruz, and even of thwarting that great seaman's preparations. He had -served under Don John in Flanders, where he raised a famous battalion -consisting entirely of half-pay officers, and afterwards in Sicily and -Italy; and had resigned command of the cavalry at Milan on purpose to -take part in the expedition against England. When the Armada actually -sailed he had charge of the vanguard, and had pressed the Duke hard to -attack the English in Plymouth Sound, where their superior seamanship -would avail them little. The guns of the fort, he said, would be -silent, for their fire would do as much harm to one side as to the -other. This bold advice was probably wise, but Medina Sidonia was not -the man to take it. At a later period De Leyva is said to have directly -accused the Duke of cowardice, and to have been threatened by him with -the penalty of death--his only answer to every criticism. - -[Sidenote: His ship and followers.] - -He himself sailed on board the 'Rata,' a ship of 820 tons, 35 guns, -and 419 men, of whom only 84 were seamen. Among the landsmen were many -noble adventurers, who were desirous of seeing war under so famous -a captain. When the fleet parted company the 'Rata' remained with -Recalde, and went as far as 62° north latitude; the object being to -reach Ireland and to refit there. The increasing cold frustrated this -plan, and the half-sinking ships staggered southward again in the -direction of Spain.[169] - -[Sidenote: Alonso de Leyva wrecked in Mayo,] - -[Sidenote: and again in Donegal.] - -The 'Rata' was driven, much disabled, into Blacksod Bay, and anchored -off Ballycroy. The sailing-master was Giovanni Avancini, an Italian, -who, with fourteen of his countrymen, being ill-treated by the -Spaniards, stole the ship's only boat and wandered off into the -country, where they were robbed and imprisoned by the 'Devil's Hook's -son' and others of the Burkes. De Leyva then sent men ashore on casks, -who recovered the boat, and the whole ship's company were brought safe -to land. They then entrenched themselves strongly in an old castle near -the sea. Two days later, the 'Rata' was driven on to the beach. A boat -full of treasure, besides such unaccustomed wares as velvet and cloth -of gold, fell into the hands of the natives, and the ill-fated ship -was fired where she lay. Meanwhile the transport 'Duquesa Santa Ana,' -of 900 tons, drifted to the same remote haven. She had 300 or 400 men -on board, who had been specially levied in honour of the Duchess of -Medina Sidonia, but room was somehow made for all De Leyva's people, -and the transport set sail for Spain. The overladen craft had no chance -against a head wind, and was driven into Loughros Bay, in Donegal. -The shelter was bad, the cables parted, and the 'Santa Ana' went on -the rocks; but here, again, no lives were lost. The shipwrecked men -encamped for several days, and heard that the 'Gerona,' one of the -four great Neapolitan galleasses which the luckless Hugo de Moncada -had commanded, was lying in Killybegs Harbour. De Leyva had been hurt -in the leg by the capstan during the confusion on board the 'Santa -Ana,' and could neither walk nor ride. He was carried nineteen miles -across the mountains between four men, and encamped at Killybegs for a -fortnight, while the galeass was undergoing repairs. He despaired of -reaching Spain in such a crazy bark, and determined, if possible, to -land in Scotland. The Spaniards were, in the meantime, dependent on -MacSwiney Banagh for food, and that chief was afraid of bringing famine -on his country. At first, the unbidden guests had beef and mutton, but -afterwards they were obliged to buy horseflesh.[170] - -[Sidenote: Alonso de Leyva sails a third time,] - -Some of the Irish pressed De Leyva to stay and to be their general -against the English heretics, but he pleaded that he had no commission -to do any such thing. He does, however, seem to have had some idea -of wintering in Ulster, which he abandoned either on account of the -difficulty of getting provisions, or because he saw no chance of -defeating Fitzwilliam, whose arrival in Ulster was constantly expected. -And he may have thought that the MacSwineys were not altogether to be -trusted. The 'Gerona' had been made seaworthy with MacSwiney's help, -and by using the materials of another wreck, but she would not hold -anything like the whole of his people. The bulk of them were willing -to take their chance of a passage to Scotland, and, in the meanwhile, -to make friends with the natives, and to join their fortunes to those -of their shipwrecked countrymen. The galeass originally carried 300 -galley-slaves, who could not be dispensed with, and less than that -number of soldiers and sailors combined. It may be therefore assumed -that she put off from Killybegs with not far short of 600 men on board. -Her pilots were three Irishmen and a Scot. - -[Sidenote: but is finally lost off Antrim.] - -The noble volunteers all shared the fortunes of their chief. The -'Gerona' was a floating castle rather than a ship, built for the -Mediterranean, and for fine weather, and utterly unsuited for the work -required. Nevertheless she weathered Malin Head, and may even have -sighted the Scotch coast. The wind came ahead, or the leaks gained -upon the pumps--no one will ever know exactly what happened. For some -time the fate of Don Alonso was doubtful; but about the beginning of -December it became certainly known that the galeass had gone to pieces -on the rock of Bunboys, close to Dunluce. But five persons, of no -consequence, escaped, nor were any of the bodies identified. Hidalgos -and galley-slaves shared the same watery grave.[171] - -[Sidenote: Importance of De Leyva.] - -Alonso de Leyva is described as 'long-bearded, tall, and slender, of a -whitely complexion, of a flaxen and smooth hair, of behaviour mild and -temperate, of speech good and deliberate, greatly reverenced not only -of his own men, but generally of all the whole company;' and Philip -said that he mourned his loss more than that of the Armada. It was well -for England that the sovereign who rated Don Alonso so highly had not -given him the supreme command, for the 'brag countenance,' which stood -Lord Howard in such good stead would not then have been allowed to pass -unchallenged. The loss of the 'Gerona' brought mourning into many of -the noblest houses in Spain and Italy. 'The gentlemen were so many,' -says a Spanish castaway, who visited the fatal spot, 'that a list of -their names would fill a quire of paper.' Among them were the Count -of Paredes, and his brother Don Francisco Manrique, and Don Thomas de -Granvela, the Cardinal's nephew.[172] - -[Sidenote: Wrecks in Sligo.] - -[Sidenote: Great loss of life.] - -Three large ships were wrecked on the seaboard immediately to the north -of Sligo Bay. A survivor recorded their failure to double the 'Cabo -di Clara,' owing to a head wind. Erris Head was probably the actual -promontory, and the Spaniards must have thought it was Cape Clear. -Their ignorance of the coast is evident, and it seems certain that -they mistook the north-west corner of Connaught for the south-west -corner of Munster. Cape Clear was well known by name, and they would -have been in no danger after doubling it. As it was, the west coast was -a trap into which they drifted helplessly. Even of those who succeeded -in rounding the Mullet we have seen that few escaped. Of the three who -were lost near Sligo, one was the 'San Juan de Sicilia,' carrying Don -Diego Enriquez, son of the Viceroy of New Spain and an officer of high -rank. They anchored half a league from shore. For four days the weather -was thick, and on the fifth a stiff nor'-wester drove them all aground. -The best anchors lay off Calais, and there was no chance of working -her off shore, for sails and rigging were injured by the English shot. -The beach was of fine sand, but there were rocks outside, and in one -hour the three ships, badly fastened in the best of times, and kept -afloat only by frequent caulking, had completely broken up. Don Diego, -foreseeing this, got into a decked boat with the Count of Villafranca's -son, two Portuguese gentlemen, and more than 16,000 ducats in money and -jewels, and ordered the hatches to be battened down. With a proper crew -she might have reached land safely, but more than seventy despairing -wretches flung themselves into her, and the first great wave swept -them all into the sea. The imprisoned hidalgos had no control over -the boat, which was driven on to the beach bottom upwards. More than -thirty-six hours later the natives came to rifle her, and dragged out -the bodies. Three were dead, and Don Diego expired immediately after -his release. According to the Spanish account more than 1,000 were -drowned altogether, and less than 300 escaped, and this agrees pretty -well with what we learn from English sources. 'At my late being at -Sligo,' says Fenton, 'I numbered in one strand of less than five miles -in length above 1,100 dead corpses of men which the sea had driven upon -the shore, and, as the country people told me, the like was in other -places, though not of like number.'[173] - -[Sidenote: The survivors are stripped and robbed by the Irish,] - -[Sidenote: who rejoice over their prey.] - -[Sidenote: But some are more humane.] - -The smallest of the three ships was that which carried Don Martin de -Aranda, who acted as judge-advocate-general or provost-marshal to the -Armada, and who had been ordered by the Duke of Medina Sidonia to hang -Don Cristobal de Avila and Captain Francisco de Cuellar for leaving -their places in the line. The first was actually hanged, and carried -round the fleet at the yard-arm of a despatch boat to encourage the -rest. Cuellar was spared at the provost-marshal's earnest request, -and with him he remained until the loss of the ship. He stood on the -poop to the last, whence he saw hundreds perish and a few reach the -shore astride on barrels and beams, to be murdered in many cases, and -stripped in all, by '200 savages and other enemies,' who skipped and -danced with joy at the disaster which brought them plunder. Don Martin -de Aranda came to Cuellar in tears, both sewed coin into their clothes -and after some struggles found themselves together upon the floating -cover of a hatchway. Covered with blood and injured in both legs, -Cuellar was washed ashore, but Don Martin was drowned. 'May God pardon -him,' says the survivor, and perhaps he needed pardon, for it was he -who had signed the order to kill all the French prisoners after the -fight at Terceiras. Unobserved by the wreckers, Cuellar crawled away, -stumbling over many stark naked Spanish corpses. Shivering with cold -and in great pain he lay down in some rushes, where he was joined by -'a cavalier, a very gentle boy,' who was afterwards discovered to be a -person of consequence, stripped to the skin, and in such terror that -he could not even say who he was. He himself was a mere sponge full -of blood and water, half-dead with pain and hunger; and in this state -he had to pass the night. Two armed natives who chanced to pass took -pity on them, covered them with rushes and grass which they cut for the -purpose, and then went off to take their part in the wrecking. Green -as the covering was, it probably saved Cuellar's life, but at daybreak -he found, to his great sorrow, that the poor, gentle lad was dead.[174] - -[Sidenote: Adventures of Francisco de Cuellar.] - -[Sidenote: A devout damsel.] - -Slowly and painfully Cuellar made his way to what he calls a monastery, -probably the round tower and church of Drumcliff, which is about five -miles from the scene of the shipwreck. He found no living friends in -this ancient foundation of St. Columba, but only the bodies of twelve -Spaniards, hanged 'by the Lutheran English' to the window gratings -inside the church. An old woman, who was driving her cows away for fear -of the soldiers, advised him to go back to the sea, where he was joined -by two naked Spaniards. Miserable as they were, they picked out the -corpse of Don Diego from among more than 400, and buried him in a hole -dug in the sand, 'with another much-honoured captain, a great friend -of mine.' Two hundred savages came to see what they were doing, and -they explained by signs that they were saving their brethren from the -wolves and crows, which had already begun their ghastly work. As they -were looking for any chance biscuits which the sea might have cast up -four natives proposed to strip Cuellar, who alone had some clothes, -but another of higher rank protected him. While on his way to this -friendly partisan's village, he met two armed young men, an Englishman -and a Frenchman, and a 'most extremely beautiful' girl of twenty, who -prevented the Englishman from killing, but not from stripping, the -wretched Spaniard. A gold chain worth 1,000 reals was found round his -neck, and forty-five ducats sewn up in his doublet, being two months' -pay received before leaving Corunna. He protested that he was only a -poor soldier, but it was nevertheless proposed to detain him as worth -ransom. Cuellar records, with some complacency, that the girl pitied -him much, and begged them to return his clothes and to do him no more -harm. His doublet was restored, but not his shirt, nor a relic of great -repute which he had brought from Lisbon, and which 'the savage damsel -hung round her neck, saying, by signs, that she meant to keep it, and -that she was a Christian, being as much like one as Mahomet was.' A -boy was ordered to take him to a hut, to put a plaster of herbs on his -wound, and to give him milk, butter, and oatmeal cake.[175] - -[Sidenote: A visit to O'Rourke.] - -[Sidenote: Cuellar is enslaved by a smith;] - -[Sidenote: but escapes to MacClancy.] - -Cuellar was directed towards the territory of O'Rourke, narrowly -escaped a band of English soldiers, was beaten and stripped naked by -forty 'Lutheran savages' not easily identified, mistook two naked -Spaniards for devils in the dark, joined them, and at last, after -enduring almost incredible hardships, reached the friendly chief's -house, partly wrapped in straw and fern. O'Rourke had many houses. This -one may have been Dromahaire, near to the eastern extremity of Lough -Gill. It was a castle, and Cuellar calls it a hut, the probability -being that thatched outhouses were generally occupied, and that the -stone keep was little used except for defence. Everyone pitied the -stranger, and one man gave him a ragged old blanket full of lice. -Twenty other Spaniards came to the same place, reporting a large ship -not far off. Cuellar was unable to keep up with them, and thus failed -to embark on a vessel which was soon afterwards wrecked. All that -escaped the sea were killed by the soldiers. Cuellar then fell in with -a priest, who was dressed in secular habit for fear of the English, and -who spoke in Latin. Following his directions the Spaniard sought the -castle of MacClancy, a chief under O'Rourke who held the country south -and west of Lough Melvin, and who was a great enemy of Queen Elizabeth. -A savage whom he met enticed him to his cabin in a lonely glen. The man -turned out to be a smith, who set his prisoner to blow the bellows. -This lasted for eight days, and as the old man of the sea refused to -let Sindbad go, so did this old man of the mountains declare that -Cuellar should stay all his life with him. The Spaniard worked steadily -for fear of being thrown into the fire by this 'wicked, savage smith -and his accursed hag of a wife.' The friendly priest then appeared, -and owing to his exertions, four natives and one Spaniard were sent -by MacClancy to release Cuellar. He found ten of his shipwrecked -countrymen with MacClancy, and everyone pitied him, especially the -women, for he had no covering but straw. 'They fitted me out,' he says, -'as well as they could with one of their country mantles, and during my -stay of three months I became as great a savage as they were.' Cuellar -seems to have been susceptible to female influences, for he remarks -that his host's wife was extremely beautiful and very kind to him, and -he spent a good deal of time in telling her fortune and those of her -fair relatives and friends. This was amusing at first, but when men -and less interesting women began to consult him he was forced to apply -to his host for protection. MacClancy would not let him go, but gave -general orders that no one should annoy him.[176] - -[Sidenote: A wild Irish household.] - -An account of an Irish household by a foreigner who had lived among -the people for months, and whose sight was not coloured by English -prejudice, is so rare a thing that Cuellar's may well be given in full. - -[Sidenote: The men.] - -[Sidenote: The women.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish rob the Spaniards, but save their lives.] - -'The habit of those savages is to live like brutes in the mountains, -which are very rugged in the part of Ireland where we were lost. They -dwell in thatched cabins. The men are well-made, with good features, -and as active as deer. They eat but one meal, and that late at night, -oat-cake and butter being their usual food. They drink sour milk -because they have nothing else, for they use no water, though they have -the best in the world. At feasts it is their custom to eat half-cooked -meat without bread or salt. Their dress matches themselves--tight -breeches, and short loose jackets of very coarse texture; over all they -wear blankets, and their hair comes over their eyes. They are great -walkers and stand much work, and by continually fighting they keep the -Queen's English soldiers out of their country, which is nothing but -bogs for forty miles either way. Their great delight is robbing one -another, so that no day passes without fighting, for whenever the -people of one hamlet know that those of another possess cattle or other -goods, they immediately make a night attack and kill each other. When -the English garrisons find out who has lifted the most cattle, they -come down on them, and they have but to retire to the mountains with -their wives and herds, having no houses or furniture to lose. They -sleep on the ground upon rushes full of water and ice. Most of the -women are very pretty, but badly got up, for they wear only a shift -and a mantle, and a great linen cloth on the head, rolled over the -brow. They are great workers and housewives in their way. These people -call themselves Christians, and say Mass. They follow the rule of the -Roman Church, but most of their churches, monasteries, and hermitages -are dismantled by the English soldiers, and by their local partisans, -who are as bad as themselves. In short there is no order nor justice -in the country, and everyone does that which is right in his own eyes. -The savages are well affected to us Spaniards, because they realise -that we are attacking the heretics and are their great enemies. If it -was not for those natives who kept us as if belonging to themselves, -not one of our people would have escaped. We owe them a good turn for -that, though they were the first to rob and strip us when we were cast -on shore. From whom and from the three ships which contained so many -men of importance, those savages reaped a rich harvest of money and -jewels.'[177] - -[Sidenote: Wanderings of Cuellar.] - -[Sidenote: A narrow escape.] - -[Sidenote: A friendly bishop.] - -Cuellar helped MacClancy to defend his castle against the Lord Deputy, -and the chief was as unwilling to let him go as the smith had been. He -escaped with four other Spaniards, during the first days of the new -year, and after three weeks' hardship in the mountains found himself -at Dunluce in Antrim, where Alonso de Leyva had been lost. He was -told that his only chance of a passage to Scotland was by some boats -belonging to O'Cahan, which were expected to sail soon. The wound in -his leg had broken out afresh, and he was unable to stand for some -days. His companions left him to shift for himself, and after a painful -walk to Coleraine he found that the boats had gone. There was a -garrison there, and he had to take shelter in a mountain hut, where -some women compassionately nursed him. In six weeks his wound was -well enough to enable him to seek an interview with O'Cahan, but that -chief, who was afraid to help any Spaniard, had gone upon a foray with -the soldiers. 'I was now,' he says, 'able to show myself in the town, -which was of thatched houses, and there were some very pretty girls, -with whom I struck up a great friendship and often visited their house -to converse. One afternoon when I was there, two young Englishmen came -in, and one of them, who was a sergeant, asked me if I was a Spaniard, -and what I did there. I said yes, and that I was one of Don Alonso de -Luzon's soldiers who had surrendered, that my bad leg had prevented me -from going with the rest, and that I was at their service to do their -bidding. They said they hoped soon to take me with them to Dublin, -where there were many Spaniards of note in prison. I replied that I -could not walk, but was very willing to accompany them. They then -sent for a horse, and their suspicions being set at rest, they began -to romp with the girls. The mother made me signs to leave, which I -did very quickly, jumping over ditches and going through thick covert -till I came within view of O'Cahan's castle. At nightfall I followed a -road which led me to a great lagoon.' This was probably Lough Foyle, -and here he was befriended by herdsmen, one of whom, after a visit to -Coleraine, told him that he had seen the two Englishmen 'raging in -search' of him. He kept his counsel, but advised Cuellar to remove into -the mountains. He was conducted to the hiding-place of a bishop, 'a -very good Christian,' who prudently dressed like the country folk. 'I -assure you,' writes the devout Spaniard, 'that I could not restrain my -tears when I came to kiss his hand.' It seems almost certain that this -was Redmond O'Gallagher, papal bishop of Derry and acting Primate, one -of the three Irish prelates who had attended the Council of Trent. He -had twelve other Spaniards with him, and by his help Cuellar managed to -reach Scotland. 'He was a reverend and just man,' says the latter; 'may -God's hand keep him free from his enemies.' - -[Sidenote: Final escape of Cuellar.] - -Four shiploads of castaways from the Armada were ultimately despatched -from Scotland, and were not molested by the English, to whom they were -no longer dangerous; but Cuellar was wrecked once more near Dunkirk, -and saw 270 of his companions butchered by the Dutch. At last, in -October 1589, fourteen months after his narrow escape from swinging at -the Duke of Medina Sidonia's yard-arm, did this much-enduring man reach -Antwerp, which was then in the hands of Alexander Farnese, and from -thence he wrote the account which has been so largely used.[178] - -[Sidenote: More than twenty ships lost in Ireland] - -It is not possible to trace the history of every ship lost on the -Irish coast. Bingham, in a letter written when all was over, says -twelve ships were wrecked in his province, which included Clare, and -that probably two or three more foundered about various islands. He -particularly excluded those lost in Ulster and Munster. In a paper -signed by Secretary Fenton the total number of vessels lost is given -as eighteen, but full accounts had not yet come in, and that number -certainly falls short of the truth. Cuellar says that more than twenty -were lost in the kingdom of Ireland, with all the chivalry and flower -of the Armada.[179] - -[Sidenote: Great loss of life.] - -[Sidenote: Donegal.] - -[Sidenote: Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Munster.] - -According to Fenton's account 6,194 men belonging to the eighteen ships -whose loss he records, were 'drowned, killed, and taken.' This does not -include those who escaped, nor the men belonging to ships not comprised -in his list. At the end of October the number of Spaniards alive in -Donegal alone was not far short of 3,000. About 500 escaped from -Ulster to Scotland--'miserable, ragged creatures, utterly spoiled by -the Irishry'--and some of their descendants remain there to this day, -and preserve the tradition of their origin. Very few of them reached -Spain, and on the whole, we may believe that the number of subjects -lost to Philip II. out of that part of the fleet which was lost in -Ireland, cannot have been much short of 10,000. 'In my province,' says -Bingham, 'there hath perished at the least 6,000 or 7,000 men, of which -there hath been put to the sword by my brother George, and executed -one way and another, about 700 or 800, or upwards. Bingham spared some -Dutchmen and boys, as probably engaged against their wills, but these -were executed by the Lord Deputy himself when he visited Athlone. -Twenty-four survivors from a wreck were executed at Tralee, but this -was done in a panic, and was quite unnecessary. Munster was indeed too -thoroughly subdued to make the presence of a few Spaniards dangerous. -In Ulster the arm of the Government scarcely reached the castaways -until they were no longer of much importance. Even the native Irish did -not always spare those who had come to deliver them. The MacSwineys -killed forty at one place in Donegal. Plunder was no doubt the object, -as it had been in Tyrawley and in Clare island, but a desire to curry -favour with the Government had also a good deal to say to it. It was -only in those parts of Ulster and Connaught where the power of the -chiefs was still unbroken, that the Spaniards received any kind of -effectual help.[180] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone and O'Donnell.] - -[Sidenote: The Spaniards powerless.] - -Tyrone did what he could for the Spaniards by sending them provisions, -and he bitterly reproved O'Donnell, who with his eldest son had helped -the Government against them. Other O'Donnells joined the strangers, -and the chief does not seem to have carried his country with him. -His MacDonnell wife made no secret of her intention to employ the -foreigners for her own purposes. Tyrone himself was careful not to -commit any overt act, and indeed professed the utmost loyalty, but he -took the opportunity to renew his complaints against Tirlogh Luineach. -Two brothers named Ovington or Hovenden, who were partly in his service -and partly in the Queen's, skirmished with the Spaniards wrecked -in Innishowen and brought most of them prisoners to Dungannon; but -many of their soldiers ran away, and their own good faith was much -suspected. The MacSwineys all helped the Spaniards more or less, and -O'Dogherty complained that they transferred them to his country as soon -as their own had been eaten up. With men and boats he had saved many -hundreds from a wreck, but this was little more than common humanity -demanded. There were at one time about 3,000 Spaniards alive in Ulster. -O'Rourke had given them arms; MacClancy interrupted the communications; -Ballymote, where George Bingham had a house, was burned by the -O'Connors, O'Dowds, and O'Harts, who said they were making way for King -Philip, and it was thought that Sligo must inevitably fall into their -hands. Bingham's vigour disconcerted the plans of the confederates, -and a good many of the Spaniards made their way to Scotland. A few -continued to lurk in different parts of Ireland, down to 1592 at least, -but it is hardly possible to believe, what is so often stated, that -they were in numbers sufficient to leave traces upon the features and -complexions of the natives. Spanish blood there may be in Ireland, but -it is surely more reasonable to attribute it to the commerce which -existed for centuries between a land of fish and a land of wine.[181] - -[Sidenote: Wreck in Lough Foyle.] - -[Sidenote: Officers ransomed.] - -The ship wrecked in O'Dogherty's country was the 'Trinidad Valencera' -of Venice. She had on board about 600 men--Spaniards, Greeks, and -Italians; and of these 400, including more than 100 sick, were brought -to shore, some of them with arms, but 'without even one biscuit.' -'The natives, who are savages,' had retired into the mountains, but -they found some horses at grass, which they killed and ate. They were -attacked by Tyrone's foster-brethren, Richard and Henry Hovenden, who -made much of the glorious victory of 140 over 600. The Spaniards said -that they had surrendered on promise of their lives and of decent -treatment; but that their captors nevertheless stripped them naked and -killed a great many, not more than eighty being reserved as prisoners. -Among these was one who seemed to carry 'some kind of majesty.' This -was probably Don Alonso de Luzon, chief of the tercio or brigade of -Naples, who was distinguished by a pointed beard and a large moustache. -De Luzon with several other officers was brought to Drogheda, where -they were told that those who had plundered them were not Englishmen -but sons of the soil. Don Diego de Luzon and two others died after -their arrival, and several had perished on the road. Don Alonso and -Rodrigo de Lasso, who were both knights of Santiago, were sent to -London for ransom, as well as Don Luis de Cordova and his nephew, the -only prisoners whom Fitzwilliam allowed to live of those which Bingham -had saved. More than fifty others were afterwards sent over, and -something like 800_l._ appears to have been paid by way of ransom for -them all.[182] - -[Sidenote: The Irish got the plunder.] - -[Sidenote: Small gain to the Queen.] - -[Sidenote: Relics and traditions.] - -The amount of plunder secured did not at all satisfy expectation. Much -treasure fell into the hands of the Irish, who regarded the wreckage -as a godsend. The small arms and the lighter pieces of artillery were -appropriated in the same way. The larger cannon were not so easily -moved, and a few were recovered by Carew and others. One wedge of gold -found its way to the Queen, and there were rumours of various costly -articles which had been seized by officers or adventurers. The guns -rescued for her Majesty hardly exceeded a dozen, and a few others were -sent into Scotland by the MacDonnells, who also got hold of a good many -doubloons. The relics which have been handed down to us are very few, -but the memory of the invincible Armada is preserved by the names which -have clung to some points of the Irish coast.[183] - -[Sidenote: The Armada a crusade.] - -[Sidenote: Irish priests on board.] - -[Sidenote: Other Irishmen.] - -By a strange reading of history it has lately been attempted to divest -the Armada of its religious character. It is very true that some of -Queen Elizabeth's subjects were conspicuous by their loyalty, though -they adhered to the communion of Rome: they were Englishmen first and -Catholics afterwards. But it was against heresy and against the queen -of heresy that Philip shot his bolt. One Spanish poem in honour of -the Armada begins with an invocation of the Virgin 'conceived without -sin,' and ends with some lines about turning the Lutherans into good -Christians. Another poet laments that the wise, powerful, and warlike -island of Britain had been changed from a temple of faith into a temple -of heresy. The land which produced the Arthurs, the Edwards, and the -Henrys, was now, he says, condemned to eternal infamy for submitting -to a spindle instead of the sceptre and sword; and he apostrophises -Elizabeth as anything but a virgin queen, but rather as the wolfish -offspring of an unchaste mother. Lope de Vega, who served in the -Armada, contents himself with calling Philip the Christian Ulysses, -and the Queen of England a false siren; and he avers that faith only -despatched the vast fleet from the Spanish shore. 180 Spanish and -Portuguese friars sailed in the Armada, Franciscans, Dominicans, -Carmelites, Augustinians, and Theatins being all represented; and there -were certainly some Irish ecclesiastics. 'Tomas Vitres' is probably -Thomas White of Clonmel, who became a Jesuit in 1593. There was also a -friar named James ne Dowrough, who originally went to Spain with James -Fitzmaurice, and who was cast upon the coast of Donegal, where the -people paid him much respect. Some few Irish laymen there were also on -board, of whom the most important was a son of James Fitzmaurice, who -died at sea and who was buried with a great ceremonial in Clew Bay. One -or two other Desmond Geraldines are also mentioned. There were a few -who belonged to good families of the Pale, the most important being -Baltinglas's brother, Edmund Eustace. Eustace was reported dead, but -he got back to Spain. Cahil O'Connor, who killed Captain Mackworth, -was another, and he also was afterwards alive in Spain. James Machary, -a native of Tipperary, said he was impressed at Lisbon. On the whole -it is clear that there was no thought at all of a descent on Ireland, -though some Spaniards taken in Tralee Bay said that on board the -Duke of Medina's ship was an Englishman called Don William, a man of -a reasonable stature, bald, and very like Sir William Stanley. But -Stanley had not left the Netherlands, and there were other Englishmen -in the Spanish fleet.[184] - -[Sidenote: Rumours from Spain.] - -[Sidenote: A tradition.] - -As late as February, 1589, Irish merchants spread flattering reports in -Spain. Alonso de Leyva was alive, they said, and held Athlone against -the Lord Deputy with 2,000 men; but an Irish bishop at Corunna said -there were no Spaniards in Ireland, and the tellers of both tales were -arrested until the truth should be known. Norris had recommended that -Irish auxiliaries should be used in retaliating on the coast of Spain, -and when he visited Corunna with Drake they lamented that the advice -had not been taken. 'Had we had either horse on land, or some companies -of Irish kerne to have pursued them, there had none of them escaped.' -There is a tradition in Munster, and the local historian fixes the date -in 1589, that Drake was pursued by Spaniards into Cork harbour, that he -took refuge among the woods in the secluded Carrigaline river, and that -the foreigners sailed round the harbour and departed without being able -to find him. It is not easy to say when this happened, but the place is -called 'Drake's hole' unto this day.[185] - -[Sidenote: The last of the Armada.] - -The Scotch Government did what it could to get rid of the Spaniards -peaceably, but some were not shipped off until July 1589, and even then -a remnant was left. They hung about the Orkneys, taking stray English -vessels and even committing some murders on Scottish soil. In the -correspondence to which they gave rise Bothwell's name is frequently -mentioned, and they continued to give trouble for some years. The few -who lingered in Ireland could do but little harm, and the years which -followed Philip's great enterprise were unusually quiet.[186] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[163] Carew to Burghley, July 18 and Aug. 2, 1588; to Walsingham, July -18, Aug. 4 and Sept. 18; to Heneage, July 18 and Aug. 4, all in _Carew_. - -[164] Examination of Emanuel Fremoso and Emanuel Francisco, Sept. 12, -1588; James Trant, sovereign of Dingle, to Sir Edward Denny, Sept. -11; Bingham to Burghley, Aug. 26; Ormonde to Mr. Comerford, Sept. -18. Recalde's ship was burned by Drake at Corunna in April 1589; -she had then sixty-eight pieces of brass cannon. See Duro's _Armada -Invencible_, ii. 446. 'Cuando torne' were Recalde's words. - -[165] Examination of Juan Antonio of Genoa, Sept. 15; Vice-President -Norris to Walsingham, Sept. 8 and 9; William Herbert to Fitzwilliam, -Feb. 1589; Peter Grant's news under Feb. 28. - -[166] Nicholas Kahane to the Mayor of Limerick, Sept. 12; George -Woodloke to the Mayor of Waterford, Sept. 10; Boetius Clancy, sheriff -of Clare, to Bingham, Sept. 6. Mr. James Frost, of Limerick, writes as -follows:--'One ship was driven upon the rocks at a place called Spanish -Point (_Rinn na Spainig_) near Miltown Malbay.... The tradition is that -the other ship was driven ashore at a place called Ballagh-a-line, not -far from Lisdoonvarna. Boetius Clancy of Knockfime, a place one mile -distant from the scene, was sheriff of Clare in that year. He ordered -such of the crew as came alive on the shore to be hanged, and they were -buried in one pit near the church of Killilagh. The place of execution -has been long since called Knockacroghery (the hangman's hill) and -the tumulus of earth heaped over the dead Spaniards is called _Tuaim -na Spainig_. In a few years afterwards, peace being restored between -England and Spain, a request was made to the English Government for -permission to exhume the body of the son of one of the first grandees -of Spain, who had been on board the lost ship, in order to its removal -home for burial. Consent was given, but the body having been placed -with the rest in one grave, could not be found. Clancy was greatly -blamed by all parties for his inhumanity.' - -[167] Edwarde Whyte to Walsingham, Sept. 30; Ormonde to Comerford, -Sept. 18. - -[168] Edwarde Whyte to Walsingham, with discourse enclosed, Sept. 30; -examination of Don Luis de Cordova, Oct. 1. - -[169] _Duro_, i. 34, 44, 200, ii. 374, 440, _ib._ 66-70 for the names -of the noble volunteers, among whom is 'Manuel Paleologo,' with two -followers.--_Froude_, xii. 503. - -[170] The most circumstantial account of De Leyva's adventures, so far, -is the deposition, taken on Dec. 29, of James Machary, a Tipperary -man who was on board the 'Santa Ana.' Other particulars are in the -'discourse' sent by E. Whyte to Walsingham on Sept. 30. See also -Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Oct. 27, with the enclosures; _Duro_, i. 171 -Gerald Comerford to Bingham, Sept. 13. - -[171] Bingham to the Queen, Dec. 3; Fitzwilliam, &c., to the Privy -Council, Dec. 31; _Duro_, ii. 65; advertisement by Henry Duke, Oct. 26. - -[172] Machary's examination, Dec. 29, and that of George Venerey, a -Cretan. _Duro_, ii. 66-70, 364. The gentleman-adventurers who sailed -both on the 'Rata' and 'Santa Ana' were doubtless collected on board -the 'Gerona.' Captain Merriman, writing to Fitzwilliam on Oct. 26, -says 260 bodies were washed ashore, as well as certain wine, which -was appropriated by Sorley Boy MacDonnell. A small cove close to the -Giant's Causeway is still called _Port-na-Spania_. There is a local -tradition that the fallen pillars of basalt on the height were knocked -down by the Spanish gunners, who mistook them for Dunluce Castle; but -they were not thinking of bombarding castles just then. - -[173] Cuellar's narrative in _Duro_, ii. 342; Sir Geoffrey Fenton to -Burghley, Oct. 28. The following is from Col. Wood Martin's _History -of Sligo_, 1882: 'The largest of the galleons struck on a reef (from -that circumstance called _Carrig-na-Spania_, or the Spaniard's Rock) -situated off the little island of Derninsh, parish of Ahamlish. On the -map of the Sligo coast (A.D. 1609) is placed opposite to this island -the following observation:--"Three Spanish ships here cast away in A.D. -1588."' The bodies lay on Streedagh strand, and cannon-balls and bones -have been cast up there within the last few years. - -[174] _Duro_, i. 123, ii. 343-347. - -[175] _Duro_, ii. 347-350. - -[176] _Duro_, ii. 350-358. The chief who sheltered Cuellar is called by -him Manglana, and in the State Papers MacGlannagh or MacGlannahie. 'The -barony of Rossclogher in Leitrim,' says O'Donovan, 'was the territory -of the family of Mag-Flannchadha, now anglicised MacClancy.'--_Irish -Topographical Poems_, xxxvii. 268. - -[177] _Duro_, ii. 358-360. Cuellar calls all the Irish--men and women, -chiefs and kerne--by the same name, 'salvajes.' - -[178] The work quoted is _La Armada Invencible_, by Captain Cesareo -Fernandez Duro of the Spanish navy, Madrid, 1885. For my first -acquaintance with this book, which deserves translation, I am indebted -to a charming article by Lord Ducie in the _Nineteenth Century_ for -September 1885. Neither Captain Duro nor Lord Ducie can explain the -words 'D. Reimundo Termi Obispo de Times,' nor can I. The Irish word -Termon may have something to do with it, but whatever 'Termi' and -'Times' may mean, 'Reimundo' is good enough Spanish for Redmond. A -year later Bishop O'Gallagher is mentioned in a State paper as 'Legate -to the Pope and custos Armaghnen ... using all manner of spiritual -jurisdiction throughout all Ulster ... these twenty-six years past -and more.' The Spanish captain's prayer was heard till 1601, when -the bishop was killed by the English not far from the place where -Cuellar had kissed his hand. Brady's _Episcopal Succession_, s.v. -_Four Masters_, 1601. Note of Popish bishops, &c. by Miler Magrath, -calendared at Dec. 17, 1590. - -[179] From a careful comparison of accounts I venture to distribute the -wrecks as follows:-- - - 1. To the south of Slea Head ('in Desmond' Fenton says); - - 1. 'Nuestra Señora della Rosa' (945 tons, 26 guns, and 297 men), - between Slea Head and the Blaskets; - - 1. Deserted and burned near Carrigaholt in Clare; - - 1. At Dunbeg in Clare; - - 1. At Trumree in Clare; - - 1. The 'White Falcon' (500 tons, 16 guns, 197 men), in Connemara; - - 2. In Clew Bay (of which one was the 'Rata,' 820 tons, 35 guns, 419 - men); - - 1. In Tyrawley; - - 3. Near Sligo, the 'San Juan de Sicilia,' one of them (800 tons, 26 - guns, 342 men); - - 2. At uncertain places in Connaught; - - 2. At Killybegs; - - 1. The transport 'Duquesa Santa Ana' (900 tons, 23 guns, 357 men), at - Loughros Bay; - - 1. In Boylagh, Donegal; - - 1. The 'Trinidad Valencera' (1,100 tons, 42 guns, 360 men), on the - Innishowen side of Lough Foyle; - - 1. The 'Gerona' galeass (50 guns, 290 men), between Dunluce and the Bann. - -This makes twenty, and there were probably two or three more lost. -The 'Barca de Amburg' (600 tons, 23 guns, 264 men) sank off the coast -somewhere. - -The numbers of men given in this note are from the Spanish official -list (_Duro_, ii. 60), but we know that many were transferred from -one vessel to another. See, besides the authorities already cited, -Fenton's note calendared at Sept. 19, 1588, and Bingham to the Queen, -Dec. 3. Other ships mentioned in Spanish accounts as having been lost -in Ireland are the galleon 'San Juan Battista' (750 tons, 24 guns, 243 -men); the 'Anunciada' (703 tons, 24 guns, 275 men), and the transports, -'Gran Grifon' (650 tons, 38 guns, 286 men), and 'Santiago' (600 tons, -19 guns, 86 men).--_Duro_, ii. 328. - -[180] Note by Fenton, Sept. 19; Bingham to Fitzwilliam, Sept. 21 and -Oct. 10; to the Queen, Dec. 3; Norris to Walsingham, Sept. 8 and 9; -advertisements from Henry Duke, Oct. 26; Fitzwilliam, Loftus, and -Fenton to the Privy Council, Dec. 31. - -[181] Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, Oct. 12, with -twenty enclosures; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Oct. 27, with six -enclosures; Solomon Farenan to Fitzwilliam, Feb. 18, 1589; Bingham to -Fitzwilliam, Jan. 3, 1592; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, May 9, 1592. - -[182] _Duro_, ii. 450 sqq.; examination of Don Alonso de Luzon, -&c., Oct. 13, 1588; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Dec. 31. Sir Horatio -Pallavicino arranged with Walsingham for the ransoms; see his accounts, -Dec. 1589, No. 85, and Oct. 31, 1591, also G. B. Guistiniano to -Burghley, April 8, 1591. On March 14, 1594, Tyrone made it an article -against Fitzwilliam that neither he nor the Hovendens had been rewarded -for their service. - -[183] Bingham to Fitzwilliam, Sept. 21, 1588; Sir W. Herbert to -Walsingham, Dec. 27, 1588; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy -Council, Dec. 31 and Jan. 30, 1588-9; see also several letters in -_Carew_ from June 2 to Aug. 1, 1589. The most important relic that I -know is a very handsome table preserved at Dromoland; it was washed -ashore near Miltown Malbay, and tradition says that it was 'in the -admiral's cabin;' but Sidonia never went near the coast of Clare. -Lord Inchiquin writes that a letter, supposed to be still extant, -accompanied the table to Dromoland, but that he has been unable to find -it. An iron chest washed ashore near the Giant's Causeway is in Lord -Antrim's possession. The Macnamara family formerly possessed cups, a -watch, crosses, &c., out of the Armada, brought from the Arran Islands, -but these I have been unable to trace; guns have been recovered, but -not many, and the rudder of a ship was cut into gateposts near Westport! - -[184] For the poems see _Duro_, i. 237, and ii. 85; examination of -Spaniards taken at Tralee, Sept. 9, 1588; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Oct. -27, with enclosures; examination of James Machary, Dec. 29, &c. - -[185] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, March 14, 1589, with enclosures; Drake -and Norris to the Privy Council, May 7, printed in Barrow's _Life of -Drake_ Smith's _Cork_, i. 216. - -[186] Notices in the Calendar of S. P. _Scotland_, especially Oct. 28, -1588. - - - - -CHAPTER XLIII. - -ADMINISTRATION OF FITZWILLIAM, 1588-1594. - - -[Sidenote: Ulster after the Armada.] - -[Sidenote: Case of Sir John O'Gallagher.] - -When the danger was over, it was not unnatural that Fitzwilliam should -wish to chastise those who had favoured the invaders, or at least to -reduce them to submission. His enemies said he only wanted to convert -some of the Spanish treasure to his own use; but it is clear that he -got none of it, either for himself or for the Queen. On two miles -of strand in Sligo 'there lay,' he says, 'more wrecked timber in my -opinion (having small skill or judgment therein) than would have built -five of the greatest ships that ever I saw, besides mighty great boats, -cables, and other cordage answerable thereunto, and some such masts, -for bigness and length, as in mine own judgment I never saw any two -could make the like.' But there were no doubloons. The castles of -Ballyshannon and Belleek were in possession of Tyrone's father-in-law, -Sir John MacToole O'Gallagher, who had formerly enjoyed a good service -pension of 100_l._, of which he had been deprived by Perrott. He -was now in close alliance with Ineen Duive, the mother of Hugh Roe -O'Donnell, and it was dangerous to oppose her, for she murdered at -this time another O'Gallagher whose independent bearing annoyed her. -Neither O'Rourke nor any of the smaller chiefs who had befriended the -Spaniards came to Fitzwilliam, and the cattle were driven off into the -mountains. O'Donnell did come, and so did Sir John O'Gallagher and Sir -John O'Dogherty. Fitzwilliam's enemies said O'Gallagher came under safe -conduct, but the annalists do not allege this. The Deputy himself says -he persuaded him to come by courteous entreaty, and that O'Dogherty -came of his own accord. He treated them as sureties for Perrott's -tribute, of which 'not one beef had been paid,' and carried them both -prisoners to Dublin; but the 2,100 cows remained in Donegal. Whether -word was broken with these chiefs or not, Fitzwilliam's policy was -certainly bad. How were O'Rourke and MacSwiney punished by imprisoning -O'Gallagher or O'Dogherty? There could be no result except to make -Irishmen very shy of the Viceroy. O'Dogherty remained in Dublin Castle -for a year or more, and the deputy Remembrancer of the Exchequer said -he was only released then because certain hogsheads of salmon were -sent to the Lord Chancellor's cellar. O'Gallagher remained six years -in prison, Fitzwilliam saying he was too dangerous to liberate, and -his critics maintaining that he only wanted to be bribed. The wretched -chief, who was old and infirm, was released by Sir William Russell, but -died soon after.[187] - -[Sidenote: O'Donnell politics.] - -Fitzwilliam, who went from Donegal to Strabane, made Donnell O'Donnell -sheriff. He was O'Donnell's eldest son by an Irish wife or mistress, -and it was supposed that he would do good service against the Scotch -party, who thirsted for his blood. It was hoped that Tyrone would help -to get the promised rent from Tyrconnell, but he contented himself with -entertaining the army sumptuously at Dungannon, and he afterwards made -the treatment of Sir John O'Gallagher one of his principal grievances. -The redoubtable Ineen soon afterwards burned down her husband's house -at Donegal, lest it should serve to shelter a garrison, and at the same -time her son Hugh, who was a prisoner at Dublin Castle, was betrothed -to the Earl's daughter. The Lord Deputy's journey to the North had no -results of importance, but he could boast of not losing one man in -seven weeks.[188] - -[Sidenote: The Desmond forfeitures.] - -[Sidenote: Opposition to the undertakers.] - -In order to clear up some of the claims made upon the forfeited -Desmond estates, it was thought wise to send over no less a person -than Chief Justice Anderson. His law could not be gainsaid, and he -was not likely to err on the side of leniency. The English lawyers -joined in commission with him were Sir Robert Gardiner, Chief Justice -of Ireland, Thomas Gent, Baron of the Exchequer in England, and -Jesse Smythe, Chief Justice of Munster; and upon these four fell the -principal part of the work. Of eighty-two claims only one was allowed, -a conveyance from Desmond being produced in that case, of a date prior -to his first treasonable act. In the absence of such proof, the Queen -was held to be seised in fee of all the Earl's estate. The materials -exist for a detailed account of the Munster settlement, but they are -more properly available for histories of Cork, Kerry, Limerick, and -Waterford than for that of Ireland. One of the suitors aggrieved by -the decision of the commissioners was Lord Roche, and his case is -especially interesting because of its connection with Spenser. He -made seven distinct claims, and on the first being dismissed, because -he had 'sinisterly seduced' the witnesses, he refused to proceed -with the others, and threatened to complain to the Queen, whereupon -the commissioners sent him to gaol. The imprisonment was short, but -he declared that one of the undertakers had shot an arrow at him, -professed to be in fear of his life, and begged Ormonde to lend him -some house on the Suir, where he might be safe for a time. In the -meantime he managed to make the country very unsafe for some other -people. - -[Sidenote: Spenser.] - -Spenser had Kilcolman and 4,000 acres allotted to him, but he -complained that the area was really much less. Less or more, he was -not allowed to dwell in peace, and his chief enemy was Lord Roche, -who accused him of intruding on his lands, and using violence to -his tenants, servants, and cattle. The poet retorted that the peer -entertained traitors, imprisoned subjects, brought the law into -contempt, and forbade all his people to have any dealings with Mr. -Spenser and his tenants. An English settler named Keate asked Morris -MacShane, one of Lord Roche's men, why he had no fear of God; and it -was sworn that he answered, 'he feared not God, for he had no cause; -but he feared his Lord, who had punished him before and would have his -goods.' Lord Roche was charged with many outrages, such as killing a -bullock belonging to a smith who mended a settler's plough, seizing -the cows of another for renting land from the owner of this plough, -and killing a fat beast belonging to a third, 'because Mr. Spenser -lay in his house one night as he came from the sessions at Limerick.' -Ultimately the poet's estate was surveyed as 3,028 acres at a rent of -8_l._ 13_s._ 9_d._, which was doubled at Michaelmas 1594, making it -about five farthings per acre. Spenser maintained himself at Kilcolman -until 1598, when the undertakers were involved in general ruin. -Troubles with Lord Roche continued to the end, and it may be doubted -whether even the happy marriage which inspired his finest verses ever -reconciled him to what he has himself described as-- - - My luckless lot - That banished had myself, like wight forlore, - Into that waste, where I was quite forgot. - -[Sidenote: Raleigh.] - -[Sidenote: Fatal defects of the settlement.] - -Raleigh, whose society was one of Spenser's few pleasures in Munster, -settled a very large number of English families upon his great estate -in Cork and Waterford. Passing afterwards into Boyle's skilful hands, -this settlement became of the greatest importance, but it was overrun -like the rest in 1598. Ten years before the crash came, Raleigh could -see that Thomas of Desmond and his son James were dangerous neighbours. -Sir Richard Grenville and Fane Beecher had the whole barony of -Kinalmeaky between them, and at the end of 1589 there were only six -Englishmen there, upon land estimated at 24,000 acres. The hero of -Flores had a very poor opinion of the prospect unless questions which -proved insoluble could be speedily settled, and the English settlers -found their position everywhere very disagreeable. Grenville and St. -Leger planted a considerable number in the district immediately south -of Cork, and Arthur Hyde did pretty well on the Blackwater; but, as -a rule, the newcomers were greatly outnumbered by the natives. Nor -can it be doubted that many returned to England when they found that -Munster was not Eldorado. Irish tenants were easily got to replace -them, and even to pay rents to the undertakers until it was possible to -cut their throats. When the day of trial came, the remaining settlers -were easily disposed of; they cried, and there was none to help -them.[189] - -[Sidenote: The Clancarty heiress;] - -[Sidenote: secretly married to Florence MacCarthy.] - -Among other devices for balancing the Desmond power in Munster, -Elizabeth had made Donnell MacCarthy More Earl of Clancare, and -Shane O'Neill had spoken very sarcastically of this attempt to turn -a foolish chief into a 'wise earl.' His only legitimate son ran away -to France, where he died, and all hereditary rights were then vested -in his daughter Ellen, who became an important figure in the eyes -of English and Irish fortune-hunters. It appears that Clancare sold -his daughter to Sir Valentine Browne as a wife for his son Nicholas, -Sir Thomas Norris having first given up the idea of wooing her. Sir -Valentine was a mortgagee, for the earl had wasted his substance -in riotous living, and in the hands of a family of undertakers and -land-surveyors every claim of that sort would have its full value. -In the eyes of the MacCarthies and of the heiress's mother, who was -a Desmond, the proposed match was a disparagement, and early in 1589 -a private marriage was celebrated between Lady Ellen and Florence -MacCarthy, who had probably come from London on purpose. Sir Nicholas -Browne afterwards married a daughter of O'Sullivan Bere. The heiress -does not seem to have been much consulted, and a marriage which began -so romantically was not in the end even moderately happy. In 1599 she -distrusted her husband, who called her 'foolish and froward,' and not -long afterwards she was practically a spy upon his actions. - -[Sidenote: Mac Carthy politics.] - -[Sidenote: Florence and Donnell MacCarthy.] - -Florence was Tanist of Carbery, which had passed to his uncle, and -the result of his runaway match would be to unite the territories of -MacCarthy Reagh and MacCarthy More in one hand. Now that the Desmonds -were gone, a MacCarthy on this scale would be the strongest man in -Munster. To break up these great estates was a fixed object with the -English Government, and Florence was sent as prisoner to England, -where he remained for several years. His wife escaped from Cork, hid -for a long time among her people, and then joined her husband in -London. The clans generally acknowledged him as MacCarthy More, but -there was another claimant in the person of Clancare's illegitimate -son Donnell, who had many friends among the people, and who was -probably his father's favourite. A peaceable inhabitant was murdered -by this spirited young man, whom he had ventured to reprove for his -Irish extortions, and who supported himself and his band of followers -by promiscuous robbery. 'It is thought,' said St. Leger, 'that this -detestable murder was committed by the Earl's consent, for that the -party murdered would not relieve him with money, to bear out his -drunken charges at Dublin.' Florence, on the contrary, was a scholar, -and a man who, notwithstanding his gigantic stature, used his pen -more readily than his sword. His accomplishments, and the very hard -treatment he received, have made him interesting, but there was nothing -heroic about him. He was an astute Irishman, and while English writers -could rightly accuse him of treasonable practices, his rival Donnell, -called him 'a damned counterfeit Englishman, whose only study and -practice was to deceive and betray all the Irish in Ireland.'[190] - -[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam and the MacMahons.] - -In June 1589 Sir Ross MacMahon, chief of Monaghan, died without heirs -male. He held of the Queen by letters patent, and was regarded as -MacMahon, and also as feudal grantee of the whole country, except the -districts comprised in the modern barony of Farney, which had been -granted to Walter, Earl of Essex. He was liable to a rent of 400 -beeves and to certain services. His brother Hugh Roe at once claimed -his inheritance. Fitzwilliam's great object was to break up these -principal chiefries into moderate estates, and he thought this a good -opportunity. Brian MacHugh Oge also claimed to be MacMahon, but upon -purely Celtic grounds, and very much upon the strength of 500 or 600 -armed men whom he found means to pay. Fitzwilliam persuaded Hugh Roe -that he had not much chance of success, and brought him to agree to a -division, but his kinsmen refused, since each gentleman of the name -claimed to be the MacMahon himself. Fitzwilliam then acknowledged -Hugh Roe as chief, and sent him 400 foot and 40 horse. Brian MacHugh -was in possession of Leck Hill and of the stone upon which MacMahons -were inaugurated, and was supported by Tyrone and by Hugh Maguire, -who had just become chief of Fermanagh upon the death of his father -Cuconnaught. On the approach of the Queen's troops he fled into -O'Rourke's country, and left Hugh Roe in possession. Returning a few -days later with help from O'Rourke or Maguire, he drove his rival from -Clones, and killed a few soldiers, but without coming into collision -with the main body. Hugh Roe did, however, maintain himself, but -soon showed that he had no intention of abandoning native customs. -He rescued prisoners from the sheriff of Monaghan, drove cattle in -Farney, burned houses, and behaved himself generally like a spirited -Irish chieftain. These offences legally involved a forfeiture of his -patent, and Fitzwilliam found means to arrest him. Tyrone looked upon -the cattle-stealing merely as 'distraining for his right according -to custom,' but Fitzwilliam saw another chance of effecting the much -desired partition. The Queen was inclined to think that MacMahon -had committed nothing more than 'such march offences as are ever -ordinarily committed in that realm,' that great caution should be used -in punishing a man who undoubtedly depended on the Crown, and that -Brian MacHugh in particular was not to be preferred. In the end Hugh -Roe was tried and executed at Monaghan. In 1591 the country, with the -exception of Farney, was divided between six MacMahons and MacKenna, -the chief of Trough. The rent reserved to the Queen was 7_s._ 6_d._ for -every sixty acres. An ample demesne was assigned to each, and those -holding land under them, at a rent of 12_s._ 6_d._ for every sixty -acres, were called freeholders. A seneschal was appointed to represent -the Crown. Brian MacHugh was established in Dartrey, and Ever MacCoolie -in Cremorne. The church-lands, and only the church-lands, were leased -to private speculators, but the settlement was not destined to remain -unquestioned. - -[Sidenote: Charge of corruption.] - -Fitzwilliam has been accused of acting corruptly in this matter; but -such charges were matters of course, and his own strong denial ought to -prevail, since there is no evidence against him. 'I did it,' he said, -'to the profit of her Majesty and good of this State, nothing regarding -mine own private; I speak it in the presence of God, by whom I hope to -be saved... if ever there were such a motion or meaning for me, or for -any of mine, let God wipe us all out of his book.'[191] - -[Sidenote: Bingham in Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Jones Bishop of Meath.] - -Bingham had treated the Spaniards very severely, as well as those who -harboured them. The consequence of allowing them to draw together on -Irish soil would have been serious, and in Walsingham's eyes at least -he had done no more than his duty. But the chiefs who already hated -him now hated him worse than ever, and when the danger was over plenty -of Englishmen were ready to censure his proceedings. Among them was -Thomas Jones, Bishop of Meath, and afterwards Archbishop of Dublin, -a Lancashire man, who had been admitted to the Council at the same -time as Bingham, in accordance with the Queen's instructions to Sir -John Perrott, and who had afterwards been sharply rebuked by her for -proposing severe measures against recusants, and for openly and without -notice blaming that Deputy's remissness in the matter. He now gave -out that Ustian MacDonnell, a noted leader of gallowglasses, had been -unadvisedly executed by the Governor of Connaught. Bingham replied -that the court-martial was quite regular, and the sentence just. He -had, he said, 'never a foot of land in the world as his own, nor yet -anything else, and had always been the worst man in all these parts of -his time.' The chief charge against him was that of combining with the -Devil's Hook's son and other Burkes to receive Alonso de Leyva when he -was driven upon the Erris shore, and for preventing the country people -from supplying the troops, while they readily gave their cattle to the -Spaniards. The Bishop of Meath, with John Garvey, Bishop of Kilmore, a -Kilkenny man, who was immediately afterwards translated to Armagh, the -veteran Sir Nicholas White, Sir Robert Dillon, Chief Justice of the -Common Pleas, and Sir Thomas Lestrange, were appointed commissioners -for the pacification of Connaught. They may have let their hostility -to Bingham be known, or--as was so often the case--their mere presence -seemed to show that he was distrusted. The result was not satisfactory, -for they found the Mayo Burkes in open rebellion, and they left them in -no better case. White thought these people desired peace, and that it -was prevented by a revengeful disposition in some of his colleagues to -lay all the blame on Bingham.[192] - -[Sidenote: Murder of John Browne in Mayo.] - -John Browne, the founder of a great Connaught family, had been in the -service of Sir Christopher Hatton, and was attached politically to -Walsingham. He arrived in Ireland in 1583, and Sir Nicholas Maltby -appears to have been his first patron there. His original project, in -which he was associated with Robert Fowle and others, was to rebuild -and people the deserted town of Athenry; but this proved impracticable, -and at a hint from Walsingham, the adventurers took all Connaught -for their province. Browne established himself at the Neale, near -Ballinrobe, and prided himself on being the first Englishman who had -settled in Mayo. When Bingham came into Maltby's room, he recognised -a congenial spirit, and in 1586 Browne was employed by him with much -effect against the Burkes and Joyces. In 1589 he received a commission -to harry the Burkes and all their maintainers with fire and sword, -and a few days afterwards they killed him. Daniel Daly, sub-sheriff -of Mayo, who was also employed by Bingham, was murdered at the same -time.[193] - -[Sidenote: Bingham and the Mayo Burkes.] - -[Sidenote: A rebellion.] - -The reason or pretext given for their rebellion by the chiefs of -Western Connaught was that Bingham's tyranny was intolerable. They -declared that they had paid for protections which proved no protection, -and for pardons which were not regarded, and that they never would -be quiet until there was a radical change. It is always very hard -to decide whether complaints such as these were really genuine and -well-founded, or whether the mischief was mainly caused by the jealousy -of chiefs who saw their authority disregarded, and their power of -levying endless exactions curtailed. They spoke of liberty, but most -Englishmen considered that they only wanted licence to oppress. Their -power to give trouble was at least not doubtful. William Burke, -called the Blind Abbot, was chief of the Lower Burkes, and aspired -to be MacWilliam Iochtar. Another leader was Richard MacRickard, -called the Devil's Hook, or the Demon of the Reaping-hook. 400 of -the Clandonnel gallowglasses joined the Burkes. Sir Morrogh ne Doe -O'Flaherty dismantled his castles in Galway, ferried 600 men over -Lough Corrib, and entered Mayo in company with his neighbours, the -Joyces. The outbreak had been a long time hatching, and was violent -in proportion. Sixteen villages were burned, and 3,000 cattle driven -away. All who were not with the insurgents were held to be against -them, and peaceable husbandmen had a bad time of it. One housewife -was called upon to feed 100 men, and particularly observed that they -gave her no thanks. In another poor dwelling six barrels of ale were -drunk or spoiled, and the owner was threatened with personal violence. -It was Lent, but a Spanish priest who was with O'Flaherty, gave them -all absolution for eating flesh, and there was much feasting at other -people's expense. Sir Morrogh was fond of money, and a promise of -500_l._ was supposed to have reconciled him to the probable execution -of his son, who was a hostage for his good behaviour. On the whole, the -number of men in rebellion was thought not to fall short of 200, and -they had some pieces of ordnance and stores taken from three ships of -the Armada. There were about twenty Spaniards with them, who did not at -all relish the conditions of Irish warfare.[194] - -[Sidenote: Royal Commission in Connaught.] - -Bishop Jones and his fellow-commissioners came to Athlone on April -11, about three months after the murder of Browne. The O'Flaherties -had in the meantime been very thoroughly beaten by Lieutenant Francis -Bingham and other officers, assisted by Gerald Comerford, the martial -attorney-general for Connaught. They lost something like 200 men, while -only one soldier fell. Bishop Garvey was sent first into Mayo, while -Jones and his other colleagues went straight to Galway. Sir Murrogh -refused to come into the town without a protection, and this the mayor -refused to grant in opposition to Comerford, lest Bingham should take -him nevertheless, and so destroy the credit of the corporation. Sir -Richard was at little pains to hide his dislike of the whole inquiry. -The Bishop of Meath laid down the principle--and with this at least it -is impossible not to agree--that loyal men should keep their words, no -matter how much rebels broke theirs. 'What!' said Bingham, 'would you -have us keep our words with those which have no conscience, but break -their word daily? I am not of that opinion.' Chief Justice Dillon's -reading of his commission was that he was to make peace; Sir Richard -commanded the troops, and might fight if he pleased. Bingham said he -would hold his hand until the commissioners had done their best, or -worst, and he let them see that he had no belief in their doings. The -Bishop of Kilmore succeeded in bringing the leaders of the Burkes to -Galway; and the Blind Abbot, as soon as he came within sight, held out -the commission which had been found on Browne's person at the time of -his murder, and declared he would send it to the Queen. The knowledge -that this document existed, said another Burke, was the real cause of -the crime.[195] - -[Sidenote: Bingham too strong for the commissioners,] - -[Sidenote: who become ridiculous.] - -Bingham was at Galway during the visit of the commissioners, though -he did not conceal his disgust, and he had a considerable force with -him. He declared that soldiers were necessary for the safety of the -commissioners, and perhaps they were; but their presence brought -danger of another sort. In the town the governor had many enemies -and the rebels many friends, and brawls took place between them and -some of Bingham's men, who were probably indignant at the treatment -of a chief whom they trusted, and who habitually led them to victory. -'Nay, sirs,' said Sir Richard to two of the Burkes who were stating -their grievances, 'would you not be clean rid of a sheriff, or would -you not have a MacWilliam established among you?' The commissioners -professed themselves unable to detect any such intention, but the -event showed that Bingham was right. Sir Morrogh O'Flaherty and the -Blind Abbot refused altogether to come into Bingham's presence, -and the commissioners agreed to meet them outside the town. The -trysting-place was an abbey beyond the river, probably the dissolved -friary of the Dominicans, and Bingham blamed the commissioners for -trusting themselves in a place where violence was easy, while some of -his followers illustrated this opinion in a very curious way. Two men, -dressed like nuns, or at least like women with 'mantles and caps,' and -a third in a black gown, which may have been intended to represent the -garb of St. Dominic, passed through the church while the commissioners -were in the choir. 'Let us go and tarry no longer,' said Jones, 'for I -see they do begin to mock us already,' and accordingly they regained -their boat and went back to the town. The masqueraders, who were joined -by others, took their place in the choir and went through the farce of -a parley. Afterwards they paraded the streets, 'I am the Bishop of -Meath,' said one. Another said, 'I am the Justice Dillon; reverence -for the Queen's Commissioners,' and so on. In the end, after several -abortive discussions, Jones and his colleagues left Galway without -concluding peace. It is evident that Bingham's discontented subjects -distrusted each other quite as much as they did him. Sir Morrogh -O'Flaherty was ready to make separate terms for himself, and the Burkes -feared to promise anything, lest others should take advantage of them. -Bingham's hands were untied, and he proceeded to restore order in his -own way.[196] - -[Sidenote: O'Connor Sligo's case.] - -[Sidenote: Bingham defeats his claim.] - -Sir Donnell O'Connor of Sligo had surrendered his possessions to -the Queen and taken out a fresh grant with remainder to the heirs -male of his father. The castle and Dominican friary were originally -founded by the Kildare family, and the O'Connors were technically -their constables; but attainders intervened, and the claim was too -antiquated to weigh much with Elizabethan statesmen. Sir Donnell died -about the beginning of 1588, and his nephew Donough claimed to succeed -him. According to Bingham, both Donough and his father Cahil Oge were -illegitimate, and he was anxious to have the castle of Sligo in safe -hands, because it commanded the passage from Ulster into Connaught. -Donough, who was attached to Leicester, declared that the governor's -real object was to get all for his brother George; but Bingham's -proposal was that the barony of Carbury, on account of its strategic -importance, should be retained for the Queen, and that all O'Connor -Sligo's lands in the neighbouring districts should be regranted to -Donough. A commission, consisting of the Bishop of Meath, Sir Robert -Dillon, and others, was appointed by Perrott to inquire into the -matter, and they decided in favour of Donough. Bingham declared that -they were quite wrong, and that he gave up Sligo under compulsion, -for fear of disobeying the Lord Deputy, and in plain defiance of the -Queen's real interest. After Perrott's departure from Ireland a -further inquiry into Donough's title was made, the commissioners being -Bingham himself, with Chief Justice Sir Robert Gardiner and Mr. Justice -Walshe. The jurors were substantial men, but it was alleged that -Bingham had taken one of them by the beard, and threatened to punish -him as a traitor if he persisted in finding Donough legitimate. After -five days a verdict was obtained for the Crown, and the Chief Justice -particularly stated that the trial was impartial, that all O'Connor's -challenges were allowed, and that Bingham did not use a harsh word to -any witness or juror. Sligo remained in safe hands during the time the -Armada was on the coast. Walsingham wrote a stinging rebuke to Bishop -Jones for his corrupt conduct in the matter, and for his malice to -Bingham. 'It was told me at what time you were in England that I should -in the end find you a hypocrite. And what better reckoning can I make -of you... this practice of yours, though not by Sir Richard Bingham, is -sufficiently discovered already from Ireland, and the gentleman I doubt -not will stand upright there, in despite of all your malice.' Others -accused Jones of acting entirely under Dillon's guidance, and the -latter of receiving bribes. William Nugent, the ex-rebel of the Pale, -said that he received 100 cows for making a false record.[197] - -[Sidenote: Walsingham supports Bingham.] - -Bishop Jones was profuse in apologies both to Walsingham and Burghley; -and, though Swift calls him a rascal, there is no proof that he acted -corruptly in the matter, while it might not be safe to say as much of -Sir Robert Dillon. On June 10, Fitzwilliam himself arrived at Galway, -whence Bingham departed at his urgent request, and on the following -day the Blind Abbot and Sir Murrogh ne Doe O'Flaherty made their -submissions openly in the church of St. Nicholas, and remained on their -knees for nearly three-quarters of an hour. The Lord Deputy received a -statement of their grievances in writing, and lost no time in advising -Burghley that he thought they would never trust their lives under -Bingham's government. A few days later, Sir Richard told Walsingham -that Fitzwilliam only impoverished Connaught by the cost of his train, -that he had done nothing in three weeks, and that the province was -a prey to rebels whom he, the governor, was forbidden to chastise. -Hostages had been given, Archbishop Garvey's eldest son among them, -for the chiefs lately received on submission--'a couple of doating old -fools,' who were amply protected by the garrison. O'Rourke was the -real head of the rebellion, and he was shielded by the spite of Jones -and the corruption of Dillon. The Queen's representatives, he added, -had, in fact, sued for peace, and it was not worth having, for the -other parties were beggars and wretches. The terms were that the chiefs -should disperse their forces and go home, that they should surrender -any foreigners among them, that they should make such reparation for -their rebellion as the Lord Deputy should appoint, and that they should -pay for all the harm they had done since the first appointment of the -Commissioners.[198] - -[Sidenote: The attack on Bingham fails.] - -[Sidenote: The O'Flaherties.] - -Fitzwilliam refused to let Bingham confront his accusers at Galway, -lest the terror of his presence should silence them. The result was -that their uncontradicted statements were sent over to England, and -Walsingham's wrath was hot within him. The unfairness of the procedure -was evident, the reason for it much less so. 'It may fall out, my Lord -Deputy, to be your own case, for it is no new thing in that realm to -have deputies accused.' Considering Walsingham's evident prejudice -against him, Fitzwilliam suggested that the Queen should give him a -successor. The trial of the case was removed to Dublin; and the Lord -Deputy foretold that no Connaught chief would go there to accuse -Bingham. If fear did not prevent such a journey, poverty would. And so -it turned out. Much was proved against inferior officers, and there -can be no doubt that the Governor of Connaught was apt to shield -useful underlings under almost any circumstances. That he was guilty -of extreme severity, and that he executed children who were retained -as hostages, is probably true. But he managed the province well, and -got a large revenue out of it. And it is certain that he had friends -among the Irish as well as enemies. Among these was Roger O'Flaherty, -grandfather of the author of _Ogygia_. This Roger owned the castle -and lands of Moycullen, and had long complained of Sir Murrogh's -usurpations. It seems that he was satisfied, for he wrote strongly -in the Governor's favour, who also befriended him with the English -Government. Sir Murrogh was an enterprising man, and never made the -impossible attempt to prove his title to land. 'Why, man,' he told his -own counsel, 'I got it by the sword; what title should I say else?' -Bingham was an absolute ruler. Opposition he checked ruthlessly, and he -cared little for constitutional forms. He took no pains to conciliate -anyone, and was of course accused of provoking men to rebel. Nor did he -care to disguise his opinion that many of the Irish ought to be rooted -out. Perhaps the worst charge against him is that made by Fitzwilliam, -who called him an atheist, 'for that he careth not what he doeth, nor -to say anything how untrue soever, so it may serve his turn.'[199] - -[Sidenote: Bingham and Bishop Jones.] - -Fitzwilliam and Jones acknowledged that William Burke, the Blind Abbot, -was a fool, and on the whole the person who suffered most from the -inquiry into Bingham's conduct was the Bishop of Meath. Sir Richard -said his lordship blamed intemperate language, while he himself -exclaimed at cards, 'God's wounds! play the ten of hearts.' He was so -busy preparing a case against him that he found no time to preach once -during the three weeks that he spent at Galway, though he would go to -church in the morning to hear an exercise and again in the afternoon -to hear a play. He was superseded in the Connaught commission, and -Walsingham rebuked him for not attending to his own proper duties. The -Bishop's apology was almost abject, and he promised to give up temporal -business. He had, he said, not neglected his own diocese, though -thinking it unnecessary to preach in Dublin more than once a term. -Fitzwilliam defended him, and he was employed again during Walsingham's -life, but not in business connected with Connaught. Loftus, whose -wife's sister he had married, considered him as one of his own family, -and urged that the Papists had taken great advantage of the Bishop's -disgrace.[200] - -[Sidenote: Sir Brian O'Rourke.] - -The composition in Connaught had been favourable to the power of Sir -Brian O'Rourke, the chief of Leitrim. Nominally, his jurisdiction over -the people of his country was restrained; but so large a share of land -was given to him absolutely that he found himself stronger than ever, -and refused to acknowledge the Governor of Connaught, maintaining -that he was under no man except the Lord Deputy himself. In the -original scheme for shireing Leitrim made in 1583 a considerable part -of Fermanagh was included, but the arrangement did not hold for the -purposes of the composition agreed upon two years later. O'Rourke's -country, as then defined, is contained within the modern county of -Leitrim. Its contents were roughly estimated at some 75,000 acres. Of -this nominal area more than 8,000 acres were allowed to O'Rourke in -demesne. Out of about 50,000 more he was permitted to receive a rent -of 300_l._ a year, and the rest he was to hold by three knights' fees. -The smaller freeholders were required to pay ten shillings a year out -of each quarter of 120 acres, and to supply eight horsemen and forty -footmen on general hostings. Old MacMurry, one of these subordinate -chiefs, wept with joy and blessed the good Queen. 'We have,' he said, -'heretofore paid O'Rourke better than ten marks, or a quarter; and -shall we indeed escape now for a trifle of twenty shillings!' But -O'Rourke refused to pay his rent to Bingham, and was friendly to the -intruding Scots. After their overthrow at Ardnaree it was no longer -possible to despise the Governor, but O'Rourke persuaded Perrott to -remit part of what he owed, and it was not until after that Deputy's -departure that Bingham found himself really master. When the Spaniards -came, Sir Brian did what he could to help them, and his rent was soon -again in arrear. The King of Spain sent a friar with letters of thanks -for his services to the Armada, and early in 1589 he was reported to be -in open rebellion, and to be acting under the secret advice of Tyrone. -His sons and brothers, with more than 400 men, swept the northern part -of Sligo to the Moy, and drove off 3,000 cows and 1,000 mares. O'Rourke -kept so many armed men among the bogs and hills of Leitrim that it was -said he could not feed them without spoiling a neighbouring county.[201] - -[Sidenote: O'Rourke defies the Queen.] - -O'Rourke had struggled hard to prevent a sheriff from being established -in his country, and it was natural that he should wish to retain his -autonomy. But his unwillingness to obey any authority lay much deeper -than any mere dislike to Sir Richard Bingham. About a month after the -slaughter of the Scots at Ardnaree in 1586 the Serjeant-at-arms for -Connaught saw a wooden figure of a woman set on wheels near MacClancy's -house on Lough Melvin. The bystanders told him it was meant for a -hag who lived over the water, and who had denied a carpenter milk. -This seems to have been the same effigy as that on which O'Rourke -caused the words 'Queen Elizabeth' to be written, and upon which he -showered abuse, while the gallowglasses hacked it with their axes. A -halter was placed round the neck of the mutilated figure, and it was -then dragged through the dirt by horses. This was an incident in the -Christmas festivities which Sir Brian kept 'according the Romish and -Popish computation'--that is the Gregorian calendar--and he took the -opportunity of announcing that her Majesty was 'the mother and nurse -of all heresies and heretics.' Bingham did not hear of the matter -until after his return from the Low Countries; but it was reported to -Perrott, and his refusal to order O'Rourke's arrest was brought against -him at his trial.[202] - -[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam gives Bingham his way.] - -Sir Brian O'Rourke was lawfully married to Lady Mary Burke, and her -only son Teig had a grant of the family estates in the next reign. But -he had an elder son by the wife of John O'Crean, a merchant of Sligo, -and it was to him that the chiefry was likely to fall. The work of -chastising O'Rourke was entrusted by Bingham to Clanricarde, and it -seems to have been a labour of love, either because the Earl resented -wrongs done to his sister, or because he hated her former misdeeds, -or because he felt that his nephew's case had some resemblance to -what his own had been. With thirty horsemen and some kerne of his -own, and two regular companies, he set out from Elphin and marched -to Ballinafad, where news came that O'Rourke was at his house near -Lough Gill. Clanricarde asked Captain Mordaunt if his soldiers could -go another fourteen miles the same night, and was told that they -would do their best. The daylight overtook them at some distance from -O'Rourke's house, and they had to fight after their long night's -march. The O'Rourkes fell back into a bog, and Clanricarde insisted -on following them with his horse. He was dismounted, and a spur torn -from his heel. The bullets flew thickly about him, and Mordaunt's -men came up only just in time, his gallantry exciting the admiration -of the English officers. O'Rourke was never able to make head again, -but he probably fancied himself safe in his own country. When the -Lord Deputy held sessions at Sligo a few months later, he refused to -attend, on the ground that the Binghams had something to do with them. -The result was that Fitzwilliam accepted Bingham's policy as against -O'Rourke, though he was always ready, and often with very good reason, -to testify against the Governor's harshness and against the tyranny of -his brothers, cousins, and followers.[203] - -[Sidenote: Bingham subdues the Burkes.] - -While it was still uncertain whether Bingham or his enemies would get -the upper hand, the Burkes continued in rebellion. They went about -in bands of 500 or 600, openly celebrated the Mass, and robbed all -who were not with them. The Blind Abbot was made MacWilliam, with all -the ancient ceremonies, and in virtue of his office he proceeded to -assault and capture a castle garrisoned by Attorney-General Comerford's -men. When Bingham had gained his cause in Dublin, it became evident -that his policy must prevail; and a letter from the Queen herself, -whom the creation of a MacWilliam touched in her tenderest point, -probably decided Fitzwilliam's course. He made arrangements to have -a strong force at Galway, and went there himself, to make a last -effort for peace. Sir Murrogh ne Doe came in, but failed to find -acceptable pledges, and was lodged in gaol. The Burkes did not appear, -and some thought their contumacy was caused by the wording of the -proclamation, which gave safe conduct to come, but not to return. It -may be remembered that no less a personage than Shane O'Neill had been -detained in virtue of a quibble of this kind. At all events the time -of grace was allowed to pass, and Bingham went to work in earnest. -With about 1,000 men, of whom more than three-quarters were regular -soldiers, he swept Tyrawley from end to end. Only once, in a defile of -the Nephin range, did the rebels make a stand, and they burned their -own villages without waiting to be attacked. The poor MacWilliam had -cause to rue his blushing honours, for he had a foot cut off by one of -Thomond's soldiers, with a single blow of his sword. That Earl marched -on foot through the mountains, and Clanricarde was also very active. -The wounded chief lay for several days, without meat or drink, in an -island in Lough Conn, and was afterwards drawn on a hurdle from place -to place, to seek the alms of his clansmen. 'It is not,' said Bingham, -'a halfpenny matter what becomes of him now.' The Burkes all submitted, -on Sir Richard's own terms, and peace was concluded with them.[204] - -[Sidenote: O'Rourke is expelled,] - -[Sidenote: surrendered by James VI.,] - -[Sidenote: and hanged.] - -O'Rourke's turn had now come. He may have supposed that his country -was unassailable, but was quickly undeceived. Bingham had no doubt -about being able to subdue him in ten days, but refused to move without -written orders from the Lord Deputy, lest he might be disavowed -afterwards. The order was given, and the Governor, who was suffering -from dysentery, sent four divisions of soldiers into Leitrim under his -brother George and Sir Henry Duke. Some malcontent O'Rourkes helped -the English, and much damage was done. The mere presence of so large a -force was enough to exhaust the district, and the subordinate chiefs -were glad to make their peace, and perhaps glad to free themselves -from O'Rourke, who fled to the MacSwineys in Donegal. Cuellar's friend -MacClancy was hunted down, and killed as he tried to swim to one of -his islands. He had still fourteen Spaniards with him, and some of -these were taken alive. O'Rourke remained during the rest of the year -in Donegal, and then escaped to Scotland, but James gave him up to the -English Government. In thanking her dear brother for this, Elizabeth -wondered how his 'subjects of Glasgow should doubt the stop of their -traffic for so poor a caitiff, who was never of ability to make or give -traffic.' In London O'Rourke justified Sidney's assertion as to his -being the proudest man he had ever dealt with, for he demanded that -the Queen herself should judge him. His refusal to surrender Spaniards -after the proclamation was treason, and he was told the indictment -was sufficient if he refused to plead. 'If it must be so,' he said, -'let it be so,' and he was accordingly condemned and hanged at Tyburn, -with all the usual barbarities. He was attended on the scaffold by -Miler Magrath, but refused his ministrations and upbraided the old -Franciscan as an apostate. He had previously refused to bend the knee -before the Council. 'I have always thought,' he said, 'that a great -distance separated you from God and the Saints, whose images alone I am -accustomed to venerate.'[205] - -[Sidenote: Mutiny in Dublin.] - -Experience had shown the many evils of an ill-paid soldiery, but -efforts at reform were not always wisely directed. New-comers and raw -levies were sometimes better treated than the old garrison. Those -whose services were yet to come got all the available money, while -veterans, 'who passed all the soldiers in Europe in the travel and -hard diet they had endured,' had to put up with scanty and irregular -payments on account. Old soldiers saw their boys receive a shilling a -day in punctual weekly payments while their own sevenpence was often -in arrear. In May 1590, in the absence of their commander and without -the knowledge of their officers, Sir Thomas Norris's company of foot -suddenly left Limerick, and appeared in Dublin with drums and fifes -playing. At eight in the morning they assembled on the bridge at the -Castle gate, and clamoured for their pay and allowances, many months -in arrear. Fitzwilliam, whose passage was obstructed by them, at first -thought of a whiff of grape-shot, but changed his mind, and sallied -forth among the mutineers. Sir George Carew bore the sword before -him. 'Rather than let it go,' said Archbishop Loftus, 'your lordship -may be sure he will do as the Mayor of London did.' The services of -a Walworth were not required, and, indeed, the poor soldiers seem to -have had no evil intentions. They besought Fitzwilliam to be good to -them, and only one man used some offensive expression. The Lord Deputy -turned his horse upon him, calling him baggage and mutinous knave, -and drew his blade when the man held up his piece in self-defence. -Gentlemen and servants streamed out of the Castle and drew their -swords, and Fitzwilliam cried out, 'Disarm these villains!' They -made no resistance, but fell upon their knees, and sixty-one out of -seventy-seven were imprisoned. Many of the arms were stolen in the -confusion. Fitzwilliam soon pardoned the mutineers, and sent them back -to Munster. 'The choler,' says Carew, 'that his lordship was in was -very exceeding abundant, yet so tempered that any man might discern -that his valour did appear unspotted either with fear or cruelty, for -he thrust himself into the midst of them all without respect of his -person, and struck many with the flat of his rapier, yet hurt none -saving one of them a little in the head, and holding the point of it -at sundry of their breasts, forebore to thrust any of them into the -body.'[206] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone and Tirlogh Luineach.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone hangs one of Shane O'Neill's sons,] - -[Sidenote: and aims at supremacy in Ulster.] - -The part of Tyrone lying north and west of the Mullaghcarne mountains -had been retained by Tirlogh Luineach in 1585, when he agreed to take -1,000 marks a year for the rest. The lease was for seven years, but -O'Neill had reserved and wished to exercise the power of taking back -the territory in three, which expired at Michaelmas 1588. Fitzwilliam, -who had a strong bias in the Earl's favour, obtained the remaining -four years for him, but on condition of paying 300 fat beeves a year -in addition to the rent. The two chiefs continued nevertheless to -quarrel, and it is curious to note how the English officials sided with -Tyrone. The mere fact that he represented the settlement by patent was -enough for many of them, and they did not see the danger of making -him supreme in the North. Shane O'Neill's sons were giving trouble, -and the ghost seemed more terrible than the reality. Con MacShane had -long been a prisoner with Tirlogh Luineach, but was now released and -taken into his confidence. A brother, Hugh Gavelagh, who had been two -years in Scotland, now returned to Ulster, and was supposed to have -incurred Tyrone's enmity by giving information to the Government. He -had promised Perrott to bring over no Scots, and he kept his word; but -it was known that he might have plenty if he wished, and his popularity -in the North was very great. Hugh Gavelagh was seized by some of the -Maguires, sold to Tyrone, and by him hanged on a thorn-tree, and it -was reported all over Ireland that the Earl could find no executioner, -and had to do the business himself. This he denied, giving the names -of the actual operators, and defending his conduct strenuously. Hugh -Gavelagh, he said, had murdered many men, women, and children, and -there was no regular law in Ulster, 'but certain customs ... and I hope -her Majesty will consider that, as her Highness's lieutenant under -the Deputy (as I take myself within my own territory), I am bound to -do justice upon thieves and murderers; otherwise, if I be restrained -from such-like executions, and liberty left to O'Neill, O'Donnell, -and others to use their ancient customs, then should I not be able to -defend my country from their violence and wrongs.' In this sentence we -have the whole difficulty of Tudor rule in Ireland briefly expressed. -The Government was not strong enough to enforce equal justice, and -practically confessed its impotence by allowing authority to lapse into -the hands of Tyrone and such as he. From Fitzwilliam downwards, nearly -all the officials seemed to think that they could keep things quiet by -strengthening a man who aimed at being O'Neill in the fullest sense -of the word, but who was quite ready to play at being an earl when it -suited him, and to remember his English education. Walsingham saw more -clearly from a distance, and wished to make Tirlogh Luineach Earl of -Omagh, with an estate of inheritance in his part of Tyrone, and with a -superiority over O'Cahan for life. To his rival he was willing to give -the rest, including a perpetual superiority over Maguire. But Tyrone -was determined to have all, and the men immediately responsible for -order found it convenient to support the younger, the abler, and, as it -turned out, the more ambitious and dangerous man.[207] - -[Sidenote: Rival O'Neills.] - -[Sidenote: The MacShanes.] - -In order to understand the history of Ulster during the last decade -of Queen Elizabeth, it may be well to define the position of parties -there just before Tyrone entered upon his last struggle. Besides the -Earl himself, who was for a long time looked upon as the representative -of English ideas, and who was probably not an O'Neill at all, there -were three families who claimed to be at the head of the ruling race. -Tirlogh Brasselagh, Shane O'Neill's uncle, claimed to be the eldest of -the house, and, according to ancient Celtic notions, he had perhaps -the best right. His lands lay to the south of Lough Neagh, and he -had many sons; but his party was, on the whole, the weakest. Tirlogh -Luineach, the actual chief, represented the family of Art Oge, who had -long been excluded from the supremacy, and he was thought to hold his -position more by force and policy than by right. His eldest son, Sir -Arthur, seems not to have been legitimate, but was fully acknowledged -as his heir male both by Tyrone and by the Government: his influence -was greatest in what are now the baronies of Strabane. The third set -of pretenders were Shane O'Neill's seven sons, known as the MacShanes. -Their legitimacy is not worth discussing; but they were favourites with -the Irish, and by them generally thought to have the best right. Hugh -Gavelagh, Con, and Brian were at this time the most formidable. Tyrone -says he made an agreement with Tirlogh Luineach that one of these three -should always remain with him as hostage, that Hugh Gavelagh's neck was -specially pledged for its performance, and that the breach was the -cause of his death. The other brothers were Henry, Arthur, Edmund, -and Tirlogh. With a score or so of fighting O'Neills, all trying to -be first, it is not surprising that Ulster was turbulent, or that its -reduction by the strong hand was only a question of time.[208] - -[Sidenote: Rival O'Donnells.] - -The actual chief of Tyrconnell was Sir Hugh O'Donnell, the husband of -Ineen Duive, whose own son, Hugh Roe, was in prison. Donnell, an elder -and seemingly illegitimate son, by an Irish mother, was made sheriff -by Fitzwilliam in 1588, and was a thorn in Ineen's side. Calvagh's son -Con died in 1583, but he in turn left nine sons, of whom Nial Garv was -the most formidable, and their claims under the patent could hardly be -denied. A third set of pretenders were the descendants of Hugh Duff, -who were of the eldest blood, and who appealed to Celtic law. But the -favourite of the clansmen was young Hugh Roe. All the tribes of the -North depended more or less upon O'Donnell and O'Neill, and the lesser -chiefries were in dispute as much as the greater.[209] - -[Sidenote: Hugh Roe O'Donnell.] - -[Sidenote: Kidnapped by Perrott, 1587.] - -There was a prophecy that Ireland should be delivered by the O'Donnells -when Hugh succeeded lawfully to Hugh. Its fulfilment was expected in -Henry VIII.'s time, and now again it was in men's mouths. Perrott, who -had small regard for such fancies, noticed the boy's importance, and -decided that he would be a good pledge. In the winter of 1587, he sent -a ship laden with wine and manned by fifty armed men round to Lough -Swilly, where the master, John Bermingham of Dublin, traded freely with -the natives. Hugh Roe came to hunt in the neighbourhood, or to visit -MacSwiney Fanad, near whose castle of Rathmullen the false merchantman -lay. As soon as the strangers heard of his arrival they went on board -and kept careful watch. In due course messengers came from MacSwiney, -who wanted wine to entertain his distinguished guest. Bermingham -answered that he had sold all he had to spare, but would be most happy -to entertain MacSwiney and the gentlemen with him. They came on board -accordingly, and when they had caroused for some time in the cabin, the -seamen quietly got under way, shut down the hatches, and carried the -whole party out to sea. Pursuit was impossible, for the natives had no -boats; and Hugh Roe was lodged in Dublin Castle, where he found many -companions in misfortune, and where prisoners 'beguiled the time only -by lamenting to each other their troubles, and listening to the cruel -sentences passed on the high-born nobles of Ireland.'[210] - -[Sidenote: First escape of Hugh Roe O'Donnell, 1591.] - -Although not more than fifteen or sixteen years old, Hugh Roe was -married to Tyrone's daughter, and the whole North was thus interested -in his safety. Perrott refused 2,000_l._ for his release, and he -remained in prison until Fitzwilliam's time. His brother Donnell, who -married a daughter of Tirlogh Luineach, would have seized the chiefry, -had he not been killed in resisting a force raised by Ineen Duive on -behalf of her husband and son. Hugh's fellow-prisoners were hostages -from every part of Ireland: among them being Henry and Arthur, sons of -Shane O'Neill, and Patrick Fitzmaurice, afterwards Lord of Kerry. The -seneschal of Imokilly died in the Castle early in 1589. After more than -three years' confinement, Hugh Roe found means to escape with some of -his friends. A wet ditch at that time surrounded the Castle, and the -approach was over the wooden bridge, where the Lord Deputy had lately -come into collision with the mutineers. The favour, almost amounting -to subservience, which Fitzwilliam showed to Tyrone made people think -that he was ready to connive at his son-in-law's escape; but this is -very hard to believe. 'Upon my duty,' he said when supporting one of -the Earl's numerous applications for Hugh's release, 'no reward maketh -me write thus much.' Friendly partisans were numerous in Dublin, and -the soldiers who kept the gate always wanted money, and were often -under female influences. A rope was conveyed into the Castle, and Hugh -slipped on to the bridge in the dusk of evening. The sentry was for the -moment inside the gatehouse, and the prisoners managed to chain the -gate on the outside. Art Kavanagh, 'a renowned warrior of Leinster,' -was near with swords hidden under his Irish mantle, and the whole -party slipped out of the town, and across the mountains to a wood near -Powerscourt. Hugh's companions here left him, for his shoes had fallen -to pieces with the wet, and his feet were lacerated by the furze. -Felim O'Toole, the lord of the neighbouring castles, was appealed to; -for he had lately visited Hugh in prison, and was supposed to be his -friend, the rather that he had married the sister of Feagh MacHugh -O'Byrne. Fearing to offend the Government, or believing that escape was -hopeless, O'Toole decided to gain credit for loyalty, and he gave up -the fugitive, who was taken back to Dublin and loaded with irons.[211] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone elopes with Mabel Bagenal,] - -[Sidenote: which her brother resents.] - -A plot in private life may have great public consequences, as every -generation can testify. The Helen of the Elizabethan wars was Mabel -Bagenal, daughter of Sir Nicholas and sister of Sir Henry, whose charms -were at least one principal cause of the Ulster revolt. Tyrone had -been first married to a daughter of Sir Brian MacPhelim O'Neill, from -whom, according to his own account, he was 'divorced by the orders of -the Church.' As to the validity of this divorce there were certainly -doubts at the time, but the repudiated wife married again and had -children. Tyrone's second venture was with an O'Donnell, and he talked -of discarding her too, though possibly without intending to do it. -She died, and he then fell in love with Miss Bagenal, whom he might -see at Newry as often as he pleased. Bagenal would not consent to the -match, and his objections had some weight: the possible opposition of -the Queen, 'the incivility of the Earl's country not agreeing with his -sister's education, and the uncertainty of a jointure to be allotted -for her maintenance after the Earl's death,' being those which seemed -important to the Irish Government. Tyrone was a much more civilised -being than Shane O'Neill, and Mabel Bagenal was more accustomed to -Irish ways than Lady Frances Radclyffe; but Bagenal hated the proposed -alliance as much as Sussex. 'I can,' he told Burghley, 'but accurse -myself and fortune that my blood, which in my father and myself hath -often been spilled in repressing this rebellious race, should now be -mingled with so traitorous a stock and kindred.' To keep her out of -harm's way, he sent Mabel to her sister, who was married to Sir Patrick -Barnewall, and who lived at Turvey near Swords; but Tyrone invited -himself to the house for a night, obtained a secret promise of her -hand, and presented her with a gold chain worth a hundred pounds. A -few days after this he came to Turvey to dine with several friends, -and after dinner the young lady slipped away on horseback behind one -of them. 'When I understood,' he said, 'that my prey (the language of -cattle-lifting) was well forward in her way towards the place where we -had agreed upon, I took my leave of Sir Patrick Barnewall and his lady, -and followed after, and soon after I was gone, the gentlemen which were -in company with me took their horses and came away privately.'[212] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's marriage, 1591.] - -Tyrone was fifty and Mabel twenty, which makes the romance rather -less romantic, and Bagenal may have been right in saying that he did -'by taking advantage of her years and ignorance of his barbarous -estate and course of living, entice the unfortunate girl by nursing -in her through the report of some corrupted persons an opinion of his -haviour and greatness.' At all events she probably liked the idea -of being a countess. Tyrone's intentions were so far honourable, in -spite of Bagenal's insinuations to the contrary, and the marriage was -celebrated at William Warren's house near Dublin, by no less a person -than the Bishop of Meath, who declared that he was chiefly actuated -by regard 'for the gentlewoman's credit.' And, as Tyrone well knew, -regard for Bishop Jones's credit would prevent the marriage from -being seriously questioned. But Bagenal's hostility was unabated, and -even in his sister's presence Tyrone openly declared that he hated no -man in the world so much as the Knight Marshal. There is no evidence -that he ill-treated her, as Shane ill-treated his victim, but there is -some that she was not altogether happy in the wild life which she had -chosen, or with her crafty and unscrupulous mate. She died after less -than five years of matrimony, and so did not live to see her brother -killed in conflict with her husband.[213] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[187] Fitzwilliam to the Privy Council, Dec. 31, 1588; to Burghley, -Aug. 20, 1590; Robert Legge to Burghley, Feb. 17, 1590; _Four Masters_, -1588; Fynes Moryson, 1589; compare Captain Lee's account in _Desiderata -Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 129. Sir John O'Gallagher is called Sir Owen -O'Toole in some English accounts, but this is wrong and misleading; the -Christian name is _Eoin_ not _Eogan_. Fynes Moryson was not in Ireland -in 1588, and very probably copied Lee's story. - -[188] Fitzwilliam to the Privy Council, Dec. 31, 1588; Tyrone to -Walsingham, Feb. 5, 1589; Patrick Foxe to Walsingham, Feb. 12. - -[189] Book of the proceeding of Commissioners for 'aryer' claims in -Munster, Sept. 3, 1588, of which there is a copy or rather a version -(Aug. 29-Sept. 14) at Hatfield, with many details. Most of the facts in -this and the two preceding paragraphs are from Mr. Hamilton's Calendar -1588-1592. See also No. 128, 1591, in _Carew_. In 1597 Sir Nicholas -Browne prophetically described the settlers as 'fowls fatted in mews, -to be spoiled at the pleasure of the country people' (MS. _Cotton_, -privately printed by Mr. Hussey.) - -[190] Everything about Florence MacCarthy may be read in his _Life -and Letters_ by Daniel MacCarthy, a book of much research, but -unfortunately even more chaotic than the common run of family histories. - -[191] The documents are collected in Shirley's _History of Monaghan_, -pp. 80-91. The notes in O'Donovan's _Four Masters_ are very incorrect -in this case, though they have often been copied. Essex was much -pressed to surrender his patent for Farney, but steadily refused. - -[192] Sir N. White to Burghley, April 7 and May 9, 1589; report by -Bingham, April 10, and his answer to charges in November (No. 39). - -[193] Among many papers concerning Browne, see his letter to -Walsingham, June 10, 1585; Bingham to Perrott, July 30, 1586; Patrick -Foxe to Walsingham, Feb. 26, 1589. The murder took place between the -last date and Jan. 13, when Bingham's commission to Browne was signed. -For Walsingham's views see Morrin's _Patent Rolls_ 26 Eliz. (No. 39). -The _Four Masters_ make out that Browne and Daly were killed in battle, -but this was clearly not the case. - -[194] Bingham to Burghley, April 6, 1589; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, -April 9, with fourteen enclosures. - -[195] Report of the Commissioners in Fitzwilliam's letter to Burghley -May 14, 1589. - -[196] Bishop of Kilmore to Burghley, May 10, 1589; Bishop of Meath to -same, May 13; Fitzwilliam to same, May 14, with enclosures; Bingham to -Walsingham, May 23. - -[197] Bingham to Burghley, Feb. 24, May 15 and 28, Aug. 26, 1588; -Perrott to Walsingham, March 18, 1588; Gardiner, C.J., to Walsingham, -Jan. 31, 1589; case of O'Connor Sligo, Feb. (No. 53); Walsingham to the -Bishop of Meath, June 24; Kildare to Nottingham, May 31, 1590; and a -paper dated Feb. 21, 1592; William Nugent's Articles, Aug. 14, 1591. - -[198] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, July 19, 1589; Bingham to Walsingham, -July 24 and Sept. 4; the Articles are printed from a Cotton MS. in -O'Flaherty's _Western Connaught_, p. 396. - -[199] Walsingham to Fitzwilliam, July 8, 1589; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, -Aug. 9, Sept. 2, Oct. 6, and Dec. 19; Summary of rebellion by John -Merbury, Aug. 1. Fitzwilliam calls Bingham 'atheist,' but Bishop Jones -(to Burghley, May 13) said he was 'a gentleman of great value, and -one that feareth God.' The Bishop sums up the causes of his great -unpopularity under four heads:--1. Hanging gentlemen by martial law. -2. Commissions to prosecute protected persons by fire and sword. 3. -Dispossessing men from their land by 'provincial orders' without legal -trial. 4. Oppression by the soldiers. - -[200] Bingham to Walsingham, June 24, 1589; Bingham's answer to -charges, Nov.; Sir N. White to Burghley, Dec. 5; Bishop Jones to -Burghley, Dec. 6, and to Walsingham, Dec. 8; Loftus to Walsingham, Dec. -8; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Dec. 13. - -[201] The composition with O'Rourke, and much else concerning Leitrim, -may be read in Hardiman's notes to O'Flaherty's _Western Connaught_, -pp. 346-352; Bingham's Discourse, July 1587; Bingham to Burghley, May -15 and 28, 1588; John Crofton and others to Bingham, Oct. 19, 1588; -Bingham to Fitzwilliam, March 6, 1589; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, with -enclosures, April 30; John Merbury to Burghley, Sept. 27, 1589. - -[202] Bingham to Burghley, April 6, 1589; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, -April 9, 1589, and Oct. 31, 1591; John Ball's declaration, April 1590 -(No. 96); John Bingham to Burghley, Aug. 8, 1591. - -[203] Captain Nicholas Mordaunt to Fitzwilliam, May 11, 1589; -Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Oct. 6; Account of O'Rourke's country by -Fenton and Burghley, Feb. 1592 (No. 43). - -[204] Theobald Dillon to Burghley, Oct. 18, 1589; Edward Whyte to Sir -N. White, Oct. 20; the Queen to Fitzwilliam, Nov. 19; Fitzwilliam to -Burghley, Dec. 19; to the Privy Council, Jan. 27 and March 2 and 24, -1590, with enclosures; Bingham to Burghley, April 7. - -[205] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, March 24, 1590, with enclosures; -Bingham to Burghley, April 23; Camden. Bruce's _Letters_ of Elizabeth -and James VI., April 1591. The charges against O'Rourke are detailed -in the _Egerton Papers_; O'Sullivan Bere, tom. iii. lib. ii. cap. 1; -_Four Masters_, 1590 and 1591. It is stated in O'Donovan's notes to the -Annals, and in many other places, that O'Rourke begged to be hanged -with a withe, and Bacon's essays are given as an authority; but this is -not what Bacon says. His words (No. 39, 'Of Custom and Education') are: -'I remember in the _beginning_ of Queen Elizabeth's time of England, an -Irish rebel condemned put up a petition to the _Deputy_ that he might -be hanged in a withe and not in a halter, because it had been so used -with former rebels.' - -[206] Relation by Carew, May 28, 1590, and his letters of May 31 and -July 26 to Burghley, Raleigh, and Heneage, all in _Carew_. The Master -of the Ordnance evidently sympathises with the poor soldiers. See also -Loftus to Hatton and Burghley, May 31. - -[207] Walsingham's opinion and other papers in April 1587; Lord Deputy -and Council to the Privy Council, March 31 and May 15, 1589; Kildare to -Burghley, May 31, 1590; Tyrone's answer to Articles, March 19, 1590. -All Fitzwilliam's letters during this period bear out the text; see -the _Four Masters_, who say Hugh Gavelagh was greatly lamented, and -O'Donovan's notes under 1590. - -[208] Archbishop Magrath's report to the Queen, May 30, 1592; for Sir -Arthur O'Neill see Tirlogh Luineach's petition, July 1, 1587; for the -MacShanes see Tyrone's answer to Articles, March 19, 1590, and the -opinion of Coke, S.G., Aug. 13, 1592. - -[209] The O'Donnell tangle may be understood from Archbishop Magrath's -report, May 30, 1592, and from the Appendix to O'Donovan's _Four -Masters_ See also Fitzwilliam, Loftus, and Fenton to the Privy Council, -Dec. 31, 1588. - -[210] _Four Masters_, 1587; Perrott's _Life_, p. 278; Tyrone to -Walsingham, Dec. 10, 1587. - -[211] _Four Masters_, 1590; Note of pledges in Dublin Castle, Aug. -1588; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Nov. 29, 1589, and to Sir G. Carew in -_Carew_, Jan. 15, 1591. - -[212] Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, Aug. 21, 1591; Sir -H. Bagenal to Burghley, Aug. 13; Tyrone to the Privy Council, Oct. 31. - -[213] The documents are collected in the _Irish Arch. Journal_, N. S. -vol. i. pp. 298-314. One of Tyrone's main grievances against Bagenal -was that he would not pay him the 1,000_l._ reserved to his sister by -her father's will; and he continued to clamour for this money even -after poor Mabel's death. - - - - -CHAPTER XLIV. - -ADMINISTRATION OF FITZWILLIAM, 1592-1594. - - -[Sidenote: Second escape of Hugh O'Donnell, 1592.] - -[Sidenote: His sufferings from exposure.] - -[Sidenote: He reaches Donegal.] - -It was no new thing that prisoners should escape from Dublin Castle, -nor that they should be brought back again; and Hugh Roe did not -despair. A year after his first attempt, and at the same evening -hour, he knocked off his irons and lowered himself with a long rope -into the ditch. His companions were Shane O'Neill's sons, Henry and -Art, and they were helped outside by Tyrone's confidential servant, -Tirlogh O'Hagan. The fugitives passed through the streets unnoticed, -and reached the mountains that same night. Their sufferings from -exposure were great, and Art O'Neill, who had grown fat in prison, and -had besides received a blow from a falling stone when getting out of -it, was forced to lie down under a rock at the foot of the mountains. -Edward Eustace, who had been sent by Feagh MacHugh to act as guide, -was now despatched to that chief, and food and beer were sent to their -relief. The men who brought the provisions said that O'Neill was past -help, and there he died. Hugh was badly frostbitten and the nails of -his great toes afterwards fell off, but he was able to drink some beer, -and they carried him to a solitary house in the woods of Glenmalure. In -due course Tyrone sent a messenger, with whom he travelled northwards, -though he had to be lifted into the saddle and out of it. Felim O'Toole -was now eager to help, and accompanied him to the Liffey, which he -forded unperceived just above Dublin. His guide spoke English, and led -him through Meath to the neighbourhood of Drogheda. Avoiding the town, -they diverged to Mellifont, which belonged to Sir Edward Moore, and -here they were lodged and helped on their way. After resting until the -evening of next day, they rode all night, and passed through Dundalk -as soon as the gates were opened in the morning. The danger was now -over, and Tirlogh MacHenry O'Neill, whose power lay in the south part -of Armagh, forwarded them safely to Dungannon, whence Tyrone sent Hugh -O'Donnell, under escort, to Lough Erne. Here he was met by Maguire, and -brought in triumph to Ballyshannon. Henry MacShane O'Neill did not go -to Glenmalure at all, but escaped northwards from the Dublin mountains, -among which his brother had died, and thus fell into Tyrone's hands. -The Earl kept him long in captivity, and it is probable that in helping -his son-in-law to escape, he also intended to prevent the Government -from setting up the MacShanes against him.[214] - -[Sidenote: O'Donnell, Maguire,] - -[Sidenote: and Tyrone.] - -Hugh Maguire said that he had given Fitzwilliam 300 cows to free his -country from a sheriff, but that one had nevertheless been appointed, -in the person of Captain Willis. This officer did not confine his -attention to Fermanagh, and much of Tyrconnell was actually in his -power. This company, who bore a very bad character in the country, were -quartered in the monastery of Donegal, from which they expelled the -friars, and Hugh Roe's first care was to get rid of the intruders. The -O'Donnells mustered in large numbers, and Willis and his men were glad -to escape with their lives into Connaught. The friars then returned -to their house. During March and April Hugh was in the hands of the -doctors, who are said to have amputated both his great toes; but in May -his father made way for him, and he was installed as O'Donnell with the -usual ceremonies. Two expeditions against Tirlogh Luineach followed, -and all the country about Strabane was laid waste. Nor was Tyrone quite -idle, for he allowed his son Con to attack MacKenna, the chief of -Trough, who had profited by Fitzwilliam's settlement of the MacMahons' -country. The opportunity taken was while MacKenna was attending the -sessions at Monaghan, and the commissioners were forced to adjourn. It -suited neither O'Neills nor O'Donnells to have sheriffs and gibbets so -near them.[215] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone induces O'Donnell to submit, 1592.] - -Fitzwilliam proceeded to Dundalk, intent upon making Tyrone give up the -offenders, so that they might be hanged at Monaghan, but the outrage -turned out to be much less grave than was reported. Anxious to gain a -good character, which might be of use to him in arranging his law suits -with Tirlogh Luineach, Tyrone went to Donegal, and brought Hugh Roe -O'Donnell with him into the Lord Deputy's presence. Hugh made public -submission in the church at Dundalk, swearing to be loyal like his -father, and to expel strangers from his country. The result was that -all opposition to him ceased in Tyrconnell, since no pretender could -hope to cope with a chief who enjoyed the help of the Government.[216] - -[Sidenote: Sir John Perrott is accused.] - -[Sidenote: His enemies.] - -It has been often said that Sir John Perrott was driven out of Ireland -by intrigue, but the fact is that he had long clamoured for his own -recall. In England he enjoyed considerable influence, sat as a Privy -Councillor, and remained in communication with several men of position -in Ireland. But he made enemies everywhere, and it is supposed that -the real cause of his downfall was a quarrel with the Chancellor, whom -he openly taunted with having danced himself on to the woolsack. 'Sir -John Perrott talked,' says one biographer, 'while Sir Christopher -Hatton thought.' He despised the usual and perhaps necessary arts of a -courtier, and was too frequently absent from the centre of favour and -intrigue. Burghley was certainly his friend, but, great as was the old -minister's power, he could not always prevail against combinations. In -Dublin the official set were generally hostile to Perrott, and many -had personal grudges against him. He himself attributed his misfortunes -to Loftus, whom he had abused for not allowing St. Patrick's Cathedral -to be turned into a college, and Bishop Jones had also his grievances. -Philip Williams, Perrott's secretary, having been dismissed and -imprisoned by him, offered to disclose matters affecting the Queen; and -it was to the Archbishop of Dublin and Bishop of Meath that he applied -for help. Sir Nicholas White, who in some degree represented the old -English families of Ireland, as distinguished from the purely English -and official element, was favourable to Perrott. His firmest ally was -Richard Meredith, a Welshman, who had been his chaplain, and who held -the deanery of St. Patrick's and the bishopric of Leighlin together. -Sir Richard Bingham, who had no cause to love Perrott, does not seem -to have borne malice; but Fitzwilliam evidently leaned to the side of -his accusers. The late Deputy's language was not only violent, but had -that unfortunate quality of picturesqueness which made people remember -it. Thus Loftus could tell Burghley, with the certainty of getting -corroborative evidence, how his enemy had boasted that he would send -the Council out of Dublin Castle on cabbage-stalks, and how he had -threatened to pull the Archbishop into small pieces, like grass between -his fingers. Such speeches were not treasonable, but they show why so -many men were anxious to prove that Sir John Perrott was a traitor.[217] - -[Sidenote: Charges against Perrott.] - -[Sidenote: The witnesses.] - -Numerous accusations were brought against Perrott soon after his return -to England, but he had little difficulty in meeting them. Matters -became more serious when a letter purporting to be written by him was -actually produced, in which he offered to make Philip II. king of -England and Ireland, on condition of being made hereditary Prince of -Wales. It seems clear that the paper was forged by Charles Trevor, an -adventurer who had been employed by O'Rourke to manage his son's escape -from Oxford, and whom Perrott had formerly imprisoned. His companion -in the Castle, and perhaps his accomplice in the forgery, was one -Dennis O'Roughan or Roughan, who had originally been a Roman Catholic -priest and had lived in Spain. Finding it convenient to return, Roughan -professed himself a Protestant, and had several children by Margaret -Leonard of New Ross, whom some called his wife and some did not. He -was evidently a liar of the first magnitude, for he told Fitzwilliam -that he had said mass to Perrott, who was no persecutor, but who was -certainly a sincere Protestant and a hater of Spaniards. When Trevor -escaped from prison the forged letter, or one like it, remained in his -hands, and he seems to have been accused of several of the forgeries -and found guilty of at least one. Roughan produced his false letter, -and pretended to be in fear of his life from Perrott's friends. With -an evident desire to make the most of it all, the Deputy sent over -his son, with orders to give the document to the Queen herself. -Bishop Meredith observed that John Fitzwilliam would have to ride -very fast if Perrott did not know all before her Majesty. Considering -the abundant evidence as to Roughan's bad character--and he was a -perjurer by his own confession--it might be supposed that no credit -would have been given to him. Probably much of the truth was kept from -the Queen's knowledge. An enquiry in Dublin had but doubtful results, -and the commissioners, whom the Queen herself rebuked, were accused -of partiality to Perrott. They examined Roughan, who soon showed his -real colours, and they were probably disinclined to do anything on such -evidence. When the man went to London, where nothing was known about -him, he accused the commissioners of corrupt dealing, but he soon lost -credit in England too. Fitzwilliam evidently leaned strongly against -Perrott, and Sir N. White was placed under restraint by him. Whether -anyone really believed Roughan may be doubted, but the information -gained in connection with his story enabled Perrott's enemies to draw -their net round him.[218] - -[Sidenote: Trial of Perrott, 1592.] - -[Sidenote: He is found guilty,] - -[Sidenote: though probably innocent.] - -At the beginning of February, 1591, Sir John Perrott was in the custody -of the Lord Treasurer; and of his friends we are told that the Bishop -of Leighlin was merry in the Fleet, and Sir Nicholas White sad in the -Marshalsea. Contrary to the expectation of many, Sir John was sent -to the Tower on March 8; and there he was destined to end his days. -His imprisonment was close, and he complained of impaired memory from -the treatment he received. At last, in April 1592, he was brought to -trial for treason, his indictment specifying that he had compassed the -Queen's death. On one side were Popham, Egerton, and Puckering, and -on the other a rough old knight, conscious of many rash speeches, but -strong in the confidence which innocence gives, and 'renouncing the -merits and mercy of his Saviour Jesus Christ' if he was really guilty. -The court did nothing to supply the want of counsel. Chief Justice -Anderson behaved with his usual brutality, declaring that Perrott was -worse than Babington or than any of the traitors, and they were many, -at whose trials he had assisted. Hunsdon was one of the Commission, and -he also interfered very often and very unfairly. The accused could do -little but protest that he was innocent, and that Roughan and Williams -were perjured scoundrels. He wished the devil might take him body and -soul if he had uttered a certain coarse speech, which many thought the -real cause of Elizabeth's animosity. He appealed to Rokeby, master of -requests, who was one of his judges, whether his experience in Ireland -had not taught him that witnesses there had no respect for an oath and -might be cheaply bribed to swear anything. God, he said, would plague -his persecutors for their corrupt dealing. He was found guilty, but a -great judge of our own time has described his trial as 'the scandalous -attempt of prerogative lawyers--of which Elizabeth herself was -ashamed--to convert the peevish speeches against her, of that worthy -old soldier, Sir John Perrott, into overt acts of high treason.'[219] - -[Sidenote: Death and character of Perrott.] - -'Sir John Perrott,' says Swift, 'was the first man of quality whom I -find upon the record to have sworn by _God's wounds_. He lived in the -reign of Queen Elizabeth and was supposed to be a natural son of Henry -VIII. who might also probably have been his instructor.' According -to Naunton, who is not a bad authority on such a point, Perrott was -aware of his royal parentage. 'What,' he asked the lieutenant of the -Tower, with oaths and fury, 'will the Queen suffer her brother to be -offered up a sacrifice to my skipping adversaries?' Naunton shows that -circumstances make the fact not improbable, and adds that Perrott's -manners, appearance, and voice were like those which the Elizabethan -tradition ascribed to Henry. Hatton, the chief of Sir John's skipping -adversaries, was now dead; and the Queen was urged by Burghley and -others to spare a faithful, though rash, servant. At all events she -refused to sign his death-warrant, and when his speech to Hopton was -reported to her, she swore by God's death that they were all knaves. -It was thought that she intended to pardon him, and she was often -heard to applaud a rescript of Honorius, 'that if any person speak -ill of the Emperor through a foolish rashness and inadvertency, it is -to be despised; if out of madness, it deserves pity; if from malice -and aversion, it calls for mercy.' Perrott died in the Tower in the -following September; but his chief request was granted, and his son -was allowed to inherit. The fact of that son being married to Essex's -sister may have had something to do with this.[220] - -[Sidenote: Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill resigns the chiefry] - -[Sidenote: in Tyrone's favour, 1593.] - -The disputes between Tyrone and Tirlogh Luineach were hard to settle, -for the several grants were not easily reconcilable with one another. -But Coke's opinion was taken, and that great lawyer laid down that, by -virtue of an indenture made in 1587, the Earl might be forced to leave -Tirlogh and his son in quiet possession of such lands as should be -awarded to them by inquisition. This had been practically a condition -of reviving the earldom in Hugh's person, and the older grant of all -Tyrone by Henry VIII. was so far modified by it. As to the lands, -Fitzwilliam effected an arrangement nearly in accordance with Coke's -opinion; but Tirlogh was now old, and finding himself unable to resist -both Tyrone and O'Donnell, he thought it wiser to resign his chiefry -in his rival's favour. 'Hugh O'Neill, namely the Earl,' say the Four -Masters, 'was then styled the O'Neill, and Tirlogh Luineach, having -made peace with O'Neill and O'Donnell, sent away the English whom -he had with him. This was done in May 1593. Ulster was then under -the peaceable government of these two; and they had hostages of the -inhabitants in their power, so that they were subject to them.'[221] - -[Sidenote: The Four Masters' notions of peace.] - -[Sidenote: A titular archbishop.] - -Tyrone's object for the movement was to keep things quiet and to gain -credit for loyalty; but neither he nor O'Donnell ever enjoyed much of -the peaceable power described by the annalists. Brian Oge O'Rourke had -a dispute with the Binghams about his composition rent, and plundered -the country about Ballymote. Maguire's emulation was aroused, and, -in spite of a promise to Tyrone, he also invaded Connaught, leaving -Lough Allen to his left, and penetrating to Tulsk in Roscommon, where -Sir Richard Bingham was encamped. The English party were outnumbered, -and Maguire drove off many cattle, but, in the running fight which -followed, Edmund MacGauran, titular primate of all Ireland, was killed. -According to Bingham, MacGauran was constantly occupied in stirring -up sedition, which he fostered by assurances of Spanish aid. 'He -was, he says, 'a champion of the Pope's, like Dr. Allen, the notable -traitor; but, God be thanked, he hath left his dead carcase on the -Maugherie, only the said rebels carried his head away with them that -they might universally bemoan him at home.' O'Sullivan said that the -Archbishop had special orders from Philip II. to stir up war against -the Protestants, and to hold out hopes of Spanish succours, and that -Maguire was sorry for his loss rather than pleased at the spoil which -he was able to secure.[222] - -[Sidenote: Maguire attacks Monaghan,] - -[Sidenote: but is defeated by Tyrone,] - -[Sidenote: who soon changes sides.] - -O'Rourke kept Bingham pretty busy during the summer, and Maguire turned -his attention to Monaghan. It was not difficult to raise a party among -the MacMahons, and Monaghan was vigorously attacked early in September. -The garrison repulsed the assailants, but not without considerable -loss, and Fitzwilliam found it necessary to make a great display of -force. Bagenal and Tyrone commanded the troops, which were collected -at Clones, and Maguire drove off his flocks and herds into Tyrconnell. -The fords over the Erne near Belleek were found indefensible against -so strong a force, but Tyrone was severely wounded in the thigh. This -victory of the brothers-in-law only increased their mutual hatred, for -the Marshal claimed most of the credit, which the Earl thought belonged -to him. The O'Neills were engaged in large numbers, and the tactics -which afterwards proved so fatal to Bagenal had been employed on his -side. 'Maguire's assailants,' says O'Sullivan Bere, 'had 700 horse -against 100, and musketeers against archers, and the leaden bullets -went further than the arrows. The musketeers in the woods bordering on -the river shot down with impunity the Catholics who stood in the open, -while the archers could take no aim at men protected by thick clumps -of trees.' The same writer says that Bagenal asked Tyrone to write in -praise of his valour both to the Queen and to the Deputy, and that -the Earl replied that he would tell the truth when he came into their -presence. It was one of Tyrone's grievances that Bagenal got more than -his due share of credit, but it is probable that this was mainly an -excuse for the course upon which he had already determined. According -to O'Sullivan, O'Donnell was on his way to help Maguire, but was -delayed by a messenger from Tyrone, who begged him not to compromise -him while in the power of the Protestants, whose party he was about -to desert. Tyrone believed, or pretended to believe, that the Marshal -had orders from Fitzwilliam to arrest him; and, wounded as he was, he -withdrew to Dungannon, out of harm's way. This was his last service to -the Crown during Elizabeth's life, and the annalists believed that it -was rendered unwillingly.[223] - -[Sidenote: Bingham takes Enniskillen, 1594.] - -Bingham pressed Maguire from the Connaught side, and boats were -launched upon Lough Erne, so that the defeated chief was hunted from -island to island, during a great part of the winter. To find his cattle -was to take them, for no resistance could be made; but Enniskillen -Castle held out for a long time against the fire of field-pieces. 'To -present her Majesty's forces,' said Fenton, 'before a castle in Ireland -and not to carry it were highly dishonourable to the State, and a -dangerous preparation to all the Irish to think less of her Majesty's -strength.' But the soldiers worked while the Secretary criticised, and -early in February Enniskillen was taken by assault, on the ninth day -of the actual siege. Boats, protected with hides and hurdles, kept -the garrison occupied, while the trenches were advanced, and ladders -were used for the final storm. But O'Sullivan declared that the place -would never have been taken had not Bingham bribed one of the warders, -known from his hideous countenance as 'the pig's son.' The traitor, he -says, made a feigned resistance only, and was spared, while the rest, -including some women, were put to the sword. Maguire was driven into -Tyrone with a few followers, but Bingham maintained that nothing had -really been done until Bundrowes, Ballyshannon, and Belleek were taken -from O'Donnell. The Lord Deputy did not like Bingham nor his advice, -but the event proved that the latter was right.[224] - -[Sidenote: Recall of Fitzwilliam.] - -[Sidenote: Negotiations with Tyrone.] - -Fitzwilliam's health had been failing since the summer of 1592, and -latterly he had been very anxious to leave Ireland. The Queen had -been ready to recall him at Michaelmas, but Burghley said he should -have the honour of finishing Maguire's affair, and he could only beg -that he should not be expected to catch a runagate rogue. 'I am,' he -said, 'upon the pitch of sixty-nine years old, my body is weak, my -stomach weaker, the stone doth oft torment me, and now the gout hath -utterly lamed me in my leg. My sight and memory do both fail me, so -that I am less than half a man, and not much more than a dead man.' -Had the Queen adhered to her original intention he might have been -spared these pains. He was now directed to appoint Lords Justices if -he felt too ill to carry on the routine business of government, but -if possible to retain office until the arrival of his successor. The -new viceroy was Sir William Russell, fourth son of Francis, Earl of -Bedford, who had served with credit in Holland, who was by Sidney's -side when he received his death-wound, and who succeeded him as -governor of Flushing. Fitzwilliam did not find it necessary to appoint -Lords Justices, but he was unable to leave Dublin, and negotiations -with Tyrone were referred to commissioners. The Earl maintained that -he was quite loyal, but that the Lord Deputy and the Marshal were in -league against him. Bagenal had orders to treat with O'Donnell, and -sent one Darby Newman, from Newry, to make a beginning. Tyrone received -Newman at Dungannon, and refused to send him on to Strabane. Bagenal's -emissary, he said, was not sufficiently important to risk his credit -for; he had already done too much, and was determined that Tyrconnell -should not be treated as Fermanagh had been. The Marshal, he added, -raising his voice for all to hear, might do it by himself if he could. -Maguire was now again at the head of 200 or 300 men, and would not -leave a head on anyone's shoulders who wore hat or cloak, or who spoke -a word of English. With Bagenal he would have no dealings, nor would he -let O'Donnell have any; but any other commissioner should be welcome to -his country. Archbishop Loftus, Chief Justice Gardiner, and Sir Anthony -St. Leger, the Master of the Rolls, were chosen, and they proceeded -to Dundalk early in March. In the meantime, Tyrone tried to enlist -the great influence of Ormonde on his side, and his letters were so -startling that the latter thought it right to send them straight to the -Queen.[225] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's grievance] - -Tyrone kept the commissioners waiting for some days, professing to be -afraid of Bagenal's treachery; but he appeared at last on protection, -and gave in a long list of grievances. Hatred of the Marshal, whom he -accused of bribing Fitzwilliam with money extorted from the people -under him, seems indeed to have been the mainspring of his movements at -this time. As to the settlement of Monaghan, for instance, he says that -'every peddling merchant and other men of no account had a share of the -land; and the Marshal (who never took pains in bringing of that country -to subjection) had a great part of it.' Besides the general statement -of his grievances given to the commissioners, Tyrone sent a secret -article to Sir Henry Wallop, whom he thought inclined to favour him. -In this he alleged specific acts of corruption against Fitzwilliam and -Bagenal, saying that he did not mention these to the commissioners only -because they were in such haste to be gone. But before Loftus and his -colleagues left Dundalk he promised to keep the peace until his cause -could be heard impartially, and swore that if O'Donnell or any other -broke out in the meantime, he would be the first to cut his throat. -This did not prevent some of the O'Neills from immediately harrying the -Marshal's country, nor from burning houses with women and children in -them. Indeed there can be little doubt that it was a main object with -Tyrone, as it had been with Shane O'Neill, to get rid of the settlement -at Newry. It was planted on purpose to bridle Ulster, and it had proved -effective. And English laws or English officers are unpopular in -Ireland exactly in proportion to their efficiency.[226] - -[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam's opinion of Tyrone] - -[Sidenote: and of Captain Thomas Lee.] - -[Sidenote: Lee's opinion of Irish chiefs] - -[Sidenote: and of Sir Henry Bagenal.] - -Fitzwilliam emphatically denied all charges of corruption against -himself, and said he had always treated Tyrone with the consideration -due to a useful instrument. Appearances were now very much against him, -and the Chief Justice had shown scandalous partiality in separating -from his fellow-commissioners and remaining for two or three days quite -alone with the Earl. Captain Thomas Lee too, who was a needy man and -suspiciously intimate with Tyrone, had stolen away to him and was not -likely to exercise a good influence. Lee, who was afterwards hanged at -Tyburn for his share in the Essex conspiracy, distinguished himself -in the Wicklow district, and he has left a curious paper in which he -cautioned the Queen against the probable cost and trouble of an Ulster -war. According to him the North could only be governed with Tyrone's -help. The chief authority there should be in his hands, and, that -being granted, there would be no difficulty in getting him to accept -a sheriff and to have regular assizes at Dungannon. 'Being often his -bedfellow,' says Lee, 'he hath divers times bemoaned himself, with -tears in his eyes, saying if he knew any way in the world to behave -himself (otherwise than he hath done) to procure your Majesty's assured -good opinion of him, he would not spare (if it pleased you to command -him) to offer himself to serve your highness in any part of the world -against your enemies, though he were sure to lose his life... which -tears have neither proceeded from dissimulation, or of a childish -disposition, (for all who know him will acquit him thereof) but of -mere zeal unto your highness, &c.' Of a childish disposition, indeed, -he may well be acquitted; but dissimulation was his strong point. And -Lee's proposed system of government involved arrangements with other -chiefs also; yet he averred O'Donnell, Maguire, Brian Oge MacMahon, and -Brian Oge O'Rourke to be traitors and villains and obstinate against -the Queen. O'Donnell was married to one of Tyrone's daughters, and -Maguire was soon to wed another. Again he says, 'all the friends to -your highness in those countries are but two, O'Hanlon and Magennis.... -O'Hanlon is married to the Earl of Tyrone's sister, and merely enriched -by the Earl; Magennis's eldest son is to marry the Earl's daughter. -And if this affinity were [not], the manner of the Irish is always to -the part they see strongest; and when your Majesty (as there is no -doubt) shall prevail, they will then seek favour and make offer of much -service, but seldom or never perform any; whereof myself have been -too often a witness.' This testimony is remarkable because it exactly -coincides with that of Bagenal, who said his neighbours, O'Hanlon and -Magennis, were combined with Tyrone, not because they liked him, but -because he seemed, for the moment, to be the strongest. In Tyrone's -interest Lee stigmatises Bagenal as a slanderer and a coward, but he -agrees with him where his hero's interests are not specially concerned, -praising Bingham to the skies and losing no opportunity of calling -Feagh MacHugh a traitor.[227] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Tyrone.] - -Burghley urged Ormonde, for his own honour and the State's safety, to -make some arrangement with Tyrone, and Sir George Carew, whose advice -was taken about this time, believed that the new Irish trouble might -thus be nipped in the bud. Ormonde, he said, 'has that credit with the -Earl as at his will he can lead him to do what he list, for upon his -wisdom and friendship he only dependeth.' A correspondence took place -accordingly, in which Ormonde entreated Tyrone to bear himself loyally -in the sight of all, and never to forget the Queen's benefits. He had -promised the commissioners to behave himself, and it was dishonourable -for gentlemen to break their words. By presenting himself frankly to -the Viceroy, as became a nobleman and a good subject, he would show -that he had nothing to fear, and he might be sure of justice if he -harboured no traitors in the meantime. Tyrone thanked his adviser -heartily, promised to come to Dublin like the Queen's loyal subject -as he was, and declared that he feared nothing but the spite of -Fitzwilliam and Bagenal, who sought his life. As to harbouring rebels, -there were two or three thousand proclaimed traitors in Ireland, and it -would be strange if some were not sheltered near him.[228] - -[Sidenote: Florence MacCarthy in Munster, 1593-1594.] - -Owing in great measure to Ormonde's intercession, who gave a bond in -1,000_l._ for his good behaviour, Florence MacCarthy had been released -from the Tower early in 1591 and left at liberty, provided he did not -go more than three miles from London. He was a persistent and skilful -suitor, and his constant pleas of poverty were not without their effect -on the Queen. First she granted him a warrant of protection against -arrest for debt, and then she devised a means of enriching him without -expense to herself. David Lord Barry had been implicated in the Desmond -treasons, and had been fined 500_l._, which he was not asked to pay. -He looked upon this as in the nature of a mere recognizance, and he -had done nothing whatever to forfeit it. The Queen had nothing new to -complain of, but she gave Florence MacCarthy leave to recover the fine -if he could. This was a poor reward for Barry's loyalty; especially -as he had been the first to warn the Government of the danger to be -apprehended from Florence's marriage, and was even now cautioning -them against letting Florence return to his own country. To Ireland, -nevertheless, he was allowed to go, and Fitzwilliam ordered Barry to -pay the 500_l._ in four quarterly instalments. It does not however, -seem to have been paid, and Florence spent more than the whole amount -in costs. Lord Barry, who remained staunchly loyal, put in one dilatory -plea after another, and in due course Florence was himself involved in -treasonable plots. His brother-in-law Donell--if the term can be used -of a bastard--continued to maintain himself in the character of Robin -Hood, and the undertakers had their difficulties with both.[229] - -[Sidenote: Remarks on Fitzwilliam's government.] - -Fitzwilliam's long public career was now at an end, though he lived -until 1599. Years before he had expected to be buried in Ireland and -slandered in England; and slandered he seems to have been, though -he was allowed to sleep in his own country. He was not a brilliant -man, and he was never given the means of doing very great things; but -he steadily advanced the power of the Crown in Ireland. Not being a -professional soldier he gained no remarkable victories; but of his -courage there could be no doubt, as the Dublin mutiny well proved. -The charge of corruption has been commonly repeated against him, but -this old-world gossip wants confirmation. It was the general practice -to make accusations of covetousness against Irish officials, and -especially against chief governors. Russell did not escape, and it is -clear that many things capable of an ill interpretation would be done -in a country where enough money was never forthcoming for the public -service. It is evident that neither Elizabeth nor Burghley believed the -stories against Fitzwilliam, and if an official satisfies those who -employ him he can afford to despise unpopularity. He was not a great -man, but he was eminently serviceable, and, if he gained no striking -successes, his reign was free from crushing disasters. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[214] _Four Masters_, 1592. On Feb. 27, Gardiner, C.J., writes to -Burghley that Hugh Roe is back in Donegal; under May 31, 1589, there is -a list of twenty-two prisoners who had escaped from Dublin Castle, of -which eleven had been brought back, but Hugh Roe is not mentioned. In -1594 Henry, Con, and Brian MacShane were all in Tyrone's custody; (No. -139) in _Carew_ of that year. - -[215] _Four Masters_, 1592; Fitzwilliam to Burghley, July 7. Captain -Lee, in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, vol. i. p. 106, says Willis had -with him three hundred of the very rascals and scum of that kingdom, -which did rob and spoil that people, ravish their wives and daughters, -and make havoc of all. - -[216] _Four Masters_, 1592; Tyrone to Burghley, Aug, 2; Fitzwilliam to -Burghley, Aug. 8. - -[217] Loftus to Burghley, Dec. 27, 1590, and Feb. 4, 1591; Lloyd's -_State Worthies_. Loftus began the attack by recommending Philip -Williams to Burghley, Dec. 18, 1586. Williams's wife applied to Jones a -few days later, and the Archbishop forwarded her letter, Jan. 1, 1587. -Fitzwilliam wrote to Burghley in favour of Williams, Sept. 17, 1590; -see also Sir R. Bingham to Geo. Bingham, Oct. 29, 1591. - -[218] The forged letter is dated June 25, 1585, and calendared Feb. -16, 1590; Commission dated March 20, 1590, from the Privy Council to -the Bishops of Meath and Leighlin, Sir L. Dillon, Sir N. White, Sir E. -Moore, Sir E. Waterhouse, Walshe, J., and Calthorpe, A. G. Dillon and -White to Burghley, June 26 and 28, 1590; Bishop Meredith to Burghley, -July 13, 1590. Fitzwilliam's letters are too numerous to cite; -their general tenour bears out the text; many letters as to Trevor, -especially Sir R. Bingham to G. Bingham, Oct. 29, 1591. For the priest -Roughan see an amusing account in Strype's _Life of Aylmer_, and for -Perrott's quarrel with Loftus and Jones see his _Annals_ (Eliz.) book -ii. chaps. 3 and 4. For evidence of Roughan's perjuries see Morrin's -_Patent Rolls_, 42 Eliz. No. 21. - -[219] Lord Campbell's _Chief Justices_, i. 247; Howell's _State -Trials_, vol. i. - -[220] Introduction to Swift's _Polite Conversation_; Naunton's -_Fragmenta Regalia_; Howell's _State Trials_. There is a curious -account of Sir Thomas Perrott's marriage with Lady Dorothy Devereux in -Strype's _Aylmer_. - -[221] Fitzwilliam and Bagenal to Burghley, July 25, 1592; Mr. -Solicitor-General Coke to Burghley, Aug. 13; _Four Masters_, 1593. -By the articles of agreement concluded at Dundalk on June 28, 1593, -Tirlogh Luineach was awarded a life-interest in the Strabane district, -while the Earl's supremacy was acknowledged over all Tyrone. - -[222] Bingham's letter of June 28, 1593, is quoted in Brady's -_Episcopal Succession_, i. 223; O'Sullivan Bere, tom. iii. lib. 2, cap. -6. There is an original intercepted letter at Hatfield from Primate -MacGauran to Captain Eustace, dated Madrid, June 28, 1591, in which the -writer says:--'I hope in God Ireland will soon be free from Englishmen, -and notwithstanding that the Catholic King his captains be slow in -their affairs, I am certain that the men now purposed to be sent to -comfort the same poor island, which is in distress a long time, will -not be slow. I ought not to write much unto you touching those causes, -for I know that a Spaniard shall be chief governor of them. The Irish -regiment is written for.' - -[223] O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 2, cap. 7; _Four Masters_, 1593; -Shirley's _Monaghan_, pp. 97 and 98; the Earl of Tyrone's grievances, -March 14, 1594. - -[224] Fenton to Burghley, Feb. 2, 1594; Captain John Dowdall to -Fitzwilliam, Feb. 2, 3, and 7; Bingham to Puckering, C.S., Feb. 15; -Cornelius Maguire to Fitzwilliam, Feb. 7; O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 7, -cap. 7. - -[225] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Jan. 30, 1594; to Cecil same date; -Ormonde to Burghley, Feb. 20; Tyrone to Bagenal, Feb. 17; declaration -of Darby Newman, Feb. 19; draft minute by Burghley and others -concerning the viceroyalty, March. - -[226] Tyrone's grievances, March 14, 1594; Tyrone to Wallop, April 3; -Bagenal to Fitzwilliam, March 20; Ormonde to Tyrone, May 21. - -[227] Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Feb. 28 and April 19, 1594; Bagenal to -Fitzwilliam, March 20. Lee's declaration to the Queen is printed (with -some obvious mistakes) in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, vol. i. pp. -89 to 150. It was written in England between Oct. 1594 and March 1596, -as is proved by the references to Sir Robert Gardiner's movements. Lee -was of Reban castle near Athy, where he had property. - -[228] Ormonde to Tyrone, April 19 and 30, and May 21, 1594; Tyrone's -answer to the letter of April 30; Burghley to Ormonde, April 7; Carew -to Burghley, April 13. - -[229] Florence MacCarthy's _Life_. - - - - -CHAPTER XLV. - -GOVERNMENT OF RUSSELL, 1594-1597. - - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Russell, 1594.] - -Sir William Russell left Theobalds on June 25, and did not reach Dublin -till August 1. Even at midsummer no wind served to sail out of the -Dee, and at Holyhead itself there was a week's delay. Keeping to the -letter of his instructions, Russell refused to receive the sword until -Fitzwilliam and the Council had given him a written account of the -state of Leinster and Connaught; and this ten days' pause gave Tyrone -time to look about him. Ormonde went to Dublin, and waited anxiously -for eleven days to see whether the northern earl would perform his -promise. On August 15, and to the great surprise of all men, Tyrone -made his appearance, the late Deputy having sailed for England the -day before. Russell had desired his predecessor to stay and make good -his charges; but Fitzwilliam declined, unless ordered to do so on his -allegiance, and Tyrone was thus enabled to say that he would have -easily cleared himself in his oppressor's presence, had the latter -stayed but one day longer.[230] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone in Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: He is allowed to go free.] - -On arriving in Dublin, Tyrone sent in a written submission, and two -days later he presented it on his knees to the Lord Deputy sitting -in Council. Again he laid all blame on Fitzwilliam and Bagenal, -acknowledging that his efforts to save his life from their machinations -might have some appearance of ingratitude, and professing himself ready -to serve the Queen and her new Deputy. He promised to do his best to -restore peace in Ulster, to expel the Scots, and to protect the Pale. -He was ready to receive a sheriff, provided Armagh and Tyrone were made -one county, and to have a gaol at Dungannon, and to pay a reasonable -composition. He promised to send his eldest son, Hugh, to Wallop or -Gardiner, who might send him to an English university within three -months, to give sufficient pledges, and to molest no Englishman within -his jurisdiction. The division of Armagh from Tyrone had long been part -of a settled policy, and the fact that Tyrone insisted on its reversal -should have been warning enough. At the same sitting of the Council -Bagenal produced a written statement of his charges against the Earl. -The first of these, and the one which would weigh most with the Queen, -was that many of Tyrone's foster-brothers and household servants had -joined with Archbishop MacGauran, who was unquestionably the emissary -of Rome and Spain, and that Tyrone had nevertheless protected and -favoured them. But Bagenal was naturally not ready to prove his case by -witnesses then and there, and upon this it was decided not to detain -the Earl, although he had come in quite voluntarily and without any -condition whatever; 'and it was resolved, for weighty considerations -concerning Her Majesty's service, that the Earl should not be charged -with the said articles at this time, but to be deferred to a more fit -time.' - -Russell afterwards said that he thought it safer to let him go, because -his brother Cormac MacBaron was puffed up by some late successes, and, -as tanist, would naturally take advantage of the Earl's absence and -be ready to cut his throat. Tyrone's submission, too, had been very -humble: he had promised to banish the Scots, to appease the rebels, and -to give his son as pledge. In fact his humility disappeared as soon as -he was clear of the Pale; he neither expelled the Scots nor appeased -the rebels, and he never sent his son to Dublin. The evident truth is -that Russell, who was new to Ireland, was completely hoodwinked, and -that the Council, after the manner of councils, took the course which -was easiest for the moment, and sheltered both themselves and the -Viceroy behind a formidable list of names.[231] - -[Sidenote: Reverses in Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Russell relieves Enniskillen.] - -Fitzwilliam had confessed to Perrott that he received Ireland from him -in peace, and that he should do the Queen good service if he could -leave it but half as well. Measured by that standard his success had -not been great, for he left the island very much disturbed. Ulster -was 'replenished with more treason than we have known it in former -times.' Bingham had bridled Connaught; but O'Rourke was with O'Donnell, -and was a constant source of danger. Feagh MacHugh and his crew were -traitorously bent, and the arrival of 3,000 Scots in Donegal was likely -to aggravate the general peril. After all the fighting in Fermanagh her -Majesty had no stronghold left there except Enniskillen, and that was -closely besieged. Sir Henry Duke and Sir Edward Herbert were sent with -600 foot and 46 horse to revictual it, but could not, and Sir Richard -Bingham went to help them with 200 foot and 50 horse. Before he could -arrive, Maguire and Cormac MacBaron had attacked the relieving force at -the ford of Drumane on the Arney river, and routed them completely. The -convoy fell into the hands of the Irish, and the place was long known -as the 'ford of biscuits.' This news met Bingham on his way northwards, -and he returned to Dublin. The check was a severe one, and Russell -lost no time in taking the field himself. His route was by Mullingar, -Athlone, Roscommon, and Boyle, over the Curlews. Lough Arrow and Lough -Allen were passed on the right hand and Lough Melvin on the left, the -dangers of the march being from bogs and flooded rivers rather than -from armed opposition. Enniskillen was relieved for that time, and -Dublin was reached on the twenty-second day. The return was by way -of Cavan, and the only casualties were from drowning at the passages of -the Sillees and the Erne.[232] - -[Illustration: ULSTER with ADJACENT DISTRICTS - - Edwd. Weller, _lith._ - -_London. Longmans & Co._] - -[Sidenote: The Queen blames Russell.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone generally suspected.] - -Sir Edward Moore of Mellifont, who was on friendly terms with Tyrone, -was employed to patch up a truce, and war was deferred until the new -year. In the meantime Russell had to bear as best he might the Queen's -severe blame for letting the Earl go, in spite of direct private orders -from her. The reasons which he gave were indeed very inconclusive, and -it is plain that Tyrone had known how to profit boldly by the moment of -weakness which in Ireland has always attended every change of governors -in old times, and every vicissitude of party in our own. But opinions -were still divided as to Tyrone's real intentions. Some professed to -believe that his animosity was only against Fitzwilliam and Bagenal, -but others, if we may judge by the sequel, were less optimistic or -better informed. Tyrone's brother had contributed to the disaster at -Enniskillen, and neither he nor the O'Neills who served under him would -have acted against the chief's wish. There was plenty of Spanish gold -circulating in Tyrone, and powder was being made there with imported -sulphur. In Roman Catholic circles there were great hopes of what -the Earl would do, but some feared that he sought an earthly rather -than a heavenly kingdom. It was more certain that he had enormously -increased his force, and that he was daily enlarging his power over the -neighbouring chiefs. He had obtained leave to import a great quantity -of lead by way of roofing his house at Dungannon, and that was now -available to make bullets. It is difficult to say exactly when Tyrone's -correspondence with Spain began, but some great movement was clearly -impending. Jesuits and seminary priests swarmed throughout Ireland, -and in any city or town, says one Protestant writer, 'there is not an -Irishwoman nor merchant's wife throughout the kingdom but refuseth to -come to the church, save that in Dublin a few women, under twenty in -all, are not quite fallen from us.'[233] - -[Sidenote: The Wicklow Highlanders, 1595.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Walter Reagh.] - -When the Christmas festivities were over, during which the Earl of -Kildare tilted at the ring, Russell went into the Wicklow mountains and -returned on the third day. Feagh MacHugh was driven from Ballinacor and -the house garrisoned, O'Byrne himself, with his wife and the notorious -bastard Geraldine, Walter Reagh, being proclaimed traitors. Some -heads were brought in, but after a few days Walter Reagh's brother, -Gerald, was out with his followers and burned the village of Crumlin, -not three miles from St. James's gate. The lead was stripped from the -church, and carried off to make bullets. The Lord Deputy appeared in -Thomas Street, had the gate opened, and sent horse in pursuit, but the -mischief was already done. As such insolence could not be allowed to -pass, another journey was immediately undertaken, and a camp was formed -at Ballinacor. A fort was built, and there was no difficulty in getting -a hundred labourers from among the O'Byrnes. But Feagh had plenty of -sympathisers. In one place a girl warned six kernes of the approach of -soldiers; in another a bag of bullets was found newly cast. Heads came -in fast, but straggling foragers from Russell's camp were sometimes -cut off. Ormonde came up from Kilkenny with a large force, and it -became evident that Walter Reagh's career was near its end. One of his -brothers was taken by the Kavanaghs, the Gerald who burned Crumlin was -killed, and he himself was wounded in attacking the house of Sir Piers -Fitzjames Fitzgerald, who was sheriff of Kildare and Ormonde's kinsman. -His leg being almost broken by the blow of a hammer, he was carried by -his followers to a cave, and there attended by a native leech, 'who -went every second day to the woods to gather herbs.' With the help of -this leech Walter's first cousin, Dermot MacPhelim Reagh, betrayed him -to Sir Henry Harrington, and promised also to give up Feagh MacHugh -himself. Another O'Byrne, Murrogh MacTeig Oge, is also mentioned as -being in the plot. Walter Reagh was brought to Dublin, examined, and -hanged alive in chains for twenty-four hours, 'as a notable example of -justice.' This was Russell's opinion, but it must be evident that such -barbarity could have no real effect, and in fact the Wicklow rebels -were soon as strong as ever.[234] - -[Sidenote: Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne.] - -[Sidenote: Interference of Tyrone in Leinster.] - -No sooner was Walter Reagh dead than Russell set out again for the -disturbed districts of Leinster. A camp formed at Money, between Tullow -and Shillelagh, was the Lord Deputy's headquarters for three weeks, and -he visited all the country round, finding time for a little hunting -and fishing, and receiving heads of prisoners almost daily. Several -companies scoured the Wicklow mountains, but never quite succeeded -in catching Feagh MacHugh. But his wife, the famous Rice O'Toole, -fell into Harrington's hands, and a Dublin jury found her guilty of -treason. The sentence was death by burning, as if she was considered a -witch, but the Queen spared her life. The arrival of Sir John Norris -required Russell's presence in Dublin, preparatory to dealing seriously -with Tyrone. Sir Henry had already brought rather more than 2,000 of -the Brittany veterans, and the news of their coming kept the North -quiet for a moment. Garrisons were left to bridle Wicklow, and it was -supposed that the fort at Ballinacor could easily hold out. But Feagh -MacHugh had now a thorough understanding with Tyrone, who had promised -him 1,000 men--400 from himself, 400 from O'Donnell, and 100 each from -Maguire and O'Rourke. The MacMahons had also promised a hundred. These -were to be maintained for a year, doubtless with some of the Spanish -gold which was circulating in Ulster.[235] - -[Sidenote: Recruiting for the Irish service.] - -[Sidenote: Impressment.] - -[Sidenote: A contractor.] - -[Sidenote: How the horse were raised.] - -We are now entering upon the great Tyrone war, which cost Queen -Elizabeth so many men and so much money. The trained troops at her -command were very few, and fresh levies were constantly required. From -what took place in one county, we may judge of the method pursued -all over England, and gain some idea of the drain upon the scanty -population of that time. Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury, a great figure -among the nobility of that day, was Lord Lieutenant of Derbyshire. -In March, 1595, he was directed by warrant to make a compulsory levy -of 100 men for the Irish service. This was done, and the new company -assigned to Captain Nicholas Merriman, the captain and his two -subalterns being appointed by the Crown, and not by Lord Shrewsbury, -who thought some men were pressed 'rather for ill will than for any -care of the Queen's service'; nor is the suggestion singular in the -correspondence of this period. In the same year Derbyshire had to raise -three horsemen for the Irish service, and the cost was compulsorily -divided among the gentlemen and freeholders. John Manners of Haddon was -assessed at 53_s._ 4_d._, while some had to pay only six shillings. In -1596, fifty more men were raised for Ireland. Directions are sometimes -given that the arms and uniforms should be bought of particular -persons. Captain Merriman, who was a skilled veteran, commended the -armour supplied by Mr. William Grosvenor, of Bellport, who was a friend -of Shrewsbury, and a 'follower of the Earl of Essex.' In April, 1597, -twenty-three men were pressed for Ireland; four of them ran away, and -the arms of those who did not were so bad that the officers had to -buy others from the armourers at Chester. In 1598, 100 men were first -levied, and after the disaster at Blackwater fifty more were wanted. -These levies were not completed till the spring of 1599; but in 1600 -the demands began again. One hundred and fifty were required, but some -ran away, and some were inefficient, and there was a further call for -fifteen men before the year was out. John Manners was also ordered -to provide one light horseman, with a cuirass and staff, at his own -charge, and the county was forced to have carpenters, smiths, and -bricklayers among the recruits. In 1601, three horsemen and 110 footmen -were raised, and there was a further levy of horse ordered as soon as -it was known that Spaniards had landed at Kinsale. About 70 gentlemen -and ladies are mentioned as specially contributory to this last call, -and again John Manners had to supply a gelding with a good saddle, and -a good man to fill it, 'furnished with a good cuirass and a caske, a -northern staff, a good long pistol, a good sword and dagger, and a -horseman's coat of good cloth.' - -[Sidenote: Unpopularity of the service.] - -[Sidenote: A ragged regiment.] - -Clothing for foot soldiers was contracted for at 40_s._ a head. After -the victory at Kinsale, we read of no more levies in Derbyshire, but -the drain had been severe. Of foot-soldiers alone, some 450 were raised -in that single county, from 1595 to 1601, and we may be sure that most -of them never returned. Naturally the service was very unpopular; -'Better be hanged at home than die like dogs in Ireland' had become a -Cheshire proverb. Sometimes it was necessary to 'set sufficient watch -in all the highways, footpaths, and bye-lanes, for the apprehending -of such soldiers as shall offer to escape before God sends a wind.' -And it is not difficult to see how Shakespeare made the study for his -immortal picture of the ragged regiment with whom Falstaff refused to -march through Coventry. 'You appointed twelve shires,' said the Mayor -of Bristol, 'to send men here for Cork. We protest unto your lordships, -excepting of some two or three shires, there was never man beheld -such strange creatures brought to any muster. They are most of them -either old, lame, diseased, boys, or common Rodys; few of them have -any clothes, small, weak, starved bodies, taken up in fair, market, -and highway, to supply the place of better men kept at home. If there -be any of them better than the rest we find they have been set forth -for malice.... We have done what we could to put able men into silly -creatures' places, but in such sort that they cannot start nor run -away.'[236] - -[Sidenote: Officers and adventurers.] - -[Sidenote: veteran.] - -But if the Irish service was odious and terrible to the poor conscript, -adventurous young gentlemen sought therein the means of retrieving -their fortunes and of getting out of scrapes. 'There is,' says one -such, 'nothing under the elements permanent. Yesternight I lived with -such delight in my bosom, concealing it, that I was for this voyage, -that the overmuch heat is now cooled by a storm, and my prayer must -be to send better times and fortunes than always to live a poor base -justice, recreating myself in sending rogues to the gallows.' The -veterans who had fought and bled in many lands were not anxious to have -their places filled by lads, who were brave enough doubtless, but who -had everything to learn. Complaints upon this subject are frequent, -but no one has told his story better than Captain Bostock, who, having -served for eighteen years by sea and land, thought he was entitled to -some reward. Bostock was at the siege of Antwerp in 1582, and remained -long in the Netherlands, wherever hard knocks were going. Then he -commanded a ship commissioned by Henry of Navarre. Afterwards he was in -the Netherlands again, under Russell and Vere, and with Lord Willoughby -at the siege of Bergen. Then he commanded her Majesty's pinnace -'Merlin' in Portugal, returned to Holland, and served under Essex all -the time that he was in France. His next venture was in command of a -man-of-war to the West Indies. Then there was more fighting in the -Netherlands, and under Fitzwilliam and Russell in Ireland. In the -voyage to the Azores Bostock was captain of a man-of-war, and 'fought -with a carrack every day for twenty days.' Then he served under Essex -at sea and in Ireland, and at the end of it all found that he had spent -1,000_l._ of his patrimony, and was still without recognised rank. 'A -soldier that is no captain,' he says, 'is more to be esteemed than a -captain that is no soldier; the one is made in an hour, and the other -not in many years, of both which kinds I know many.'[237] - -[Sidenote: Sir John Norris.] - -[Sidenote: Norris and Russell.] - -[Sidenote: Essex interferes.] - -Russell had asked for a good officer to help him, but, to his great -disgust, the Government sent him a general with absolute authority. A -commission, indeed, was to be issued by the Lord Deputy and Council, -and for this Russell expressed his thanks; but the terms of it were -dictated by the Queen, who fixed upon Sir John Norris as the fittest -man for the place. Norris was still Lord President of Munster, but the -administration of that province was left to his brother, and he was put -over all the forces in Ireland, with almost unlimited authority, for -the purpose of pacifying Ulster. His promises of pardon or protection -were to be performed as a matter of course by the Lord Deputy and -Council. The fame of Norris was deservedly great, and it seems to -have been thought, as it has sometimes been thought in our own time, -that the mere terror of his name would save the cost of an army. But -he was under no such illusion himself, and complained before he left -England that Russell was hostile to him. He was in bad health too, and -declared that but for that he would post back from Bristol and refute -the detractors who began to buzz as soon as his back was turned. The -servile herd of courtiers well knew that abuse of Sir John Norris -sounded sweet in the Earl of Essex's ears. The favourite had interfered -in the appointment of officers, and was told that the general had -accused him of passing over the best men. This Norris denied, declaring -that he had always tried to be the Earl's friend, and wondering why -the latter would always treat him as an enemy.[238] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Norris.] - -Norris landed at Waterford on May 4, after a bad passage, which brought -on the ague to which he was subject. He found the season so late that -there was no likelihood of much grass before June, and in any case he -was unable to ride for some days. Russell civilly begged that he would -take his time, and he did not reach Dublin until four weeks after -leaving Bristol. While riding near the city his horse fell with him, -and this accident brought on a fresh attack of ague. But he saw enough -in a very few days to make him realise that the struggle before him was -very different from any that had preceded it. The rebels were more in -number and better armed than of old, and they had plenty of ammunition. -Spanish gold found its way from Tyrone to some gentlemen of the Pale, -and something like a panic prevailed. Two thousand good soldiers had -hesitated to march ten miles by a tolerable road from Newry to Dundalk, -and had clamoured to be sent by water. The like had never been heard of -before, and both gentlemen and townsmen for the first time refused even -to pass the doors of a church.[239] - -[Sidenote: The Irish retake Enniskillen.] - -While Russell waited at Dublin for Norris, Maguire regained possession -of Enniskillen. The garrison had been reduced by sickness to fourteen, -who were promised their lives; but the English account says the -promise was not kept. Monaghan was also threatened, and 1,400 foot -and 200 horse were sent to Newry. With this force Bagenal succeeded -in victualling the place, but Tyrone greatly harassed the army on its -return, killing over thirty and wounding over a hundred; ten barrels of -powder were expended and many horses lost. It was said that the Irish -engaged were more than 5,000, and that twice or even three times that -number were in the neighbourhood. The road between Dundalk and Newry -was then broken up by Tyrone's orders. Russell reported that the powder -left in the Master of the Ordnance's hands was less than had been -burned in this one day's work.[240] - -[Sidenote: Murder of George Bingham.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish seize Sligo.] - -Sir Richard Bingham had lost no opportunity of warning the Government -how necessary it was to seize the passage between Ulster and Connaught; -he had made preparations at Sligo for the occupation of Ballyshannon. -His plans were frustrated by one of those unexpected acts of treachery -in which Irish history abounds. The governor of Sligo, under him, was -his cousin, George Bingham the younger, who seems to have depended -almost entirely on Irish troops, and especially upon his ensign, Ulick -Burke, Clanricarde's cousin-german and son of that 'Redmond of the -besoms,' as he was called from his sweeping raids, who had been the -actual murderer of Sir John Shamrock. George Bingham had lately made a -descent upon Tory Island, which he plundered, and also upon MacSwiney -Fanad's village at Rathmullen, where he sacked the Carmelite monastery. -Ulick Burke was left in charge at Sligo, and it seems that he or his -Irish followers were offended at not receiving their due portion of -the spoil. Sir Richard Bingham admits that they were badly paid, and -that all the mischief came from that. At all events George Bingham and -eight Englishmen with him were butchered by the treacherous ensign -without a word of warning. Ulick had been twice saved from hanging by -Bingham, but he gave the signal by stabbing his preserver with his own -hand. Sligo, with its guns and stores, was handed over to O'Donnell, -and Ulick Burke became his constable. 'This,' says Sir Richard, 'is the -worst news ever happened in Connaught in my time.'[241] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone is proclaimed traitor.] - -[Sidenote: A garrison at Armagh.] - -A week after the disaster at Sligo, Norris started for Newry, whither -Russell followed him five days later with 2,200 foot and 550 horse. -Tyrone and his adherents were proclaimed traitors at Dundalk, both in -English and Irish. The causeway through the Moyry pass had been broken -up, but no resistance was offered, and a band of pioneers soon made -it practicable. In the presence of the Lord-Deputy Norris disclaimed -all power and responsibility, but there was no outward breach between -them. Russell reached the Blackwater without serious fighting, and -pitched his camp close to Armagh. The church was fortified and made -capable of sheltering 200 men, and Tyrone spent his time in burning -the houses round about and in razing his own castle of Dungannon. He -had intended to make a great stronghold, fortified 'by the device of -a Spaniard that he had with him, but in the end employed those masons -that were entertained for builders up, for pullers down of that his -house, and that in so great a haste, as the same overnight mustering -very stately and high in the sight of all our army, the next day by -noon it was so low that it could scarcely be discerned.' The arrival -of cannon at Newry had already taught Tyrone that he could not defend -any castle against a regular army, and he afterwards constantly acted -upon that principle. Besides making Armagh tenable, Russell again -relieved Monaghan. There was constant skirmishing, which cost a good -many men, but nothing like a general battle. On his return to Newry the -Lord-Deputy very early fell into an ambuscade, but no one was actually -hurt except O'Hanlon, who carried the Queen's colours. The Moyry pass -was again found unoccupied, and a council of war was held at Dundalk. -Russell announced that he had fulfilled her Majesty's order, and would -now leave Ulster matters to the general, according to his commission, -while Bingham should attend to Connaught. Norris said he would do -his best; but if his invasion of Tyrone were frustrated by want of -provisions, as the Lord-Deputy's had been, he trusted it should be -without imputation to him. 'And so,' says the chronicler, 'every man -returned well wearied towards his own dwelling that had any.'[242] - -[Sidenote: Strained relations between Norris and Russell.] - -During the expedition Russell wrote to say that he agreed better with -Norris than he had at first thought possible. But the general looked -at everything upon the darkest side. He accused the Lord Deputy of -stretching his conscience to injure him, of detaining letters so as to -deprive him of the means of answering them, of making his commission -less ample than the Queen had ordered; and he declared, though without -actually naming Russell, that his letters to Cecil and Cecil's to him -were certainly opened. He maintained that every obstacle was thrown in -his way, and that his private fortune was spent without increase of -honour after so many years of service. The means provided were utterly -inadequate, since even Russell thought more than 3,000 men necessary -for the Ulster war, and scarcely half the number were actually -available. 'I wish,' he says, 'it had pleased God to appoint me to -follow some other more grateful profession.'[243] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde and Tyrone.] - -It was not without many misgivings that the proclamation against Tyrone -was allowed to issue, Burghley dreaming almost to the last moment of -a pacification by Ormonde's means. But Ormonde himself had already -made up his mind that Tyrone could not be trusted at all, since he -had broken his last promises. Nevertheless he went to Dublin, and on -arriving there found that the humour had changed. No commission came -for him, and without one he could attempt nothing. His anxiety was lest -the Queen should think him lukewarm, whereas his greatest wish, though -far beyond his power, was that Tyrone's and every other traitor's head -should be at her Majesty's disposal. He rejoiced at the appointment of -Sir John Norris, and wished the Queen had many such to serve her. 'When -Tyrone is proclaimed,' he said, 'I wish head-money may be promised for -him, as I did for the Earl of Desmond, and pardon to be given to such -others of the North as will serve against him.'[244] - -[Sidenote: Bingham foresees disaster.] - -Bingham came to Dublin to confer with Russell and Norris, and the -result was to show clearly how much the work to be done exceeded the -available means. The Governor of Connaught said no quiet could be -expected in his province until the Ulster rebels were stopped at the -Erne. Three whole counties were in revolt, and Clanricarde's near -kinsmen had been engaged in the Sligo massacre, although he himself was -loyal. Russell agreed with Bingham, but the majority of the Council -were for stumbling along in the old rut. Bingham went back to Athlone, -expecting nothing but disaster, and Norris went to Newry with the -certain knowledge that he had not men enough to effect anything. First -he tried what negotiation would do, and Tyrone sent in a signed paper -which he called a submission. He was heartily sorry for his offences, -and humbly besought pardon first for himself and all the inhabitants -of Tyrone, but also for all his adherents who would give the same -assurances, 'for that since the time I was proclaimed there have passed -an oath between us to hold one course.' This submission was rejected, -as it would have practically acknowledged Tyrone's local supremacy, and -of this rejection the Queen quite approved. - -[Sidenote: Tyrone resists Norris,] - -[Sidenote: who is wounded.] - -Armagh was victualled without much trouble by Norris in person, and -the army then returned to Newry for more provisions. Bagenal succeeded -in surprising 2,000 of the enemy's cows, and Armagh was again reached -without fighting. Some days were spent in fortifying and in making -arrangements for a winter garrison, but Norris failed to bring on a -general engagement. Tyrone kept to his vantage-ground, but made a -great effort to annoy the English at a little pass which cannot be far -from Markethill. The baggage was sent on in front and escaped, but the -rearguard had to fight their best. There were Scots with Tyrone whose -arrows proved very effective, and the Irish horse were much more active -than the English. Norris himself was shot in the arm and side, and his -horse was hit in four places. His brother Thomas was shot through the -thigh, and Captain Wingfield through the elbow. 'I have a lady's hurt,' -said Sir John; 'I pray, brother, make the place good if you love me, -and I will new horse myself and return presently; and I pray charge -home.' Two other officers were killed with ten men, and about thirty -men were wounded. It does not appear that Tyrone's losses were much -greater, and it was evident that nothing of moment could be done with -the forces at hand. Norris told Russell that he ought to send him every -man he could scrape together, regular or irregular, leaving pioneers -and carriers to follow as they might; and that, if this were not done, -he would not be responsible for anything. He sent his brother Henry -straight to England, complaining that he had but 150 draught horses, -when formerly ten times that number came out of the Pale, and that he -was not properly supported in any way. And yet Russell may have done -his best. He did detach Thomond with five companies and 145 horse to -Newry, besides sending Secretary Fenton to help the wounded general in -administrative work. But to get supplies from the unwilling Catholics -of the Pale was beyond his power. The gentry had promised to muster -1,000 foot and 300 horse at Kells for the defence of the border, but -a month after the trysting-day only one-third of that number had -arrived.[245] - -[Sidenote: Death of Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill, 1595.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone is made O'Neill.] - -At the moment of this first fight with Tyrone in his character of -proclaimed traitor, old Tirlogh Luineach died. He had already resigned -the chiefry, but it now suited his successor to drop the mask, and he -went at once to Tullahogue to be invested. And yet he was quite ready -to renounce the name of O'Neill four months later, though objecting to -take an oath on the subject. The annalists say he had been appointed -heir 'ten years before at the Parliament held in Dublin in the name -of Queen Elizabeth.' But it is, of course, quite untrue that Tyrone -was made tanist by Act of Parliament, and the Four Masters themselves -record that Tirlogh had resigned in his favour more than two years -before. In 1587 it had been intended to make Tirlogh Earl of Omagh, and -thus to perpetuate the division of Tyrone. The old chief had always -realised, in a vague way, that an O'Neill could not stand alone, and -had listened without enthusiasm to the bards who called upon him to -imitate the legendary heroes of his race, and to make himself monarch -of Ireland in spite of the English. The real effect of his death was to -make Tyrone chief of Ulster in the popular estimation, as he had long -been in real power. He also saw that the Queen would be too strong for -him unless he could make foreign alliances, and he strove to excite -sympathy abroad by appearing as the head of a Catholic confederacy.[246] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone has dealings with Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Conditions of peace or war.] - -Nothing, said the Queen, would more become this base traitor whom she -had raised from the dust, than his 'public confessing what he knows of -any Spanish practices, and his abjuration of any manner of hearkening -or combining with any foreigners--a course fit in his offers to be -made vulgar--that in Spain and abroad the hopes of such attempts may -be extinguished.' Tyrone protested that he never corresponded with -Spain before August 20; but this can hardly be true, for in a letter -to Don Carlos, written little more than a month after that date, he -complained that the King had returned no answer to frequent previous -letters. He begged Philip to send 3,000 soldiers, at whose approach all -the heretics would disappear, and the King Catholic be recognised as -the sole sovereign of Ireland. Elizabeth shrank from the cost of war -and from the suffering which it would bring, and Norris was ordered to -negotiate. A general without an army is not usually the most successful -of diplomatists, and Sir John had no belief in the work. There were, -he said, but two courses open. One was to give Tyrone a free pardon, -mainly on condition of his abjuring Spain and the Pope, by which means -these potentates would be alienated from him. If there was to be -fighting, then he thought it best to leave Connaught alone, and confine -himself to Ulster. He demanded a separate treasurer, as Ormonde had -in the Desmond times, 5,000_l._ a month for six months, and 2,000_l._ -more for fortifications, and power to spend the whole as he liked. With -this, but not with less, he thought he could post a garrison at Lough -Foyle, for like every other competent soldier he maintained that Tyrone -could be bridled only by permanent fortresses. The course which seemed -easiest and cheapest was taken, and the negotiations began without -sincerity on Tyrone's part, and with a presentiment of failure on that -of Norris, who thought force the only remedy.[247] - -[Sidenote: A truce with Tyrone.] - -Norris did not himself meet Tyrone, but sent two captains, St. Leger -and Warren, who made a truce to last until January 1, and for one -month longer should the Lord Deputy desire it. Peace was to be kept -on both sides, but none of the points at issue were decided. Tyrone -and O'Donnell made separate submissions, upon which great stress was -laid; but as they were both in correspondence with Spain, it is clear -that their chief object was to gain time. Tyrone further declared his -readiness to renounce the title of O'Neill, protesting that he had -assumed it only to prevent anybody else from doing so. Upon these -terms, since no better were to be had, the Queen was inclined to pardon -the chief rebels; but this only encouraged them to make fresh demands. -Burghley in the meantime was advising that money should be sent into -Ireland, where he foresaw nothing but trouble. 'I see,' he said, 'a -manifest disjunction between the Lord Deputy and Sir John Norris. Sir -John was too bold to command the companies in the English Pale for -Waterford without assenting of the Deputy, for out of Munster he hath -no sole authority. I fear continually evil disasters.'[248] - -[Sidenote: O'Donnell overruns Connaught.] - -O'Donnell had in the meantime made himself master of a great part of -Connaught. Bingham failed in a determined attempt to retake Sligo, -and his nephew, Captain Martin, was killed by an Irish dart, which -pierced the joint of his breastplate as his arm was raised to strike. -Russell went to Galway, and was received with full military honours; -and at first the rebellious Burkes seemed inclined to come to him. -But O'Donnell entered the province, and persuaded them to content -themselves with a written submission, accompanied by a statement of -their complaints against Bingham. They accepted a MacWilliam at the -northern chief's hands, in the person of Theobald Burke, a young -man who had just distinguished himself by surprising the castle of -Belleek in Mayo, and inflicting great loss on a relieving force led -by Bingham's brother John; and by Christmas there was no county in -Connaught, except Clare, in which the inhabitants, or great numbers of -them, had not united with O'Donnell.[249] - -[Sidenote: Negotiations with Tyrone, 1596.] - -[Sidenote: Liberty of conscience demanded] - -If a peace could be made on anything like honourable terms, Russell -was authorised to act without further orders from home, and to -pardon every rebel who would come in and submit himself. Wallop and -Gardiner, both of whom were thought rather friendly to Tyrone, were -sent as commissioners to Dundalk; but, protection or no protection, -Tyrone refused to enter that town. The commissioners were fain to -waive the point, and a meeting of five persons on each side was held -a mile outside. Swords only were worn, and the greatest distrust was -shown. 'The forces of either side stood a quarter of a mile distant -from them, and while they parleyed on horseback two horsemen of the -commissioners stood firm in the midway between the Earl's troops and -them, and likewise two horsemen of the Earl's was placed between them -and her Majesty's forces. These scout officers were to give warning -if any treacherous attempt were made on either part.' Tyrone and his -brother Cormac, whom the keener spirits among the O'Neills made tanist -in defiance of the Queen's patent, O'Donnell, Maguire, MacMahon, -O'Dogherty, O'Reilly, and many others, were at the meeting or in the -immediate neighbourhood. The first article of the Irish demand was -'free liberty of conscience'--free liberty of conscience for those -who were anxious to exchange the sovereignty of Elizabeth for that -of Philip II. Free pardons and restoration in blood of all of the -northern rebels, the maintenance of Tyrone's power over his neighbours, -the acknowledgment of O'Donnell's claims in Connaught, a pardon for -Feagh MacHugh, and the non-appointment of sheriffs in Ulster, except -for Newry and Carrickfergus; these were the other demands, of which -they believed the concession would 'draw them to a more nearness of -loyalty.' They amounted, in truth, to an abrogation of the royal -authority in nearly all Ulster, and in a great part of Connaught. The -negotiations following lasted eleven days, with growing distrust on -both sides, and at last a fresh truce was concluded, for February, -March, and April. The terms, in so far as they differed from the former -ones, were in favour of Tyrone and O'Donnell. On the very day that the -truce was concluded, Russell wrote to complain that the commissioners -were too easy with men who made immoderate demands, contrary to -their former submissions; and on the next day, as if his words were -prophetic, an indignant letter came from the Queen, accompanied by a -much-needed remittance of 12,000_l._ She had good reason to complain -that the more inclined to mercy she showed herself the more insolent -the rebels became, and was particularly annoyed at the fact that the -commissioners addressed Tyrone and his associates by such titles as -'loving friends,' and 'our very good lord.'[250] - -[Sidenote: Neither Tyrone nor O'Donnell can be conciliated.] - -[Sidenote: Their pretensions.] - -So anxious were the commissioners for peace at any price that they -withheld the terms on which the Queen was willing to pardon the rebels -until the truce was safely concluded. Nor did they venture to show -the actual articles sent from England, thinking the chiefs would be -less alarmed by conditions of their own devising. Elizabeth held the -language of a merciful sovereign, who was ready to pardon rebels, but -who had their lands and lives at her mercy. Tyrone had forfeited his -patent and should only receive back portions of his estate, while his -jurisdiction over his neighbours was ousted altogether. He was to give -several substantial pledges, and to send his eldest son to be educated -in England. O'Donnell, Maguire, O'Rourke, and the MacMahons were to be -treated with separately, and in every case members of their septs who -had not rebelled were to have some of their lands. If the Earl held -out, efforts were to be made to detach O'Donnell from him. All this was -inconsistent with what the chiefs had demanded from the commissioners; -and the latter could only give the Queen's ideas in their own language, -and solicit observations from the parties concerned. Tyrone said he -was anxious to send over his son, but that his people would not allow -him, and, indeed, it is likely that he was afraid of his brother -Cormac's doings as tanist. He had no objection to a gaol, nor to a -sheriff--provided that official were an inhabitant of Tyrone--was ready -to renounce the name of O'Neill, though not upon oath, and agreed to -give reasonable pledges. But he would not consent to a garrison at -Armagh, insisting that Tyrone and Armagh should be one county; nor -would he bind himself, without the consent of his clansmen, to pay a -fine in support of the garrisons at Monaghan, Blackwater, and Newry. -O'Donnell was even less accommodating, ironically offering to build a -gaol in Donegal, whenever he agreed to receive a sheriff there. He -claimed the county of Sligo as his own, and maintained that O'Dogherty -held all his territory of him. Having received these answers, the -commissioners returned to Dublin, and when Gardiner went thence to -England, the Queen for some time refused to see him.[251] - -[Sidenote: Confusion in Connaught.] - -Russell's journey to Galway had resulted in a truce, but there was no -peace in Connaught. Bingham managed to victual Ballymote across the -Curlew mountains, but not without the help of three veteran companies, -who did all the fighting and lost five officers and fifty men. Boyle -and Athlone were threatened, while a MacDermot and an O'Connor Roe -were set up, as well as a MacWilliam. At last the Burkes, aided by -a party of Scots, having done what damage they could on the Galway -side of the Shannon, crossed the river and began to harry the King's -County. The Lord Deputy started without delay, was joined by O'Molloy -and MacCoghlan, and fell upon the intruders at daybreak. A hundred -and forty were killed or drowned in trying to escape, and Russell -then turned to the castle of Cloghan, which was strongly held by the -O'Maddens. 'Not if you were all Deputies,' they replied, on being -summoned to surrender, and added that the tables would probably -be turned on the morrow. Russell humanely proposed that the women -should be sent out, but the O'Maddens refused. Next morning a soldier -contrived to throw a firebrand on to the thatched roof, which blazed -up at once. A brisk fusillade was directed upon the battlements, and -another fire was lit at the gate, while the assailants made a breach in -the wall. Forty-six persons were cut down, smothered, or thrown over -the walls, while two women and a boy were saved. The Scots who came -over the Shannon had been reported as 400, and Russell made a good deal -of his success; but Norris reduced the number of strangers to forty, -and spoke with contempt of the whole affair.[252] - -[Sidenote: The Queen on liberty of conscience.] - -[Sidenote: More negotiations.] - -When the Queen at last consented to hear Chief Justice Gardiner's -account of his proceedings in the North, she expressed great -displeasure. The demand for liberty of conscience, she said, was a -mere pretext, the result of disloyal conspiracy, and put forward as an -excuse for past rebellion more than from any desire to do better in -future. Tyrone and the rest had no persecutor to complain of, and what -they asked was in reality 'liberty to break laws, which her Majesty -will never grant to any subject of any degree'--a pronouncement which -might well have been quoted by the foes of the dispensing power ninety -years later. And, as if it were intended to strike Russell obliquely, -a new commission was ordered to be issued to Norris and Fenton. They -were to meet the rebels during the truce, and to 'proceed with them to -some final end, either according to their submissions to yield them -pardons, with such conditions as are contained in our instructions; or -if they shall refuse the reasonable offers therein contained, or seek -former delays, to leave any further treaty with them.' And at the same -time there was to be a general inquiry into all alleged malpractices -in government which might cause men to rebel. Some of the directions -to the new commissioners were rather puzzling; but the Lord Deputy and -Council refused to suggest any explanation, for that they were 'left no -authority to add, diminish, or alter.' - -Russell indeed gave out that he would go to the North himself, and -Norris was in despair. 'The mere bruit,' he says, 'will cross us, and -I am sure to meet as many other blocks in my way as any invention can -find out. I know the Deputy will not spare to do anything that might -bring me in disgrace, and remove me from troubling his conscience -here.' Russell, on the other hand, complained that Burghley was his -enemy and sought out all his faults. 'I wish,' said the old Treasurer, -'they did not deserve to be sought out.'[253] - -[Sidenote: Captain Thomas Lee.] - -Tyrone must have been an agreeable, or at least a persuasive man, for -he often made friends of those Englishmen who came under his personal -influence. Such a one was Captain Thomas Lee, who at this juncture made -an effort in his favour; saying that he would be loyal 'if drawn apart -from these rogues that he is now persuaded by.' He would go to England -or to the Deputy if he had a safe-conduct straight from the Queen, and -Essex and Buckhurst might write to him for his better assurance, since -he believed Burghley to be his bitter enemy. Lee confessed that he had -not seen Tyrone for some time, and that he founded his opinion upon old -conversations; but he was ready to stake his credit, and begged to be -employed against the Earl should he fail to justify such an estimate. -For having ventured to address the Queen when in England without first -consulting Burghley, Lee humbly apologised, and hinted, perhaps not -very diplomatically, that a contrary course might have preserved the -peace. The Cecils had little faith in Lee's plausibilities, and it was -reserved for Essex to employ him as a serious political agent.[254] - -[Sidenote: Norris and Fenton go to Dundalk.] - -[Sidenote: A hollow peace follows.] - -Fenton foresaw that Tyrone and O'Donnell would probably 'stand upon -their barbarous custom to commune with us in the wild fields.' And -so it proved. They refused to come into any town, and proposed a -meeting-place near Dundalk, with a river, a thicket, and a high -mountain close at hand. This was rejected, and they then suggested -that the commissioners should come on to the outer arch of a broken -bridge, and back across the water, while they themselves stayed on -dry land. This was considered undignified, and indeed the proposal -looks like studied impertinence; and in the end it was decided that -Captains St. Leger and Warren should act as intermediaries. Tyrone at -once waived the claim to liberty of conscience, 'save only that he -will not apprehend any spiritual man that cometh into the country for -his conscience' sake.' While protesting against the continuance of a -garrison at Armagh, he agreed not to interrupt the communications, -and in the end he received a pardon upon the basis of the existing -state of affairs. The gaol and the shrievalty were left in abeyance -during the stay of the garrison; but the Queen made no objection to -Armagh and Tyrone being treated as one county, or to the demand that -the sheriff should be a native. The Earl disclaimed all authority to -the east of the Bann and of Lough Neogh, and, while renouncing foreign -aid, promised to declare how far he had dealt with any foreigner. He -refused to give up one of his sons, but surrendered his nephew and -another O'Neill as pledges, on condition that they should be exchanged -at the end of three months. The Queen, upon whom the cost of the great -Cadiz expedition weighed heavily, professed herself satisfied except on -one point. Tyrone had promised some time before to pay a fine either -of 20,000_l._ or of 20,000 cows, but he now maintained that the figure -had been mentioned for show, and that it was an understood thing that -it should not really be paid. The promise had been made to Russell, and -Norris had left the matter in doubt. But it must be acknowledged that -the Lord Deputy saw the real state of the case more clearly than his -sovereign, and he maintained that the rebels were only gaining time -till help came from Spain, and that Norris was overreached by 'these -knaves.' The peace was a feigned one, the pledges were of no account, -and there was no safety for the English in Ireland but in keeping up -the army. - -[Sidenote: Russell's strictures on Norris.] - -Tyrone and O'Donnell had not met the commissioners at all, and O'Rourke -had run away immediately after signing the articles. On the other -hand, Norris and Fenton could report that Maguire, with several chiefs -of scarcely less importance, had come into Dundalk and made humble -submission on their knees. Russell acknowledged that the Queen was put -to great expense in Ireland, and that there was very little to show -for it, 'which,' he urged, 'is not to be laid to my charge, but unto -his who being sent specially to manage the war, and for that cause -remaining here about a twelvemonth, hath in that time spent nine months -at the least in cessations and treaties of peace, either by his own -device contrary to my liking, as ever doubting the end would prove but -treacherous, or else by directions from thence.'[255] - -[Sidenote: Story of the Spanish letter.] - -Captain Warren remained with Tyrone for a month after the departure -of Norris and Fenton for Dundalk. He then brought with him to Dublin -a letter from Philip II. to the Earl, encouraging him to persevere -in his valiant and victorious defence of the Catholic cause against -the English. Warren promised, and his servant swore, that the letter -should be returned or burned without any copy being taken. Tyrone at -first vehemently refused to produce it at all, but at last agreed that -the Lord Deputy should see it on these terms. Russell at once proposed -to keep the document, and the Council supported him; only Norris and -Fenton voting against this manifest breach of faith. The Lord Deputy -had been blamed for not detaining Tyrone when he might perhaps have -done so honourably, and now he was determined not to err in the -direction of over-scrupulousness. Warren was naturally indignant at -being forced to surrender what he had promised to keep safely, and the -official excuses were of the weakest. The Earl was thanked for giving -such a proof of his sincerity, and urged to say what verbal messages -the Spanish bearer had brought from so notorious an enemy to her -Majesty as the King of Spain. - -Tyrone retorted that Warren had produced an undertaking, under the -hands of the Lord Deputy and Council, to perform whatever he promised, -and that they had broken his word and their own, 'wherein,' he said, -'if I be honourably and well dealt with, I shall refer myself to the -answer of her most excellent Majesty.' - -The whole proceeding was as useless as it was discreditable, for the -letter was quite short, and Norris, after once hearing it read, was -able to repeat all that it contained. O'Donnell, who was even more -determined than Tyrone upon the plan of war to the knife with Spanish -aid, wrote to say that he wished for peace, but could not restrain his -men, and that he would give no pledge, 'inasmuch as Captain Warren -performed not his promise in not returning the letter he took with him -to Dublin upon his word and credit.'[256] - -[Sidenote: Spaniards in Ulster.] - -It was not likely that Tyrone would tell the Government what passed -between him and the Spanish messenger Alonso de Cobos; for he took -care to see him in the presence only of those he most trusted, such -as his brother Cormac, his secretary Henry Hovenden, O'Donnell, and -O'Dogherty. The Spanish ship put into Killybegs, where munitions were -landed for O'Donnell, but De Cobos came forty miles by land to see -Tyrone. An interpreter was necessarily employed, and he told all he -knew. Cormac dictated a letter in Irish, reminding the King that he -had begun the war, gloating over his successes, and promising wonders -if Philip would give him 500 men in pay. The Pope sent beads, stones, -and relics, which the interpreter saw, and also an indulgence for -flesh every day in war time. The northern Irish, he observed, had but -lately taken to fish, butter, and eggs on Fridays and Saturdays. Cormac -himself told him that he expected the Spaniards very soon.[257] - -[Sidenote: Bingham in Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: His severity.] - -[Sidenote: Norris and Bingham.] - -Immediately after the receipt of the Spanish letter Norris and Fenton -set out for Connaught. Tyrone himself had pointed out that the two -northern provinces hung together, and the understanding between the -western and northern chiefs was at this time pretty close. The Burkes -insisted that all their quarrel was with Bingham and his kinsfolk only, -and Norris was ready to believe the charges against him of injustice in -his government, and of seizing the lands of those who opposed him. Of -Bingham's severity there can be little doubt; but he had ruled cheaply -and successfully, and it was not his fault if O'Donnell's road into -Connaught was still open. In August 1595 the hostages in Galway gaol -knocked off their irons after a drinking-bout, and passed through the -open gate of the town. They found the bridge held against them, and -on trying to cross the river they were intercepted by the soldiers on -the other bank. All who escaped instant death were recaptured. Bingham -sent a warrant to hang all the prisoners who had taken part in the -attempt, and hanged they accordingly were--Burkes, O'Connors, and -O'Flaherties from the best houses in Connaught. To mutinous soldiers -Bingham showed as little mercy. Some recruits in Captain Conway's -company made a disturbance at Roscommon, and Bingham ordered that the -mutineers should be brought to the gallows, as if for execution, and -then spared. This was done, but next day things were worse than ever, -and a ringleader, named Colton, threatened Conway and took the colour -from his ensign's hand. Captain Mostyn, whose company was also tainted, -was knocked down, and the mutiny was not quelled until over thirty men -were hurt. Bingham hanged Colton promptly, and most soldiers will think -that he did right. But Norris had made up his mind that Connaught could -be pacified by gentle means, and his hand was heavy against Bingham, -especially as Russell seemed inclined to shield him. Sir Richard, on -the contrary, pleaded that all his arguments had been overruled in -Dublin, that he had not been allowed to defend his province for fear of -hindering the negotiations in Ulster, and that the reinforcements sent -to him were a 'poor, ragged sort of raw men.' Everything had turned -out as he foretold, and he had never asked for money from Dublin until -the neglect of his warnings had encouraged a general revolt. O'Donnell -had exacted 1,200_l._ sterling from the county of Sligo since the -castle there was betrayed, and his brother plundered Connaught with a -rabble of Scots, while he himself helped to amuse the commissioners at -Dundalk. 'I think,' he said, 'this is partly scarcity of meat at home, -the people of the North being always very needy and hungry.' The Irish -Council, he declared, wished to draw all eyes upon Connaught so as to -hide their own failures; and as for his provincials they had a thousand -times better treatment than they deserved, for their real object was to -re-establish tanistry and its attendant barbarism.[258] - -[Sidenote: Charges against Bingham,] - -Finding the Lord General favourable to them, the Mayo Burkes plied -him hard with charges against Bingham 'and his most cruel and ungodly -brother John.' They had seized most of the cattle, it was urged, upon -various pretences, and in three years had become possessed of many -castles and of 200 ploughlands, offering no title 'but a high gallows -to the possessor.' 'Her Majesty's clemency,' they said, 'is better -known to strange nations than to us her poor misers, being altogether -racked and governed by the Binghams, the dregs of all iniquity, here -_in culâ mundi_ far from God and our sovereign.' - -Bingham came to Dublin, and both he and Norris, who agreed in nothing -else, were loud in their complaints of official inaction. He strongly -maintained, and he certainly was right, that the Queen's true policy -was to separate the two rebellious provinces and not to include them -in the same treaty. The Dundalk articles now made it impossible to -garrison Ballyshannon, and Sligo was the next best thing. The Connaught -rebels, he said, 'will seek to retain their titles of Macs and O's -with their unhonest law, even as Ulster does.' But Norris was probably -right in believing that there would be no peace between Bingham and the -Burkes, since they were 'so much embrued in each other's blood;' and -when he went to Connaught the accused governor was detained in Dublin -by Russell, lest the sight of him should hinder the negotiations -at Galway or Athlone. Bingham took care to remind Burghley that the -composition was better both for Crown and subject than anything yet -devised, 'for the Irish lord is the greatest tyrant living, and taketh -more regality by the tanist law than her Majesty doth, or ever did, by -her princely prerogative.' - -[Sidenote: who leaves Ireland suddenly.] - -The summer passed in futile diplomacy, while O'Donnell lived upon the -western province and spared his own country. 'If Bingham,' said the -Queen, 'appear guilty, he shall be removed; but we must not condemn -a governor unheard and without good proof.' Tired of waiting, the -suspected chief commissioner left Ireland without leave, on September -25, and on his arrival in London was committed to the Fleet.[259] - -[Sidenote: Catholic confederacy,] - -[Sidenote: and general attack] - -[Sidenote: on English settlers.] - -It suited the Queen to take an optimistic view of the situation, but -the confederacy against her was spreading gradually over all Ireland. -The Connaught rebels put Norris off from month to month and from week -to week, while the Ulster chiefs used the respite afforded them to draw -in Munster, with which the Clan Sheehy, the old Desmond gallowglasses, -gave a ready means of communication. Tyrone had just received full -pardon, yet he wrote as follows:-- - -'We have given oath and vow that whosoever of the Irishry, especially -of the gentlemen of Munster, or whosoever else, from the highest to -the lowest, shall assist Christ's Catholic religion, and join in -confederacy and make war with us... we will be to them a back or stay, -warrant or surety, for their so aiding of God's just cause, and by our -said oath and vow, never to conclude peace or war with the English, for -ourselves or any of us, during our life, but that the like shall be -concluded for you, &c.' - -Many of the scattered settlers in Munster were murdered about this -time, and it was upon the property of Englishmen only that the -MacSheehys and other robbers maintained themselves. In Tipperary, says -the Chief Justice of Munster, there was 'a school of thieving of horses -and cows where boys from every Munster county, some the bastard sons -of the best of the country,' were trained in this patriotic exercise. -The master and usher and seven of their pupils were tried and hanged. -Care was taken that Protestant clergymen should not go scathless. One -James, parson of Kilcornan near Pallaskenry, was visited by a party of -swordsmen, but they were under protection and he unsuspectingly offered -them refreshments. Nevertheless they murdered poor James, wounded three -other Englishmen, and burned down the house; the leader swearing upon -his target that he would never again seek protection, nor 'leave any -Englishman's house unburned nor himself alive.' The same spirit was -shown in the inland parts of Leinster, where Owen MacRory O'More was -specially protected by Russell's order; but this did not prevent him -from making a perfectly unprovoked attack upon Stradbally. Alexander -Cosby, whose father had been slain at Glenmalure and who was himself -married to a Sidney, sallied out with his two sons and the kerne under -his orders. A fight took place on the bridge and the Irish were driven -off, but Cosby and his eldest son fell. Dorcas Sidney ('for she would -never allow herself to be called Cosby') and her daughter-in-law -watched the fight out of a window and saw their husbands killed. In -southern Leinster the death of Walter Reagh had not quite destroyed -the old Geraldine leaven, and some of the Butlers were also engaged, -greatly to Ormonde's indignation. Whatever Tyrone's own ideas were -about religion, it is quite evident that out of his own district he was -regarded as the leader of a crusade. The new English in Ireland were -Protestants, and the instinctive horror of the natives for settlers -whose notions about land were irreconcilable with their own was -sedulously encouraged by priests and friars.[260] - -[Sidenote: The soldiers are disorderly and oppressive,] - -Elizabeth persisted in believing Tyrone's professions, only because -she saw no way of forcibly subduing 'him whom she had raised from -the dust.' She was 'greedy,' said her secretary, 'of that honourable -course'; but Russell, who advocated the reduction of Tyrone, forgot -to say how it was to be done. It was more clear to her that there -was much oppression and extortion, and that her poor subjects in -Ireland had a right to complain. The intolerable tyranny of sheriffs, -provost-marshals, and other officers was the constant complaint from -Ulster and Connaught; but those provinces were confessedly in a state -of armed peace at best, and much might be said upon both sides. In -Leinster and Munster the charges were more definite, and are more -easily understood. They may be summed up in a declaration on the -part of the inhabitants of the Pale that 'the course of ranging and -extorting is become so common and gainful as that many soldiers (as is -said) have no other entertainment for their captains; and many that are -not soldiers, pretending to be of some company or other, have, in like -outrageous sort, ranged up and down the country, spoiling and robbing -the subjects as if they were rebels. And most certain it is that the -rebels themselves, pretending to be soldiers, and knowing how gainful -the course is, have often played the like parts.' - -[Sidenote: owing to irregular payment.] - -Real soldiers were so terrible that the poor people had no heart to -resist even sham ones, and so the country went from bad to worse. The -very fruit trees were cut down to feed barrack fires, and houses, if -the wretched inmates deserted them to avoid their oppressors, were -demolished for the same purpose. Very severe orders were issued, rape -and theft being made capital offences, and these were not suffered to -remain a dead letter; but the next Viceroy did not find that matters -had been much improved. In Munster also there was plenty of military -violence, and even lawyers, while complaining that the gown was quite -subordinate to the sword, could not but acknowledge that sheriffs and -gaolers were as bad as the soldiers. It is easy to see, and it is -proved by a cloud of witnesses, that most of these horrors were caused -by irregular payment of the troops, nor does Burghley himself leave -us in any doubt. 'I cannot,' he says, 'forbear to express the grief I -have to think of the dangerous estate of her Majesty's army in Ireland, -where all the treasure sent in August is expended.' Besides pensioners -and supernumeraries, there were 7,000 regular soldiers, for which the -monthly charge was 8,560_l._ sterling, which necessary reinforcements -would soon increase to 10,422_l._ 'for which the treasurer hath never -a penny in Ireland.' And it was certain that the increase would -be progressive. 'What danger this may be I do tremble to utter, -considering they will force the country with all manner of oppressions, -and thereby the multitude of the Queen's loyal subjects in the English -Pale tempted to rebel.'[261] - -[Sidenote: Feagh MacHugh is hunted down,] - -[Sidenote: killed,] - -[Sidenote: and beheaded.] - -In November, 1595, Feagh MacHugh came to Dublin and submitted on his -knees. The Queen was inclined to pardon him, but his terms were not at -first considered reasonable. If confirmed in his chiefry, he professed -himself ready to restrain his people, to attend assizes like other -gentlemen, and to kneel before the Queen herself, 'which I more desire -than anything in the world.' Even this rough mountaineer, who pointed -out to Elizabeth that his property was not worth confiscating, had -caught the prevailing tone of flattery. Nevertheless Feagh remained -in close alliance with Tyrone, and in September 1596 he struck a blow -which undid most of Russell's work in Leinster. Elizabeth had in the -end agreed to pardon him, with his wife, sons, and followers, to -confirm him in his chiefry by patent, and even to restore Ballinacor, -which she found a very expensive possession. Eight days after this -was decided at Greenwich, Feagh wrote to Tyrone, offering to trouble -the English well, and begging for a company of good shot; and a month -later he surprised Ballinacor. After this there was no further talk -of pardon, and Russell pursued the old chief to the death. A new fort -was built at Rathdrum, and Captain Lee, who was perhaps anxious to -efface the memory of his ill-success with Tyrone, scoured the mountains -during the winter. Cattle by the score and heads by the dozen were -collected, and the end may as well be told at once. One Sunday morning -in the following May Feagh was forced into a cave, 'where one Milborne, -sergeant to Captain Lee, first lighted on him, and the fury of our -soldiers was so great as he could not be brought away alive; thereupon -the said sergeant cut off Feagh's head with his own sword and presented -his head to my lord, which with his carcase was brought to Dublin... -the people all the way met my lord with great joy and gladness, and -bestowed many blessings on him for performing so good a deed, and -delivering them from their long oppressions.' The head and quarters -of this formidable marauder were exhibited upon Dublin Castle, and a -sympathiser says the sight pierced his soul with anguish. Four months -after, one Lane brought what purported to be the head to Essex, who -sent him to Cecil for his reward. Cecil said head-money had already -been paid in Ireland, and Lane gave the now worthless trophy to a lad -to bury, who stuck it in a tree in Enfield chase, where it was found -by two boys looking for their cattle. The Four Masters say Feagh was -'treacherously betrayed by his relatives,' for the O'Byrnes of the -elder branch had never acquiesced in the dominion of the Gaval-Rannall. -Thus one by one did the chiefs of tribal Ireland devour each other.[262] - -[Sidenote: Complete failure of Norris in Connaught.] - -Norris remained in Connaught from the beginning of June until the week -before Christmas, and Fenton was with him most of the time. Nothing of -any importance was done, and when their backs were turned O'Donnell -entered the province and the rebellion blazed up more fiercely than -ever. The Burkes and their immediate allies had 2,000 men, besides -the help of O'Donnell, Tyrone, and Maguire, and it was reckoned that -an army of more than 3,000 was required for Connaught alone. Bingham's -ideas about cutting it off from Ulster by garrisons on the Erne were -fully adopted, and the possession of Ballyshannon becomes henceforth -a main object with successive governments. Yet Bingham himself was in -disgrace, and Sir Conyers Clifford, a distinguished soldier whose Cadiz -laurels were still green, was made governor in his room. The Irish -annalists tell us that he was a much better man than his predecessor, -but such praise did not make his work any easier. That Bingham was -severe and even harsh is certain, that he was sometimes unjust is at -least probable, and there is no reason to doubt that he was greedy -about land; but he was efficient, and in the eyes of Irish chiefs and -of their panegyrists that was the really unpardonable sin.[263] - -[Sidenote: Dissension between Russell and Norris,] - -[Sidenote: of which Tyrone takes advantage.] - -'I am quite tired,' says Camden, 'with pursuing Tyrone through all his -shifts and devices.' He had received his pardon in the early summer, -and had spent the rest of the year in trying to forfeit it. Russell -was not deceived, and he asked to be recalled, complaining bitterly -that he was not credited, while Norris was 'authorised to proceed in -a course of pacification which, in the opinion of the Deputy and most -part of the Council, did tend directly to her Majesty's disadvantage, -and the gaining of time to the said rebels,' who were on the look-out -for help from Spain. In the meantime there was no lack of pretexts on -either side for imputing bad faith to the other. Frontier garrisons -were always involved in disputes, and blood was sometimes shed. As the -winter advanced Tyrone became bolder, and at last tried to surprise -the Armagh garrison, whose communications he had been threatening for -some time, although he had specially covenanted not to do so. Marauding -bands entered the Pale, and at Carlingford, though they failed to -capture the castle, they carried off Captain Henshaw's daughters, 'the -one married and the other a maid,' as prisoners to the mountains. -Tyrone was himself present at the Armagh affair, where thirty-five -soldiers were killed, but he pleaded that promise had not been kept -with him, and that soldiers had committed outrages. He had even the -impudence to pretend that the prosecution of Feagh MacHugh was such -a breach of faith, though Feagh had not been included in the Dundalk -treaty, and though he had attacked Ballinacor while his pardon was in -preparation. Being threatened with the execution of hostages and with -a new proclamation of treason, which would annul the pardon, the Earl -thought it safer to yield for the time. At Christmas he threatened -Newry with 5,000 men, but on the arrival of Norris there, he allowed -Armagh to be revictualled. Tyrone quite understood that there was great -jealousy between Russell and Norris, and he endeavoured to play off one -against the other. Sir John constantly complained that the Lord-Deputy -thwarted him in every possible way, and the latter as constantly denied -the charge with much indignation; but he showed some rather small spite -in refusing to allow Norris to send letters by his messengers. This -division of authority could scarcely work well, and in the autumn of -1596 it was proposed to recall both rivals and to send Lord Burgh over -with supreme authority; but the project was allowed to sleep for some -months.[264] - -[Sidenote: More negotiations;] - -[Sidenote: but the Queen's patience is nearly exhausted.] - -As soon as Armagh had been victualled, the negotiations began again. -If Tyrone could complain that his hostages had not been exchanged -according to the Dundalk articles, Norris and Fenton could reply -that he had never given his eldest son according to promise. Once -he appeared in person, and, with hat in hand, made his accustomed -professions of loyalty. The latest communications with Spain had been -O'Donnell's offer, and not his; but he had not again rejected Philip's -overtures because the English had not kept their promises to him. He -said he had written three letters to Spain; but he knew that these had -been intercepted, and he forgot that he had alluded in them to many -previous appeals. He altogether denied that he had incited Munster men -to rebel, but he did not know that his letter sent by the MacSheehys -had also been intercepted. Nevertheless Elizabeth was still ready to -treat, but she told the Commissioners that her patience was nearly -exhausted and that she was preparing for war. They accordingly fixed -April 16 as the last day of grace, but Tyrone refused to come. He said -that Norris might be overruled by Russell, who showed malice to him, -and moreover Lord Burgh, about whom he knew nothing, was coming over as -Deputy, who might not be as good to him as the Lord General had been. -Finally, he suggested April 26 for a meeting, but this was treated -as a mere evasion, and Norris returned to Dublin. Hostilities were, -nevertheless, suspended throughout May and June, during which interval -the change of viceroys was effected.[265] - -[Sidenote: Bingham is in disgrace.] - -Sir Richard Bingham lay more than two months in prison, and was then -released on account of ill-health, although still considered under -arrest. It was decided that he should return to Ireland, and the Queen -refused to give him an audience. The charges of the Burkes against -him and his were ordered to be tried at Athlone, before Norris, -Fenton, and two other councillors. Clifford was to be present, though -only as a spectator. Ill as he was, Bingham embarked, but was driven -back, and had to recruit his strength by staying at Beaumaris. It -became unnecessary that he should go at all, for news came that the -peacemaking of Sir John Norris, whom he calls his 'most intollerablest' -persecutor, had quite failed, and that Sir Conyers Clifford was going -to govern a province whose condition grew daily worse. O'Donnell -entered Connaught as usual through Leitrim, and, accompanied by his -MacWilliam, plundered O'Connor Sligo's adherents, and reached Athenry, -which was carried by escalade. The place was laid in ashes, and the -people left houseless and naked. The invaders--3,000 foot and 200 -horse--then went to Galway; but here they could do no more than burn -some of the suburbs, 'for a great piece of ordnance scattered them, -and, clustering again, another greater piece was let fly, which utterly -daunted them.' The rebels threatened Galway with the fate of Athenry -as soon as the Spaniards came, and then proceeded to ravage the open -country. Clanricarde's castles were not attacked, but throughout the -north-eastern part of the county there was scarcely a cottage, a -stack, or a barn left unburned, and a vast booty was carried off into -Donegal. 'We bear the same,' said Clanricarde, 'most contentedly, for -our most gracious Princess, from whom we will never swerve for any -losses or afflictions whatsoever.' Kells was burned at the same time -by the O'Reillys, and everyone who knew the country saw that worse was -coming. 'It was plain,' said Bingham, 'that his removal would not quiet -Connaught, nor any other alteration in government there, but rather the -expelling of all the English, which is generally required throughout -Ireland.'[266] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[230] Russell to Cecil, Aug. 16, 1594, and to the Privy Council, Aug. -17; Ormonde to Burghley, Aug. 19; Russell's Journal in _Carew_, June to -August. - -[231] Submission and answers of Tyrone, Aug. 15 and 17, 1594; -informations preferred by Sir Henry Bagenal, Aug. 17; Ormonde to -Burghley, Aug. 19; Resolution of Council, Aug. 17, signed by Russell, -Loftus, C., Jones, Bishop of Meath, Ormonde, Gardiner, C.J., Napper, -C.B., A. St. Leger, M.R., R. Bingham, T. Norris, R. Dillon, G. -Bourchier, M.O. The letter of the 19th to the Privy Council has the -same signatures with the addition of Secretary Fenton's. Russell's -additional reasons, some of them after-thoughts perhaps, are in a paper -later than Oct. 31. The defeat of Duke and Herbert at Enniskillen -may have frightened some of the Council. Captain Thomas Lee, in his -declaration already quoted (p. 112), tells the Queen that Tyrone 'came -in upon the credit of your state,' but this is quite contrary to the -evidence. - -[232] Summary collection of the state of Ireland by Sir W. Fitzwilliam -and the Council, Aug. 1594; order by Lord Deputy Russell and Council, -Aug. 13; Russell to Cecil, Aug. 16; Russell's Journal in _Carew_, Aug. -and Sept. O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 2, cap. 11. The Four Masters are -somewhat incorrect, for Enniskillen was not taken by Maguire till May -1595; their information fails them for the later months of 1594. - -[233] Russell's Journal in _Carew_, Sept. to Dec. 1594; the Queen to -the Lord Deputy and Council, and a separate letter to Russell, Oct. -31. A paper containing 'presumptions' against Tyrone's loyalty belongs -to the latter month of 1594, and the writer, who is evidently well -informed, does not specify any actual communication between Tyrone -and Spain. O'Sullivan says O'Donnell sent Archbishop O'Hely to Spain -immediately after the loss of Enniskillen in February (tom. iii. lib. -2, cap. 8), and this is confirmed by Walter Reagh's examination, April -9, 1595, who said O'Hely had gone to Spain long before. - -[234] Russell to Burghley and to the Privy Council, April 8, 1595; Lord -Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, April 10; Sir H. Harrington -to Burghley, April 10; Russell's Journal in _Carew_, Jan. 16, 1595, to -April 10, on which day Walter Reagh was hanged. _Four Masters_, 1595; -O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 2, cap. 9. - -[235] Examination of Walter Reagh, April 9, 1595, by which it appears -Tyrone was intriguing with Feagh early in March; Russell's Journal in -_Carew_, April and May; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, -April 10. - -[236] The details about Derbyshire are from the _Belvoir MSS._ in the -appendix to the 12th report of the Historical MSS. Commission, vol. -i. pp. 326-381; Mayor of Barnstaple to Cecil, Aug. 24, 1602; Mayor of -Chester, Sept. 14 and Oct. 22 and 24, 1602; Mayor of Bristol to the -Privy Council, May 29, 1602. The letters from these mayors are all at -Hatfield. On Sept. 18, 1595, Burghley tells his son Robert that he -knows how to provide horse for Ireland at the expense of the clergy, -and this levy was made; Hugh Bellott, Bishop of Chester, to Burghley, -March 13, 1596. Commissary Peter Proby writes to Burghley from Chester -on April 10, 1596, that the recruits malingered and threw away arms -and clothes rather than sail, and that it might be necessary to send -them on board pinioned. There are many details about recruiting for -Ireland in Peck's _Desiderata Curiosa_. In 1584 the Queen ordered -some recusants, who professed themselves loyal in all but religion, -to furnish certain men, or 23_l._ in lieu of each man. If they obeyed -cheerfully, she said, she might perhaps 'qualify some part of the -extremity that otherwise the law doth lay upon them.' - -[237] George Manners to his father (John Manners) and to Edward -Whittock in _Belvoir Papers_, May 15 and June 27, 1600; Captain Ralph -Bostock to Cecil, 1600, MS. _Hatfield_. - -[238] Sir John Norris to Cecil, April 14, 1595, from Rycott; to -Burghley, April 29, and to the Privy Council, May 2, from Bristol; to -Cecil, May 3, from on board ship; Russell to Cecil, May 23; Essex to -Norris and the latter's answer, Aug. 13; MSS. _Hatfield_, ending with -'your Lordship's as shall be fit for me.' The commission is in _Carew_ -(No. 160). - -[239] Russell's Journal in _Carew_, May 1595; Norris to Cecil, May 8; -to Burghley and to Cecil, May 29. - -[240] Russell to Cecil, May 23, 1595; Bagenal to Burghley, May 29; and -Russell's letter of June 27; Report by Lieutenants Tucker and Perkins -in _Carew_, June 1. - -[241] Bingham to Russell, June 6, 1595; O'Sullivan (tom. iii. lib. 3, -cap. 3) does not seem to see any inconsistency between what he says -of the Irish soldiers being 'prædâ fraudati,' and of the Englishmen -who 'vel occisi, vel fugâ salutem petentes devastatæ religiosæ domus -Carmelitarum poenas sacrilegii luerunt.--_Four Masters_, 1595. Many -English writers confuse this George _Oge_ Bingham, who was Sir -Richard's cousin, with the elder George, who was his brother. - -[242] Journal of the late journey by the Lord Deputy from June 18 -to July 17, 1595; Russell's Journal in _Carew_, June and July. The -Four Masters substantially agree. The proclamation against Tyrone, -O'Donnell, O'Rourke, Maguire, MacMahon and others is among the State -Papers, 'imprinted in the cathedral church of the Blessed Trinity, -Dublin, by William Kearney, printer to the Queen's most excellent -Majesty, 1595'; see also _Carew_ under June 28 (which is probably -wrong). O'Donnell, 'whose father and predecessors have always been -loyal,' is represented as Tyrone's dupe, and the Queen desires that -he should be 'entertained secretly with hope, for that we have a -disposition to save him.' The English Government had now discovered -that Tyrone's father was a bastard; it used to be the O'Neills who said -so. He was proclaimed traitor at Dundalk on June 23, and at Newry on -the 26th. - -[243] Russell to Burghley, July 14, 1595; Norris to Burghley, Aug. 1 -and 3, and to Cecil, July 4 and 20 and Aug. 1. - -[244] Ormonde to Burghley, April 3, 1595, in answer to his letter of -March 21, also April 7. Some drafts of the proclamation are as early as -April 10. - -[245] The fight in which Norris was wounded took place on Sept. 4, -1595. O'Sullivan says it was at 'Pratum Fontis' or Clontubrid near -Monaghan, but that is certainly wrong. Bagenal, who was closely engaged -himself, writing to Burghley on Sept. 9, says 'nine miles from Newry,' -on the direct road from Armagh. See also Captain F. Stafford's report -on Sept. 12. There is a good account dated Sept. 16 in Payne Collier's -_Trevelyan Papers_, vol. ii. Tyrone's submission, Aug. 22; Norris to -Burghley, Aug. 25, and Sept. 8 and 10; to Russell, Sept. 16; Russell to -Burghley, Sept. 14, and to the Privy Council, Sept. 21. - -[246] _Four Masters_, 1593 and 1595, with O'Donovan's notes; Morrin's -_Patent Rolls_ 29 Eliz.; Philip O'Reilly to Russell, Sept. 14, 1595. - -[247] Privy Council to Russell, Sept. 12, 1595; Tyrone and O'Donnell to -Philip II, and to Don Carlos, Sept. 27. Piers O'Cullen, the priest, on -whom the letters to Spain were found, broke his neck trying to escape -from Dublin Castle (Fenton to Burghley, Jan. 12, 1596). Copies of the -above are in _Carew_. Norris's letters to Burghley on Sept. 8, 10, and -27, and the abstract of his letters sent by Sir Henry, with Burghley's -remarks. - -[248] Papers in _Carew_, Sept. 27 to Oct. 28, 1595; Burghley to his son -Robert, Dec. 2, 1595, and Jan. 2, 1596. - -[249] _Four Masters_, 1595; Russell's Journal, Nov. and Dec. Writing to -Cecil on Oct. 22, Norris says the overthrow near Belleek was shameful, -the Burkes being a 'mean sort of beggars' and neither Tyrone nor -O'Donnell near. See also O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. 3, cap. 3 and 4. - -[250] The negotiations are detailed in the _Carew_ papers for January -1596, and in Russell's Journal; and see Cecil to Russell, March 9. - -[251] Articles sent from England, Sept. 28, 1595; Articles propounded -by the Commissioners, Jan. 28-30, 1596, both in _Carew_; Cecil to -Russell, March 9. - -[252] Russell's Journal for March 1596, mentions 300 or 400 Scots. -_Tribes and Customs of Hy Many_, p. 149. Norris's letter of March 20 -gives some details, and also Fenton's to Cecil of same date. - -[253] The Queen to the Lord Deputy and Council, March 9, 1596; -Instructions for the Commissioners, March 11; Burghley to his son -Robert, March 30 (in Wright's _Elizabeth_); Norris to Cecil, March 23, -and Fenton to Cecil, April 10. - -[254] Captain Thomas Lee to Burghley, April 1, 1596; Cecil to Russell, -July 10, 'Captain Lee doth pretend he could do much, &c.' Lee went to -Tyrone accordingly, but did nothing. His Geraldine neighbours seem to -have taken this opportunity of burning a village belonging to him. - -[255] The effect of her Majesty's pleasure with Tyrone's answer, April -12, 1596; Fenton to Cecil, April 10, and Norris and Fenton to the Privy -Council, April 23; Russell to Burghley, April 27; the Queen to the Lord -Deputy and Council, May 25; Russell to the Queen, May 16 and June 30, -MSS. _Hatfield_. Writing to Russell on Nov. 22, 1595, Tyrone promised -to levy a fine of 20,000 cows on himself and his allies; the Government -had demanded 20,000_l._ Tyrone's pardon (see Morrin's _Patent Rolls_) -is dated May 12, 1596, and he received it a few weeks later. It -included the Earl's relations and all the inhabitants of Tyrone, his -astute secretary, Henry Hovenden, being included by name. - -[256] Philip II. to Tyrone, Jan. 22, 1596, N.S.; Norris to Cecil, June -1 (the Spanish letter was produced in Council, May 31); Lord Deputy and -Council to Tyrone, June 1; Russell to Burghley, June 2; Tyrone to the -Lord Deputy and Council, June 11; O'Donnell to Norris, June 26, and -another undated one of the same month. We know from Henry Hovenden's -letter to Tyrone on June 27 (in _Carew_) that the latter had advised -O'Donnell to 'take hold of Captain Warren's dealing, &c.' - -[257] Rice ap Hugh to Russell, May 18; John Morgan to Russell, May 21; -Information of George Carwill taken at Newry on June 21. Tyrone met the -Spaniard at Lifford. Writing to Norris on May 6, Tyrone and O'Donnell -say they told the Spanish gentleman that they had been received to -their Prince's favour and would have no foreign aid. - -[258] _Four Masters_, 1595; Captains Conway and Mostyn to the Privy -Council, April 12, 1596; Norris to Cecil, April 23 and 25; Bingham to -Burghley, April 22. Norris says that Russell, though really hostile to -Bingham, tried to prevent inquiries, in order to keep him (Norris) out -of Connaught and leave the government there to a tool of his own. - -[259] Norris to Burghley, May 4 (with enclosure), and May 16, 1596; -Russell to Burghley, May 16 and June 9; Bingham to Burghley, May 18 and -June 11. Bingham came to Dublin on May 8. - -[260] Translation of Irish letter signed O'Neill (not Tyrone), -O'Donnell, O'Rourke, and Theobald Burke (MacWilliam), July 6, 1596; -Chief Justice Saxey's advertisements, January 1597, in _Carew_; -Russell's Journal, 1596; Joshua Aylmer to Sir J. Norris, April 26, -1596; William Cosby to Russell, May 19, 1596, and an interesting note -in O'Donovan's _Four Masters_; see also 'Report concerning O'Donnell's -purposes' to Russell by Gillaboy O'Flanagan (long prisoner with -O'Donnell) May 12; 'Words spoken by MacDonnell' (chief of Tyrone's -gallowglasses) to Baron Elliott, June 15; Edmond and Edward Nugent to -Russell, June 20; and 'Occurrents in Wexford,' June 26. As to Spanish -and papal designs on Ireland about this time see Birch's _Memoirs_, ii. -153, 177, 180. - -[261] Burghley to his son Robert, Oct. 31, 1596, in Wright's -_Elizabeth_; Orders for the soldiers, April 18, 1596; Declaration of -the state of the Pale, June 1597, and Chief Justice Saxey's declaration -already quoted, all in _Carew_. The Four Masters absurdly say that -Norris had 20,000 men with him in Connaught this year. - -[262] _Four Masters_, 1597. For the Enfield head see the examination of -John Dewrance before Richard Chandler, J.P. for Middlesex, Sept. 21, -1597, MS. _Hatfield_; Russell's Journal, and the letters in _Carew_ for -August, September, and December, 1596. Feagh was killed May 8, 1597; -see also his own letter to Burghley, April 25, 1596. - -[263] Russell's Journal; Declaration by the Lord Deputy and Council -(including Norris and Fenton) in _Carew_, No. 261, soon after Christmas -1596. - -[264] Calendar of S. P. _Domestic_, Sept. 30 and Dec. 22, 1596; Letters -in _Carew_ from Nov. 30 to Dec. 9. On Aug. 10 Tyrone wrote to Russell -that he was surprised at his reasonable offer of peace not being -accepted; this was a month after his incendiary letter to the Munster -chiefs. Russell answered that peace with his sovereign was a 'proud -word,' and that he was sent to 'cherish the dutiful and correct the -lewd, of which number thou art the ringleader... thy popish shavelings -shall not absolve thee' (MSS. _Lansdowne_, vol. lxxxiv). Petition -of Sir W. Russell in _Carew_, 1596, No. 253. As to the letters see -Burghley to his son Robert, March 30, 1596, in Wright's _Elizabeth_ and -elsewhere. On Oct. 22, 1596, Anthony Bacon wrote to his mother 'that -from Ireland there were cross advertisements from the Lord Deputy on -the one side, and Sir John Norris on the other, the first as a good -trumpet, sounding continually the alarm against the enemy, the latter -serving as a treble viol to invite to dance and be merry upon false -hopes of a hollow peace, and that these opposite accounts made many -fear rather the ruin than the reformation of the State, upon that -infallible ground, _quod omne regnum divisum in se dissipabitur_'; -which sums up the situation very well.--Birch's _Memoirs_, ii. 180. - -[265] These abortive negotiations are pretty fully detailed in Fynes -Moryson's _Itinerary_, part ii. book i. ch. i. under 1596; Russell's -Journal. - -[266] Clanricarde to Russell, Jan. 15, 1597; Oliver French, mayor of -Galway, to Russell, Jan. 19; Bingham to Sir R. Gardiner, Jan. 20 and -27. These four letters are printed in Wright's _Elizabeth_. Russell's -Journal; _Four Masters_, 1596 and 1597; the Queen to the Lord Deputy -and Council, Dec. 4, 1596, in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, under 39 Eliz.: -'As to the proceeding for the examination of the complaint against -Bingham and the trial thereof, we think it meet that, after the -complaints shall be made privy of our hard usage of him here, and the -remitting of him to be tried in Connaught, &c.' - - - - -CHAPTER XLVI. - -GOVERNMENT OF LORD BURGH, 1597. - - -[Sidenote: Last acts of Russell.] - -The destruction of Feagh MacHugh enabled Russell to leave Ireland -without discredit, but the latter days of his government were -darkened by a disaster of a very unusual kind. One hundred and forty -barrels of powder which had been drawn from the quay to Wine-tavern -Street exploded, accidentally as was supposed, and there was a great -destruction of life and property. Men were blown bodily over the -housetops, and among the dead were many 'sons of gentlemen who had come -from all parts of Ireland to be educated in the city.' - -[Sidenote: Appointment of Lord Burgh.] - -The Queen had for some time made up her mind to entrust the civil and -military government of Ireland to Thomas, Lord Burgh, though Burghley -wished to leave Norris at the head of the army. Considered as general -there could be no comparison between the two men; but it is absurd to -say, as so many have said, that Burgh was totally ignorant of military -matters. He was governor of Brill, and had fought in the Zutphen -campaign, where he distinguished himself by gallantry of a rather -headlong kind. But he was chiefly known as a diplomatist, and the fact -that he was, or had been, a man of fortune may have weighed with the -frugal Queen. Russell, who expected his recall daily, retired from -Dublin Castle to a small house, and put his train upon board wages; but -he need have been in no hurry, for his successor's appointment hung -fire. - -'The Queen,' says a well-informed news-writer, 'hastens the Lord -Burgh's despatch, but by-and-by it is forgotten; it lives some day or -two, and lies a-dying twenty days. Many will not believe it till they -see him go; but it is very certain that nobody gives it furtherance -but the Queen's own resolution; and his standing upon an imprest of -3,000_l._ and a house furnished makes her Majesty let it fall.'[267] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Burgh, May.] - -The financial question was settled at last, Lord Burgh receiving -1,200_l._ for immediate needs. He carried 24,000_l._ to Ireland with -him, and was allowed to retain the governorship of Brill. His health -was bad, but he did not let this delay him. 'I am,' he told Cecil, -'cut all over my legs with the lancet, and have abidden loathsome -worms to suck my flesh.' He could not wish even his enemies to feel -such anguish. But he managed to take leave of the Queen in spite of -his swollen legs, and a week after the leeching, he travelled as -far as St. Albans, accompanied by Raleigh, Southampton, and other -distinguished men. On the morning of his departure, he went to see -Essex at Barnes, and the Earl brought him back to London in his coach. -At Stony Stratford he opened his instructions, and found, to his great -chagrin, that one article had been added to those which he had already -seen. The Queen had been dishonoured, she said, by the facility with -which knighthood had been bestowed, and he was forbidden to give it 'to -any but such as shall be, both of blood and livelihood, sufficient to -maintain that calling, except at some notable day of service to bestow -it for reward upon some such as in the field have extraordinarily -deserved it.' - -He was thoroughly alive to the difficulties awaiting him in -Ireland--difficulties which had been aggravated by the delay in -despatching him, and now he was deprived of the means of rewarding -his friends, and made to seem less trustworthy than his predecessors. -He was in Dublin on the twelfth day after leaving London, and found -nothing there to his liking. Almost all supplies were wanting, the -number of effective soldiers was much below what it should have been, -and the horses were too weak for active service.[268] - -[Sidenote: Burgh and Norris.] - -[Sidenote: General misery.] - -It was known that Norris, who had been on bad terms with Lord Burgh -in England, resented his appointment, which Essex may have promoted -for that very reason, and it was supposed that he would submit to his -authority grudgingly and of necessity, or not at all. But the general -came to Dublin four days after the new Lord Deputy's arrival, and the -latter saw no reason to complain. 'Sir John Norris and I,' he wrote to -Cecil, 'have in public council and private conferences agreed well. I -think you wrote to him to become compatible.' Writing on the same day, -Norris says nothing against Burgh, but shows some apprehension that -Russell would be his enemy, and notes that both he and the Council -had stated openly, in the new Lord Deputy's presence, that there was -no charge against him. But a news-writer in London, who retailed the -Court gossip, talks of a solemn pacification between Norris and Burgh, -'made with much counterfeit kindness on both sides.' The general -then returned to his province of Munster, begging to be recalled, -and protesting at the same time that ill-health and not ill-temper -had made him weary of the service. It may have been the reason why -this greatest soldier of his age and country had of late constantly -preferred negotiation to war. Russell was already gone, and on his -arrival in London found that the Queen was too angry to see him, the -world at the same time noticing that he was 'very fat, both in body and -purse.' Lord Burgh threw all his energies into military organisation, -and complained that his brains were tired by captains who expected to -find a city of London in Dublin. Almost everything was wanting, and the -general misery, he told Cecil, 'lamentable to hear as I am sure in your -ears, but woeful to behold to Christian eyes. I see soldiers, citizens, -villagers, and all sorts of people daily perish through famine; meat -failing the man of war makes him savage, so as the end is both spoiler -and spoiled are in like calamity.'[269] - -[Sidenote: Burgh attacks Tyrone,] - -[Sidenote: crosses the Blackwater,] - -[Sidenote: and maintains his ground.] - -Tyrone, with 800 foot and 80 horse, was encamped between Newry and -Armagh, and Captain Turner was ordered to attack him suddenly. The -surprise was almost, but not quite, complete, and the rebel Earl -escaped through a bog on foot and with the loss of his hat. 'I trust,' -said Turner, 'it presages his head against the next time.' Armagh was -revictualled, and the Irish withdrew beyond the Blackwater. Early in -July Burgh was able to advance to Armagh, whence he surveyed the famous -ford which had given so much trouble. It was defended on the north side -by a high bank and deep ditch manned by about forty men, and Tyrone, -whose camp was near, thought it could not be carried until he had -time to come up. Burgh saw that a surprise was his only chance, and, -though some said he was no general, he was at least soldier enough to -observe that the shape of the ground would shelter his men while they -were in the water. Choosing out 1,200 foot and 300 horse, he started -at daybreak and at once undertook the passage. His men wavered, but -he led them on himself, and they swarmed over the breastwork before -any reinforcements could arrive. The defenders ran away, and Tyrone -hanged a score of them. Burgh's success, which was a great one, seems -to have been entirely due to his personal gallantry. Next day Tyrone -made a strenuous effort to regain the position, and half-surprised the -army, who were assembled 'to hear a sermon and pray to God.' Good watch -was, however, kept, and the assailants were beaten back. The soldiers -fell in rather confusedly, and in pursuing their advantage went too -far into the woods. Burgh gave special orders to avoid all chance of -an ambuscade, but there were many volunteers whose discipline was of -the slightest. Some were relatives of his own, and all served out of -friendship or for the fun of the thing. The horse became entangled -in the woods; Turner and Sir Francis Vaughan, the Lord Deputy's -brother-in-law, were killed, and two of his nephews wounded. Again he -had himself to come to the rescue, rallied the soldiers, and finally -repulsed the Irish with loss. He felt he might be accused of rashness -and of exposing himself; but his excuse was ready. 'I have not,' he -said, 'that wherein my Lord of Essex is and all generals be in a -journey happy, scarcely any of such understanding as to do what they -be bidden; as he hath many: when I direct, for want of others I must -execute.'[270] - -[Sidenote: New fort built at the Blackwater.] - -As soon as the news reached England Essex said that the extirpation -of Tyrone would be easy work. Russell had ended well, Burgh had begun -well, and Ireland was improving. But Feagh MacHugh's sons were as bad -as their father, and Tyrone's power was destined to outlast both the -life and the reputation of Essex. The Queen was much pleased, and upon -the sore question of knighthood yielded so far as to say that she would -sanction any reasonable list that the Lord Deputy might send over. At -first she had complained of his rashness, but had satisfied herself -that he had done rightly, only reminding him that he was a deputy, and -that hazarding his person unduly was like hazarding her own. In seeking -help from Spain Tyrone claimed a victory, and made much of having -killed the Lord Deputy's brother-in-law, but he could not prevent the -English from building a fort at Blackwater. It was entrusted to Captain -Thomas Williams, who had served most of the princes of Christendom for -twenty-three years, and who proved himself a hero indeed.[271] - -[Sidenote: Burgh's plan of campaign.] - -Lord Burgh's plan was that Sir Conyers Clifford should invade -Tyrconnell from Connaught, while he himself was at the Blackwater, -but the latter found it impossible to be ready in time. Thomond and -Inchiquin, Clanricarde and Dunkellin, O'Connor Sligo, and many others -obeyed his summons; his object being to take and garrison Ballyshannon, -which was now recognised as the key of Connaught and Ulster. O'Donnell -made great efforts to prevent this, but Clifford crossed the Erne on -July 29, about half a mile below Belleek, not without severe fighting. -Lord Inchiquin and O'Connor Sligo vied with each other who should be -the first over, and the former, who wore a cuirass, received a bullet -under one arm which went out at the other. He fell from his horse, and -perished in the waters. His body was carried to Assaroe and honourably -buried by the Cistercians there, but was claimed by the Franciscans -of Donegal, on the ground that his O'Brien ancestors had long been -buried in a friary of their order in Clare. The dispute was referred by -O'Donnell to the same bishop, Redmond O'Gallagher, who had befriended -Captain Cuellar in the Armada days, and to Nial O'Boyle, bishop of -Raphoe. The decision was in favour of the Franciscans, and this loyal -O'Brien rested among the O'Donnells, for whose overthrow he had fought -so well.[272] - -[Sidenote: Clifford attacks Ballyshannon,] - -[Sidenote: but has to retreat.] - -Four guns were brought from Galway and landed near the castle of -Ballyshannon, which was defended by a garrison of eighty men, of whom -some were Spaniards, and commanded by a Scotchman named Crawford. -After three days' cannonade, ammunition began to run short, and little -impression had been made on the castle, while O'Donnell's force grew -stronger every day. Clifford's position was now very precarious, for -the fords were held behind him, and all communications interrupted. -He attempted to re-embark his ordnance, but the gyn broke, and he had -to leave three out of four pieces behind him. Just above the fall -of the Erne a passage, called by the Irish the 'ford of heroes,' -was left unguarded, probably on account of its difficulty, and at -daybreak Clifford, who had spent the hours of darkness in making his -arrangements, waded the river unperceived by the Irish. Many were swept -over the fall and out to sea, but the main body struggled over and -formed upon the left bank. The O'Donnells pursued without stopping to -put on their clothes, and there was a running fight for some fifteen -miles; but Clifford reached Drumcliff in Sligo without much further -loss. The English had no powder and were completely outnumbered, but -torrents of rain fell and wetted the ammunition of their foes. Maguire -and O'Rourke were both with O'Donnell in this affair. Clifford marched -on foot in the rear, and indeed personal bravery was the only soldierly -quality that could be shown. His ablest officer denied that forty -years' service in the best European army could teach a man anything -useful for Irish warfare. The service was barbarous and hateful, and he -begged to be put into some other war, for in Connaught nothing was to -be got or learned.[273] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's pretensions.] - -After his successful journey to the Blackwater, Burgh remained some -weeks in the field, and during that time he vainly endeavoured to come -to terms with Tyrone. The latter refused to give the pledge demanded, -and while declaring that he was reasonable and that his conscience was -discharged, talked of making peace with the Queen as if he had been an -independent sovereign. In the meantime he was earnestly soliciting help -from Spain, and the death of Lord Kildare was one success of which he -boasted. That Earl was, however, not wounded at all, though some say -that the loss of two foster brothers in the late fight had preyed upon -his mind. Burgh now declared that his patience was exhausted, and went -back to Dublin to make preparations for a further invasion of Ulster. -'All your popish shaven priests,' he wrote to Tyrone, 'shall never -absolve you, God destroying the counsels of the wicked against his -anointed.'[274] - -[Sidenote: Gallant defence of the new fort.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Burgh.] - -When Burgh had left Armagh, and Clifford had been driven from -Ballyshannon, brave Captain Williams had a hard time at Blackwater. -Tyrone found it impossible to prevent supplies from entering the ruined -city, although he could and did surround the outpost completely; -but when an escalade was attempted, the stout soldier within was -more than able to hold his own. The storming party were picked men, -who received the Sacrament and were sworn not to abandon their task -till they had carried the fort, but they lost all their ladders and -afterwards owned to 400 killed and wounded. Three days later Burgh left -Dublin to relieve the beleaguered garrison, and reached Armagh without -opposition. He perhaps hoped to surprise some of Tyrone's people, but -met none until he came near the Blackwater, which he passed after a -sharp skirmish. His intention was to advance to Dungannon, or perhaps -to establish an advanced post there, but he was taken suddenly ill. -The fort was victualled and relieved, and the Deputy was carried in a -litter to Armagh, and thence to Newry, where he died a few days later. -He made a will in the presence of several witnesses, of whom John -Dymmok, author of a well-known treatise on Ireland, was one; but his -strength failed before he could sign it. Bagenal and Cecil were named -executors, and all goods he bequeathed to his wife, Lady Frances, to do -her best for the children; and for her and them he asked the Queen's -protection, 'myself having spent my patrimony and ended my days in her -service.' To the Queen he left his garter and George, also his papers, -and his body to be disposed of as she pleased. The dead Deputy's -servants ran away, and Bagenal was in some doubt as to what he should -do; for no chief governor had died in office since Skeffington's time. -The body was buried at Westminster more than three months later, and -Sir Francis Vere agreed to pay Lady Burgh 400_l._ a year out of his -salary as governor of Brill. The money was perhaps badly paid, for the -poor lady was long suppliant to Cecil, and described herself as his -'unfortunate kinswoman.'[275] - -[Sidenote: Sir John Norris retires to Munster,] - -[Sidenote: and dies there.] - -The death of Lord Burgh was a serious loss to the Queen's service, and -it did not come single. Sir John Norris retired to his province of -Munster after conferring with the Lord Deputy, but there is nothing -in his letters to show that the latter dismissed him in an unfriendly -way. There was not much love lost between them, perhaps, but there -is no evidence of anything more than this. Norris went to Waterford -and Limerick, though every movement hurt him, and he reported that -Munster was in a very poor state of defence. The Queen would not give -the necessary funds, and the inhabitants of the town would do very -little for themselves. But there was no immediate danger of a Spanish -invasion, and he begged leave to recruit his health. Afterwards he -could return to his post, and he was ready to remain at all risks if -he could do any good. Tyrone wrote to him, but he sent the letter -unopened to Burgh, apologising even for saving time by occasionally -communicating directly with the English Government. He advised that -the rebel should be well pressed during the summer, in which case many -would leave him. 'I am not envious,' he said, 'though others shall reap -the fruits of my travail, an ordinary fortune of mine.' To curry favour -with Essex some insinuated that the President was shamming illness -to get out of Ireland, but the event proved that his complaints were -genuine. Old wounds neglected or unskilfully treated ended in gangrene, -and he died at Mallow, in the arms of his brother Thomas. The most -absurd fables were told about his last hours, and an historian gravely -relates that the enemy of mankind, black and dressed in black, appeared -to him while playing cards, reminded him of an old bargain, and claimed -his soul then and there. 'We may judge,' adds this credulous writer, -'how much God helped O'Neill, who had not only often beaten Norris, -the best of English generals, in battle, but also vanquished the devil -himself, who is believed to have helped him according to contract.' The -body was embalmed and taken to England, and Elizabeth wrote a beautiful -letter of condolence to Lady Norris, in which she charged her to bear -up for her husband's sake, reminding her that her own loss as Queen was -scarcely less grievous or less bitter than a mother's.[276] - -[Sidenote: Consequences of Burgh's death.] - -[Sidenote: Belfast in 1597.] - -A vacancy in the chief governorship of Ireland was always a cause of -weakness, and often of disaster. Discipline was relaxed, and enemies -of the Government knew how to take their advantage. At Carrickfergus, -which was an exposed place, there had lately been many bickerings among -the authorities; insomuch that Captain Rice Maunsell, who commanded the -troops, imprisoned Charles Egerton, who was constable of the castle. -One consequence was that Belfast fell into the hands of Shane MacBrian -O'Neill, who hanged and disembowelled every Englishman found therein. -Sir John Chichester, a younger brother of the more famous Sir Arthur, -was then appointed to the military command, and his first essay was -most successful. 'Belfast,' he says, 'is a place which standeth eight -miles from Carrickfergus, and on the river, where the sea ebbs and -flows, so that boats may be landed within a butte (musket) shot of the -said castle; for the recovery whereof I made choice that it should -be one of my first works; and on the eleventh day of July following -attempted the same with some hundred men, which I transported thither -in boats by sea; and indeed our coming was so unlooked for by them as -it asked us no long time before we took the place, without any loss to -us, and put those we found in it to the sword.' Shane O'Neill's castle -of Edenduffcarrick was afterwards taken by Chichester, which afforded a -means of victualling the Blackwater fort by way of Lough Neagh. Shane -MacBrian and the other O'Neills of his sept then went to Dublin and -submitted, giving sufficient hostages for their good behaviour.[277] - -[Sidenote: Disaster at Carrickfergus.] - -By the death of his elder brothers, Donnell and Alaster, James -MacSorley had become chief of the Irish MacDonnells. Though unable to -speak the Lowland tongue, he had lately been knighted by James VI. -and received with much distinction at court, where his liberality and -fine manners made him a favourite, and at his departure he was thought -worthy of a salute from Edinburgh Castle. He and his brother Randal -soon aroused suspicion at Carrickfergus. They demolished their castles -at Glenarm and Red Bay, and concentrated their strength at Dunluce, -which they armed with three guns taken from the Spanish Armada. These -pieces they refused to surrender at Chichester's demand, and there were -also suspicious dealings with Tyrone, whose daughter Randal afterwards -married. The governor invited the MacDonnells to a parley, and they -appeared with 600 men about four miles from the town. The immediate -complaint was that they had been plundering in Island Magee. Chichester -went to meet them, but his men had scarcely recovered from a long march -two nights before, and much of their powder was still damp. A council -of war was held, at which Moses Hill, lieutenant of horse and founder -of the Downshire family, offered to surprise the MacDonnells in their -camp if the governor could wait till night. This was agreed to, but -rasher counsels ultimately prevailed. Captain Merriman, who was said -to have captured 50,000 head of MacDonnell cattle in his time, thought -it a shame to be braved by such beggars; others thought so too, and -Chichester gave way willingly enough. As the English advanced the Scots -retreated, but soon turned on their pursuers, whose ranks were not well -kept and whose muskets were almost useless. Horse and foot were driven -back pell-mell towards the town, and Chichester was killed by a shot in -the head, after being wounded in the shoulder and in the leg. Maunsell -and other officers also fell, and only two seem to have escaped -unwounded. About 180 men were killed out of a force which probably -did not exceed 300. Some saved their lives by swimming over into -Island Magee, while Captain Constable and others were taken prisoners. -The survivors from the battle and the officers who had remained in -reserve named Egerton their governor and expected an attack, but -MacDonnell chose rather to appear as an aggrieved man who had fought in -self-defence. The check to the Government was a severe one, and Tyrone -was greatly strengthened by it.[278] - -[Sidenote: Lords Justices appointed.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde Lord General.] - -The Irish Council made Sir Thomas Norris sole Lord Justice, very much -against his will. He had succeeded his brother as Lord President of -Munster, and left Captain Thornton there to do the work, and to draw -most of the salary. This temporary arrangement was altered by the -Queen, who appointed Archbishop Loftus and Chief Justice Gardiner Lords -Justices, gave the supreme military command to Ormonde, with the title -of Lieutenant-General, and ordered Norris back to his own province. -The appointment of Ormonde involved fresh negotiations, and Tyrone was -more likely to agree with him than with any English Deputy. 'You now,' -the Queen wrote to her general, 'represent our own person, and have to -do with inferior people and base rebels, to whose submission if we in -substance shall be content to condescend, we will look to have the same -implored in such reverend form as becometh our vassals and such heinous -offenders to use, with bended knees and hearts humbled; not as if one -prince did treat with another upon even terms of honour or advantage, -in using words of peace or war, but of rebellion in them, and mercy in -us; for rather than ever it shall appear to the world that in any such -sort we will give way to any of their pride, we will cast off either -sense or feeling of pity or compassion, and upon what price soever -prosecute them to the last hour.'[279] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's futile negotiations with Tyrone,] - -Tyrone himself sought an interview with Ormonde, and submitted humbly -enough to him at Dundalk. 'I do,' he said, 'here acknowledge, upon -the knees of my heart, that I am sorry for this my late relapse and -defection.' He begged a truce for two months, and undertook not to -prevent the Blackwater fort from being victualled in the meantime. -In the negotiations which followed, 'free liberty of conscience for -all the inhabitants of Ireland' was demanded by Tyrone; but while -placing this claim in the forefront, he never really insisted upon -it, and no doubt its main object was to make an impression abroad. In -1591 he had taken care to be married to Mabel Bagenal by a Protestant -bishop, 'according her Majesty's laws,' and he now undertook not to -correspond with Spain or any foreign nation. Another promise was to -victual the garrison at Blackwater, and he did actually furnish forty -beeves, ten of which were rejected by the inexorable Williams, though -the leanest beef was probably better than the horseflesh upon which he -and his brave men had lately lived. In the end Tyrone refused to give -up his eldest son, or any hostage; but he agreed to accept a sheriff -provided a gentleman of the country was appointed, to maintain and -victual Blackwater fort, to renounce the name of O'Neill, to renew his -submission to Ormonde in some public place, and to pay a fine of 500 -cows. On receipt of his pardon, he further agreed to disperse all his -forces, and send Scots or other hired strangers out of the realm. - -[Sidenote: who despises a pardon.] - -These terms were accepted, and a pardon passed under the great seal -of Ireland; but the result was only a truce, and open hostilities -were resumed within two months. At the very moment that the pardon -was given, Tyrone was encouraging his confederates to believe in an -imminent Spanish invasion of Munster, and it is evident that he had -never intended to yield upon any essential point.[280] - -[Sidenote: Munster brigandage, 1597. Florence MacCarthy.] - -Munster had lately been pretty quiet, but there were not wanting -signs of the tremendous storm which was soon to burst over it. The -MacSheehys, the remnant of the Desmond gallowglasses, 'preyed, spoiled, -and murdered' over eighty English families. Of three brothers, one was -sentenced 'to have his arms and thighs broken with a sledge, and hang -in chains, so was he executed without the north gate of Cork;' the -second was killed by an Irish kerne, and the third fell by an English -hand when Spenser's house at Kilcolman was sacked. Donnell MacCarthy -saved himself by coming under protection and behaving well for a time. -His father, the wicked Earl of Clancare, died late in 1596, and Sir -Thomas Norris advised that some small property should be assigned to -'his base son of best reputation,' while Florence might be given the -bulk of the remote and barren heritage of McCarthy More. Florence and -Donell both went to plead their own causes in London, while the widowed -countess complained that she and her daughter were 'prisoners there for -their diet.' The poor lady begged for her thirds, 'notwithstanding any -wrangling between my son-in-law, Nicholas Browne, Donell MacCarthy, -and the rest.' She gained her cause, and Donell was given some lands -which his father had conveyed to him. Ormonde thought the presence of -Florence important for the peace of Munster, and asked Cecil not to -detain him, while Florence himself begged the Secretary to let him -serve her Majesty in Ireland, instead of keeping him in London at her -cost. When the news of the outbreak arrived, he received 100_l._ for -his journey to Ireland, but he lingered in the hope of getting all the -late Earl's estate, and Essex had left Ireland before his return.[281] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[267] Sir T. Wilkes to Sir Robert Sidney, Jan. 17, 1597; Rowland Whyte -to same, Feb. 21, March 4, April 13, in _Sidney Papers_, vol. ii.; -Motley's _United Netherlands_, ch. ix. The explosion of powder was on -March 13, and is recorded by the Four Masters and in Russell's Journal. - -[268] Rowland Whyte to Sir R. Sidney in _Sidney Papers_, May 4, 1597; -Lord Burgh to Cecil, April 26 and May 4, MSS. _Hatfield_, and to -Burghley, May 23. R. O. Burgh left London May 3, and reached Dublin on -the 15th. He suffered from a wound or hurt received in Holland in 1595, -see his letter to Essex of Aug. 27, and that year in Birch's _Memoirs_, -i. 285. - -[269] Russell's Journal in _Carew_, May 1597; Chamberlain's _Letters_, -June 11; Burgh to Cecil, May 24 and June 12; Norris to Cecil, May 24 -and June 10; Russell to the Privy Council, June 25, MS. _Hatfield_. - -[270] Captain Richard Turner (sergeant-major) to Essex, June 14; Lord -Burgh to Cecil, received July 28. Several other letters are printed in -the Hist. MSS., _Ireland_, part iv. 1, appx. 12. - -[271] Essex to the Queen (July) in Calendar of S. P. _Domestic_; Cecil -to Burgh (end of July); Tyrone to the King of Spain (not before August) -1597, in _Carew_, No. 275. - -[272] _Four Masters_, 1597; Clifford to Burgh, Aug. 9. This Lord -Inchiquin (Murrogh, 4th Baron) served in Perrott's Parliament. - -[273] _Four Masters_, 1597; O'Sullivan Bere; Clifford to Burgh, Aug. -9; Sir Calisthenes Brooke to Cecil, Aug. 13. As was more fully proved -in 1689, the possessors of Enniskillen and of the Erne from Belleek to -Ballyshannon, about four miles, held the keys of the partition between -Ulster and Connaught. - -[274] Tyrone to Burgh, Aug. 10, 1597, and the answer, Aug. 16. - -[275] Lord Burgh's will, Oct. 12, 1597; Sir H. Bagenal to the Queen, -to Burghley, and to Cecil, Oct. 13; Rowland Whyte to Sir R. Sidney, -Feb. 1, 1598, in _Sidney Papers_; Frances Lady Burgh to Cecil, Jan. -1599 (one of several), _Hatfield_. For the assault and relief of the -fort see Fenton to Cecil, Oct. 5, 1597; Captain Williams to the Privy -Council, Nov. 1; the _Four Masters_; Moryson. Burgh died Oct. 13, a -wrong date being usually given; he had no recent wound apparently. - -[276] Sir John Norris to the Privy Council and to Cecil, June 10, 1597; -to Burghley, June 2; to Cecil, July 20; O'Sullivan Bere, tom. iii. lib. -iii. cap. 10. The Queen's letter of Sept. 22 to Lady Norris, which -begins 'My own crow,' has been printed by Fuller, Lloyd, and others. -Norris died before Sept. 9, on which day the Presidency of Munster was -placed in commission. In an undated letter at Hatfield, which evidently -belongs to the early part of 1597, Norris begs leave for 'this spring' -before it is too late. His lungs were affected, besides the trouble -from his wounded leg. - -[277] Services of Sir John Chichester and the garrison of -Carrickfergus, Sept. 16, 1597. - -[278] Egerton, North, Charles Maunsell, and Merriman to Lord Justice -Norris, Nov. 6, 1597, enclosing Lieutenant Harte's account, who -was present. Other accounts are collected in the _Ulster Journal -of Archæology_, vol. v. pp. 188 sqq. See also Gregory's _Western -Highlands_, chap. vi., where James MacSorley is called 'Dunluce,' as if -that had been a Scotch lairdship. Chichester's overthrow was on Nov. 4. - -[279] Sir T. Norris to Cecil, Oct. 31, 1597. For the terms on which -Ormonde and the Lords Justices were appointed see _Liber Munerum -Publicorum_, part ii. p. 5. The Queen to Ormonde, Dec. 29, in _Carew_. - -[280] Submission to Ormonde, Dec. 22, 1597; the Queen to Ormonde, Dec. -29; Heads of agreement submitted at Dundalk, March 15, 1598, all in -_Carew_; Fenton to Cecil, April 20. The course of the negotiations -may be traced clearly in Moryson, under the year 1597-8. The abortive -pardon was dated April 11. - -[281] Florence MacCarthy's _Life_, chap. viii. Honora Lady Clancare and -Florence MacCarthy to Cecil, July 29 and Aug. 8, 1598, MSS. _Hatfield_. - - - - -CHAPTER XLVII. - -GENERAL RISING UNDER TYRONE, 1598-1599. - - -[Sidenote: Bacon and Essex.] - -[Sidenote: Bacon's advice.] - -While Ormonde was trying to make peace with Tyrone, Francis Bacon -was encouraging Essex to occupy himself with Irish affairs, in which -he had an hereditary interest. Honour, he argued, was to be got by -succeeding where so many had failed, and the lion's share would fall -to him who had made choice of successful agents. Neither Fitzwilliam -nor Norris had been the Earl's friends, and Russell had been a lukewarm -one; whereas Ormonde and Sir Conyers Clifford were well disposed, and -there was no danger in supporting them for the time. Popular opinion -declared that Irish affairs had been neglected, and the mere appearance -of care in that direction would win credit. Sir William Russell, Sir -Richard Bingham, the Earl of Thomond, and Mr. Wilbraham, the Irish -Solicitor-General, were all at hand, and the necessary information -might be had from them. And then we have this truly Baconian passage: -'If your lordship doubt to put your sickle into another's harvest; -first, time brings it to you in Mr. Secretary's absence; next, being -mixed with matter of war, it is fittest for you; and lastly, I know -your lordship will carry it with that modesty and respect towards aged -dignity, and that good correspondence towards my dear kinsman and your -good friend now abroad, as no inconvenience may grow that way.' In -Cecil's absence Essex played the part of secretary, while Raleigh and -Russell, Sir Richard Bingham, Sir Robert Sidney, and Sir Christopher -Blount were all mentioned as possible viceroys; but none of them were -willing to go. Bacon's further advice was asked, and his idea was -to temporise with Tyrone, strengthening the garrisons and placing -confidence in Ormonde, while taking steps to remedy the real abuses -from which Ireland suffered. 'And,' he says, 'but that your lordship is -too easy to pass in such cases from dissimulation to verity, I think if -your lordship lent your reputation in this case--that is, to pretend -that if peace go not on, and the Queen mean not to make a defensive war -as in times past, but a full reconquest of those parts of the country, -you would accept the charge--I think it would help to settle Tyrone in -his seeking accord, and win you a great deal of honour _gratis_.'[282] - -[Sidenote: The Blackwater fort beleaguered.] - -The fort at the Blackwater was but a ditch intended to shelter 100 -men. Lord Burgh had left 300 men there, and sickness was the natural -consequence of this overcrowding. The time expired on June 7, and on -the 9th the solitary stronghold was again surrounded, Tyrone swearing -that he would never leave it untaken. But Williams was such a soldier -as neither numbers, nor threats, nor want of support could daunt. -An escalade was again attempted, with ladders made to hold five men -abreast; but the two field-pieces were loaded with musket bullets and -swept the trench. The captain vowed that he would blow all into the -air sooner than surrender, and his courage communicated itself to -his men. All who could stand at all fought bravely, and the corpses -of the assailants were piled up so as to fill the ditch. No further -assault was made; but victuals were scarce, and the soldiers, who did -not disdain the very grass upon the ramparts, subsisted mainly upon -the flesh of horses captured in several sallies. Seventeen or eighteen -mares, the captain told one of Fenton's spies, would last for a month -at least, and he would hold out till the middle of August. 'I protest -to God,' Ormonde wrote to Cecil, 'the state of the scurvy fort of -Blackwater, which cannot be long held, doth more touch my heart than -all the spoils that ever were made by traitors on mine own lands. The -fort was always falling, and never victualled but once (by myself) -without an army, to her Majesty's exceeding charges.'[283] - -[Sidenote: Preparations for relief of the fort.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's tactics.] - -Honour might require that an army should be sent, and yet there can -be little doubt that Ormonde was right from a military point of view. -One isolated fort could be of little use, and it was even now in -contemplation to revive the settlement at Derry. About 1,000 seasoned -soldiers from the Netherlands were placed under the command of Sir -Samuel Bagenal, a like number of recruits were added, and the whole -force was held in readiness for an expedition into Ulster. But the -plan of surrounding Tyrone, which had been so often urged upon the -English Government, was not destined to be carried out for some years -to come. In the meantime it was decided that Captain Williams should -be relieved. The forces actually available at this time did not much -exceed 7,000 men, and of these somewhat more than a third were of Irish -birth. About a third only were English, and rather less than a third -were natives of the Pale, with English names, but with many Irish -habits. The numbers which Tyrone could gather round him were at least -equal to all the Queen's army in Ireland, and only a very strong body -of men could hope to succeed now that the rebel chief had had time -to interpose all sorts of obstacles. Earthworks had been thrown up -between Armagh and the Blackwater, trees had been felled and branches -intertwined across the roads, and holes had been dug in all the fords. -Of the three Lords Justices, the churchman and the lawyer were opposed -to the attempt altogether, believing that it was better to defend the -Pale and withdraw the Blackwater garrison while easy terms could still -be had. Others of the Council agreed with them, but Ormonde was supreme -in military matters, and Sir Henry Bagenal was at hand to urge him -that the relief of the fort concerned her Majesty's honour. Failing -to dissuade him from the enterprise, the others pressed him to take -the command in person, and, if he had done so, the result might have -been very different. But Desmond's conqueror was now sixty-six years -old, and he preferred to serve against the Kavanaghs nearer home. He -remembered that the safety of Leinster had been especially entrusted to -him, and Bagenal, whose town of Newry lay near the scene of action, and -who was as bitter as ever against his brother-in-law, was most anxious -to be employed.[284] - -[Sidenote: Battle of the Yellow Ford. Complete defeat of the troops.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Bagenal.] - -Four thousand foot and 320 horse with four field-pieces marched out of -Dundalk under Marshal Bagenal's command. Many of them were veterans who -had seen continental war, but from the first ill-fortune attended them. -The officers seem to have had but little confidence in their general, -and the simple soldier is quick to take the cue from his immediate -chief. Strict orders were given that no one should stay behind, but the -young gentlemen who served as volunteers lingered in the town, and some -of them were killed by the Irish horse while crossing the difficult -ground between Dundalk and Newry. The main body reached Armagh without -fighting, and as they approached could plainly see the enemy encamped -between the town and the river. After his arrival Bagenal called a -meeting of officers and told them that he intended to avoid the direct -road, which was strongly held, and to march a mile or two to the right. -By so doing he hoped to keep on hard ground. One bog had indeed to be -passed, and his plan was to skirmish there while a passage for the guns -was made with sticks and boughs. Early next morning the army marched -accordingly in six divisions, with intervals of at least 600 yards, -and the Irish skirmishers then began to harass them before they had -gone half a mile. The little river Callan was passed at a point where -there is now a bridge and a beetling mill, but which was then a ford, -with a yellow bottom and yellow banks. From this point the column was -fully exposed, the O'Donnells drawing round their right flank while -the O'Neills pressed them on the left. Tyrone was protected by a bog, -over which his men moved with the agility begotten by long practice, -and O'Donnell's sharp-shooters took advantage of the juniper bushes -which then studded the hills on the right. The Irish outnumbered the -relieving force by at least two to one, and their loose formation gave -them an advantage over the closely packed English battalions. The -vanguard nevertheless struggled through the bog until they came to a -ditch a mile long, five feet deep, four feet wide, and surmounted by -a thorny hedge. This they carried with a rush, but not being properly -supported they were beaten back, and the Marshal coming himself to -the rescue was shot through the brain. The centre were delayed by the -largest piece of artillery, which stuck fast while the O'Donnells -easily picked off the draught-oxen. The usual confusion which follows -the death of a general was increased by the explosion of two barrels -of powder, from one of which a private soldier was rashly replenishing -his horn. Colonel Cosby, who commanded the third battalion, hurried to -the front, but it was then too late. He was taken prisoner, and his -regiment shared the fate of the first two. The rear half of the army -had enough to do to maintain itself against O'Donnell, Maguire, and -James MacSorley, but preserved its formation, and, covered by Captain -Montague's horse, made a pretty orderly retreat to Armagh. 'I protest,' -said a young Irish officer afterwards distinguished in these wars, 'our -loss was only for the great distance that was betwixt us in our march, -for when the vanguard was charged they were within sight of our battle, -and yet not rescued until they were overthrown. The explosion, and the -delay about the gun, did the rest.'[285] - -[Sidenote: Results of the defeat.] - -Between killed, wounded, and missing the losses did not fall far short -of 2,000. Not less than twenty-four officers fell, the gun which -caused delay by sticking in the mud, was abandoned to the victors, -many colours were taken, and nearly all the new levies threw away -their arms. Several hundred Irish soldiers deserted, and with them -two English recruits, who called next morning to their comrades that -Tyrone would give them all twenty shillings bounty to join him. Among -the captains killed was Maelmore O'Reilly, Sir John's son, who was -known as 'the handsome,' and who fought with distinguished bravery. -The survivors gathered in the church at Armagh, but it seemed doubtful -whether they could maintain themselves there. A great part of the -provisions, the conveyance of which to the Blackwater was the object -of the expedition, had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and the -remaining supplies would scarcely suffice for ten days. The Irish -soldiers continued to desert steadily, and the disheartened remnant -of the foot dared not attempt to reach Newry without help, but it -was known that Maguire and O'Donnell were also short of provisions, -and at last it was decided that the horse should break through the -victorious Irish who swarmed round the camp. Montague performed this -service successfully, though not without loss, during the night which -followed the battle. Terence O'Hanlon pursued him closely, and it has -been particularly recorded that Captain Romney was surprised and killed -while smoking a pipe of tobacco by the roadside.[286] - -[Sidenote: Panic in Dublin.] - -[Sidenote: The fort evacuated.] - -This disastrous battle was fought on August 14, and on the 16th -Montague told the story in Dublin. Ormonde was away, and the other -Lords Justices were panic-stricken. They wrote a humble letter to -Tyrone, begging him not to attack the defeated troops 'in cold blood.' -'You may,' they added, 'move her Majesty to know a favourable conceit -of you by using favour to these men; and besides, your ancient -adversary, the Marshal, being now taken away, we hope you will cease -all further revenge towards the rest, against whom you can ground no -cause of sting against yourself.' This missive never reached Tyrone, -and the Queen said it was stayed by accident, though the Lords Justices -declared they had revoked it. 'The like,' Elizabeth declared, 'was -never read, either in form or substance, for baseness.' And, as it -turned out, Tyrone was not unwilling to make a bridge for his defeated -enemy. He thought their supply of provisions greater than it was, and -he feared that troops might land at Lough Foyle, while Armagh was still -held. His own army, he said, was costing him 500_l._ a day. These -reasons were not known till later, but the terms dictated by them were -gladly accepted. Captain Williams and his heroic band were allowed -to leave the Blackwater, the officers retaining their rapiers and -horses, but without colours, drums, or firearms. The whole army then -marched unmolested to Newry with their wounded and baggage. Ormonde was -able to report that the loss in killed was not so great as at first -reported, but might easily have been greater 'if God had not letted -it; for their disorder was such as the like hath not been among men of -any understanding, dividing the army into six bodies, marching so far -asunder as one of them could not second nor help th'other till those in -the vanguard were overthrown. Sure the devil bewitched them! that none -of them did prevent this gross error.'[287] - -[Sidenote: The Irish army disperses.] - -The Irish leaders are said to have harangued their men before the -fight upon its special importance, and many writers have blamed Tyrone -for not advancing straight upon Dublin. But Celtic armies, though -they have often won battles, have never known how to press a victory -home. Owen Roe O'Neill, Montrose, and Dundee were all subject to the -same disability; and Tyrone probably did as much as he could. 'The -chiefs of Ulster,' say the annalists, 'returned to their respective -homes in joy and exultation, though they had lost many men.' Dublin -was in no danger, nor any of the principal towns; but the country was -everywhere in a flame. O'Donnell had most of Connaught at his mercy, -though Sir Conyers Clifford could hold his own at Athlone and maintain -garrisons at Tulsk, Boyle, and Roscommon. Tibbot ne Long, who headed -such of the lower Burkes as remained loyal, was forced to take refuge -in one of the boats from which he derived his name, and MacWilliam had -Mayo at his mercy. With 2,000 foot and 200 horse and accompanied by -O'Dogherty, who was sent by O'Donnell to help him, he swept all the -cattle, even from the furthest shores of Clew Bay. The Earl of Thomond -was in England, and his brother Teig, who dubbed himself the O'Brien, -overran Clare, though a younger brother Donnell remained loyal and -opposed him strenuously. To hold all Connaught and Clare, Clifford -had but 120 English soldiers, and had but very little effective help -except from Clanricarde, who offered to supply 500 cows for 500_l._ As -times stood, this was thought a very honourable offer, but O'Donnell -had no difficulty in driving off 4,000 head from those who hesitated to -submit.[288] - -[Sidenote: General attack on English settlers.] - -In the Pale and in the midland counties things were little better than -in Connaught. The Lords Justices discovered a plot to surprise Dublin -Castle, and hanged some of the conspirators, but Friar Nangle and -other priests who were implicated escaped their vigilance. Croghane -Castle, near Philipstown, was surprised by the O'Connors, who scaled -the walls, killed Captain Gifford and his men, and wounded his wife -in several places. The English proprietor, Sir Thomas Moore, seems -to have been absent, but the Irish carried off Lady Moore and left -her in a bog, where she died of cold. Alexander Cosby, the chief of -the Queen's County settlers, had been killed in 1597, and his widow -was fortunately in Dublin, but Stradbally fell into the hands of the -O'Mores. James FitzPiers, the sheriff of Kildare, was a Geraldine, and -being threatened with the pains of hell by Tyrone, he surrendered Athy -to Owen MacRory O'More. Captain Tyrrell, who was Tyrone's best partisan -leader, went where he pleased; and it was evident that nothing less -than the extirpation of the English settlers was intended.[289] - -[Sidenote: Rebellion in Munster.] - -[Sidenote: The Sugane Earl.] - -Of many partial attempts at recolonisation the greatest was that on -the forfeited Desmond estates, and the storm was not long in reaching -Munster. Piers Lacy, of Bruff in Limerick, who had already once been -pardoned, went to Owen MacRory, informed him that all the Geraldines -were ready to rise and make James Fitzthomas Earl, and that the -MacCarthies would also choose a chief. Tyrone's leave was first asked -and was readily given, for the idea of a new Desmond rebellion was -already in his mind. Some months before he had spread a report that the -attainted Earl's son had escaped from the Tower with the Lieutenant's -daughter, that he had been warmly welcomed in Spain, and that he -might soon be expected in Munster with large forces. At Michaelmas -accordingly Owen MacRory, Tyrrell, and Redmond Burke, Sir John -Shamrock's eldest son, led 1,400 men to the Abbey of Owny in Limerick, -but made no advance while Norris was at Kilmallock. As soon as he -withdrew they divided into several companies, and destroyed all that -was English, and only what was English. They burned Sir Henry Ughtred's -castle at Mayne near Rathkeale, which he had not attempted to defend. -Cahir MacHugh O'Byrne joined O'More at Ballingarry with some of his -men, and there they waited until James Fitzthomas had overcome his -natural hesitation. Stimulated by the threat of preferring his younger -brother, he came in with twenty gentlemen, and assumed the title of -Earl as of O'Neill's gift. The plunder collected by this time was so -great that a cow was publicly sold in the camp for sixpence, a brood -mare for threepence, and a prime hog for a penny.[290] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde's warning disregarded.] - -From Golden on the Suir Ormonde wrote to warn this new Desmond of his -danger, and summoned him to his presence under safe-conduct. 'We need -not,' he said, 'put you in mind of the late overthrow of the Earl your -uncle, who was plagued, with his partakers, by fire, sword, and famine; -and be assured, if you proceed in any traitorous actions, you will have -the like end. What Her Majesty's forces have done against the King of -Spain, and is able to do against any other enemy, the world hath seen, -to Her Highness's immortal fame, by which you may judge what she is -able to do against you, or any other that shall become traitors.' But -the Geraldine had made up his mind and refused to go. Practically, he -complained that the State had held out hopes of the Desmond succession -to him, and that he had served against his uncle on that account. A -pension of a mark a day from the Queen had been paid for one year -only. Others had grievances as well as himself, and indeed it was not -hard to find cases of injustice. 'To be brief with your lordship,' -he concluded, 'Englishmen were not contented to have our lands and -livings, but unmercifully to seek our lives by false and sinister means -under colour of law; and as for my part I will prevent it the best I -can.'[291] - -[Sidenote: The Munster settlement destroyed.] - -[Sidenote: Spenser.] - -Rightly or wrongly, the last Earl of Desmond had been held legitimate, -and the first marriage of his father with Joan Roche treated as null -and void. The boy in the Tower was therefore the only claimant -whom the Government could recognise, and the sons of Sir Thomas Roe -Fitzgerald were excluded. But the Geraldines accepted the new creation -at O'Neill's hands, and the Queen's adherents in Ireland could for the -time do no more than nickname him the Sugane or straw-rope Earl. The -English settlement of Munster melted away like the unsubstantial fabric -of a vision. 'The undertakers,' to use Ormonde's words, 'three or four -excepted, most shamefully forsook all their castles and dwelling-places -before any rebel came in sight of them, and left their castles with -their munitions, stuff, and cattle to the traitors, and no manner of -resistance made.... Which put the traitors in such pride, and so much -discouraged the rest of the subjects as most of them went presently to -the towns.' But all the settlers were not fortunate enough to reach -these cities of refuge, and numerous outrages were committed. English -children were taken from their nurses' breasts and dashed against -walls. An Englishman's heart was plucked out in his wife's presence, -and she was forced to lend her apron to wipe the murderer's fingers. -Of the English fugitives who flocked into Youghal, some had lost their -tongues and noses, and some had their throats cut, though they still -lived. Irish tenants and servants, but yesterday fed in the settlers' -houses, were now conspicuous by their cruelty. Among those who escaped -to England were Edmund Spenser and his wife, but one of their children -perished in the flames. The poet lost all his property, and of his -life's work in Ireland only his books remain.[292] - -[Sidenote: Raleigh.] - -At Tallow, in Raleigh's seignory, there were 60 good houses and 120 -able men, of whom 30 were musketeers; but they all ran away, and -the rebels burned the rising town to the ground. The destruction -of his improvements at this time may account for the small price -which Raleigh's property fetched in the next reign. Among castles -in the county of Cork which were abandoned without resistance by -the undertakers or their agents, were Tracton, Carrigrohan, and two -others belonging to Sir Warham St. Leger; Castlemagner in Sir William -Becher's seignory; and Derryvillane in Mr. Arthur Hyde's. In Limerick, -besides Mayne the rebels took Pallaskenry and another house from Sir -Henry Ughtred, Newcastle, and two more from Sir William Courtenay; -Tarbet and another from Justice Golde; Foynes, Shanet, and Corgrage -from Sir William Trenchard, and Flemingstown from Mr. Mainwaring. The -Abbey of Adare, which was leased to George Thornton, was also left -undefended. Castle Island was taken from Sir William Herbert, and -Tralee from Sir Edward Denny; and in Kerry generally all the English -settlers fled. - -[Sidenote: Norris.] - -Mr. Wayman, a great sheepmaster, left twenty well-armed men at -Doneraile, but they ran away and were all killed on the way to Cork. -Norris's English sheep were stolen from Mallow; his park wall was -broken down, and his deer let loose. Many settlers fled with their -clothes only, and being stripped of these they died of cold on the -mountains. The churches and other vacant places in Cork were filled -with starving wretches. Youghal was full of them too, and so closely -pressed that men scarcely dared to put their heads outside the gates. -The most fortunate of the settlers were those who reached Waterford -and got a passage to England. Here and there alliances among the Irish -saved individual colonists from utter destruction. - -Thus Oliver Stephenson, born of an Irish mother, was protected by his -relations. He was summoned before the Sugane Earl, who ordered him to -show cause why he should not surrender his castle of Dunmoylan, near -Foynes, to Ulick Wall, who claimed it as his ancient inheritance. He -was, he says, respited till May and ordered to give it up then, 'if my -prince be not able to overcome their power.' Stephenson begged Norris -not to construe his shift as treason, and promised in the meantime -to get all the information possible from his maternal relations. -Stephenson saved himself, and was afterwards trusted by Lord President -Carew.[293] - -[Sidenote: Hyde.] - -[Sidenote: Barkley.] - -Arthur Hyde was in England when the rebellion broke out, but his wife -and children were at his castle of Carriganeady, or Castle Hyde, on -the Blackwater. On the day that Owen MacRory and the rest entered -Munster, the country people rose 'instantly before noon,' and began -plundering all round. Hyde's own cattle and those of his English -tenants were taken at once, but his wife and children escaped to Cork -with Lord Barry's help, and his eighteen men held the castle for three -weeks. Hyde landed at Youghal, but could do nothing, and his garrison, -seeing that there was no chance of relief, yielded on promise of life -and wearing apparel. They were stripped naked, but not killed, by -Lord Roche's tenants before they had gone a mile. The Sugane, who was -present in person with an overwhelming force, appointed Piers Lacy -seneschal of Imokilly, and the castle was surrendered to an Irishman -who claimed it. Forty persons depending on Hyde were left destitute, -and he sought to form a company. Sixty-four muskets and other arms, -with much ammunition, had been provided, and it is probable that things -would have gone differently had Hyde been himself at home. A more -successful defence was that of Askeaton, by Captain Francis Barkley. -The revolt was sudden and unexpected, and he had only the provisions -suitable to a gentleman's house in those days. On October 6, more -than 500 English of all sorts--men, women, and children--accustomed -to a decent life and nearly all householders, flocked into Askeaton -at nine in the evening. The panic was so sudden that they came almost -empty-handed. 'I protest unto your lordships a spectacle of greatest -pity and commiseration that ever my eye beheld, and a most notable -example of human frailty.' An English barque lay in the Shannon, and -Barkley was fortunate enough to get rid of some useless mouths that -way. Others were conveyed to Limerick, where the mayor and citizens -used them well. By Ormonde's advice 120 able men were retained. With -soldiers who knew the country, and who burned for revenge, this brave -captain announced that he would hold out till death. Corn and beef -were still to be had, and he only asked for the means to keep his men -together. Askeaton did not fall.[294] - -[Sidenote: The native gentry make terms with Tyrone.] - -[Sidenote: Religious animosity.] - -[Sidenote: Why the settlement failed.] - -The White Knight, Patrick Condon, Lord Barry's brother John, and -Lord Roche's son David, quickly came to terms with the rebels, and -Norris believed that the rest would follow from love or fear. Lord -Barry, indeed, held out bravely; but most of his neighbours had no -choice, for the Government could do nothing to protect them. The -Lord President could not trust his Irish troops, and had to retire -from Kilmallock without fighting. Four days later, after effecting -a junction with Ormonde, he was able to victual the little garrison -town, but had to fall back again immediately to Mallow. Tyrone had -warned his friends not to fight a pitched battle, but only to skirmish -on difficult ground. After several days' desultory warfare in the -woods about Mallow, Ormonde was recalled to the defence of Kilkenny -and Tipperary, and Norris went back to Cork, leaving the rebels to do -as they pleased. An English prisoner with Desmond could report but -one family of his countrymen spared. A priest told the new-made Earl -that they were Catholics, and proclamation was made that they were -not to be hurt. They were robbed of all, but carried their lives to -Cork. After Ormonde's departure Owen MacRory went back to Leinster -with Cahir MacHugh. He had been ten days in Munster, and left all the -other counties at the Sugane's mercy. The Queen was much chagrined, and -blamed both Norris and Ormonde for not giving more effective support -to the undertakers. But it does not appear that they were to blame, -for the revolt was extremely sudden, and the settlement had not been -so managed as to afford the means of resistance. 'For whereas,' says -Moryson, 'they should have built castles and brought over colonies of -English, and have admitted no Irish tenant, but only English, these -and like covenants were in no part performed by them. Of whom the men -of best quality never came over, but made profit of the land; others -brought no more English than their own families, and all entertained -Irish servants and tenants, which were now the first to betray them. -If the covenants had been kept by them, they of themselves might have -made 2,000 able men, whereas the Lord President could not find above -200 of English birth among them when the rebels first entered the -province. Neither did these gentle undertakers make any resistance to -the rebels, but left their dwellings and fled to walled towns; yea, -when there was such danger in flight as greater could not have been in -defending their own, whereof many of them had woeful experience, being -surprised with their wives and children in flight.' So much for the -weak defence, as well-informed Englishmen understood it. The causes of -the outbreak, as seen from a Protestant and English point of view, are -told by Chief Justice Saxey. Seminaries and Jesuits haunted the towns, -of which the mayors were recusants, though shielded by being joined in -the commission; the judges of assize were also recusants for the most -part, and in charging grand juries they never spoke against foreign -power, nor to advance the Queen's supremacy; the English tenants were -too scattered, owing to the undertakers' slackness; and, lastly, the -late exaction of cess, instead of the customary composition, had -bred discontent. O'Sullivan, as usual, makes the contest one between -Catholics and royalists, and the annalists, who were more emphatically -Irish than Catholic, make it a war of races only. 'In the course of -seventeen days,' they say, 'the Irish left not, within the length and -breadth of the country of the Geraldines, from Dunqueen to the Suir, -which the Saxons had well cultivated and filled with habitations and -various wealth, a single son of a Saxon whom they did not either kill -or expel.'[295] - -[Sidenote: Rebellion in Leinster and Tipperary.] - -[Sidenote: The Jesuit Archer.] - -Of three branches of the Butler family ennobled by the Tudor monarchs, -two were in open rebellion. Mountgarret was a young man, and was -married to Tyrone's eldest daughter. He now sent to Ulster for 3,000 -auxiliaries, and invited his father-in-law to spend Christmas with him -at Kilkenny. In the meantime he allied himself with the Kavanaghs, and -took the sacrament with Donnell Spaniagh at Ballyragget. Lord Cahir -was married to Mountgarret's sister, and followed his lead. He refused -to go to Ormonde when summoned, who says he was 'bewitched (a fool he -always was before) by his wife, Dr. Creagh, and Father Archer.' Two -loyal neighbours went to Cahir under safe-conduct, but the poor man -was not allowed to see them privately. Dr. Creagh, papal bishop of -Cork, and the Jesuit Archer were both present, and the peer confessed -that he must be ruled by them. Creagh abused one of the visitors for -not saluting him, and Archer disarmed him for fear he might hurt the -bishop. The two churchmen declared that all the abbey lands should be -disgorged, and that all Catholics should make open profession, 'or be -called heretics and schismatics like you.' They insisted upon three -points: the full restoration of the Catholic Church, the restoration -of their lands to all Catholics, and a native Catholic prince sworn -to maintain all these things. Gough told them that their ideas were -ridiculous, and that they could not tell what his religion was because -that was shut up in his own breast. He told Cahir that he was sorry -to see him so 'bogged,' and unable to speak or call his soul his own; -after which, he and his friend were not sorry to get away safe.[296] - -[Sidenote: Weakness of the Government.] - -'I pray God,' said Ormonde, 'I may live to see the utter destruction of -those wicked and unnatural traitors, upon all whom, by fire, sword, or -any other extremity, there cannot light too great a plague.' He pursued -Owen MacRory and Redmond Burke, with a mixed multitude of Fitzpatricks, -O'Carrolls, O'Kennedys, and O'Ryans, into the woods of the north-west -of Tipperary, and captured 100 horses laden with the spoils of the -Munster undertakers. But not very much could be done, and he complained -bitterly that he was badly supported by the Lords Justices. An -archbishop and a chief justice, both old men, were not the Government -suited to a great crisis, and matters of such vital importance as -the victualling of Maryborough were left almost to chance. Ormonde -relieved the place with 300 cows collected by himself, but not without -hard fighting, and the annalists oddly remark that he 'lost more than -the value of the provisions, in men, horses, and arms.' The conduct -of the war in Leinster was entrusted to Sir Richard Bingham, whose -prophecies had been completely fulfilled, and who was appointed Marshal -in Bagenal's place. Norris was to remain in Munster, Clifford in -Connaught, Sir Samuel Bagenal on the borders of Ulster, and Ormonde in -Dublin to control the military arrangements. To hold the towns and to -temporise was all that the Queen required until a new viceroy could be -had. Bingham had been often consulted of late, and much was expected -from his unrivalled knowledge of Ireland; but he was past seventy, -and worn out with more than fifty years' service by sea and land. He -died soon after his return to Ireland, and Ormonde was left to his own -devices. Before the end of the year it was known that the government -would be entrusted to Essex.[297] - -[Sidenote: O'Donnell in Clare, 1599.] - -[Sidenote: How mortgages were redeemed.] - -After the victory at the Yellow Ford, O'Donnell remained for more -than six months at Ballymote. His inactivity, say the annalists with -unconscious irony, was caused solely by the fact that there was no -part of Connaught left for him to plunder, except Clare. The Earl of -Thomond had spent the year 1598 in England, where he made a very good -impression, and on his return remained with Ormonde, at and about -Kilkenny. Of his two brothers, Donnell, the younger, represented him in -Clare, while Teig led the opposition and made friends with Tyrone's -adherents in Tipperary. Accompanied by Maguire, O'Donnell entered -Clare, thoroughly plundered the baronies of Burren, Inchiquin, and -Corcomroe, and returned unscathed to Mayo. Ennistymon, which was part -of the territory ravaged, belonged at the time to Sir Tirlogh O'Brien, -who was 'a sheltering fence and a lighting hill to the Queen's people,' -and who co-operated with the force sent into Clare by Sir Conyers -Clifford. Teig, after some skirmishing, thought it prudent to submit, -and sessions were successfully held at Ennis. Thomond then returned -to his own country and proceeded to chastise Teig MacMahon, who had -lately wounded and imprisoned his brother Donnell. MacMahon had taken -an English ship which was in difficulties on the coast, but 'found the -profit very trivial and the punishment severe,' and he had also seized -his castle of Dunbeg, which was in pledge to a Limerick merchant, but -without paying the mortgagee. Carrigaholt was taken, and all MacMahon's -cattle driven away. Cannon were brought from Limerick against Dunbeg, -but the garrison did not wait to be fired at, 'and the protection -they obtained lasted only while they were led to the gallows, from -which they were hanged in couples, face to face.' Thomond then went -northwards, and restored to his friends the castle from which O'Donnell -had expelled them.[298] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's rule in Munster.] - -During the early months of 1599 Tyrone's illegitimate son Con was -preparing his way in Munster. The Earl blamed him severely for -imprisoning and robbing Archbishop Magrath, of whose re-conversion -he had hopes, since his liberty could not be restrained nor his -temporalities touched without direct authority from Rome. 'But if,' he -added, 'the covetousness of this world caused him to remain on this -way that he is upon, how did his correcting touch you? Withal I have -the witness of my own priest upon him, that he promised to return from -that way, saving only that he could not but take order for his children -first, seeing he got them, and also that he is friend and ally unto -us.' Con tried to extort ransom from the astute Miler, who promised -to befriend him as far as possible without 'hurting his privilege in -her Majesty's laws,' but Tyrone sent peremptory orders that he should -be released without any conditions. In the almost complete paralysis -of authority, most of the Munster gentry made terms with Con and the -new Earl of Desmond. Lord Barry and Lord Roche between them might -bring 100 men to the Queen, but they had no allies worth mentioning. -Norris had about 2,000 men, but the general falling away was such -that he could do very little. At the end of March he left Cork with -eighteen companies of foot and three troops of horse. Lady Roche, a -sister of James Fitzmaurice, was ready to come out of Castletown to -meet him, but Tyrone's Ulster mercenaries would not allow her. The -capture of Carriglea castle was the only real success, and the Lord -President returned on the ninth day, the rebels skirmishing with him -to the outskirts of Cork. The rebels in Tipperary and the adjoining -parts of Leinster assembled 'before an idol in Ormonde called the Holy -Cross, where again they solemnly swore not to abandon nor forsake one -another.' Everyone saw that a system of garrisons was the only way to -break down the confederacy, but this policy was not showy enough to -please the new Lord Lieutenant.'[299] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[282] Letter of advice to the Earl of Essex, to take upon him the care -of Irish causes, when Mr. Secretary Cecil was in France (February to -April, 1598), and a second letter from Bacon a little later, both -printed by Spedding, vol. ii. pp. 94-1_0. There are many significant -passages in Rowland Whyte's letters in _Sidney Papers_, vol. ii. pp. -82-97. Essex was busy with Ireland before Cecil's departure and before -Bacon's first letter, for Whyte wrote on Jan. 19: 'Yesterday in the -afternoon I went to the Court to attend my Lord of Essex, and he no -sooner began to hearken unto me, but in comes my Lord of Thomond, in -post from Ireland, and then was I commanded to take some other time.' -And see Chamberlain's _Letters_, May 4, 1598. Spenser, who wrote in -1596 proposes that Essex should be Lord-Lieutenant, 'upon whom the eye -of all England is fixed, and our last hopes now rest.' - -[283] Fenton to Cecil, June 11; Ormonde to Cecil, June 18. O'Sullivan -Bere (tom. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii.) owns to 120 killed in the attempted -escalade. The eating of grass by the garrison recalls the defence of -Casilinum against Hannibal (Livy, xxiii. 19). - -[284] Loftus, Gardiner, Wallop, St. Leger, and Fenton to the Privy -Council, Aug. 16; Lords Justices Loftus and Gardiner to the Privy -Council ('in private'), Aug. 17; Ormonde to the Queen, Aug. 18; State -of the Queen's army, March 31, 1598, printed in the _National MSS. of -Ireland_ from a paper at Kilkenny. - -[285] Lieut. William Taaffe to H. Shee, Aug. 16. He calls the -powder-barrels 'firkins.' Captain Montague's Report, Aug. 16; -Declaration of the two Captains Kingsmill, Aug. 23, and that of Captain -Billings who commanded the rearguard. All the above, with many other -papers, are printed either in _Irish Arch. Journal_, N.S. vol. i. pp. -256-282, or in _National MSS. of Ireland_, part iv. 1. See also Camden -and the _Four Masters_. There is a minute and nearly contemporary -account in O'Sullivan Bere, tom. iii. lib. iv. cap. 5, but he was not -present. It is O'Sullivan who mentions the junipers, which do not now -grow wild about Armagh. I have carefully inspected the ground, having -besides the advantage of consulting two pamphlets kindly sent to me by -Mr. E. Rogers of the Armagh Library, whose great local knowledge has -been brought to bear on the subject. - -[286] O'Sullivan; Montague to Ormonde, Aug. 16. The English accounts -specify twelve colours as lost; O'Sullivan says thirty-four. - -[287] Ormonde to Cecil, Sept. 15. In writing to the same, on Aug. 24, -Ormonde admits the reduced list of twenty-four officers killed and one -taken prisoner, 855 men killed and 363 wounded. To these must be added -the missing, and there were certainly several hundred deserters. Other -English estimates of loss are considerably higher. Camden says 1,500 -men were killed. - -[288] _Four Masters_, 1598. Sir C. Clifford to the Lords Justices, -Sept. 7; to Cecil, Oct. 30; Lady Clifford's declaration, Oct. 31. - -[289] Lords Justices and Council to the Privy Council, Nov. 23 and -27, 1598. Sir R. Bingham to the Lords Justices (from Naas) Nov. 27. -There is a MS. dialogue among the Irish S.P. for 1598, which purports -to be the ocular testimony of the writer, Thomas Wilson, and which is -dedicated to Essex. The interlocutors are Peregryn and Silvyn--the -names of Spenser's two sons--and the dialogue, which unfolds the state -of things in King's County from harvest 1597 to All Saints' Day 1598, -is very much in the style of that between Irenæus and Eudoxus. Is -Thomas Wilson a stalking-horse for Edmund Spenser? - -[290] _Four Masters_, 1598; O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. v. cap. 2; -Discourse by William Weever (prisoner with the Munster rebels) Sept. 29 -to Oct. 10. Fenton to Cecil, April 20, for the Tower story. - -[291] Ormonde to James Fitzthomas, Oct. 8, 1598; James 'Desmonde' to -Ormonde, Oct. 12. - -[292] Ormonde to the Queen, Oct. 12, 1598; Chief Justice Saxey's -account, October. - -[293] List of castles abandoned without resistance in Ormonde's letter -to the Queen, Oct. 21, 1598; Oliver Stephenson to Norris, Oct. 16; -Henry Smyth's _State of Munster_ 'as I did see and hear it,' Oct. -30. An anonymous paper of October gives some details of Raleigh's -settlement at Tallow. See also James Sarsfield, mayor of Cork, to the -Privy Council, Oct. 21. - -[294] Arthur Hyde to the Privy Council, Oct. 28, 1598; Captain F. -Barkley to the Lords Justices, Nov. 3. - -[295] Sir T. Norris to the Privy Council and to Cecil, Oct. 23, 1598; -W. Weever's discourse, Oct.; Chief Justice Saxey's account, Oct.; the -Queen to Ormonde and the Lords Justices, Dec. 1, and to Norris, Dec. -3; Moryson, book i. chap. i.; O'Sullivan, tom. iii. lib. v. caps. 1-5; -_Four Masters_, 1598. Dunqueen is close to Slea Head, the westernmost -point of Kerry. - -[296] Ormonde to the Privy Council, Nov. 5, 1598; Edward Gough and -George Sherlock to Sir N. Walshe, Nov. 16. Gough and Walshe held -Cistercian lands at Innislonagh and Glandore; Sherlock had those of the -Canons Regular at Cahir; but none of the three bore Protestant names. - -[297] Ormonde to the Privy Council, Nov. 5, 1598; to the Queen, Jan. -19, 1599; the Queen to Ormonde and the Lords Justices, Dec. 1, 1598, -in _Carew_. Bingham's appointment as Marshal was announced on Aug. -31, only seventeen days after Bagenal's death. He reached Ireland in -October, and died at Dublin, Jan. 19. A memorial by Cecil, dated Nov. -4, 1598 (in _Carew_, p. 523), has the words 'Clifford betrayed, Bingham -lightly condemned.' Bingham's Irish patent is dated Oct. 13, and the -Queen informed the Lords Justices that she had specially chosen him, -that he was to draw pay and allowances from the day of Bagenal's death, -and that he was to have all the privileges that had ever attached to -the office. Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, 40 Eliz. 57 and 58. - -[298] _Four Masters_, 1598 and 1599. The Queen to Sir T. Norris, Dec. -3, 1598, in _Carew_. - -[299] _Four Masters_, 1599. For Con O'Neill see _Carew_, March and -April, Nos. 299-301; Journal of Sir T. Norris, from March 27 to April -4; Justice Golde to Essex, April 4; Essex to Privy Council, April 29. -Lord Roche had a private quarrel with the Sugane Earl. - - - - -CHAPTER XLVIII. - -ESSEX IN IRELAND, 1599. - - -[Sidenote: Position of Essex.] - -Sir Henry Wotton, who was a good judge and who had special means of -observation in this case, was of opinion that Essex wore out the -Queen's patience by his petulance. He has recorded that a wise and, as -it turned out, prophetic adviser warned the Earl that, though he might -sometimes carry a point by sulking at Wanstead, at Greenwich, or in -his own chamber, yet in the long run such conduct would lead to ruin. -'Such courses as those were like hot waters, which help at a pang, but -if they be too often used will spoil the stomach.' The advice was not -taken, and Essex continued to treat every check as a personal insult. -The natural effect followed, and by the year 1598 'his humours grew -tart, as being now in the lees of favour.'[300] - -[Sidenote: He offends the Queen] - -[Sidenote: by his petulance.] - -Burghley died a few days before the disaster at Blackwater, and Philip -II. not many days after. The policy of Spain was not much affected, -though the change might be thought like that from Solomon to Rehoboam; -but England missed the wise and kindly hand which had often held Essex -straight. Bagenal's overthrow brought into sudden prominence that -thorny problem with which the impetuous favourite was of all men the -least fit to cope. Patience, steadiness, organising power, knowledge of -men, were the qualities needed in Ireland then, as now, and Essex was -conspicuously deficient in them all. 'I will tell you,' said a great -court official, 'I know but one friend and one enemy my lord hath: and -that one friend is the Queen, and that one enemy is himself.' It seemed -as if no misconduct could permanently alienate Elizabeth, and yet he -tried her forbearance very hardly. A few days or weeks before the old -Lord Treasurer's death, she had proposed to send Sir William Knollys, -Essex's uncle, to govern Ireland. The Earl favoured the appointment -of Sir George Carew, who was certainly much fitter for the work than -himself, and whom he was thought to be anxious to remove from the -court. The Queen insisting, he turned his back on her with a gesture of -contempt. Raleigh--who was, however, his enemy--says he exclaimed that -'her conditions were as crooked as her carcase.' She in turn lost her -temper, and gave him a box on the ear. He laid his hand on his sword, -swearing that he would not have endured such an indignity from Henry -VIII. himself, and immediately departed to Wanstead. - -'Your Majesty hath,' he afterwards wrote to Elizabeth, 'by the -intolerable wrong you have done both me and yourself, not only broken -all laws of affection, but done against the honour of your sex. I -think all places better than that where I am, and all dangers well -undertaken, so I might retire myself from the memory of my false, -inconstant, and beguiling pleasures.' Of course it was very undignified -of the Queen to strike anyone, but many things may be urged in excuse. -She was old enough to be her favourite's grandmother. She had known -him from early youth, and she had every reason to look upon him still -in the light of a spoiled child. No one with any sense of humour would -resent a blow from a woman as from a man, and Essex might very well -have treated it all as a joke. But what is to be said for a man who -insults a lady well stricken in years, who is his sovereign, and who -has heaped upon him honours and benefits far beyond his deserts?[301] - -[Sidenote: Essex determines to be Viceroy.] - -Norris and Bingham being dead, the appointment of a Lord Deputy -became a matter of pressing necessity. The Queen thought of Mountjoy, -who, as the event proved, was, of all men, fittest for the arduous -task. But Essex objected to him, much upon the same grounds as Iago -objected to Michael Cassio. He had indeed some experience in the field, -but only in subordinate posts; and he was 'too much drowned in book -learning.' Another argument was that he was a man of small estate and -few followers, and that 'some prime man of the nobility' should be sent -into Ireland. Everyone understood that he had come to want the place -himself, and that he would oppose every possible candidate. - -During the autumn of 1598 and far into the winter, the affair hung -fire, more perhaps from the difficulty of satisfying his demands for -extraordinary powers than from any wish to refuse him the dangerous -honour. Indeed, if we may believe Camden, his enemies foresaw his -failure, and were only too anxious to help him to the viceroyalty on -any terms. About the new year his appointment seemed to be certain, -and by the first week in March everything was settled. 'I have beaten -Knollys and Mountjoy in the Council,' Essex wrote in great exultation, -'and by God I will beat Tyr-Owen in the field; for nothing worthy her -Majesty's honour hath yet been achieved.' It is not in such boastful -mood that great men are wont to put on their armour. And besides all -this, Knollys was his uncle and Mountjoy his familiar friend.[302] - -[Sidenote: His uneasy ambition.] - -It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to inquire how Essex came to desire -such a thankless office as the government of Ireland. His ambition was -not of an ignoble cast; but it is certain that he grasped greedily -at every important command, and that he could scarcely brook a -superior, or even a colleague. This was clearly shown in his ridiculous -quarrel with the Lord Admiral about precedence, no less than in more -important matters. He probably saw the Irish difficulty well enough, -but any hesitation about incurring the risk of failure was more than -counterbalanced by the fear of someone else gaining great glory. - -[Sidenote: Bacon's excuses.] - -Bacon had advised him to remain at Court, but to take Irish affairs -under his special protection there, to consult with men who knew the -country, to fill places with his own friends, and to patronise others -who were likely to be useful. In short, he was urged to make what the -newspapers now call political capital out of Ireland, but not to risk -himself and his reputation there. While giving this counsel, Bacon had -expressed a fear that the Earl was not the man to play such a game -skilfully. And so it fell out. By the beginning of the year 1599 Essex -saw that he would have to go. Years afterwards, when Elizabeth was -gone, Bacon found that an inconvenient cloud hung over him on account -of the part he had played. He then tried to persuade others, and -possibly succeeded in persuading himself, that he had really 'used all -means he could devise' to prevent Essex from venturing into Ireland. -The fact seems to be that he kept quiet as long as the thing could have -been prevented, and did not try to make Essex reconsider the matter -when he decided to go. He afterwards said that he 'did plainly see -his overthrow chained as it were by destiny to that journey'; but at -the time he did no more than warn him against possible failure from -defects of temper, while he enlarged upon the great glory which would -follow success. A comparison of extant letters shows that Essex himself -was far more impressed than Bacon with the danger and difficulties of -the Irish problem, though, when he was on the eve of setting out, his -impulsive nature allowed him to brag of the great things that he was -going to do.[303] - -[Sidenote: Opinions of Wotton and Bacon.] - -'I have heard him say,' writes Wotton of Essex, 'and not upon any -flashes or fumes of melancholy, or traverses of discontent, but in a -serene and quiet mood, that he could very well have bent his mind to -a retired course.' This is confirmed by other authorities, and indeed -Essex, though he had a soldier's courage, was by nature a student -and a dreamer rather than a man of action. Circumstances brought him -forward, and his character made him uncomfortable in any place except -the highest. Bacon wished him to stay at court with a white staff, as -Leicester had done, but the work was uncongenial. If he could have -succeeded Burghley, perhaps he might have accepted the position; as it -was Ireland offered him the kind of power which he most coveted, and -though he was not blind to the danger of leaving a Hanno behind him, -he fancied that he was fit to play the part of Hannibal. Just as he -was starting Bacon wrote him a long letter of advice, reminding him -that the Irish rebels were active and their country difficult, but -reminding him also that 'the justest triumphs that the Romans in their -greatness did obtain, and that whereof the emperors in their styles -took addition and denomination, were of such an enemy as this... such -were the Germans and the Ancient Britons, and divers others. Upon which -kind of people, whether the victory were a conquest, or a reconquest -upon a rebellion or a revolt, it made no difference that ever I could -find in honour.' Years afterwards Bacon pleaded that he had done -what he could to stop Essex, on the ground that the expedition would -certainly fall short of public expectation and 'would mightily diminish -his reputation.' Again he mentions the Germans and Britons, the woods -and the bogs, the hardness of the Irishmen's bodies, so that there can -be no doubt about what he alludes to. We have the original letter, -and Bacon stands convicted of misrepresentation, the grosser because -careless observers might so easily confound it with the reality.[304] - -[Sidenote: Difficulties and delays.] - -About the beginning of December the number of Essex's army was fixed at -14,000. Then there was talk of a smaller establishment, and the affair -went through the usual hot and cold phases of all suits at Elizabeth's -court. Spenser had experienced the miseries of hope deferred, and -Shakespeare saw the spurns which patient merit of the unworthy takes. -'Into Ireland I go,' writes the Earl on New Year's day; 'the Queen -hath irrevocably decreed it, the Council do passionately urge it, -and I am tied in my own reputation to use no tergiversation.' He had -many misgivings, but had decided in his own mind that he was bound to -go. 'The Court,' he admitted, 'is the centre, but methinks it is the -fairer choice to command armies than humours.' In the meanwhile the -humour changed daily. Essex was not patient, and the whole wrangle must -have been inexpressibly distasteful to him. On Twelfth-day the Queen -danced with him, and it was decided that he should start in March. -Three weeks later there were fresh difficulties about the excessive -number of gentlemen whom he proposed to take with him. As late as -March 1, it seemed doubtful whether the Queen's irrevocable decree -would not after all be altered. Mountjoy, who had a much cooler head, -had earnestly advised his friend to leave nothing to chance, to his -enemies' pleasure, or to official promises, and it is to the Earl's -consciousness that this advice was sound, that the delays must be -chiefly attributed. On March 6 letters patent were passed, releasing -him from the arrears of his father's debts incurred in the same -thankless Irish service, and six days later he was formally appointed -Lord Lieutenant. That title had not been granted since the return of -Sussex thirty-seven years before.[305] - -[Sidenote: Departure of Essex.] - -On March 27 Essex took horse at Seething Lane, accompanied by a -brilliant suite. Prayers were offered in the churches for his success -against the imitators of Korah and Absalom, in whose cases God had -manifested to the world his hatred of all rebellion against His -divine ordinance, and foreshadowing His probable care for an anointed -queen. 'Do not,' said the Anglican divines, 'punish our misdeeds by -strengthening the hands of such as despise the truth.' Through Cornhill -and Cheapside, and for more than four miles out of town, the people -thronged about their favourite, with such cries as 'God bless your -lordship! God preserve your honour!' The day was very fine at starting, -but ere Islington was passed there came a black north-easter with -thunder, hail, and rain; and some held it for a bad omen. Nor did the -popular hero travel as though he loved the work or believed in himself. -On April 1 he was at Bromley, bitterly complaining that the Queen would -not make Sir Christopher Blount a councillor, and announcing that he -had sent him back. 'I shall,' he wrote, 'have no such necessary use -of his hands, as, being barred the use of his head, I would carry -him to his own disadvantage, and the disgrace of the place he should -serve in.' The place was that of Marshal of the army, which Blount did -actually fill, and there is no reason to suppose that he would have -been any useful addition to the Council. Such virtues as he had, and -they were not many, were those of the camp. On the 3rd, Essex was at -Tamworth, and on the 5th at Helbry, the island off the Dee which Sir -Henry Sidney had found so wearisome. The wind did not serve, and there -was a delay of a week before he sailed from Beaumaris, having ridden -over Penmaen Mawr, 'the worst way and in the extremest wet that I have -endured.' After a bad passage Dublin was reached on the 15th. William, -13th Earl of Kildare, 'with eighteen of the chiefs of Meath and Fingal' -set out to follow in the Lord Lieutenant's wake. The vessel, built for -speed and probably overpressed with canvas, foundered in mid-Channel, -and all on board perished.[306] - -[Sidenote: Great expectations,] - -[Sidenote: which cool observers do not share.] - -The public expectation from the mission of Essex was such that -Shakespeare ventured to suggest a possible comparison between him and -the victor of Agincourt. Had he succeeded he would have been the hero -of the Elizabethan age, greater in the eyes of his contemporaries than -Norris or Raleigh, greater even than Drake. His task was, indeed, no -light one, for the rebels in arms were estimated at very nearly 20,000 -men, of which less than half were in Ulster. In the south and west the -chief towns and many detached strongholds were held for the Queen, but -in the northern province her power was confined to Carrickfergus and -Newry, Carlingford, Greencastle, and Narrow Water, all on the coast, -and to one castle in the inland county of Cavan. The preparations -were on a scale suitable to the emergency, for 16,000 foot and 1,400 -horse far exceeded the usual proportions of a viceregal army. Nor -was it composed wholly of raw levies, for Essex insisted on having -Sir Henry Docwra, with 2,000 veterans, from Holland; his plan being -so to distribute them that some seasoned soldiers should be present -everywhere. But there had always been corruption in the Irish service, -and cool observers thought it necessary to make allowance for false -musters and cooked returns. A crowd of adventurous young gentlemen -accompanied Essex, among whom was John Harrington, the Queen's godson, -and by her much admired for his wit. Harrington was advised, by a -friend at court, to keep a secret journal in Ireland, for future use in -case of disaster. 'Observe,' says the letter, 'the man who commandeth, -and yet is commanded himself. He goeth not forth to serve the Queen's -realm, but to humour his own revenge.' There were spies about him, -'and when a man hath so many shewing friends, and so many unshewing -enemies, who learneth his end here below?' Cecil cautioned Secretary -Fenton that the new Lord Lieutenant thought ill of him because of his -friendship with Sir John Norris. Justice Golde of Munster, who knew his -country well, hoped Essex's 'famous victory in mighty Spain would not -be subject to receive blemish in miserable Ireland.' It did not require -the penetration of a Bacon to see that the expedition was likely to -end in failure, and in the ruin of the chief actor.[307] - -[Sidenote: Powers given to Essex.] - -The Lord Lieutenant's commission was of the most ample kind. He was -authorised to lease the land of rebels generally, and more particularly -to give or grant property affected by the attainder of Tyrone and -others in Tyrone, Tyrconnell, Fermanagh, Leitrim, and the Route, -exceptions being made in favour of O'Dogherty and Sir Arthur O'Neill, -as rebels by compulsion rather than through disloyalty. Officers not -holding by patent he was empowered to dismiss, and even patentees might -be suspended. He might grant pardons for all treasons, but in Tyrone's -case he was only to pardon for life, and not for lands, and to exact -some guarantee before giving even life and liberty to one who had 'so -vilely abused her mercy.' That 'capital traitor' was in no case to be -spared without due submission first made in all lowly and reverend -form. The power of making knights had usually been granted to viceroys, -and had been sometimes abused by them. This touched Elizabeth in her -tenderest point, for it was by not letting it become too cheap that she -had made knighthood a real defence of the nation. Essex was charged -to 'confer that title upon none that shall not deserve it by some -notorious service, or have not in possession or reversion sufficient -living to maintain their degree and calling.'[308] - -[Sidenote: Sir Arthur Chichester.] - -Among the officers serving under Essex in Ireland was Sir Arthur -Chichester, whose value he had learned during the Cadiz expedition. -In his capacity of Earl Marshal he directed Chichester to take a -muster of 2,600 at Chester; but it was to Cecil that the latter owed -his appointment to command a regiment of 1,200 men, and it was to him -that he applied for the pay due to his brother John when slain at -Carrickfergus, remarking at the same time that he was a 'better soldier -than suitor.' Cecil had protested against so able a man being wasted in -the command of a mere company. Chichester landed at Dublin; and went to -Drogheda, which Essex visited on purpose to review a regiment of which -he had heard so much. The veterans, who came straight from the strict -school of the Ostend siege, made an imposing show on parade, and the -Lord Lieutenant thoughtlessly charged them with his mounted staff. The -pikemen did not quite see the joke, and stood so firm that Essex had to -pull his horse back on its haunches, and 'a saucy fellow with his pike -pricked his Lordship (saving your reverence) in the rump and made him -bleed.' Chichester was sent to his brother's old post at Carrickfergus, -and there he was generally quartered till the end of the war and of the -reign.[309] - -[Sidenote: Essex postpones his departure for Ulster.] - -'This noble and worthy gentleman our lord and master,' said Wotton, who -was one of his secretaries, 'took the sword and sway of this unsettled -kingdom into his hands 15th instant,' adding that the Bishop of Meath -preached a grave, wise, and learned sermon on the occasion. Essex was -instructed to inform himself by conference with the Council, and the -result of several meetings was a resolution not to attack Tyrone and -O'Donnell, but rather to plague those Leinster allies who had lately -taken a solemn oath of allegiance to them in Holy Cross Abbey. Want of -forage, involving lean cattle and weak draught-horses, was the reason -given for inaction; but it is proverbial that a council of war never -fights, and the Lord Lieutenant was but too ready to adopt a dilatory -policy. 'A present prosecution in Leinster, being the heart of the -whole kingdom,' was what the Council advised, and if that plan had -been adhered to, there was a good deal to be said in its favour. About -30,000 rebels were reported to be in arms altogether; and of these the -home province contained 3,000 natives, besides 800 mercenaries from -Ulster. The mountains of Wicklow and Dublin had not been quieted by the -death of Feagh MacHugh; his sons, with other O'Byrnes and O'Tooles, -still carried on the war, while the bastard Geraldines and a remnant of -the Eustaces were out in Kildare. Carlow and Wexford were terrorised by -Donell Spaniagh and his Kavanaghs. Owen MacRory commanded a powerful -band of O'Mores in Queen's County, and in King's County there were -still many unsubdued O'Connors. Lord Mountgarret and the O'Carrolls -were also reckoned as rebels. Meath and Westmeath were full of armed -bands, while Longford and Louth had suffered greatly by incursions -from Ulster. A force of 3,000 foot and 300 horse was sent forward -to Kilcullen, and on May 10 Essex set out from Dublin to take the -command.[310] - -[Sidenote: Campaign in Leinster.] - -From Kilcullen bridge on the Liffey to Athy bridge on the Barrow, the -line of march lay through a wooded country, and stray shots, which -did no harm, were fired at advanced parties. Athy was found to be -decayed through the disturbed state of the country, but the castle -was surrendered without difficulty, and Ormonde made his appearance, -accompanied by his kinsmen Lords Mountgarret and Cahir, both of whom -had been considered in rebellion. About 200 rebels showed themselves, -but retired to bogs and woods on the advance of Southampton with a -detachment. Lord Grey de Wilton was carried by his impetuosity further -forward than his orders warranted, and was placed under arrest for a -night. Both lords had cause to regret what was perhaps an ill-judged -exercise of authority. Sir Christopher St. Lawrence here distinguished -himself by swimming across the Barrow, recovering some stolen horses, -and returning with one of the marauder's heads. - -[Sidenote: Owen MacRory O'More.] - -After three or four days the provision train came up, and Maryborough -was relieved; the rebels not venturing to make their threatened attack -at Blackford near Stradbally. From Maryborough, which Harrington calls -'a fort of much importance, but of contemptible strength,' Essex made -his way to Lord Mountgarret's house at Ballyragget. The line of march -lay through a wooded pass; where the O'Mores had dug ditches and made -breastworks of the fallen trees. Essex showed both skill and activity, -but he lost three officers and several men; and the natives could -hardly have hoped to stop a viceregal army between Dublin and Kilkenny. -One Irish account says the English loss was great, and another notes -the capture of many plumed helmets, from which the place was named the -'pass of feathers.' The accounts agree that Owen MacRory had not more -than about 500 men with him, and Harrington says he offered to have -a fight with sword and target between fifty chosen men on each side. -Essex agreed to this, but the Irish did not appear. The Lord Lieutenant -did not risk as much as Perrott had formerly done, when he proposed -to decide the war by a duel with Fitzmaurice, but Ormonde must have -remembered that day well, and can hardly have thought this later piece -of knight-errantry much less foolish.[311] - -[Sidenote: Campaign in Munster.] - -The Kilkenny people expressed their joy at the arrival of Essex 'by -lively orations and silent strewing of the streets with green herbs and -rushes,' and he received a similar welcome at Clonmel. But he did not -like the Latin oration delivered at the latter town: it adjured him not -to bear the sword of justice in vain, while he anxiously protested that -it was for the exercise of clemency that 'her Majesty had given him -both sword and power.' - -[Sidenote: Siege of Cahir.] - -Essex was now in Munster, and his resolution first to subdue the home -province had been thrown to the winds. Derrinlaur Castle, which annoyed -the navigation of the Suir, was surrendered; its indefensibility had -been proved in 1574, and the fate of the garrison was doubtless well -remembered. Another castle higher up the river gave more trouble. Lord -Cahir was in the viceregal camp, but his brother James (called Galdie -or the Englishman) undertook to defend the family stronghold, and -it was necessary to bring up heavy artillery. The want of foresight -which characterised this campaign was conspicuously shown here. The -battering train, 'one cannon and one culverin,' was brought up by -water to Clonmel, but no draught horses had been provided, nor were -there any means of strengthening the bridges, which might sink under -so unusual a weight. The guns were slowly dragged by men all the way -to Cahir, of the strength of which there is an elaborate official -account. The critical Harrington admits that it was not built with -any great art, but that nature had made it practically impregnable, -which was not true even in those days. An assault would have been -difficult, for the castle was then surrounded by water; but a battery, -which completely commanded it, was easily planted near the site of -the present railway station. Lord Cahir called upon his brother to -surrender, but was answered by threats and insults. Two days later the -guns came, were placed at once in position, and opened fire in a few -hours; but the carriage of the largest 'brake at the second shot,' and -took a day and a half to repair. A ball stuck in the culverin, but -that too was cleared in time, and fifty rounds from this light piece -was enough to silence the garrison on that side. An orchard under the -south-west wall was occupied the same night, and most of the garrison -escaped by the left bank of the river; but two of the English captains -were killed. Before a breach could be effected the White Knight -threw in reinforcements, and the besiegers made another lodgment at -the north-east end of the island. The cannonade was renewed at close -quarters, and on the night of the third day the garrison made a sally. -The intended assault had been assigned to Sir Charles Percy and Sir -Christopher St. Lawrence, with four companies of the Flanders veterans, -who repulsed the attack and entered the castle along with the Irish, of -whom about eighty were killed. A few escaped by swimming, and the guns -were soon mounted on the deserted walls. Having repaired damages and -placed a garrison of 100 men in the castle, the Lord Lieutenant marched -northward along the left bank of the Suir. He made much of this siege, -which was the single thing he had to boast of in Munster, but it was -a small matter after all. A year later James Butler, with sixty men, -again got possession of this 'inexpugnable' fortress without firing a -shot, but soon surrendered to Carew, whose bare threats were enough to -secure his object.[312] - -[Sidenote: Death of Sir Thomas Norris.] - -[Sidenote: Irish tactics.] - -The bridge at Golden was repaired and the army passed to Tipperary, -where a letter was received from Sir Thomas Norris, whom Essex had -already met at Kilkenny. The Lord President announced that he had -been wounded in a skirmish with the Castleconnel Burkes, but he -recovered sufficiently to accompany Essex in part of his Munster -campaign. The wound seems to have been fatal at last, for on August -he was dangerously ill, and in September commissioners were appointed -to execute duties which had been neglected since his death. The -Lord-Lieutenant himself was well received at Limerick, and entertained -with two English orations, 'in which,' says Harrington, 'I know not -which was more to be discommended--words, composition, or oratory, all -of which having their peculiar excellencies in barbarism, harshness, -and rustical, both pronouncing and action.' After several days' rest -the next operation was to revictual Askeaton, and the Sugane Earl -showed himself at Adare with 2,000 or 3,000 men. The bridge was not -defended, but the Irish galled the army in passing a boggy wood beyond -the Maigue, and the soldiers 'went so coldly on' that Essex had to -reproach their baseness. Harrington describes the enemy as 'rather -morrice-dancers tripping after their bag-pipes' than soldiers, and -declares that in all Munster they never once strayed from the edge of -their woods 'further than an old hunted hare doth from her covert for -relief.' Some fighting there was, and the official account makes much -of the Irish losses and little of the Lord-Lieutenant's; but Harrington -says that Plunkett, an insurgent captain who was supposed to have -shown slackness, had next day to give Desmond hostages for his good -behaviour. As Essex passed through each hedge, the thorns closed behind -him, and left the state of Munster unaltered.[313] - -[Sidenote: End of Munster campaign.] - -[Sidenote: Death of Sir Henry Norris.] - -Askeaton was easily victualled by water from Limerick, and Essex turned -aside to Conna near Lismore, where Desmond had his chief residence. The -move was thought a strange one, and Harrington could only conjecture -that he wished to 'give the rebels an inexcusable provocation,' but -O'Sullivan, much less ingeniously, says that he did not dare to proceed -further westward. At Finniterstown the army had to pass between two -woods, and had a sharp fight with Desmond, who had been joined by -Lord Fitzmaurice and some of the MacCarthies. Captain Jennings was -killed, Sir Henry Norris had his leg broken by a bullet, and a third -officer was shot through both cheeks. Norris 'endured amputation with -extraordinary patience,' but died a few weeks afterwards, making the -third of these famous six brothers who had fallen a victim to the Irish -service. After an interval, which was allowed to elapse for fear of -causing fresh sorrow, the Queen wrote to condole with Lord and Lady -Norris on the 'bitter accident' which had deprived them of two more -sons, and the survivor was ordered home from Holland to comfort them. - -The army then marched by Croom to Bruff, whence Essex went with -Ormonde, Blount, St. Leger, and Carew to consult the Lord President -at Kilmallock. They agreed that there was no money, no magazine, no -remnant of any kind of victual of her Majesty's stores, cows enough for -only two days, and hardly ammunition for three. On Norris promising -to procure some beeves out of Lord Barry's country and to send them -to Conna the advance was resumed, the line of march being over the -Ballyhoura hills to Glanworth and Fermoy. Essex himself went to Mallow, -detached a party to Cork for the promised supplies, and then rejoined -the army with Cormac MacDermot MacCarthy, who brought 100 cows and -200 kerne. There was some fighting, and Sir Henry Danvers was wounded -between Fermoy and Conna; but the latter castle was dismantled. Lord -Barry brought the convoy safely to Castle Lyons, and the Blackwater was -passed at Affane, a ford which was only practicable for one hour at low -water. The President returned from the neighbourhood of Dungarvan with -1,000 men, with which he expected to be able to maintain the war in -his province, and Essex marched without fighting through Lord Power's -country to Waterford.[314] - -[Sidenote: Defeat of Harrington in Wicklow.] - -In pursuance of his original intention to settle Leinster before going -further afield, Essex had proposed to give Sir Henry Harrington, -seneschal of Wicklow, 700 foot and 50 horse, 300 of these to be -seasoned soldiers. His sudden resolution to attack Munster altered -this, and the work was left to 'four new companies and Captain Adam -Loftus, his company of foot, who were all Irish and most of them lately -come from the rebels; myself,' Harrington plaintively adds, 'without -either horse or foot, or any penny of entertainment.' The O'Byrnes -had fortified the passage of the Avonmore near Rathdrum, and, in -order to accustom his troops to the presence of an enemy, Harrington -led them out several miles and encamped near the river. This was on -May 28, when Essex was before Cahir. Phelim MacHugh sent peaceful -messages to Harrington, which can have had no object but to disarm his -suspicion. Next morning the Irish were in considerable force, and, -after reconnoitring, the seneschal ordered a return to Wicklow. The -enemy pressed on his rear and hung on his flanks, the ground being -for the most part bush, wood, and bog. A stream which crossed the -road was safely forded, but some signs of insubordination appeared in -Loftus's company, which was explained by an attempt on the part of his -subalterns to gain over some of the hostile kerne who had formerly -fought on the Queen's side. If this was a stratagem on the part of -the O'Byrnes it was completely successful. Loftus did his best in the -rear, the post of danger in a retreat, but received a wound from which -he afterwards died. His men immediately ran away, and, although no one -pursued, never stopped till they got to Wicklow. The Irish then charged -down the road, and the main body of infantry behaved no better. 'I -persuaded them,' says Captain Atherton, 'but to turn their faces and it -should be sufficient for their safety, but they never offered to turn, -nor speak, but, as men without sense or feeling, ran upon one another's -backs, it not being possible to break by reason of the captains, which -endeavoured by all means to stay them, but all in vain.' As soon as the -ground allowed them, the soldiers broke in all directions, throwing -away their arms and even their clothes. Captain Charles Montague, who -had already done such good service at Blackwater, handled his troop of -horse well, and, though wounded in several places, brought off all the -colours, and covered the retreat of the few foot soldiers who retained -any kind of order. Captain Wardman was killed, and this was the end of -Essex's great scheme for the settlement of Leinster.[315] - -[Sidenote: Essex returns to Dublin,] - -At Waterford, the Lord-Lieutenant was 'received with two Latin -orations, and with as much joyful concourse of people as any other town -of Ireland.' He inspected the fort of Duncannon, and Harrington, who -amused himself in country quarters by reading books on fortification, -and who hoped at coming home to talk of 'counterscarps and casemates,' -shoots his wit at the expense of Sir John Norris in his capacity of -engineer. Stripped of technicalities and Italian terms of art, the -criticism is that the fort was too confined, and that it was commanded -from the land side. The wit forgot that Irish rebels had no artillery, -and did not notice that the course of the channel forced all ships of -any size to come close under the walls. Against a Parma or a Spinola -the defences would have availed little, but after-events proved that -Duncannon was an important post in Irish warfare. Boats were brought -from Carrick and New Ross, and the army was ferried over from Passage -to Ballyhack. This proved a long operation, 'the boats not being great, -and the carriage of our army far greater than ever heretofore in this -country followed so few fighting men,' in which statement the reason -of Essex's failure is perhaps contained. The line of march lay by -Ballibrennan to a ford over the Slaney, between Enniscorthy and Ferns. -The direct road to Dublin was by Carnew, but the Duffry was a land -of woods and hills, swarming with rebels and practicable only for a -fighting force; whereas Essex could muster no more than 1,200 effective -men, clogged with hurt and sick, and 'with at least thrice as many -churls, horseboys, and other like unserviceable people which were of -necessity to be guarded.' It was, therefore, determined to go by the -coast, and no enemy appeared until Gorey had been passed. From this, -villages and houses were burned on both sides of the road 'to whet the -rebels choler and courage,' who made a stand at a river four miles -south of Arklow. - -Essex himself passed the deep water with his horse, and Ormonde led the -rest of the army over a better ford near the seaside. The Irish, who -were about 1,000 strong, did not venture to close, but skirmished on -the left flank, the broken ground being too far off for them to do much -harm. Captain Lawrence Esmond was, however, killed. Essex endeavoured -to draw the enemy down by masking a part of his force, but the natives, -as Harrington observes, were not easily to be drawn into an ambuscade. -Ormonde and Blount, with the head of the column, advanced to the -seaside, hidden from the others by the shape of the ground. The Irish, -being on the height, saw their advantage, and very nearly succeeded in -cutting off the baggage train in the centre. A hard fight followed, -and a charge of Southampton's horse just saved the army from a great -disaster. Several of his men were bogged and in great danger. Captain -Constable escaped with two wounds, and Mr. Seth Cox, 'a gentleman whose -industry had adorned him with much both science and language' was -killed. Captain Roche, an Irishman by birth, who had long served the -French king, had his leg shattered by a shot. - -[Sidenote: having effected nothing.] - -After some more fighting, the rebels were beaten off with the loss -of 100 men. Donell Spaniagh, Phelim MacFeagh, and Owen MacRory were -all present, and were willing to treat upon protection being granted. -Essex sent word to Phelim that he might have a safe-conduct as far as -Arklow if he would come and sue for mercy as a repentant rebel, but -that a messenger sent for any other purpose would be hanged. Dublin -was reached without further fighting, and the Irish annalists, with -whom Harrington is in almost verbal agreement, may be left to sum up -the results of the expedition. While the 'army was in Munster,' say -the Four Masters, 'the Geraldines continued to follow, pursue, and -press upon them, to shoot at, wound, and slaughter them. When the Earl -had arrived in the Decies, the Geraldines returned in exultation and -high spirits to their territories and houses.... In Leinster they -marched not by a prosperous progress, for the Irish were pursuing and -environing them, so that they slew great numbers in every road by which -they passed.... They said it would have been better for the Earl if he -had not gone on this expedition, as he returned back without having -received submission or respect from the Geraldines, and without having -achieved any exploit worth boasting of, excepting only the taking of -Cahir.[316] - -[Sidenote: Severity of Essex.] - -Essex lost no time in holding a court-martial on the officers and -men of Harrington's force. Piers Walsh, Loftus's Irish lieutenant, -who was certainly guilty of cowardice, and perhaps of treacherously -communicating with the enemy, was shot; all, or nearly all, the -soldiers, had run away; they were sentenced to be hanged, and were -actually decimated. The other officers, 'though they forsook not their -places assigned them, but were forsaken by the soldiers, yet because -in such an extremity they did not something very extraordinary... -were all cashiered' and imprisoned. Harrington himself, being a Privy -Councillor, was not tried, but was placed under arrest during her -Majesty's pleasure. His thirty years' service were not forgotten in -England, and he soon returned to his duty. The decimation was not -approved of, and Wotton notes it as a piece of Roman discipline, and -as an instance of Essex's tendency to severity. On the voyage to the -Azores he had thrown a soldier overboard with his own hands.[317] - -[Sidenote: Dissatisfaction of Elizabeth.] - -Instead of settling Leinster as announced, the Lord Lieutenant had -only succeeded in getting rid of his army. 'The poor men,' he wrote, -'that marched eight weeks together be very weary, and the horsemen so -divided that I cannot draw 300 to a head.' And still he promised to -overthrow Tyrone, or be himself slain, if he could find him 'on hard -ground and in an open country,' which he was as little likely to do -as Glendower was to draw spirits from the vasty deep. There had been -sharp letters about his making Southampton general of the horse. His -commission gave him power to do this, but the Queen had expressed her -personal repugnance to such promotion. She disliked the formation of -what, in later Irish history, has been called 'a family party.' Blount -was Essex's stepfather, though about his own age, and Southampton had -without leave married his cousin, Elizabeth Vernon, who was a maid of -honour. Essex tried to maintain the appointment against the Queen's -will, mainly on the ground that no volunteer would adhere to him -when thus discountenanced; but Elizabeth said she did not see that -Southampton's counsel or experience could be of any particular value, -and refused to believe that 'the voluntary gentlemen are so discouraged -thereby as they begin to desire passports and prepare to return.' The -Lord-Lieutenant had to submit, and Southampton continued to serve as a -volunteer. The account rendered for two months showed no great balance -in the Queen's favour, and it is evident that she thought pretty much -as the Irish did about the futility of the Munster journey. He had, -she said, 'brought in never a capital rebel, against whom it had been -worthy to have adventured 1,000 men; for of these two comings in that -were brought unto you by Ormonde (namely, Mountgarret and Cahir), -whereupon ensued the taking of Cahir Castle, full well do we know that -you would long since have scorned to have allowed it for any great -matter in others to have taken an Irish hold from a rabble of rogues -with such force as you had, and with the help of the cannon, which was -always able in Ireland to make his passage where it pleased.'[318] - -[Sidenote: Essex on his defence.] - -Before the end of May Cecil knew that Essex intended to visit Munster, -so as to make things safe there before going to the North, and he -expresses no opinion on the subject. But the Queen soon grew uneasy, -and complained that she was giving the Earl 1,000_l._ a day to make -progresses with. When the results of two months' expenditure were -known, her indignation burst forth. Nothing had been done but what -President Norris might have done as well, and she was especially -displeased 'that it must be the Queen of England's fortune (who hath -held down the greatest enemy she had) to make a base Irish kerne to be -accounted so famous a rebel.' Ireland was in a state worse than that -in which Ormonde had left it, and Tyrone was announcing to continental -nations 'defeats of regiments, deaths of captains, and loss of men of -quality in every corner.' Essex entrusted regiments to young gentlemen, -and made such a fuss that the rebels were always fully prepared. This -was just criticism, and indeed the Earl's own story tallies with it. -He provides the excuse also, but he had only found out what was known -to hundreds of officers who had served in Ireland. The rebels, he -said, were much more numerous than the soldiers, and for light warfare -they were both naturally more active and better trained to fight. The -Queen's gallant officers and gentlemen of quality did more good than -all the rest, and the real difficulty was to restrain their ardour, -whereas the rebel leaders 'dare never put themselves to any hazard, -but send their kerne and their hirelings to fight with her Majesty's -troops.' English officers with cavalry could always win in the open, -and towns were in no danger; but in bogs and woods he was loth to -'wager the lives of noblemen and gentlemen against rogues and naked -beggars.' - -These were the commonplaces of Irish warfare since Surrey's and -Skeffington's days, and Essex was learning his lesson at an enormous -cost.[319] - -[Sidenote: Campaign in Leix and Offaly.] - -The Lord-Lieutenant was ill, of the malady which nearly proved fatal -in the following year, and the results of overwork and failure were -not lessened by rebukes from the Queen. An intended expedition into -Leix and Offaly was noticed by her as unworthy of his rank, but yet he -determined to go. Blount was first sent to victual Maryborough, and -the sergeant-major to Philipstown. Captain William Williams commanded -at the latter place, and he had just lost 60 men by allowing them to -fall into an ambuscade. There was no difficulty in relieving the forts, -but when Essex himself followed, he had some sharp fighting on the -border of Westmeath. The Irish were commanded by Captain Tyrrell, a -noted English or Anglo-Irish partisan in Tyrone's pay, who always kept -200 men with him. In days long gone by, the Anglo-Norman Tyrrells had -driven the O'Dooleys from Fartullagh, and now they were in arms against -the Queen of England's representative. Sir Conyers Clifford came from -Connaught, to meet the Lord-Lieutenant, and his horsemen fought bravely -on foot in a country where there was no place for cavalry. 'In all -this journey,' says Harrington, who came with the Connaught troops, 'I -was comrade to the Earl of Kildare, and slept both on one pillow every -night for the most part; here at the parting, my lord gave Sir Griffin -Markham great commendations, and made him colonel and commander of -all the horse in Connaught; and gave me and some others the honour of -knighthood in the field.' - -Clifford lost many men before effecting the juncture, and yet the -natives were so completely surprised that they had no time even to -hide their children. Many hundred cows were taken, but the result -of the expedition was that Essex returned to Dublin and Clifford to -Connaught.[320] - -[Sidenote: Anger of Elizabeth.] - -[Sidenote: The cheap defence of nations.] - -At the beginning of August, the Irish Council demanded 2,000 fresh -men for the expedition to the North, but before an answer came, they -declared that nothing could be done for the year. It is difficult -to say how far this inconsistency was caused by the fluctuations -of Essex's own temper, but it was clear that he did not inspire -confidence. The Queen granted the reinforcements, while severely -criticising the conduct of both Lord-Lieutenant and Council. She had -been repeatedly told, and could very well believe, that a garrison at -Lough Foyle was the chief thing needful. 'We doubt not,' she said, -'but to hear by the next that it is begun and not in question.' In the -meantime the garrisons in Connaught and Munster and in the midland -forts seemed scarcely able to maintain themselves. 'We can hope of no -success,' she said sarcastically, 'than to be able to keep our towns -which were never lost, and some petty holds of small importance, with -more than three parts of our army, it being decreed for the head of -the rebellion, that our forces shall not find our way this year to -behold him.' She could not understand how no more than 5,000 men were -available, instead of at least double that number; and, indeed, it is -not easy to understand even now. And there were other things to make -her angry. Essex had been specially ordered to make no knights except -for some striking service, and he now made no less than fifty-nine, -without having anything to show for it. The court news-writer, from -whom we learn so much, notes that he had begun by dozens and scores, -and had now fallen to 'huddle them up by half-hundreds; and it is noted -as a strange thing, that a subject, in the course of seven or eight -years, should, upon so little service and small desert, make more -knights than in all the realm besides; and it is doubted, that if he -continues this course, he will shortly bring in tag and rag, cut and -long-tail, and so bring the order into contempt.'[321] - -[Sidenote: Defeat of Sir Conyers Clifford (August).] - -[Sidenote: Death of Clifford.] - -It may be doubtful whether Essex intended again to take the dilatory -advice of his Council, or whether he would have been stung into -action by the Queen's taunts. A great disaster seems to have finally -determined him, though it should probably have had the contrary effect. -O'Connor Sligo had been with Essex in Munster, whence he returned to -Collooney, the only castle which he had preserved from O'Donnell, and -where he was at once beleaguered by him. Essex ordered Clifford to -relieve him and to occupy Sligo, by which means he hoped to distract -Tyrone's attention. Clifford, with a force of something under 2,000 -men, went to Boyle, and, in spite of the Lord Lieutenant's caution -against over-confidence, resolved to pass the Curlew mountains without -resting his men, after two days' march in the hot harvest weather. He -does not seem to have expected any opposition, but O'Donnell had been -watching the pass for weeks, and had given orders that the army should -be allowed to get well on to the mountain before they were attacked. -The Irish scouts saw them leave the abbey of Boyle, so that there was -plenty of time for O'Donnell to bring up his forces. On arriving at -the narrowest part of the pass between Boyle and Ballinafad, Clifford -found it strongly defended by a breastwork, and held by 400 men, who -fired a volley, and then fell back. The road up the mountain, which -consisted of 'stones six or seven foot broad, lying above ground, with -plashes of bog between them,' ran through boggy woods, from which the -Irish galled the soldiers, who exhausted their powder with little -effect. Sir Alexander Radclyffe, commanding the advance guard, was -mortally wounded, and as no reinforcement came up, a panic ensued, -and the whole array were driven pell-mell back to Boyle. Sir John Mac -Swiney, an Irish officer in the Queen's service, faced the enemy almost -alone, cursing the vileness of his men, and 'died fighting, leaving the -example of his virtue to be intituled by all honourable posterities.' -Only the horse under Sir Griffin Markham behaved well, covering the -retreat and charging boldly up hill 'among rocks and bogs, where never -horse was seen to charge before.' Markham had his arm broken by a shot, -and Sir Conyers Clifford was killed while trying to rally his men. -Harrington thought the imagination of the soldiers was bewitched, and -cites the extraordinary escape of Rory Oge from his cousin Sir Henry in -1577, when they thought 'he had, by magic, compelled them not to touch -him'; but this panic is easily explained by the moral effect of recent -defeats. So far as Ireland went, people were losing their faith in -Elizabeth's star.[322] - -[Sidenote: Effects of this disaster.] - -O'Rourke, who remained in possession of the field, cut off Clifford's -head and sent it to O'Donnell, and MacDermot, in a letter which -Harrington very justly characterised as 'barbarous for the Latin, -but civil for the sense,' announced that, for the love he bore the -governor, he had carried his headless trunk to the neighbouring -monastery of Lough Cé. He was ready to exchange it for his own -prisoners or to give it decent burial himself, and he would offer no -obstacle to the burial of other officers. 'The Irish of Connaught,' say -the Four Masters, 'were not pleased at the Governor's death, for he -had been a bestower of jewels and riches upon them, and he had never -told them a falsehood.' The same authorities say the Irish did not -attribute their victory to arms, but to the miracle of the Lord and -to the special intercession of the Blessed Mary. Nor was superstition -confined to the victorious party, for not only did the English soldiers -talk of magic, but Clifford himself was said to have prophetically -dreamed of his capture by O'Donnell, and of being carried by monks -into their convent. The defeat was particularly disastrous, because -Clifford's troops were not raw recruits, as Harrington's had been. -Essex determined to employ them no more, except to defend walls. The -immediate result of the battle was that O'Connor Sligo submitted to -Tyrone, and became a loyal subject of the real king of Ireland.[323] - -[Sidenote: A council of war decides to do nothing.] - -Essex's first and natural impulse was 'to revenge or follow worthy -Conyers Clifford,' but others thought that very little could be done. -In early spring it had been decided to wait till the summer, and now -in harvest-time the season for fighting was considered to be past. -Again the General placed his fate in the hands of a council of war, and -again his advisers resolved to do nothing. 'The Lords, Colonels, and -Knights of the army,' as they style themselves, declared that there -were less than 4,000 men available for a campaign, that many soldiers -deserted to the rebels, ran away to England, feigned sickness, or hid -themselves. The uniform ill-success of the Queen's army had lately -been such that her troops had no heart for the Ulster enterprise, and -it was certain that they would be greatly outnumbered by the rebels. -'The Connaught army consisting of a great part of old companies being -lately defeated,' there was no chance of establishing a post at Lough -Foyle, and in any case there were not men enough to garrison it, and -the same would apply still more strongly to Armagh and Blackwater, -whither provisions could not be brought by sea. For these reasons, and -being thoroughly aware of the state of the army, the officers declared -against any journey far north. 'In which resolution,' they say, 'if -any man suspected it proceeded of weakness or baseness, we will not -only in all likely and profitable service disprove him, but will every -one of us deal with his life, that we dissuaded this undertaking with -more duty than any man could persuade unto it.' The Queen was very -angry with the Lord Lieutenant for calling in 'so many of those that -are of so slender judgment, and none of our council,' to keep men from -censuring his proceedings, and there can be little doubt that it was a -weak device to shift the responsibility. Seven days after the officers' -declaration, Essex left Dublin, resolved to go as far and do as much -'as duty would warrant, and God enable him.' This meant that he would -fight Tyrone if the arch-rebel would forego his advantage of position -and come out to battle. 'If he have as much courage as he pretendeth, -we will, on one side or the other, end the war.' He had come to see -that the 'beating of Tyrone in the field' depended upon the good -pleasure of that chief, and it would have been well for his fame had he -mastered that elementary truth before he undertook to censure better -soldiers and wiser men than himself.[324] - -[Sidenote: Essex goes to the north.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone in sight.] - -Essex left Dublin on August 28, with the intention of placing a -garrison at Donaghmoyne in Farney. That land of lakes and hills was -his own inheritance by the Queen's patent to his father, and he may -have had some idea of securing his own as well as of annoying Tyrone. -He travelled through Navan and Kells, and at Castle Keran, beyond -the latter town, he mustered an army of 3,700 foot and 300 horse. But -the idea of establishing an outpost either in Monaghan or Cavan was -quickly abandoned for three reasons, any of which would have been ample -by itself. It was not worth doing, since there was nothing to defend -beyond Kells. It could not be done, because it would be impossible to -bring provisions on horseback from Drogheda. Last and not least, Tyrone -was in Farney, ready to burn the Pale up to Dublin gates as soon as -the Lord Lieutenant's rearguard had passed. It was resolved that Kells -should be the frontier garrison, and the army marched to Ardee. The -camp was so placed that Tyrone's could be seen on the other side of -the Lagan, and there was some small skirmishing when a party was sent -down to cut firewood near the river. Next day Essex advanced to the -Mills of Louth, and encamped on the left bank of the Lagan. Tyrone made -a flank march at the same time, and the two armies were quite close -together, the Irish keeping the woods, though 10,000 or 11,000 strong. -Sir William Warren, who was used to treating with Tyrone, went to seek -the enlargement of a prisoner, and next day Henry O'Hagan came to ask -for a parley. 'If thy master,' Essex is reported to have said, 'have -any confidence either in the justness of his cause, or in the goodness -and number of his men, or in his own virtue, of all which he vainly -glorieth, he will meet me in the field so far advanced before the head -of his kerne as myself shall be separated from the front of my troops, -where we will parley in that fashion which best becomes soldiers.' -Vainglory there was, but rather upon the challenger's own side; it -was as a general, and not as a champion, that Elizabeth had sent her -favourite to Ireland.[325] - -[Sidenote: Essex meets Tyrone,] - -[Sidenote: and retires without fighting.] - -Next day Essex offered battle, which of course was refused by the -enemy, but Tyrone again sent to desire a parley. A garrison was placed -at Newrath near the mill of Louth, and on the following day the army -marched towards Drumcondra. They had scarcely gone a mile when O'Hagan -came again, and 'speaking,' like Rabshakeh, 'so loud as all might -hear that were present,' announced that Tyrone 'desired her Majesty's -mercy, and that the Lord Lieutenant would hear him; which, if his -lordship agreed to, he would gallop about and meet him at the ford of -Bellaclinthe, which was on the right hand by the way which his lordship -took to Drumcondra.' Essex sent two officers to see the place, who -reported that the ford was too wide for the purpose; but Tyrone, who -knew the ground, found a spot 'where he, standing up to his horse's -belly, might be near enough to be heard by the Lord Lieutenant, though -he kept to the hard ground.... Seeing Tyrone there alone, his lordship -went down alone. At whose coming Tyrone saluted his lordship with much -reverence, and they talked above half-an-hour together, and after went -either of them to their companies on the hills.' Of all the foolish -things Essex ever did, this was the most foolish. By conversing with -the arch-rebel without witnesses he left it open to his enemies to -put the worst construction on all he did, and he put it out of his -own power to offer any valid defence. Two days before he had declared -war to the knife, and now he was ready to talk familiarly with his -enemy, and practically to concede all without striking a blow. A more -formal meeting followed with six witnesses on each side. Tyrone's -were his brother Cormac MacBaron, Magennis, Maguire, Ever MacCowley, -Henry Ovington, and Richard Owen, 'that came from Spain, but is an -Irishman by birth.' Southampton, St. Leger, and four other officers of -rank accompanied the Lord Lieutenant. By way of humility, the Irish -party rode into the river, 'almost to their horse's bellies,' while -Essex and his followers kept on the bank. Tyrone spoke uncovered, -saluting the viceregal party 'with a great deal of respect,' and it -was arranged that a further conference should take place next morning. -Essex continued his march to Drumcondra, but Tyrone came himself to the -place of meeting--a ford where the Lagan bridge now stands. Wotton was -one of the commissioners on the Lord Lieutenant's part, and it is not -likely that the negotiation suffered in his hands. He was chosen as -the fittest person 'to counterpoise the sharpness of Henry Ovington's -wit.' The result was a cessation of arms for six weeks to six weeks -until May, either side being at liberty to break it on giving fourteen -days' notice. If any of Tyrone's allies refused to be bound, the Lord -Lieutenant was left at liberty to attack them. To save Essex's honour -it was agreed to that his ratification should be by word simply, but -that Tyrone's should be on oath. Next day the Lord Lieutenant went -to take physic at Drogheda, and Tyrone retired with all his forces -into the heart of his country, having gained without fighting a -greater victory than that of the Yellow Ford. Bagenal was defeated, -the Earl of Essex was disgraced; one had lost his life, the other his -reputation.[326] - -[Sidenote: The Queen blames Essex severely,] - -[Sidenote: and he leaves Ireland without leave.] - -'If these wars end by treaty,' Wotton had said on his first arrival, -'the Earl of Tyrone must be very humble.' But the wars were ended so -far as Essex was concerned, and the rebels had conceded nothing. A -week before his meeting with Tyrone, Essex had written to the Queen, -warning her to expect nothing from a man weary of life, whose past -services had been requited by 'banishment and proscription into the -most cursed of all countries,' and almost suggesting that he meditated -suicide as the only means of escape. Nor were Elizabeth's letters such -as to encourage him. He had disappointed the world's expectation, and -his actions had been contrary to her orders, 'though carried in such -sort as we were sure to have no time to countermand them.' 'Before your -departure,' she wrote, 'no man's counsel was held sound which persuaded -not presently the main prosecution in Ulster; all was nothing without -that, and nothing was too much for that.' An army and a summer had been -wasted, and nothing had been done. The only way of accounting for the -way in which the available troops had dwindled from 19,000 to less -than 4,000 was by supposing that he had dispersed them in unnecessary -garrisons, 'especially since, by your continual report of the state of -every province, you describe them all to be in worse condition than -ever they were before you put foot in that kingdom.' He had condemned -all his predecessors, he had had everything he asked for, and he had -done worse than anyone. Two days after the despatch of this letter -Elizabeth received the account of the truce with Tyrone, which she -promptly characterised as the 'quick end made of a slow proceeding.' -She had never doubted that Tyrone would be ready to parley 'specially -with our supreme general of the kingdom, having often done it with -those of subaltern authority; always seeking these cessations with -like words, like protestations.' She blamed Essex severely for his -private interview--not, she was careful to say, that she suspected -treason; 'yet both for comeliness, example, and your own discharge, we -marvel you would carry it no better.' He had neglected her orders and -sheltered himself systematically behind a council which had already -wrapped Ireland in calamities. If she had intended to leave all to -them, it was 'very superfluous to have sent over such a personage as -yourself.' His despatches were as meagre as his actions, and he had -told her nothing of what passed between him and Tyrone, nor of his -instructions to the commissioners, so that 'we cannot tell, but by -divination, what to think may be the issue of this proceeding... to -trust this traitor upon oath is to trust a devil upon his religion. To -trust him upon pledges is a mere illusory... unless he yield to have -garrisons planted in his own country to master him, and to come over -to us personally here.' The letter concluded with a positive order not -to ratify the truce, nor to grant a pardon without further authority -from herself, 'after he had particularly advised by writing.' One week -after the date of the letter Essex left Ireland, in spite of the most -stringent orders not to do so without a special warrant.[327] - -[Sidenote: The O'Neill in his hold.] - -Some account of Tyrone, as he appeared among his own people near -Dunkalk, has been fortunately preserved in a letter from Sir John -Harrington, who was at once a keen observer and a lively writer, -and who had already seen him at Ormonde's house in London. Tyrone -apologised for not remembering him personally, and said that the -troubles had made him almost forget his friends. While the Earl was in -private conversation with Sir William Warren, Harrington amused himself -by 'posing his two sons in their learning, and their tutors, which were -one Friar Nangle, a Franciscan, and a younger scholar, whose name I -know not; and finding the two children of good towardly spirit, their -age between thirteen and fifteen, in English clothes like a nobleman's -sons; with velvet jerkins and gold lace; of a good cheerful aspect, -freckle-faced, not tall of stature, but strong and well-set; both of -them speaking the English tongue; I gave them (not without the advice -of Sir William Warren) my English translation of Ariosto, which I got -at Dublin; which their teachers took very thankfully, and soon after -shewed it to the Earl, who called to see it openly, and would needs -hear some part of it read. I turned (as it had been by chance) to the -beginning of the forty-fifth canto, and some other passages of the -book, which he seemed to like so well that he solemnly swore his boys -should read all the book over to him.' Harrington was not insensible to -flattery of this sort, for he has recorded the reception of his work -at Galway and its soothing effect upon 'a great lady, a young lady, -and a fair lady' who had been jilted by Sir Calisthenes Brooke; but it -did not prevent him from afterwards calling Tyrone a damnable rebel. -It was O'Neill's cue to speak fairly, and he took occasion to say that -he had seen his visitor's cousin, Sir Henry, in the field, and that he -must have been wrongly accused of misconduct in the fight near Wicklow. -Tyrone deplored his 'own hard life,' comparing himself to wolves, that -'fill their bellies sometimes, and fast as long for it;' but he was -merry at dinner, and seemed rather pleased when Harrington worsted -one of his priests in an argument. 'There were fern tables and fern -forms, spread under the stately canopy of heaven. His guard for the -most part were beardless boys without shirts, who, in the frost, wade -as familiarly through rivers as water-spaniels. With what charms such a -master makes them love him I know not; but if he bid come, they come; -if go, they do go; if he say do this, they do it.' He made peaceable -professions, and spoke much about freedom of conscience; but Harrington -perceived that his only object was to temporise, and 'one pretty thing -I noted, that the paper being drawn for him to sign, and his signing it -with O'Neill, Sir William (though with very great difficulty) made him -to new write it and subscribe Hugh Tyrone.'[328] - -[Sidenote: Essex deserts his post (September).] - -[Sidenote: His reception at Court.] - -The only possible excuse for Essex's leaving Ireland against orders -was the Queen's last direction to 'advise by writing' the progress of -his negotiations with Tyrone. He had given a promise--a foolish and -rash promise--that he would 'only verbally deliver' the conditions -demanded by the arch-rebel. A letter to Sir John Norris had been sent -into Spain, and Tyrone refused to open his heart if writing was to be -used. Essex could, however, refer to the instructions given by him to -Warren, and in any case he might have waited until her Majesty had -expressed her opinion as to his promise of secrecy. After all, the most -probable supposition is that he was sick of Ireland, that he felt his -own failure, and that he hoped to reassert over the Queen that power -which absence had so evidently weakened. He swore in Archbishop Loftus -and Sir George Carey as Lords Justices, Ormonde remaining in command -of the army under his old commission, and charged them all to keep -the cessation precisely, but to stand on their guard and to have all -garrisons fully victualled for six months. He sailed the same day, and -travelled post, with the evident intention of himself announcing his -departure from Ireland. Having embarked on the 24th, he reached London -very early on the 28th, hurried to the ferry between Westminster and -Lambeth, and appropriated the horses which he found waiting there. -Lord Grey de Wilton, who had not forgiven his arrest, was in front, -and it was proposed by Sir Thomas Gerrard that he should let the Earl -pass him. 'Doth he desire it?' said Lord Grey. 'No,' was the answer, -'nor will he, I think, ask anything at your hands.' 'Then,' said his -lordship, 'I have business at Court.' He hurried on to Nonsuch, and -went straight to Cecil.[329] Essex arrived only a quarter of an hour -later, and although 'so full of dirt and mire that his very face was -full of it,' made his way at once to the Queen's bedchamber. It was -ten o'clock, and Elizabeth was an early riser, but on this occasion -she was 'newly up, the hair about her face.' He fell on his knees and -kissed her hands, and the goodness of his reception was inferred from -his own words that, 'though he had suffered much trouble and storm -abroad, he found a sweet calm at home.' He dressed, and at eleven had -another audience, which lasted an hour. Still all went well. The Queen -was gracious, and the courtiers as yet saw no reason to stand aloof; -but Cecil and his friends were thought to be rather cold. Elizabeth -was evidently glad to see her favourite, and for a moment forgot his -real position. The first meeting of the Privy Council dispelled the -illusion, and on the 1st of October he was committed to the custody of -Lord-Keeper Egerton.[330] - -[Sidenote: Negotiations with Tyrone (October and November).] - -It was very uncertain as to what would be the consequences of Essex's -escapade, and those who were left in charge could only temporise as -best they might. In about two months Sir William Warren had three -separate parleys with Tyrone, and in each case it was the English -diplomatist that urged a continuance of the cessation of arms. Tyrone, -who had his immediate followers extraordinarily well in hand, seems -to have kept the truce, and he had reasons to complain of injuries -done him by the English party. In the paralysis of government outrage -upon the borders could scarcely be avoided, and Tyrone's allies were -less steady than himself. 'In all the speeches,' Warren wrote, 'passed -between him and me, he seemed to stand chiefly upon a general liberty -of religion throughout the kingdom. I wished him to demand some other -thing reasonable to be had from her Majesty, for I told him that I -thought her Majesty would no more yield to that demand than she would -give her crown from her head.' Warren laughed at a letter addressed -to Lord O'Neill Chief Lieutenant of Ireland. 'I asked him,' he says, -'to whom the devil he could be Lieutenant. He answered me, Why should -I not be a Lieutenant as well as the Earl of Ormonde.' The reasoning -is not very clear, and it seems at least probable that many regarded -him as the Pope's viceroy. In making James Fitzthomas an earl he had -greatly exceeded even the most ample viceregal powers. From the meeting -with Essex to the date at which he resolved to begin fighting again, -his official letters are signed Hugh Tyrone, but on November 8 he gave -Warren fourteen days' notice to conclude the truce, on the ground of -injuries done him by Thomond and Clanricarde. That letter and those -succeeding it, with one significant exception, he signs as O'Neill. -In repeating the notice to Ormonde he says, 'I wish you command your -secretary to be more discreet and to use the word Traitor as seldom as -he may. By chiding there is little gotten at my hands, and they that -are joined with me fight for the Catholic religion, and liberties of -our country, the which I protest before God is my whole intention.' In -all these negotiations Tyrone professes to rely entirely upon Essex -to see justice done, and declares war 'first of all for having seven -score of my men killed by the Earl of Ormonde in time of cessation, -besides divers others of the Geraldines, who were slain by the Earl -of Kildare. Another cause is because I made my agreement only with -your lordship, in whom I had my only confidence, who, as I am given -to understand, is now restrained from your liberty, for what cause I -know not.' And this letter, being intended for English consumption, -is signed Hugh Tyrone. Immediately after writing it he again took the -field.[331] - -[Sidenote: Amount of blame imputable to Essex.] - -'The conditions demanded by Tyrone,' says Essex himself, 'I was fain to -give my word that I would only verbally deliver.' The consequence was -that there is not and cannot be any absolutely authentic statement of -those conditions. There is, however, a paper printed in a collection of -repute, and immediately after one of Cecil's letters, which professes -to be a statement of 'Tyrone's Propositions, 1599.' The Queen herself -says that Essex, on his return, acquainted her with Tyrone's offers, -but in so confused a manner as could only be explained by supposing -that 'the short time of their conference made him not fully conceive -the particular meaning of Tyrone in divers of those articles.' What -probably happened was that Tyrone talked big, and that when Essex came -to think over it afterwards, he could not clearly distinguish between -extreme claims which had been mentioned, and serious proposals which -had been made. But the 16th article in 'Tyrone's Propositions' is -clearly not invented by the writer, who was probably hostile to Essex. -It demands 'that O'Neill, O'Donnell, Desmond, and their partakers, -shall have such lands as their ancestors enjoyed 200 years ago.' -Whether Tyrone ever demanded any such thing is doubtful, but it is -certain that this, or something very like it, was what Essex told the -Queen. 'Tyrone's offers,' she says, 'are both full of scandal to our -realm, and future peril in the State. What would become of all Munster, -Leix, and Offaly, if all the ancient exiled rebels be restored to all -that our laws and hereditary succession have bestowed upon us?' And -again, 'we will not assent in other provinces [than Ulster] to the -restitution of all traitors to their livings, or the displantation of -our subjects that have spent their lives in the just defences of their -possessions which they have taken and held from us or our ancestors.' -It is quite evident then that Essex actually laid before Elizabeth -a proposal which involved the reversal of every attainder and the -expropriation of all settlers upon forfeited lands. After this it -hardly seems worth discussing matters of commerce, or proposals that -Englishmen should be debarred from all preferment in Church and State -in Ireland, while all statutes prejudicing the preferment of Irishmen -in England should be repealed.'[332] - -[Sidenote: What Tyrone meant by 'liberty of conscience.'] - -Liberty of conscience was what Tyrone continually asked for, but -not what he or his friends were prepared to grant. He undertook -generally to 'plant the Catholic faith throughout Ireland,' and when -did Rome bear a rival near her throne? In a letter to the King of -Spain he acknowledged his object to be the 'extirpation of heresy,' -and recalcitrant chiefs were reminded that present ruin and eternal -damnation would be their lot if they did not help to 'erect the -Catholic religion.' Jesuits boasted that his victories had already -made it impossible for Protestants to live in certain districts. -Tyrone claimed personal inviolability for priests, and treated the -imprisonment of one as a breach of the cessation. In the paper already -discussed he is said to have demanded that the Catholic religion should -be openly preached, the churches governed by the Pope, cathedrals -restored, Irish priests released from prison and left free to come -and go over sea, and that no Englishmen should be churchmen in -Ireland. The article about the release of clerical prisoners is just -such a coincidence as Paley would have urged in proof that 'Tyrone's -Propositions' form a genuine document. But here again it is probable -that this was only laid before the Queen as Tyrone's extreme claim, and -that Essex gave her some reason to suppose that he would be satisfied -with less. 'For any other personal coming of himself,' she wrote, 'or -constraint in religion, we can be content, for the first, that he may -know he shall not be peremptorily concluded, and in the second that we -leave to God, who knows best how to work his will in these things, by -means more fit than violence, which doth rather obdurate than reform. -And, therefore, as in that case he need not to dread us, so we intend -not to bind ourselves further for his security than by our former -course we have witnessed; who have not used rigour in that point, even -when we might with more probability have forced others.'[333] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[300] Parallel between Essex and Buckingham in _Reliquiæ Wottonianæ_. - -[301] _Reliquiæ Wottonianæ_; Camden; Essex to the Queen in Devereux's -_Earls of Essex_, i. 493. The letter quoted in the text is the best -proof that Camden's story is substantially true. See also Spedding's -_Life of Bacon_, ii. 91, 103. For Spanish popular notions on Philip -III. see _Carew_, Aug. 23, 1602. Beaumont, the French ambassador -in 1602, says the Queen told him, in a broken voice, that she had -warned Essex long since 'qu'il se contestast de prendre plaisir -de lui déplaire à toutes occasions, et de mepriser sa personne -insolemment comme il faisait, et qu'il se gardast bien de toucher à son -sceptre.'--Von Raumer, Letter 60. - -[302] Spedding, ii. 124-126; Essex to John Harrington in Park's edition -of _Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 246. - -[303] Bacon's advice to Essex immediately before his going to Ireland, -Spedding, ii. 129; Essex to Southampton, Jan. 1, 1599, printed by -Abbott; Bacon's _Apology_, first printed in 1604. - -[304] The letter of advice is in Spedding, ii. 129; Apology concerning -the Earl of Essex; Essex to Southampton in Abbott's _Bacon and Essex_, -chap. ix. Jan. 1, 1599. Essex wrote to the Queen, just before starting, -as follows: 'From a mind delighting in sorrow, from spirits wasted -with passion, from a heart torn with care, grief, and travail, from a -man that hateth himself and all things also that keepeth him alive, -what service can your Majesty expect? since my service past deserves -no more than banishment and proscription into the cursedst of all -other countries.' The letter ends with some verses in praise of a -contemplative life, and Essex signs himself 'your Majesty's exiled -servant.'--_MS. Harl._ 35, p. 338. - -[305] The progress of the negotiations may be traced in Chamberlain's -_Letters_ (Camden Society). Essex to Southampton, Jan. 1, 1599; and -Charles Blount (afterwards Lord Mountjoy) to Essex, Jan. 3, both in -Abbott, chap. ix. - - 'Full little knowest thou, that has not tried, - What hell it is in suing long to bide; - To lose good days that might be better spent - To waste long nights in pensive discontent; - To speed to-day, to be put back to-morrow, &c.'--_Spenser._ - - -[306] Devereux, ii. 16-24; _Four Masters_; Prayer for the good success -of Her Majesty's forces in Ireland (black letter, London, 1599). - - Were now the general of our gracious empress - (As in good time he may), from Ireland coming, - Bringing rebellion broached on his sword, - How many would the peaceful city quit, - To welcome him?--_Henry V._ Act 5. - - -[307] Chamberlain's _Letters_, 1599. Robert Markham to John Harrington -in _Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 239; Fenton to Cecil, May 7; Fynes Moryson's -_Itinerary_, part i. book i. ch. i. At Hatfield there are a great many -letters asking Essex to employ the writers or their friends in Ireland. -Most of these anticipate triumph. William Harborn on Feb. 3 asks for -nothing, but presents the Earl with an Italian history of the world in -four volumes, 'to attend your honour, if they be permitted, in this -your pretended Irish enterprise, at times vacant to recreate your most -heroical mind.' The Queen's instructions speak of a 'royal army, paid, -furnished, and provided in other sorts than any king of this land hath -done before.' Its nominal strength was raised to 20,000, but they were -never really under arms at once. - -[308] The Commission, dated March 12, is in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, -ii. 520. The instructions, dated March 27, are fully abstracted by -Devereux, and in _Carew_. - -[309] Chichester to Cecil, March 17, 1599, MS. _Hatfield_. Account of -Sir Arthur Chichester by Sir Faithful Fortescue in Lord Clermont's -privately printed _Life of Sir John Fortescue_, &c. - -[310] Report on state of Ireland April 1599, in _Carew_, and further -particulars in Dymmok's _Treatise of Ireland_ (ed. Butler, Irish -Arch. Society, 1843). Dymmok's account of the Leinster and Munster -journey is, with slight omissions, word for word (but better spelt) -Harrington's journal from May 10 to July 3, after which it is -continued from other sources. (_Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 268-292.) There is -an independent journal in _Carew_ from May 21 to July 1. The opinion -of the Irish Council is printed by Devereux, i. 24. Essex to the -Privy Council, April 29. Sir H. Wotton to Ed. Reynolds, April 19, MS. -_Hatfield_, where it is noted that Sir H. Wallop died within an hour of -the Lord Lieutenant's arrival. - -[311] _Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 269-275; _Four Masters_; O'Sullivan Bere, tom. -iii. lib. v. cap. 9. O'Donovan cannot exactly identify the 'transitus -plumarum,' and the name is forgotten in the district. Harrington -places it between Croshy Duff hill, which is two and a half miles from -Maryborough on the Timahoe road, and Cashel, which is four miles from -Maryborough on the Ballyroan road. Captain Lee, in _Desiderata Curiosa -Hibernica_, i. 114, suggests that Tyrone would willingly settle all his -differences with Bagenal (whom he very wrongly accuses of cowardice) -by a duel. Tyrone was the last man in the world to do such an act of -folly, but Lee exposes his own character. - -[312] The Lord President, Ormonde, and other councillors 'hath -persuaded me for a few days to look into his government.'--Essex to the -Privy Council, May 21, 1599, MS. _Hatfield_. The few days were a full -month. _Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 275-278; Journal of occurrents in _Carew_, -under June 22. The battery was planted on May 28, and all was over by -the 31st. 'The castle of Cahir, very considerable, built upon a rock, -and seated in an island in the midst of the Suir, was lately rendered -to me. It cost the Earl of Essex, as I am informed, about _eight weeks' -siege_ with his army and artillery. It is now yours without the loss -of one man.'--Cromwell to Bradshaw, March 5, 1649. Thus history is -falsified by flattery and local vanity. There is a picture-plan of the -siege in _Pacata Hibernia_. - -[313] Journal of occurrents in _Carew_, under June 22; _Nugæ Antiquæ_, -i. 278-280. The Journal, the _Four Masters_, and O'Sullivan Bere, tom. -iii. lib. v. cap. 6, all agree that Norris died of a wound in the head. -'Kilthilia' may be Kilteely near Hospital, whither the Journal says the -wounded man was first carried. He died in his own house at Mallow. - -[314] _Nugæ Antiquæ_ and Journal _ut sup._ Essex left Askeaton on -the 8th, and arrived at Waterford on June 21. The Queen to Lord and -Lady Norris, Sept. 6, in S.P. _Domestic_, and Rowland Whyte to Sir R. -Sidney, Sept. 8, in _Sidney Papers_. - -[315] The contemporary accounts are collected in _National MSS. of -Ireland_, part iv. i. app. xiv. Atherton's is the most minute. There -is also a field-sketch made by Captain Montague. The Irish were not -numerically stronger than Harrington's force. Loftus, who died at -Wicklow for want of a skilful surgeon, was the archbishop's son. - -[316] Journal in _Carew_, under July 1; _Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 254, 259, -and 286-292; Dymmok's _Treatise_. Essex left Waterford June 22, and -reached Dublin July 2. - -[317] Essex to the Privy Council, July 11; Devereux, ii. 50-52; Fynes -Moryson, part ii. lib. i. cap. i.; _Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 292; _Reliquiæ -Wottonianæ_. - -[318] Privy Council to Essex, June 10; Essex to the Privy Council, July -11; the Queen to Essex, July 19. - -[319] Essex to the Privy Council, May 21, MS. _Hatfield_; Cecil to Sir -H. Neville, May 23, in Winwood's _Memorials_; Chamberlain's _Letters_, -June 10; Essex to the Queen, June 25, in Moryson; the Queen to Essex, -July 19. - -[320] Dymmok's _Treatise_, p. 43; _Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 255; the Queen to -Essex, July 19 and Aug. 10. Harrington's comrade was Gerald, fourteenth -Earl of Kildare. The 'sergeant-major' was either Captain Richard Cuny -or Captain George Flower. - -[321] The Queen to the Lord Lieutenant and Council, Aug. 10 in _Carew_; -Chamberlain's _Letters_, Aug. 23. - -[322] Dymmok's _Treatise_, p. 44; _Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 255-257 and -264-268; _Four Masters_. Harrington was present, and Dymmok's account -is from those who were. O'Sullivan Bere says the English lost 1,400 -men, but Harrington says Clifford's whole force hardly amounted to -that number. O'Donnell, though not far off, took no actual part in the -fight. H. Cuffe to E. Reynolds, Aug. 11, MS. _Hatfield_, written when -the bad news was quite fresh. - -[323] _Four Masters_; MacDermot's letter is in Dymmok; Essex's -instructions for Dillon, Savage, and Dunkellin in _Carew_, Aug. 10. -Dymmok gives Aug. 15 as the date of Clifford's death, but it must have -been a week earlier. - -[324] Essex to the Queen, soon after Aug. 15, in Devereux, ii. 56, and -two other letters at p. 67. The officers' declaration is at p. 55, -where the names of the signatories are given. They fairly justify the -Queen's stricture in her letter of Sept. 14. - -[325] Dymmok's _Treatise_; Journal in _Carew_, No. 315. The two -accounts substantially agree. It was the hereditary privilege of -O'Hagan to inaugurate O'Neill. - -[326] Journal in _Carew_ and Dymmok _ut sup._ Moryson and Camden -closely agree. The chronology is as follows: Essex leaves Dublin -Aug. 28; musters at Castle Kieran, Aug. 31; between Robinstown and -Newcastle, Sept. 2; Ardee, Sept. 3; Mills of Louth, Sept. 4; O'Hagan's -first overtures, Sept. 5; the meeting at Bellaclinthe, Sept. 7; -cessation concluded, Sept. 8; Essex goes to Drogheda, Sept. 9. See also -Shirley's _Monaghan_, p. 104. There is a story told somewhere that -Tyrone spoke much of religion, and that Essex answered, 'Go to, thou -carest as much for religion as my horse.' The original articles of -cessation, dated Sept. 8 and signed Hugh Tyrone, are at Hatfield. - -[327] Essex to the Queen, Aug. 30, from Ardbraccan; the Queen to Essex. -Sept. 14 and 17--all printed by Devereux. On March 27, Essex had -licence at his own request 'to return to her Majesty's presence at such -times as he shall find cause,' but this was revoked by her letter of -July 30. Sir H. Wotton to E. Reynolds, April 19, MS. _Hatfield_. - -[328] Harrington to Justice Carey in _Nugæ Antiquæ_, i. 247. Park gives -April as the date of this letter, but this is disproved by internal -evidence, and it certainly belongs to October. See also _ib._ pp. -260 and 340. Warren's own account of his 'second journey to the Earl -of Tyrone,' is dated Oct. 20. The first lines of the 45th canto of -Harrington's translation of _Orlando_ are:-- - - Look how much higher Fortune doth erect - The climbing wight on her unstable wheel, - So much the higher may a man expect - To see his head where late he saw his heel, &c. - - -[329] Sir Christopher St. Lawrence, according to Camden, offered his -services to kill both the peer and the secretary. - -[330] Letters from Rowland Whyte to Sir Robert Sidney in _Sidney -Papers_, ii. 117, 127, from Sept. 19 to Oct. 2; Essex's _Relation_, -written by him during his imprisonment. - -[331] The letter to Essex is of Nov. 22, and with seventeen others -belonging to the last three months of 1599, is printed by Mr. Gilbert -in App. 16 to _National Manuscripts, Ireland_, part iv. 1. In a letter -of Nov. 6, to the Lords Justices, Lord Lieutenant (Ormonde), and -Council, the Queen approves of the slaughter by Ormonde 'in revenge of -that that brake the cessation in Wexford... do not irritate nor oppress -any such as have submitted ... in respect of any private unkindness of -your own.' - -[332] 'Tyrone's Propositions, 1599' are in Winwood's _Memorials_, i. -118, immediately after Cecil's letter of Oct. 8 to Neville, and are -reprinted by Spedding and Abbott. The letter does not mention any -enclosure. In _Bacon and Essex_, pp. 134-148, Dr. Abbott endeavours, -not very successfully, I think, to show that the document is entirely -unworthy of credit. It is, however, not called 'Essex's propositions,' -but 'Tyrone's,' and I have shown that the most outrageous part of it -was regarded by the Queen as a serious proposal. Essex should have -broken off the conference at the mere mention of such a thing. Sidney -would have done so, or Norris, or Mountjoy. The Queen's letters to -Fenton and to the Lords Justices, &c., are of Nov. 5 and 6. - -[333] The Queen to the Lords Justices, &c. Nov. 6; Tyrone to Warren, -Dec. 25; to the King of Spain, Dec. 31; to Lord Barry and others, Feb. -1600, in _Carew_. On Feb. 13, 1600, the Vicar Apostolic Hogan told Lord -Barry he had 'received an excommunication from the Pope against all -those that doth not join in this Catholic action.' James Archer, S.J., -in a letter of Aug. 10, 1598, printed in _Hibernia Ignatiana_, p. 39, -informs Aquaviva of 'frequentes Catholicorum victorias, unde fit ut -hæretici ex multis locis migrare cogantur.' For Henry Fitzimon, S.J., -the priest of whose imprisonment Tyrone complained, see his _Life_ by -Rev. E. Hogan, S.J., p. 209. 'I never went to Tyrone,' Warren wrote -to Cecil, on Dec. 24, 1599, 'but I was forced to bribe his Friars and -Jesuits.' - - - - -CHAPTER XLIX. - -GOVERNMENT OF MOUNTJOY, 1600. - - -[Sidenote: The government is entrusted to Mountjoy.] - -In October 1599 the government of Ireland was offered to Mountjoy, who -refused it. He may have thought that Essex would have to go back, or he -may have been unwilling to leave Lady Rich. But in the following month -he was nevertheless ordered to be ready within twenty days. It became -evident that Essex would not be employed again; he made Mountjoy and -Southampton guardians of his interests, and for his sake they both went -perilously near to treason. Mountjoy undertook the thankless office -with a heavy heart. He told the Queen that everyone of his predecessors -had without exception been blamed, and that there was no one in Ireland -whom he could trust. Very unjustly, he included even Ormonde in this -sweeping censure. It was Raleigh who had insisted that he should be -appointed, and the Queen listened chiefly to him about Irish affairs. -'This employment of me is by a private man that never knew what it -was to divide public and honourable ends from his own, propounded and -laboured to you (without any respect to your public service) the more -eagerly, by any means to rise to his long expected fortune. Wherein, by -reason of the experience I have heard your Majesty holds him to have in -that country, he is like to become my judge, and is already so proud of -this plot that he cannot keep himself from bragging of it.'[334] - -[Sidenote: Raleigh's advice.] - -The usual delays took place, and the twenty days were prolonged to -eleven weeks. Raleigh's advice, like that of everyone who really -understood the problem, was for a system of garrisons. A Lord President -in Munster with a considerable force, a local governor in Connaught -with smaller means, a strong post at Lough Foyle, and the remaining -troops under the Lord Deputy's immediate command--these were the means -by which it was hoped to reduce Ireland. A large army under Essex had -failed, and his successor was expected to do everything with 12,000 -foot and 1,200 horse, though everyone but the Queen thought this force -too small. Lord Grey de Wilton, who was Essex's known enemy, desired -the command at Lough Foyle; but Mountjoy resented this idea as an -insult, and the choice fell upon Sir Henry Docwra, who had served under -Bingham in Connaught and under Essex at Cadiz. Grey consoled himself -by sending a challenge to Southampton, who said he was ready to fight -when time and place served, but that one so out of favour as himself -could hope for no mercy if he broke the law in England. Mountjoy took -leave of the Queen on the 24th of January, but was not made a Privy -Councillor, that honour being reserved till his return. Those who were -to accompany him also kissed hands, and Elizabeth read a little lecture -to each upon his duties. A fortnight later the Lord Deputy left London -with an escort of 100 horse, and wrote from Daventry to Cecil begging -that he might not be kept too closely to the 13,000 men. Southampton -was not allowed to go with him.[335] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's Holy War in Munster.] - -Whether Tyrone cared much or little for religion, it became an object -with him to appear publicly as the champion of Rome, and as such he -sought help from Spain and Austria. He then marched into Munster, and, -acting in concert with Desmond and the ecclesiastics there, called -upon all to take part in the holy war. He wasted a considerable part -of Westmeath, and carefully ravaged Ely O'Carroll. 'All its movable -possessions,' say the Four Masters, 'were carried away, and nothing -left but ashes instead of corn, and embers in place of mansions. Great -numbers of men, women, sons, and daughters were left in a dying state.' -The reason or pretext for this severity was that O'Carroll had hired -certain warriors of the Macmahons, and had killed instead of paying -them when the settling day came round. At Holy Cross Abbey the relic, -which had been hitherto preserved in spite of the dissolution, was -brought out to do him honour. Ormonde and Delvin watched his course, -but did not venture to attack him. The annalists oddly remark that on -his progress by Cashel to the neighbourhood of Bandon he only injured -those who were opposed to him. Among these was David Lord Barry, -who had remained firmly loyal since his pardon in Lord Grey's time. -Tyrone reviled him for deserting the cause of the Church, and as the -principal means of preventing the southern nobility from joining him -in rebellion. 'Her Highness,' replied Barry, 'hath never restrained -me for matters of religion,' and he demanded the restoration of some -of his followers who had been captured, and of 4,000 kine and 3,000 -horses. He defied Tyrone, and promised to have his revenge some day, -with her Majesty's assistance. He had hoped to save the island on which -Queenstown now stands, but the castle commanding the bridge over the -narrow strait was of no avail to protect his property. Tyrone landed -his parties in boats, and not a single house was left unburned.[336] - -[Sidenote: Arrival of Mountjoy and Carew (February).] - -In the meantime Mountjoy had been appointed Deputy, and Carew President -of Munster. They landed together at Howth on February 26, and found -things in as bad a state as possible, almost the whole island being -virtually under the sway of the victorious rebel. The Queen realised -that the country could not be bridled without fixed garrisons, but she -cautioned Mountjoy against frittering away his strength by multiplying -small posts. It had long been recognised that fortifications at Lough -Foyle would do more than anything to cripple the O'Neills, and 4,000 -foot and 200 horse were assigned for this service to Docwra; while -3,000 foot and 250 horse were allotted, by official orders from -England, to the presidency of Munster. The force left under Mountjoy's -immediate control did not, therefore, exceed 5,000 men, and he was thus -prevented from repeating Essex's mistake, that of 'making progresses' -at a great expense without achieving any permanent results.[337] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone plays the king in Munster.] - -Carew was necessarily delayed in Dublin for about six weeks, and in the -meantime Tyrone went where he pleased in Munster. His principal camp -was at Inniscarra on the Lee, and thither came friendly messages or -hostages from nearly all the neighbouring magnates, whether of English -or Irish race. Among his trustiest lieutenants was his son-in-law, -Hugh Maguire, who, on or about the last day of February, made a raid -in the immediate neighbourhood of Cork. Sir Warham St. Leger and Sir -Henry Power, the acting commissioners for Munster, went out for a -ride, in no expectation of an attack so near the town. Their men were -marching at ease and in loose order when they suddenly came in contact -with Maguire's party. St. Leger fired his pistol at the chief with -fatal effect, but the latter had strength enough to retaliate with -his half-pike; and so the two leaders fell by each other's hands, and -with few or no other casualties on either side. To Tyrone the loss was -great, and probably decided him to leave the province before Carew -could appear. Marching through the eastern part of Cork, and leaving -Cashel on his right hand, he passed through Westmeath and reached his -own country without striking a blow or ever seeing an enemy. Ormonde -and Thomond came out from Limerick with a considerable force, but no -battle took place, though Carew has recorded his opinion that the loyal -Earls were very anxious to fight.[338] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's march through Ireland.] - -Tyrone left about 1,800 men behind him in Munster, chiefly under the -command of Richard Tyrrell, and with 600, which were probably his best, -he travelled so fast as to elude Mountjoy, who had made preparations -for intercepting him in Westmeath. The Ulster men marched twenty-seven -miles in one day, and reached Tyrone in less than a quarter of the -time that it had taken them to perform the outward journey. The Queen -and her viceroy did not escape 'the great dishonour of this traitor -passing home to his den unfought with.' Ormonde and Thomond, who had -been keeping Easter together at Kilkenny, then repaired to Dublin; and -Mountjoy matured his plan for the re-conquest of Ireland in detail. -Carew was ready before Docwra, and on April 7 he set out for his -province, the two Earls having preceded him to Kilkenny.[339] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde is taken prisoner by the O'Mores (April).] - -[Sidenote: The Jesuit Archer.] - -Carew reached Kilkenny on the third day, and his company of 100 horse -were billeted in the neighbourhood by Ormonde's directions. Each day -the Earl proposed that the President should accompany him to a parley -with Owen MacRory at a point between Ballyragget and Ballinakill in -the Queen's County. So little did he dream of danger on the border -of his own county, that he refused Carew's proffered escort, and set -out with about forty mounted men, of whom more than one half were -'lawyers, merchants, and others, upon hackneys,' and with no weapons -but the swords ordinarily worn. His company of 200 foot were left two -miles short of the place of meeting. O'More brought a picked troop -of spearmen with him, leaving in the rear 500 foot and twenty horse, -'the best furnished for war and the best apparelled that we have -seen in this kingdom,' 300 of them being Ulster mercenaries, left by -Tyrone on his return to the North. The two parties met upon a heath -sloping down towards a narrow defile, and with a bushy wood on each -side, 'the choice of which ground,' says Carew, 'we much misliked.' An -hour's conversation then ensued between Ormonde and O'More about such -questions as would naturally arise between warlike neighbours. Carew, -who noticed that the Irish kept edging further forward in the covert on -each side, was for departing before mischief could happen; but Ormonde, -who was quite unsuspicious, desired first to speak with Archer, who as -a Kilkenny man might be open to the arguments of his natural chief. -The Jesuit came forward, and after some talk the Earl called him a -traitor, and upbraided him with seducing the Queen's subjects into -rebellion. Archer replied that the Pope was the Sovereign of Ireland, -and that he had excommunicated Elizabeth. Ormonde then spoke of the -Pope in contemptuous terms, whereupon Archer threatened him with his -stick. At this signal, whether premeditated or not, the two parties -became suddenly intermingled, and Melaghlin O'More pulled the Earl off -his pony. Others, wrote Carew, and Thomond, 'tried to seize us too. -We had more hanging upon us than is credibly to be believed; but our -horses were strong and by that means did break through them, tumbling -down on all sides those that were before and behind us; and, thanks be -to God, we escaped the pass of their pikes, which they freely bestowed -and the flinging of their skeynes.... Owen MacRory laid hands on me the -President, and, next unto God, I must thank my Lord of Thomond for my -escape, who thrust his horse upon him. And at my back a rebel, newly -protected at my suit, called Brian MacDonogh Kavanagh, being a-foot, -did me good service. For the rest I must thank my horse, whose strength -bore down all about him.' Thomond received the stab of a pike in his -back, but the wound did not prove dangerous.[340] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy and Ormonde.] - -[Sidenote: Ormonde a prisoner, (April to June).] - -[Sidenote: His release (June).] - -Mountjoy distrusted Ormonde, more perhaps from jealousy than because -there was any real pretext for doing so. 'Taking notice,' the Queen -told her Deputy, 'of our cousin of Ormonde's good services, and in -respect that he hath been much toiled now in his latter years, we have -left unto him the choice whether he will retain the place of Lieutenant -under you or not. We would have himself and all the world know that we -make extraordinary estimation of him.' He retained his post with an -allowance of three pounds a day, and his almost independent position -galled Mountjoy, as it had galled other Deputies before his time. -Ormonde had trusted to his own vast influence, and he would certainly -have been warned had the intention of seizing him been known generally -among O'More's followers. If there was any premeditated design, it -was probably divulged only to a few. At first he was confined at -Gortnaclea Castle, near Abbeyleix, where he was allowed to have his -own cook and other comforts, but not to see anyone, except in Owen -MacRory's presence. Archer plied him hard with religious argument, -and some believed that he conformed to Rome; but this is at least -extremely doubtful. Tyrone was anxious to get him into his power, but -O'More had no idea of giving up such a hostage, and it is probable -that the Leinster men would, in any case, have refused to let him -be carried out of their province. A rescue was feared, and after a -month the Earl was removed from Gortnaclea, and carried from cabin -to cabin in the woods. From the intolerable hardship of this life -he was relieved by Sir Terence O'Dempsey, who allowed his castle of -Ballybrittas, near Portarlington, to be used as a prison. It was -supposed that the Ulster mercenaries, or Bonaghts, wished to carry off -the Earl to Tyrone by force, and the transfer was made by the O'Mores -without their knowledge. Besides this, Dermot MacGrath, papal bishop -of Cork, who is called legate by the English, and who was, perhaps, -vicar-apostolic, was of opinion that the capture had been treacherous, -and was thus opposed to Archer. Fenton managed to get access, for -his spies, to the Earl, among whom a 'gentlewoman' named Honora is -particularly mentioned. Finding, perhaps, that his prisoner was not -likely to be as useful as he first supposed, and fearing that he might -lose all advantage by death, O'More gradually relaxed his demands. -The first terms offered were that all garrisons should be removed -out of both Leix and Offaly; that the former county should be given -up to Owen MacRory; that all his nominees should have protection for -six weeks; and that during that time there should be no invasion of -Ulster. Afterwards there was an attempt to make Ormonde sign a paper, -which would have involved him in the guilt of O'More's rebellion, but -he eluded these snares, and was released after two months' detention. -'It may please your sacred Majesty to be advertised,' he wrote to the -Queen, 'that it pleased God of his goodness to deliver me, though -weak and sick, from the most malicious, arrogant, and vile traitor -of the world, Owen MacRory, forced to put into his hands certain -hostages for payment of 3,000_l._ if at any time hereafter I shall seek -revenge against him or his, which manner of agreement, although it be -very hard, could not be obtained before he saw me in that extremity -and weakness, as I was like, very shortly, to have ended my life in -his hands.' He believed that he owed his liberty to the report that -Leinster would be overrun with troops, to prevent which the Irishry of -the province themselves offered hostages, and were ready to quarrel -with O'More should he refuse them. They were twelve in number, one -being Sir Terence O'Dempsey's son, and Ormonde's intention was to -ransom them one by one. Sir Terence had married a Butler, and whatever -became of the other hostages, a ransom appears to have been paid for -this one. - -Mountjoy was fain to confess that 'the Earl doth continue with as great -affection as ever to her Majesty, and with much more spleen against -the rebel; but the tie upon him to the contrary are the pledges he -hath put in, whom no doubt the traitors will retain upon their own -conditions whatsoever his were. I do not think he will deliver his -daughter, although I believe he hath promised to do it... I cannot but -bear a kind of reverence to so ancient a servant of her Majesty, and a -compassion to the miserable fortune he was in... it shall be hard, but -I will put the Earl and the fathers of the pledges in blood against the -rebels, and that will soon mar all contracts between them. I have many -plots upon Owen MacRory to take him, and I think it is a thing that the -Earl doth very much practise, and will go very near to perform.'[341] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone and Ormonde.] - -Lady Ormonde was in bad health at this time, and her death in the -following year was perhaps hastened by anxiety. She begged that her -husband's military allowance might still be paid, as absolutely -necessary for her support. Mountjoy took proper measures for her -protection, and even if he had not done so from kindness, the custody -of her daughter was a matter of public importance. She was Ormonde's -only child, and there were sure to be many candidates for her wardship, -and for her hand. Besides which, possible heirs male would be ready to -advance their claims should anything happen to the Earl. Tyrone was -supposed to desire the heiress for his son, and he took the trouble -to deny the imputation, but this may not have been until he saw that -O'More had no idea of surrendering his great prisoner. 'Use him -honourably,' he wrote from Dungannon, 'but keep him very sure until he -be sent hither by the help of yourself and such as we have appointed -for that purpose. Therefore be not tempted to enlarge him upon any -proffer, for if you will desire ransom you shall have money and gold at -my hands.' - -It was not till more than a month later that he denied any wish to have -the young 'lady' or 'my lady mistress,' as he calls Lady Elizabeth, -'for by demanding her, men would say that I should have her for my -son.' It seems clear that his first object was to get Ormonde into his -hands, and failing that he wished to have credit for liberality and -kindness. 'For any motion,' said Ormonde contemptuously, 'of marriage -of my daughter to any of that base traitor Tyrone's brood, upon my duty -of allegiance to your highness, I never thought of any like matter, -neither was it demanded of me.'[342] - -[Sidenote: Carew in Munster. Florence MacCarthy.] - -[Sidenote: Barbarous warfare.] - -As soon as Mountjoy had provided for the safety of Kilkenny, Carew -started for his own province, where St. Leger's death had left Sir -Henry Power in temporary charge of a very troubled community. The -rebels in the county of Waterford came in to the Lord President at -once, and it was thought wiser not to ask questions. In Cork, Florence -MacCarthy was trying to play the impossible part of a neutral, -while Dermot O'Connor, at the head of a strong body of mercenaries, -was really the most powerful person in the province. Essex had -been authorised to give Florence a patent of inheritance to his -father-in-law, with discretionary power so to limit it as might seem -best for the public safety, but his sudden departure prevented this -being done. St. Leger and Power wished the patent to issue, and thought -the best way of restraining Donell's violence would be to acknowledge -Florence as MacCarthy More. To show his power, or to annoy a personal -enemy, Florence soon afterwards ravaged Lord Barry's barony of Ibane -with '700 of the traitors' bonies, otherwise called here among us -cabbage-soldiers.' Yet he continued constantly to protest his loyalty, -while maintaining that he dared not declare openly for the Queen, lest -Dermot should forsake him and secure the triumph of that 'bastardly -rascal Donell MacCarthy,' whom Tyrone had acknowledged as MacCarthy -More. O'Connor was not originally a person of much importance, but -he had married Lady Margaret Fitzgerald, the late Earl of Desmond's -daughter, and, being a valiant man, found himself at the head of -1,400 Connaught free companions. Tyrone had given him the chief -command in Munster, and the loose swordsmen flocked to his standard. -He was, however, 'a mere mercenary serving in Munster only for pay,' -and probably quite ready to sell himself to the highest bidder. Lady -Margaret could speak English, and it was thought that she would do -anything to procure her brother's restoration to the earldom of -Desmond. According to Florence's account it was the fear of Dermot, and -the necessity of doing something to make his own people believe in him, -that induced him to appear in arms on the rebel side; and provocation -was not wanting which might justify such action on his part. Sir Henry -Power sent 1,000 men into Carbery, under Captain Flower, with general -orders to spoil all who failed to give securities for their good -behaviour. It does not appear that any time or much notice was given, -but Flower carried out the work of destruction thoroughly. From Kinsale -to Glandore harbour, and from that to Dunmanus Bay, not a grain of -corn was left unburned within ten miles of his line of march, 500 cows -were drowned to save the trouble of driving them, and 'the churls and -poor people' were treated as enemies and killed. On his return Flower -was threatened by Florence with a superior force, but reached Kinsale -without any serious encounter. Near Ballinhassig, between that town -and Cork, the troops were near falling into an ambuscade, and even for -a time put to flight. In the end they made good their retreat, but -the victory was not much to boast of. When Carew heard of the affair, -he regretted deeply what had been done. He could not reckon on much -above 1,700 effective men in the field, too few to fight the Sugane -Earl and the MacCarthies at once, and it was better to have Florence -as a faithless, but on the whole peaceable neutral, than as an open -enemy.[343] - -[Sidenote: Sir Henry Docwra occupies Derry (May).] - -While Carew was preparing to re-conquer the South by a mixture of force -and fraud, a successful lodgment was made in the extreme north. On May -6, Sir Henry Docwra sailed from Carrickfergus with 4,000 foot and 200 -horse. Boards and spars for building, master carpenters and master -masons, and a great quantity of tools and victuals were provided. -The mortality among Randolph's men was not forgotten, and there were -100 flock-beds for a hospital. Three pieces of cannon were thought -sufficient in view of an Irish siege. On the seventh day the ships -grounded at the entrance of Lough Foyle, waited for the tide, advanced -a little, and then grounded again. At last, on May 16, the work of -unloading began at Culmore. One hundred men fired a volley from the -shore, and horse were also visible; but they did not venture to dispute -the landing, and in six days an entrenchment capable of sheltering 200 -men was thrown up about some ruined walls. O'Dogherty had dismantled -his castle of Ellogh in the immediate neighbourhood; but it was easily -repaired, and received a garrison of 150 men. Having thus made good his -ground, Docwra marched with his main body to Derry on the 22nd, and -this is how he describes its then condition:--'A place in manner of -an island comprehending within it forty acres of ground, whereon were -the ruins of an old abbey, of a bishop's house, of two churches, and -at one of the ends of it an old castle, the river called Lough Foyle -encompassing it all on one side, and a bog, most commonly wet and not -easily passable except in two or three places, dividing it from the -mainland... the ground being high, and therefore dry, and healthy to -dwell upon. At that end where the old castle stood, being close to the -water side, I presently resolved to raise a fort to keep our store of -ammunition and victuals in, and in the other a little above, where the -walls of an old cathedral church were yet standing, to erect another -for our future safety and retreat unto upon all occasions.' Wisely -refusing to be tempted into pursuit of cunning enemies on their own -ground, Docwra devoted his whole strength to the task of making the -place habitable for the winter. Two ships were sent to coast along -for timber and building materials, and a strong party was sent to cut -birch in O'Cahan's woods on the other side of the Foyle. 'There was,' -he said, 'not a stick brought home that was not well fought for.' The -ruins of old Derry and of Randolph's settlement were utilised, stone -and slate were found hard by, and 'of cockle shells to make a lime we -discovered infinite plenty of in a little island in the mouth of the -harbour as we came in.'[344] - -[Sidenote: Docwra fortifies Derry (May to June).] - -To prevent Tyrone's whole force from being directed against Docwra -before he was in a position to stand a siege, Mountjoy himself moved -northwards at the same time. He advanced as far as Newry, and Tyrone -immediately faced him and turned his back to Lough Foyle. Southampton -followed the Deputy with a small force, and the Irish attempted to -cut him off in the Moyry pass. There was some sharp fighting, but the -Earl, who behaved valiantly, charging more than 200 horse with only six -followers, made good his junction with the main army, and Mountjoy, -having waited at Newry till he heard that Docwra was safe, turned back -to Dublin. Tyrone and O'Donnell, with about 5,000 men, then threatened -the new settlement at Derry, but the garrison stood strictly on the -defensive and nothing was done. Docwra thought it prudent to abandon -the project of detaching 1,000 men to Ballyshannon, and losses by -sickness soon showed the wisdom of his decision. Sir Arthur O'Neill, -son of old Tirlogh Luineach, came to the fort with a few followers, and -the garrison found abundant occupation in hunting cows for their own -consumption, and in skirmishing with the O'Cahans and O'Dogherties.[345] - -[Sidenote: Carew in Munster. Florence MacCarthy.] - -Carew's great idea was to divide his enemies by policy before he -proceeded to crush them by force. His first object was to disarm the -active hostility of Florence MacCarthy, and to that end he sought an -interview with him. 'So fearful a creature,' he said, 'I did never see, -mistrusting to be killed by every man he saw,' but both Lord Thomond -and Sir Nicholas Walshe swore solemnly that he should return safely. -The practical result of the conference was that Florence promised the -President to remain neutral, while the Sugane Earl reminded him that -he would be more than 1,700 strong, and that he would take no excuse. -Another means of weakening the rebels was to make them distrust each -other, and to this end Carew encouraged a protected rebel, named John -Nugent, who had been in the service of Sir Thomas Norris and had -deserted, to kill John Fitzthomas, the Sugane Earl's brother. The -attempt failed, and Nugent was promptly hanged; but it was known that -the would-be assassin had obtained money, a horse and arms from the -President, and the feeling of insecurity among the Irish became as -great as if the murder had actually taken place.[346] - -[Sidenote: Carew employs Dermot O'Connor,] - -[Sidenote: who arrests Desmond (June).] - -Another plot was directed against the Sugane Earl himself, and it -came very near succeeding. Dermot O'Connor and his wife proved quite -ready to do the President's work, and Lady Margaret's unwillingness -to acknowledge any Desmond but her brother was an excuse which would -have some weight with the people of Munster. The jealousy between -Dermot's mercenaries and the followers of James Fitzthomas was already -excessive. At all events Dermot agreed to deliver up the Sugane Earl -for 1,000_l._ Archbishop MacGrath had been active in the matter, and -his two sons became securities for Carew, along with two of Lady -Margaret's foster-brothers, named Power. To give up these hostages -openly would have disclosed the plot, and it was arranged that they -should fall as it were accidentally into Dermot's hands. They very -nearly fell victims to the violence of his men, who were not in the -secret. To give Dermot the desired opportunity of seizing his ally, the -President ostentatiously dispersed his force, by way of putting him off -his guard. As a further protection Carew wrote a letter to the Sugane -Earl, which made it appear that he had undertaken to deliver O'Connor -alive or dead; and it was calculated that this would be sufficient -defence for the latter when the treachery should have taken effect. -The letter was placed in Dermot's hands in such a way that he could -say he had intercepted it. All precautions having been taken, O'Connor -asked for an interview with the man whom he intended to betray. They -distrusted one another, and each brought an armed force with him. -The ill-feeling already existing between the followers of Tyrone and -Desmond soon found a vent, and, to avoid further disunion, the two -leaders agreed to dismiss their men. Dermot had a few trusty adherents -in ambush, and with their help he arrested the Sugane Earl in O'Neill's -name, producing Carew's letter as sufficient warrant. The prisoner was -secured at Castle Ishin, near Charleville, and word was sent to the -President to come to Kilmallock, where Lady Margaret was to meet him -and receive the promised thousand pounds.[347] - -[Sidenote: O'Donnell harries Clare] - -In the meantime Hugh Roe O'Donnell had resolved to follow up -Tyrone's plan of persecuting all native lords who refused to join -the confederacy. Lord Barry had already suffered, and the Earls of -Clanricarde and Thomond were now to have their turn. It was seen -that Docwra was not strong enough to take the offensive, and Tyrone, -therefore, required no help as against him. Leaving a corps of -observation under O'Dogherty and Nial Garv O'Donnell, Hugh Roe mustered -all his forces at Ballymote. The chiefs who came to him were O'Rourke, -O'Connor Sligo, O'Connor Roe, MacDermot, and Theobald Burke, calling -himself MacWilliam Iochtar. The allies marched without fighting to the -neighbourhood of Gort, and then suddenly burst into Clare. A camp was -pitched near Ennis, where only the monastery was spared, and plundering -parties were sent in all directions west of the Fergus. 'Many a feast,' -say the annalists, 'fit for a goodly gentleman, or for the lord of a -territory, was enjoyed throughout Thomond this night by parties of four -or five men, under the shelter of a shrubbery or at the side of a bush.' - -[Sidenote: and Clanricarde.] - -Retreating slowly to Corcomroe Abbey, and scouring the country right -and left, the invaders burned every house; and we are particularly told -that the smoke enveloped the whole line of march, and that it was dense -enough to make them lose their way. The rocky passes of Burren were -passed without opposition, and the victorious raiders encamped near -Oranmore, where they divided their immense booty of cattle. A few had -been killed and wounded in the foray, especially in the attack on Clare -Castle, and the survivors were sent home in charge of Theobald Burke -and of those who guarded the cattle. O'Donnell himself, with 500 foot -and 60 horse, went to Loughrea, and drove off all the herds they could -find to Ballymote. The English account says that Thomond punished -his enemies with the help of Captain Flower and of over 800 English -soldiers, and that he recovered a great part of his cattle; but of -this the annalists--ever favourable to O'Donnell--make no mention. In -Clanricarde there seems to have been no opposition at all.[348] - -[Sidenote: The Sugane Earl rescued.] - -O'Donnell's enterprise restored the spirits of the Irish, and perhaps -prevented Carew from seizing his prey promptly. Piers Lacy collected -4,000 men and suddenly surrounded Castle Ishin. Carew had vainly -awaited Lady Margaret for a week at Kilmallock, and he now, in spite -of Flower's absence, advanced to the rescue. But it was too late. A -priest had persuaded the garrison, and the Sugane Earl was already -in Lacy's hands. Dermot O'Connor excused himself, and no doubt this -failure was not his fault; but the chance of 1,000_l._ was lost, and he -soon made friends with the rebels once more. The Munster Irish still -very naturally mistrusting him, he withdrew into Connaught, and on his -brother-in-law's restoration to the honours of Desmond again offered -his services to Carew. A safe-conduct was accordingly sent to him, but -he was waylaid near Gort by Tibbot-ne-Long Burke, with 100 men in the -Queen's pay, taken prisoner, and put to death. Private revenge was -Burke's motive, but Clanricarde and the President were 'exceedingly -incensed' at a murder which threw doubts upon the good faith of -both.[349] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy's share in the Essex conspiracy.] - -Elizabeth's dislike to name a successor was well known, and should -have been respected by one who owed so much to her as Essex did. That -there was, in fact, no dispute about the matter was due to Cecil's -admirable management, but the Earl's uneasy ambition was not likely -to lose the chance of establishing a claim on the coming man. He -entered into negotiations with James in 1598, representing that Cecil -favoured the claims of the Infanta and was plotting to make them good. -James had little to fear from any rival; but it was in his nature -to be busy, and he intrigued with Tyrone as well as with Essex. In -August 1599, immediately before his journey to the north, the latter -thought seriously of taking 2,000 or 3,000 men over to Wales, and -broached the design privately to Southampton and Blount, who both -earnestly dissuaded him. It was about that time that Mountjoy also -opened communications with James, and with him the influence of Lady -Rich may have counted for much. His first proposals to the Scottish -king are not known, but we may judge of their nature by what happened -afterwards. When Essex after his return from Ireland, was committed to -the Lord-Keeper's house, and in daily fear of being sent to the Tower, -he called upon Mountjoy and Southampton to look after his interests. -They were willing to help him to escape, but he declared himself ready -'rather to run any danger than to lead the life of a fugitive.' When -it was finally decided that Mountjoy should undertake the government -of Ireland, Essex pressed him to take some more decided course. 'He -then swore,' says one who was present, 'exacting the like oaths from -my Lord of Southampton and myself, to defend with the uttermost of our -lives her Majesty's person and government during her life against all -persons whatsoever, and it was resolved to send Henry Lee again into -Scotland, with offer that if the King would enter into the cause at -that time, Lord Mountjoy would leave the kingdom of Ireland defensibly -guarded, and with 4,000 or 5,000 men assist that enterprise, which, -with the party that my Lord of Essex would be able to make, were -thought sufficient to bring that to pass which was intended.' It seems -that James was not expected to do more than show himself on the border, -while his ambassador in London pressed for a public acknowledgment of -his right to the succession. Lee was still in Scotland when Mountjoy -went to Ireland, and he was arrested as soon as he returned. What Essex -intended, or whether he had any definite plan at all, may be doubted; -but Mountjoy made it clear that he at least was playing only 'for the -establishment of the succession, and not for private ambition.'[350] - -[Sidenote: James VI., Essex, and Mountjoy.] - -Mountjoy told Southampton that he had foreseen Essex's ruin before his -return from Ireland, and that he had opened the correspondence with -James as a possible means of saving him. The king was advised not to -leave the whole realm in the hands of his enemies, and it was hoped -that a diversion might thus be made. In his second letter, if not -in his first, Mountjoy proposed that James 'should prepare an army, -declare his intent, and that he would be ready to assist him with the -army in Ireland, whither he was going,' but insisting on his former -stipulation that nothing should be done against Queen Elizabeth. This -might, perhaps, mean no more than that, if the succession were declared -in England, he would see the same done in Ireland. Southampton made -similar offers, but also reserved his allegiance to the Queen. James -gave an evasive answer, declaring that he would bear the matter in -mind, but that the establishment of a garrison at Lough Foyle was -a condition precedent to any action on his part. Mountjoy did not -afterwards deny that he had entertained the idea of bringing troops -over to Wales, but only in consideration of the heir to the throne -being engaged in the business. James's caution did not suit the -impatient Essex, who approved of a suggestion by Danvers, 'that the -army of Ireland would suffice alone.' He sent Southampton over to sound -Mountjoy, 'which,' says the envoy, 'I did, and he utterly rejected it -as a thing which he could no way think honest, and dissuaded me from -any such courses.' Lady Rich was on the other side of the Channel, -and loyalty now resumed its sway. Willing, as he says, to redeem his -fault of intention, the Earl remained as a volunteer in Ireland, and -Mountjoy vainly tried to have him made Governor of Connaught. This -was in June, and in the following month Southampton went to Holland. -The probability is that Cecil had a shrewd suspicion of the truth. -But Essex determined to make another attempt. Early in August Danvers -and Cuffe met at the Cross Inn at Oxford, and the latter brought a -direct message from Essex. 'My Lord requested,' says Danvers, 'that -notwithstanding my Lord of Southampton's departure, I would proceed -in my journey, and communicate the projects with my Lord Mountjoy, -and procure his letter.' He took the precaution of sending a special -messenger to London, who returned with reiterated instructions from -Essex, and thereupon he started for Ireland. He was met with a positive -refusal from Mountjoy, who spoke even more decidedly than he had done -to Southampton. 'He desired my lord to have patience, to recover again -by ordinary means the Queen's ordinary favour; that though he had -it not in such measure as he had had heretofore, he should content -himself; that at his coming home he would do for him like a friend; -that he hoped my lord would do nothing but that which should be -justifiable in honour and honesty. In that confidence, if he sent for -a letter, he would send him such a one as he might justify.' Very good -advice, but not such as Essex was capable of following for long. The -spoiled child would have all or nothing.[351] - -[Sidenote: The Pale: Mountjoy's plan.] - -The defeat at the Blackwater and the complete failure of Essex had -reduced the army to a miserable state. Under Mountjoy the soldiers -gradually gained confidence, and no doubt he was well advised in not -hurrying matters. After the skirmish in the Moyry pass he lay for some -days at Newry, and in the meantime a certain amount of damage was -done in the Pale. The causeway through the pass was partly broken up -by the Irish, and he thought it prudent to return by Carlingford to -Dundalk. 'At this time,' says Moryson, who, as Mountjoy's secretary, -was an eye-witness of what he describes, 'the county of Dublin on the -south of the Liffey was, in effect, entirely overrun by the rebels; -the county of Kildare was likewise possessed or wasted by them. The -county of Meath was wasted, as also the county of Westmeath (excepting -the barony of Delvin) and the county of Louth; so that in the English -Pale, the towns having garrisons, and the lands from Drogheda to Navan, -and thence back to Trim, and so to Dublin, were only inhabited, which -were also like to grow waste, if they were further charged with the -soldiers.' The English writer excepts Delvin, but the annalists say -it was invaded by Tyrone six months before, who wasted it until the -Baron 'submitted to O'Neill on his terms.' Maryborough and Philipstown -were cut off from Dublin, and Mountjoy's first care was to restore -perfect communications. His plan was to strengthen and victual the -garrisons so as to secure them against attack, while harrying the -country so thoroughly as to make it impossible for the Irish to keep -the field.[352] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy in King's County (July).] - -The remnant of the O'Connors were still troublesome in Offaly, and -they had the help of Captain Tyrrell, a renowned partisan who was much -in Tyrone's confidence. Mountjoy, to quote his own words, went 'into -the country on foot over a bog, and went out of it in like sort.' -But he was not always on foot, for he records that grey Davies, his -easiest-going horse, was shot under him. With little loss he drove -the Irish up and down the country, and the O'Connors never made much -head against him. During the three or four years of Tyrone's supremacy -they had destroyed most of the King's County castles, and Mountjoy's -care now was to destroy the crops, so that they could not reoccupy -the ground. Not only did he reap the green corn, but used harrows and -grubbers with long teeth, called _pracas_, to root it up.[353] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy in Queen's County. Death of Owen MacRory (August).] - -A fortified post was established at the Togher, between Monasterevan -and Maryborough, thus securing access to Philipstown at all times; -and here again Southampton did good service by his gallantry and by -his example to the soldiers. Sir Samuel Bagenal was able to take the -offensive in the neighbourhood of Newry, and Sir Richard Moryson about -Dundalk. O'Donnell wasted much of his strength in useless forays, -and Docwra was beginning to make himself felt in Tyrone's rear. In -the middle of August Mountjoy started from Carlow with 800 foot and -100 horse, and entered the Queen's County, burning the villages and -destroying the standing corn. Owen MacRory remonstrated, in a letter -to Ormonde, against this 'execrable and abominable course,' and also -wrote to ask Mountjoy for a conference with some gentleman sent by him. -The Lord Deputy handed the letter to an Irish fool named Neale Moore, -who answered that no one in the camp was base enough to confer with -him, but that if Owen would submit to him on his knees, he, the said -Neale, would undertake that his submission should be accepted or that -he should return safe. Next day O'More was killed in a skirmish near -Timahoe, and with him Callogh MacWalter, the man who first laid hands -on Ormonde at his late capture. The Earl was now in the field with a -large force, and Mountjoy's plan of embroiling him with the O'Mores had -taken full effect. After Owen's death the sept never made head again, -and the English settlers gradually returned to their houses. There was -much hard fighting both going and returning, but everywhere the Lord -Deputy was victorious. From Carlow almost to the foot of Slieve Bloom -the cattle were driven off and the crops destroyed. But on returning, -the pass of Cashel was found to be occupied by more than 2,000 men. -Donell Spaniagh, seeing how the event was likely to turn out, begged -for protection to go to Dublin, which was granted, since it was -impossible to take him; and then, like Rob Roy at Sheriffmuir, he drew -his men off to a hill whence they could see the fight. Keeping on the -high ground, the troops passed safely to Stradbally and thence to Naas. -But Sir Arthur Savage, the new governor of Connaught, was unable to -effect a junction. The great point gained was that the soldiers began -to think themselves invincible, and that they had confidence in their -general.[354] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy presses Tyrone back (September to October).] - -After a short rest in Dublin, Mountjoy established a camp at Faughard -near Dundalk. The array was supposed to be over 4,000 strong, but -was in reality under 3,000, and the weather caused much sickness. -'Our tents,' said the Lord Deputy, 'are often blown down, and at -this instant it doth rain into mine, so that I can scant write.' -Great floods prevented any forward movement, but there were constant -skirmishes. Tyrone had an entrenched camp in the Moyry pass, which was -twice captured, though no attempt was made to hold it; and finding -that Mountjoy's progress could not be stopped, Tyrone left the passage -open to Newry. The earthworks in the pass were levelled, and the woods -on both sides cut down. The facts are clear enough; but the Irish -annalists give a totally misleading account of these movements, and of -those that followed them.[355] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy bridles Tyrone (November).] - -After waiting ten days at Newry for provisions, Mountjoy marched out -towards Armagh. Rather less than half-way he built a fort in a strong -position, and named it Mount-Norris, after Sir John, his master in the -art of war. Tyrone was near, and did what he could to hinder the work; -but he was defeated with loss, and the fort finished, victualled, and -garrisoned with 400 men in one week. Finding it impossible to keep -his horses alive in a country where the grass had been eaten down by -cattle, the Lord Deputy did not attempt Armagh, but proclaimed a reward -of 2,000_l._ for Tyrone alive and 1,000_l._ for him dead, and then -returned to Carlingford, where there was a good store of provisions. -At Narrow-water a vessel brought cheese and biscuit for the soldiers, -who had been fasting for two days, and having eaten it 'never men went -on in a greater jollity.' The narrow pass between Carlingford mountain -and the sea was disputed by Tyrone. The ground was thickly wooded, and -the Irish had erected a strong barricade and dug several trenches. -Mountjoy's principal secretary was killed by his side, and the place -fell to Moryson, the historian, but the troops made steady progress. -Tyrone narrowly escaped a shot, and his men gradually yielded to the -disciplined valour of soldiers who fought under the eye of a captain -in whom they believed. Fynes Moryson, who was staying that day with -his brother, the governor of Dundalk, could hear the volleys seven -miles distant 'sensibly by reverberation of the garden wall;' and says -'the Irish lost 800 men, while the English had 200 killed and 400 not -seriously wounded, and that Tyrone's reputation (who did all things by -reputation) was clean overthrown, so that from all places they began to -seek pardons and protections.' Strength, or the appearance of strength, -has always ruled in Ireland.[356] - -[Sidenote: Docwra extends his power in Ulster.] - -While Mountjoy slowly but surely reduced the Pale and the district -bordering on it, Sir Henry Docwra held his own at Derry. Sir Arthur -O'Neill, old Tirlogh Luineach's eldest son, joined him, and did good -service both as adviser and ally, but he brought no great force into -the field. Tyrone derided him as 'Queen Elizabeth's earl that cannot -command 100 kerne,' and she felt the sarcasm keenly, having really -contemplated the transfer of the arch-rebel's honours to his kinsman. -Sir Arthur advised a raid into O'Cahan's country, and 700 men were sent -by night along the Donegal shore of Lough Foyle. At Greencastle they -took boat, and crossing silently came upon all the cattle collected -in fancied security, for attack from that side had not been dreamed -of. One hundred live cows and some carcases were secured, 'but for -want of means to bring all away the soldiers hacked and mangled -as many as they could.' The process of exhausting the country was -deliberately undertaken. Sir John Chamberlain, who was the leader of -this expedition, was killed a few days later in repelling an attack -upon Aileach castle by the O'Dogherties, his body being pierced by no -less than sixteen wounds. Four days after this fight, in which Docwra -himself had a horse shot under him, a strong outpost was fortified -at Dunalong on the eastern bank of the Foyle. In this case also the -approach was made by water, and Tyrone, who was encamped not far off, -found the entrenchments unassailable after a single day's work upon -them. Within their lines everywhere the English were safe, but not a -mile outside.[357] - -[Sidenote: Fighting about Lough Foyle.] - -Among the Irishmen who had been recommended to Docwra by the -Government was Maelmory MacSwiney, who had been chief of O'Donnell's -gallowglasses, and connected with him by close ties; but who was now -in receipt of a life pension of six shillings a day and in command of -100 English soldiers. This man opened communications with O'Donnell, -and drove out a large number of horses on purpose that they might be -seized. This was done before daylight, and near 200 were swept off -into the heart of Tyrconnell. The alarm being given, Docwra leaped -from his bed and pursued with a score of horsemen, leaving the rest -to follow as soon as they were ready. He was wounded in the head and -his men had enough to do to carry him off, leaving the prey with the -O'Donnells. Docwra was confined to his bed for a fortnight, and on his -recovery found that not more than twenty per cent. of his men were able -to pass muster. It was clearly proved that MacSwiney was the cause of -the late disaster, and he was sent by sea to Dublin; but the hatchway -being left open for the reception of the beer barrels, he sprang on -deck, threw himself into the Foyle, and reached O'Cahan's country, the -people on board being too much amazed to stop him. Instigated perhaps -by this keen spirit, Rory O'Cahan, the chief's brother, brought a -present of sixty fat beasts, which were much wanted, and afterwards -put the soldiers in the way of taking as many more. Having thus made -himself agreeable, Rory asked for 800 men to do a more important piece -of service. Sir Arthur O'Neill warned Docwra not to trust him, and it -turned out that his object was to lead the soldiers into an ambuscade -prepared by Tyrone himself. Having secured his own safety, Rory then -offered to ransom his hostages for a certain quantity of cattle, -threatening that he would never spare an Englishman if they came to any -harm. Docwra's answer was to erect a gibbet on the rampart, and to hang -the poor wretches before the face of their principal, who stood with -300 men on the other side of the Foyle.[358] - -[Sidenote: Sufferings of Derry garrison (September to October).] - -[Sidenote: They are relieved.] - -As the autumn days closed in, the garrison of Derry were in a miserable -state, 'men wasted with continual labours, the island scattered with -cabins full of sick, our biscuit all spent, our other provisions of -nothing but meal, butter, and a little wine, and that, by computation, -to hold out but six days longer.' The temptation to desert was great, -and both Tyrone and O'Donnell offered free passage through their -territories. Not only was the garrison diminished, but the loss of -horses and the miserable condition of those left made it impossible to -patrol at any distance from the walls. On the night of September 16, -O'Donnell crept up unseen to the very edge of the bog which bounded -Derry on the land side, and then, for some inexplicable reason, his men -fired a volley. The garrison sallied out, and put them to flight. It -was probably a last effort to frighten Docwra into a parley, for he was -relieved the very next day. A plentiful supply of provisions, 50 fresh -horse and 600 foot were introduced from the sea, as well as two timber -frames upon which water-tight storehouses might easily be erected. And -it was announced to the men that they were to receive 4_d._ a day extra -when they worked upon the fortifications. The Irish had lost their -opportunity, and it never returned.[359] - -[Sidenote: Neill Garv O'Donnell.] - -[Sidenote: Docwra wins Lifford (October).] - -A more important recruit than either MacSwiney or Sir Arthur O'Neill -was Neill Garv O'Donnell, grandson of Calvagh and husband of Hugh Roe's -sister Nuala, who separated from him in consequence of his defection. -He brought 100 men with him, and was promised a grant of Tyrconnell as -soon as his brother-in-law had been expelled. The O'Donnells had never -been a united family, and Neill Garv probably thought his claim at -least as good as that of the actual chief. His three brothers took part -with him, the immediate consequence being that the English had plenty -of fresh meat and that they were much less closely beleaguered than -before. The first actual service required of Neill Garv was to take the -ancestral seat at Lifford, and for this purpose over 300 men were sent -under his guidance. The castle had been razed, but a weak earthwork -defended the small town, and Hugh Roe had left some thirty men in -charge. They fled without resistance, after setting fire to the place, -and the English proceeded to entrench themselves strongly, finding -welcome shelter in about twenty houses, which were all that the late -garrison had left unburned. Twice within a fortnight O'Donnell vainly -exerted all his force to recover the place, though his presence enabled -the country people to get in their crops and to carry away the produce -safely. On the second occasion there was a sharp skirmish, in which -Captain Heath was killed, and Neill Garv had a horse shot under him, -but Lifford was not retaken. Four days later Sir Arthur O'Neill died of -a fever brought on by 'drinking too many carouses on his marriage-day,' -and his brother Cormac claimed to succeed him. But Tirlogh, his son -by a former wife, was accepted by Docwra, and did such service as his -youth permitted.[360] - -[Sidenote: Spaniards in the North (November).] - -About the beginning of November, two Spanish ships put into Broadhaven, -with money, arms, and ammunition for the Irish. O'Donnell sent the -foreigners word that Killybegs would be a better place for them, and -also announced their arrival to Tyrone. Eventually the Spaniards put -into the little harbour of Teelin, whence the cargo was carried to -Donegal, and divided between the two chiefs. A descent of this kind -had been talked of for months, but Cecil had given little credence to -these rumours, and when the long-expected aid actually came, it was not -enough to affect the result, or to imperil Docwra's position in any -way.[361] - -[Sidenote: Docwra annoys Tyrone.] - -[Sidenote: The O'Dogherties.] - -Neill Garv and his brothers Hugh, Donnell, and Con made several raids -from Lifford into Tyrone, and took Newtown, now Newtown Stewart, from -the O'Neills. O'Donnell's great object was to get possession of his -formidable kinsman, and he employed two of the MacDevitts, a sept -of O'Dogherties, named Hugh Boy and Phelim Reagh. Captain Alford, -the governor of Culmore, pretended friendship with these men, and -engaged to give up the fort to them, with Neill Garv inside. Alford's -object was to draw them into an ambuscade, and he pretended to make -conditions. 1,000_l._ down and 3,000_l._ a year pension from Spain -were promised him, and a chain of gold formerly given by Philip II. -to O'Donnell, and worth 160_l._, was actually given in earnest. A day -was appointed for the treason, but the Irish broke their tryst. In a -short time Hugh Boy and Phelim Reagh were Docwra's firm friends. Cahir -O'Dogherty, the chief's son, had been fostered by them, and was now -in O'Donnell's hands, who had announced that he should succeed his -father. But when Sir John died, he favoured Cahir's uncle, and the -foster-parents were very angry. On condition that their nursling should -be established, they offered to keep Innishowen at Docwra's service. -O'Donnell was induced to free the young man, and immediately all the -O'Dogherties, with their cattle, left him, and returned to their own -district. Supplies were thus secured to the English garrison, as well -as good intelligence, and Docwra confesses that without their aid the -progress made would have been comparatively small. Thus it ever was in -Ireland: the natives fought among themselves, and so lost all. 'They -had their own ends in it,' said Docwra, 'which were always for private -revenge; and we ours, to make use of them for the furtherance of the -public service.'[362] - -[Sidenote: Carew subdues Munster (July to August).] - -[Sidenote: Glin Castle.] - -[Sidenote: Murder of a loyalist.] - -Shortly before midsummer the White Knight made his submission, and -was soon to do signal service. The castles of Bruff and Lough Gur -were taken and garrisoned, the mere preparations for a scientific -cannonade being enough to cause their evacuation, and the triangle made -by Limerick, Cashel, and Kilmallock was freed from the rebels. The -county of Waterford was almost cleared, and Connello and Aherlow alone -harboured any considerable number. Cahir was voluntarily surrendered, -and the ordnance left there by Essex was sent to Clonmel. Glin in -Limerick and Carrigafoyle in Kerry still held out, and the first was -besieged by Carew on July 7. Sending his guns by water, he passed on -his way through the heart of Connello, and Piers Lacy abandoned Croom -Castle at his approach, having already ruined the other Kildare house -at Adare. The Sugane Earl marched near the President, and encamped -only a mile off at Glin, but never ventured to make any attack. The -ordnance, 'one demi-cannon and a saker,' were landed and placed in -position. The Knight, who believed in Desmond's boasts, expected to be -relieved, and would not surrender at discretion, although his son was -in Carew's power, and in some danger of being hanged. The first day's -firing made a breach, and a lodgment was effected in the basement under -the hall. Three out of the four towers were thus made untenable, and -the fourth, into which all the garrison had retired, was attacked in -the same way, and a fire lit in it, which burned many. Next day the -tower was assaulted, and those who survived of the eighty defenders -were cut in pieces or thrown over the walls. Captain Flower, who led -the stormers, was wounded in four places, and there was a loss to the -besiegers of eleven killed and twenty-one wounded. The moral effect -of this siege was great. Desmond seems to have believed that the -carriages of the cannon were unserviceable, but Carew had discovered -and remedied their defects some weeks before. O'Connor Kerry, who -despaired of defending Carrigafoyle, voluntarily surrendered it, and -was received to protection. The small castle of Liscahan near Ardfert -was taken by surprise, and entrusted to Maurice Stack, a native of -Kerry, 'and a man of small stature but invincible courage,' who with -fifty men successfully defended it against Desmond's attacks and -Florence MacCarthy's plots. Stack was afterwards murdered in cold -blood by Lady Honora Fitzmaurice's men, and Thomond never spoke to his -sister afterwards. Sir Edward Denny's house at Tralee, and Sir William -Herbert's at Castle Island, were found in ruins, no attempt being made -to defend these old Desmond strongholds. Lixnaw the Fitzmaurices had -not time to raze, and at the end of August Carew was able to give a -good account of Munster generally. 'All our garrisons,' he wrote, -'in Kerry, Askeaton, Kilmallock, Youghal, and Lismore, I thank God do -prosper and are now at their harvest, which must be well followed, -or else this summer service is lost. Wherein I will be careful to -lose no time, for the destruction of it will procure the next year's -famine; by which means only the wars of Ireland must be determined... -no day passeth without report of burning, killing, and taking prey ... -infinite numbers of their cattle are taken, and besides husbandmen, -women, and children, of weaponed men there hath been slain in this -province, since my coming, above 1,200, and of her Majesty's army not -forty slain by the enemy.'[363] - -[Sidenote: Final defeat of the Sugane Earl (September).] - -Tyrone was himself so much pressed by Mountjoy that he was less able -to send help to his Earl of Desmond, who was driven by Wilmot first -into Connello and then into the great fastness of Aherlow. A gallant -officer, Captain Richard Greame, lay at Kilmallock with his troop of -horse, and attacked Desmond's greatly superior force on the march. The -Irish were surprised, and completely routed, with the loss of 200 men. -The 400 who remained unwounded dispersed into Connaught or Ulster, and -the Sugane Earl never recovered the blow. 300 horseloads of plunder, -besides the usual prey of cattle, fell into Greame's hands; but Cecil -remarked that the prize was hardly so marketable as that which came in -Spanish carracks, and directed that 100_l._ should be given him. Carew -asked that he should be knighted, and Mountjoy willingly complied, -though he hesitated for some time in view of the very strict orders -which he had, not to make chivalry too cheap.[364] - -[Sidenote: The Queen's Earl of Desmond.] - -As the fortunes of one Desmond fell, those of another brightened for -a moment. James, the son of the rebel Earl who fell at Glanageenty, -was born in 1571, and had been in the Tower since 1584, much of his -time before that having been spent in Irish prisons. The quantity of -medicine administered to him was enough to ruin any constitution, and -in fact he possessed little vigour either of mind or body, though the -Desmond pride sometimes showed itself; and of course he knew nothing -of the rough world, or of the rough ways by which his ancestors had -raised themselves to almost regal power. But his letters show that his -education had not been neglected, though no mere instruction could make -up for the want of practical training. It occurred to Carew, who saw -the difficulty of purely forcible conquest, that the affection still -felt for his house might be utilised in Munster, and Raleigh strongly -supported this view. Cecil had not much faith in the plan, but he -submitted to the judgment of those who knew Ireland, and joined them in -urging the young man's restoration upon the Queen. Elizabeth yielded, -but slowly and with many misgivings. Failure would make her ridiculous, -and too great success on the legitimate Earl's part might make him -harder to pull down than the pretender had been. He was allowed to -assume the title, and here is his letter of thanks to Cecil:-- - -'Right honourable, I have received by Sir Geoffrey Fenton your honour's -directions how I should subscribe unto my letters, which I protest -unto your honour is much troublesome unto me, in regard that I had -no further assurance than by his word of mouth. I am so jealous and -fearful of her highness's grace and displeasure that I beseech your -honour to bear with my overpressing you with my many importunities. -I must hold myself as your honour's poor creature, in which ever I -will acknowledge your favours in that height of regard as to your -direction I will ever tie myself. And so I rest your honour's in very -affectionate assurance, - - J. DESMOND.'[365] - -[Sidenote: The Queen is persuaded to send Desmond over.] - -[Sidenote: His reception in Munster.] - -Cecil's idea was to send Desmond's patent to Carew, 'to be shewed to -that generation of incredulity' the people of Munster, and not to be -delivered to the Earl unless his services made it worth while. But -when the document was brought to the Queen she refused to sign it, and -Desmond left London before it was done. Two days later she relented, -and Archbishop Miler Magrath, who overtook him on the road, carried it -to Carew in Ireland. 'God doth know it,' said Cecil, 'the Queen hath -been most hardly drawn unto it that could be, and hath laid it on my -dish a dozen times: "Well, I pray God you and Carew be not deceived."' -Captain Price, a plain soldier who had no object but to do his duty -and return, was sent in charge of the young Earl. It seems that some -wished to send Raleigh, but Cecil objected upon Carew's account. The -party sailed from Bristol, and reached Youghal after being two days and -a night at sea. 'I was so sea-sick,' Desmond wrote, 'as whilst I live -I shall never love that element.... I had like, coming new of the sea, -and therefore somewhat weak, to be overthrown with the kisses of old -calleaks; and was received with that joy of the poor people as did well -shew they joyed in the exceeding mercy of her sacred Majesty towards -me.' Weak and sickly, and never likely to take to Irish life, was what -Cecil had pronounced him to be, and the kisses of the old wives at -Youghal were the only successes which awaited him. That noted loyalist, -Mr. John Fitzedmond, received him with profuse hospitality at Cloyne. -At Cork things were different, and there can be little doubt that -intentional discourtesy was shown to the Queen's Earl. Neither lodging -nor supper could be had, and Desmond was feign to seek shelter with the -mayor. This was John Meade, a lawyer who had been chosen in pursuance -of a settled policy adopted by the corporate towns at this time. -Limerick, Waterford, Clonmel, and Kinsale preferred political agitators -to merchants, and lawyers were the fittest to make civic immunities and -privileges a means of embarrassing the Government. The portreeve of -Cashel was the most profound civilian in Ireland, and as obstinate as -learned. As to Meade, said Desmond, he might be called Lack-law, 'if -he had no better insight in Littleton than in other observations of -his place for her Majesty's service, for it was much ado that we got -anything for money, but that most of my people lay without lodging, -and Captain Price had the hogs for his neighbours.' Meade excused -himself by saying that he did not know how far attentions to Desmond -could be agreeable to the President, since he came to Cork direct from -the sea, and that he feared any public welcome might be ill-taken by -the Government. The arrival of 400 Welsh soldiers had made lodgings -scarce, and the learned mayor found plenty of reasons for his neglect. -But Captain Price, who had the best means of knowing, took the same -view of the matter as the young Earl, and Meade was soundly reprimanded -by the Privy Council.[366] - -[Sidenote: Fortunes of the restored Desmond.] - -[Sidenote: Strange scene at Kilmallock.] - -The Geraldine who held Castlemaine for the Sugane Earl now gave it up -to the real Desmond, and this was the only important result of his -restoration. The Queen was half-hearted about the matter, hesitated -to bestow an estate, and did not care to provide the means for much -show. Five hundred pounds a year was not a bad allowance in those days, -but the young Earl was inclined to extravagance, and he felt acutely -that he could do nothing unless he were trusted with the command of -men. His adherents among the people might give information as to his -rival's whereabouts, but there was no chance of catching him if he -had to apply to the nearest garrison for means to follow up the clue. -In the meantime Greame's victory had made the fugitive insignificant, -and Carew had little doubt about being able to hunt him down. The true -Desmond spent part of his time at Mallow, where some supposed him to -have become enamoured of Lady Norris. Carew sent him to Kilmallock in -the company of Archbishop Magrath, and of his friend Boyle, who was to -report privately as to his reception by the people. At Youghal men, -women, and children had upset each other in the streets to see the -restored exile, but at Kilmallock the excitement was still greater. A -guard of soldiers lined the street between his lodgings and Sir George -Thornton's house, where he went to sup; but the crowd broke the line, -and the short walk took half an hour. Doors, windows, and roofs were -filled with people, 'as if they came to see him, whom God had sent to -be that comfort and delight their souls and hearts most desired, and -they welcomed him with all the expressions and signs of joy, everyone -throwing upon him wheat and salt (an ancient ceremony used in the -province upon the election of their new mayors and officers) as a -prediction of future peace and plenty.' Next day was Sunday, and the -Protestant Earl went to church. On his way the country folk shouted to -him not to go, and when he came back after service they abused and spat -upon him. The multitude which had flocked the little garrison town soon -deserted it, and he whom they had come to welcome might walk the empty -streets and sup where he pleased with as little danger of being mobbed -as any private gentleman. He oscillated between Kilmallock and Mallow, -but felt himself powerless, and the murder of his brother-in-law, -Dermot O'Connor, made him think that his life was not safe. The poor -lad soon expressed his desire to be back in England, and to live there -quietly, in preference to any Irish greatness which the Queen might -intend for him. Cecil rather encouraged him to return, at least for a -time, and till the question of an estate could be settled, and held -out some hopes of an English wife, 'a maid of noble family, between -eighteen and nineteen years of age, no courtier, nor yet ever saw you, -nor you her.'[367] - -[Sidenote: The end of the house of Desmond.] - -In 1598 Tyrone announced, and possibly believed, that Desmond had -escaped 'by means of the Lieutenant of the Tower's daughter, who had -gone with him,' that he had reached Spain, and that he would be in -Munster within a month, with men, munitions, and treasure. Had this -been true, he could hardly have done Elizabeth more harm than the -Sugane; but coming, as he did, with an Earl's patent and a Protestant -archbishop, he neither hindered Tyrone nor served the Queen, and he -slunk back to England almost unnoticed. He did not marry, nor was his -allowance at all lavish, but he was kindly treated and not shut up -in the Tower; and his last days seem not to have been unhappy. 'If I -turn me,' he wrote from Greenwich, 'into time past, I behold a long -misery; if into the present, such a happiness in the comparison of -that hell as may be a stop to any further encroachment.' He died nine -months after his return from Ireland, leaving five sisters, for whom -the Queen made some provision until they found husbands. The eldest, -Lady Margaret, was married to Dermot O'Connor, and his murder left her -a widow; she received a pension of 100_l._ Catharine, the third, was -the wife of Lord Roche, and the three unmarried ones had pensions of -33_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ The second, Lady Joan, was destined by her mother, -who had married O'Connor Sligo, to match with Hugh Roe O'Donnell. Her -brother opposed this, as well as Carew, and she seems to have had no -great mind for it herself; but the plot cost her a short detention -with the Mayor of Cork, who again made what difficulties he could. -Lady Joan afterwards married Dermot O'Sullivan Bere. Lady Ellen, the -fourth sister, married three times, her last husband being Edmund Lord -Dunboyne, and she lived till 1660, when her stepson was restored to his -country but not to his property. Lady Ellice, the fifth, married Sir -Valentine Browne the younger, of Ross Castle at Killarney, and thus, -as the wife of an undertaker's son, enjoyed some portion of the vast -estates which had been forfeited by her father's rebellion. The title -of Desmond was given by James I. to a Scotch courtier, upon whom he -also bestowed the only daughter and heir-general of the great Earl of -Ormonde. It was Buckingham's plan to depress the Butlers by separating -their title and estates, and by giving the latter to a favourite like -himself. But Lady Elizabeth Preston defeated this scheme by marrying -her cousin, the future Duke; and thus, through the greatest of the -cavaliers, the long strife between Ormonde and Desmond was ended at -last.[368] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[334] Mountjoy to the Queen, printed in Goodman's _James I._ (ed. -Brewer) ii. 23; Letters of Rowland Whyte to Sir Robert Sidney, Oct. 31, -1599, to Jan. 12, 1600, in _Sidney Papers_. - -[335] Rowland Whyte to Sir R. Sidney, Nov. 29, 1599, to Feb. 9, 1600, -in _Sidney Papers_; Fynes Moryson, book ii. chap. i. - -[336] Letters in _Carew_, Dec. 31, 1599, and Feb. 13, 23, and 26, 1600; -Tyrone to Barry with the answer, in _Pacata Hibernia_, Feb, 26, 1600; -_Four Masters_, 1599 and 1600. - -[337] Docwra's _Narration_; _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i. cap. 1. - -[338] _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i. caps. 2 and 14. The Four Masters say -St. Leger's encounter with Maguire was premeditated, but the English -account is here to be preferred. Compare O'Sullivan Bere, tom. iii. -lib. v. cap. 12. Lady St. Leger had been previously married to Davells -and Mackworth, and was thus by violence left a widow for the third time. - -[339] The Queen to Mountjoy, March 10, in _Carew_; Carew and Thomond to -the Privy Council, April 18, _ib._ - -[340] Carew and Thomond to the Privy Council, April 18, in _Carew_ and -_Pacata Hibernia_. See also the Catholic accounts of the Four Masters -and of O'Sullivan and Peter Lombard. All the documents are collected -in a memoir by the Rev. James Graves, in the Irish _Archæological -Journal_, N.S. vol. iii. pp. 388 sqq. There are two contemporary -drawings, one of which is reproduced in _Pacata Hibernia_ and the -other in _Facsimiles of Irish MSS._, part iv. 1. I have endeavoured to -harmonise the various accounts. - -[341] Ormonde to the Queen, June 16; F. Stafford to Cecil, June 18; -Mountjoy to Cecil, July 4--all in Mr. Graves's memoir cited above. And -see his further note in _Irish Arch. Journal_, N.S. vol. v. p. 333. On -Aug. 21, Redmond Keating submitted to Mountjoy, on condition to deliver -the Earl's pledges remaining in his hands; see in _Carew_ under Aug. -26, 1600. The Kellies and Lalors did the same. - -[342] Fenton to Cecil, April 12; Carew and Thomond to the Privy -Council, April 18; Tyrone to O'More April 22/May 2; to Ormonde April -29/May 9 and May 26/June 6; to Lady Ormonde May 25/June 5; Ormonde to -the Queen June 16--all these are in the memoir cited. Elizabeth, Lady -Ormonde, was the Earl's second wife, and daughter of John, second Lord -Sheffield. In Eugene Magrath's Irish panegyric on her husband (_circ._ -1580) every laudatory epithet is lavished on the 'amiable, lovely, &c. -countess.' See this curious poem in _Irish Arch. Journal_ (Kilkenny), -i. p. 470. - -[343] Note of Captain Flower's journey, April 1; Joshua Aylmer to -Cecil, April 21; Sir Henry Power to the Privy Council, April 30; Carew -to Cecil, May 2; Florence MacCarthy to Cecil, May 6; _Pacata Hibernia_, -lib. i. cap. 5. Cecil's letter to Essex, April 1599, St. Leger's and -Power's to Cecil, Dec. 10, and Lord Barry's to Cecil, Feb. 12, 1600, -are printed in Florence MacCarthy's _Life_, chap. 9. - -[344] Docwra's _Narration_, edited by O'Donovan for the Celtic -Society's _Miscellany_. The cockle-shell island was probably one of the -'kitchen-middens' which are common on the Irish coast. - -[345] Docwra's _Narration_; Fynes Moryson's _Itinerary_, part ii. lib. -i. cap. 2; _Four Masters_, 1600. Mountjoy left Dublin on May 6, and -remained out till the end of the month. See also his letter to Carew of -July 1 in _Carew_. 'The garrison of Derry,' say the annalists, 'were -seized with disease on account of the narrowness of the place and the -heat of the summer. Great numbers died of this sickness.' - -[346] Carew to Cecil, May 6 and Aug. 17; _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i. -chaps. v. and vi. - -[347] _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i. ch. vii.; _Four Masters_. June 18 is -the proper date of this capture; the annalists wrongly say that it was -in January. - -[348] This raid was at midsummer.--_Four Masters_ and _Pacata -Hibernia_, lib. i. ch. viii. - -[349] _Pacata Hibernia_, lib. i. cap. 18. The date of the murder was -Oct. 24. - -[350] Declaration of Sir Charles Danvers in the correspondence of James -VI. with Cecil (Camden Society). The evidence of Cuffe, Blount, and -Southampton in the same collection bears this out. Southampton saw -James's answer to Mountjoy's first letter. It contained nothing but -compliments, allowing of his reservations, and referring him for the -matter to the bearer (Lee), who delivered unto him that the King would -think of it, and put himself in readiness to take any good occasion.' -There is a letter to Essex at Hatfield dated from the Court at Nonsuch, -Aug. 18, 1599, in which Thomas Wenman warns the Earl that he had been -slandered to the King of Scots as being opposed to his succession, that -James would work all craft for his destruction, and that he should be -careful who he had about him. - -[351] Declaration of Danvers _ut sup._; Henry Cuffe to the Council, -_ib._, and his Examination, March 2, 1601 (printed by Spedding); -Confession of Southampton, _ut sup._ - -[352] Fynes Moryson's _Itinerary_, part ii. book i. cap. 2; _Four -Masters_, 1600. - -[353] Mountjoy to Carew, Aug. 12, in _Carew_; Moryson, _ut sup._; _Four -Masters_, 1600. This raid was during the last days of July and the -first of August. - -[354] Moryson, _ut sup._; Journal, 11-26, under latter date in _Carew_; -Mountjoy to Carew, Sept. 4, _ib._ - -[355] The dates are Dublin, Sept. 14; Faughard, Sept. 20; Newry, Oct. -21. Moryson, _ut sup._; Lord Deputy and Council to Carew, Oct. 8, in -_Carew_; Mountjoy to Carew same date (No. 478); _Four Masters_, 1600. - -[356] Nov. 2-13. The _Four Masters_ add nothing to Moryson's account. - -[357] Docwra's _Narration_, June 1 to July 29; _Four Masters_, 1600; -Cecil to Carew, Sept. 28, in Maclean's _Letters of Sir R. Cecil_. - -[358] Docwra's _Narration_, July 29 to Sept. 16; _Four Masters_, 1600. - -[359] Docwra's _Narration_, Sept. 16 to Oct. 3. - -[360] Docwra's _Narration_, Oct. 3-28; _Four Masters_, 1600; Journal -of Mountjoy's proceedings, in _Carew_, vol. v. p. 497. In the Ulster -settlement Docwra was granted 2,000 acres about Lifford. - -[361] The _Four Masters_ are here to be preferred to Docwra; see also -Cecil to Carew in _Maclean_, Aug. 29, 1600. - -[362] Docwra's _Narration_, 'about Christmas'; _Four Masters_, under -Jan. 27, 1601. - -[363] Carew to the Privy Council July 18-20 and Aug. 25; _Pacata -Hibernia_, book i. chaps. ix.-xii. - -[364] This fight was on Sept. 16. _Pacata Hibernia_, book i. chap. -xiii.; Mountjoy to Carew, Oct. 8, in _Carew_; Cecil to Carew, Oct. 15; -Carew to the Privy Council, Nov. 2. - -[365] Desmond to Cecil, MS. _Hatfield_. The letter is not dated, but -Fenton was in London during July and August 1600. Writing to Carew on -July 11, Cecil calls the young man James Fitzgerald, and Desmond in -later letters. The patent was ready by Aug. 29, and received the Great -Seal on Oct. 1. It is printed in _Pacata Hibernia_, book i. chap. xiv. - -[366] Desmond landed on Oct. 14. Nearly all the letters are collected -in Florence MacCarthy's _Life_, pp. 485-500, where details as to the -Tower life, medicines, &c. may be read, and in Cecil's letters to Carew -(ed. Maclean). - -[367] _Pacata Hibernia_, vol. i. ch. xiv. and the letters in Florence -MacCarthy's _Life_; Carew to Cecil in _Carew_, March 22, 1601. 'I do -not at all, or at least very little,' Desmond wrote to Cecil on Dec. -18, 1600, 'participate of the Italian proverb, _Amor fa molto, argento -fa tutto_.' - -[368] Fenton to Cecil, April 20, 1598. William Power, writing from Cork -to Cecil, Jan. 17, 1602, says 'you were a father to the unfortunate -young Earl, as himself often told me.'--Carew to the Privy Council, -Dec. 20, 1600, and March 6, 1601; _Pacata Hibernia_, book i. chap. -xviii.; Desmond Pedigree in _Irish Arch. Journal_, 3rd series, vol. i.; -Desmond to Cecil, Aug. 31, 1601. Among the 1602 papers at Hatfield, -there are petitions from two of the Desmond ladies asking Cecil for -part of the allowance meant 'for our poor brother, that we might end -the rest of our unfortunate days without being troublesome.' - - - - -CHAPTER L. - -GOVERNMENT OF MOUNTJOY, 1601. - - -Mountjoy felt that his own hands were not quite clean, and he knew -that Carew was more thoroughly trusted than he was. The President's -excellent temper prevented anything like a rupture, but the Deputy's -letter shows how sensitive he was. It was in answer to one of these -despatches, in which he had likened himself to a scullion, that -Elizabeth wrote with her own hand one of those letters which go far to -reveal the secret of her power. 'Mistress Kitchenmaid,' she said, 'I -had not thought that precedency had been ever in question, but among -the higher and greater sort; but now I find by good proof that some of -more dignity and greater calling may by good desert and faithful care -give the upper hand to one of your faculty, that with your frying-pan -and other kitchen stuff have brought to their last home more rebels, -and passed greater break-neck places, than those that promised more -and did less. Comfort yourself, therefore, in this, that neither -your careful endeavour, nor dangerous travails, nor heedful regards -to our service, without your own by-respects, could ever have been -bestowed upon a prince that more esteems them, considers, and regards -them than she for whom chiefly, I know, all this hath been done, and -who keeps this verdict ever in store for you; that no vainglory nor -popular fawning can ever advance you forward, but true vow of duty and -reverence of prince, which two afore your life I see you do prefer. And -though you lodge near Papists, and doubt you not for their infection, -yet I fear you may fail in an heresy, which I hereby do conjure you -from; that you suppose you be backbited by some to make me think you -faulty of many oversights and evil defaults in your government. I -would have you know for certain that, as there is no man can rule so -great a charge without some errors, yet you may assure yourself I have -never heard of any had fewer; and such is your good luck that I have -not known them, though you were warned of them. And learn this of me, -that you must make difference betwixt admonitions and charges, and like -of faithful advices as your most necessariest weapons to save you from -blows of princes' mislike. And so I absolve you _a poena et culpa_, -if this you observe. And so God bless and prosper you as if ourself was -where you are.--Your Sovreign that dearly regards you.' It is easy to -understand what an effect such a letter must have had, and how Mountjoy -must have been encouraged in his difficult work.[369] - -[Sidenote: Final reduction of the Wicklow Highlanders (January).] - -It was supposed at the time that the death of Feagh MacHugh would free -Dublin from the depredations of the O'Byrnes; but his son, Phelim -MacFeagh, continued to give trouble, and the suburbs of the capital -were in almost nightly alarm. Shortly before Christmas Mountjoy set -out for Monasterevan, whither he had sent Arras hangings and other -baggage betokening a long stay there. But he himself suddenly turned -off near Naas, crossed the snowclad mountains with a strong force, -and entered Glenmalure quite unexpectedly. Ballinacor was surrounded, -and Phelim's wife and son captured, the chief himself escaping naked -out of a back window into the woods, while Mountjoy and his followers -consumed the Christmas stock of provisions. The cattle were swept out -of the country, the corn and houses destroyed, and at the end of three -weeks the Lord Deputy retired. Garrisons were placed at Tullow on one -side and Wicklow on the other, and these highlanders gave no further -trouble. Phelim MacFeagh, who was saved by the mountain floods, came to -Dublin, and submitted with due humility.[370] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy in the central districts (February).] - -The early months of 1601 were spent by Mountjoy in devastating the -central districts. Starting from Monasterevan on January 29, he passed -by Kildare, which was in ruins and quite deserted, to Trim, and from -thence by Castletown Delvin to Mullingar, 'the shiretown of Westmeath, -compassed with bogs.' Athlone was reached on February 17, and then, -without resting more than a night, he doubled back to Macgeohegan's -castle of Donore. Between Lough Ennell and the place still called -Tyrrell's pass, he found the redoubtable Captain Tyrrell in his -stronghold, 'seated in a plain and in a little island compassed with -bogs and deep ditches of running water.' An attempt to cross with -hurdles and faggots was frustrated by the current, and an officer was -shot. Moryson, the historian, had a narrow escape. The English horse -kept always on the move, which generally protected them against the -fire of matchlocks, but the secretary, who was no soldier, and whose -white horse gave a good mark, felt one bullet whistle past his head, -while another struck his saddle. Proclamation was then made that no -one, on pain of death, should succour the rebels in any way, that the -country people should bring provisions to the camp, and that soldiers, -also on pain of death, should pay the market price. Two thousand crowns -were placed on Tyrrell's head, who thought it prudent to steal away -by night to another island in Queen's County, which was for the time -inaccessible, on account of the floods.[371] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy and Essex.] - -While staying at Donore Mountjoy got a letter to say that Essex had -been sent to the Tower. 'It is not credible,' says Moryson, 'that the -influence of the Earl's malignant star should work upon so poor a snake -as myself.' Yet so it was. Mountjoy thought it prudent to range himself -ostentatiously on Cecil's side, and to depress Essex's friends, with -some of whom his secretary was connected. He took his most private -papers into his own custody, and Moryson says he never quite recovered -the blow. He tells us that, however his principal might clamour to be -recalled nothing was further from his thoughts, and that he had made -preparations to sail for France in case he was sent for to England. -Ten days later came a gracious letter from Elizabeth, in which she -announced the death of Essex, cautioned his successor to look well to -the loyalty of his officers, and forbade him to leave his post until -the intentions of Spain were better known.[372] - -[Sidenote: Death of Essex. His confessions.] - -[Sidenote: Lady Rich.] - -Mountjoy had been implicated in the Essex intrigues quite enough -to make him nervous; but when it became clear that the Queen would -overlook all, he was probably sincerely anxious to return. He wrote -to solicit Nottingham's good offices, and the answer throws a curious -light upon the manners and morals of the time. 'I think,' wrote the -Lord Admiral, 'her Majesty would be most glad to look upon your black -eyes here, so she were sure you would not look with too much respect on -other black eyes. But for that, if the admiral were but thirty years -old, I think he would not differ in opinions from the Lord Mountjoy.' -And then he goes on to speak of Essex's behaviour after his trial, -and of those upon whom he had most unnecessarily drawn the suspicion -of the Government. His friend Southampton, his stepfather Blount, his -secretary Cuffe, were but a few of those to whom he ascribed a guilt -greater than his own. '"And now," said he,' so Nottingham continues, -'"I must accuse one who is most nearest to me, my sister, who did -continually urge me on with telling me how all my friends and followers -thought me a coward, and that I had lost all my valour;" and then thus, -"that she must be looked to, for she had a proud spirit," and spared -not to say something of her affection to you. Would your lordship have -thought this weakness and this unnaturalness in this man?' - -Lady Rich was accordingly committed to the Lord Admiral's house, but -bore herself so becomingly that she was at once released. In writing -to thank her late gaoler for his kindness, she says: 'for my deserts -towards him that is gone, it is known that I have been more like a -slave than a sister, which proceeded out of my exceeding love, rather -than his authority... so strangely have I been wronged, as may well be -an argument to make one despise the world, finding the smoke of envy -where affection should be clearest.' This letter was sent to Mountjoy, -who--to do him such justice as is possible--was true to this most -unfortunate Penelope. Five years later, when Lord Rich had obtained -a mere ecclesiastical divorce from his wife, no less a divine than -William Laud was induced to perform the marriage ceremony between her -and her lover, and before that date Bacon had addressed to Mountjoy -('because you loved my lord of Essex') his tardy and inadequate -apology. It was not the fault of Essex that neither his sister nor his -friend suffered with him.'[373] - -[Sidenote: Steady progress of Mountjoy.] - -The Barony of Farney in Monaghan was next invaded, and the adherents of -Ever MacCooly MacMahon had their houses burned, after which Mountjoy -stayed for a month at Drogheda, and then returned to Dublin. Sick and -tired of the work which he had to do, he told Carew that he could -welcome the Spaniards, 'but I fear me,' he added, 'they are too wise to -come into this country, whom God amend or confound, and send us a quiet -return and a happy meeting in the land of good meat and clean linen, -lest by our long continuing here we turn knaves with this generation -of vipers, and slovens with eating draff with these swine.' The Lord -President in the meantime was reducing Munster to a quiet state. More -than 4,000 persons were pardoned during January and February, and at -the end of March, when Desmond left Ireland, there was scarcely any -more fighting to be done. Carew could despatch troops into Connaught, -and prevent Tyrone from sending help by the road to the Sugane Earl, -who lurked, for the most part, in Tipperary. Lord Barry very nearly -caught him, and accused his enemy the White Knight of harbouring the -traitor. Carew threatened to hold the latter responsible for his -country, and his fears settled the fugitive's fate. His object was to -remain at large until the Spaniards came, but, as usual, they were -too late. Ten years before, a papal archbishop had written that help -was coming. 'Notwithstanding,' he said, 'that the Catholic King his -captains be slow in their affairs, I am certain that the men are -purposed to be sent to comfort the same poor island, which is in -distress a long time.' Another archbishop now urged the last of the -Desmonds to hold out, 'knowing and firmly hoping that the help of my -lord the Catholic King is now coming, which when it cometh all things -shall be prosperous.' The help did come at last, but by that time James -Fitzthomas was in the Tower.[374] - -[Sidenote: The last of the Sugane Earl.] - -The Knight's followers, one and all, declared that they knew nothing -of the hunted man's whereabouts, though some of them were his daily -companions. Probably they did not believe in their chief's sincerity, -but at last one of them asked him if he was really in earnest, and, -finding that this was so, led him straight to a cave not far from -Mitchelstown, many fathoms deep, and with a narrow entrance, perhaps -the same which tourists still visit as a natural curiosity. The -Knight came to the mouth of the cave with a few men, and summoned -the occupants to surrender. Desmond's only companion was his -foster-brother, Thomas O'Feighy. Appeals to the spirit of clanship -were lost both on the Knight and his men, and threats were also in -vain. Bribes to be paid when the 6,000 Spaniards held Munster--he -mentioned the very number--were not very alluring, and so Tyrone's -Earl was given up to Sir George Thornton, who conveyed him to Cork. -His confinement was close, both there and in Dublin, and irons were -considered necessary. There had been so many escapes from the Castle -that he did all he could to avoid being sent to England by offering to -do shadowy services against Tyrone. But things were not managed as they -had been in Fitzwilliam's time, and to the Tower he came some three -months later. A year afterwards wages were paid to a watcher with him -'in his lunacy,' and he died in the State prison in 1608. His brother -John remained in rebellion and reached Spain, where his son became a -Spanish count, and died fighting bravely in the imperial service. John -Fitzthomas never assumed the title of Desmond in Ireland, and it was to -avoid pretenders that Carew advised the Government to spare the elder -brother's life.[375] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy in Tyrone (June to August).] - -Mountjoy allowed himself little rest. Having issued the currency -proclamation, and done what he could to prepare the troops for the -expected Spanish invasion, he started again for Dundalk at the end -of May. A strong work was thrown up in the Moyry pass, effectually -blocking Tyrone's approach on that side. No serious resistance was -offered, but carriage was very difficult, and the Lord-Deputy had to -pay dear for pack-horses. Before the end of June he placed a garrison -of 750 foot and 100 horse at Armagh. He surveyed the scene of Bagenal's -defeat, and made preparations for rebuilding the dismantled fort at -Blackwater. A post was established at Downpatrick, which brought the -Magennis family to their knees, and by the middle of July he felt -strong enough to cross the Blackwater in force. The fords had been -elaborately fortified by Tyrone with trenches and abattis in the -Irish manner, but he scarcely ventured to make any defence. Some of -the colours taken from Bagenal were displayed on the Irish side, -but the Queens troops easily passed over, under cover of two small -field-guns. A new fort was made tenable, and properly entrusted to -gallant Captain Williams, whose leg was broken by a shot in one of -these skirmishes. Mountjoy advanced as far as Benburb, the scene of -Owen Roe O'Neill's great victory half a century later, and there was -a great deal of firing; but Tyrone dared not come to close quarters. -His men had also to spare their powder, while Mountjoy's supply was -practically unlimited. Doctor Latwar, the chaplain, like Walker at the -Boyne, had learned to love fighting for its own sake, and 'affecting -some singularity of forwardness more than his place required,' was -mortally wounded in the head. The Lord-Deputy's chief loss was in his -Irish auxiliaries, and Moryson coolly notes that 'the loss of such -unpeaceable swordsmen was rather gain to the commonwealth.' The latter -part of July was spent in cutting down the corn, and clearing the woods -on both sides of the Blackwater, and the fort being then able to take -care of itself, Mountjoy marched back to Armagh, where he undertook -similar operations. Piers Lacy, the noted Munster rebel, was killed -in an abortive attack upon the camp. It was Mountjoy's intention to -seize Dungannon, and to make it a centre of operations in reducing the -North, and nearly all August was spent in preparing provisions so as -to make a decisive campaign possible during the following winter. He -was at Newry or Dundalk on the 29th, when a letter came from Carew to -say that the Spaniards had been sighted at sea. This forced him to draw -towards Dublin, but he left Ulster firmly bridled by garrisons, and it -is evident that Tyrone would soon have been reduced to extremities if -it had not been for the diversion made by the invasion of Munster.[376] - -[Sidenote: Plot against Tyrone's life.] - -[Sidenote: An Irish stronghold.] - -An Englishman, named Thomas Walker, who had worn out the patience of -his friends, and was in danger of prosecution for a seditious libel, -visited Ireland, as he professed, for pleasure and to see the country. -He reached Armagh in July, and informed Sir Henry Danvers, who was -in command there, that he was going to kill Tyrone, that the idea -was entirely his own, and that he required no help. Danvers was in -command of the garrison, and anxious to do something which might wipe -out the remembrance of his elder brother's treason. He told Walker -that the attempt was honourable but very dangerous, and advised him -to think twice, but having consulted Mountjoy, who was in camp hard -by, he allowed him to pass through the lines. After several narrow -escapes from loose horsemen, Walker came into Tyrone's presence, who -turned pale when he heard of the force at Armagh. The rebel chief was -dressed in a frieze jacket open in front, and 600 or 700 men were in -the neighbourhood. Walker told him his father had been mixed up with -Essex's conspiracy, and that he had come for protection, since the -Queen's government was wont to visit the sins of the fathers on the -children. Tyrone had tears in his eyes when he spoke of Essex's death, -and said that Walker was safe with him. He asked to see some of the new -money, at which he gazed earnestly, some of his train saying, 'These -wars hath made the Queen of England poor, that she coins copper money.' -On hearing that the device was attributed to Cecil, the Earl said he -wished he had him there to make him shorter by a head. The bystanders -used many opprobrious terms, and a Spanish captain took occasion to say -that his master still paid the royallest in the world. For a moment -Walker was close to Tyrone with a sword in his hand, but his heart -failed him, and he got no further opportunity. Tyrone attended mass, -but Walker was not allowed to be present, as he had 'no godfather.' He -was sent on to Dungannon, where he found Lady Tyrone and her mother 'in -a cott,' and they took him to an island stronghold not far off, the -fortifications of which were still unfinished. They crossed in a canoe -and four huge hampers of provisions were brought in, each of which took -three men to carry it. The ladies observed that the whole English army -would attack them there in vain; but Mountjoy, not many weeks before, -had found a soldier to swim over and burn the houses in a similar -stronghold for no greater reward than one angel. Walker was informed -that he was to go to Scotland, whither Tyrone was in the habit of -sending all such visitors. He was strictly forbidden to return to the -camp, and though he offered a round sum for a guide no one was found -bold enough to disobey the chiefs orders. After this he went to Randal -MacSorley, whose favour he gained by professing to be a good Catholic, -and who allowed him to go to Chichester at Carrickfergus. In the end he -was sent back to England. Mountjoy seems to have held that there would -be no harm in murdering a proclaimed rebel upon whose head a price had -been set. He thought Walker little 'better than frantic, though such a -one was not unfit for such an enterprise.'[377] - -[Sidenote: Brass money]. - -[Sidenote: Confusion caused by debasing the coinage.] - -'Of all the plagues of that time,' says Macaulay in his history of -1689, 'none made a deeper or a more lasting impression on the minds of -the Protestants of Dublin than the plague of the brass money.' And the -great Dutchman is still toasted for delivering them from that evil. The -attempt of James II. to obtain a revenue in this way was the worst, but -it was neither the first nor the last enterprise of this kind. Swift -roused the people of Dublin to fury by his diatribes against Wood's -patent, which, though not all that he called it, was nevertheless a -scandalous job. Elizabeth's father, brother, and sister had issued -base coin, and she had reaped honour by restoring the standard. And -now she herself listened to the voice of the tempter, who in this -case was Lord Treasurer Buckhurst. Had Burghley been alive, she would -not have been asked to repeat an experiment which had always failed. -The chosen instrument was Sir George Carey, who had succeeded Wallop -as Vice-Treasurer. The expense of the army in Ireland was great, and -Buckhurst imagined that it could be lessened by paying the soldiers in -debased coin. In those days it was generally held that the presence -of bullion in a country was an end in itself; and it was thought -possible to tie the trade of Ireland to England, while preventing the -exportation of sterling money to foreign lands. The money which went -abroad was chiefly spent in arms or powder, and this traffic tended -to maintain the war. The Queen saw clearly that the proposed change -would do her no credit, and that the army would object to it; but she -was hard pressed for money, and allowed herself to be persuaded. All -coin current in Ireland was accordingly cried down by proclamation, -and new twelvepenny, sixpenny, and threepenny pieces were issued, with -a harp on one side, and containing only threepence worth of silver -to each shilling. All payments were to be made in this rubbish, and -no other coin was to be considered legal or current. Those who held -English or foreign money, plate, or bullion 'of the fineness of the -standard of England or better,' might demand a bill of exchange on -London, Bristol, or Chester, payable in sterling money at a premium of -sixpence in the pound. Those who held the new coin might bring it to -Dublin, Cork, Galway, or Carrickfergus, and demand bills of exchange -on the same places in England at the rate of nineteen shillings -sterling to the pound Irish. Those who held English money in Ireland -were entitled to receive twenty-one shillings Irish for every pound, -and bills of exchange upon Ireland were given at the same rate in -England. The old base coin circulating in Ireland was made exchangeable -for its nominal value in the new currency, and the importation of -English money into Ireland was prohibited. This system of exchange -distinguishes Buckhurst's plan from James II.'s, who simply declared -that the impression of his own hard features turned kettles and old -cannon into gold and silver; but it was bad enough. At first the full -extent of the evil was not seen, and Carew who seems not to have been -much more enlightened than the Lord Treasurer, thought no great harm -would be done. But the towns soon began to grumble, and coiners were -quickly at work, even within royal fortresses. English coin being no -longer current in Ireland, the lawyers held that there was no law to -punish those who counterfeited it. The genuine Irish coin was so bad -that it was easy to imitate it and to leave out the silver altogether. -Those who were interested in the trade gave out that the legal currency -contained no silver, and so no one knew what anything was worth. The -Queen lost by the bargain, prices became high and uncertain, and the -only gainers were those who traded in money. Carey controlled the -course of exchange, and it was believed that he profited very largely. -Taught by sad experience, the Irish officials at last announced that -the whole policy of degrading the coin was exceedingly distasteful -to soldiers and merchants, rich and poor. 'We humbly acknowledge,' -they tell the Privy Council, 'that experience showeth that the prices -of things do follow the rate of silver and gold which is in the -money.... And when your lordships do think that the prices of things -by this project shall fall... we are not of that opinion.' An attempt -to restrain the course of exchange only made matters worse, and the -difficulty extended into the next reign, when the English Government at -last came to see that honesty was the best policy.[378] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[369] The Queen to Mountjoy, Dec. 3, 1600, copy in _Carew_. There are -other letters of the time from Elizabeth to the Lord Deputy beginning -'Mistress kitchenmaid.' - -[370] Moryson, part ii. book i. chap. ii. On Jan. 1, 1601, Mountjoy -dates a letter to Carew (in _Carew_) 'from the camp among the rocks and -the woods in these devils' country.' - -[371] Moryson, Jan. 29 to Feb. 25, part ii. book ii. chap. ii.; -Mountjoy to Carew, March 11, in _Carew_. - -[372] Essex was arrested Feb. 8 and executed Feb. 25. Mountjoy heard -the news on the 22nd and March 2 respectively. Moryson, book i. ch. ii. - -[373] Nottingham to Mountjoy, May 31, 1601, enclosing Lady Rich's -letter. Notwithstanding the Lord Admiral's playful allusion to 30 -years, Mountjoy was 38 and Penelope 40. The letters are printed in -Goodman's _James I._ ii. 14-20. - -[374] Moryson _ut sup._; Mountjoy to Carew, April 10, 1601, in _Carew_; -Edmund MacGauran, titular Archbishop of Armagh, to Captain Eustace June -18/28, 1591, MS. _Hatfield_; Matthew de Oviedo, 'Spanish Archbishop of -Dublin,' to James Fitzthomas, Jan. 3/13, 1601-2, in _Pacata Hibernia_, -book i. chap. xix. - -[375] _Pacata Hibernia_, book ii. chap. iii. White Knight to Carew, -May 29, 1601. Many of the letters &c. on this subject are collected in -_Irish Arch. Journal_, 3rd series, vol. i. pp. 544-559. O'Daly wrongly -states that the Queen's Earl stayed on in Ireland after his rival: he -returned to England two months before his capture. From State papers -calendared under June and July, 1608, it appears that John Fitzthomas -was then called Earl of Desmond in Spain. - -[376] May 22 to Aug. 29, 1601; Moryson, part ii. book ii. chap. i. - -[377] Information of Thomas Walker (taken in England), Oct. 3, 1601, -MS. _Hatfield_; Walker to Mountjoy, Aug. 22; Mountjoy to Cecil, Aug. -23. Walker maintained that he never thought of killing Tyrone until he -found himself in Ireland. - -[378] The proclamation is in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, 1601, of which -several original printed copies are extant, bearing date May 20, 1601. -The whole story may be read in _Carew_, 1601-3, and in the first vol. -of Russell and Prendergast's Calendar. See also Camden and Moryson. In -Feb. 1603 Mountjoy wrote: 'the alteration of the coin, and taking away -of the exchange, in such measure as it was first promised, hath bred a -general grievance unto men of all qualities, and so many incommodities -to all sorts, that it is beyond the judgment of any that I can hear to -prevent a confusion in this estate by the continuance thereof.' - -Moryson says the pretence was that the rebels would be impoverished, -whereas the Queen's servants were the real sufferers--'we served in -discomfort and came home beggars, so that only the treasurers and -paymasters had cause to bless the authors of this invention.' - - - - -CHAPTER LI. - -THE SPANIARDS IN MUNSTER, 1601-1602. - - -[Sidenote: Rumours of invasion.] - -Cecil had been right in saying that no Spaniards would come in 1600, -and he was equally well informed about their intentions in the next -year. In the autumn he inclined to think that they would go to Galway -rather than to any part of Munster, where the strength of the rebels -had been so lately and so thoroughly broken. Limerick and Waterford -were mentioned as probable objects of attack, but Carew thought an -invader would avoid the former as giving no means of retreat, and the -latter as being too easily reached from England. Cork he thought the -most likely to attract them, especially as Florence MacCarthy had -recommended it, and he set to work to remedy its natural weakness as -far as possible. 'The other towns', he said, 'are neither worth their -labours to gain, nor her Majesty's charges to defend.' The Spaniards -did, in fact, aim at Cork, and may have been more easily turned aside -by hearing that a warm reception awaited them there. Carew had in the -meantime taken the precaution of arresting Florence and sending him -to England. It may be doubted whether faith was not broken with him; -but there can be no doubt of his dealings with Tyrone or with the -Spaniards, and both the Queen and Cecil approved of his detention.[379] - -[Sidenote: The Spaniards disembark at Kinsale (September).] - -Cecil warned Carew that the danger of invasion would not be over till -the middle of October, and at the beginning of September Mountjoy -thought it prudent to be ready for an immediate journey into Munster. -On the 21st both Deputy and President were Ormonde's guests at -Kilkenny, and on the next day an express came to say that the Spaniards -had been sighted off the Old Head of Kinsale. Captain Love, in a small -pinnace, had descried them at sea off Cape Finisterre a fortnight -before, had noted that they were full of soldiers, and had made sail -for Cork harbour, to give the alarm. This says much for the superior -sailing power of the English, but it is possible that the ships seen by -Love were those which were driven into Corunna by bad weather. Lisbon -had been the original point of departure. The main fleet, with Don Juan -D'Aguila on board, arrived off Cork, but found the wind blowing out of -the harbour's mouth and did not attempt an entrance. They had already -passed Kinsale, to which port they returned, and on September 23 Don -Juan disembarked all his men, without opposition. The garrison, which -was less than 100 strong, evacuated the town, most of the substantial -inhabitants accompanying them with their goods, and the Spaniards -marched in with twenty-five colours. The 'sovereign,' with his white -staff, saw them properly billeted, and it was noticed that he did it -with more alacrity than if he had been providing quarters for the -Queen's troops.[380] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy goes to Munster.] - -On the news reaching Kilkenny, a council was held. Ormonde and -Wingfield advised the Lord Deputy to return to Dublin and prepare his -forces, while the Lord President went to prepare supplies at Cork. -But Carew urged Mountjoy to start at once for Munster, though with -his page only. If the provincials, he said, saw the chief governor's -back turned they would think he lacked forces, and there would be a -general revolt. The army too would make more haste when the general -had gone before. These arguments prevailed, and when Mountjoy heard -that Carew had provided supplies enough to support the whole army for -two or three months, he rose from his chair and embraced him with many -cordial words. Carew had 100 horse with him, and, thus escorted, the -two set out together next day. A night was passed with Lord Dunboyne -at Kiltinan, another at Clonmel, and a third at Lord Roche's castle -of Glanworth. After spending one day at Cork, Mountjoy went with some -horse to a point overlooking Kinsale, and found that most of the -Spanish ships were gone. There had already been a little skirmish in -the neighbourhood of the town, but no serious attempt could be made -to disturb the strangers for nearly three weeks. Don Juan spent the -interval in strengthening his position, and in trying to make friends -with the country people. In this he had very little success, for the -weight of Carew's hand was still felt, and it was evident that the -cloud which was gathering at Cork would soon burst.[381] - -[Sidenote: The Spaniards come in the Pope's name.] - -The Spaniards brought arms for the country people, but very few of them -came in, and they were ordered by Mountjoy to drive all their cattle to -the eastward of the Carrigaline river. The corn for five miles round -Kinsale was burned, and the inhabitants were warned by proclamation not -to take part with the Pope and the King of Spain, who were unjustly -maintaining rebels against their anointed sovereign. Among those who -accompanied Don Juan was Matthew de Oviedo, a Spanish Franciscan who -had been papal commissary with Desmond twenty years before, and who -was now titular Archbishop of Dublin; and he was probably the author -of the Latin counter-proclamation. In this document the deposing power -is claimed for the Pope, and its exercise by Pius V., Gregory XIII., -and Clement VIII. is treated as conclusive. Elizabeth being thus made -a mere usurping heretic, the Irish are absolved from all allegiance to -her and are ordered to support the Catholic cause, on pain of being -considered heretics themselves. In his own name the Archbishop wrote -to O'Neill and O'Donnell, and Don Juan sent more than one messenger to -hasten their coming. The Spaniards were without cavalry, having been -given to understand that horses would be provided for the 1,600 saddles -which they brought with them. Finding no allies, they had thus no means -of acting on the offensive, and the English horse rode up to the very -gates of Kinsale. The townsfolk were encouraged to withdraw their -families and property, and were allowed to come and go until October 8, -'without any imputation of treason.' Don Juan gave them equal liberty; -and this increased his chance of a successful defence, for he had about -4,000 men, and there were only about 200 houses in the town. Lord Barry -went to Galbally with such forces as he could collect, in the hope of -intercepting Tyrone on his march southwards, and Mountjoy made such -haste as was possible to be at Kinsale before him.[382] - -[Sidenote: Kinsale besieged (October).] - -[Sidenote: Rincurren taken.] - -On October 16 Mountjoy marched out of Cork, encamping on the first -night at the Carrigaline river, and on the second under Knock Robin, a -hill close to Kinsale. Ten days were spent in the wet fields without -the means to entrench, for it was thought that longer delay would -have a bad moral effect. At last the ships, with guns and tools, -came to Cork, and were sent round to Oyster Haven, where there was -no difficulty in unlading them. Don Juan had garrisoned Castle Park, -on the west side of Kinsale Harbour, probably in the vain hope of -preventing the entry of English vessels. He had another outpost at -Rincurren on the east side, but neither work gave serious annoyance to -the army, which was now entrenched on the Spittle hill, to the north -side of the town. Carew found the artillery in very bad order; but the -delay was of no service to the Spaniards, whose boats were effectually -kept off by Captain Button in his pinnace. At last two pieces opened -on Rincurren, 'but within two or three shot the carriage of the better -culverin brake, and, about two of the clock in the afternoon, the -other received a flaw.' The rest of the day was occupied in mending -the carriage of the sound gun, and Don Juan tried to make a diversion -by dragging artillery out of the town and firing into the camp. Two -men were killed near the Lord Deputy's tent, and two hogsheads of -his beer broached, but no serious harm was done. In the morning 'the -culverin began to play, and about nine of the clock the demi-culverin -was mounted, which after a few shot brake her axletree; before three -she was remounted, and by that time a cannon likewise planted, and all -three pieces without intermission played.' But Carew thought the fire -too vague, and, having obtained Mountjoy's leave, he laid the guns -himself, so that the fire might converge on one spot. The true range -was got with a quadrant, and the cannonade was thus continued after -sunset. Another attempt was made to relieve the post by land, but this -was frustrated, with loss to the besieged, and by six o'clock the -Spaniards in the castle called for a parley. They offered to surrender -the fort on condition of being allowed to depart with arms and baggage. -This was refused, a further parley declined, and the battery continued -until two in the morning, when many of the besieged attempted to escape -by the waterside. Twenty-three Spaniards were taken and thirty killed. -Of the Irish all the fighting men escaped, but churls, women, and -children were taken. The captain in command had his leg broken, and his -subaltern, Don Bartholomeo Paez de Clavijo, was forced to surrender -next morning, being allowed to carry out his own sword and give it -up to Carew in person. He was quite ready to blow up the fort, with -himself and all his men in it, but the eighty-six surviving soldiers -threatened to throw him over the walls. The lives of the Spaniards were -spared, and they were sent to Cork, but no terms had been granted to -the Irish, of whom Dermot MacCarthy, called Don Dermutio, was the only -person of note. He had been in Florence's service, had lived in Spain -as a pensioner, and was able to disclose many important secrets. He -was, however, afterwards hanged at Cork.[383] - -[Sidenote: Progress of the siege (November).] - -[Sidenote: Castle Park taken.] - -A few days after the first success Thomond arrived from England with -1,000 foot and 100 horse, after having been blown far to the westward -and forced to take refuge in Castle Haven. Both men and horses were -worn out by the long confinement on board, and had to be sent to Cork -to recruit. About the same time Sir Richard Leveson arrived with his -squadron and 2,000 soldiers, and the ships were warped into harbour -in spite of the wind. Neither guns nor men were now wanting, and the -siege began in earnest. The camp had already been fortified on the -north side, so as to prevent an attack by Tyrone's forces, which were -daily expected, and Castle Park, on the south side of the harbour, -was taken, after two ineffectual attempts. After a long cannonade the -Spaniards, who were but seventeen in number, surrendered, and it is -hard to see how so small a garrison could ever have been expected to -maintain itself. The fact probably was that Don Juan expected to find -an Irish army to help him, and that he found an English one instead. -Mountjoy's camp was thoroughly fortified, and his approaches almost -completed before any relieving force appeared. O'Donnell had, however, -been long on his way. On hearing of the Spanish descent he at once -raised the siege of Donegal, and, accompanied by Brian Oge O'Rourke, -MacDermot, and others, including some Munster exiles, marched from -Ballymote through Roscommon and Galway to Shannon Harbour, where he was -ferried across, and through Westmeath and King's County into Tipperary. -At Moydrum, in O'Meagher's country, between Roscrea and Templemore, he -lay for three weeks waiting for Tyrone, and the annalists observe, with -apparent pride, that his people 'continued plundering, burning, and -ravaging the country around them, so that there was no want of anything -necessary for an army in his camp, for any period, short or long.' The -Irish and Catholic hero knew no better way to advance the cause than by -harrying people who were as Irish and as Catholic as himself.[384] - -[Sidenote: O'Donnell joins Tyrone (November).] - -A council of war decided to send Carew to Tipperary, in the hope of -intercepting O'Donnell before his junction with Tyrone. Carew obeyed, -though he considered the expedition useless. Having the goodwill of -the country O'Donnell was sure to have news of his coming, and against -such a light-footed enemy he expected to have no better success than -Ormonde had with Tyrone. He left the camp on November 7, with 1,000 -foot and 250 horse, and was afterwards joined by Sir Christopher St. -Laurence's regiment and by the irregular forces under Lord Barry's -command. On arriving at Ardmayle on the Suir, he found that there -was no possibility of attacking O'Donnell among the bogs and woods, -but supposed that the latter would hardly be able to go by without -fighting, for the mountains of Slieve Phelim, which in summer offered a -road into Limerick, were impassable from the rain. A great and sudden -frost disconcerted these plans, and O'Donnell made a night march of -over twenty Irish miles on hard ground. More than 200 years later Lord -Anglesea had personal experience of a winter's ride over these hills, -and his sufferings resulted in the road which still bears his name. -Carew hastened to intercept O'Donnell on his descent into Limerick, -but found that he had already passed. To follow him into the wilds of -Connello would be to court disaster, and there was nothing for it but -to return to Kinsale.[385] - -[Sidenote: Spanish ships come to Castle Haven (December);] - -[Sidenote: but are destroyed by the English fleet.] - -Meanwhile the siege went slowly on, Mountjoy having an excellent -engineer officer in Captain Josiah Bodley, whose elder brother founded -the great Oxford library. Six guns were mounted in the trenches, and -Sir Richard Leveson's ships directed their fire upon the lower town. -The Spaniards made frequent sallies, which were always repulsed, and -they were unable to prevent the erection of more batteries. About -twenty guns altogether were placed in position, and great execution was -done both upon the Spaniards and upon their works. Being summoned to -surrender, Don Juan said he would hold it against all enemies, first -for Christ and then for the King of Spain, and on December 2 he made -his great effort. 2,000 men sallied forth about 8 o'clock at night, and -attacked the trenches with great determination. In the darkness and -rain they succeeded at first, but reinforcements came up fast, and they -were beaten back with a loss of 200 men killed and as many wounded. -They spiked one gun, but this was afterwards made serviceable, and it -was now evident that the garrison could do nothing unless they were -relieved by Tyrone or by reinforcements from Spain. Next day there was -a report, which turned out to be true, that more Spaniards had come to -Castle Haven. Twelve ships had sailed from Corunna, but of these only -six reached Ireland, and finding the Queen's ships in Kinsale harbour, -they did not venture to put in there. About 700 men were landed, and -with these O'Donnell effected a junction. Sir Richard Leveson went -round, with four men of war and two tenders, and the roar of his guns -was heard in Mountjoy's camp. The result was that only one Spanish ship -escaped; the rest were sunk or driven ashore. Five guns had, however, -been landed, and some 300 rounds were fired at the admiral, who was -windbound for twenty-four hours. At last he warped his ship out with -boats, and returned to Kinsale.[386] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone arrives in the neighbourhood (December).] - -Early in November Tyrone began his southward march. He plundered the -western part of the Pale, and made his way slowly to the Bandon river, -which then flowed through dense woods. 'O'Donnell,' said Fenton, 'and -Tyrone following after, used all the means they could to work the -Irish royalists to their side, but have reduced none of reckoning, for -anything yet discovered: only they both made havoc of some countries, -as a revenge to the loyalists that refused to rise with them.' At -the news of Tyrone's approach Mountjoy completed the investment of -Kinsale, by erecting a small work to the west side of the town. Next -day the Irish horse showed themselves within two miles, and on the day -after that Leveson's squadron again entered the harbour. The camp was -strengthened against an attack from the land side, and the Spaniards -made several fruitless attempts to interrupt the work by sallies. -Cooped up within narrow limits and subsisting wholly on biscuit, the -invaders suffered terribly by the almost incessant cannonade, and Don -Juan grew anxious. In a letter which was intercepted he besought Tyrone -and O'Donnell to relieve him. The besiegers, he said, were wearied by -their labours in the wet fields, and were unable to man a third part of -the trenches. The assailants, who should be well seconded on his side, -were sure to succeed, 'and being once mingled with the enemies their -forts will do them as much harm as us.'[387] - -[Sidenote: Irish auxiliaries.] - -The only allies gained by Tyrone in Munster were in West Cork -and Kerry, and they did not declare themselves until the Spanish -reinforcements arrived at Castle Haven. Castlemaine held out for the -Queen, but Thomas Fitzmaurice Baron of Lixnaw came with O'Donnell from -the north, and recovered the castle which gave him his title and two -others. O'Connor Kerry surprised his own castle of Carrigafoyle and -killed the guard, which consisted only of a sergeant and twelve men. -Sir Fineen O'Driscoll, 'who never in the course of his whole life had -been tainted with the least spot of disloyalty,' gave up his castles -at Baltimore to the Spaniards, and O'Sullivan Bere did the same with -Dunboy. Most of the O'Sullivans and MacCarthies were engaged, but -Sir Cormac MacDermot, lord of Muskerry, remained with Mountjoy, who -took care so to employ him as to attract Don Juan's attention. Sir -Cormac had, however, an understanding with the Spanish general, and -promised him to deliver up the Lord President alive or dead. Carew -knew all about it, but ate, drank, rode, and conferred privately with -this dangerous ally, whose design perhaps was only to make himself -safe in case the Spaniards should triumph in the end, or in case he -should fall into their hands. Tyrone had with him MacMahon, Maguire, -Randal MacSorley, MacDonnell, and some of the O'Connors and Burkes, -but his chief dependence was upon Captain Richard Tyrrell and his -mercenaries.[388] - -[Sidenote: Dangerous position of the besiegers.] - -Placed between two fires, Mountjoy's position was critical enough, -and Tyrone's plan was to blockade him. On December 21 the Irish, with -whom were a small body of Spaniards, showed themselves in force to -the east of the camp, and they had complete possession of the country -between the Bandon and Carrigaline rivers. The line of communication -for supplies was thus cut off, no forage could be obtained, and it was -decided by a council of war on December 23 that the horse should be -sent away to Cork. - -The situation was indeed not unlike that of Cromwell before Dunbar, the -English having the command of the sea, and the enemy that of the land. -If no battle had been offered him, Mountjoy might have been forced to -abandon the siege. The Spaniards made sallies every night, and Don -Juan, some of whose letters were intercepted, urged Tyrone to attack -the camp. According to the annalists, he wished to pursue the Fabian -tactics which had so often succeeded, but was overruled by O'Donnell, -who was 'oppressed at heart and ashamed to hear the complaint and -distress of the Spaniards without relieving them.' The attack might -have been successful had there not been treachery in the Irish camp. -Brian MacHugh Oge MacMahon, who was one of Tyrone's chief officers, -had a son who had been Carew's page, and this gave an excuse for some -friendly intercourse. A bottle of whiskey was sought and given for old -acquaintance' sake, and when thanking Carew for his civility, MacMahon -found means to disclose Tyrone's plans. Thus warned, Mountjoy doubled -the guards and had all the soldiers ready to fall in at short notice. A -flying column of about 1,000 men was kept under arms, and at daybreak -on December 24, the enemy's lighted matches were seen in great numbers -towards the north-west.[389] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone attacks Mountjoy,] - -[Sidenote: and is completely defeated.] - -It had been arranged that the camp should be attacked at midnight, -and that the besieged should make a sally upon the trenches at the -same time. Forewarned as he was, Mountjoy might have found it hard to -resist such a combined onset, but there were other reasons for the -failure of his assailants. 'The chiefs,' say the Irish annalists, -'were at variance, each of them contending that he himself should go -foremost in the night's attack, so that they set out from their camp -in three strong battalions, shoulder to shoulder, and elbow to elbow. -O'Neill with the Kinel-Owen and others were in a strong battalion -apart; O'Donnell, with the Kinel-Connell, his sub-chieftains, and -the Connaught men in general, formed the second battalion; those -gentlemen of Munster, Leinster, and Meath, with their forces, who had -risen up in the confederacy of the Irish war, and who had been in -banishment in Ulster during the preceding part of this year, were in -the third.' Misled by his guides, O'Donnell wandered about all night, -and when morning broke, Tyrone with O'Sullivan and the Spaniards found -themselves close to the English lines and unsupported. It is very -difficult to understand the plan of attack. Mountjoy's information -was to the effect that the Castle Haven Spaniards, with 800 Irish -under Tyrrell, intended to throw themselves into the town, join the -garrison, and renew the combined attack on the following night with -every chance of success. What really happened was that the Irish fell -into confusion on finding themselves suddenly faced by a well-prepared -enemy. Intending a surprise, they were surprised themselves. Tyrone -drew off his horse to re-form them, and the foot, supposing him to be -flying, began to waver on all sides. O'Donnell came up at this time, -but all the endeavours of the chiefs were vain, for the ground was -flat and open, and there was no scope for O'Neill's tactics. Seeing -the enemy in disarray, though still unbroken, Wingfield obtained leave -to act on the offensive, and Clanricarde importuned him not to lose -this chance. Tyrrell and the Spaniards stood firm, and the English -horse passed between them and Tyrone's main body. A small bog had -to be passed, but the troopers struggled through it, and but little -resistance was offered. 'All,' says O'Sullivan, 'were seized with panic -terror, or rather routed by divine vengeance.' The Spaniards, who were -less fleet of foot than their allies, made a stand about the ruins of -an old castle, but were cut to pieces. Their leader, Alonso del Campo, -was taken and five other officers killed. The Irish lost something -like 2,000 men, while on the English side there was but one fatal -casualty.[390] - -[Sidenote: Utter rout of the Irish.] - -[Sidenote: O'Donnell flies to Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Disastrous retreat.] - -'The Earl of Clanricarde,' says Mountjoy, 'had many fair escapes, -being shot through his garments, and no man did bloody his sword more -than his lordship that day, and would not suffer any man to take any -of the Irish prisoners, but bid them kill the rebels.' He despatched -a score at least with his own hand, and the Lord-Deputy knighted him -on the field among the dead bodies, some of which were probably those -of his kinsmen. The pursuit continued for two miles, and the slaughter -must have been much greater but that the half-starved horses could -go no farther. The whole army was paraded, and public thanksgiving -was offered for the victory. Indeed, both sides spoke of a special -interposition of Providence, and old prophecies were remembered or -invented to suit the occasion. Greatly dejected, Tyrone withdrew to -Innishannon, and no further attempt was made to relieve Kinsale. 'There -prevailed,' say the annalists, 'much reproach on reproach, moaning -and dejection, melancholy and anguish, in every quarter throughout -the camp. They slept not soundly, and scarcely did they take any -refreshment.' Next day it was decided that O'Donnell and others should -go to Spain, and that his brother Rory with the rest of the Ulster -chiefs should go home, Tyrrell and some of the Burkes remaining in -Munster under the general command of O'Sullivan Bere. With a shrewd -knowledge of Irish politics O'Donnell urged that the whole army should -remain in the south until he could bring fresh reinforcements from -Spain, for that those who had been affectionate and kind to them when -advancing, would plunder and mock them on their return. Tyrone was -perhaps ready to renew the conflict in Munster, but the Celtic army -broke up into its component parts, and each clan struggled northwards -separately under its own chief. Their road was by Mallow, Croom, and -Abington, and O'Donnell's words came true, for 'they which did kiss -them in their going forward, did both strip them, and shoot bullets -at them on their return, and for their arms they did drown them and -tread them down in every bog and soft place.' 200 perished in crossing -the Blackwater, the Maigue, and the Mulkear. Horseflesh was their only -food, the wearied animals sinking with the wounded, who were left to -their fate, or being killed by riders whom they could no longer carry. -The principal chiefs were borne in litters, and Tyrone arrived quite -unexpectedly in Cavan, where he killed a few cows for his exhausted -followers. Not less than 3,000 men and 500 horses were believed to -have been lost, besides all baggage, and the survivors were utterly -demoralised. 'A troop of women,' said Carew, 'might have beaten -Tyrone's army.'[391] - -[Sidenote: Spaniards and Irish.] - -[Sidenote: Kinsale capitulates.] - -Bagenal's death was avenged, and his brother-in-law's military -reputation destroyed. Irish writers lay the chief blame on Don Juan -d'Aguila, and yet he does not seem to have been the real cause of -failure. His constant sallies certainly betray no inactivity, and the -failure of Tyrone to keep the appointed time is quite enough to account -for his not making one at the critical moment. His was the common fate -of every Spaniard who had attempted to attack Elizabeth within the -bounds of her hereditary possessions. Spanish organisation had become -thoroughly bad, while that of the English improved daily. Mountjoy -and Carew were good managers, but they were well seconded from home, -and sometimes the Queen even anticipated their wants. She felt that -her work would be incomplete if she left Ireland unsubdued, and the -strength of her last years was ungrudgingly spent in that work. Don -Juan saw that nothing could be made of an Irish alliance against such -a Queen and such devoted servants. It was clear that Kinsale could -never be relieved but by fresh efforts in Spain, and he had seen what -Irish storms and English sailors could do. The town would be taken by -assault, and the accompanying carnage would be of no service either -to King or Pope. For six days after the battle the siege operations -were resumed and the approaches brought very near the walls, and on -the seventh Don Juan sent out his drum-major and an officer bearing a -letter. He asked that a confidential messenger might be sent into the -town to confer with him, an officer of like rank being given as surety -for his safe return. Sir William Godolphin was accordingly sent in, -and Don Pedro Enriquez came out into the camp. Don Juan told Godolphin -that he had found the Irish weak and barbarous, and he could not be -sure that they were not perfidious. Mountjoy, on the contrary, he had -found a sharp and powerful enemy, and, on the whole, he was ready to -capitulate. If fair conditions were not accorded, he would bury himself -alive rather than yield. He professed not to be urged by necessity, but -by a just disdain and spleen conceived against the Irish. Godolphin -returned with his message, and on his second visit he was authorised -to hold out hope of fair terms. Mountjoy took care to say that he had -the game in his own hands, as indeed he had, but he was anxious to -save blood and to show her Majesty's clemency. Where both sides wished -for peace there could be little difficulty about arranging the terms. -Don Juan declared that he felt himself absolved from all engagements -to the Irish. His master had sent him to co-operate with the Condees -O'Neill and O'Donnell, who had long delayed their coming; and when -they did come they were shamefully defeated by a handful of men, and -'blown asunder into divers parts of the world.' O'Neill had fled to -Ulster, and O'Donnell to Spain, 'so as now,' he said, 'I find no such -Condees _in rerum naturâ_ (for those were the very words he used) as I -came to join withal, and therefore have moved this accord the rather -to disengage the King, my master, from assisting a people so unable in -themselves that the whole burden of the war must lie upon him, and so -perfidious as perhaps might be induced in requital of his favour at -last to betray him.'[392] - -[Sidenote: Terms granted to the Spaniards.] - -Both parties were eager for a settlement, for the loss by sickness had -been great on the Queen's side; and the negotiations were short. Don -Juan undertook to surrender not only Kinsale, but also Castle Haven, -Baltimore, and Dunboy. Mountjoy contracted for the safe conveyance -of all the Spaniards and their allies into Spain, and for their -victualling and good treatment during the necessary interval. The -Spaniards were bound not to serve again against Queen Elizabeth until -after they had been actually landed in Spain. More than 3,000 officers -and soldiers were embarked under the terms of this convention, besides -many priests and monks, 'and a great company of Irish.' The articles -were signed on the 2nd of January, on the 3rd Don Juan dined with -Mountjoy, and on the 4th a Spanish ship appeared off Kinsale. A boat -was sent out to say that the stranger might enter safely, for that -Don John and the Lord Deputy were now very good friends. The Spanish -captain hauled the boat's crew on board and at once made sail, and thus -the first news of the surrender of Kinsale was carried to Spain about -five weeks later. Another vessel with letters put into Berehaven, and -the packet was sent up by land to Don Juan, who, with his principal -officer, had accompanied Mountjoy to Cork. Carew, with the latter's -consent, had the messenger robbed on the road, but without hurting him. -Don Juan's suspicions were aroused, and he was not satisfied with the -explanation given, but a proclamation was issued offering a reward for -the discovery of the thieves. Spanish dignity was saved and Mountjoy -kept the letters, which were of great importance. Large reinforcements -were preparing in Spain, and the King wrote to say that he had heard of -the defeat of Tyrone and O'Donnell, and that he nevertheless depended -on Don Juan to maintain himself until help arrived. Details of the -intended aid were given in other letters, and it was probable that had -the news come earlier Kinsale would not have fallen, or at least would -have had to be taken by storm. Carew had strongly urged that a golden -bridge should be provided for a still formidable enemy, and the wisdom -of this advice cannot be doubted.[393] - -[Sidenote: O'Sullivan determines to defend Dunboy.] - -Baltimore and Castle Haven were soon taken. The Spaniards gave no -trouble, but the O'Driscolls made some futile attempts at resistance. -At Berehaven the task was more serious. The Spaniards had increased the -natural strength of Dunboy Castle by throwing up earthworks, on which -they had mounted three small cannon. On hearing of the capitulation -they were ready to surrender, but Donnell O'Sullivan refused to be -bound by the articles. Bringing 1,000 men quietly under the walls, he -mastered the castle by surprise and forced the Spanish captain and some -gunners to remain. The other Spaniards were sent to Baltimore, and -preparations were made for a desperate resistance. O'Sullivan wrote an -eloquent letter to Philip III., as to his sovereign lord, in which he -denied Don Juan's right to surrender his castle, which alone protected -his property and the people living along twenty leagues of coast. He -begged for help, and if help could not be given, then he asked that -means might at least be provided to carry himself and his family to -Spain.[394] - -[Sidenote: Spanish ideas about Irish politics.] - -Don Juan sailed on March 16. At Cork he lived familiarly with Carew, -and presented him with a book on fortification as a keepsake. The -Irish in Spain brought so many charges against Don Juan that he was -imprisoned, and he died soon afterwards under restraint. He lived long -enough to bring many counter-charges, and as late as 1618 there was a -wretched Spanish sergeant in prison at Ghent, who believed that he owed -his miseries to complaints made by Don Juan d'Aguila of his conduct -at Kinsale. The Spaniards were getting tired of war with England, in -which they were nearly always worsted, and of alliances with the Irish, -which had brought them nothing but loss. Don Juan made direct advances -to Mountjoy, and Captain Roger Harvey, Carew's nephew, had a curious -conversation at Baltimore with Don Pedro de Soto, an officer of high -rank, who thought there was no real reason why England and Spain should -be at war. King Philip, said this candid Spaniard, had indeed a great -revenue, 'but the infinite number of garrisons which he is daily forced -to maintain, would devour another such Indies, if he had them.' If the -Queen would only stand neutral in the Netherland quarrel, there might -easily be peace between two great nations. This conversation afterwards -induced Carew to intrigue a little in Spain. Nothing came directly -of it, but Don Pedro's feelings were perhaps those of many in the -peninsula, and the way was paved for a change as soon as Elizabeth was -gone.[395] - -[Sidenote: Importance of this siege.] - -Excepting that of Londonderry, the siege of Kinsale is the most -important in Irish history. Spain was to Elizabeth what the French -monarchy was to William III. In both cases England headed the -Protestant world against what threatened to become a European -despotism. In both cases Ireland was used by the dominant Catholic -power to create a diversion, and not for her own sake. The defeat of -Tyrone and the subsequent surrender of Kinsale put an end to Spanish -attempts on Ireland, as the breaking of the boom across the Foyle made -French attempts virtually hopeless. In both cases it became evident -that whoever ruled in London must necessarily be supreme upon both -sides of St. George's Channel. D'Avaux, and even James II. himself, had -as little sympathy with the Irish as Juan d'Aguila. - -[Sidenote: Reception of the news by Queen Elizabeth.] - -The official account of the battle of Kinsale was sent over by Henry -Danvers, and the Queen gave most gracious thanks to Mountjoy, as well -as to Thomond and Clanricarde. But Carew contrived that the first -news should be brought to London by his friend Boyle, whose activity -and good fortune were shown in a remarkable way. 'I left my Lord -President,' he said, 'at Shandon Castle, near Cork, on Monday morning -about two of the clock, and the next day delivered my packet, and -supped with Sir Robert Cecil, being then principal Secretary, at his -house in the Strand; who, after supper, held me in discourse till two -of the clock in the morning, and by seven that morning called upon me -to attend him to the court, where he presented me to her Majesty in her -bedchamber; who remembered me, calling me by name, and giving me her -hand to kiss, telling me that she was glad that I was the happy man to -bring the first news of the glorious victory. And after her Majesty -had interrogated with me upon sundry questions very punctually, and -that therein I gave her full satisfaction in every particular, she -gave me again her hand to kiss, and commanded my despatch for Ireland, -and so dismissed me with grace and favour.' Boyle does not say by what -route he made the journey from Cork to London in such a wonderfully -short time; but the place of landing was probably Bristol. With a -south-west wind and a flood tide in the Avon the feat is possible; -but it is probably without a parallel. And great must have been the -endurance of the man who, after galloping from Bristol to London, sat -up talking till two in the morning, and was on his feet again at seven. -The picture is a curious one, and it is interesting to note how this -brilliant and successful man, writing more than thirty years afterwards -and in the fulness of wealth and honours, is careful to record that he -twice kissed Queen Elizabeth's hand.[396] - -[Sidenote: Great cost of the war.] - -The Queen was at first inclined to think the Spaniards had too easy -terms, but declared herself satisfied when she had heard the whole -story. The expense of the war and the waste of English blood was -terrible, and she would not deprive even Tyrone of hope. He found means -to make overtures very soon after the siege of Kinsale, and Cecil told -Mountjoy privately that he did not think her inexorable, though the -fear of being cajoled did not, as she wrote, 'permit her to hold any -other way with the arch-traitor than the plain way of perdition.' But -the capitulation had been granted 'to save the blood of her subjects, -dearer to her than revenge or glory,' and the same consideration -prevented her from driving Tyrone to desperation. In the meantime the -army was to be reduced, and the rebellion extinguished in detail. Carew -accompanied Mountjoy to Waterford and Kilkenny, whence he returned -into Munster. The Lord Deputy went on to Dublin, where he lay inactive -for some weeks, completely disabled by the hardships of the late -siege.[397] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[379] Carew to the Privy Council, Aug. 6, 1601; Cecil to Carew, Sept. -5--both in _Carew_. 'For Desmond (James Fitzthomas),' says Cecil, 'I -find him more discreet than I have heard of him, and for Florence the -same which I ever expected, which is a malicious, vain fool.'--_Pacata -Hibernia_, lib. ii. cap. 6. - -[380] Journal in _Carew_, No. 198; _Pacata Hibernia_, cap. 10; Carew to -the Privy Council, Sept. 14. - -[381] _Pacata Hibernia_, caps. 9, 10, and 11. The Spanish ships are -described as fifty, forty-five, and thirty-five. The latter number -probably came to Kinsale with Don Juan. Storms and accidents account -for the rest. Small vessels had been purposely chosen, with a view to -the Irish harbours. - -[382] _Pacata Hibernia_, caps. 10 and 11; Warrants in _Carew_, Sept. 28. - -[383] _Pacata Hibernia_, cap. 13; Fynes Moryson, part ii. book ii. -chap. ii.; Journal in _Carew_ (No. 199) Oct. 29 to Nov. 1. - -[384] Journal in _Carew_, Nos. 199 and 200; _Four Masters_, 1601; -Docwra's _Narration_, p. 257. Castle Park fell on Nov. 20. - -[385] _Four Masters_, 1601; _Pacata Hibernia_, cap. 14; Journal in -_Carew_, No. 200; Carew to Mountjoy, Nov. 22. Carew returned to the -camp on Nov. 26. - -[386] Journal in _Carew_ (No. 200) Nov. 29 to Dec. 9 _Pacata Hibernia_ -caps. 17, 18, and 19; Cecil to Carew, Feb. 9, 1602. - -[387] Journal in _Carew_ (Nos. 200 and 201) Dec. 7-20; Letters of Don -Juan d'Aguila, Dec. 10/28, in _Pacata Hibernia_; Fenton to the Queen, -Dec. 4, printed in the _Ulster Journal of Archæology_, vi. p. 64. - -[388] _Pacata Hibernia_, caps. 15 and 18; _Four Masters_, 1601. - -[389] Journal in _Carew_ (No. 201) Dec. 21-3; _Pacata Hibernia_, cap. -21; Moryson. The _Four Masters_ and O'Sullivan both say the English -were on their guard, and the former note the report of treachery, but -without giving MacMahon's name. - -[390] Mountjoy's report is in _Carew_ (No. 201). His private secretary, -Fynes Moryson, the historian, was present. Carew's account is in -_Pacata Hibernia_. The _Four Masters_ and O'Sullivan Bere are to be -preferred for the movements of the Irish, and the latter may have -learned some particulars from his uncle. See also Sir H. Power (who -commanded the flying column) to Cecil, Dec. 27. - -[391] _Four Masters_, 1602; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy -Council, Jan. 14; Carew to same, Jan.; Sir F. Stafford to Cecil (from -Newry) Jan. 14; Clanricarde to Cecil (from Cork) Jan. 15. 'The rebels -are utterly forsaken of all aid from the Spaniards, and not able to -make any head. O'Donnell is made away for Spain, as we think. I do not -think we have lost fewer than 3,000 men; by fights and hurts not above -300, all the rest by sickness.' Captain A. Enfield, R.N., to Fulke -Greville, Jan. 6, in 12th Report of Historical MSS. Commission--_Coke -MSS._ - -[392] A short relation of the siege of Kinsale in _Carew_ (No. 202) -signed by Mountjoy, Carew, and others. O'Sullivan and others say the -English outnumbered Tyrone's forces. It is true that the Irish made no -general or united effort, but only a small section of Mountjoy's army -was actually engaged. Moryson, who was present, says the former were -6,000 foot and 500 horse, the latter barely 1,200 and 400. - -[393] Translations of the letters from the Duke of Lerma and others are -in _Pacata Hibernia_, ii. chap. xxvi., the terms of capitulation (Jan. -2, 1602) in chap. xxiii. See Carew to the Privy Council, Jan. - -[394] Letters to the King of Spain and the Governor of Galicia in -_Pacata Hibernia_, ii. chap. xxviii. - -[395] _Pacata Hibernia_, ii. chap. xxix. and iii. chap. xiii. Don Pedro -de Heredia to Lord Carew, April 1, 1618, and the answer, Oct. 21, both -in _Carew_. Don Juan's peaceful proposals are mentioned by Moryson. - -[396] The Queen to Mountjoy, Jan. 12, in Moryson; the Earl of Cork's -_True Remembrances_. - -[397] The Queen to Mountjoy, Feb. 8 1601; Cecil to Mountjoy, received -July 8, both in _Moryson_. - - - - -CHAPTER LII. - -THE END OF THE REIGN, 1602-1603. - - -[Sidenote: The Spaniards still feared.] - -Starvation by means of garrisons was Mountjoy's prescription for -the Irish malady, and this treatment he pursued to the end. But he -continued to dread Spanish intervention, for, in common with most -Englishmen of his time, he overestimated what was really a decaying and -impoverished power. Cecil knew better, and throughout the spring and -early summer of 1602 he continued to write in a rather contemptuous -tone of Spanish intentions. In August he was able to say positively -that there would be no invasion in force, though he could not promise -that Philip would not send a few forlorn companies to keep up some -sort of reputation in Europe, to put the Queen to cost, and 'to fill -the world with continual rumour of his undertaking humour.' To Carew -he wrote in the same strain, and with still greater freedom. It was -impossible to keep Spanish ships from Irish harbours, 'whereof there -be more than the Queen hath ships,' but the coast of Spain might be -so harassed as to give them enough to do at home. Sir Richard Leveson -was better employed taking carracks in the Tagus than he could be in -Ireland, and between Hollanders and Englishmen the Catholic King was -not likely to have many men to spare. But the Queen would not grudge -the necessary outlay to make Cork, Kinsale, and some minor posts -defensible. Thus encouraged, Mountjoy was free to attack Ulster, and he -proceeded slowly, but surely, to draw the net round Tyrone.[398] - -[Sidenote: Docwra and Chichester in Ulster.] - -Docwra was supposed to have between three and four thousand men in -Derry and Donegal, Chichester nearly 1,000 at Carrickfergus; and -about 800 more were in Lecale and in the garrisons at Mount Norris, -Armagh, Blackwater, and Newry. Mountjoy had over 3,000 under his own -command, and at the beginning of June he advanced to Dundalk. Docwra -had established a post at Omagh, and had no difficulty in joining the -Lord Deputy at Dungannon, while Chichester ferried his contingent over -Lough Neagh. Tyrone, who had laid Dungannon in ashes, was forced out -of his country into the almost inaccessible wilds of Glenconkein, and -his deserted strongholds were taken. In one three guns were recovered, -probably those taken at Blackwater. A new fort was built and manned -at Mountjoy on Lough Neagh. Provisions falling short in July, Docwra -was sent back to collect and victual a force at Omagh, with which -Chichester, who now had hopes of 'soon beheading that wood-kerne -Tyrone,' could co-operate from his fortified post at Castle Toome -on Lough Neagh. Mountjoy retired towards Monaghan, taking all the -small strengths in that direction, though not entirely without loss -from sharp-shooters, and wrote home to urge the positive necessity -of keeping the garrisons on foot. Tyrone was now driven from place -to place like a hunted hare; but if the efforts to run him down were -allowed to relax, he would gain strength quickly, and all the work -would have to be done over again.[399] - -[Sidenote: The Queen disinclined to spare Tyrone.] - -Tyrone was now begging earnestly for mercy, but the fate of Essex -warned Mountjoy against meddling with so dangerous a person. The -rebel would not come in upon his bare word, nor would he give that -word; for to detain him afterwards would be dishonourable, while he -might be blamed for letting him go. He could only urge that while -Tyrone was lowest was the best time to bring him to terms. After much -hesitation the Queen was induced to promise him his life, but through -Mountjoy only, and without divulging anything to the Council. Cecil -saw no reason why she should not publish it to all the world. If peace -could only be dreamed of, he said, 'for saving of Christian blood -and of miseries of her natural people from hence hourly sent to the -shambles! ... but her Majesty is the kingdom, and myself her humble -vassal.' Negotiations went on through the latter half of 1602, and in -the meantime Mountjoy prosecuted the war. He gave out publicly that the -Queen had resolved never to pardon Tyrone, but let him know that he -himself might possibly become a suitor for him. That depended on how -he behaved; 'and yet,' he wrote, 'I have told him that I will cut his -throat in the meantime if I can.'[400] - -[Sidenote: Carew reduces Munster.] - -Carew had nominally nearly 5,000 men to complete the reduction of -Munster, but the real number was much less. Nearly half of the -available force was sent, under Thomond's command, to ravage the -country west of Kinsale and on both sides of Bantry Bay. Carew himself -left Cork six weeks later, and made his first halt on Tyrone's late -camping-ground near Carrigaline. Nights were spent at Timoleague, -Rosscarbery, and Castle Haven, and Baltimore was reached on the fifth -day. In crossing the mountains between Skibbereen and Bantry Bay slight -resistance was made by some of the O'Driscolls and O'Sullivans, but -Dunnemark was reached in safety on the eighth day from Cork. This -place is called Carew Castle by the President, who is careful to note -that it belonged to his ancestors, and that the Irish name was derived -from their title of marquis. It is two miles to the north of Bantry, -and was found a convenient place to collect the cattle and ponies -of the neighbouring country. An O'Daly, whose ancestors had been -hereditary bards of the old Carews, was here caught tampering with Owen -O'Sullivan, and was sent for trial to Cork. The Spaniards in Dunboy -were warned that they could expect no quarter if they remained there. -If they left before the siege began they would be sent safely to Spain, -and Carew suggested that they might deserve greater favour by spiking -the guns or disabling the carriages before they came away. No notice -was taken of this message, and the army lay at Dunnemark until all was -ready for the attack on Dunboy.[401] - -[Sidenote: Kerry.] - -Early in February Carew sent Sir Charles Wilmot to Kerry with a force -sufficient to overcome what remained of the rebellion there. Lixnaw -Castle was taken, and Lord Fitzmaurice driven away into the mountains -of Desmond. Carrigafoyle was found deserted and partly dismantled. The -Dingle peninsula was thoroughly ransacked, the castles all taken, and -the Knight of Kerry driven into Desmond. The cattle in Iveragh were -also collected, and their owners forced into the woods of Glengariffe. -Wilmot's road to Bantry Bay lay by Mucross and Mangerton--'a most -hideous and uncouth mountain'--and great preparations were made to -attack him by the way. Carew moved up as far as Carriganass, and in -the end the Irish showed no fight, though trees had been felled and -breastworks erected at every point of vantage. The junction of the two -forces was effected, and on the same day ships came from Cork. The army -had provisions left for only two days, and would have been forced to -retreat but for this seasonable aid.[402] - -[Sidenote: Dunboy Castle.] - -Dermot Moyle MacCarthy, Florence's brother, had been in Ulster the year -before, and Carew had then declared his intention to plague him on his -return. He thought him both wiser and braver than Florence himself, and -certainly more popular with the scattered swordsmen--half soldiers, -half caterans--who still maintained the rebellion. Reduced to want by -Carew and Wilmot, this chief took some cows belonging to MacCarthy -Reagh, and while fighting for their possession was killed by his own -first cousin. To prevent his head from being exposed at Cork, as the -President had threatened, the dead man was conveyed to Timoleague Abbey -and there buried by a friar with great solemnity. After this it was -judged impossible to take a military train round by Glengariffe, and -it was decided to cross Bantry Bay. Tyrrell seems to have understood -that the game was up, and would have been ready to join Thomond; but -the Jesuit Archer prevented him, and he failed to come to the parley -which he had himself asked for. The weather was very bad all this time, -which the superstitious attributed to Archer's conjury, but Carew said -he hoped soon to conjure his head into a halter. And yet he was not -altogether incredulous himself. 'The country of Bere,' he wrote, 'is -full of witches. Between them and Archer I do partly believe the devil -hath been raised to serve their turn.' Nevertheless Thomond established -himself in Bere Island by June 1, and here he had an interview with -Richard MacGeohegan, who held Dunboy for O'Sullivan. The Earl argued -that the castle must fall, and urged the constable to gain credit -by yielding it in time, while the latter tried to make out that the -besiegers ran upon certain defeat, and could never even land in face of -such strong fortifications. Neither persuaded the other, and Carew went -on with his preparations.[403] - -[Sidenote: Carew at Berehaven] - -In spite of the witches, the army was transported into Bere Island -without much difficulty. The sandy bay near Dunboy was found strongly -fortified, and Carew resolved to make a false attack. The little island -of Dinish was seized and two guns mounted on it, the fire of which -occupied the defenders of the works on shore. The main body was then -quietly ferried across Berehaven to a point westward of Dinish and -close to Castletown. High ground hid the landing-place from the castle, -and when the stratagem was at last discovered the Irish had to go round -a deep creek. They found Carew's men ready for them, and were worsted -in the skirmish which followed. Tyrrell was wounded. Archer narrowly -escaped, leaving his missal behind him, as well as a servant, who was -immediately executed. On the morrow a camp was pitched half a mile to -the north-east. Next day the work of entrenching began, materials for -gabions having to be brought from a wood nearly two miles away. The -artillery was landed in full view of the castle and without damage from -its fire, but Carew did not begin to batter until the eleventh day -after landing. In the meantime the Irish had taken courage from the -arrival of a Spanish vessel at Kilmakilloge in Kenmare Bay. She brought -12,000_l._, much ammunition, and letters urging the Irish chiefs to -remain firm. But perhaps the most important part of the cargo was Owen -MacEgan, Bishop-designate of Ross and Vicar Apostolic or Nuncio, for -he is called by both titles, who had absolute ecclesiastical authority -over all Munster. He was able to impress the defenders of Dunboy with -the idea that a great Spanish force would immediately come to their -relief, and they imagined that they could hold out for two or three -months.[404] - -[Sidenote: An island stronghold.] - -The Irish had built a small fort in the island of Dursey, which they -intended for their last refuge. It was defended by forty men and three -pieces of Spanish artillery. Captain Bostock and Owen O'Sullivan -were sent by Carew, with 160 men, to reduce this remote stronghold. -The water being tolerably smooth, the Queen's pinnace was brought -up near enough to attack from the sea side, and the bulk of the men -were landed in boats. The soldiers showed so much dash in assaulting -the fort that the garrison came out and surrendered as soon as the -outwork was forced. They were taken to Carew's camp, and all executed. -Owen O'Sullivan recovered his wife, who had been O'Sullivan Bere's -prisoner since February. In this out-of-the way place Bostock found no -less than 500 milch cows, besides wheat and oil, and the existence of -such islands goes far to explain the long resistance of West Munster. -Nothing could be done against them without ships, and ships were very -seldom available.[405] - -[Sidenote: Capture of Dunboy.] - -[Sidenote: Two desperate men.] - -Carew was a good artilleryman, as artillery was in his days, and he -promised that Dunboy should fall within seven days after he had opened -fire. Others expected a longer siege, but he was much better than -his word. The fire of four guns, concentrated upon the castle, made -it untenable within twenty-four hours. Tyrrell's attempt upon the -camp had been fruitless, and it was plain that there was no chance of -relief. After four hours' fire a turret fell in, burying many under its -ruins. In another four hours the west front of the castle collapsed, -and dice were cast to decide who should lead the stormers. The post -of honour and danger fell to Captain Doddington's company, and his -lieutenant, Francis Kirton, was the first man to enter the breach. -Kirton was wounded in three places, but he made good his ground, and -Carew's colours were soon planted on a commanding point of the works. -The besiegers still fought, but their guns were carried with a rush, -and the whole place was now commanded. Forty men tried to escape by -sea, but armed boats guarded that side, and they were killed. Among -them was Melaghlin O'More, the man who pulled Ormonde off his horse -when he was captured two years before. Seventy-seven men were left, and -would have surrendered at sunset upon promise of life only; but this -was denied, and the Jesuit Dominick O'Colan came out by himself. Next -morning, twenty-six more gave themselves up, including two Spaniards -and one Italian, who were all that remained of the foreign gunners. -MacGeohegan was mortally wounded, and Thomas Taylor, an Englishman's -son, but married to Tyrrell's niece, was chosen commander in his room. -Taylor shut himself up in the vault with nine barrels of powder, and -with a lighted match in his hand swore to blow all up unless he and -his companions were promised their lives. His men prevented this, -and forty-eight surrendered at discretion with him. When the English -officers entered, they found MacGeohegan still living. With a lighted -candle in his hand, he staggered towards an open powder-barrel, but -Captain Power held him back, and the soldiers killed him. Of the 140 -picked men who composed the garrison, not one escaped. The powder was -then spent in blowing up the walls, and the castle, from which so much -had been expected, was laid level with the ground.[406] - -[Sidenote: Fate of the survivors.] - -[Sidenote: A Jesuit.] - -In this, as in every such Irish siege, the actual capture was -comparatively easy; the real difficulty was to reach these distant -strongholds, and to maintain an army in the wilds. The garrison, -champions of a lost cause and dupes of a feeble tyrant, deserved a -better fate; but Carew showed no mercy. Of the survivors fifty-eight -were at once 'hanged in pairs by the Earl of Thomond.' Twelve of -Tyrrell's best men were respited for a time, but were also hanged -when that leader declared that he would remain true to his master the -King of Spain. Taylor was taken to Cork, and hanged in chains near -the north gate on the discovery that he had taken a principal part in -George Bingham's murder. O'Colan, whom the English called Collins, -was closely examined at Cork, and Catholic accounts say that he was -tortured. He gave no useful information, but freely told the strange -story of his own life. Born at Youghal, and educated at a Jesuit -school there, he went at the age of seventeen to France, made some -money as a waiter in inns, and served the League for nine or ten years -under the Duke of Mercoeur. He rose to the rank of captain; and was -recommended to the King of Spain by Don Juan D'Aguila, who was then -in Brittany. Coming under the influence of the Jesuit Thomas White of -Clonmel, who was rector of the Irish seminary at Salamanca, he was -admitted, after a time, to the Society of Jesus, whose principles, -we are told, he preferred to Dominican vigour or Franciscan rigour, -but not to full priest's orders; and Archer, who knew him only by -reputation, asked that he might accompany him to Ireland. His military -knowledge was perhaps thought useful at Dunboy. After keeping him a -prisoner for about four months, Carew found that nothing would be -gained by preserving his life, and he was hanged, drawn, and quartered -at Youghal, meeting his fate with the greatest courage and in a manner -most edifying to his co-religionists.[407] - -[Sidenote: O'Donnell in Spain.] - -[Sidenote: Death and character of Hugh Roe O'Donnell.] - -The fall of Dunboy prevented the King of Spain from sending prompt -help, but he did not give up the idea. Rumours of fresh invasions -were rife during the summer, and sooner or later O'Donnell might have -returned with another army. That chief had sailed from Castle Haven -immediately after the battle of Kinsale, and fugitives from Munster -continued to join him whenever opportunity offered. He landed at -Corunna, and went straight to the King at Zamora. Falling upon his -knees he obtained favourable replies to three requests: that an army -should be sent to Ireland; that the King, when he gained Ireland, -would set no O'Donnell over him or his successors; and that he would -never deny any right that the O'Donnells had ever had. Philip sent him -back to Galicia, then under the government of his zealous friend, the -Marquis of Caraçena. Exiles are ever sanguine, and he professed to have -no doubt of ultimate success; but Spanish vacillation sorely tried his -impatient spirit. When the surrender of Kinsale became known in Spain, -some vessels intended for Ireland were unloaded, and Don Juan's report -was unfavourable. The disgrace of that unsuccessful commander revived -O'Donnell's credit, and the ship which brought over Bishop MacEgan and -his 12,000_l._ was despatched. O'Donnell began to despair of a great -fleet, and begged to be allowed to go with a few small vessels. He -asked his friends in Ireland to let him know the whole truth, but to -keep bad news from Spanish ears. This, of course, could not be done, -and the arrival of Archer and a crowd of fugitives after the disaster -at Dunboy, must have outweighed all his arguments. He sought the King -again at Simancas, and there he died after an illness of seventeen -days. His body was carried, with great pomp, to the royal palace at -Valladolid, and buried in the Franciscan monastery with every mark of -respect. His solemn requiem was the death-song of the Irish tribal -system. Much romance cleaves to his name, but his ideas scarcely rose -above those of an ordinary chief. Local supremacy was his main object, -and the panegyric of the annalists fails to raise him to the height of -a national hero. He was, they say, 'the vehement, vigorous, stern, and -irresistible destroyer of his English and Irish opposers.' He died at -thirty, but there is nothing to show that he would have even attempted -the task of building a stable edifice with the shifting sands of Irish -life.[408] - -[Sidenote: Assassination plots.] - -The Irish accounts do not suggest foul play, but Carew believed that -O'Donnell had been poisoned by one James Blake, of Galway, who had -announced his intention of killing him. Blake was not hired by Carew, -but he would hardly have made him his confidant if he had not expected -reward, and he it was who brought the first news of O'Donnell's death -to Munster. John Anias, who had been implicated in a plot to murder -Elizabeth, had offered to kill Florence MacCarthy, and afterwards gave -out that he had been suborned by Cecil to poison that troublesome -person. Cecil and Carew employed Anias as a spy, but denied that he -had ever said anything about poison, and had him hanged out of the -way as soon as he could be caught. Neither Blake nor Anias would have -dared to speak of such things to a modern statesman, but the morality -of that age was different. A similar suspicion attaches to the death -of Hugh O'Donnell's brother, Rory, afterwards Earl of Tyrconnell. An -Italian came to Sir Henry Wotton, who was then ambassador at Venice, -and offered to kill Tyrone or Tyrconnell, but without mentioning their -names or even seeming to know them correctly. Wotton said the Earls -were of no importance, having run away because they could do no harm -at home. No doubt proclaimed rebels might be justly slain; 'yet,' -he added, 'it was somewhat questionable whether it might be done -honourably, your Majesty having not hitherto proceeded to the open -proscription of them to destruction abroad, neither was it a course so -familiar and frequent with us as in other states.' Three months later -Tyrconnell and his page died rather mysteriously at Rome, others of his -party also sickening. Roman fever was probably to blame, though Wotton -seems to have half-suspected poisoning, but in the interest of the -papacy, and not of the King of England.'[409] - -[Sidenote: Last struggles in Connaught.] - -When O'Donnell sailed for Spain he left his brother Rory in charge of -the clan, who led them through all Munster and Connaught. The vast -herds which Hugh had taken from his neighbours were found grazing -peacefully in Sligo, and Ballymote was given up by O'Gallagher to the -acting chief. Sir Niel Garv was co-operating with Docwra, and kept his -rival out of Donegal; but Rory allied himself with O'Connor Sligo, -and sought help from Brian O'Rourke against Sir Oliver Lambert, who -was pressing him from the Connaught side. Tibbot-ne-Long and others -of the lower Burkes solicited Lambert's help, and he came up from -Galway with a strong force, while O'Rourke fought for his own hand -and refused to help O'Donnell. Lambert says he might easily have been -stopped either at Ballina or Ballysadare, but he reached Sligo without -serious fighting. The town had been burned by O'Connor, and the castle -was in ruins. O'Donnell passed his cattle over the Curlews, and across -the Shannon into Leitrim. Lambert, though camping in places 'where no -Christians have been since the war begun,' could never catch him, but -took 200 cows and a keg of Spanish powder. When the English were in -Leitrim, and when Leitrim was invaded in turn, O'Donnell was safe in -Roscommon; but Lambert established communications with his friends at -Ballyshannon. The O'Malleys and O'Flaherties infested the coast, and -Sir Oliver had to provide a galley with fifty mariners and fifteen oars -on a side, for these pirates spared no one, and Bingham had found it -necessary to take similar precautions. Lambert thought Sligo would be a -dainty place for a gentleman if walled, and he placed a garrison there, -which was able to maintain itself until the end of the war.[410] - -[Sidenote: Progress of Docwra in Ulster.] - -The absence both of Tyrone and of Hugh Roe O'Donnell in Munster left -a comparatively clear field to Sir Henry Docwra; 'the country void, -and no powerful enemy to encounter withal, more than the rivers.' -Castle Derg and Newtown (Stewart), both lately garrisoned, had since -been betrayed by Tirlogh Magnylson, a follower of Sir Arthur O'Neill, -who had become a favourite with the English officers. Tirlogh first -curried favour with Captain Atkinson at Newtown by helping him to -seize some cattle. Having dined with this officer, he persuaded him -to take a walk outside the castle. Three or four confederates suddenly -appeared, who made the captain prisoner, while others got possession of -the courtyard and of the hall-door. The soldiers 'lying in the Irish -thatched house' were all killed. Captain Dutton lost Castle Derg by a -similar stratagem. But in the absence of the great chiefs Docwra was -clearly the strongest man: O'Cahan's country was harried to punish -his perfidy, and even women and children were killed. Donegal was -victualled, and Ballyshannon, 'that long desired place,' taken and -garrisoned. Tirlogh Magnylson's turn soon came. Countrymen in Docwra's -pay pursued him from place to place, and his followers were killed one -by one without knowing their pursuers; those who were taken, says Sir -Henry, 'I caused the soldiers to hew in pieces with their swords.' The -hunted man travelled about the woods at night, sometimes occupying -three or four cabins successively, and lighting fires to attract -attention where he did not intend to stay. A boy was set to watch, and -at last the poor wretch was seen to take off his trousers and lie down. -Four men, says Docwra, 'with swords, targets, and morions, fell in upon -him; he gat up his sword for all that, and gave such a gash in one of -their targets as would seem incredible to be done with the arm of a -man, but they dispacht him and brought me his head the next day, which -was presently known to every boy in the army, and made a ludibrious -spectacle to such as listed to behold it.' Captain Dutton's betrayers -had better luck. They had killed no one, and were twice spared by -Docwra, after swearing 'with the most profound execrations upon -themselves, if they continued not true.' They broke out, nevertheless, -and the ringleaders kept the woods till Tyrone's submission, when they -were pardoned by Mountjoy's express command.[411] - -[Sidenote: Mountjoy breaks up the O'Neill throne.] - -Throughout the summer and autumn of 1602 Docwra and Chichester -continued steadily to reduce small strongholds, to drive cattle, and to -make a famine certain should Tyrone hold out till the spring. In August -Mountjoy again went northwards and planted a garrison at Augher. At -Tullaghogue, says Moryson, 'where the O'Neills were of old custom -created, he spent some five days, and there he spoiled the corn of all -the country, and Tyrone's own corn, and brake down the chair where the -O'Neills were wont to be created, being of stone, planted in the open -field.' But he could not get within twelve miles of the rebel Earl -himself, who had retreated into thick woods at the lower end of Lough -Erne, and who endeavoured to keep his friends together by letters in -which he urged them to make no separate terms for themselves; 'if you -do otherwise,' he said, 'stand to the hazard yourselves, for you shall -not have my consent thereunto.' One transient gleam of success rewarded -Rory O'Donnell and O'Connor Sligo. In an attempt to force the passage -of the Curlews from the Roscommon side a panic seized the English -soldiers, who may have remembered the fate of Sir Conyers Clifford, and -they fled in confusion to Boyle, but without any great loss.[412] - -[Sidenote: Last struggle in Munster.] - -It was in Munster that hopes of Spanish succour were strongest; but -Carew was able to send troops and supplies to help Mountjoy, and at the -same time to finish his own work. Sir Cormac MacDermot, the chief of -Muskerry, whose intriguing nature was well known to Carew, was found -to have received 800 ducats from Bishop Owen MacEgan, and to have -placed Blarney Castle at the disposal of the Spaniards. Captain Roger -Harvey was sent, on pretence of hunting the buck, to call at the castle -and ask for wine and usquebaugh, 'whereof Irish gentlemen are seldom -disfurnished,' and if possible to get possession of the place. But the -warders were on their guard, and Harvey could not even get into the -courtyard. Sir Cormac himself was at Cork, not having dared to refuse -attendance at the assizes, and his wife and children were also secured. -Finding himself in the lion's mouth, he ordered his people to surrender -Blarney, while he made preparations for his own escape. After dark on -the evening of Michaelmas-day he got out of the window in his shirt, -several gentlemen being outside to receive him. A passing Englishwoman -raised the alarm, but the runaway was befriended by town and country -and got safe away over the walls, only to find that he could do -nothing. His castle of Kilcrea had already surrendered, and Macroom -was taken, owing to an accidental fire which arose while the warders -were singeing a pig. No Spaniards were visible, and Tyrrell, who had -eaten up Bere and Bantry, proposed to quarter his men in Muskerry. -At last, towards the end of October, Sir Cormac came to Carew, and -sued for mercy on his knees. A protection was granted to him, for he -was helpless without his castles, his eldest son was at Oxford well -watched, and Tyrrell had destroyed his corn. Raleigh advised Elizabeth -not to pardon him, his country being worth her while to keep, and its -situation being such as to leave him always at her mercy. Orders were -accordingly given that his pardon should be withheld, at least until -he had provided an estate for his cousin Teig MacCormac, who had first -revealed his intrigues with the Spaniards.[413] - -[Sidenote: Remarkable retreat of O'Sullivan Bere.] - -[Sidenote: Passage of the Shannon.] - -[Sidenote: A disinterested guide.] - -O'Sullivan Bere still maintained himself in Glengariffe, but his -position had become hopeless. In December Tyrrell gave up the contest -and marched eighty miles without a halt from near Castleisland into -the King's County, 'leaving all his carriages and impediments, as -they tired, scattered to hazard.' Wilmot then attacked O'Sullivan's -position, and succeeded, after six hours' sharp fighting, in driving -off 2,000 cows, 4,000 sheep, and 1,000 hackneys. Sir John Shamrock's -son, William Burke, refused to stay a moment longer, cursing himself -for lingering in Munster and losing his brave followers. O'Sullivan was -thus forced to fly, and on the night of the 3rd of January he slipped -away, with all his family and retinue. When Wilmot came to his late -camping-ground he found only sick and wounded men, 'whose pains and -lives by the soldiers were both determined.' The fugitives had a sharp -skirmish with Lord Barry near Liscarroll, but reached the Shannon at -Portland on the ninth day, fighting all the way and not venturing to -turn aside after cattle, although often very hungry. Finding no boats, -they killed twelve horses, and Dermot O'Driscoll, who was used to the -canoes or _curraghs_ of the west-coast fishermen, constructed one -with osiers, twenty-six feet long, six feet wide, five feet deep, and -capable of holding thirty men. Eleven horseskins were used to cover -this ark, and the twelfth was devoted to a round vessel planned by -Daniel O'Malley and intended to carry ten men. The O'Malleys were more -given to the sea than even the O'Driscolls, but the round ferry-boat -sank, while the long one answered its purpose. Ormonde's sheriff of -Tipperary failed to prevent O'Sullivan from crossing the great river, -and he reached Aughrim on the eleventh day from Glengariffe. Sir -Thomas Burke, Clanricarde's brother, who had the help of some English -soldiers, attacked him here with a superior force, but was worsted -with loss after a hard fight, and O'Kelly's country was passed on the -same day. On the borders of Galway and Roscommon MacDavid Burke showed -the will, but not the power, to stop the fugitives, who eluded pursuit -by leaving great fires in the woods near Castlereagh. They suffered -horribly from snow and rain, their shoes were worn out, and their last -horses furnished a scanty meal. O'Connor Kerry's feet were a mass of -sores, and he reproached those members for their cowardice, which was -likely to imperil his head and his whole body. He struggled on with -the rest, and in a wood near Boyle, heaven, as the pious historian -believed, provided them with a guide. A barefooted man, in a linen -garment and with a white headdress, and carrying an iron-shod staff -in his hand, came to meet them. His appearance was such as to strike -terror, but he told O'Sullivan that he had heard of his glorious -victory at Aughrim, and was ready to lead him safely into O'Rourke's -country. O'Sullivan, who was perhaps less credulous than his kinsman, -secured the stranger's fidelity with 200 ducats, which he magnanimously -accepted, 'not as a reward, but as a sign of a grateful mind.' He lead -them by stony ways to Knockvicar near Boyle, where they bought food and -dried themselves at fires. The blood upon O'Connor's blisters hardened -with the heat, and he had to be carried by four men until they found -a lean and blind old horse, on whose sharp backbone the sufferer was -rather balanced than laid. The Curlews were safely passed, and at -daybreak on the sixteenth day of their pilgrimage O'Rourke's castle -of Leitrim was in sight. Of over a thousand persons who started from -Glengariffe, but eighteen soldiers, sixteen horseboys, and one woman -reached the house of refuge. A few more afterwards straggled in, but -the great bulk had died of wounds and exposure, or had strayed away -from their leaders. 'I wonder,' says the historian, 'how my father, -Dermot O'Sullivan, who was nearly seventy, or how any woman, was able -to sustain labours which proved too much for the most muscular young -men.' The distance traversed was about 175 miles as the crow flies.[414] - -[Sidenote: Rory O'Donnell submits.] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone sues for mercy.] - -Like many chief governors before him, Mountjoy contemplated spending -much time at Athlone, and the Queen approved of this. He went there -in November 1602, and both Rory O'Donnell and O'Connor Sligo came to -him there before Christmas. Rory called to mind the hereditary loyalty -of his family since Henry VIII.'s days, adding that he himself had -agreed with Sir Conyers Clifford to serve against his brother Hugh, -and had been put in irons by him. O'Connor claimed to have brought in -Rory, and to have suffered likewise for his fidelity to Clifford. His -legs, he said, had never healed properly, being 'almost rotted' with -the irons. Tyrone lurked in Glenconkein in very wretched case, whence -he wrote in most humble terms, and, as he said, with a most penitent -heart. Mountjoy had sent back his last letter because it contained no -absolute submission. 'I know the Queen's merciful nature,' he now -said, 'though I am not worthy to crave for mercy.... Without standing -on any terms or conditions, I do hereby both simply and absolutely -submit myself to her Majesty's mercy.' Sir Christopher St. Laurence -conducted some negotiations on his own account, but the Lord Deputy -earnestly repudiated any knowledge of these, and continued almost to -the end to say that he might possibly intercede with the Queen, but -would do nothing more. Elizabeth's instinct told her that Tyrone was -no longer formidable unless she set him up again, and this it is most -probable she would have never done. A month after the letter last -quoted, and barely two months before the Queen's death, Mountjoy talked -of hunting the arch-traitor into the sea. He and Carew were together at -Galway soon after Christmas, and it was agreed that the latter should -go to England. Both of them wished to get away, but the Queen would not -hear of the Deputy quitting his post, nor would she let the President -go without his superior's leave; and Cecil cleverly contrived that -the suggestion should seem to come from Mountjoy himself. Never, we -are told, was 'a virgin bride, after a lingering and desperate love, -more longing for the celebration of her nuptial' than was Carew to -go to England; but he returned to Munster and made things quite safe -there before he started. Now that Tyrrell and O'Sullivan were gone, he -ventured to send to Athlone 500 men out of 700, which were all he had -available after providing for the garrisons and making allowances for -the sick and missing. He feared that O'Sullivan might return, but of -this there was no real danger. The war was now confined to a corner of -Ulster, and if Elizabeth had lived the fate of Tyrone might have been -like that of Desmond. To run him down was, however, a matter of extreme -difficulty, and he seems to have thought that he could get out of -Ireland if the worst came to the worst.[415] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone driven into a corner.] - -While Mountjoy was conferring with Carew at Galway, Docwra and -Chichester were pressing Tyrone hard. He was confined to about -200 square miles of glens and woods in the south-eastern part of -Londonderry and the easternmost corner of Tyrone, and his fighting men -scarcely exceeded 50. His numerous cattle were on the inaccessible -heights of Slieve Gallion, and he himself had several resting-places -surrounded with felled trees and protected by streams which were only -fordable in dry weather. Docwra came to Dungannon with 450 English foot -and 50 horse, and with 200 O'Cahan and 100 O'Dogherty kerne. Chichester -had a fortified post at Toom, where the Bann leaves Lough Neagh, and -he gathered there all the forces that the Ulster garrison could spare. -Letters between the two leaders for the most part miscarried, and it -was found quite impossible to converge upon Tyrone. From the very -entrance of the woods the O'Cahans ran away to their own country, and -the O'Dogherties pronounced the travelling impossible. The men sickened -fast; one guide went off to Tyrone and was followed by another, who -first contrived that cattle coming to Docwra's relief should be stolen. -Chichester penetrated farther into the woods, and fought two skirmishes -without doing much harm to his light-footed adversary. Docwra returned -to Derry two or three days after Christmas, and Chichester also -abandoned the enterprise. The country about Toom was eaten as bare -as an English common, and things were rather worse at Derry, which -was quite out of the course of trade, and equally deprived of local -supplies. It was no better in the Pale, and the whole army, now reduced -to a nominal 13,000, depended entirely upon victuals sent from England. -Even Dublin feared famine, and everyone was so worn out that it was -difficult to get any service done.[416] - -[Sidenote: Famine.] - -The confusion in the currency crippled trade and caused distress in the -towns. But the winter war had worked a far greater mischief among the -poor rebels in the country. Mountjoy had clearly foreseen a famine, -had done his best to bring it about, and had completely succeeded. -Multitudes lay dead in the ditches of towns and other waste places, -'with their mouths all coloured green by eating nettles, docks, and -all things they could rend up above ground.' Sir Arthur Chichester -saw children eating their mother's corpse. Captain Trevor found that -certain old women lit fires in the woods, and ate the children who came -to warm themselves. Rebels received to mercy killed troop-horses by -running needles into their throats, and then fought over the remains. -Not only were horses eaten, but cats and dogs, hawks, kites, and -other carrion birds. The very wolves were driven by starvation from -the woods, and killed the enfeebled people. The dead lay unburied, or -half-buried, for the survivors had not strength to dig deep, and dogs -ate the mouldering remains. Some fled to France or Spain, but they were -few compared to those who perished at home.[417] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone and James VI.] - -[Sidenote: Elizabeth and James VI.] - -Had Tyrone escaped from Ireland he would have gone to Scotland, or -perhaps only to the Scotch islands. In 1597 he had offered his services -to James, complaining of hard treatment at the hands of Deputies, and -apologising for not having paid his respects sooner. While accepting -these overtures and declaring himself ready to befriend him in all his -'honest and lawful affairs,' the King, with characteristic caution, -noted that the time had not come. 'When,' he wrote, 'it shall please -God to call our sister, the Queen of England, by death, we will see -no less than your promptitude and readiness upon our advertisement to -do us service.' Tyrone took care to be on good terms with the sons -of Sorley Boy MacDonnell, to one of which, Randal, created Earl of -Antrim in the next reign, he afterwards gave his daughter. A channel -of communication with Scotland was thus always open, and it was -certainly used on both sides. Early in 1600 Tyrone thanked James for -his goodwill, and assured him that Docwra's expedition was intended to -end in the writer's extermination. This letter came into Cecil's hands, -and no doubt he was constantly well-informed. He had a Scotch spy, one -Thomas Douglas, who also acted as a messenger between James, Tyrone, -and the MacDonnells, and who carried a letter from the Duke of Lennox -to Ireland early in 1601. This did not prevent James from offering to -help Elizabeth with Highlanders against Tyrone in the same year. The -Queen thanked him heartily, but remarked that 'the rebels had done -their worst already.' It is plain that she saw through her good brother -like glass. 'Remember,' she once wrote to him, 'that who seeketh two -strings to one bow, may shoot strong but never straight; if you suppose -that princes' causes be vailed so covertly that no intelligence may -bewray them, deceive not yourself; we old foxes can find shifts to save -ourselves by others' malice, and come by knowledge of greatest secret, -specially if it touch our freehold.'[418] - -[Sidenote: The question of toleration.] - -Tyrone had made an unconditional submission, so far as it was possible -to make it by letter; but the Queen was very unwilling to pardon him -or to grant him anything more than bare life. At the same time there -was a disposition to press the matter of religious uniformity, and -to revive the Ecclesiastical Commission which had long lain dormant. -Vice-Treasurer Carey was not content with the mischief done by the new -coin, but must needs recommend a sharper way with recusants as a means -of pacifying the country, and perhaps of filling official pockets. -Mountjoy, whose great object was to end the war and get home, in -effect told Carey that Satan was finding mischief for his idle hands in -Dublin, while the army was half-starved, and the Lord Deputy himself -likely to be reduced to salt ling. 'If,' he wrote from Trim, 'you did -but walk up and down in the cold with us, you would not be so warm -in your religion.' Mountjoy had his way on this point, and nothing -was done to frighten the Irish unnecessarily, or to drive the towns -into Spanish alliances. He reminded Cecil that Philip II. had lost -the Netherlands by bringing in the Inquisition, and that the States, -who at one time held nearly all the provinces, had lost many of them -by pressing the matter of religion too hotly. All religions, he said, -grew by persecution, but good doctrines and example would work in time. -In the meanwhile he advised discreet handling as the only means of -avoiding a new war, of which, he said, 'many would be glad, but God -deliver us from it.'[419] - -[Sidenote: Death of Queen Elizabeth.] - -At the beginning of March, Mountjoy received two letters from the -Queen, written on February 6 and 17, and another from Cecil, written on -the 18th. In the first of these despatches, which were all delivered -together, Elizabeth told her Deputy to send for Tyrone on promise of -life only, and to detain him; in the second she authorised him to -offer life, liberty, and pardon; and in the third, speaking through -Cecil, she rather enlarged his powers, while laying some stress on -altering the title of Tyrone, on reducing the size of his country, -and on forcing him to keep the roads into it always open. There was -no difficulty about the last covenant, for the felling of a few trees -would always nullify it; but Mountjoy pointed out that O'Neill, and not -Tyrone, was the dangerous word, and that it was great gain to have an -earl by any name instead of a chieftain by that one. As to curtailing -the repentant rebel's land, he thought that obedience would be more -probable from one who would lose rather than gain by change. The great -Queen was no more when the letter containing this reasoning was sent, -so that we cannot tell whether she would have agreed to it or not. -On the very day of her death, commission was given to Sir William -Godolphin and Sir Garret Moore to treat with Tyrone, and he and his -adherents were protected for three weeks. Elizabeth died on March 24, -and Mountjoy knew this on the 27th; but his secretary, the historian -Moryson, had the address to prevent the news from being publicly known -before April 5, and in the meantime Tyrone had made his submission.[420] - -[Sidenote: Submission of Tyrone.] - -To save time under the extraordinary circumstances in which he -was placed, Mountjoy sent Godolphin to tell Tyrone that the least -hesitation would probably be fatal to him, and that his former delays -had much incensed the Queen. Godolphin was not in the secret, but -he felt that it was no time for ceremony, and in the belief that -confidence would beget confidence he rode several miles beyond -Dungannon to meet Tyrone, who readily accompanied him to the fort at -Charlemont. Next day the commissioners brought their prize early to -Mellifont, where Mountjoy lodged. There, says the secretary, who was -present, 'Tyrone being admitted to the Lord Deputy's chamber, kneeled -at the door humbly on his knees for a long space, making his penitent -submission to Her Majesty, and after being required to come nearer to -the Lord Deputy, performed the same ceremony in all humbleness, the -space of one hour or thereabouts.' He had ever preferred the substance -to the shadow, and his formal humility stood him in good stead. The -written submission was equally complete, and contained not one word -about liberty of conscience or in favour of that Church as whose -champion the Pope had sent him a crown. He renounced all dependence -upon foreign principles, and especially upon Spain, abjured the name -of O'Neill, abandoned all his claims over the lands of neighbouring -chiefs, and agreed to accept such estates only as the Queen should -grant him by patent. He promised to disclose all he knew about dealings -with Spain, to bring his son back from thence if possible, and, in -short, to do everything that might become a faithful subject of the -English crown. Mountjoy in return promised a royal pardon, and a -patent for nearly all the lands which he held before his rebellion. 300 -acres were reserved for the fort of Mountjoy and 300 for Charlemont, -and Ulster was to submit to a composition as Connaught had done. On -April 4, Tyrone reached Dublin with the viceregal party, and on the -5th, Sir Henry Danvers arrived from England with official tidings of -the great change. King James was at once proclaimed, and the people -shouted for joy; but Tyrone, on whom all eyes were fixed, shed abundant -tears, and he was fain to hint at grief for the loss of the mistress -whom he had been fighting for the last ten years. 'There needed,' says -the observant secretary, 'no Oedipus to find out the true cause of -his tears; for, no doubt the most humble submission he made to the -Queen he had so highly and proudly offended, much eclipsed the vain -glory his actions might have carried if he had held out till her death; -besides that by his coming in, as it were, between two reigns, he lost -a fair advantage, for (by England's estate for the present unsettled) -to have subsisted longer in rebellion (if he had any such end) or at -least an ample occasion of fastening great merit on the new King, if at -first and of free will he had submitted to his mercy.'[421] - -[Sidenote: The conquest of Ireland Queen Elizabeth's work.] - -During the last four years and a half of the Queen's reign, it was -computed that the Irish war had cost her about 1,200,000_l._, and -this was an enormous demand upon the slender revenue of those days. -The drain upon the life-blood of England was also terrible. Droves of -recruits were forced annually into the ranks, to perish among the bogs -and woods, while the most distinguished officers did not escape. The -three Norrises, Clifford, Burgh, Bagenal, and Bingham died in Ireland, -while Essex and Spenser were indirectly victims of the war there. The -price was high, but it secured the conquest of Ireland. Lawyers in the -next reign might ascribe the glory to James; but the hard work was all -done ready to his hand, and it would not have been done at all had it -been left to him. It was by Elizabeth that the power of the chiefs -was broken, and until that was done neither peaceable circuits nor -commercial colonies were possible in Ireland. The method pursued was -cruel, but the desired end was attained. It is easy to find fault; but -none who love the greatness of England will withhold their admiration -from the lonely woman who repelled all attacks upon her realm, who -broke the power of Spain, and who, though surrounded by conspirators -and assassins, believed that she had a mission to accomplish, and in -that faith held her proud neck unbent to the last. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[398] Cecil to Mountjoy, Aug. 7 in _Moryson_; to Carew of Feb. 9, 1602, -and throughout that year in _Maclean_; Chamberlain's _Letters_, June -27, 1602. - -[399] _Moryson_, May 30 to July 19, on which day Mountjoy reached -Monaghan; Chichester to Cecil, June 20 and 2_ - -[400] Mountjoy to Cecil, June 5, 1602, and Jan. 8, 1603; Cecil to -Windebank, June 15, 1602. Windebank read the latter to the Queen. - -[401] Journal among R.O. MSS. _Ireland_, April 23 to May 7; _Pacata -Hibernia_, book ii. chaps. ii. and iii. - -[402] _Pacata Hibernia_, book iii. chaps. iii. and iv. - -[403] Journal, May 13 to June 1; Carew to Cecil, Aug. 6, 1601, May 29, -1602; _Pacata Hibernia_, book iii. chap. v.; Carew to Mountjoy, June 1 -1602, in _Carew_. - -[404] Journal June 1-17; Carew to the Privy Council, Jan. 22, 1603; -_Pacata Hibernia_, book iii. chaps. vi. vii. and viii. - -[405] Journal, June 12. - -[406] Journal, June 17-18. - -[407] Examination of Dominic Collins, July 9, 1602; _Pacata Hibernia_ -book iii. chap. ix.; _Four Masters_, 1602. There is a life of O'Colan -in _Hibernia Ignatiana_, pp. 89-102. - -[408] _Four Masters_, 1602; O'Donnell to O'Connor Kerry, May 24, in -_Carew_; List of Irish refugees in _Pacata Hibernia_, book ii. chap. -xxii. The extreme claim of the O'Donnells included not only Tyrconnell, -but Tyrone, Fermanagh, and all Connaught; see Docwra's _Narration_. - -[409] For James Blake's designs see Carew to Mountjoy, May 28 and Oct. -9, in _Carew_ and _Pacata Hibernia_, book iii. chap. xv. The story of -John Anias may be read in the Life of Florence MacCarthy, Maclean's -_Letters_ of Cecil to Carew, and in _Pacata Hibernia_, book iii. chap. -vii. For Tyrconnell's case see Wotton to James I., April 24, 1608, in -Russell and Prendergast's _Calendar_, and his subsequent letters in the -same volume. - -[410] Lambert to Mountjoy, June 18, 1602; _Four Masters_. - -[411] Docwra's _Narration_, 1602 till April 20. Docwra to the Privy -Council, March 11. - -[412] Docwra's _Narration_, June to September; Tyrone to O'Connor Sligo -in Moryson, book iii. chap. ii.; Mountjoy to Lambert, Sept. 12; Lord -Dunkellin and Sir A. Savage to Mountjoy, Aug. 7; Mountjoy to Cecil, -Oct. 12. - -[413] _Pacata Hibernia_, book iii. chaps. xii. and xiv.; Cecil to -Carew, Oct. and Nov. 4; Privy Council to Carew, Dec. 16--all in _Carew_. - -[414] O'Sullivan Bere, _Hist. Cath._ tom. iii. lib. vii. chaps. viii. -to xii. The Four Masters describe this wonderful march to Aughrim, and -are perhaps preferable as far as they go. See also _Pacata Hibernia_, -book iii. chap. xvii. The itinerary is as follows, as near as I can -make it out:--1. (Jan. 4) Ballyvourney; 2. Pobble O'Keefe (near -Millstreet); 3. Ardpatrick (in Limerick); 4. Solloghead (near Limerick -Junction); 5 and 6. Ballinakill (in Tipperary); 7. Latteragh (eight -miles south of Nenagh); 8. Loughkeen; 9 and 10. Portland; 11. Aughrim -(in Galway); 12. Ballinlough (in Roscommon); 13 and 14. Woods near -Boyle; 15. Knockvicar; 16. Leitrim. The dates are made clear by Carew's -letter to the Privy Council, Jan. 22, 1603, in _Carew_. - -[415] Tyrone to Mountjoy, Dec. 12/22, 1602, and March 19/29, 1603; -Moryson, book iii. chap. i.; _Pacata Hibernia_, book iii. chap. xx.; -Carew to the Privy Council, Jan. 22, in _Carew_, and Cecil's letter to -Carew, _passim_; O'Connor Sligo to Cecil, March 1, 1603. - -[416] Docwra's _Narration_, December; Bodley's visit to Lecale in vol. -ii. of _Ulster Arch. Journal_; Capt. Thomas Phillips to Cecil, July 27, -1602; Mayor and Sheriffs of Dublin to Cecil, Jan. 17, 1603; Mountjoy to -Cecil, Jan. 8 and 20; Docwra to the Privy Council, Feb. 23. - -[417] Moryson, part iii. book iii. chaps. i. and v.; O'Sullivan, tom. -iii. lib. viii. cap. 6; _Four Masters_, 1603. In describing his visit -to Lecale at the beginning of 1603, Bodley casually remarks that the -Irish soldiers ate grass--_vescuntur gramine_. Moryson says the wild -Irish 'willingly eat the herb shamrock, being of a sharp taste, which -as they run and are chased to and fro, they snatch like beasts out of -the ditches.' This passage is conclusive proof that the wood-sorrel -was called shamrock in the sixteenth century; see above, note to chap. -xxxix. Modern claimants to the title of shamrock are the white clover, -the common trefoil (_medicago lupulina_), and the bog-bean (_menyanthes -trifoliata_); but none of these are edible by men. - -[418] Queen Elizabeth to King James VI., June or July, 1585, in Bruce's -_Letters_ of those two sovereigns, also Dec. 2, Feb. 3, 1601-2, and -'after July,' 1602; James VI. to Tyrone, Aug. 10, 1597, in _Lansdowne -MSS._; Tyrone to James VI., April 10, 1600, in Scotch _Calendar_; and -the letters printed in _Ulster Arch. Journal_, vol. v. pp. 205-8. - -[419] Mountjoy to Cecil, Jan. 20, 1603; to Vice-Treasurer Carey, Jan. -25; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, Feb. 26 (draft in -_Carew_). - -[420] Cecil to Mountjoy, Feb. 18, 1603, in _Carew_; Moryson, book iii. -chap. ii. - -[421] Moryson, book iii. chap. ii. - - - - -CHAPTER LIII. - -ELIZABETHAN IRELAND - - -[Sidenote: Natural features of Ireland.] - -The physical features of a country must always have great influence -on its history. Plains naturally submit to strong and centralised -government, while mountains tend to isolation and to the development -of local liberties. Where races have warred for the possession of -a country, the weaker has been often driven into some mountainous -corner, which the conquerors have been contented to bridle by castles -or fortified towns. But where mountains or other natural strongholds -are scattered over the face of the land, the conditions of conquest -are different. It has been noted that while no country is more easily -overrun than Spain, none is more difficult to occupy permanently. And -this was the case of Ireland. As long as the Anglo-Norman settlement -retained its vigour, the natives were driven into the less fertile -districts, while fortresses protected the good land. But as the -policy of the Plantagenet kings gradually weakened the colony, the -castles were deserted and the native race resumed possession of the -soil. Feudal law sought the protection of walled towns, which were -of Danish or Anglo-Norman origin; and those nobles who retained -their power did so only upon condition of more or less perfectly -assimilating themselves to Irish chiefs. When the Tudor reconquest -began, it was seen that two courses were open to the Crown. Englishmen -were encouraged to settle, and a system of garrisons was gradually -established. Sometimes the prevailing idea was to substitute English -for Irish proprietors; at other times it was thought better to -conciliate the native chiefs, while taking such military precautions -as might prevent them from preying upon the settlers. During the whole -of the sixteenth century statesmen did what they could to persuade -the Irish chiefs to hold of the Crown, and thus to become liable to -forfeiture. - -[Sidenote: Want of communications.] - -[Sidenote: Irish strongholds.] - -Ireland has long been covered with a network of good roads, but a -glance at any tolerable map will show how difficult it was to occupy -before the roads were made. In clear weather mountains are always -visible, both to the crew of a circumnavigating ship and to the -sportsman who seeks snipe or waterfowl in the central bogs. It is said -that when the ordnance survey was made, fires lit upon the Galties -in Tipperary were answered by fires on a mountain in Cavan; and the -great range of Slieve Bloom must be passed between those two points. -Nor was it with mountains only that Elizabethan generals had to deal. -Lord Grey is said to have introduced the first coach, but Ireland had -no tolerable roads for long after his time. There were a few stone -causeways, but great part of the island was covered with natural woods, -and these could be crossed only by passes which the chiefs periodically -agreed to cut both for troops and for peaceful travellers. When war -broke out--and the doors of Janus were seldom shut for long--these -rudimentary roads were easily closed. A few trees were felled, so as -to prevent horse from passing at all. The branches of others were -partially cut and skilfully interlaced, so that even infantry, while -they struggled through the barrier, were exposed to the fire of an -unseen enemy. Bridges were but few, and holes dug in the beds of rivers -made the fords impassable, or at least very dangerous. When the Irish -were hard pressed, they could retire to dry spots surrounded by bogs, -and nearly every little lake contained a _crannoge_, where some oats -had been stored, and which might be held until the assailants had -exhausted their provisions. The little active cattle accompanied their -light-footed masters, while the soldiers, whose clothes were seldom -dry, perished miserably of dysentery and marsh-fever. In the absence -of field artillery, very rude earthworks might be long held, and in -any case they could be easily abandoned, while Tyrone made it a point -of not defending castles, which experience had shown to be untenable -against cannon. Garrisons, and garrisons only, could starve out the -guerillas, and it was by their multiplication and maintenance that -Mountjoy was enabled to accomplish Elizabeth's lifelong task. - -[Sidenote: Natural defences. Ulster.] - -[Sidenote: Connaught.] - -[Sidenote: Leinster.] - -[Sidenote: Munster.] - -Ulster is, on the whole, very hilly, and it is easy to see how strong -it must have been when the woods were still uncut, when there were -practically no roads, and when drainage had not yet been thought -of. The most inaccessible forest was that of Glenconkein, about -Draperstown in Londonderry; but the whole province was a stronghold, -and a mere enumeration of woods and bogs would be useless. Connaught -also is a land of mountains and bogs, and was once a land of woods. It -was about the Curlews that the hardest fighting took place, and the -northern part of Leitrim was very difficult to attack. In Leinster -Glenmalure was famous for a great disaster to the English arms, and -was the chief stronghold of Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne. The oak wood of -Shillelagh in Wicklow was a noted fastness, and, from having given -its name to a rustic weapon, it is of all the best remembered. Both -King's and Queen's Counties were full of woods and lurking places, the -great bog called the Togher, near Maryborough, being one of the most -important. The Slievemargy range between Monasterevan and Carlow was -the frequent resort of Rory Oge O'More and of his son Owen MacRory, and -the O'Byrnes were not very far off. Wexford had many bogs and woods; -but the Kavanaghs and other turbulent clans were scarcely formidable -towards the close of Elizabeth's reign, except during the general -collapse of authority which followed the disaster of 1598. In Munster -what was generally called the 'great wood' lay to the north of Mallow. -Glengariffe was another great Cork stronghold, and Limerick was full -of forests. In Kerry, besides Glanageenty, where Desmond was killed, -there was Glenflesk near Killarney, and indeed the whole county is -evidently suited for guerilla warfare. Sir Nicholas Browne reported, in -1597, that Iraghticonnor, the country of O'Connor Kerry, was wedged in -between his deadly enemies, Lord Fitzmaurice and the Knight of Glin: -'his country is but small, and he is not able to make above seven score -men, but by reason of his woods and bogs he was wont to hold his own -in spite of them both.' But of all the Munster strongholds none was so -famous as the glen of Aherlow in Tipperary. 'Who knows not Arlo-hill?' -says Spenser, applying the name of the vale to the lofty peak of -Galtymore which overshadows it. The poet had much to tell of a mythical -golden age in those wilds, but a curse had come upon them, and in his -time, he says: - - 'those woods, and all that goodly chase, - Doth to this day with wolves and thieves abound; - Which too, too true that land's indwellers since have found.' - -Inseparably connected as it is with his memory, that glen of Aherlow -caused Spenser's ruin; for from it Owen MacRory and Tyrrell issued -forth to destroy the undertakers and all their works. - -[Sidenote: Field sports.] - -[Sidenote: Hawks.] - -[Sidenote: Hounds.] - -[Sidenote: Horses.] - -[Sidenote: Game.] - -Fighting in Ireland was the serious business of life, but soldiers, -officials, and settlers found some time for amusement also. Irish -hawks, hounds, and horses were all thought worthy to be sent as -presents to great men in England; and hawks were often made the subject -of treaties with Irish chiefs. Falconry no doubt was practised in -Ireland, but we hear much more of hunting, and the game was plentiful. -Irish wolf-hounds were famous, and were considered handsome presents; -the Great Mogul, Jehangir, being glad to accept some in 1615. Perrott -sent a brace, one black and the other white, to Walsingham. 'This -great white dog,' said Sir S. Bagenal when sending one to Cecil, 'is -the most furious beast that ever I saw.' These hounds were of great -size, but doctors differ as to their points, and it is not even certain -whether they had rough or smooth coats. A modern club, which has tried -to restore the breed, lays down that the Irish wolf-hound should be -'not quite so heavy or massive as the Great Dane, but more so than the -deer-hound, which in general type he should otherwise resemble.' Red -deer abounded all over the country; and martens, now almost extinct, -were so plentiful that the Earl of Ossory, in Henry VIII.'s time, kept -a pack of hounds for them alone. As many as twelve dozen marten-skins -could sometimes be sent as a present, and even Strafford hoped to get -enough to line a gown for Archbishop Laud. The ambling nags called -hobbies were also much valued in England. Wolves were very common, -and neither they nor the hounds which pursued them died out until the -eighteenth century. Wild fowl, of course, abounded, and Moryson says -he had seen sixty pheasants served at one feast; but partridges were -scarce. Magpies seem to have been introduced late in the seventeenth -century.[422] - -[Sidenote: Agriculture.] - -[Sidenote: Cattle.] - -About the towns, and in the parts settled by Englishmen, tillage was -carried on as in England. Many of the Irish chiefs also encouraged -corn-growing, and in time of war the soldiers were much occupied in -destroying these crops. No doubt the husbandry was rude, as it long -continued to be, and the barbarous custom of ploughing by the tail was -restrained by order in Council in 1606, but was still practised in -remote places as late as Charles II.'s reign, when it was prohibited by -Act of Parliament. The custom of burning oats from the straw, and so -making cakes without threshing, was equally long-lived and had also to -be restrained by authority. But the chief wealth of the Irish was in -their cattle, and the following statement of Moryson is sustained by -innumerable letters:-- - -'Ireland, after much blood spilt in the civil wars, became less -populous, and as well great lords of countries as other inferior -gentlemen laboured more to get new possessions for inheritance than by -husbandry and peopling of their old lands to increase their revenues, -so as I then observed much grass (with which the island so much -abounds) to have perished without use, and either to have rotted, -or in the next spring-time to be burned, lest it should hinder the -coming of new grass. This plenty of grass makes the Irish have infinite -multitudes of cattle, and in the late rebellion (Tyrone's) the very -vagabond rebels had great multitude of cows, which they still (like the -Nomades) drove with them, whithersoever themselves were driven, and -fought for them as for their altars and families. By this abundance of -cattle the Irish have a frequent, though somewhat poor, traffic for -their hides, the cattle being in general very small, and only the men -and the greyhounds of great stature. Neither can the cattle possibly -be great, since they eat only by day, and then are brought at evening -within the bawns of castles, where they stand or lie all night in a -dirty yard, without so much as a lock of hay, whereof they make little -for sluggishness, and that little they altogether keep for their -horses. And they are thus brought in by night for fear of thieves, the -Irish using almost no other kind of theft, or else for fear of wolves, -the destruction whereof being much neglected by the inhabitants, -oppressed by greater mischiefs, they are so much grown in numbers, -as sometimes in winter nights they will come to prey in villages and -the suburbs of cities.... The wild Irish feed mostly on whitemeats, -and esteem for a great dainty sour curds, vulgarly called by them -_bonnyclabber_. And for this cause they watchfully keep their cows, -and fight for them as for religion and life; and when they are almost -starved, yet they will not kill a cow, except it be old and yield no -milk. Yet will they upon hunger in time of war open a vein of the cow, -and drink the blood, but in no case kill or much weaken it.' - -Sir Nicholas White has recorded that the first red cattle were brought -to Dingle from Cornwall, and it is probably from the cross between -these red Devon or Cornish beasts and the black cattle of the country -that the famous Kerry breed is descended. The butter commonly made in -Ireland in the sixteenth century is described as very bad.[423] - -[Sidenote: Exports. Fish.] - -Guicciardini says the Irish exported hides, fur, and coarse linens -and woollens to Antwerp. The consumption of wine was great; and for -this the chief article sent in exchange was fish. In 1553 Philip II. -agreed to pay 1,000_l._ a year for twenty-one years to gain for his -subjects the right to fish on the Irish coast. Fishermen of all nations -resorted to Berehaven, paying O'Sullivan Bere for leave. In the North -O'Donnell was called the King of Fish, and he owned the salmon-leap -at Ballyshannon. A Norse writer, older than the Tudor period, had -already noted that Lough Erne contained salmon enough to feed all the -people in Ireland. The fisheries of the Bann and Foyle were also of -great importance, and Spenser says that both the Suir and the Barrow -were full of salmon. As to sea fish, we hear more of foreign than of -native vessels. The few port towns certainly produced good sailors, and -among native clans the O'Driscolls, O'Flaherties, and O'Malleys loved -the sea. About the famous sea-Amazon, Grace O'Malley, many legends -have been preserved; but of her, and of all the other Celtic rovers, -it may be said that they were rather pirates than peaceful traders or -fishermen.[424] - -[Sidenote: Manufactures.] - -[Sidenote: Woollens.] - -The only Irish manufacture of much importance was that of woollens, -though frequent attempts were made to introduce others. Linen was -made to a limited extent, and furnished the material for the enormous -shirts, 'thirty or forty ells in a shirt, all gathered and wrinkled -and washed in saffron, because they never put them off till they were -worn out,' which fashion died out with the sixteenth century; but flax -continued to be grown and yarn exported chiefly from Ulster, and it -was upon this foundation that Strafford built. Irish frieze and other -coarse woollens had been famous in the middle ages. Drugget is said -by French antiquaries to have been so called from Drogheda. In the -sixteenth century Ireland had come to be specially famous for a kind of -rug, of which Moryson says the best were made at Waterford. They were -thought worthy of kings' houses, and Vice-Chamberlain Heneage asked -Sir George Carew to 'provide half-a-dozen of the finest and lightest -Irish rugs to lay upon beds, that can be gotten.' The little sheep of -the country were numerous, but it is agreed that the wool was coarse. -The making of the rugs was a craft in itself, and was probably known to -few. Petty, who wrote under Charles II., remarks that the rebellion had -injured the cloth trade, and that making the 'excellent, thick, spungy, -warm coverlets' was a lost art. In Elizabeth's time restraints were -placed on the export of wool, with a view to encourage manufactures, -but the prohibition was never really effective.[425] - -[Sidenote: Drinking.] - -[Sidenote: Wine.] - -[Sidenote: Whisky.] - -[Sidenote: Ale and beer.] - -Hard drinking was but too common, and the materials were abundant. -The trade in claret had gone on from the time when Gascony belonged -to the kings of England. But sherry and other strong vintages of the -Peninsula were even more popular. 'When they come to any market town,' -says Moryson, 'to sell a cow or a horse, they never return home till -they have drunk the price in Spanish wine (which they call the King of -Spain's daughter) or in Irish _usquebagh_, and till they have outslept -two or three days' drunkenness. And not only the common sort, but even -the lords and their wives, the more they want this drink at home, the -more they swallow it when they come to it, till they be as drunk as -beggars.' Usquebagh, that is whisky, was made in many places in the -primitive fashion followed by illicit distillers in our own time. -It was generally considered more wholesome than any spirit produced -in England, and the damp climate was made the excuse for excessive -indulgence. Raisins and fennel-seeds were used to flavour it. An Act -of Parliament passed in 1556 recites that '_aqua vitæ_, a drink -nothing profitable to be daily drunken and used, is now universally -throughout this realm of Ireland made, and especially in the borders -of the Irishry, and for the furniture of Irishmen; and thereby much -corn, grain, and other things are consumed, spent, and wasted;' and -its manufacture was prohibited except with the Lord-Deputy's licence. -A fine of 4_l._ and imprisonment during pleasure were the prescribed -penalties for each offence; but peers, landowners worth 10_l._ a year, -and freemen of cities and boroughs were allowed to make enough for -their own use; and the Act was probably a dead letter. Bodley, who -wrote in 1603, tells us that it was usual for lay and cleric, churl -and noble, in short 'men and women of every rank, to pour usquebaugh -down their throats by day and by night; and that not for hilarity -only (which would be praiseworthy), but for constant drunkenness, -which is detestable. Beer made of malt and hops was not yet brewed in -Ireland, and what the soldiers consumed was imported. But strong ale -was produced in the country and was probably preferred by the people, -for hops were not in general use even in 1690. Early in James I.'s -reign nothing struck an Englishman more than the number of alehouses in -Dublin. 'I am now,' says one, 'to speak of a certain kind of commodity -that outstretcheth all that I have hitherto spoken of, and that is the -selling of ale in Dublin: a quotidian commodity that hath vent in every -house in the town every day in the week, at every hour in the day, and -in every minute in the hour. There is no merchandize so vendible, it is -the very marrow of the commonwealth in Dublin: the whole profit of the -town stands upon ale-houses and selling of ale.'[426] - -[Sidenote: Description of the people.] - -[Sidenote: Dymmok.] - -[Sidenote: Moryson.] - -[Sidenote: Trollope.] - -'The people,' says Dymmok, 'are of nature very glorious, frank, ireful, -good horsemen, able to endure great pains, delighted in war, great -hospitality, of religion for the most part Papists, great gluttons, -and of a sensual and vicious life, deep dissemblers, secret in -displeasure, of a cruel revenging mind and irreconcilable. Of wit they -are quick and capable, kind-hearted where they take, and of exceeding -love towards their foster brethren. Of complexion they are clear and -well-favoured, both men and women, tall and corpulent bodies, and of -themselves careless and bestial.' This is very much the view taken by -English travellers generally, and in many points they are confirmed -by the Spaniard Cuellar. Mountjoy complains of the want of clean -linen, and his secretary has much to say on that subject. 'Many of the -English-Irish,' he tells us, 'have by little and little been infected -with the Irish filthiness, and that in the very cities, excepting -Dublin, and some of the better sort in Waterford, where the English -continually lodging in their houses, they more retain the English -diet.... In cities passengers may have feather-beds soft and good, -but most commonly lousy, especially in the high ways; whether that -come by their being forced to lodge common soldiers or from the nasty -filthiness of the nation in general. For even in the best city, as -at Cork, I have observed that my own and other Englishmen's chambers -hired of the citizens, were scarce swept once in the week, and the dust -laid in a corner was perhaps cast out once in a month or two. I did -never see any public inns with signs hanged out among the English or -English-Irish; but the officers of cities and villages appoint lodgings -to the passengers, and perhaps in each city they shall find one or -two houses where they will dress meat, and these be commonly houses -of Englishmen, seldom of the Irish; so as these houses having no sign -hung out, a passenger cannot challenge right to be entertained in them, -but must have it of courtesy and by entreaty.... Some of our carriage -horses falling into wild Irish hands, when they found soap or starch -carried for the use of our laundresses, they did eat them greedily, -and when they stuck in their teeth, cursed bitterly the gluttony of us -English churls, for so they term us.' And Andrew Trollope, an English -lawyer, who wrote with more force than politeness, says the Irish, -except in the walled towns, were almost savages, and that 'at night -Mr., or Mrs., or dame, men-servants, maid-servants--women-servants I -should have said, for I think there be no maids--guests, strangers, and -all, lie in one little room not so good or handsome as many a hogscote -in England, and when they rise in the morning they shake their ears -and go their ways, without any serving of God or other making of them -a-ready.' On arriving in Dublin, he says, 'I lodged in a lawyer's -house, a man of my own profession, where I found my entertainment -better than my welcome, as all Englishmen shall do.'[427] - -[Sidenote: Tyrone's soldiers.] - -[Sidenote: How they were armed.] - -[Sidenote: Diet and pay.] - -The gallowglasses, with their axes, and the kerne, with their darts, -became gradually obsolete during the Elizabethan period, pikemen -taking the place of the former and musketeers of the latter. Tyrone -taught his men the use of firearms, and they became better shots than -the English. The difficulty of recruiting in England was great, and -deserters were habitually replaced by Irishmen, who often passed over -to their countrymen, arms and all. When Tyrone was loyal he was allowed -a certain number of men in the Queen's pay, and these he frequently -changed, so as to increase the number of trained soldiers about him; -thus anticipating on a small scale the famous expedient of Scharnhorst. -From Spain there was a constant supply of arms, and the merchants in -corporate towns made no difficulty about selling contraband of war -to rebels with whom they had religious sympathies. Deserters sold -their matchlocks, and they were resold to the Irish. Even officers -were accused of selling powder. Nor were English ports closed to such -good customers. 'I dare not trust any Chester man,' said the mayor -of that town, and Liverpool turned an honest penny in the same way. -Powder could not be made in Ulster, for there was no sulphur, but it -was imported even from Dantzig. There was also a constant supply of -ammunition from Scotland, and Fenton proposed that the Queen should -employ factors to buy up all the powder at Glasgow and Ayr, which -could only have made the trade more lucrative. Tyrone fed his men on -oatmeal and butter, which was exacted, according to certain rules, -from the people on whom they were billeted. The pay was at the rate of -24_s._ a quarter, and when money was scarce the deficiency was made up -in milk. If a prisoner was ransomed, his captor had one-third of the -amount and the rest went to the chief. Mountjoy believed that Tyrone -raised a revenue of more than 80,000_l._ a year in Ulster.[428] - -[Sidenote: Dress.] - -[Sidenote: The Irish mantle.] - -'In Ireland,' says Moryson, who spoke from actual observation, 'the -English and the English-Irish are attired after the English manner, for -the most part, yet not with such pride and inconstancy, perhaps for -want of means: yet the English-Irish, forgetting their own country, are -somewhat infected with the Irish rudeness, and with them are delighted -in simple light colours, as red and yellow. And in like sort the -degenerated citizens are somewhat infected with the Irish filthiness, -as well in lousy beds, foul sheets, and all linen, as in many other -particulars; but as well in diet and apparell, the citizens of Dublin -most of all other, and the citizens of Waterford and Galway in some -good measure, retain the English cleanliness. Touching the meer or wild -Irish, it may truly be said of them, which of old was spoken of the -Germans, that they wander slovenly and naked, and lodge in the same -house (if it may be called a house) with their beasts. Among them the -gentlemen or lords of countries wear close breeches and stockings of -the same piece of cloth, of red or such light colour, and a loose coat, -and a cloak or three-cornered mantle, commonly of coarse, light stuff -made at home, and their linen is coarse and slovenly. I say slovenly, -because they seldom put off a shirt till it be worn; and these shirts, -in our memory before the last rebellion, were made of some twenty or -thirty ells folded in wrinkles and coloured with saffron to avoid -lousiness, incident to the wearing of foul linen.... Their wives living -among the English are attired in a sluttish gown, to be fastened at the -breast with a lace, and in a more sluttish mantle and more sluttish -linen; and their heads be covered after the Turkish manner with many -ells of linen: only the Turkish heads or turbans are round in the top, -but the attire of the Irish women's heads is more flat in the top and -broader on the sides, not much unlike a cheese-mot, if it had a hole -to put in the head.' Moryson also mentions the loose mantles worn by -both men and women, often as an excuse for wearing nothing else, which -Spenser, who is very eloquent on the subject, calls 'a fit house for -an outlaw, a meet bed for a rebel, and an apt cloke for a thief.' -The shock-heads of curled hair called glibbs also excited the poet's -wrath, 'being as fit masks as a mantle is for a thief. For whensoever -he hath run himself into that peril of law, that he will not be known, -he either cutteth of his glibb quite, by which he becometh nothing -like himself, or putteth it so low down over his eyes that it is very -hard to discern his thievish countenance.' In a contemporary drawing -of Tirlogh Luineach's submission to Sidney all his followers are -represented with glibbs, and it became a matter of treaty with Tyrone -that he should allow none of his people to wear them.[429] - -[Sidenote: Progress of civilisation. Richard, Earl of Clanricarde.] - -As the tribal age passed away, Irish and Anglo-Irish chiefs became -more civilised. Among the native nobility the house of Clanricarde had -been remarkable for lawlessness; but Earl Richard, who succeeded in -1601, not only distinguished himself at Kinsale but also made a great -figure at court. 'The affairs of Ireland,' said the French ambassador, -'prosper, so that not a single rebel keeps the field. I believe that -this prosperous condition of things proceeds from the favour which -that Irish Earl enjoys here. On the other hand, he is very cold by -nature and in his love, and has neither understanding nor conduct to -lift himself high, although there is no lack of counsel and support to -him. Flatterers of the court, to curry favour, say that he resembles -Essex; on the other hand the Queen declares, with equal dissimulation, -that she cannot love him, inasmuch as he recalls her sorrow for the -Earl; and this contest occupies the entire court.' Clanricarde, who is -described by another contemporary as 'a goodly, personable gentleman, -something resembling the late Earl of Essex,' spent lavishly but paid -honestly. The gossips at first coupled his name with that of Lady -Strange, but in the autumn of 1602 he married Frances Walsingham, widow -of the unfortunate favourite whom he was thought to resemble, and of -Sir Philip Sidney. In 1604 Sir John Davies saw the Earl and Countess -living together at Athlone in most honourable fashion, and reported -that she was very well contented, and every way as well served as ever -he saw her in England.[430] - -[Sidenote: Bards and musicians.] - -[Sidenote: Gamblers.] - -Spenser, and every other Englishman, condemned the Irish bards as -stirrers of sedition and preservers of barbarism. They were often very -highly paid, and were feared as well as admired, for they knew how -to satirise their hosts where the cheer was not abundant or to their -liking. The bagpipe was commonly used in the field, and harps became -scarce towards the close of the sixteenth century, so that in 1588 -Maguire said he hardly knew of a good one in his country. It sometimes -formed part of the furniture of a gentleman's house, the portion of a -bride in Tipperary being sworn to as 'four score cows, four-and-twenty -mares, five horses, and a pair of playing tables (backgammon probably), -and a harp, besides household stuff.' Professional card-players, -called _carrows_, abounded, and Campion says they would play away their -clothes, and then, wrapping themselves in straw, would stake their -glibbs, or bits of their flesh, against any chance-comer's money. -Captain Bodley tells how certain Irish gentlemen came masquerading to -the officers' quarters at Downpatrick, asking to be allowed to play. -These prudent gamblers brought ten pounds of the new debased currency -wrapped up in a dirty pocket-handkerchief, and their hosts sent them -empty away at two o'clock in the morning. Sometimes higher stakes were -played for than a few pounds of copper, and there is a tradition that -Kilbritain Castle was lost by Lord Courcey to MacCarthy Reagh, who only -risked a white weasel or ferret.[431] - -[Sidenote: Introduction of tobacco.] - -Tobacco was still too dear to be generally used in Ireland, but English -officers could enjoy this consolation. We have seen that one was killed -in the retreat from the Blackwater while indulging in a pipe by the -roadside. Carew was a smoker, and both Raleigh and Cecil were among -those who kept him supplied with tobacco. Captain Bodley, to whom we -owe so many interesting details, is most eloquent on this subject, and -will not allow that the enemies of tobacco have any reason on their -side. 'Almost all,' he says, 'have but one argument, that would make a -dog laugh and a horse burst his halter, saying that neither our sires -or grandsires took tobacco, yet lived I know not how long. Indeed they -lived till they died without tobacco, but who knows whether they would -not have lived longer had they used it. And if a smoker now dies of any -disease, who knows if he might not have died sooner had he abstained -from it.'[432] - -[Sidenote: Garrison life.] - -Irish warfare was full of misery, but garrison life had its pleasures, -such as they were. Captain Bodley has left an account of a week's -visit paid in January 1603 to Sir Richard Moryson, the historian's -brother, who was in command at Downpatrick. At Newry they found only -lean beef, scarcely any mutton, very bad wine, and no bread; biscuit -being used even in the governor's house. Bodley, with Captains -Caulfield and Jephson, halted at Magennis's house at Castle Wellan, -which he calls an island. They were entertained by Lady Sara Magennis, -Tyrone's daughter, 'a very beautiful woman, and the three hours' -halt seemed to pass in one minute. We drank ale and whisky with our -hostess, and, having all kissed her in turn, took the road again.' At -Downpatrick the visitors were well treated, and their horses attended -to, but they all occupied one bed-room. They washed before dinner, -all in the same silver basin, and seemingly had but one towel, and -this was done in the dining-room. Healths were drunk from a glass -goblet of claret nearly a foot in circumference, which went from hand -to hand, and there was a good deal of conviviality, whisky flowing -freely as well as claret. The dishes mentioned are brawn, stuffed -geese, venison pasties, and game-pies, mince-pies, and tarts--that is -Bodley's word--made of beef, mutton, and veal. Besides drinking there -was smoking, dicing, and a kind of horseplay which has been called -cock-fighting in modern times. The Irish gentlemen who came in to -gamble, and lost their money, wore long shirts decked with ivy-leaves, -dog-skin masks, and paper noses, and tall paper caps with ivy wreaths. -In the morning, ale or beer, with spices or toast, was taken 'to allay -thirst, to steady the head, and to cool the liver,' and pipes were -smoked before breakfast. The life was rough enough, but Bodley wrote in -Latin, and shows a knowledge of Latin authors, and he and his friends -conversed learnedly about Roman history.[433] - -[Sidenote: Spenser and his friends.] - -[Sidenote: How Ireland affected Spenser's poetry.] - -Constant warfare and the absence of a University hindered the growth of -a literary class in Ireland. Native chiefs were content to patronise -bards who sang their achievements, and annalists who recorded their -genealogies. But the English language was just attaining its full -stature, and men could not but feel a pleasure in writing it sometimes. -Of letters and treatises describing the state of Ireland there is -no lack, and many of them show considerable literary force. But the -cultivation of letters for their own sake was scarcely to be looked -for. Sir Geoffrey Fenton, who had translated many books from the -French, including the French version of Guicciardini, appears to have -given up such work after he became Secretary for Ireland. Nathaniel -Baxter, a long-forgotten poet, seems to have produced something while -teaching a school at Youghal. Ludovic Bryskett, born in Italy, or of -an Italian mother, translated Italian books directly, and not through -the French. Bryskett was an official, like most of the English then -in Ireland, and at his house near Dublin we find the first germ of -literary society. It was here that the 'Fairy Queen' was promised -by Spenser himself to a company consisting of Archbishop Long, and -of several lawyers and soldiers, among which Sir Thomas Norris was -perhaps the most distinguished. Raleigh, who visited Spenser at -Kilcolman in 1589, saw the early part of the poem before it appeared, -and he encouraged the poet. At court Spenser was befriended both by -Raleigh and Sidney, and the poet seems to have thought that such -kindness as he did receive from the Queen was owing to his intimacy -with the latter, whose influence long outlived him. But Spenser was -not a successful suitor, and he has left a bitter diatribe against the -courtier's profession. He learned to look upon Ireland as his home, and -to praise the country's natural beauties, while sighing for the peace -and refinement of England. No doubt the woods and glens, with their -wolves and robbers, furnished the poet with much of his imagery, if -they did not suggest his great work; but it must be remembered that he -was an undertaker and official as well as a writer. The lady whom he -made so famous by his pen, and whom he married at Cork, was Elizabeth -Boyle, Richard Boyle's cousin, and so connected with Secretary Fenton. -Raleigh and the rest of his friends were engaged in forming estates, -and his sympathies were necessarily with the settlers and not with the -natives. He tries to raise the Irish rivers to a level with those of -England: - - Sith no less famous than the rest they be, - And join in neighbourhood of kingdom near, - Why should they not likewise in love agree? - -But he can never forget that the woods upon their banks were haunted by -men who wished him only death and destruction. He felt the weakness of -his own position, and so was ready to praise Arthegal, or any other, -whose severity might make the land reasonably safe. If the readers of -Spenser's verses, and still more of his treatises, find fault with his -truculence, they should forget that he was a poet, and remember that he -was trying to improve forfeited lands.[434] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[422] There is a valuable paper on hawks and hounds in Ireland by Mr. -J. P. Prendergast in vol. ii. of the _Irish Arch. Journal_, p. 144. -Perrott to Walsingham, Oct. 25, 1585; Sir S. Bagenal to Cecil, MS. -_Hatfield_, Nov. 1, 1602. In the second edition (1888) of Dalziel's -_British Dogs_ there is a very full dissertation on the Irish -wolf-hound. In Payne's _Brief Description of Ireland_, 1590, we read -that a red-deer skinned could be had for 2_s._ 6_d._, twelve quails for -3_d._, twelve woodcocks for 4_d._, and all other fowl rateably. The -abundance of corncrakes is mentioned by both Moryson and Payne, and the -latter says grouse (heathcock) were plentiful. Sixteen landrails (or -corncrakes) were shot at Colebrooke in Fermanagh on one September day -in 1884. - -[423] Fynes Moryson's _Itinerary_, part iii. book iii. chap. v. Sir N. -White to Burghley, July 22, 1580. For ploughing by the tail, &c. see -Dineley's _Tour_, p. 162. The Scotch Highlanders bled their cattle even -to the 19th century, see the Duke of Argyle's _Scotland as it was and -as it is_, vol. ii. p. 123. Cæsar says of the Britons: 'pecorum magnus -numerus.... Interiores plerique frumenta non serunt, sed lacte et carne -vivunt.' (_B.G._ lib. v. cap. 12-14.) Payne says a fat sheep could be -had in 1590 for 2_s._ 6_d._ and a fat beef for 13_s._ 4_d._ 'Filthy -butter,' says Moryson; 'hairy butter too loathsome to describe,' says -Andrew Trollope. - -[424] Several notices are collected in _Ulster Journal of Archæology_, -iii. 186, 187. See Grose's _Antiquarian Repository_, iv. 627. The -_lax_-weir at Limerick preserves the Norse name for salmon. - -[425] Moryson, III. iii. 5; Dymmok's _Treatise of Ireland_, about -1600; Petty's _Political Anatomy_, 1672; Sir T. Heneage to Carew, Dec. -22, 1590, in _Carew_. On July 19, 1602, the mayor of Waterford sent -Cecil 'a pair of bed coverings and two rendells of aqua-vitæ.'--MS. -_Hatfield_. - -[426] _Irish Statutes_, 3 and 4 Ph. and Mary, cap. 7; Moryson, III. -iii. 5; Dymmok; Bodley's _Descriptio itineris in Lecaliam_, ann. 1602; -Barnaby Riche's Treatise delivered to Lord Salisbury 1610. After the -journey described further on, Captain Bodley and his friends warmed -themselves with sherry 'with burnt sugar, nutmeg, and ginger.' - -[427] Dymmok and Moryson, _ut sup._; Andrew Trollope to Walsingham -(from Dublin), Sept. 12, 1581. Trollope had then been over two months -in Ireland. There are some curious details in the _Travels_ of Nicander -Nucius, a Corfiote, who visited England in Henry VIII.'s time, printed -(Greek text and translation) by the Camden Society. - -[428] Fenton to Burghley, Aug. 26, 1595; Mayor of Chester's letter, -June 18, 1597; Sir John Dowdall to Burghley, March 9, 1596, and to -Cecil, Jan. 2, 1600; Proclamation by Tyrone, Feb. 2, 1601. The Irish -text of the latter, with a contemporary translation, is printed from -the Lambeth MSS. in _Ulster Arch. Journal_, vol. vi. p. 60. Mountjoy to -Cecil, Aug. 10, 1602, printed by Moryson. - -[429] Fynes Moryson's _Itinerary_, part iii. book iv. chap. ii.; -Spenser's _State of Ireland_; Derrick's _Image of Ireland_, where the -description of the more uncivilised natives closely resembles those of -Moryson and Spenser. Articles with Tyrone, June 17, 1590, in _Carew_. A -paper dated 1599 by Carew (No. 319) proposes that every soldier should -have an Irish mantle, 'which costeth but 5_s._, to be his bed in the -night and a great comfort to him in sickness and health; for being -never so wet, it will with a little shaking and wringing be presently -dry.' Among the properties for a play on the state of Ireland by John -Heywood, performed before Edward VI. were 'three yards of grey kersey -for an Irishman's coat with great and long plyghts, four yards of -orange-coloured frisado at 4_s._ a yard, &c.'--Kempe's _Loseley MSS_. - -[430] Von Raumer's _Sixteenth Century_, letter 60, where De Beaumont, -or his translator, writes Clancarty instead of Clanricarde; -Manningham's _Diary_, Oct. 1602 and April 1603; Chamberlain's -_Letters_, Oct. 2, 1602; Sir John Davis to Cecil, Dec. 8, 1604. - -[431] Spenser; Campion; Bodley's Voyage to Lecale in the 2nd vol. of -the _Ulster Arch. Journal_, and articles by H. F. Hore in the same -journal; Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, 40 Eliz. No. 54; Derrick's _Image of -Ireland_; Smith's _Cork_, i. 249; and see above vol. ii. p. 65. The -'carrows' were not extinct in Charles II.'s time--see Dineley's _Tour_, -p. 19. - -[432] Bodley's _Visit to Lecale_, 1603; Cecil to Carew. Dec. 15, 1600; -Sir John Stanhope to Carew, Jan. 26, 1601: both in _Carew_. - -[433] 'Descriptio Itineris Capitanei Josiæ Bodlei in Lecaliam, 1602-3,' -_Ulster Arch. Journal_, ii. 73. - -[434] The identification of Elizabeth Boyle is due to Mr. Grosart. -Bryskett's description of the party at his house has been reprinted by -several of Spenser's biographers. For topographical matters see a most -thorough article by Dr. P. W. Joyce in _Fraser's Magazine_ for March -1878, p. 315. Dr. Joyce hesitates to identify 'the stony Aubrion,' but -is it not the Burren in Carlow? - - - - -CHAPTER LIV. - -THE CHURCH. - - -[Sidenote: Elizabeth's bishops.] - -[Sidenote: Papal bishops.] O'Harte. - -[Sidenote: Matthew de Oviedo.] - -[Sidenote: Peter Lombard.] - -[Sidenote: Ribera.] - -Of twenty-four archbishoprics and bishoprics existing in Ireland at -the date of Queen Elizabeth's death, nineteen were filled by her -nominees. In Ulster, Dromore, Derry, and Raphoe were left vacant on -account of the wars, and the custody of Kilmore was given to a Dublin -clergyman without episcopal rank, the papal bishop remaining in actual -possession. Eugene O'Harte, one of the Tridentine fathers, was made -Bishop of Achonry in Connaught by papal provision in 1562, and he -died at the age of a hundred in the same year as the Queen, without -being troubled by any Protestant rival. It is said, indeed, that -Bishop O'Connor of Killaloe, was appointed by the Queen to administer -O'Harte's see in 1591, but that he compounded with his old friend for -120_l._ a year. In the greater number of sees there were papal bishops, -but not in all, and in some cases they were practically mere bishops -_in partibus_, with no more real power over their flocks than De Retz -had over the people of Corinth. Matthew de Oviedo was Archbishop of -Dublin, but probably never saw his diocese, and Peter Lombard does not -seem to have been at Armagh. Ribera, the Spanish Franciscan, who was -bishop of Leighlin from 1587 to 1604, is believed never to have visited -Ireland at all. But the succession was maintained, and vicars were -appointed when sees lay vacant or when bishops were absent.[435] - -[Sidenote: Forlorn state of the Church, 1587.] - -In Sir William Fitzwilliam's time there was not one serviceable church -from Dublin to the farthest end of Munster, except in the port towns. -And the plain-spoken English lawyer, Andrew Trollope, has furnished -many details. Out of thirty bishops not seven were able to preach, and -the practice of alienating property was so rife that all the sees in -Ireland would not be able to support one man worthy of his calling. The -common secular clergy were mere stipendiaries, few having 5_l._ a year, -and the majority not more than half that sum. 'In truth,' Trollope -adds, 'such they are as deserve not living or to live. For they will -not be accounted ministers but priests. They will have no wives. If -they would stay there it were well; but they will have harlots which -they make believe that it is no sin to live and lie with them, and bear -them children. But if they marry them they are damned. And with long -experience and some extraordinary trial of these fellows, I cannot -find whether the most of them love lewd women, cards, dice, or drink -best. And when they must of necessity go to church, they carry with -them a book in Latin of the Common Prayer set forth and allowed by her -Majesty. But they read little or nothing of it or can well read it, but -they tell the people a tale of Our Lady or St. Patrick, or some other -saint, horrible to be spoken or heard, and intolerable to be suffered, -and do all they may to allure the people from God and their prince, and -their due obedience to them both, and persuade them to the Devil and -the Pope. And sure the people so much hear them, believe them, and are -led by them, and have so little instruction to the contrary, as here is -in effect a general revolt from God and true religion, our prince, and -her Highness's laws.'[436] - -[Sidenote: Spenser on the Church, 1596.] - -[Sidenote: Zeal of the Roman party.] - -'Whatever disorders,' says Spenser, 'you see in the Church of England, -ye may find in Ireland, and many more: namely gross simony, greedy -covetousness, fleshly incontinency, careless sloth, and generally -all disordered life in the common clergymen.' Priests of Irish blood -behaved like laymen, neither reading, preaching, nor celebrating the -Communion, and 'christening after the Popish fashion.' They were -diligent only in collecting tithes and dues. When the bishops were -Irishmen their government was lax, and very often corrupt. English -candidates for livings they rejected whenever they could, and a reason -was generally available, since such aspirants were mostly either -unlearned, or 'men of some bad note, for which they have forsaken -England.' In the wilder districts the livings were so miserable that -an English minister could scarcely support himself, and so dangerous -that no man of peace could venture to reside. Where the benefices -were somewhat fat, the incumbents, 'having the livings of the country -offered unto them without pains and without peril, will neither for -the same, nor any love of God, nor zeal of religion, nor for all the -good they may do by winning souls to God, be drawn forth from their -warm nests, to look out into God's harvest, which is ever ready for -the sickle, and all the fields yellow long ago.' And in the meantime -Jesuits and friars came continually from France, Italy, and Spain, 'by -long toil and dangerous travailing thither where they know peril of -death awaiteth them, and no reward or riches is to be found, only to -draw the people unto the Church of Rome.' Most of the churches were -utterly ruined, and some were 'so unhandsomely patched and thatched' -as to repel worshippers by their mere ugliness. Carelessness and -stinginess were to blame, but the mischief was unwittingly increased -by the Puritans, 'our late too nice fools, who say there is nothing -in the seemly form and comely order of the Church.' Spenser proposed -that there should be a strict law strictly enforced against sending -young men to Rheims, Douai, Louvain, and such places, 'whose private -persuasions do more hurt than the clergy can do good with their -public instructions.' English ministers, neat churches with proper -churchwardens, and efficient schools, might follow. But he was not -sanguine, 'for what good should any English minister do among them by -teaching or preaching to them which either cannot understand him or -will not hear him.'[437] - -[Sidenote: Ireland devoted to Rome.] - -[Sidenote: Jesuit schools.] - -The energy of the Jesuits and friars in Ireland was one sign of a -revival in the Church of Rome; no longer the Church of the Borgias or -even of the Medici, but of Loyola and Contarini, of St. Carlo Borromeo -and St. Vincent de Paul. Fasts were more strictly observed, and it -became more and more difficult to secure even occasional and outward -conformity to the State Church. In the early years of the Queen's reign -the inhabitants of the towns generally attended service, but the women -wearied and were not punished. When the Tyrone war began, even mayors, -portreeves, and other local officials had given up their attendance, -and most of the children were christened in private houses. The Jesuits -had schools in nearly all the towns, and young men resorted in great -numbers to foreign seminaries. Priests and friars swarmed everywhere, -especially at Waterford, and were sheltered by householders, under -whose roofs they sometimes preached quite openly. And the steady -influence of these priests was directed to making Ireland dependent -on foreign aid. Cornelius Ryan, papal bishop of Killaloe, advised -O'Rourke to get some learned Irishman to write to the Pope, begging -him to separate Ireland from England for ever and to make Tyrone king. -The Jesuit Dominic O'Colan confessed that the designs of Rome and -Spain extended even further than this, Philip intending with his army -'to overrun Ireland, and to make that realm his ladder or bridge into -England.' The questions of religious belief and of civil allegiance are -inextricably connected at this period, and it is impossible for us, as -it was for Elizabeth, to treat them as really separate.[438] - -[Sidenote: Waterford Bishop Middleton.] - -[Sidenote: A model dean.] - -Waterford was by all accounts the greatest resort of priests and -friars. Miler Magrath was too busy jobbing to take much notice, and -he held the see from 1582 to 1589, and again from 1592 to 1608. But -Marmaduke Middleton, who was bishop of Waterford from 1579 to 1582, -took his trust seriously, and found life uncomfortable in proportion. -The marriage ceremony was scarcely thought necessary. Beads were -publicly used, and prayers offered for the dead; nor did Middleton -dare, for fear of a tumult, to remove images from the churches. 'There -is,' he says, 'no difference between the clergy and the laity here, -for they have joined together to prevent her Majesty's most godly -proceedings--both by defacing of the see, which is not annually, at -this instant, worth 30_l._ a year, and all the spiritual living in -temporal men's hands so surely linked that they cannot be redeemed. -And the most of the incumbents are little better than wood-kerne.' -Middleton's life was thought to be in danger, and he was translated to -St. David's. He succeeded in preventing the succession from falling -to the dean, David Clere, who had thwarted him in every way, and whom -Pelham wished to deprive even of that which he had. The deanery, -however, remained with Clere, 'who was well friended, as none better in -this world than the wicked,' and Magrath had his help in despoiling the -church of Waterford.[439] - -[Sidenote: Cork, Cloyne, and Ross,] - -[Sidenote: Bishop Lyon.] - -[Sidenote: Position of Protestants.] - -The united diocese of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross fared, according to -Bramhall, 'the best of any bishopric in that province; a very good man, -Bishop Lyon, being placed there early in the Reformation.' In 1595 -he had had thirteen years' experience, and he gave a most lamentable -account of his stewardship. There was, he said, no knowledge of God's -truth and no obedience to magistrates, but false teachers drew men away -'to the palpable and damnable blindness to obey her Majesty's capital -and mortal enemy, that Anti-christ of Rome.' Priests swore men to -the Pope, charging a fee of one shilling and sixpence for every mass -afterwards. The same priests baptized the children quietly, and it was -scarcely possible to get sponsors for a legal christening; one poor -clerk, his wife, and a poor minister, acting as universal 'gossips.' -Recusants had special orders not to argue with any Protestant. Lyon -says that at one time he would have a congregation of a thousand when -he preached, but that now he had not five, while communicants had -dwindled from 500 to three. The country was full of friars, who were -in all things obedient to Bishop Gallagher, the legate, while there -was not a Protestant in the province who could preach in Irish. The -'devil's service' was the best of the many names popularly applied -to the Anglican ritual, and the natives crossed themselves when -Protestants passed, as if they were indeed devils. Lyon built himself -a house at Ross, which was burned down by the O'Donovans; but he did -what he could. Churches were restored, Bibles and Prayer Books were -provided in English and Latin; but the congregations would not be -tempted. Oaths to the Pope were freely taken, binding men to disobey -the Act of Uniformity, and other oaths could not be believed. Owen -MacEgan, who was sometimes called Bishop of Ross, had the power of -a vicar apostolic, and confirmed children in crowds. 'These wicked -priests,' says Lyon, 'are the sowers of rebellion in this kingdom, and -will do mischief if they be not looked unto in time.... I have lived -here twenty-five years, and been bishop fifteen years, and I have -observed their doings. I never saw them so badly minded as they be now -in general, for it is a general revolt throughout the whole kingdom... -they have had the reins of liberty let loose unto them, and have not -been kept under, whereas they are a people which, feeling the rigour -of justice, are a good people in their kind, and with due justice and -correction (but not oppressed, extorted, and unjustly dealt withal) -they will be dutiful and obedient. But let them have favour and be well -entreated, they will wax proud, stubborn, disobedient, disloyal, and -rebellious. This I know by experience. Also the priests of the country -have forsaken their benefices to become massing priests, because they -are so well entreated and made so much of among the people. Many have -forsaken their benefices by the persuasion of those seminaries that -come from beyond the seas; they have a new mischief in hand if it be -not prevented.'[440] - -[Sidenote: Papal emissaries.] - -[Sidenote: Owen MacEgan.] - -Owen MacEgan, who was killed near Kinsale in 1602, was generally -called Vicar Apostolic, and sometimes Bishop of Ross. He was believed -by Carew to have all the patronage of Munster. He had great influence -in Spain, but in Munster, John Creagh, Bishop of Cork and Cloyne, -was really a much more important person. He did not appear in public -places where Englishmen were present, but exercised 'all manner of -spiritual jurisdictions in the whole province, being the Pope's legate, -consecrating churches, making priests, confirming children, deciding -matrimony causes... one of the most dangerous fellows that ever came -to that land, continued longest there of any of his sort, and has done -more harm in two years than Dr. Sanders did in his time, who could -procure the coming of the Spaniards only, but this Creagh draweth the -whole country in general to disloyalty and breaking of the laws.' - -[Sidenote: Bishop Creagh.] - -Creagh or MacGrath, for the name is written both ways, was the -Archbishop of Cashel's cousin; and Miler took care to warn him of any -danger, while pretending to give information to the Government. In -November, 1600, he was with the Sugane Earl, and actually fell into -the hands of Carew's soldiers, but they did not recognise him, 'being -clothed in a simple mantle and torn trousers like an aged churl.' He -lived on into the next reign, and exercised a very wide jurisdiction, -Lord Cahir and Lord Mountgarret being much under his influence.[441] - -[Sidenote: The Pope's acting primate. Redmond O'Gallagher.] - -[Sidenote: Bishop O'Devany.] - -Of nearly equal importance with Creagh was Redmond O'Gallagher, the -titular Bishop of Derry, who befriended Captain Cuellar, when he -was cast away. O'Gallagher was one of the three Irish bishops who -attended the Council of Trent. He had faculty to exercise jurisdiction -in the whole province of Armagh during the frequent absences of -Archbishop Creagh, and perhaps of his successor, MacGauran, and was -busy 'throughout all Ulster, consecrating churches, ordaining priests, -confirming children, and giving all manner of dispensations, riding -with pomp and company from place to place as it was accustomed in Queen -Mary's days.' He was killed in a skirmish or foray in 1601. Cornelius -O'Devany, titular bishop of Down and Connor, is revered in Ireland as -a martyr, but his death did not take place till 1612, when he had been -thirty years bishop. It was reported in 1592 that 'Ulster contained -nineteen monasteries, in which the friars and monks remained, using -their habit and service as in Rome itself.'[442] - -[Sidenote: Protestant primates.] - -[Sidenote: Lancaster.] - -[Sidenote: Primate Long.] - -[Sidenote: Primate Garvey.] - -[Sidenote: Primate Henry Ussher.] - -From the translation of Loftus in 1567 to the end of the reign, -there were four legal primates. The Cathedral of Armagh had been -wrecked by Shane O'Neill, and the ruins of the city could scarcely be -held even by a garrison, so that the archbishops generally lived at -Termonfeckin. Primate Lancaster was anxious to found a grammar-school -in the neighbouring town of Drogheda, and offered to leave 'out of my -transitory trifles 600_l._ for the performance of the same;' but he -seems to have died without carrying out this design, and his successor, -Dr. Long, is better remembered for having wasted the property of his -see than for any benefit to it. But Long was not a pluralist like his -predecessor, and it may be urged in extenuation that he died 1,000_l._ -in debt. He was succeeded by John Garvey, a Kilkenny man with an Oxford -degree, who spoke Irish and who had earned a good name as Bishop of -Kilmore. Garvey complained that Long had reduced the value of the see -to 120_l._ a year by granting leases for ninety-nine years, that his -houses at Termonfeckin and Drogheda were in ruins, and that three -years' income would scarcely suffice to put a roof over his head. -Garvey died in 1595, and his successor, Henry Ussher, is most famous -as one of the founders of Trinity College. The restoration of the -cathedral and the provision of a residence at Armagh were reserved for -Primate Hampton.[443] - -[Sidenote: Primate Long's account of the Church, 1585.] - -Primate Long has left a lamentable account of the Church in Perrott's -time, while giving that Deputy full credit for doing his best. 'But -why,' he says, 'should I name it a Church? whereas there is scant a -show of any congregation of the godly, either care of material or -mystical temple, in which men are brought to that pass, as taking -away their shape, they are worse than horse and mule that have no -understanding... becometh your honour to remember that subjects have -souls as well as bodies, and how grievous it is to the Spirit of God -to have them governed in body and neglected in soul.... Oh, that your -careful eyes did behold the abominations which, like impudent dogs, -they are not ashamed before the King of Kings to commit, the smell -whereof so annoyeth the heavens that I fear the Lord sitting there -laugheth our counsel to scorn, which savours so much of our own wits -without the true fear of him which is the beginning of wisdom... the -clergy are like the people; nay, they have made the people like them -_monstrum horrendum informe ingens cui lumen ademptum_. Your godly -Parliament in England hath somewhat, though not sufficiently, bridled -the court of faculties, the corruption of the clergy; but in this poor -island it sendeth old and young, clergy and laity, in a wild gallop to -the devil.... Many souls daily perish whose cure are committed to boys -and to open wolves.... Is it possible to look for civil peace where -there is no peace in conscience? Pitiful it is, and will be answered -before the Highest, to suffer his garden to waste wild for lack of -trimming, and then to pull up his plants, that might fructify, by the -root, by palpable ignorance to make traitors, and then by sword and -law to shed their blood, who for lack of better teaching could never -do better.' A few months later Long had the satisfaction of announcing -that Owen O'Hart, Bishop of Achonry by papal provision, and one of -those who had attended the Council of Trent, had resigned his see, -'prostrating himself before her Majesty whom he beforehand had agreed -to curse, and thoroughly persuaded that the man of sin sitteth in Rome -under pretence of the seat of God.' But O'Hart continued to act as -bishop, paying hush money to his ostensible Protestant successor, and -forming one of the seven who in 1587 promulgated the Tridentine decrees -throughout Ulster. 'It is a hard thing,' says Long, 'to be thought of, -that the land is not able to afford of the birth of the land forty -Christians which have the taste of the true service of God; and how -then can they be true-hearted to her Majesty when they are severed from -her.' Lurking papists were bolder than they had been, and threatened -the State; and it would be 'too late to shut the stable door when the -horse is stolen.' Long is sometimes edifying and always forcible, but -Ussher accused him of alienating the see-lands, and of making a seal -which enabled him to do so without capitular consent.[444] - -[Sidenote: Archbishop Miler Magrath.] - -[Sidenote: How Magrath tended his sheep.] - -[Sidenote: Cashel.] - -[Sidenote: Waterford and Lismore.] - -In the curious epitaph which he wrote for himself, Miler Magrath -declares that he served England in the midst of war for fifty years. -He was born in Fermanagh, became a conventual Franciscan, and was -first provided to the See of Down, of which the O'Neills withheld the -temporalities, and from which he was ejected by Gregory XIII. 'for -heresy and many other crimes.' One of these was probably matrimony; -at all events he was twice married, and had a large family of sons -and daughters. Whether or not his conversion was sincere--and both -opinions have been held--Magrath was no credit either to the Church -which he joined or to the Church which he deserted and was accused of -secretly favouring. He indulged immoderately in whisky, and he jobbed -without the smallest compunction. In 1607, when he had been Archbishop -of Cashel and Bishop of Emly for thirty-six years, the united diocese -was found to be in a terrible state. Emly Cathedral was in ruins, -and things were little better at Cashel. About twenty-six livings -were held by his sons or other near relations, often in virtue of -simoniacal contracts, and in nearly every case there was no provision -for divine service. More than twenty livings and dignities were in -the Archbishop's own possession, who received the profits 'without -order taken for the service of the Church.' No school whatever was -provided. Nineteen livings or dignities were returned as void and -destitute of incumbents, and in others,' says the report, 'some poor -men, priests and others, carry the name, but they have little learning -or sufficiency, and indeed are fitter to keep hogs than to serve in -the church... in the two dioceses there is not one preacher or good -minister to teach the subjects their duties to God and His Majesty.' -Magrath had been Bishop of Waterford and Lismore for twenty years, and -'it will appear that wheresoever the Archbishop could do hurt to the -Church he hath not forborne to do it. Sixteen livings were returned as -void and destitute of incumbents.' Several others were bestowed upon -absentees, who provided no curates, and the Archbishop's daughter or -daughter-in-law enjoyed the income of two in which the churches were -ruined and the cures not served. Magrath made many leases for his own -profit, and, with the connivance of the Dean and Chapter, alienated the -manor and see-lands of Lismore, and the castle, which was the episcopal -residence, to Sir Walter Raleigh for a rent of 13_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ in -perpetuity. The capitular seal of Cashel he kept in his own hands and -used as he pleased.[445] - -[Sidenote: The country clergy.] - -'The country clergy,' says Davies, 'were idols and ciphers, and,' he -adds with a fine irony, 'that they cannot read, if they should stand in -need of the benefit of their clergy.' Serving-men and horseboys held -benefices, and the court of faculties dispensed them from all duty. -And for all their pluralities they were beggars, since the patron or -ordinary took most of the profits by 'a plain contract before their -institution.' - -'The agent or nuncio of the Pope,' he says, 'hath 40_l._ or 50_l._ a -year out of the profits of a parsonage within the Pale.' The churches -were in ruins throughout the kingdom, and there was 'no divine service, -no christening of children, no receiving of the sacrament, no Christian -meeting or assembly, no, not once in the year; in a word no more -demonstration of religion than amongst Tartars or cannibals.' The -bishops were but too often partakers in the prevalent corruption, and -Davies suggested that visitors should be sent from England, 'such as -never heard a cow speak and understand not that language,' a gift of -cattle being the usual means of bribery in Ireland. Neither Loftus nor -Jones were disinterested men, but they did take some pains to provide -respectable incumbents, Englishmen for the most part, and Davies -who did not like either of them, reported that the Pale was 'not so -universally Catholic as Sir Patrick Barnewall and some others would -affirm it to be.' That was all he could say, and it was not much.[446] - -[Sidenote: Foundation of Trinity College, Dublin.] - -Archbishop Loftus had prevented Perrott from turning his cathedral -of St. Patrick's into a college, but he helped to provide the means -from another source. In 1166 Dermot MacMurrough had founded the priory -of All-Hallows for Aroasian canons, just outside Dublin, and by a -curious coincidence the man who introduced the English into Ireland -thus unwittingly set apart the ground on which the most successful of -Anglo-Irish institutions was destined to be built. In 1538 the priory -was granted to the city of Dublin; and in 1590 the Corporation were -induced to offer the property, which was valued at 20_l._ a year, as -a site for the new college. In 1579 the Queen had entertained the -idea of a university at Clonfert, on account of its central position; -'for that the runagates of that nation, which under pretence of -study in the universities beyond the seas, do return freight with -superstition and treason, are the very instruments to stir up our -subjects to rebellion.' Nothing came of that plan, perhaps because -the bishops were expected to provide the means of realising it, and -as there was no education to be had at home, the young gentlemen had -continued to resort to universities where the Queen was considered -an excommunicated heretic. The offer of the Dublin citizens was now -accepted, and the monastic buildings, all but the steeple, were at -once pulled down. Henry Ussher, a native of Dublin, but a graduate -both of Oxford and Cambridge, who was afterwards Primate, and who was -at this time Archdeacon, deserves credit for successfully carrying -out the negotiations, and the charter recites that it was he who had -petitioned the Queen in the name of the city to found the college. -Loftus was the first provost, Ussher himself, with two other fellows -and three scholars, being appointed in the same instrument. Burghley -was the first chancellor, Essex the second, and Robert Cecil the third. -After the siege of Kinsale 1,800_l._ was subscribed by the army for -a library, which thus began at the same time as Bodley's, and the -great collection of Archbishop James Ussher was virtually secured by -a subscription of 2,200_l._ in Cromwell's army. Trinity College was -founded as the mother of a university, but no second house was ever -opened, and in common language the college and the university are -treated as one and the same.[447] - -[Sidenote: Protestant character of the college.] - -[Sidenote: A Puritan provost.] - -[Sidenote: The Scotch element.] - -From the first, Trinity College was under Protestant management, -and was intended to counteract the influence of the seminaries at -Salamanca and other places abroad. And in Ireland, since the masses -adhered to Rome, Protestantism has ever naturally tended to the -Puritan rather than to the Anglican side. Loftus himself had been a -friend of Cartwright. Dr. Travers, the second provost, is claimed -by the Presbyterians, and he was certainly a strenuous opponent of -Richard Hooker. James Fullerton and James Hamilton, the first elected -fellows, were Scotchmen; and seem to have been educated at St Andrews, -under Andrew Melville, to whose opinions they may very probably have -inclined. Fullerton and Hamilton, while enjoying some portion of -Elizabeth's favour, were James VI.'s secret agents, and it is supposed -that Cecil sometimes sent through them letters, which it might have -been dangerous to trust to the ordinary channels. The two Scots kept a -school in Ship Street, Dublin, and had the honour of teaching James -Ussher from his ninth to his fourteenth year. The first buildings were -erected by public subscription, and some of the subscribers were Roman -Catholics, but Archer the Jesuit was collecting about the same time for -the Salamanca seminary. The danger was understood from the first, and -a petition to the Pope calls attention to a 'certain splendid college -near Dublin, the capital of Ireland, where the youths of Ireland -are instructed in heresy by English teachers.' In 1609 Trinity is -officially called 'the fanatics' college' by the Irish Jesuits.[448] - -[Sidenote: Irish seminaries abroad.] - -Trinity College being out of the question, the Irish priesthood -continued to be educated abroad, and O'Sullivan gives a list of -towns where they had seminaries of their own, or, at least, special -facilities. At Salamanca, Compostella, and Lisbon these institutions -came into Jesuit hands; and there was a fourth at Seville. The Irish -Franciscans had great privileges at Louvain, and there were Irish -seminaries at Antwerp, Douai, and Tournai. Those who preferred the -dominions of the Most Christian to those of the Most Catholic King, -might find classes ready to receive them at Bordeaux, Toulouse, and -Paris. In 1624 the famous Rothe and four other Irish prelates declared -that the Parisian seminary had supplied many men distinguished in -virtue, doctrine, and zeal, for the work of the Church in Ireland. 'And -so,' says O'Sullivan, 'crowds of Irish priests inundate Ireland, some -educated in convents, some in seminaries, and some at the expense of -their parents, and they partly, if not altogether, repair the damage -which the English have done by upsetting the religious houses and seats -of holy learning.'[449] - -[Sidenote: Books and printing.] - -[Sidenote: The Prayer Book.] - -[Sidenote: Irish types.] - -[Sidenote: The Bible in Irish.] - -The first book ever printed in Dublin was Edward VI.'s first Book of -Common Prayer. It was printed by Humphrey Powell in 1551, professedly -by St. Leger's command, and it contains a prayer for Sir James Croft. -A copy is preserved in Trinity College, and Dr. Todd doubted if there -were a second in existence. The only other known specimen of Powell's -work is Sidney's Book of the Articles printed in 1566. Edward's second -Prayer Book, says Dr. Ball, 'was never, either by statute or order, -introduced, nor was it at all used in the Irish Church; but it forms -the basis of that which under Elizabeth was authorised for Ireland.' -Orders were given that the Prayer Book of 1557 should be translated -into Irish, for use in places where English was not understood, but -this was never done. It is probable that no competent translator could -then be found, and certain that the means of printing did not yet -exist. Queen Elizabeth afterwards provided a press and fount of Irish -type, 'in hope that God in his mercy would raise up some to translate -the New Testament into their mother tongue.' In 1571 a Catechism was -produced by Nicholas Walsh, Chancellor, and John Kearney, Treasurer of -St. Patrick's, both Cambridge men, and this is the first work printed -in Irish. There is a copy in the Bodleian, and Dr. Cotton had never -heard of any other. Walsh, who became Bishop of Ossory, obtained an -order to publish a translation of the Prayer Book for use in country -places. He also began an Irish version of the New Testament, and his -fellow-worker, Kearney, is said to have proceeded far in the work. It -was reserved for William Daniel, Archbishop of Tuam, a Kilkenny man and -one of the original scholars of Trinity, to publish the New Testament -in Irish: his predecessor, Archbishop Donellan, having worked in the -same field. Daniel's printer was John Francke. Whatever may have been -done towards a translation of the Old Testament by Kearney, Daniel, and -other scholars, the work was only completed by Bishop Bedell, and, its -publication having been delayed by the outbreak of the Rebellion in -1641, it did not appear until 1685.[450] - -[Sidenote: Toleration and persecution.] - -[Sidenote: Bacon's ideas as to toleration.] - -[Sidenote: Popular forces against the Reformation.] - -Elizabeth refused to dispense with penal laws against recusants, but -she allowed a good deal of practical toleration, and Irish Catholics -who did not engage in plots were not generally interfered with. 'I -find by the Court Rolls,' says a very learned lawyer and antiquary, -'that Queen Elizabeth had her High Ecclesiastical Commissioners, who -occasionally punished for not attending divine service. But this was -rare: no more than two or three instances during her reign.' Jones -and Loftus were willing enough to interpret the laws strictly, and to -enforce them rigorously; but nearly all Deputies disliked adding to -their difficulties by strictness in religious matters, and Mountjoy -in particular was much opposed to severity. Bacon alone seems to -have thought legal toleration possible. His plan was to establish -Anglicanism in Ireland, to respect liberty of conscience, and to -tolerate the public exercise of the Roman ritual in certain places. -This was what was done by the Edict of Nantes, following upon many -other temporary measures to a like effect. It must, however, be -remembered that Henry IV. established the religion of the majority, -while Cecil was advised to do the contrary; that in France the -professors of both faiths were Frenchmen, while in Ireland the -Establishment would exist not only for the minority but almost entirely -for Englishmen who came in the guise of conquerors or supplanters of -the native population; and that the Church of Rome aims at universal -supremacy, which a Protestant Church is not called upon to do. 'If,' -says Bacon, 'consciences be to be enforced at all, yet two things must -precede their enforcement; the one, means of instruction, the other the -time of operation; neither of which they have yet had. Besides, till -they be more like reasonable men than they yet are, their society were -rather scandalous to the true religion than otherwise, as pearls cast -before swine; for till they be cleansed from their blood, incontinency, -and theft (which are now not the lapses of particular persons, but the -very laws of the nation), they are incompatible with religion reformed. -For policy, there is no doubt but to wrestle with them now is directly -opposite to their reclaim, and cannot but continue their alienation -of mind from this government. Besides, one of the principal pretences -whereby the heads of the rebellion have prevailed both with the people -and with the foreigner, hath been the defence of the Catholic religion; -and it is this that likewise hath made the foreigner reciprocally more -plausible with the rebel. Therefore a toleration of religion (for a -time not definite), except it be in some principal towns and precincts, -after the manner of some French edicts, seemeth to me to be a matter -warrantable by religion, and in policy of absolute necessity. And the -hesitation in this point I think hath been a great casting back of the -affairs there. Neither if any English papist or recusant shall, for -liberty of his conscience, transfer his person, family, and fortunes -thither, do I hold it a matter of danger, but expedient to draw on -undertaking, and to further population. Neither if Rome will cozen -itself, by conceiving it may be some degree to the like toleration in -England, do I hold it a matter of any moment, but rather a good mean -to draw off the fierceness and eagerness of Rome, and to stay further -excommunications or interdictions for Ireland. But there would go hand -in hand with this, some course of advancing religion indeed, where the -people is capable thereof; as the sending over some good preachers, -especially of that sort which are vehement and zealous persuaders, and -not scholastical, to be resident in principal towns; endowing them with -some stipends out of her Majesty's revenues, as her Majesty hath most -religiously and graciously done in Lancashire: and the recontinuing -and replenishing the college begun at Dublin; the placing of good men -to be bishops in the sees there; and the taking of the versions of -bibles, catechisms, and other books of instruction, into the Irish -language; and the like religious courses; both for the honour of God, -and for the avoiding of scandal and insatisfaction here by the show of -a toleration of religion in some parts there.' This passage, and the -whole of the letter containing it, shows an extraordinary comprehension -of the Irish difficulties, but some of the positive recommendations are -open to question. It was not possible to provide vehement, zealous, and -persuasive preachers in Ireland as in Lancashire, for the Lancashire -people could be addressed in their own tongue, and the Irish could -not. In Ireland the forces of oratory were entirely on the side of -Rome.[451] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[435] Cotton's _Fasti_; Brady's _Episcopal Succession_. - -[436] Considerations touching Munster, 1587, No. 70; Andrew Trollope to -Walsingham, Oct. 26, 1587. Sir William Russell is said to have advised -liberal grants of church lands to the nobility of both persuasions, -'who would then hold their religion with their lands, _in capite_.' - -[437] Spenser's _View of the State of Ireland_, 1596. Some of the -poet's words might suggest Swift's savage outburst about the worthy -divines appointed to Irish sees who were _uniformly_ robbed and -murdered on Hounslow Heath 'by the highwaymen frequenting that common, -who seize upon their robes and patents, come over to Ireland, and are -consecrated bishops in their stead.' - -[438] Cornelius, bishop of Killaloe, to O'Rourke, Feb. 13, 1596; Sir -John Dowdall to Cecil, March 9, 1596; Memorial among the _Rawlinson -MSS._ July 28, 1592, printed in _Irish Arch. Journal_, i. 80; Dominic -O'Colan's confession, July 9, 1602. - -[439] Pelham to Walsingham, Dec. 7, 1579; Bishop Middleton to -Walsingham, June 29, July 21, and Aug. 19, 1580. 'They call their city -young Rochelle; I pray God it be not _ironice dictum_.' And see John -Shearman, schoolmaster of Waterford, to Primate Long, July 12, 1585. - -[440] Bishop Lyon to Burghley, Sept. 23, 1595. The State Papers contain -evidence that this was an energetic and liberal bishop: he built a -church at Ross with 150_l._ of his own money, also a free school and a -bridge. - -[441] Rawlinson MS. July 28, 1592, printed in _Irish Arch. Journal_, i. -80. _Pacata Hibernica_, book i. chap. xviii. Letter from Lord Cahir to -Creagh, MS. _Hatfield_; Brady's _Episcopal Succession_. - -[442] Rawlinson MS. _ut sup._; Brady's _Episcopal Succession_; _Four -Masters_, 1601. In July 1588 O'Gallagher, as 'Vice-Primas,' delegates -his authority to O'Devany for one year: 'quoniam propter imminentia -pericula ac discrimina interitus vitæ, personaliter terras illas -visitare nequimus.' See Fitzwilliam to Burghley, Oct. 26, 1588. - -[443] Archbishop Lancaster to Walsingham, April 26, 1581; Sir N. White -to Burghley, Feb. 3, 1589; Archbishop Garvey to Burghley, Feb. 20, -1592; Ware's _Bishops_. - -[444] Archbishop Long to Burghley, Jan. 20, 1585, and June 10; to -Walsingham, July 8; Archbishop Henry Ussher to Burghley, April 10, 1596. - -[445] Ware's _Bishops_; Cotton's _Fasti_; Archbishop Jones to -Salisbury, Aug. 3, 1607; Note of abuses, &c. in Cashel, Emly, -Waterford, and Lismore, in the Chancellor Archbishop of Dublin's hand, -and signed by him, Aug. 4, 1607. Writing to Cecil Feb. 20, 1604, Sir -John Davies says Magrath held seventy-seven spiritual livings besides -his four bishoprics. - -[446] Sir John Davies to Cecil, Feb. 20, 1604, and May 4, 1606; -certificates to Dublin and Meath dioceses, calendared under 1604, Nos. -267 and 268. - -[447] The charter, as well as the deed of gift from the city of -Dublin, are in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, ii. p. 345, and see p. 21; -Taylor's _History_ of the University. There is a good account, from a -Presbyterian point of view, in Killen's _Ecclesiastical History_, vol. -i. pp. 447-455. - -[448] Neal's _History of the Puritans_, vol. i., for Travers; Lowry's -_Hamilton MSS._, pp. 1-9, and Bruce's _Correspondence of James VI. -and Cecil_, for Fullerton and Hamilton. _Hibernia Ignatiana_, pp. 37 -and 39. 'Litteræ Annuæ' of the Irish Jesuits, 1609, in _Spicilegium -Ossoriense_. - -[449] O'Sullivan, tom. iv. lib. i. cap. 17; _Spicilegium Ossoriense_, -vol. i. p. 133. - -[450] Gilbert's _History of Dublin_, vol. i. pp. 29, 186, 383, 385; -Ball's _Reformed Church of Ireland_, chaps. iii. and iv.; Cotton's -_Fasti_; Bedell's _Life_, printed by the Camden Society, and the -articles on Bedell, Daniel, and Robert Boyle in the new _Dictionary -of National Biography_. William Kearney, who printed the proclamation -against Tyrone in 1595, may have been related to the Treasurer of St. -Patrick's; see above chap. xlv. - -[451] William Lynch to Sir James Macintosh, printed in the Calendar of -S. P. _Ireland_, 1606-8, p. civ; Francis Bacon to Cecil, 1602, printed -by Spedding, pp. 48, 49. A commission to 'execute the Acts concerning -the Queen's supremacy,' was issued in 1594, Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, -ii. 290. Loftus and Jones were the only prelates commissioned, and very -little was done. - - - - -INDEX TO THE THIRD VOLUME. - - - Affane, 108, 328 - - Africa, 7, 11 - - Agnes, Anyas, or Anes, Francis, 'Burgomaster' of Youghal, 35, 107 - - Agnes, Black: _see_ MacDonnell, Ineen Duive - - Aguila or Aquila, Don Juan de, Spanish commander at Kinsale, chap. 51 - _passim_, 424 - - Aherlow, Glen of, Spenser's Arlo, 27, 41, 45, 57, 95, 107, 136, 377, - 379; - inseparably connected with Spenser, 444 - - Aileach, 373 - - Alcazar, battle of, 7, 8 - - Alford, Captain, 126, 127, 377 - - Allen, Cardinal, 5, 18 - - -- Doctor, Jesuit, 24, 29, 31, 234 - - -- John, 133 - - -- Lough, 233, 244 - - Alva, Duke of, 76 - - America, 15 - - Anderson, Sir Edmund, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in England, - 198, 231 - - Angelis, 48 - - Anglesea Road, 404 - - Anias, John, 426 - - Antonio, Don, Portuguese pretender, 119 - - Antrim County, 141, 146, 186 - - -- Randal MacDonnell, 1st Earl of, 436: _see_ MacDonnell - - Antwerp, 145, 188, 280, 447, 472 - - Anyas: _see_ Agnes - - Apsley, Captain, 55, 95 - - Aranda, Don Martin de, 182 - - Archer, James, Jesuit, 'bewitches' a lord, 309; - his ideas about heretics, 350; - his connection with Ormonde's capture, 355-357; - 'raises the devil,' 420, 421, 424; - he flies to Spain, 425, 472 - - Ardcanny, 78 - - Ardee, 340 - - Ardfert, 69, 95, 102, 378 - - Ardmayle, 404 - - Ardnarea, 155 - - Ards, in Down, called a county, 141 - - Argyle, Colin Campbell, 6th Earl of, 138 - - Ariosto, 345 - - Arklow, 88, 331 - - Arlo: _see_ Aherlow - - Armada, the Spanish Invincible, 149, 165, chap. 42 _passim_, 206, 209, - 285, 290 - - Armagh, 9, 254, 256, 265, 276, 277, 283, 286, 287; - an advanced military position, 296-299, 339, 372, 392, 393, 418 - - -- County, 227; - claimed as part of Tyrone, 242, 243, 260, 262 - - -- Cathedral, 299, 466 - - -- Archbishopric of, 465: _see_ Lancaster, Long, Garvey, Ussher, &c. - and for titular primates under MacGauran and Lombard - - Arney River, 244 - - Aroasian Canons, 470 - - Arran, James Stewart, Earl of, 128 - - -- Islands, 175 - - Arrow, Lough, 244 - - Arthegal, 74, 458: _see_ Arthur Lord Grey de Wilton - - Ascoli, Prince of, 174 - - Askeaton, 28, 30, 32, 35, 36, 41, 42; - taken from Desmond, 43, 44-46, 58; - gallantly defended by Barkley, 306, 327, 379 - - Assaroe Abbey, 285 - - Asturias, 46 - - Athenry, 43, 44, 204, 279 - - -- Bermingham Baron of, 147 - - Atherton, Captain, 329 - - Athlone, 39, 43, 44, 65, 137, 159, 167, 172, 190, 194, 244, 256, 263, - 271, 278, 301, 433, 452, 454 - - Athy, 141, 302 - - Atkinson, Captain, 427 - - Audley, Captain, 61-63 - - Augher, 429 - - Aughrim, 431, 432 - - Augustinians, 193 - - Austria, 352 - - -- Don John of, 2, 177 - - Avancini, Giovanni, 178 - - Avaux, Jean-Antoine Comte de, 414 - - Avila, Don Christobal de, 182 - - Avon River, at Bristol, 415 - - Avonmore River, in Wicklow, 329 - - Ayr, 451 - - Azores, 76, 118, 251, 332 - - - Babington's conspiracy, 231 - - Bacchus, 69 - - Bacon, Francis, 217; - his advice to Essex, 294 - his excuses, 316, 321; - his ideas about toleration, 474-476 - - Bagenal, Sir Nicholas, 55; - M.P. for Down, 141, 157; - his relations with Perrott, 159, 160, 223 - - -- Sir Henry, son of the foregoing, 9, 61, 138; - his quarrel with Tyrone, 223-225, 234-240, 242, 245, 252, 256, 257; - his defeat and death at the Yellow Ford, 297, 310, 313, 342, 410, - 439 - - -- Mabel, sister of Sir Henry, Countess of Tyrone, her elopement, - 223-225, 292 - - -- Sir Samuel, 296, 310, 370, 444 - - -- Dudley, 168 - - Balla, 154 - - Ballagh-a-line, or Ballyline, 175 - - Ballard, John, the conspirator, 154 - - Ballibrennan, 320 - - Balliloghan, 36, 43 - - Ballina, 155, 427 - - Ballinacor, 135, 246, 247, 274, 277, 387 - - Ballinacurra, 85 - - Ballinafad, 214, 337 - - Ballinakill, 355 - - Ballinasloe, 43, 104 - - Ballingarry, 303 - - Ballinhassig, 361 - - Ballinrobe, 152, 204 - - Ballivodig, 85 - - Ballybrittas, 357 - - Ballycastle, in Antrim, 138, 139, 151 - - Ballycroy, 178 - - Ballyhack, 330 - - Ballyhoura Hills, 328 - - Ballymore Eustace, 61 - - Ballymote, 191, 233, 263, 310, 365, 403 - - Ballyragget, 309, 324, 355 - - Ballysadare, 427 - - Ballyshannon, its strategic importance, 137, 196, 227, 236, 253, 270, - 276; - great struggle for it, 284-286, 363, 427; - 'that long desired place,' 428; - the fishery there, 447 - - Baltimore, 95, 153; - held by the Spaniards, 406, 412-414, 419 - - Baltinglas, James Eustace, Viscount, his rebellion, 51-55, 57, 59, 60, - 70, 82, 83, 92, 99, 116, 144, 164, 193 - - Bancroft, Richard, prebendary of St. Patrick's, afterwards Archbishop - of Canterbury, 134 - - Bandon River, 353, 405, 406 - - Bann River, 189, 266, 430, 447 - - Bannada Abbey, 155 - - Bantry Bay, 419 - - -- Barony of, 430 - - -- Abbey, 95, 419 - - Barbary, 10 - - Barkley, Captain, M.P. for Antrim, 141 - - -- Captain Francis, his valiant defence of Askeaton, 306, 307 - - Barnewall, Christopher, 116, 117 - - -- Sir Patrick, 470 - - Barnstaple, 25, 250 - - Barrow River, 135, 324, 447 - - Barry or Barrymore, James FitzRichard Barry, Viscount (died 1581), 34, - 45, 46, 50, 56, 85, 112, 124, 234 - - -- -- -- David Barry, Viscount, son and successor of the foregoing, - 240, 241, 306; - his loyalty, 307, 312, 328; - persecuted by Tyrone, 353, 360, 365, 390, 401, 404, 430 - - Barry, John, 307 - - Bartoni, Alexander, 74 - - Basques, Biskyes, Biscayans, 70 - - Bath, 167 - - Baxter, Nathaniel, 457 - - Bayonne, 164 - - Beaumont, Count Harley de, 314, 454 - - Beaumaris, 278, 319 - - Becher, or Beecher, Fane, 199 - - -- Sir William, 305 - - Becket, Thomas, 52 - - Bedell, William, Bishop of Kilmore from 1629, 473 - - Bedford, Francis, Earl of, 94, 236 - - Belfast, 289 - - Bellaclinthe, 341 - - Belleek, in Fermanagh, 154, 196, 234, 236, 284, 286 - - -- in Mayo, 26 - - Belvelly, 87 - - Benburb, 392, 393 - - Bere, Berehaven, Bere Island, 48, 95, 412, 413, 421, 430, 447 - - Bermingham: _see_ Baron of Athenry - - -- John, 221, 222 - - -- or Birmingham Tower, in Dublin Castle, 28 - - Berwick, 40 - - Bilbao, Bilboa, 11, 74 - - Bingham, Sir Richard, 65, 69; - his smart seamanship, 71; - Chief Commissioner of Connaught, 124, 125, 129; - M.P. for Roscommon, 141; - makes a composition in Connaught, 147; - crushes the Scots at Ardnarea, 151-157, 159; - goes to Holland, 166-168, 170, 177; - his account of the Armada, 188, 191, 192; - his struggles in Connaught, 203-216, 229, 233, 253, 254; - his great strategic idea, 256, 260, 263, 269, 270; - in disgrace, 271; - his ideas adopted in his absence, 276, 278, 279, 294; - restored to favour before his death, 310, 314, 352, 427, 439 - - -- George, brother of the foregoing, 189, 191, 208, 216, 254 - - -- John, brother of the two foregoing, 260, 270 - - -- George _Oge_, cousin of the three foregoing, 253 - - Biscay, 10, 65, 163 - - Biscayans or Biskyes: _see_ Basques - - Blackford, 324 - - Blackfriars, Dublin, 132 - - Blacksod Bay, 178 - - Blackwater, river and fort in Ulster (this is Spenser's Blackwater), - 9, 92, 137; - land reserved by the Crown, 170, 254, 262; - new fort built, 284; - gallant defence, 286, 287, 289, 291; - great disaster in attempting relief, 294, 295, 296, 300, 329, 339, - 369, 392, 393, 418, 455 - - Blackwater River, in Munster, 39, 41, 47, 94, 95, 103, 112, 137, 199, - 306, 328, 410 - - Blake, James, 426 - - Blarney, 55, 429 - - Blaskets, islands and sound, 45, 173, 174, 188 - - Blind Abbot: _see_ William Burke - - Blount, Sir Christopher, 294, 319, 323, 328, 331, 335, 339 - - Bodley, Sir Thomas, 473 - - -- Captain Josiah, brother of the foregoing, 404, 435, 449, 455, 456 - - Bologna, Bolognese, 74, 77 - - Bolsena, 77 - - Bonville family, 48 - - Bordeaux, 472 - - Borgias, the, 462 - - Bostock, Captain John, 422 - - -- Captain Ralph, 250, 251 - - Bothwell, 194 - - Bourchier, Sir George, 35, 45, 56, 58, 68, 84 - - Boylagh, in Donegal, 189 - - Boyle, Richard, afterwards Earl of Cork, 199, 382; - his remarkable journey to London, 414; - his connection with Spenser, 457 - - -- Robert, son of the foregoing, 473 - - -- Elizabeth, cousin of the foregoing, married to Edmund Spenser, 457 - - -- in Roscommon, 244, 263, 301, 336, 337, 429, 431 - - Boyne River, 392 - - Bramhall, John, Bishop of Derry, translated to Armagh in 1661, 463 - - Brefny O'Rourke, 79: _see_ Leitrim - - Brest, 11 - - Brewett, Miles, 164 - - Bridgewater, 52 - - Brill, 280, 281, 287 - - Bristol, 12, 25, 26, 83, 249, 252, 381, 415 - - Brittany, 247, 424 - - Broadhaven, 376 - - Brooke, Sir Calisthenes, his opinion of Irish service, 286, 344 - - Browne, or Brown, Charles, 67, 77 - - Browne, Archbishop, 132 - - -- John, 204 - - -- Sir Valentine, 114, 126, 127, 200 - - -- Sir Nicholas, son of the foregoing, 200, 293, 443 - - -- Sir Valentine, the younger, brother of Sir Nicholas, married to a - Desmond, 384 - - Bruff, 302, 328, 377 - - Bruges, 145 - - Bruree, 46 - - Brussels, 3, 18 - - Bryskett, Ludovic, 85, 457 - - Buckhurst, Lord Treasurer, 265, 395, 396 - - Buckingham, George Villiers, first Duke of, 384 - - Bunamargey Abbey, 138 - - Bunboys, 180 - - Bundrowes, 236 - - Bungunder, 70 - - Buoncompagno, Giacomo, son of Pope Gregory XIII, 119 - - Burgh, or Borough, Thomas, Lord, Lord Deputy, 273, 277, 278, chap. 46 - _passim_, 295, 439 - - Burgh, Lady Frances, 287 - - Burghley, Lord Treasurer, 36; - his exhortation to Ormonde, 38, 73, 89, 96, 97, 100, 101, 111, 112, - 123, 132, 134, 135, 137, 149, 157, 158, 163, 166, 209, 224; - friendly to Sir John Perrott, 228, 229; - his consideration for Fitzwilliam, 239, 241; - he makes the clergy pay for the war, 250, 255; - his foresight, 260; - his opinion of Russell, 264, 265, 271; - his feeling for Norris, 280; - effect of his death on Essex, 313, 314, 395 - - Burkes, or De Burghs of Co. Galway (Upper Burkes), 136, 152, 269, 406, - 409; - for Earls of Clanricarde _see_ under Clanricarde - - Burke, or De Burgh, Ulick, Earl of Clanricarde, son of the foregoing: - _see_ Clanricarde - - Burke, Sir John _Shamrock_, half-brother of the foregoing, created - Baron of Leitrim, his rebellion, 79, 81, 84; - his violent end, 119; - his character and popularity, 120, 253, 302, 430 - - -- William, brother or half-brother of the two foregoing, in - rebellion, 79, 84; - hanged, 88, 92 - - Burke, Redmond, son of Sir John Shamrock, 302, 309 - - -- William, brother of the foregoing, 430 - - -- Lady Mary, sister or half-sister of Ulick, John, and William, - married to Brian O'Rourke 120, 121, 214 - - -- Lady Honora, sister of the foregoing, 79 - - Burkes, or Bourkes of Co. Mayo (Lower Burkes), 153-157, 178, 204-216, - 260, 263, 269, 270, 278, 406 - - Burke, Redmond _Na Scuab_ (of the besoms), 253 - - -- Sir Richard MacOliver, 92, 93, 147 - - -- Richard, called the 'Devil's Hook,' 178, 204, 205 - - -- -- called 'Richard in iron,' married to Grace O'Malley, 43, 44, 92, - 93 - - -- Oge, called _Fal fo Erinn_ (hedge or pale of Ireland) hanged by - Bingham 151, 152, 211 - - -- Theobald, known as Tibbot _ne Long_ (of the ships), 38, 366, 427 - - -- -- calling himself MacWilliam _Iochtar_, 260, 365, 368 - - -- William, calling himself MacWilliam _Iochtar_ and known as the - 'Blind Abbot,' 205, 207, 211, 215 - - -- MacDavid, 431 - - -- MacWilliam, 44 - - Burkes, or Bourkes, of Clanwilliam, in Limerick, 326 - - Burke, Sir William, chief of the Limerick Burkes and created Baron of - Castle Connell, 45 - - -- Theobald, son of the foregoing, 23 - - Burnell, Henry, 143 - - Burren, 311, 365 - - Burrishoole, 44, 176 - - Bute, 138 - - Butler family, 41, 86, 308, and _see_ under Ormonde, Dunboyne, Cahir, - and Mountgarret - - -- Piers, Ormonde's brother, 65, 96 - - -- Lady Elizabeth, Ormonde's daughter, afterwards married to Sir - Richard Preston, 359, 384 - - -- Sir Theobald, afterwards Baron of Cahir of Cahir, 31 - - Butler, James _Galdie_, of Cahir, brother of Thomas Lord Cahir, 325, - 326 - - -- Eleanor, sister of Richard Lord Mountgarret, married to Thomas Lord - Cahir, 309 - - -- Piers, Ormonde's natural son, 117 - - Butleraboo, 38 - - Buttevant, 46 - - Button, Captain, 401 - - - Cadiz, 164, 266 - - Cahir, 31, 96; - besieged by Essex, 325, 329, 332, 377 - - -- Thomas Butler, Baron of, 325, 333, 465 - - Calais, 174, 181 - - Calderon, Coco, 173 - - Callan, in Kilkenny, 141 - - -- River, in Armagh, 298 - - Cambridge, 163 - - Campbell, Lady Agnes, married to Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill, 130 - - Campion, the Jesuit, 52, 455 - - Campo, Alonso del, 408 - - Canterbury: _see_ Bancroft - - Cantire, 128, 139 - - Canutius, 78 - - Caraçena, Marquis of, 425 - - Carbery, in Cork, 201 - - Carbury, in Sligo, 208 - - Carew, Sir George, afterwards Earl of Totnes, Master of the Ordnance - 1588, Lord President of Munster 1600, 36, 45; - at Glenmalure, 61-63, 160, 168, 172, 192, 217, 218; - consulted in England 239, 305; - Essex dislikes him, 314, 326, 328; - President of Munster, 353-356, 359-361, 363-365, 378-382, 384, 390, - 392, 396; - his services before Kinsale, 399, 400, 402-404, 406, 407, 412-414, - 416; - his reduction of Munster 419-424; - his spies, 423; - very tired of Ireland, 433, 434, 448; - fond of tobacco, 455, 465 - - -- Sir Peter, the younger, brother of the foregoing, 61-63 - - -- Castle, in Pembrokeshire, 123 - - -- -- near Bantry, 419 - - Carey, Sir George, Vice-Treasurer, 345, 395, 436 - - Carleile, Captain, 138, 139 - - Carlingford, 141, 276, 320, 369, 372 - - Carlos, Don, 258 - - Carlow, 6, 8, 371, 443 - - Carlow County, 20, 88, 166, 323 - - Carmelites, 193, 253 - - Carnew, 330 - - Carrick-on-Suir, 96, 230 - - Carrickfergus, 8, 138, 139, 141, 261, 289, 290, 320, 322, 361, 394, - 396, 418 - - Carrigadrohid, 55 - - Carrigafoyle, 30; - taken by Pelham 42-44, 378, 406, 420 - - Carrigaholt, 175, 311 - - Carrigaline River, 194, 400, 401, 419, 466 - - Carriganass, 420 - - Carriganeady: _see_ Castle Hyde - - Carriglea, 312 - - Carrigrohan, 304 - - Carter, Arthur, 21, 33 - - Cartwright, Thomas, 471 - - Carusse, William, 67 - - Cary, Peter, 146 - - Case, Captain, 83 - - Casey, Richard, M.P. for Mullingar, 141 - - Cashel, in Tipperary, 30, 45, 46, 102, 141, 353, 354, 377, 381 - - -- Archbishop of: _see_ Magrath - - -- in Queen's County, 324, 371 - - Castille, 164 - - Castlebar, 153 - - Castle Connell, 23, 45, 326 - - -- Derg, 427, 428 - - Castledermot, 8 - - Castle Haven, 95, 402; - occupied by Spaniards, 405, 408, 412, 413, 419, 424 - - -- Hyde, 306 - - -- Ishin, 365, 366 - - Castleisland, 39, 41, 46, 68, 111, 378 - - Castle Keran, 339 - - -- Kevin, 89, 339 - - -- Lyons, 94, 328 - - Castlemagner, 304 - - Castlemaine, 11, 12, 42, 47-49, 70, 111-113, 382, 406 - - Castle Martin, 137 - - Castlemore-Costello, 155 - - Castle Park, 401 - - Castlereagh, 431 - - Castle Toome, 418, 434 - - Castletown Berehaven, 421 - - -- Delvin, 388 - - -- Roche, 312 - - Castle Wellan, 456 - - Cavan County, 140, 320, 340, 410 442 - - Cavan Town, 245 - - Cé, or Key, Lough, 338 - - Cecil, Sir Robert, 162, 255, 265, 275, 281, 282, 287; - effect of his French mission on Ireland, 293-295; - promotes Sir Arthur Chichester, 322; - his attitude towards Essex, 333, 346, 348, 349; - his policy about the succession, 366, 369; - well-informed about Spanish intentions, 376, 379; - sends Desmond to Ireland, 380-385; - will not have Raleigh for Lord Deputy, 381, 388; - Tyrone's feelings to him, 394, 398; - anxious to obtain terms for Tyrone, 415; - his naval policy, 417; - his spies, 426, 433, 437; - encourages tobacco, 455; - Chancellor of Dublin University, 471; - Bacon's advice to him about toleration, 474 - - Chamberlain, Sir John, 373 - - Charlemont, 438, 439 - - Charles II., King, 445, 448 - - Charleville, 365 - - Cheek, or Cheke, Henry, 3 - - Cheke, John, 73 - - Cheshire, 14, 106, 163, 249 - - Chester, 27, 250, 322, 451 - - Chichester, Sir Arthur, Lord Deputy after James's accession, 131, 289; - attracts the notice of Essex, 321; - in command at Carrickfergus, 322, 394; - co-operates with Mountjoy, 417, 418, 434, 435 - - -- -- John, brother of the foregoing, his defeat and death, 289, 290 - - Christ Church, Dublin, 8, 132, 133 - - Cistercians, 385 - - Civita Vecchia, 6 - - Clancare, Donnell MacCarthy More, created Earl of, 12, 40, 42, 46-50, - 56, 111, 112; - wastes his substance in dissipation, 200, 201, 293 - - -- Countess of, Lady Honora Fitzgerald, 200, 293 - - Clancy, Boetius, 141, 175 - - Clandeboye, 64, 130 - - Clandonnells, 152, 205 - - Clanmaurice, 47 - - Clanricarde, Richard Burke, 2nd Earl of, 88, 92, 103 - - -- Ulick, Earl of, son of the foregoing, 13, 26, 64, 81, 92, 93, 103; - becomes Earl, 104, 119; - suspected of killing his half-brother, 120, 125; - Commissioner in Connaught, 147, 152, 154; - his gallantry, 214, 216, 256, 279, 284, 301, 347, 365, 366 - - Clanricarde, Richard, 4th Earl of, son of the foregoing, 284, 338; - does good service at Kinsale, 408, 409, 414; - gains Elizabeth's favour, 453; - marries Lady Essex, 454: _see_ Dunkellin - - -- district, 366 - - -- Frances, Countess of: _see_ Essex - - Clare, or Thomond, County of, 125, 127, 141, 147, 148, 175, 176, 188, - 189, 266, 285, 301, 310, 311, 365, 366: _see_ Thomond - - Clare Castle, 365 - - -- Galway, 44 - - -- Island, 190 - - Clavijo, Don Bartholomeo Paez de, 402 - - Clear, Cape, 180, 181 - - Clement VIII. (Aldobrandini), Pope, 400 - - Clere, David, 463 - - Clew Bay, 20, 38, 44, 175, 189, 193 - - Clifford, Sir Conyers, Governor of Connaught, 276, 278, 279, 284-286, - 294, 301, 310, 311, 335, 336; - his defeat and death, 337; - his character, 388, 429, 432, 439 - - Clinton, Captain Thomas, 69, 71 - - Clogher, 263 - - Clones, 202, 234 - - Clonfert, 470 - - Clonlish, 89 - - Clonloan, 151 - - Clonmel, 41, 52, 107, 169, 325, 381, 400, 421 - - Clontubrid, 257 - - Cloyne, 95, 98, 107, 381: _see_ Bishops Lyon and Creagh - - Cobos, Alonso de, 268 - - Coimbra, 3 - - Coke, Sir Edward, 232 - - Coleraine, 130, 137-139, 187 - - Collins, Jesuit, 424: _see_ O'Colan - - Collooney, 154, 386 - - Colton, 269 - - Columba, or Columbkille, St., 130, 183 - - Comerford, Gerald, attorney-general of Connaught, afterwards Baron of - the Exchequer, 206, 215 - - Como, Cardinal, 116-119 - - Compostella, 472 - - Condon, Patrick, 85, 94, 101, 108, 112, 116, 307 - - Conn, Lough, 216 - - Conna, 327, 328 - - Connaught: _see_ under the several counties - - -- composition in, 147 - - Connello, 35, 377-379, 409 - - Connemara, 189 - - Constable, Captain, 290, 331 - - Contarini, Gaspar, 462 - - Conway, Chancellor of St. Patrick's, 133 - - -- Captain, 269 - - Coolmine, 133 - - Corcomroe Abbey and Barony, 311, 365 - - Cordova, Don Luis de, 176, 177, 192 - - Corgrage, 305 - - Corkaguiny, 42 - - Cork, 12, 26, 27, 33, 49, 55, 64, 72, 76, 77, 80, 84, 94, 102, 103, - 107, 126, 149, 169; - its condition when the Armada came, 172, 201, 249, 292, 305-307, - 312, 328, 361; - prefers agitators as mayors, 381, 391, 396, 398; - the Spaniards aim at it, 399-401, 407, 412, 415, 417, 419, 429; - called 'the best city,' 450, 457 - - Cork County, 35, 46, 55, 96, 104, 106, 108, 112, 141, 198, 199, 304, - 354, 406, 443 - - -- harbour, 119, 149; - story of Drake, 194, 399 - - -- Cloyne, and Ross, bishops of, 107, 463, 465: _see_ Lyon, Creagh, - Tanner, and MacEgan - - Cornwall, 106, 446 - - Corrib, Lough, 205 - - Corunna, 10, 39, 69, 77, 173, 183, 194, 399, 405, 424 - - Cosby, Francis, 61, 63 - - Cosby, Alexander, 272, 298, 302 - - Coshbride, 35 - - Courcey, Lord, 455: _see_ Lord Kinsale - - Courtenay, Thomas, 19-21 - - -- Sir William, 305 - - Cox, Seth, 331 - - Crawford, a Scot, 285 - - Creagh, Dermot, papal Bishop of Cork and Cloyne 1580 till after 1603, - 107, 309, 357, 465 - - Croft, Sir James, 472 - - Croghane, 301 - - Cromwell, Oliver, 326, 407 - - Croom, 328, 378, 409 - - Crumlin, 246 - - Cuellar, Captain Francisco de, 182-188, 216, 285, 450, 465 - - Cuffe, Henry, Essex's Secretary in Ireland, 369, 389 - - Culmore, 361, 377 - - Cumberland, 14 - - Curlew mountains, 154, 263, 336, 427, 429, 432, 443 - - Cusack, Robert, Baron of the Exchequer, 99 - - -- Edward, 99 - - -- John, 99-101 - - - Dalkey, 123 - - Daly, Daniel, 205 - - Daniel, William, Archbishop of Tuam from 1609, 473 - - Dantzig, 451 - - Danvers, Sir Charles, 369 - - -- Sir Henry, 328, 368, 393, 414, 439 - - Dartrey, 203 - - Davies, Sir John, 131, 453; - on the Irish Church, 469, 470 - - Davison, Secretary, 128 - - Decies, 39, 45, 56, 73, 169, 331 - - -- Viscount, 169: _see_ Sir James Fitzgerald of Decies - - Delahide, James, 144 - - -- Laurence, 144 - - De la Roche, a French naval adventurer, 3, 4, 12 - - Delvin, 370 - - -- Christopher Nugent, Baron of, 80-83, 91, 99, 116, 117, 159, 353, - 370 - - Den, James, 11 - - Denny, Sir Edward, 305, 378 - - -- Lady, 174 - - Derbyshire, recruiting there for Irish service, 248, 249 - - Dering, Captain, 55 - - Derninsh, 182 - - Derrinlaur, 325 - - Derry, 187, 296; - Docwra's settlement there, 362, 363, 375; - a hungry place, 434 - - -- County, 417 - - -- See of, 149, 459, 465: _see_ O'Gallagher - - Derryvillane, 305 - - Desmond, part of Kerry and Cork, 188, 420 - - -- Gerald Fitzgerald, 16th Earl of, 8, 12, 17, 19-22, chapters - xxxvii., xxxviii., and xxxix. _passim_, 118, 119, 142; - attainted, 150, 169, 170, 198, 256, 297, 302, 303, 360, 400, 433, - 443 - - -- Eleanor Butler, Countess of, wife of the foregoing, 17, 27, 42, 54, - 57, 68, 91, 95, 96, 105, 108, 116 - - Desmond, James, 17th and last Earl of, called the 'Queen's Earl,' son - of the two foregoing, 27, 96, 202, 364, 366; - his failure and death, 379-384, 390 - - -- Sir John Fitzgerald of, brother of the 16th Earl, 8; - murders Henry Davells, 21; - the Pope's general, 25-28, 30, 34, 48, 54-56, 65, 70, 71, 83, 91; - slain, 94; - attainted, 150 - - -- Sir James Fitzgerald of, brother of the foregoing, 20, 22, 27, 28, - 36, 48; - slain, 55, 70; - attainted, 150 - - -- Sir Thomas Roe Fitzgerald of, son of the 15th Earl by Catherine - Roche, 45, 89, 112, 199, 303, 304 - - -- the _Sugane_ Earl of, son of the foregoing: _see_ James Fitzthomas - - -- Sir Richard Preston created Earl of, by James I., 384 - - Deventer, 28; - conduct of Irish troops at, 161-163 - - Devil's Hook 204: and _see_ Richard Burke - - Devereux: _see_ Essex - - -- Lady Dorothy, 232 - - -- Lady Penelope: _see_ Rich - - Devon, Devonshire, 2, 20, 26, 28, 52, 106 - - Dillon, Sir Lucas, 157 - - -- Sir Robert, Chief Justice of, 100, 121, 204, 206-208 - - -- Theobald, 159, 166 - - Dingle, or Dingle-y-coosh, 11-13, 37, 41, 42, 47, 48, 68, 72, 78, 83, - 111, 113, 127, 137, 141, 420, 446 - - Dinish, 421 - - Disert, 65 - - Dobbyn, Patrick, 31 - - Docwra, Sir Henry, 320, 352, 355; - his settlement at Derry, 361-363, 365, 371, 373-377, 417, 427, 428, - 434, 436 - - Doddington, Captain, 423 - - Dominicans, 193, 207, 208 - - Donaghmoyne, 339 - - Donegal town and monastery, 197, 227, 263, 285, 376, 403, 428 - - -- County, 178, 189, 190, 193, 197, 216, 244, 279, 373, 417, 427: and - _see_ Tyrconnell - - Donellan, Nehemiah, Archbishop of Tuam, 1595-1609, 473 - - Donore, 388 - - Doria, 1 - - Douai, 461, 472 - - Douglas, Thomas, 436 - - Dowdall, Captain, 45 - - Down County, 141 - - Downpatrick, 141, 392, 455, 456 - - Down and Connor, Bishopric, 466, 468: _see_ Magrath and O'Devany - - Dowrough, James ne, 193 - - Drake, Sir Francis, 66, 75, 164, 172; - tradition of him at Cork, 194, 320 - - Draperstown, 443 - - Drogheda, 67, 117, 164, 192, 226, 322, 340, 342, 370, 391, 448, 466 - - Dromahaire, 184 - - Dromana, 39 - - Dromoland, 192 - - Dromore, Bishopric of, 459 - - Drumane, 244 - - Drumcliff, 183, 285 - - Drumcondra in Meath, 341 - - Drury, Sir William, Lord President of Munster, Lord Justice in 1579, - 3, 8-10, 12, 17, 20, 22; - last services and death, 25-27, 43 - - Dublin, social condition, 448-451; - early printers in, 472, 473 - - -- Archbishopric of: _see_ Loftus, Jones, and Oviedo - - -- University, 131-135, 459, 471, 472: _see_ Trinity College - - Duffry, 320 - - Duhallow, 101, 112 - - Duke, Davy, 163, 164 - - Duke, Sir Henry, 216, 244 - - Dunalong, 373 - - Dunanynie, 138 - - Dunbeg, 175, 188, 311 - - Dunboy, 406, 412, 413, 419; - siege of, 421-425 - - Dunboyne, Lord, 31, 45, 143, 384, 400 - - Duncannon, 330 - - Dundalk, 137, 171, 227, 228, 237, 252-254, 255, 261, 265-267, 270, - 291, 297, 344, 369, 371-373, 392, 393, 418 - - Dundee, Grahame of Claverhouse, Viscount, 301 - - Dungannon, 9, 171, 190, 197, 227, 235, 236, 243, 245, 254, 287, 359, - 394, 418, 434, 438 - - -- Barony of, 64, 129, 140, 170: _see_ Earl of Tyrone - - Dungarvan, 39, 328 - - Dunkellin, Barony in Galway, 104; - Lord, afterwards Earl of Clanricarde, 284: _see_ Clanricarde, - Richard, Earl of - - Dunloe, 49 - - Dunluce, 129, 130, 146, 150, 151, 180, 186, 189, 290 - - -- as a title, 291: _see_ James MacSorley MacDonnell - - Dunmanus Bay, 361 - - Dunmoylan, 305 - - Dunnemark, 419 - - Dunqueen, 308 - - Dursey Island, 12, 422 - - Dutch, 137, 145, 188 - - Dutton, Captain, 428 - - Dymmok, John, 287; - his 'Treatise of Ireland,' 323, 337, 449 - - - Edenduffcarrick, or Shane's Castle, 289 - - Edinburgh, 128, 289 - - Edward III., King, 165 - - Edward VI., King, 395; - his Irish Prayer-book, 472, 473 - - Egerton, Charles, 289, 290, 367 - - -- Sir Thomas, 231, 346 - - Elizabeth, Queen, her parsimony, 8; - treated as a usurper by the Popes, 13-16; - her feminine supremacy a continuation of Eve's heresy, 18, 25; - her supremacy scouted, 51; - has no wish to be an exterminator, 59, 74; - approves the Smerwick massacre, 75, 87, 91, 94-97; - gives Ormonde a free hand, 110-112; - makes no objection to O'Hurley's torture, 118, 123, 124, 129, - 135-137, 148, 151; - reported to be dying, 153; - cannot realise the Armada, 165, 167; - called a false siren, 193, 200; - her attitude to James VI., 216; - seems sorry for Perrott, 232; - her new way to pay old debts, 240, 243, 256; - unwilling to begin the Tyrone war, 259-263; - repudiates the dispensing power, 264, 273, 278, 280; - will not let knighthood be made cheap, 281, 286, 287; - her exhortation to Ormonde, 291; - reviles the Irish Council, 300; - Essex's only friend, 313; - boxes his ears, 314; - dances with him, 318; - her ideas about knighthood, 321; - her letters to Lady Norris, 288, 328; - criticises Essex, 333, 335; - blames Essex severely, 342, 343, 345; - her reception of Essex on his return, 346; - consults Raleigh, 351, 352; - cautions Mountjoy, 353; - her dislike to name a successor, 366, 373; - her hesitation about making a new Desmond, 380-382; - provides for the Desmond ladies, 384; - her letter to Mountjoy, 386, 389; - is persuaded to debase the coinage, 395; - deposed by three Popes, 400; - Spanish admiration of her, 410, 414; - gives audience at daybreak, 415; - her unwillingness to spare Tyrone, 433; - her attitude to James VI., 436; - her last offers to Tyrone, 437; - her death, with reflections, 439; - her regret for Essex, 454; - founds Trinity College, 470; - provides a printing-press with Irish types, 473; - her practical toleration while refusing to exercise a dispensing - power, 264, 474 - - Ellogh, 362 - - Elphin, 214 - - Ely O'Carroll, 352 - - Emden, 162 - - Emly, Bishop of, 468 - - Ennell, Lough, 388 - - Ennis, 311, 365 - - Enniskillen, 235, 244, 245; - its strategic importance, 286 - - Ennistymon, 311 - - Enriquez, Don Pedro, 411 - - Erne, Lough and River, 153, 154, 227, 234, 235, 245, 256, 276, - 284-286, 429, 447 - - Erris Head, 180 - - Esmond, Captain Laurence, 331 - - Essex, Robert, Earl of, Lord Lieutenant in 1599, 202, 203, 232, 248, - 251, 265, 275, 281-284, 288, 293-295, 310, 312; chapter xlviii. - _passim_, 351-353, 360, 368, 369, 378, 388-390, 394, 418, 439, 454 - - -- Frances Walsingham, Countess of, 454 - - Eustace, James: _see_ Viscount Baltinglas - - -- Edmund, brother of the foregoing, 91, 193 - - -- Walter, brother of the two foregoing, 91 - - -- a civilian, 81 - - -- Edward, 226 - - Eustaces, in rebellion, 323 - - Eve, a Devonshire man, 52 - - - Falmouth, 71 - - Falstaff, 249 - - Farnese, Alexander, 162, 174, 188 - - Farney, 201-203, 339, 390 - - Faroe Islands, 174 - - Fartullagh, 335 - - Faughard, 372 - - Feale River, 41, 42, 109 - - Fenit, 69 - - Fenton, Sir Geoffrey, Chief Secretary from 1581, 32, 57, 83; - hostile to Ormonde, 85; - his opinion of Grey, 97, 103, 104, 117; - his ideas about making Irish rebels devour each other, 103, 121, - 124, 132, 151, 157; - imprisoned by Perrott, 158, 181; - his account of the Armada, 188-190, 235; - in the North, 264-268, 275, 278, 295, 320, 380, 405; - his proposal about Scotch powder, 451; - his connection with Spenser, 457; - his version of Guicciardini, _ib._ - - -- Edward, brother of the foregoing, 46, 49 - - -- James, brother of the two foregoing, 95 - - Fergus River, 365 - - Feria, Duke of, 1 - - Fermanagh, 202, 227, 237, 244, 321, 468 - - Fermoy, 96, 328 - - Ferns, considered a county, 141 - - Ferrara, 3 - - Ferroll, 66 - - Ffrehan, John, M.P. for Philipstown, 141 - - Fingal, 319 - - Finisterre, Cape, 399 - - Finniterstown, 327 - - Fitton, Sir Edward, Vice-Treasurer in 1579, 10, 32 - - FitzEdmond, John, of Cloyne, a Fitzgerald, 95, 98, 381 - - Fitzgerald, Earls of Desmond: _see_ under Desmond - - Fitzgerald, Earls of Kildare: _see_ under Kildare - - Fitzgerald, Sir John and Sir James, brothers of Gerald, Earl of - Desmond: _see_ under Desmond - - Fitzgerald, Lady Margaret, daughter of Gerald, Earl of Desmond, - married to Dermot O'Connor, 360, 364, 366, 384 - - -- Lady Joan, sister of the foregoing, married to O'Sullivan Bere, 384 - - -- Lady Catherine, sister of the two foregoing, married to Lord Roche, - 384 - - Fitzgerald, Lady Ellen, sister of the three foregoing, married to Lord - Dunboyne, 384 - - -- Lady Ellice, sister of the four foregoing, married to Sir Valentine - Brown, 384 - - -- Sir Thomas Roe, half-brother of Gerald, Earl of Desmond, but - considered illegitimate: _see_ under Desmond - - -- James and John Fitzthomas, sons of the foregoing: _see_ under - Fitzthomas - - -- James Fitzjohn, cousin of Gerald, Earl of Desmond, 94 - - -- FitzEdmond: _see_ under John FitzEdmond and under Imokilly, - Seneschal of - - -- the White Knight, 326, 377 - - -- the Knight of Kerry, 48 - - -- William, brother of the foregoing, 112 - - -- the Knight of Glin, 36, 378 - - -- Sir James of Decies, 56, 73; - created a Viscount, 169: _see_ Decies - - -- Sir Piers Fitzjames, 246, 302 - - -- Walter Reagh and his brother Gerald, chiefs of the bastard Kildare - Geraldines, 168, 169, 246, 247, 272 - - Fitzgibbon or MacGibbon, Maurice, papal Archbishop of Cashel (died - 1578), 1, 5, 116 - - Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, James, at Rome, 3, 8; - in France and Spain, 10; - his rebellion, chapter xxxvi. _passim_, xxxvii. 28-31, 40, 45, 66, - 78, 94, 117, 150, 164, 165, 193, 312, 324 - - -- Maurice, son of the foregoing, 3 - - -- Thomas, Lord of Lixnaw and Kerry, 40, 41, 45, 47, 49, 56, 68, 95, - 101, 108, 112, 143, 406, 420, 443 - - -- Patrick, son and successor of the foregoing, 41, 47, 112, 222, 327 - - -- Lady Honora, 378: and _see_ O'Brien - - Fitzpatrick, Barnaby, Baron of Upper Ossory, 50, 84, 85 - - Fitzpatricks, 309 - - Fitzsimon, Henry, a Jesuit, 350 - - Fitzthomas Fitzgerald, James, son of Sir Thomas Roe Fitzgerald, called - the _Sugane_ Earl of Desmond, suspected by Raleigh, 199; - is made Earl of Desmond by Tyrone and destroys the Munster - settlement, 302-307, 312; - defies Essex, 327, 348, 352, 361; - has 1700 men under him, 363, 364, 366, 378; - his final defeat, 379, 383; - his capture and fate, 390-392; - Cecil's opinion of him, 398, 465 - - Fitzthomas Fitzgerald, John, brother of the foregoing, 303, 363, 391; - styled Earl of Desmond in Spain, 392 - - Fitzwilliam, Sir William, Lord-Deputy 1588-1594, 1, 167, 168, 171; - his administration, chapters xlii.-xliv. _passim_; - reflections upon it, 241, 242, 244, 245, 294, 391, 459 - - Flanders, 2, 13, 67, 145, 177 - - Fleet prison, 231 - - Flemings in Ireland, 10 - - Fleming, one, 94 - - -- John, 66, 67 - - Flemingstown, 305 - - Florence, Duke of, 3, 52 - - Florentines in Ireland, 74, 77 - - Flores in the Azores, 199 - - Florida, 1, 3 - - Flower, Captain, 361, 366, 378 - - Four Courts, 132 - - Fowle, Robert, 204 - - Foyle, Lough and River, 128, 187, 259, 300, 335, 339, 352, 353, 361, - 368, 373-375, 414, 447: _see_ Derry and Docwra - - Foynes, 305 - - France, the French, 3, 4, 10, 11, 13, 36, 77, 145, 200, 331, 414, 424, - 435, 474 - - Francesqui, Giacomo de, 162: _see_ Jacques. - - Franciscans, 193, 217, 285 - - Francke, John, 473 - - Frenchmen in Ireland, 2, 10, 20, 183 - - Frobisher, 66, 78 - - Fuller, Thomas, 1 - - Fullerton, James, 471, 472 - - - Galbally, 401 - - Galicia, 425 - - Gallagher, Bishop, 464: _see_ O'Gallagher - - Gallen, 137 - - Galty mountains, 442, 444 - - Galway, 11, 76, 77, 79, 93, 103, 151, 152, 156, 157, 161, 175, 177, - 209, 215, 260, 269, 271, 279, 285, 396, 398, 427, 433, 452 - - Galway County, 140, 152, 176, 205, 263, 403, 431 - - Gara, Lough, 154 - - Gardiner, Sir Robert, Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, from 1586, - 160, 198, 237; - his partiality to Tyrone, 260, 261; - out of favour with the Queen, 263, 264; - Lord Justice, 291, 300 - - Garvey, John, Bishop of Kilmore 1585; - translated to Armagh in 1589, 204, 206-208, 210, 466 - - Gascony, 448 - - Gaval-Rannall, 275: _see_ O'Byrne, Feagh MacHugh - - Genoese in Ireland, 77, 174 - - Gent, Thomas, Baron of the Exchequer in England, 198 - - Geraldines, in Munster, 5, 7, 19, 40, 50, 86, 103, 193, 308, 331, 332 - - -- in Leinster, 348 - - -- bastard, in Leinster, 168, 246, 247, 265, 272, 323: _see_ - Fitzgerald, Walter Reagh. - - Germans in Ireland, 144, 145, 452 - - Gerrard, or Gerard, Sir William, Lord Chancellor, 26, 32, 59, 60, - 81-83, 100 - - -- Sir Thomas, 346 - - Ghent, 145, 413 - - Giacomo: _see_ Buoncompagno - - Giants' Causeway, 172, 180 - - Gifford, Captain, 301 - - Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 13, 33, 86, 88 - - Gill, Lough, 184, 214 - - Glanageenty, 113-115, 379, 443 - - Glandore, 361 - - Glanworth, 328, 400 - - Glasgow, 216, 451 - - Glenarm, 138, 290 - - Glenconkein, 130, 131, 418, 432, 443 - - Glenflesk, 47, 49, 443 - - Glengariffe, 420, 430-432, 443 - - Glenmalure, great disaster there, 61, 64, 97, 106, 226, 227, 387, 443 - - Glin, Knight of, 36, 41, 378, 443: _see_ Fitzgerald - - Glynns, The, in Antrim, 151, 153 - - Godolphin, Sir William, 411, 438 - - Golde, James, Attorney-General, in Munster, afterwards Justice there, - 13, 305, 320 - - Golden, 303, 326 - - Golding family, 48 - - Gormanston, Preston, Viscount, 60, 67, 68 - - Gort, 365, 366 - - Gortnaclea, 357 - - Gough, Edward, 309 - - Gowrie, 128 - - Grace, Piers, 45, 57, 70, 116 - - Granvela, Cardinal, 165, 180 - - Greame, Captain Richard, 379, 382 - - Greeks in the Armada, 180, 181 - - Greencastle, 320, 373 - - Gregory XIII., Pope 1572-1585, (Buoncompagno) employs Stukeley, 2; - patronises James Fitzmaurice, 4; - arms the Italian brigands against Elizabeth, 5-8; - sends Fitzmaurice to Ireland, 10-12; - his commission, 16, 38, 51, 116; - has no money for Irishmen, 117; - exercises the deposing power, 400, 468: _see_ Buoncompagno - - Grenville, Sir Richard, 199 - - Grey de Wilton, Arthur Lord, 54, 58; - his viceroyalty, 59-99 _passim_, 116, 353; - introduces coaches, 442 - - -- Thomas, Lord, succeeded his father (the foregoing) in 1593, 323, - 346, 352 - - Grosvenor, William, 248 - - Guicciardini, 447, 457 - - Gur, Lough, 114, 377 - - - Hag's Castle, 151, 153 - - Hall, William, 67 - - Hally family, 48 - - Hamilton, James, created Lord Clandeboye, 471, 472 - - Hampton, Christopher, Archbishop of Armagh from 1613, 466 - - Harborn, William, 321 - - Harlem, 76 - - Harrington, or Harington, Sir Henry, Seneschal of Wicklow, 8, 144, 247 - his defeat near Wicklow, 328, 329, 332, 337 - - -- Sir John, author of _Nugæ Antiquæ_, &c. cousin of the foregoing, - 323, 324, 326, 327, 330, 331, 335, 337; - his account of Tyrone at home, 344 - - Harvey, Captain Roger, 414, 429 - - Harwich, 71 - - Hatton, Sir Christopher, 202, 232 - - Hawkins, Sir Henry, 66 - - Heath, Captain, 276 - - Hebrides, Hebrideans, 43, 129, 138 - - Helbry Island, 319 - - Hely, Archbishop: _see_ O'Hely - - Heneage, Sir Thomas, 448 - - Henry V., King, 144, 320 - - Henry VIII., King, 18, 20, 110, 147, 166, 221, 232, 314, 398, 432 - - -- III., King of France, 4 - - Henry IV., King of France, 250, 474 - - Henry, Cardinal of Portugal, 8 - - Henshaw, Captain, 276 - - Herbert, Sir William, 305, 378 - - -- Sir Edward, 244 - - Heywood, John, 453 - - Hill, Moses, 290 - - Hogan, Edmund, 7 - - -- Vicar Apostolic, 350 - - Holland, Hollanders, 44, 52, 166, 167 - - -- Irish soldiers in, 161-163 - - Hollingsworth, Captain, 44 - - Holy Cross Abbey, 23, 312, 353 - - Holyhead, 25, 139, 242 - - Honora, 357 - - Honorius, 232 - - Hooker, or Hooker-Vowell, John, the chronicler, 20, 23, 29, 56, 61, - 63, 72, 75 - - -- Richard, author of _Ecclesiastical Polity_, 471 - - Hopton, Lieutenant of the Tower, 232 - - Horgett family, 48 - - Hovenden or Ovington, Henry, Tyrone's secretary, 190-192, 267, 268, - 341, 342 - - Hovenden, Richard, brother of the foregoing, 190-192 - - Howard, Lord, of Effingham: _see_ Nottingham - - Howth, 353: _see_ St. Lawrence - - Hunsdon, Lord, 23 - - Hurley, Thomas, 141 - - Hyde, Arthur, 199, 305, 306 - - - Ibane, 360 - - Idrone, 6 - - Ijssel, 162 - - Ikerrin, 403 - - Ilfracombe, 26 - - Imokilly, John FitzEdmond Fitzgerald, Seneschal of, 33, 34, 55, 56, - 85, 94, 96, 102, 105, 107, 108, 112, 116; - his death, 222; - his successor appointed by the Sugane Earl of Desmond, 306 - - Inchiquin, Barony, 311 - - -- Murrogh O'Brien, 4th Baron of, 285 - - Indies, 2 - - Ineen Duive, or Black Agnes: _see_ MacDonnell - - Inglefield, Sir Francis, 77 - - Inistioge, 141 - - Inniscarra, 354 - - Innisfallen, 49 - - Innishannon, 409 - - Innishowen, 153, 189, 190 - - Inquisition, the, 2, 6, 7, 117 - - Iraghticonnor, 443 - - Ireland, a Spanish duchy, 1, 3 - - Isla, 128 - - Island Magee, 290 - - Italians in Ireland, 5, 7, 69-77, 162, 174, 191, 423 - - Italy, Italians, 5, 7, 36, 100, 145, 177, 423 - - Iveragh, 423 - - - Jacques, Captain or Lieutenant, Giacomo de Francesqui, so called, 159, - 162 - - James, a Protestant clergyman, 272 - - James, King, 6th of Scotland and 1st of England, 129, 137, 146, 150, - 151, 153; - gives O'Rourke up to England, 216; - knights James MacDonnell, 289; - his relations with Essex, 366-368; - creates a new Desmond, 384, 426; - his relations with Tyrone and with Elizabeth 435, 436; - proclaimed in Dublin, 439, 449; - his secret agents in Ireland, 471 - - James II., King, the dispensing power, 264; - the brass money, 395, 396 - - Jehangir, 44 - - Jennings, Captain, 327 - - Jephson, Captain, 456 - - Jersey, 11, 12 - - Jesuits in Ireland, 4; - keep a school at Youghal, 33, 69, 163, 193; - very numerous, 245; - boast of their success, 349, 355; - their energy, 462 - - Jews, 16 - - Jones, Thomas, Dean of St. Patrick's 1581, Bishop of Meath 1584, - Archbishop of Dublin 1605, 125, 132; - what Swift said about him, 133; - a special commissioner in Connaught, 203, 204, 206-208; - rebuked by Walsingham, 209, 211, 212; - marries Tyrone to Mabel Bagenal, 224, 225; - Perrott's enemies seek him, 229, 292; - preaches before Essex, 322; - his notes on abuses in the Church, 469, 470, 474, 476 - - Jones, Sir Henry, 123 - - Joyce family, 152, 204 - - Julian, Captain, 42, 43 - - - Kanturk, 49 - - Kavanagh, clan, 135, 246, 297, 309, 443 - - -- Art, 223 - - -- Brian MacDonogh, 356 - - -- Donnell Spaniagh, 323, 331, 371 - - Kearney, Patrick, M.P. for Cashel, 141 - - -- John, 473 - - -- William, 255, 473 - - Keate, a settler in Munster, 198 - - Kells, in Meath, 257, 279, 339, 340 - - -- in Antrim, 137 - - Kenmare Bay, 36 - - Kenry, 36, 126, 127: _see_ Pallaskenry - - Kerry, Fitzmaurice's descent in, 12, 20, 31, 41, 47, 57, 66, 68; - Spanish descent in, 69, 70, 78, 95, 96, 108-112; - considered as safe as Middlesex, 169; - the Armada on the coast, 172, 173, 188, 198; - flight of English settlers from, 305, 378, 379, 406; - its pacification by Carew, 420; - strongholds there, 443 - - -- Knight of, 48, 420 - - -- cattle, 446 - - Key, or Cè, Lough, 338 - - Kilbritain, 455 - - Kilcolman, granted to Spenser, 198, 199, 292; - sacked and burned, 304, 457 - - Kilcommon, in Wicklow, 137 - - Kilcornan, in Limerick, 272 - - Kilcrea, 430 - - Kilcullen, 323 - - Kildare, 388 - - -- County, 102, 323, 370 - - -- Gerald Fitzgerald, eleventh Earl of, 19, 26, 29, 53, 54; - in charge of the Pale, 80-82; - a prisoner, 83; - his intrigue with the Pope, 117, 134; - dies in London, 140 - - Kildare, Henry, twelfth Earl of, son of the foregoing, 246; - dies in Ulster, 286 - - -- William, thirteenth Earl of, brother of the foregoing, drowned in - the Channel, 319 - - -- Gerald, fourteenth Earl of, (descendant of the ninth Earl), 335, - 348 - - Kilkenny, 8, 29, 38, 72, 87, 113, 141, 309, 310, 305, 319, 399, 416 - - -- County, 166, 307 - - Killala, Donough O'Gallagher, Papal bishop of, 18 - - Killaloe, Cornelius O'Mulrian, Papal bishop of, 6, 10, 18, 69, 90, 462 - - -- rival bishops of, 459 - - Killarney, 49, 384, 443 - - Killilagh, 175 - - Killybegs, 178, 189, 376 - - Kilmacduagh, 79 - - Kilmakilloge, 421 - - Kilmallock, 24, 26, 27, 39, 43, 46, 56, 58, 107, 108, 141, 169, 307, - 365, 366, 377, 379; - strange scene there, 383 - - Kilmore, Bishop of, 204: _see_ Garvey - - Kiltinan, 400 - - Kinel-Connell (tribe name of the O'Donnells), 408 - - -- Owen (tribe name of the O'Neills), 408 - - King's County, 166, 263; - dialogue on its condition, 302, 323, 370, 403, 443 - - Kinsale, 19, 32, 72, 112, 149, 361, 381; - siege of, 398-413; - reflections on it, 414, 417, 419, 465 - - -- De Courcey, Baron of, 112, 455 - - Kinsella (tribe name of the Kavanaghs, &c.), 6 - - Kirton, Lieutenant Francis, 423 - - Knockacroghery, 175 - - Knockfime, 175 - - Knockgraffon, 96 - - Knock Robin, 401 - - Knockvicar, 431, 432 - - Knollys, Sir William, 314, 315 - - Knolt family, 48 - - - Lacy, Piers, 302, 306, 378, 393 - - Lagan River, at Belfast, 289 - - -- -- in Monaghan, 340 - - Lambert, Sir Oliver, 427 - - Lancashire, 14, 106, 466, 475 - - Lane, one, 275 - - Larne, 151 - - Lasso, Rodrigo de, 192 - - Latin, 456 - - Laud, Archbishop, 390, 445 - - Latwar, Rev. Dr., 392 - - League, the, 424 - - Leane, Lough, Killarney, 49 - - Lecale, 418 - - Lee River, 354 - - Lee, Henry, 367 - - -- Captain Thomas, 168, 197, 238, 239, 244, 265, 275, 324 - - Legge, Robert, 197 - - Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of, 87, 121, 153, 161, 162, 167, 208, - 317 - - Leighlin, or Leighlin Bridge, 8, 39, 135 - - -- See of: _see_ Meredith - - Leinster, a Spanish duchy or marquisate, 1, 6 - - Leitrim County, 34, 216, 279, 423, 443 - - Leitrim Castle, 63, 79, 432 - - -- Barony of, in Co. Galway, 104, 119, 120: _see_ Burke, Sir John - Shamrock - - Leix, 334, 348, 357 - - Lennox, Duke of, 436 - - Leo X., Pope, 51 - - Leonard, Margaret, 230 - - Lepanto, 2 - - Le Strange, Sir Thomas, 166, 204 - - Levant, the, 2 - - Leveson, Admiral Sir Richard, 402, 404, 405, 417 - - Leyva, Alonso de Leyva, 177-180, 194, 204 - - Liffey River, 61, 132, 226, 323, 369 - - Lifford, 137, 375, 376 - - Limerick, 12, 22, 23, 26-28, 30, 41, 44, 45, 50, 54, 56, 72, 76, 77, - 83, 107, 126, 127, 149, 165, 172, 199, 217, 287, 306, 311, 327, - 377, 381, 398 - - -- County, 46, 68, 70, 72, 104, 106, 108, 111, 141, 198, 302, 305, - 404, 443 - - Lisbon, 6, 11, 183, 194, 399, 472 - - Liscahan, 378 - - Liscannor, 175 - - Liscarroll, 430 - - Lisdoonvarna, 175 - - Lisfinnen, 35 - - Lismore, 39, 327, 379 - - Lismore diocese: _see_ Magrath - - Listowel, 41 - - Littleton, 381 - - Liverpool, 451 - - Lixnaw Castle, 378, 420 - - Lixnaw, Baron of: _see_ Thomas, Lord Fitzmaurice - - Loftus, Adam, Archbishop of Dublin, Lord Keeper in 1579 and from 1581 - to 1603, Lord Chancellor after that, ... Lord Justice 1582, 1597, - and 1599; ... 51, 53, 60, 82, 92, 97; - willing to pardon Desmond, 104, 116, 120-122; - on bad terms with Perrott, 124, 125; - his dispute with Perrott about St. Patrick's, 133-135; - his influence on legislation, 142, 143, 146; - his enmity to Perrott, 157-159; - accused of corruption, 197; - his connection with Bishop Jones, 212, 217; - his contribution to Perrott's ruin, 229, 237; - Lord Justice, 291, 300, 345, 466; - first provost of Trinity College, 470, 471, 474, 476 - - -- Captain Adam, son of the foregoing, 330, 332 - - Lombard, Peter, titular Primate 1601-1625, 459 - - London aldermen, as a standard to compare soldiers by, 40 - - London Bridge, 114 - - Londonderry, siege of, 414 - - -- County, 130, 434, 443 - - Long, John, Archbishop of Armagh, 125, 457, 466-468 - - Longford County, 141, 323 - - -- Barony, in Galway, 104 - - Loop Head, 175 - - Lope de Vega, 193 - - Loughrea, Castle and Barony of, 79, 104, 365 - - Loughros Bay, 178, 189 - - Louth County, 323, 370 - - -- Mills of, 340 - - Louvain, 116, 461, 472 - - Love, Captain, 399 - - Loyola, 462 - - Lucas, a pet name for Ormonde, 52 - - Lugnaquilla mountain, 61 - - Lutherans, 184, 192 - - Luzon, Don Alonso de, 187, 191, 192 - - -- Don Diego de, 192 - - Lynch, William, 474 - - Lyon, William, Bishop of Ross 1582, and of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross - 1586-1617, describes military abuses, 102; - praised by Bramhall, 463, 464 - - - Macauliffe, 47, 49, 112 - - MacBaron, Sir Cormac O'Neill: _see_ O'Neill - - MacBrien (O'Goonagh), 23 - - -- Grace, 96 - - MacCarthy, Florence, 85, 163; - his importance, 201; - the Queen's gift to him, 240, 293; - his notions of loyalty, 360, 361, 363, 378, 402, 420, 426 - - -- Donnell, Clancare's natural son, 201, 241 - - -- Donnell na Pipy, 56 - - -- Reagh, chief of Carbery, 56, 112, 201, 420, 455 - - -- Sir Cormac MacDermot, 112, 328, 406, 429, 430 - - -- Sir Cormac MacTeigue, 45, 46, 55 - - -- More, 49, 200, 201 - - -- MacCarthies, 47, 292, 293, 327, 398 - - -- MacDonogh, chief of Duhallow, 101, 112 - - -- Dermot Moyle, 420 - - -- Dermot, called Don Dermutio by the Spaniards, 402 - - -- Lady Ellen, married to Florence MacCarthy, 200: _see_ Clancare. - - MacClancy, MacGlannahie, Manglana, 184-186, 191, 216 - - MacCoghlans, 92, 263 - - MacCowlie, MacCoolie: _see_ MacMahon - - MacCragh, Donogh, 112 - - MacDermot, of Moyling, in Roscommon, 263, 337, 365, 403 - - MacDevitt, a sept of O'Dogherties, Hugh Boy, Phelim Reagh, 377 - - MacDonnell, Sorley boy, 10, 64, 130, 138-140, 150; - comes to terms with the Queen, 151, 180, 435 - - -- Alaster MacSorley, eldest son of the foregoing, 150, 151, 289 - - -- Donnell MacSorley, brother of the foregoing, 289 - - -- James MacSorley, brother of the two foregoing, 289, 290; - called 'Dunluce,' 291 - - -- Randal MacSorley, first Earl of Antrim, brother of the three - foregoing, 289, 290, 394, 406, 436 - - MacDonnell, Alaster and Angus, nephews to Sorley Boy, 138, 151, 153 - - -- Donnell Gorme, 130, 136, 153 - - -- Ineen Duive, or Black Agnes, mother of Hugh Roe O'Donnell, wife of - Sir Hugh O'Donnell, 171, 190, 196, 221, 222: _see_ O'Donnell - - -- Ustian, 129, 130, 203 - - MacDonnells, 18, 128, 138-140, 192 - - MacDonogh, 49 - - MacDonogh MacCarthy, 101, 112 - - MacEgan, Owen, sometimes called Bishop of Ross, the Pope's vicar in - Munster, 422, 425, 429, 464, 465 - - MacFynyn, a leader of Munster kerne, 49, 112 - - MacGawran, Edmund, titular Primate of all Ireland, 1587-1593; - slain 233, 234, 243, 465 - - MacGeohegan, Ross, 65 - - -- Brian, half-brother of the foregoing, 65 - - -- Richard, 421, 423 - - MacGeohegan's castle, 388 - - MacGibbons, 47: _see_ Fitzgibbon. - - MacGrath and Creagh, or MacCraghe, Bishop Dermot, 465: _see_ Creagh - - Machary, James, 194 - - MacHugh, Feagh: _see_ O'Byrne - - MacKenna, 203, 227, 228: _see_ Trough - - Mackworth, Captain, 75, 76, 194, 354 - - Macleans, 128, 129 - - MacMahon, Sir Ross, chief of Monaghan, 202 - - -- Hugh Roe, brother of the foregoing, 202 - - -- Brian MacHugh Oge, 202, 203, 239, 407 - - -- Ever MacCoolie, 203, 341, 390 - - -- Teig, of Co. Clare, 311 - - MacMahons, of Co. Monaghan, 234, 247, 261, 262, 352, 406 - - MacMorris, 48 - - MacMurrough, Dermot, 470 - - Macroom, 55, 430 - - MacQuillins, 130 - - MacShanes, sons of Shane O'Neill, 9: and _see_ O'Neill - - MacShane, Morris, not an O'Neill, 199 - - MacSheehys, Sheehys, Clan Sheehy. Desmond gallowglasses, 29, 112, 271, - 278, 292 - - MacSheehy, Rory, a leader of the foregoing, 55 - - MacSwiney Banagh, 179 - - -- Fanad, 221, 223, 253 - - -- Sir John, 337 - - -- Goran, 112, 113 - - -- Maelmory, 374 - - MacSwineys, 112, 179, 190, 216 - - MacThomas, Gerald, called Toneboyreagh, 108 - - MacWalter, Callogh: _see_ O'More - - MacWilliam Iochtar, Irish title given to the chief of the Lower or - Mayo Burkes, 44, 79, 92, 93, 152, 157, 205, 207, 208, 215, 260, - 263, 279, 300, 365: _see_ Richard and William Burke - - Madrid, 10 - - Magennis, Sir Hugh, chief of Iveagh in Down, 64, 130; - M.P. for Down, 141, 239; - his eldest son married to Tyrone's daughter, 239, and 456, 341, 392 - - -- Lady Sara: _see_ O'Neill - - Magnylson, Tirlogh, 428 - - Magrath, Miler, Archbishop of Cashel and Bishop of Emly, (1571-1622); - Bishop of Waterford and Lismore (1582-1589; and 1592-1608) &c. 217; - Tyrone's attitude to him, 311, 312, 364; - accompanies Desmond to Ireland, 381, 383; - his many misdeeds, 462, 463, 468, 469: and _see_ Index to Vol. II. - - -- Bishop Dermot: _see_ Creagh - - -- Eugene, 359 - - Maguire, Cuconnaught, chief of Fermanagh, 146, 154, 202 - - -- Hugh, son and successor of the foregoing, married to Tyrone's - daughter, 202, 219, 220, 227; - in rebellion, 233, 237, 239, 249; - takes Enniskillen, 252, 261, 262, 266, 276, 285, 298; - in Clare, 311, 341; - slain near Cork, 354, 454 - - -- successor of the foregoing, 454 - - -- or Gwire, Thomas, M.P. for Trim, 141; - - Mahomet, 184 - - Maigue River, 28, 36, 45-47, 327, 410 - - Mainwaring, Mr., 305 - - Mal Bay, 175 - - Malin Head, 179 - - Mallow, 49, 50, 288, 305, 307, 328, 382, 383, 409, 443 - - Maltby, Sir Nicholas, Governor of Connaught, 20, 22, 23, 26, 28; - on bad terms with Ormonde, 29, 31, 33, 36, 41; - his severity in Connaught, 43, 44, 63-65, 79, 81, 87, 92; - hangs Clanricarde's son, 93, 103, 104, 204 - - Mangerton, 420 - - Manners, John, of Haddon, 248, 249, 251 - - -- George, 250, 251 - - Manrique, Don Francisco, 180 - - Markethill, 257 - - Markham, Sir Griffin, 337 - - Marshalsea, 231 - - Marward, Janet, married to William Nugent, 100, 101 - - Mary, Queen of England, 395, 466 - - -- -- of Scots, 3, 6, 129 - - Maryborough, 39, 65, 141, 310, 334, 370, 443 - - Mask, Lough, 159 - - Maugherie, 234 - - Maunsell, Captain Rice, 289, 290 - - Mayo, 93, 137, 140, 152-154, 177, 204-216, 260, 305, 311 - - Meade, or Miagh, John, 141; - Mayor of Cork, 381, 382, 384 - - Meath, 226, 319, 323, 370, 408 - - -- Bishop of: _see_ Jones - - Medici, Catherine de, 3, 11 - - -- the, 462 - - Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 173, 174, 176, 178, 182, 188, 192 - - -- -- Duchess of, 178 - - Meelick, 137 - - Mellifont, 226, 438 - - Melville, Andrew, 471 - - Melvin, Lough, 184, 244 - - Mendoza, Don Pedro de, 176 - - Mercoeur, Duke de, 424 - - Mercurian, Everard, General of the Jesuits, 4 - - Meredith, Richard, Bishop of Leighlin, 229-231 - - Merriman, Captain Nicholas, 180, 248 - - Miagh: _see_ Meade - - Milan, 77, 177 - - Milborne, a serjeant, 275 - - Middlesex, 169 - - Middleton, Marmaduke, Bishop of Waterford, 462, 463 - - Midleton, 85 - - Miltown Malbay, 175, 192 - - Mitchelstown, 391 - - Mizen Head, 42 - - Moile, Henry, 85 - - Monaghan, 202, 228, 234, 237, 252, 254, 262, 418 - - Monaghan County, 201, 202, 340, 390 - - Monasterevan, 370, 387, 388, 443 - - Monasternenagh, 28 - - Moncada, Hugo de, 178 - - Money, 247 - - Montague, Captain Charles, 299, 300, 329, 330 - - Montrose, James Grahame, Marquis of, 307 - - Moore, Colonel George, 61, 63 - - -- Sir Edward, 226, 245 - - -- -- Garret, 438 - - -- -- Thomas, 302 - - -- Neale, 371 - - Mordaunt, Captain Nicholas, 214 - - Morgan, Sir William, 84 - - Morocco, 7 - - Moryson, Sir Richard, 371, 373, 456 - - -- Fynes, the historian, brother of the foregoing, Mountjoy's - secretary, 369, 372, 373, 386, 412, 438, 439, 450, 452, 453 - - Mostyn, Captain, 269 - - Mountgarret, Edmund Butler, second Viscount, 31, 124 - - -- Richard Butler, third Viscount, son of the foregoing, 308, 323, - 324, 333, 465 - - Mountjoy, Charles Blount, Lord, Lord Deputy, 1600, 315, 318, chaps. - 49-52 _passim_, 450, 452 - - -- Fort, 439 - - Mount Norris, 372, 418 - - Moy River, 93, 155 - - Moydrum, 403 - - Moyry Pass, 250, 363, 369, 372, 392 - - Mucross, 420 - - Mulkear River, 410 - - Mullaghcarne mountains, 170 - - Mullet, the, 181 - - Mullingar, 141, 156, 244, 388 - - Munster Presidency, 58, 87 - - Murrows, 87 - - Muskerry, 55, 406 - - - Naas, 60, 357, 371 - - Nangle, Friar, 301, 344 - - Nantes, 474 - - Naples, 191 - - Narrow Water, 64, 320, 372 - - Naunton, Sir Robert, 232 - - Navan, 329, 370 - - Neagh, Lough, 64, 131, 220, 266, 289, 418, 434 - - Neale, the, 204 - - Nelson, 66 - - Nephin, 215 - - Netherlands, 2, 3, 25, 27, 58, 143, 145; - Irish troops in, 161-163, 194 - - Netterville, Richard, 143 - - Newcastle, in Limerick, 35, 305 - - -- in Wicklow, 60 - - New Forest, 131 - - Newfoundland, 69 - - Newman, Darby, 236 - - Newrath, 340 - - New Ross: _see_ Ross - - Newry, 128, 129, 137, 236, 238, 252-256, 261, 262, 277, 283, 287, 297, - 300, 323, 362, 363, 369, 371, 372, 418, 456 - - Newtown Stewart, 376, 427 - - Norris, Lord, of Rycot, 124, 328 - - -- Lady, wife of the foregoing, called 'my own crow' by Queen - Elizabeth, 288, 328 - - -- Sir John, son of the two foregoing, Lord President of Munster, 124, - 126-128; - in Ulster, 130, 131, 135, 138-140; - M.P. for co. Cork, 141; - his eloquence, 145; - in Flanders, 146; - slighted by Leicester, 162; - recommends Irish soldiers for a descent on Spain, 194, 247; - Lord General in Ireland, 251, 252, 254; - disagrees with Russell, 255, 256; - wounded in Armagh, 257, 259, 260, 263-271, 275; - his quarrel with Russell, 276, 277-279; - his relations with Lord Burgh, 282; - retires to Munster, 287; - his death, 288, 294, 314, 320, 330, 344, 372, 439 - - -- -- Thomas, brother of the foregoing and his Vice-president, Lord - President after his death, 127, 141, 145, 174, 200, 217, 257, 288, - 291, 293, 302, 304, 305, 307, 308, 310, 312; - his death, 326, 328, 333, 363, 439; - hears Spenser read his great poem, 457 - - -- -- Henry, brother of the two foregoing, 257, 259, 327; - slain, 328, 439 - - -- Lady, of Mallow, widow of Sir Thomas, 382 - - Northumberland, County of, 1 - - Norway, 174 - - Nottingham, Lord Howard of Effingham, afterwards Earl of, Lord - Admiral, 180, 315, 388 - - Nugent, William, 91, 92, 99, 100, 119, 209 - - Nugent, Sir Nicholas, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, executed, 99, - 100 - - -- John, 363 - - -- Janet: _see_ Marward - - - O'Boyle, Niel, Bishop of Raphoe by papal provision, 1591-1611, 285 - - O'Brien: _see_ Thomond and Inchiquin - - -- Sir Tirlogh, of Ennistymon, 141, 147, 311 - - -- Teig, Thomond's brother, calling himself 'the O'Brien,' 301, 310, - 311 - - -- Donnell, brother of the foregoing, 310, 311 - - -- Tirlogh, 93 - - -- Lady Honora, Thomond's sister, married to Lord Fitzmaurice, _q. v._ - - O'Briens, the, 151, 285 - - O'Byrne, Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne, chief of the sept called - Gavel-Rannall, 8, 53, 59, 60, 91, 135, 136, 164, 168, 223, 226, - 239; - hunted by Russell, 246; - in league with Tyrone, 247, 261; - retakes Ballinacor, 274; - is killed, 275; - his head in England, _ib._, 280, 284, 323, 387, 443 - - -- Cahir MacHugh, brother of the foregoing, 303, 307 - - -- Phelim MacFeagh, Feagh MacHugh's son, 331, 387 - - O'Byrnes, the, 51, 57, 88, 323, 329 - - O'Cahan, O'Cahans, in the present county of Londonderry, 129, 146, - 186, 187, 219, 362, 363, 373, 374, 428, 434 - - -- Rory, 374 - - O'Callaghan, seated in Duhallow, co. Cork, 47, 49, 112 - - O'Carroll, O'Carrolls, 309, 323, 352 - - O'Colan, Dominick, 423, 424, 462 - - O'Connor, Brian MacGilpatrick, Teig MacGilpatrick, Connor MacCormac, - Morrogh ne Cogge, all of Offaly, 121, 122 - - -- Roe, in Roscommon, 363, 365 - - -- Sligo, Sir Donnell, 43, 60, 147, 208 - - -- Cahil Oge, brother of the foregoing, 208 - - -- Sligo, Donough, son of Cahil, 208, 209, 279, 284, 336, 338, 365, - 384, 427, 429, 432 - - O'Connor, Kerry, 378, 406, 431, 443 - - -- Eugene, Bishop of Killala (not Killaloe), 459 - - -- Dermot, leader of free companions, 360, 364, 366, 383, 384 - - O'Connors of Offaly, 8, 65, 76, 82, 92, 121, 122, 136, 194, 301, 323, - 370 - - -- in Connaught, 191, 269, 406 - - O'Crean, John, 214 - - O'Cullen, Piers, 259 - - O'Daly, Geraldine historian, 7 - - -- bard in Munster, 419 - - O'Dempsey, Sir Terence, 357, 358 - - O'Devany, Cornelius, Papal Bishop of Down and Connor, 1582-1612, 466 - - O'Dogherty, Sir John, chief of Innishowen, 153, 191, 196, 197, 261, - 268, 301, 321, 362, 365 - - -- Cahir, son of the foregoing, 377 - - O'Dogherties, 363, 373, 434 - - O'Donnell, Sir Hugh, chief of Tyrconnell, 10, 19, 60, 63, 64, 171, - 190, 219, 221; - resigns in his son's favour, 227 - - -- Hugh Roe, son and successor of the foregoing, 171, 196, 197; - kidnapped by Perrott, 221; - his first escape, 222; - his second and final escape, 226; - installed as O'Donnell, 227, 233, 235-237; - married to Tyrone's daughter, 239; - promises help to O'Byrne, 247, 253; - very strong in Connaught, 260-262; - receives Spanish aid, 268, 269, 271, 275, 276, 278, 279, 284, 285; - at the Yellow Ford, 298, 299, 301; - in Clare, 310, 311; - overthrows Clifford, 336-338, 348, 363; - harries Clare, 365, 371, 374; - his last effort at Lough Foyle, 375; - has help from Spain, 376, 384, 400; - at Kinsale, 403-407; - flies to Spain, 409, 411, 412; - his death and character, 424-426, 427, 432 - - -- Rory, brother and successor of Hugh Roe, afterwards Earl of - Tyrconnell, 409, 425-427, 429, 432, 447 - - -- Nuala, sister of Hugh Roe and married to Nial Garv, 375 - - -- Donnell, elder half-brother of Hugh Roe, and married to a daughter - of Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill, 197, 221, 222 - - -- Calvagh, former chief of Tyrconnell, 221, 375 - - O'Donnell, Con, son of Calvagh, 22, (d. 1583) - - -- Hugh, son of Calvagh, 171 - - -- Nial Garv, grandson of Calvagh, 221, 365, 375-377, 427 - - -- Hugh, grandson of Calvagh, and brother of the foregoing, 376 - - -- Donnell, brother of the foregoing, 376 - - -- Con, brother of the three foregoing, 376 - - -- Hugh Duff, descendants of, 221 - - -- Ineen Duive MacDonnell, wife of Sir Hugh and mother of Hugh Roe: - _see_ MacDonnell - - -- 128, 190 - Tyrone's second wife, 223, 285, 374 - - O'Donoghue, More, 47, 112 - - -- of Glenflesk, 49 - - O'Donovans, 464 - - O'Dooleys, 335 - - O'Dowds, 191 - - O'Doyne, 8 - - O'Driscoll, Sir Fineen, 406 - - -- Dermot, 431 - - O'Driscolls, 413, 419, 431, 447 - - O'Feighy, Thomas, 391 - - O'Ferrall, Shane, 119 - - -- 140, 141 - - Offaly, 76, 334, 348, 357, 370 - - -- Lord, 82, 83 - - O'Flaherty, Sir Murrough ne Doe, claiming to be chief of Iar - Connaught, 147, 152, 205-208, 211, 215 - - -- Roger, of Moycullen, 152, 211 - - -- Roderic, author of _Ogygia_, grandson of the foregoing, 211 - - O'Flaherties, 19, 20, 30, 152, 176, 269, 427 - - O'Gallagher, Sir John MacToole, 196, 197 - - -- Redmond, papal Bishop of Derry 1569-1601, usually acting as Primate - from 1575, 149, 187, 188, 285 - - -- Donogh, a Franciscan, 18 - - -- 427 - - O'Hagan, Henry, 340, 341 - - -- Tirlogh, 226 - - O'Hanlon, 239, 254 - - -- Terence, 299 - - O'Hara, 155 - - O'Hart or O'Harte, Eugene, papal Bishop of Achonry 1562-1603, 459, 467 - - O'Harts, 191 - - O'Hea, Friar James, 35, 56 - - O'Hely, James, papal Archbishop of Tuam 1591-1609 (?), 246 - - O'Hurley, Dermot, papal Archbishop of Cashel 1581-1584; - his death, 116-118 - - O'Keefe, 49, 103, 112 - - O'Kelly, Daniel, 113 - - O'Kellies, 92 - - O'Kennedys, 309 - - Olivares, 1 - - Omagh, 219, 258, 418 - - O'Madden, O'Maddens, 40, 263 - - O'Malley, Dowdary Roe, 176 - - -- Daniel, 431 - - -- Grace or Grana, married to Richard-in-Iron Burke, 43, 44, 447 - - O'Malleys, of Burrishole in Mayo, 175, 427, 447 - - O'Meagher, 403 - - O'Molloy, 263 - - O'More, Rory Oge, 337, 443 - - -- Owen or Owny, MacRory, calling himself 'the O'More,' son of the - foregoing, 272, 302, 303, 306, 307, 309, 323, 325, 331; - captures Ormonde, 355-359; - slain, 371, 443, 444 - - -- Callogh MacWalter, 371 - - -- Melaghlin, 356, 423 - - O'Mores, 57, 136, 324 - - O'Moriarty, Maurice and Owen, 113 - - O'Mulrian: _see_ O'Ryan. - - O'Neill, Con Bacagh, chief and Earl of Tyrone, father of Shane and - reputed grandfather of Tyrone, 170 - - -- Shane, chief of Tyrone, son of the foregoing, 9, 64, 130, 146, 170, - 200, 215, 219, 222, 224, 238, 289, 466: _see_ MacShane - - -- Arthur MacShane, brother of the foregoing, 221, 222, 226 - - -- Brian MacShane, brother of the foregoing, 220, 227 - - -- Con MacShane, brother of the two foregoing, 219, 220, 227 - - -- Edmund MacShane, brother of the three foregoing, 221 - - -- Henry MacShane, brother of the four foregoing, 9, 221, 222, 226, - 227 - - -- Hugh Gavelagh MacShane, brother of the five foregoing, 219, 220 - - -- Tirlogh MacShane, brother of the six foregoing, 221 - - O'Neill, the MacShanes or sons of Shane O'Neill, 9, 149, 219 _sqq._ - - -- Hugh, Baron of Dungannon and Earl of Tyrone: _see_ Tyrone - - -- Tyrone's eldest son, 243 - - -- Lady Margaret, Tyrone's eldest daughter, married to Richard - Viscount Mountgarret, 308 - - -- Lady Sara, sister of the foregoing, married to Magennis, 239, 456 - - -- Lady Alice, sister of the two foregoing, married to Sir Randal - MacDonnell, 290 - - -- Con, natural son of Tyrone, 311, 312 - - -- Cormac MacBaron, brother of Tyrone, 141, 243, 245, 261, 262, 268, - 341 - - -- Sir Brian MacPhelim, his daughter married to Tyrone, 223 - - -- Shane MacBrien, 141, 289 - - O'Neills of Clandeboye, 130 - - O'Neill, Art Oge, progenitor of Tirlogh Luineach's sept, 220 - - -- Tirlogh, Luineach, chief of Tyrone, 9, 10, 36, 60, 64; - to be sovereign in Ulster, 69, 92, 129, 130; - his appearance in English dress, 141; - divides Tyrone with the Earl, 146; - weeps at Perrott's departure, 168; - his disputes with Tyrone, 170, 171, 190, 218-222, 227, 228; - resigns in Tyrone's favour, 233; - dies, 258, 363, 373, 376, 453 - - -- Lady Agnes, wife of Tirlogh Luineach: _see_ Campbell - - -- Sir Arthur, son of Tirlogh Luineach, 220, 321, 363, 373-376, 427 - - -- Tirlogh, Sir Arthur's son, 376 - - -- Tirlogh Brasselagh, 220 - - -- Barnaby, 66, 67 - - -- Owen Roe, 301, 392 - - -- (?) or Neill, Robert, M.P. for Carlingford, 141 - - O'Neills, 27, 131, 353, 468 - - Orange, William the Silent, Prince of, 67 - - Oranmore, 365 - - O'Reilly, Sir John, 261, 299 - - -- Maelmore, Sir John's son, 299 - - -- Philip and Edmond, Members of Parliament for Cavan, 140 - - Orkneys, 194 - - Ormonde, Thomas, Butler, tenth Earl of, called Black Thomas, general - in Munster, 29-35, 37-39, 40-43, 45-51, 56-58, 65, 69, 70, 71, 80, - 81, 84-86; - superseded, 87-89; - his house at Carrick plundered, 96; - governor of Munster, 102; - in England, 105; - returns with fresh powers, 106; - finishes the Desmond war, 108-114, 116, 117, 123, 124, 126, 127; - in Ulster, 130-132, 142, 150; - during the Armada days, 176, 198; - his correspondence with Tyrone, 237, 239, 240, 246; - proposes to put a price on Tyrone's head, 255, 259, 272; - Lord Lieutenant-General, 291, 292, 293; - what Bacon thought of him, 294, 296, 297; - thinks Bagenal's army bewitched, 300; - in Munster, 305-307, 309; - relieves Maryborough, 310; - with Essex, 323-326, 328, 331, 333, 334, 344; - suspected by Mountjoy, 351, 353-356; - a prisoner with the Irish, 357-359, 371, 384, 399, 403, 423, 431 - - Ormonde, Countess of, Elizabeth Sheffield, 358, 359 - - -- James, first Duke of, 384 - - -- district in Tipperary, 312 - - O'Roughan, or Roughan, Dennis, 230, 231 - - O'Rourke, Sir Brian, chief of Leitrim, 19, 43, 60, 63, 64; - defeated by Maltby, 79; - helps the Spaniards, 191, 196, 197, 202, 210, 212; - defies and reviles the Queen, 213; - defeated by Bingham, 214; - hanged at Tyburn, 216, 230 - - -- Brian Oge, natural son of the foregoing, 214; - escapes from Oxford, 230, 233, 234, 239, 247; - called O'Rourke, 262, 266; - with O'Donnell, 285; - in Clare, 365; - in Munster, 403, 427, 431, 432, 462 - - -- Teig, legitimate half-brother of the foregoing, 214 - - O'Ryan, Ryan, or O'Mulrian, Cornelius, papal Bishop of Killaloe, - 1576-1616, 6, 10, 18, 69, 90, 119, 462 - - O'Ryans, Ryans, or O'Mulrians, in Tipperary, 309 - - O'Shea, Ellice, M.P. for Kilkenny, 141 - - Ossory, Piers Roe, Earl of Ormonde and, 444 - - -- Bishop of: _see_ Walsh - - O'Sullivan Bere, Sir Owen, will not join Fitzmaurice, 112; - with Ormonde, 49, 56, 111, 112 - - O'Sullivan, Donough, 406, 408, 409, 413, 430-432 - - -- Dermot, 34, 90, 432 - - -- Bere, Philip, the historian, Dermot's son, 90, 234, 235, 288, 327, - 407, 408, 431, 472 - - -- Owen, 419, 422 - - -- More, 48, 49 - - -- Bere, 447 - - O'Toole, Felim, 223, 226 - - -- Rice, 247; - wife of Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne, _q. v._ - - -- Theobald, 152 - - O'Tooles, 323 - - Oviedo, Matthew de, a Spanish Franciscan, papal Archbishop of Dublin, - 69, 400, 459 - - Ovington, Henry and Richard: _see_ Hovenden - - Owen, Richard, 341 - - Owny Abbey, 302 - - Oxford, 230, 369, 430, 466 - - Oyster Haven, 401 - - - Pale, the, 26, 64, 80, 81, 92, 102, 110, 143, 144, 146, 147, 165, 166, - 193, 242, 243, 257, 260, 273, 274, 276, 296, 301, 340, 369, 405, - 434, 470 - - Paleologo, Manuel, 177 - - Pallaskenry, 272 - - Pallice, 49 - - Paredes, Count of, 180 - - Paris, 3, 36, 472 - - Parker, Matthew, Archbishop of Canterbury, 18 - - Parker, Lieutenant, 61 - - Parliament of England, 136, 137, 467 - - Parliament of Ireland, 165, 258 - - Parma, Duke of: _see_ Farnese - - Parsons, the Jesuit, 52 - - Paulet, Sir Amyas, 3, 4 - - Pelham, Sir William, Lord Justice, 27; - goes to Munster, 29-32; - begs to be recalled, 33, 36, 37; - in Munster, 40-50, 55, 57, 58; - leaves Ireland, 59, 60, 63, 65, 68, 161, 463 - - Penmaen Mawr, 319 - - Percy, Sir Charles, 326 - - Perrott, Sir John, Lord Deputy, 11, 25, 26; - his viceroyalty, chaps. xl. & xli. _passim_, 172, 196, 197, 203, - 208, 214, 221, 222; - his trial and death, 228-232, 244, 324, 444, 467, 470 - - Perrott, Sir Thomas, son of the foregoing, 172, 232 - - Peter, Saint, 16 - - Petty, Sir William, 448 - - Philip II., King of Spain, 1, 4, 5, 7, 8, 18, 36; - to be King of Ireland, 42; - always too late, 118, 162; - his animosity to England, 164, 173, 174, 180, 189; - his Irish subjects, 191; - called the Christian Ulysses, 193, 195, 229; - slow in his affairs, 234; - Tyrone calls him King of Ireland, 259, 261; - encourages Tyrone, 267; - his death, 313; - his gift to O'Donnell, 377, 391; - how he lost Holland, 437; - rents the Irish fisheries, 447 - - Philip III., King of Spain, a Rehoboam, 313, 314, 349; - sends an expedition to Ireland, 398, 400, 404, 411; - addressed as King of Ireland, 413, 414; - his undertaking humour, 417; - favours O'Donnell, 424, 425; - hopes to conquer England through Ireland, 462 - - Philipstown, 8, 39, 141, 301, 334, 370 - - Picot, Jean, 11, 12 - - Piers, Captain, 64 - - Pisa, Hercules of, or Pisano, 6 - - Pius V., Pope, 2, 13, 400 - - Plantagenets, 441 - - Plunkett, Oliver, 67, 68, 74 - - Plymouth, 66, 177 - - Pope, the, _Papa aboo_, 33, 76, 77; - exalted above the Queen, 79; - suzerain of Ireland, 80; - called sovereign of Ireland, 356; - may depose kings, 400; - sends Tyrone a vassal crown, 438; - to separate Ireland from England, 462, 472: _see_ Pius V., Gregory - XIII., and Clement VIII. - - Popham, Sir John, 231 - - Portarlington, 357 - - Portland Race, 71 - - Portland, in Tipperary, 430 - - Portugal, 3, 7, 8, 119, 163 - - Portuguese, 2, 10, 193 - - Portumna, 104 - - Powell, Humphrey, 472, 473 - - Power, Lord, 45, 328 - - -- Sir Henry, 354, 359, 360, 409 - - -- Captain, 423 - - -- David, 171 - - Powers, foster-brethren of Lady Margaret Fitzgerald, 364 - - Powerscourt, 223 - - Poyning's Law, 142, 143 - - Preston, Sir Richard, created Earl of Desmond, 384 - - -- Lady Elizabeth, first Duchess of Ormonde, 384 - - Price, Captain, 150, 381, 382 - - Puckering, Sir John, 231 - - Puritans, 471 - - - Queen's County, 57, 141, 166, 323, 355, 371, 443 - - Queenstown, 86, 353 - - - Radclyffe, Sir Alexander, 337 - - -- Egremont, 2 - - -- Lady Frances, 224 - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, 72; - at Smerwick, 75; - his gallantry, 85; - his policy, 86; - disliked by Grey, 101, 102; - his Munster settlement, 199; - with Lord Burgh, 281; - unwilling to be Deputy, 294; - his property destroyed, 304, 314, 320; - advises the Queen, 351, 381; - his advice to the Queen, 430, 455, 457, 469 - - Randolph, Colonel Edward, 361, 362 - - Raphoe, see of, 459 - - Rathcoole, 81 - - Rathdrum, 275, 329 - - Rathkeale, 41, 72 - - Rathlin, 138 - - Rathmullen, 221, 253 - - Reagh, Walter and Gerald: _see_Fitzgerald - - -- Dermot MacPhelim, 247 - - Reay, Lord, 122 - - Recalde, Spanish Admiral, 74, 173, 174, 177 - - Red Bay, 138, 290 - - Redshanks, 153, 155 - - Ree, Lough, 154 - - Rheims, 116, 461 - - Ribera, Francis de, a Spanish Franciscan, papal Bishop of Leighlin, - 1587-1604, 459 - - Rice, Piers, 78 - - -- family, 48 - - Rich, Lord, 390 - - -- Lady, Lady Penelope Devereux, 351, 367, 368, 389, 390 - - Rincurren, 401 - - Ringabella, 119 - - Robins, a surveyor, 169 - - Roche, David, Lord, 45, 47, 85, 112, 198, 199 - - -- Maurice, Lord, son of the foregoing, 45, 85, 305, 306, 312, 400 - - -- Lady, 312 - - -- David, 307 - - -- William, 11 - - -- Theobald, 96 - - -- Captain, 331 - - -- Catherine, 303 - - -- Monsieur de la, 3, 4, 11, 12 - - Rochelle, 69 - - Romans, 71 - - Rome, 1, 2, 3, 6, 10, 14, 18, 77, 116, 117, 163, 349, 426, 466 - - Romney, Captain, 299 - - Rosclogher, 185 - - Roscommon, 154, 155, 244, 269, 301 - - -- County, 43, 140, 233, 403, 427, 429, 431 - - Roscrea, 403 - - Ross or New Ross, in Wexford, 6, 83, 230, 330 - - -- or Rosscarbery, in Cork, 4, 419, 422, 463, 464 - - -- Castle, in Kerry, 384 - - Rothe, David, titular Bishop of Ossory 1618-1650, 472 - - Roughan: _see_ O'Roughan - - Route, the, 130, 321 - - Russell, Sir William, Lord Deputy 1594-1597, 194, 197, 236, 242; - his viceroyalty chap. xlv. _passim_, 280, 282, 284, 460 - - -- the Desmond historian, 22-24 - - Ryan: _see_ O'Ryan - - Rycot, 124 - - Ryde, 71 - - - St. Albans, 281 - - St. Andrews, 471 - - St. David's, 463 - - St. Laurence, Sir Christopher, 324, 326, 404, 433 - - St. Leger, Sir Warham, 33, 54, 55 56, 84, 85, 89, 97, 105; - his intrigues against Ormonde, 109-112, 141, 199, 201, 304, 328, - 341; - slain, 354, 359, 360, 472 - - -- Sir Anthony, Master of the Rolls from 1593, 237 - - -- Captain, 259, 265 - - Santa Cruz, Marquis of, 76, 119, 164, 165, 177 - - Santander, 77 - - Savage, Sir Arthur, 371 - - Saxey, Chief Justice of Munster, 308 - - Saxons, 308 - - Scattery Island, Scharnhorst, 451 - - Scilly, 25 - - Scotland, 4, 13, 20, 22, 100, 112, 128, 129, 140, 178, 179, 186, 187, - 189, 191, 192, 194, 195, 367, 394, 435, 451 - - Scots in Ireland, 10, 22, 43, 60, 64, 79, 92, 93, 126, 128; - invade Ulster, 137-140, 146, 147; - slaughtered by Bingham, 152-156, 164, 197, 242-244, 257, 263, 270, - 292; - an element in Dublin University, 471: and _see_ MacDonnell - - Scurlock family, 48 - - Seagrave, Stephen, 159 - - Sebastian, King of Portugal, 7, 8 - - Seville, 162, 472 - - Shakespeare, 249, 318, 320 - - Shamrock, Sir John: _see_ Burke - - Shamrocks, 99, 435 - - Shandon, 414 - - Shanet, 41, 305 - - Shannon River, 11, 42, 65, 66, 69, 79, 112, 175, 263, 306, 427, 430 - - -- Harbour, 403 - - Shee: _see_ O'Shea - - Sheehys: _see_ MacSheehys - - Sherlock, George, 309 - - Shetlands, 173, 174 - - Shillelagh, 247, 443 - - Shrewsbury, Gilbert, Earl of, 248 - - Shrule, 92 - - Sicily, 177 - - Sidee, Captain James, 66, 67 - - Sidney, Sir Henry, 1, 8, 30, 51, 97, 100, 131, 140, 165, 216, 319, - 453, 473 - - -- Lady, Sir Henry's wife, Leicester's sister, 130 - - -- Sir Philip, son of the two foregoing, 236, 254 - - -- Sir Robert, Sir Philip's brother, 294 - - -- Dorcas, 272 - - Sienna, 3 - - Sillees River, 245 - - Simancas, 425 - - Simier, Monsieur, 25 - - Skeffington, Lord Deputy, 287, 334 - - Skibbereen, 419 - - Slane, Lord, (Fleming), 67, 117, 143 - - Slaney River, 330 - - Slea Head, 173, 188, 308 - - Sleyny family, 48 - - Slieve Bloom, 371, 442 - - -- Gallion, 434 - - -- Gamp, 154 - - -- Logher, 35, 50, 115 - - -- Margy, 443 - - -- Mish, 68 - - -- Phelim, 404 - - Sligo, 137, 154, 180, 181, 189, 191, 208, 209, 214, 215, 253, 256, - 260, 263, 270, 336, 427 - - -- County, 140, 141, 196, 285, 427 - - Smerwick, 13, 20, 30-32, 65, 69-71, 78, 83, 89, 93, 95, 97, 193 - - Smith, Rev. Sidney, 22 - - -- Captain, 102 - - Smythe, Jesse, Chief Justice of Munster, 198 - - Somersetshire, 25, 106 - - Sorley Boy (Carolus Flavus): _see_ MacDonnell - - Soto, Don Pedro de, 414 - - Southampton, Henry Wriothesley, Earl of, 281, 323, 331-333, 341, 351, - 352, 362, 363, 367-370, 389 - - Spa, 161, 167 - - Spain, English and Irish in, 1, 2, 5, 6, 10, 11, 66-68, 149, 163-165; - Irish Regiment, 234, 412-414, 424-426, 435, 465 - - Spaniards in Ireland, 12 _sqq._, 20, 32, 36-43; - chap. xxxviii. _passim_, 95, 119, 128, 153; - chap. xlii. _passim_, 203, 206, 216, 249, 254, 267, 268, 285, 376, - 390, 391, 393, 394; - chap. li. _passim_, 417, 421-423, 430, 459 - - Spanish wine, 448 - - -- Point, 175 - - Spenser, Edmund, the poet, Clerk of the Council in Munster, Lord - Grey's secretary in Ireland, 75, 85, 97, 104; - settles in Munster, 198, 199, 292; - rests his hopes on Essex, 295; - an unpublished treatise by him (?), 302; - burnt out by the rebels, 304; - as a courtier, 318, 439, 444, 447, 453, 454; - his friends and work, 456-458; - his account of the Church, 460, 461: and _see_ Boyle, Elizabeth - - Spittle Hill, Kinsale, 401 - - Springfield, 27 - - Stack, Maurice, 378 - - Stanley, Sir William, Master of the Ordnance, 28, 29, 36, 39, 42 - at Glenmalure, 60-62, 135, 139, 140, 146; - his treason, 161-163, 172, 194 - - Stanley, Sir Rowland, Sir William's father, 163 - - -- Lieutenant, 113 - - Stephenson, Oliver, 305 - - Stony Stratford, 281 - - Strabane, castle and barony, 197 220, 227, 233, 236 - - Stradbally, in Queen's Co., 272, 302, 324, 371 - - Strade, 93 - - Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, Earl of, 444, 447 - - Strancally, 39 - - Strange, Lady, 454 - - Streedagh, 182 - - Strozzi, Philip, 118, 119 - - Stuart: _see_ Mary - - Stukeley, Thomas, 1, 2, 5-7, 117 - - Suir River, 96, 198, 303, 308, 325, 326, 447 - - Surrey, 169 - - -- Thomas Howard, Earl of, 334 - - Sussex, Thomas Radclyffe, Earl of, 29, 75, 87, 140, 224, 318 - - Swift, Jonathan, 133, 134, 145, 232, 395 - - Swilly, Lough, 22 - - Swords, 141, 224 - - - Tagus River, 11, 417 - - Tallow, 304 - - Tanner, Edmund, papal Bishop of Cork and Cloyne 1574-1579, 4, 50 - - Tara, 53, 124 - - Tarbet, 305 - - Tassagard, 133 - - Tavistock, 25 - - Taylor, Thomas, 423, 424 - - Teelin, 376 - - Templemore, 403 - - Terceira, 76 - - Termonfeckin, 466 - - Theatins, 193 - - Thomond: _see_ Clare - - -- Connor O'Brien, 3rd Earl of, 45 - - -- Donogh O'Brien, 4th Earl of, called the 'great Earl,' 127, 147, - 215, 257, 284; - in England, 294, 295, 301; - with Ormonde, 310; - asserts his power in Clare, 311, 347, 354; - with Carew, 355; - wounded, 356, 363, 365, 378; - brings troops from England to Kinsale, 402, 414; - at Dunboy, 419-421; - hangs men in pairs, 423 - - Thompson, Treasurer of St. Patrick's, 133 - - Thornton, Sir George, 108, 291, 305, 382, 391 - - Timahoe, 371 - - Timoleague, 419, 420 - - Tipperary, 326 - - -- County, 23, 27, 35, 57, 96, 106, 107, 111, 126, 141, 166, 194, 301, - 309, 390, 403, 431, 454 - - -- Cross, 141 - - Tireragh, 154 - - Togher, the, 370, 443 - - Tone, Theobald Wolfe, 5 - - Toneboyreagh: _see_ MacThomas - - Tory Island, 253 - - Toulouse, 472 - - Tournai, 472 - - Tracton, 304 - - Tralee, 13, 21, 32, 41, 42, 68, 70, 113, 174, 190, 194, 305, 378 - - Trant family, 48 - - Travers, Dr., second provost of Trinity College, 471 - - Trenchard, Sir William, 305 - - Trent, Council of, 187, 459, 465, 467, 468 - - Trevor, Captain, 435 - - -- Charles, 230 - - Trim, 141, 370, 388, 437 - - Trinity College, Dublin, 466, 472, 473 - - Trollope, Andrew, 450, 459, 460 - - Trough, Mackenna's country in Monaghan, 203, 227 - - Trumree, 175, 189 - - Tuam, 42, 473 - - Tullaghogue, 429 - - Tullow, 247, 387 - - Tulsk, 233, 301 - - Tunis, 2 - - Turks, 2, 16 - - Turner, Captain Richard, 283 - - Turvey, 224 - - Tyburn, 217 - - Tyrawley or Tirawley, 92, 189, 190, 215 - - Tyrconnell, or Donegal, 10, 128, 150, 171, 197, 221, 228, 237, 284, - 321, 374, 375 - - -- Rory, first Earl of: _see_ O'Donnell - - Tyrone, 130, 146, 218-221, 242, 243, 266, 321, 376 - - -- Hugh O'Neill, Baron of Dungannon and Earl of, seeks to be chief, 9, - 124; - with Perrott, 129; - sits in Parliament as an Earl, 140; - receives half Tyrone by deed, 146, 170; - his ambition, 171; - his attitude to the Armada, 190-192, 196, 197, 202, 222; - his marriage with Mabel Bagenal, 223-225, 226-228; - becomes 'the O'Neill,' 233; - begins to give trouble, 234-240; - in Dublin, 242; - allowed to go free, 243; - generally suspected, 244-246; - a covert rebel, 247; - in arms, 252; - proclaimed traitor, 254; - Ormonde casts him off, 255; - a price to be set on his head, 256, 257; - invested as O'Neill, 258; - fighting, negotiating and intriguing with Spain, 258-260; - demands liberty of conscience, 261, 262-266; - a promise to him broken, 267, 268; - regarded as leader of a crusade, 272, 273-278; - fights with Lord Burgh, 286-288, 290-292; - totally defeats Bagenal, 296-300; - general rising under him, 301-312, 321, 322, 324, 332; - his boasts to foreigners, 336; - his relations with Essex, 338-350; - his struggle with Mountjoy, chapters xlix.-lii. _passim_, 442, 446, - 451, 452, 462 - - Tyrone, Lady, (O'Donnell), 171 - - -- Lady, 394 - - Tyrone's sister, 239 - - -- daughters, 239 - - -- daughter married to Hugh O'Donnell, 222 - - Tyrrell, Captain Richard, a leader of mercenaries, 335, 354, 370, 382, - 388, 406, 408, 409, 420, 421-423, 430, 433, 444 - - - Ughtred, Sir Henry, 302, 305 - - Upper Ossory: _see_ Fitzpatrick - - Ussher, Henry, Archbishop of Armagh, 133, 134, 466, 468, 471 - - -- James, Archbishop of Armagh, 471, 472 - - - Valentia, 49, 71 - - -- Lord, 56 - - Valladolid, 425 - - Vaughan, Sir Francis, 283, 284 - - Venice, 191, 426 - - Ventry, 49, 68 - - Vere, Sir Francis, 287 - - Vernon, Elizabeth, 333 - - Vidonia, 10 - - Villafranca, Count of, 181 - - Virgil, 131 - - - Wales, 14, 25, 123 - - Walker, Captain, 45 - - -- Thomas, 393-395 - - -- Rev. George, 392 - - Wall, Ulick, 305 - - Wallop, Sir Henry, Vice-Treasurer from 1582, 35, 41, 79-85; - Lord Justice, 97, 104, 106, 111, 116, 117, 120-122; - commissioner for Munster escheats, 126, 127, 146, 147, 149, 153, - 157, 160, 167, 237, 243; - in the North, 260, 323, 395 - - Walsh, Nicholas, Bishop of Ossory, 473 - - Walshe, Sir Nicholas, Chief Justice of Munster and Speaker of the - House of Commons, 142, 150, 332, 363, 473 - - Walsingham, Sir Francis, Secretary of State, 1, 25, 29, 38, 50, 52, - 82, 83, 87, 88, 111, 117, 118, 130, 137, 157, 158, 168, 169, - 203-205, 209, 210, 219, 444, 454 - - -- Frances, Countess of Essex and Clanricarde, daughter of the - foregoing, 454 - - Walter Reagh: _see_ Fitzgerald - - Wardman, Captain, 329 - - Warren, Sir William, 224, 259, 265, 340, 344, 347, 355 - - -- Captain, 267, 268 - - Waterford, 1, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 32, 36, 40, 51; - Mayor of, 52, 96, 142, 149, 164, 165, 174, 260, 287, 305, 328, 330, - 398, 416, 448, 450, 452, 462, 463 - - -- County, 46, 96, 104, 106, 107, 198, 199, 328, 360, 377, 381 - - -- and Lismore Diocese, 469 - - Waterhouse, Sir Edward, 13, 26, 31, 32, 82, 85, 117, 135 - - Wayman, Mr, 305 - - Welsh blood in Connaught, 152 - - Wenman, Thomas, 368 - - Westmeath, 323, 335, 352, 354, 388, 403 - - Westmoreland, Lord, 77 - - Wexford, 11, 176 - - Wexford County, 20, 88, 141, 323 - - -- Spanish Earldom of, 6, 45-47, 49, 50 - - White, Sir Nicholas, Master of the Rolls, 45-47, 49, 50, 78, 121, 157, - 204, 229, 446 - - White Knight, the, 101, 112, 326, 377, 390, 391 - - Wicklow, 329, 330, 344, 387 - - -- County, 57, 81, 88, 141, 323, 328, 329, 443 - - -- mountains, 246, 247 - - Wilbraham, Roger, Solicitor-General 1585, 169, 294 - - William III., King, 395, 414 - - Williams, Captain Thomas, 284, 292, 295, 296, 300, 392 - - -- Captain William, 334 - - -- Philip, 229 - - Willis, Captain, 227, 228 - - Willoughby, Lord, 166 - - Wilmot, Sir Charles, 379, 420, 430 - - Wilson, Dr., Secretary of State, 7 - - -- Thomas, 302 - - Wingfield, Jacques, Master of the Ordnance to 1587, 61, 72, 139, 172 - - -- Sir Richard or Sir Edward, 257, 399, 408 - - Winter, Admiral Sir William, 47, 48, 57, 58, 65-68, 71, 73 - - Wolfe, David, 7 - - Woodhouse, Captain, 155 - - Wood's halfpence, 395 - - Wotton, Sir Henry, private secretary to Essex in Ireland, 313, 316, - 322, 332, 341, 342, 426 - - - Yellow Ford, Battle of the, 310, 342 - - Yorke, Rowland, 162 - - Youghal, 31-35, 83, 107, 304, 305, 379, 381, 382, 424, 457 - - - Zamora, 424 - - Zouch, Captain John, 39, 40, 43, 73, 83, 87, 88, 93-96 - - Zutphen, 161, 162, 281 - - -THE END. - - -_Spottiswoode & Co. 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III. and IV. 21_s._ Vol. V. 18_s._ Vol. VI. 16_s._ Vol. VII. -21_s._ Vol. VIII. 18_s._ - - - - -A Classified Catalogue - -OF WORKS IN - -GENERAL LITERATURE - -PUBLISHED BY - -LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. - -39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.C. - -91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, AND 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - - _BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE)_ 10 - - BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL MEMOIRS, &c. 7 - - CHILDREN'S BOOKS 25 - - CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANSLATIONS, ETC. 18 - - COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGEMENT, &c. 28 - - EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, &c. 17 - - FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. 20 - - _FUR, FEATHER AND FIN SERIES_ 12 - - _FINE ARTS (THE) AND MUSIC_ 29 - - HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. 3 - - LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND SCIENCE OF 16 - - MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 14 - - MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL WORKS 29 - - MISCELLANEOUS THEOLOGICAL WORKS 32 - - POETRY AND THE DRAMA 19 - - POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECONOMICS 17 - - POPULAR SCIENCE 24 - - _SILVER LIBRARY (THE)_ 26 - - SPORT AND PASTIME 10 - - _STONYHURST PHILOSOPHICAL SERIES_ 16 - - TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE COLONIES, &c. 9 - - WORKS OF REFERENCE 25 - - - - -INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. - - - _Page_ - Abbott (Evelyn) 3, 18 - ---- (T. K.) 14, 15 - ---- (E. A.) 14 - Acland (A. H. D.) 3 - Acton (Eliza) 28 - Adeane (J. H.) 8 - Æschylus 18 - Ainger (A. C.) 12 - Albemarle (Earl of) 10 - Allen (Grant) 24 - Amos (S.) 3 - Angwin (M. C.) 28 - Anstey (F.) 20 - Aristophanes 18 - Aristotle 14 - Arnold (Sir Edwin) 9, 19 - ---- (Dr. T.) 3 - Ashbourne (Lord) 3 - Ashby (H.) 28 - Ashley (W. J.) 3, 17 - Avebury (Lord) 17 - Ayre (Rev. J.) 25 - - Bacon 7, 14 - Baden-Powell (B. H.) 3 - Bagehot (W.) 7, 17, 27, 30 - Bagwell (R.) 3 - Bailey (H. C.) 20 - Bain (Alexander) 14 - Baker (J. H.) 27, 30 - ---- (Sir S. W.) 9, 10 - Balfour (A. J.) 11, 32 - ---- (Lady Betty) 5 - Ball (John) 9 - Banks (M. M.) 20 - Baring-Gould (Rev. S.) 27, 30 - Barnett (S. A. and H.) 17 - Baynes (T. S.) 30 - Beaconsfield (Earl of) 20 - Beaufort (Duke of) 10, 11 - Becker (W. A.) 18 - Beesly (A. H.) 7 - Bell (Mrs. Hugh) 19 - Bent (J. Theodore) 9 - Besant (Sir Walter) 3 - Bickerdyke (J.) 11, 12, 13 - Bird (G.) 19 - Blackburne (J. H.) 13 - Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 20 - Boase (Rev. C. W.) 5 - Boedder (Rev. B.) 15 - Boyd (Rev. A. K. H.) 30, 32 - Brassey (Lady) 9 - ---- (Lord) 12 - Bray (C.) 14 - Bright (Rev. J. F.) 3 - Broadfoot (Major W.) 10 - Brown (A. F.) 25 - Bruce (R. I.) 3 - Buck (H. A.) 12 - Buckland (Jas.) 25 - Buckle (H. T.) 3 - Bull (T.) 28 - Burke (U. R.) 3 - Burns (C. L) 29 - Burrows (Montagu) 5 - Butler (E. A.) 24 - ---- (Samuel) 18, 20, 30 - - Cameron of Lochiel 12 - Campbell (Rev. Lewis) 18, 32 - Camperdown (Earl of) 7 - Cawthorne (Geo. Jas.) 13 - Chesney (Sir G.) 3 - Childe-Pemberton (W. S.) 7 - 'Chola' 20 - Cholmondeley-Pennell (H.) 11 - Churchill (W. Spencer) 3, 20 - Cicero 18 - Clarke (Rev. R. F.) 16 - Clodd (Edward) 17, 24 - Clutterbuck (W. J.) 9 - Colenso (R. J.) 29 - Coleridge (S. T.) 19, 20 - Comparetti (D.) 19 - Conington (John) 18 - Conway (Sir W. M) 11 - Conybeare (Rev. W. J.) - & Howson (Dean) 27 - Coolidge (W. A. B.) 9 - Corbin (M.) 25 - Corbett (Julian S.) 4 - Coutts (W.) 18 - Coventry (A.) 11 - Cox (Harding) 10 - Crake (Rev. A. D.) 25 - Crawford (J. H.) 20 - ---- (R.) 9 - Creed (S.) 20 - Creighton (Bishop) 4, 5 - Crozier (J. B.) 7, 14 - Curzon of Kedleston (Lord) 4 - Custance (Col. H.) 12 - Cutts (Rev. E. L.) 5 - - Dallinger (F. W.) 5 - Davidson (W. L.) 15, 16, 32 - Davies (J. F.) 18 - Dent (C. T.) 11 - De Salis (Mrs.) 29 - De Tocqueville (A.) 4 - Devas (C. S.) 17 - Dickinson (G. L.) 4 - ---- (W. H.) 30 - Dougall (L.) 20 - Dowden (E.) 31 - Doyle (A. Conan) 21 - Du Bois (W. E. B.) 5 - Dufferin (Marquis of) 12 - Dunbar (Mary F.) 20 - - Ebrington (Viscount) 12 - Ellis (J. H.) 13 - Evans (Sir John) 30 - - Farrar (Dean) 16, 21 - Fitzmaurice (Lord E.) 4 - Folkard (H. C.) 13 - Ford (H.) 13 - ---- (W. J.) 13 - Fowler (Edith H.) 21 - Francis (Francis) 13 - Francis (M. E.) 21 - Freeman (Edward A.) 5 - Freshfield (D. W.) 11 - Froude (James A.) 4, 7, 9, 21 - Fuller (F. W.) 4 - Furneaux (W.) 24 - - Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4 - Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. A. E.) 12, 13 - Gibbons (J. S.) 12 - Gibson (C. H.) 14 - Gleig (Rev. G. R.) 8 - Goethe 19 - Going (C. B.) 25 - Gore-Booth (Sir H. W.) 11 - Graham (P. A.) 13 - ---- (G. F.) 16 - Granby (Marquis of) 12 - Grant (Sir A.) 14 - Graves (R. P.) 8 - Green (T. Hill) 15 - Greene (E. B.) 5 - Greville (C. C. F.) 4 - Grose (T. H.) 15 - Gross (C.) 4, 5 - Grove (F. C.) 11 - ---- (Mrs. Lilly) 11 - Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 21 - Gurnhill (J.) 15 - Gwilt (J.) 25 - - Haggard (H. Rider) 21, 31 - Hake (O.) 12 - Halliwell-Phillipps (J.) 8 - Hamilton (Col. H. B.) 4 - Hamlin (A. D. F.) 29 - Harding (S. B.) 5 - Harte (Bret) 21 - Harting (J. E.) 12 - Hartwig (G.) 24 - Hassall (A.) 7 - Haweis (H. R.) 8, 30 - Head (Mrs.) 29 - Heath (D. D.) 14 - Heathcote (J. M.) 12 - ---- (C. G.) 12 - ---- (N.) 9 - Helmholtz (Hermann von) 24 - Henderson (Lieut Col. G. F.) 7 - Henry (W.) 12 - Henty (G. A.) 26 - Herbert (Col. Kenney) 12 - Herod (Richard S.) 13 - Hiley (R. W.) 8 - Hillier (G. Lacy) 10 - Hime (H. W. L.) 18 - Hodgson (Shadworth) 15, 31 - Hoenig (F.) 31 - Hogan (J. F.) 7 - Holmes (R. R.) 8 - Holroyd (M. J.) 8 - Homer 18 - Hope (Anthony) 21 - Horace 18 - Houston (D. F.) 5 - Howard (Lady Mabel) 21 - Howitt (W.) 9 - Hudson (W. H.) 24 - Huish (M. B.) 29 - Hullah (J.) 29 - Hume (David) 15 - Hunt (Rev. W.) 5 - Hunter (Sir W.) 5 - Hutchinson (Horace G.) 11, 13 - - Ingelow (Jean) 19 - Ingram (T. D.) 5 - - James (W.) 15 - Jameson (Mrs. Anna) 29 - Jefferies (Richard) 31 - Jekyll (Gertrude) 31 - Jerome (Jerome K.) 22 - Johnson (J. & J. H.) 31 - Jones (H. Bence) 25 - Jordan (W. L.) 17 - Joyce (P. W.) 5, 22, 31 - Justinian 15 - - Kant (I.) 15 - Kaye (Sir J. W.) 5 - Kelly (E.) 15 - Kent (C. B. R.) 5 - Kerr (Rev. J.) 12 - Killick (Rev. A. H.) 15 - Kingsley (Rose G.) 29 - Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 5 - Knight (E. F.) 9, 12 - Köstlin (J.) 8 - - Ladd (G. T.) 15 - Lang (Andrew) 5, 10, 11, 13, 17, - 18, 19, 20, 21, - 22, 26, 31, 32 - Lapsley (G. T.) 5 - Lascelles (Hon. G.) 10, 12 - Lawrence (F. W.) 17 - Laurie (S. S.) 5 - Lawley (Hon. F.) 11 - Lear (H. L. Sidney) 29 - Lecky (W. E. H.) 5, 15, 19 - Lees (J. A.) 9 - Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) 17 - Levett-Yeats (S.) 22 - Lillie (A.) 13 - Lindley (J.) 25 - Loch (C. S.) 30 - Lodge (H. C.) 5 - Loftie (Rev. W. J.) 5 - Longman (C. J.) 10, 13, 30 - ---- (F. W.) 13 - ---- (G. H.) 11, 12 - ---- (Mrs. C. J.) 29 - Lowell (A. L.) 5 - Lubbock (Sir John) 17 - Lucan 18 - Lutoslawski (W.) 15 - Lyall (Edna) 22 - Lynch (H. F. B.) 9 - Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) 10 - ---- (Hon. A.) 12 - Lytton (Earl of) 5, 19 - - Macaulay (Lord) 5, 6, 19 - Macdonald (G.) 9 - ---- (Dr. G.) 19, 32 - Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 29 - Mackail (J. W.) 8, 18 - Mackinnon (J.) 6 - Macleod (H. D.) 17 - Macpherson (Rev. H. A.) 12 - Madden (D. H.) 13 - Magnusson (E.) 22 - Maher (Rev. M.) 16 - Malleson (Col. G. B.) 5 - Mann (E. E.) 29 - Marbot (Baron de) 8 - Marchmont (A. W.) 22 - Marshman (J. C.) 8 - Martineau (Dr. James) 32 - Maryon (M.) 31 - Mason (A. E. W.) 22 - Maskelyne (J. N.) 13 - Matthews (B.) 31 - Maunder (S.) 25 - Max Müller (F.) 8, 15, 16, 17, - 22, 31, 32 - May (Sir T. Erskine) 6 - Meade (L. T.) 26 - Melville (G. J. Whyte) 22 - Merivale (Dean) 6 - Merriman (H. S.) 22 - Mill (John Stuart) 15, 17 - Millais (J. G.) 13 - Milner (G.) 31 - Moffat (D.) 13, 19 - Monck (W. H. S.) 15 - Montague (F. C.) 6 - Moon (G. W.) 19 - Moore (T.) 25 - ---- (Rev. Edward) 14 - Morgan (C. Lloyd) 17 - Morris (Mowbray) 11 - ---- (W.) 18, 19, 20, 22, 30, 31 - Mulhall (M. G.) 17 - - Nansen (F.) 9 - Nash (V.) 6 - Nesbit (E.) 20 - Nettleship (R. L.) 15 - Newman (Cardinal) 22 - - Oldfield (Hon. Mrs.) 7 - Onslow (Earl of) 11, 12 - Osbourne (L.) 23 - - Park (W.) 14 - Payne-Gallwey (Sir R.) 11, 14 - Pearson (C. H.) 8 - Peek (Hedley) 11 - Pemberton (W. S. Childe-) 7 - Pembroke (Earl of) 12 - Pennant (C. D.) 12 - Phillipps-Wolley (C.) 10, 22 - Pitman (C. M.) 11 - Pleydell-Bouverie (E. O.) 12 - Pole (W.) 14 - Pollock (W. H.) 11, 31 - Poole (W. H. and Mrs.) 29 - Pooler (C. K.) 20 - Poore (G. V.) 31 - Pope (W. H.) 12 - Powell (E.) 6 - Praeger (S. Rosamond) 26 - Prevost (C.) 11 - Pritchett (R. T.) 12 - Proctor (R. A.) 14, 24, 28 - - Raine (Rev. James) 5 - Randolph (C. F.) 6 - Rankin (R.) 20 - Ransome (Cyril) 3, 6 - Raymond (W.) 22 - Reader (Emily E.) 23 - Rhoades (J.) 18 - Rice (S. P.) 10 - Rich (A.) 18 - Richardson (C.) 10, 12 - Rickaby (Rev. John) 16 - ---- (Rev. Joseph) 16 - Ridley (Sir E.) 18 - ---- (Alice) 23 - Riley (J. W.) 20 - Roget (Peter M.) 16, 25 - Romanes (G. J.) 8, 15, 17, 20, 32 - ---- (Mrs. G. J.) 8 - Ronalds (A.) 14 - Roosevelt (T.) 5 - Ross (Martin) 23 - Rossetti (Maria Francesca) 31 - Rotheram (M. A.) 29 - Rowe (R. P. P.) 11 - Russell (Lady) 8 - - Saintsbury (G.) 12 - Sandars (T. C.) 15 - Savage-Armstrong (G. F.) 20 - Seebohm (F.) 6, 8 - Selous (F. C.) 10, 14 - Senior (W.) 11, 12 - Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 23 - Shakespeare 20 - Shand (A. I.) 12 - Shaw (W. A.) 6 - Shearman (M.) 10, 11 - Sinclair (A.) 12 - Smith (R. Bosworth) 6 - ---- (T. C.) 5 - ---- (W. P. Haskett) 10 - Somerville (E.) 23 - Sophocles 18 - Soulsby (Lucy H.) 31 - Southey (R.) 31 - Spahr (C. B.) 17 - Spedding (J.) 7, 14 - Stanley (Bishop) 24 - Stebbing (W.) 8, 23 - Steel (A. G.) 10 - Stephen (Leslie) 10 - Stephens (H. Morse) 6 - Sternberg (Count Adalbert) 7 - Stevens (R. W.) 32 - Stevenson (R. L.) 20, 23, 26 - Stock (St. George) 15 - Storr (F.) 14 - Stuart-Wortley (A. J.) 11, 12 - Stubbs (J. W.) 7 - Suffolk & Berkshire (Earl of) 11 - Sullivan (Sir E.) 12 - Sully (James) 16 - Sutherland (A. and G.) 7 - ---- (Alex.) 16, 32 - ---- (G.) 32 - Suttner (B. von) 23 - Swan (M.) 23 - Swinburne (A. J.) 16 - Symes (J. E.) 17 - - Taylor (Meadows) 7 - ---- (Una) 23 - Tebbutt (C. G.) 12 - Terry (C. S.) 8 - Thornhill (W. J.) 18 - Thornton (T. 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Crown 8vo., 4_s._ 6_d._ - - - - -TRANSCRIBERS' NOTES - - - General: Variable capitalisation, particularly of names starting Mac, as - in the original - General: Variable hyphenation where words are part of quotations is left - as in the original - Page xvii: Errata have been applied to the text - Page 26: Killmallock standardised to Kilmallock - Page 47 (footnote): Walingham corrected to Walsingham (Jul. 22) - Page 79: new-comers standardised to newcomers. - Page 92: rurrender corrected to surrender - Page 102: senechal standardised to seneschal - Page 112 (footnote): senechal standardised to seneschal - Page 114: waa corrected to was; were corrected to where - Page 132, 479: Variable spelling of Black Friars/Blackfriars as in the - original text - Page 144: Irish countries as in the original. Should perhaps be counties - Page 149 (second footnote): Burgley corrected to Burghley - Page 160 (footnote): spelling of acquital as in the original text - Page 178: inconsistent spelling of galleasses/galeass as in the original - text - Page 180: immeately corrected to immediately - Page 182, 478: inconsistent spelling of Christobal/Cristobal d'Avila as - in the original text - Page 185: Spelling of Rossclogher as in the original - Page 203: senechal standardised to seneschal - Page 208: surrended corrected to surrendered - Page 245: Duugannon corrected to Dungannon - Page 247 (footnote): Russsell corrected to Russell - Page 252: possesion corrected to possession - Page 263, 482: Index for Clogher refers to page mentioning Cloghan as in - original - Page 281: knigthood corrected to knighthood - Page 282: newswriter standardised to news-writer - Page 291: Lietenant-General corrected to Lieutenant-General - Page 295 (footnote): The second page number in the range cited of - Spedding is illegible - Page 329: senechal standardised to seneschal - Page 339: signataries corrected to signatories - Page 343: that corrected to than - Page 350, 486: Index for Fitzsimon refers to page mentioning Fitzimon as - in original - Page 393: extemities corrected to extremities - Page 400: undertand corrected to understand - Page 407: as corrected to at - Page 418: sharpshooters standardised to sharp-shooters - Page 418 (footnote): Last date of the letter to Cecil is illegible - Page 465: Mountgarrett standardised to Mountgarret - Page 465 (footnote): Pacata Hibernica corrected to Pacata Hibernia - Page 470: a deleted before to Dublin - Page 477: Angelus corrected to Angelis - Page 478: Ballilogher standardised to Balliloghan - Page 484: Dunaynie corrected to Dunanynie - Page 486: Fffrehan corrected to Ffrehan - Page 488: Gormanstown standardised to Gormanston; Authur corrected to - Arthur in the entry for Hyde; reference to Ikerrin as in the - original text although this does not occur on the page listed - Page 489: Kilcoman corrected to Kilcornan - Page 490: Entry for Kilkenny has page 305 placed as in the original - Page 491: Rosscommon corrected to Roscommon in the entry for MacDermot; - page reference for MacDevitt corrected from 277 to 377 - Page 492: O'Neile corrected to O'Neill in the entry for MacShane; Rony - corrected to Rory in the entry for MacSheehy; Cuconnaght - standardised to Cuconnaught in the entry for Maguire - Page 494: Entry for Norris, Sir Thomas page 212 corrected to 312 - Page 495: Entry for O'Donnell, particularly the last line, as in the - original - Page 496: O'Kenedies standardised to O'Kennedys - Page 497: Entry for O'Sullivan Bere page 12 corrected to 112; Owney - Abbey standardised to Owny; Penmaen Maur standardised to Mawr - Page 498: Page number for Ribera omitted from original added - Page 499: Page number for Rothe, David omitted from original added - Page 502: Page numbers for White, Sir Nicholas omitted from original - added - Advertisements page 2: Marchment corrected to Marchmont; Millias - corrected to Millais - Advertisements page 5: Ratificaton corrected to Ratification; blank - price for The Mystery of Mary Stuart as in the original - Advertisements page 8: Fac-similes standardised to Facsimiles in entry - for Shakespeare - Advertisements page 9: Blank price for Lynch's Armenia as in the - original - Advertisements page 13: Wild-fowl standardised to Wildfowl in entry for - Folkard - Advertisements page 26: Further Adventures of the Three Bold Babies - corrected to Babes - Advertisements page 29: Music and Morlas corrected to Music and Morals - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Ireland under the Tudors. 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