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diff --git a/old/52587-8.txt b/old/52587-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 104c903..0000000 --- a/old/52587-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4402 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Pax mundi, by Klas Pontus Arnoldson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Pax mundi - A concise account of the progress of the movement for peace - by means of arbitration, neutralization, international law - and disarmament - -Author: Klas Pontus Arnoldson - -Release Date: July 17, 2016 [EBook #52587] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAX MUNDI *** - - - - -Produced by Bryan Ness, Graeme Mackreth and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - - -PAX MUNDI. - - - - - PAX MUNDI - - A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF THE PROGRESS OF - THE MOVEMENT FOR PEACE - BY MEANS OF ARBITRATION, NEUTRALIZATION, - INTERNATIONAL LAW AND DISARMAMENT - - BY - - K.P. ARNOLDSON - - _Member of the Second Chamber of the Swedish Riksdag_ - - AUTHORIZED ENGLISH EDITION - WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY THE BISHOP OF DURHAM - - [Illustration] - - London - - SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO. - PATERNOSTER SQUARE - 1892 - - - - - BUTLER & TANNER, - THE SELWOOD PRINTING WORKS, - FROME, AND LONDON. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - - INTRODUCTION 1 - - ARBITRATION 8 - - NEUTRALITY 40 - - FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS 82 - - THE PROSPECTS 138 - - APPENDIX 165 - - - - -PREFATORY NOTE. - - -This little work, written by one who has long been known as a -consistent and able advocate of the views herein maintained, has been -translated by a lady who has already rendered great services to the -cause, in the belief that it will be found useful by the increasing -number of those who are interested in the movement for the substitution -of Law for War in international affairs. - - J.F.G. - - - - -INTRODUCTION TO THE ENGLISH EDITION. - - -It is natural that the advocates of international Peace should -sometimes grow discouraged and impatient through what they are tempted -to consider the slow progress of their cause. Sudden outbursts of -popular feeling, selfish plans for national aggrandisement, unremoved -causes of antipathy between neighbours, lead them to overlook the -general tendency of circumstances and opinions which, when it is -regarded on a large scale, is sufficient to justify their loftiest -hopes. It is this general tendency of thought and fact, corresponding -to the maturer growth of peoples, which brings to us the certain -assurance that the Angelic Hymn which welcomed the Birth of Christ -advances, slowly it may be as men count slowness, but at least -unmistakably, towards fulfilment. There are pauses and interruptions -in the movement; but, on the whole, no one who patiently regards the -course of human history can doubt that we are drawing nearer from -generation to generation to a practical sense of that brotherhood and -that solidarity of men--both words are necessary--which find their -foundation and their crown in the message of the Gospel. - -Under this aspect the Essay of Mr. Arnoldson is of great value, as -giving a calm and comprehensive view of the progress of the course of -Peace during the last century, and of the influences which are likely -to accelerate its progress in the near future. - -Mr. Arnoldson, who, as a member of the Swedish Parliament, is a -practical statesman, indulges in no illusions. The fulness with which -he dwells on the political problems of Scandinavia shows that he is -not inclined to forget practical questions under the attraction of -splendid theories. He marks the chief dangers which threaten the peace -of Europe, without the least sign of dissembling their gravity. And -looking steadily upon them, he remains bold in hope; for confidence -in a great cause does not come from disregarding or disparaging the -difficulties by which it is beset, but from the reasonable conviction -that there are forces at work which are adequate to overcome them. - -We believe that it is so in the case of a policy of Peace; and the -facts to which Mr. Arnoldson directs attention amply justify the -belief. It is of great significance that since 1794 there have been "at -least sixty-seven instances in which disputes of a menacing character -have been averted by arbitration"; and perhaps the unquestioning -acceptance by England of the Genevan award will hereafter be reckoned -as one of her noblest services to the world. It is no less important -that since the principle of arbitration was solemnly recognised by -the Congress of Paris in 1856, arbitral clauses have been introduced -into many treaties, while the question of establishing a universal -system of international arbitration has been entertained and discussed -sympathetically by many parliaments. - -At the same time Mr. Arnoldson justly insists on the steady increase of -the power of neutrals. Without accepting the possibility of "a Neutral -League," he points out how a necessary regard to the interests of -neutrals restrains the powers which are meditating war. And I cannot -but believe that he is right when he suggests that the problems of the -neutralization of Scandinavia, of Alsace and Lorraine, of the Balkan -States, of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, demand the attention of all -who seek to hasten "the coming peace." - -It would be easy to overrate the direct value of these facts; but -their value as signs of the direction in which public opinion is -rapidly moving can hardly be overrated. They are symptoms of a growing -recognition of the obligations of man to man, and of people to people, -of our common human interests and of our universal interdependence. - -I should not lay great stress on the deterrent power of the prospect of -the ruinous losses and desolations likely to follow from future wars. -A great principle might well demand from a nation great sacrifices; -and the very strength of a policy of Peace lies in the postponement -of material interests to human duties. But none the less the wide -expansion of commercial and social intercourse, joint enterprises, even -rivalries not always ungenerous, exercise a salutary influence upon -the feeling of nation for nation, and make what were once regarded as -natural animosities no longer possible. - -Under the action of these forces we are learning more and more to -endeavour to regard debated questions from the point of sight of -our adversaries, to take account of their reasonable aspirations, to -make allowance for their difficulties, even to consider how they can -best render their appropriate service to the race, while we strive no -less resolutely to keep or to secure the power of fulfilling our own. -We could not regard our enemies as our grandfathers regarded theirs. -Already the conviction begins to make itself felt that the loss of one -people is the loss of all. - -Meanwhile the growth of popular power and popular responsibility brings -a wider and more collective judgment to bear upon national questions. -The masses of peoples have more in common than their leaders, among -whom individual character has fuller development. The average opinion -of men, when the facts are set forth, responds to pleas of fellowship -and righteousness, and tends to become dominant. - -Such influences in favour of international Peace spring out of steady -movements which, as they continue, will increase them. The past does -not limit their power, but simply reveals the line of their action. -Above all, they correspond with that view of our Christian faith which -the Holy Spirit is disclosing to us by means of the trials of our age. -Through many sorrows and many disappointments we are learning that the -fact of the Incarnation assures to us the unity of men and classes and -nations; and a wider study of history, which is now possible, shows -that the course of events makes for the establishment of that unity for -which we were created. - -I cannot therefore but hope that the Essay of Mr. Arnoldson, which -gives substantial evidence of the reality and growth of this movement -towards Peace, will confirm in courageous and patient labour for an -assured end all who join in the prayer that it may please God "to give -to all nations unity, peace, and concord." - - B.F. DUNELM. - - AUCKLAND CASTLE, - _October 14th, 1891_. - - - - -PAX MUNDI. - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -It was the small beginning of a great matter when, on December 22nd, -1620, a hundred Puritans landed from the ship _Mayflower_ upon the -rocky shore of the New World, having, during the voyage, signed a -constitution to be observed by the colonists. - -These pious pilgrims were guided by the conception of religious freedom -which should construct for them there a new kingdom. They had, say the -annalists of the colony, crossed the world's sea and had reached their -goal; but no friend came forth to meet them; no house offered them -shelter. And it was mid-winter. Those who know that distant clime, know -how bitter are the winters and how dangerous the storms which at that -season ravage the coast. It were bad enough in similar circumstances -to travel in a well-known region; but how much worse when it is a -question of seeking to settle on an entirely unknown shore. - -They saw around them only a bare, cheerless country, filled with wild -animals and inhabited by men of questionable disposition and in unknown -numbers. The country was frozen and overgrown with woods and thickets. -The whole aspect was wild; and behind them lay the measureless ocean, -which severed them from the civilized world. Comfort and hope were to -be found only in turning their gaze heavenward. - -That they did conquer that ungrateful land and open the way for the -boundless stream of immigration which for wellnigh three centuries has -unceasingly poured in, must find its explanation in the faith that -upheld their ways amid the dangers of the wilderness, amid the hunger, -cold, and all manner of disheartening things, and gave them that power -which removed mountains and made the desert bloom. - -These Puritans, strong in faith, were the founders of the New World's -greatness; and their spirit spoke out to the Old World in the greeting -with which the President of the United States consecrated the first -transatlantic telegraph cable in 1866:-- - -"Glory be to God in the highest, and on earth peace, goodwill to men." - -When this message came to us, the roar of cannon was but newly hushed, -and the man of "blood and iron" had victoriously set his foot upon one -of Europe's great powers; the same Austria which since then has, by the -Triple Alliance, united its warlike strength with Germany. - -But that message has not been an unheeded sound to all; especially -to those whose warning voices the people never listen to before the -misfortune falls, but who are always justified after it has struck. -Yes! perchance in the near future it may again appeal to their reason, -and find a hearing only when Europe has fallen into untold miseries -after another war. - -While menacing forebodings of this long expected war were spreading in -the summer of 1887 through various parts of our continent, a little -company of courageous men, strong in faith, like the pious pilgrims of -the _Mayflower_, gathered together for the voyage across the sea to -the New World, there to lay the foundation of a lasting work for peace. - -Their first object was to present to the President of the United States -and to Congress an address aiming at the establishment of a Court of -Arbitration, qualified to deal with disputes which might arise between -Great Britain and the United States of North America. In that address, -signed by 270 Members of the British Parliament, allusion was made to -the resolutions on peace which from time to time had been brought into -Congress; and those who undersigned it declared themselves ready to -bring all their influence to bear in inducing the Government of Great -Britain to accept the proposition which should come from the Congress. -Amongst those who signed it were, besides many distinguished Members of -the House of Commons, several peers, including some of the bishops. - -The address was presented to President Cleveland on October 31st, by -a deputation of twelve Members of Parliament, whose spokesman, Mr. -Andrew Carnegie, in his introductory speech, said: "Few events in the -world's history would rank with the making of such a treaty. Perhaps -only two in our own country's history could fitly be compared with -it. Washington's administration established the republic; Lincoln's -administration abolished human slavery. We fondly hope, sir, that -it may be reserved for yours to conclude a treaty not only with the -government of the other great English-speaking nation, but with other -lands as well, which shall henceforth and for ever secure to those -nations the blessings of mutual peace and goodwill. The conclusion of -such a treaty will have done much to remove from humanity its greatest -stain--the killing of man by man. And we venture to hope, that if the -two great nations here represented set such an example, other nations -may be induced to follow it, and war be thus ultimately banished from -the face of the earth." - -In the President's favourable answer he mentioned that no nation in its -moral and material development could show more victories in the domain -of peace than the American; and it appeared to him that the land which -had produced such proofs of the blessings of peace, and therefore need -not fear being accused of weakness, must be in a specially favourable -position to listen to a proposal like the present; wherefore he -received it with pleasure and satisfaction. - -A week later, Nov. 8th, the son-in-law of Queen Victoria, the Marquis -of Lorne, presided over a great meeting in London, at which many -eminent men were present. The chairman emphatically remarked in his -speech, that the settlement of international disputes by a Court -of Arbitration has the advantage that, through the delay which is -necessary, the first excitement has time to cool. The meeting declared -itself unanimously in favour of the proposed memorial. Thereupon -followed many similar expressions of opinion in England, whilst -simultaneously in twenty of the largest cities of North America mass -meetings were held, which with unanimous enthusiasm gave adhesion -to the cause, and petitions of the same character flowed in to the -President and Congress from the various parts of the great republic. - -Encouraged by these preparatory movements amongst the two great -English-speaking peoples, M. Frédéric Passy, with other Members of -the Legislative Assembly of France, placed himself at the head of a -movement to petition the French Government, requesting that it should -conclude an Arbitration Treaty with the United States. - -Such a memorial, bearing the signatures of 112 deputies and 16 -senators, was received with much interest by the President. - -On April 21st, 1888, Passy and forty-four other deputies moved a -resolution in the Chamber to the same effect; and the idea has been -carried forward in many ways since then, especially by a petition to -the President of the United States from three International Congresses -held in Paris, June 23rd-30th, 1889. - - - - -ARBITRATION. - - -Should these efforts lead in the near future to the intended result, -International Law would thereby have made an important progress. - -It can no longer be denied that International Law does actually exist; -but we undervalue its significance because we are impatient. We do -not notice the advances it has made because they have been small; -but they have been numerous; and slowly, step by step, international -jurisprudence has progressed. This affects not only the awakening sense -of justice and acknowledged principles, but also their application, -which from the days of Hugo Grotius, 250 years ago, down to Martens, -Bluntschli, Calvo, and other most distinguished jurists of our day, has -been the subject of great scholarly activity, by means of which the -various regulations of jurisprudence have little by little been pieced -together into a foundation and substance of universally accepted law. - -What has been most generally done to gain the object in view has -been the INSERTION OF ARBITRAL CLAUSES in treaties which were being -concluded or had already been concluded in reference to other -questions. In this direction SIGNOR MANCINI of Italy has been -especially active. As during the time he was Minister of Foreign -Affairs he had the concluding of a great number of treaties between -Italy and other countries, he made use of the opportunity to insert -into almost all--in nineteen instances[1]--an arbitral clause. - -We have examples of treaties with such clauses in the commercial -treaty between Italy and England, 1883; Norway, Sweden, and Spain, by -a supplement in 1887; also England and Greece, 1886. According to the -first two agreements, all disputes about the right understanding of -the treaties shall be settled by arbitration, as soon as it becomes -apparent that it is vain to hope for a friendly arrangement. In the -Greco-English treaty it is further stipulated that all disputes which -directly or indirectly may arise in consequence of that treaty always -shall, if they cannot be amicably arranged, be referred to a committee -of arbitration, which shall be nominated by each party with a like -number of members; also that if this committee cannot agree, there -shall be appointed a tribunal of arbitration, whose decision both -nations bind themselves to accept. - -The idea of concluding distinct TREATIES OF ARBITRATION, or of giving a -widely extended range to arbitral clauses, so that they should affect -the whole relation of the contracting parties to one another, is -comparatively new. - -So far as I know, Mr. William Jay was the first who in modern times -advocated this idea, in a work which came out in New York in 1842, and -in which he proposed: that in the next treaty between, for example, the -United States and France, it should be stated that in case any dispute -should arise between the two nations, not only in respect of the -interpretation of that treaty, but also in respect of any other subject -whatever, the dispute should be settled by means of an arbitration by -one or more friendly powers. - -A similar proposition was presented to Lord Clarendon in 1853. By -sending a deputation to the plenipotentiaries at the CONGRESS AT -PARIS in 1856, the English "Peace Society" succeeded in inducing -them to introduce into, one of the protocols a solemn recognition -of the principle of Arbitration. In the name of their governments -they expressed the wish that the states between which any serious -misunderstanding should arise, should, as far as circumstances -permitted, submit the question to the arbitration of a friendly power -before resorting to arms. This proposition, which was unanimously -adopted, was made by Lord Clarendon, the representative of England, and -supported by the emissaries of France, Prussia, and Italy,--Walewsky, -Manteufel, and Cavour. - -But the first movement in favour of independent Treaties of Arbitration -came up in a petition in 1847, from the English Peace Society to -Parliament. - -The next year this subject was discussed in the Peace Congress at -Brussels. - -A few months later, Cobden brought forward in the House of Commons -an address to the Government, with the request that the Minister of -Foreign Affairs should be charged to invite foreign powers to enter -into treaties with this object. The proposal was in the beginning -received with astonishment and scorn; but called forth later an earnest -and important debate. - -About six years later, HENRY RICHARD drew the attention of many -influential members of the American Congress to the relations -which were felt to be favourable for trying to arrange a treaty of -arbitration between Great Britain and the United States. American -statesmen, less bound by the old traditions of European diplomacy -would, it was thought, be able with greater freedom to attempt such -a novelty. The replies to this application were very favourable and -encouraging, and in various ways since then attempts have been made to -realize the idea. - -IN MANY PARLIAMENTS from time to time propositions in this direction -have been brought forward and approved. - -On July 8th, 1873, Henry Richard brought before the English Parliament -a proposition requesting the Government to invite negotiation -with foreign powers for creating a universal and well-established -international system of arbitration. The then Prime Minister, -Gladstone, expressed himself as favourable to, the proposal, but -advised its being withdrawn. Richard, nevertheless, persisted that it -should be dealt with, and obtained the remarkable result, that it was -carried with a majority of ten. - -This example was followed by the ITALIAN CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, Nov. -24th of the same year; and again on July 12th, 1890;[2] by the STATES -GENERAL OF HOLLAND, Nov. 27th, 1874; by the BELGIAN CHAMBER OF -REPRESENTATIVES, Dec. 19th, 1875; and shortly after by the SENATE of -the United States of America, and CONGRESS also, June 17th, 1874; and -April 4th, 1890. - -The last-named resolution of Congress had been accepted by the Senate, -Feb. 15th of the same year, being recommended by the Committee on -Foreign Affairs, and runs thus:-- - - The President be, and is hereby requested to invite from time to - time, as fit occasions may arise, negotiations with any government - with which the United States has or may have diplomatic relations, - to the end that any difficulties or disputes arising between them, - which cannot be adjusted by diplomatic agency, may be referred to - arbitration, and be peaceably adjusted by such means. - -On May 9th, 1890, Don Arturo de Marcoartu moved in the SPANISH SENATE -that the Spanish Government should enter into relations with other -European powers to bring about a permanent tribunal of arbitration in -Europe. In the first place, the mover proposed that the states should -come to an agreement upon a general truce for five years. In that -interval a congress of emissaries from all the European Governments and -Parliaments should be called together. The business of the congress -should be to work out a code of international law. The proposition was -urged, especially with regard to the necessity of finding a reasonable -solution of the great social question, since all effort in that -direction appears to be hopeless so long as the savings of the nations -are swallowed up by military expenditure. The Minister of Foreign -Affairs requested the Senate to take the proposition into serious -consideration, and on June 14th the Senate resolved to authorize the -Government to enter into negotiations with foreign powers for the -object indicated. - -Neither are the Scandinavian Parliaments unaffected by this movement. - -As far back as 1869 the question of arbitration was mooted in the -SWEDISH PARLIAMENT by Jonas Jonassen. In 1874 he proposed in the second -chamber that Parliament should submit to the King "that it would behove -his majesty on all occasions that might present themselves to support -the negotiations which foreign powers might open with Sweden or with -each other with reference to the creation of a tribunal of arbitration -for the solving of international disputes." The committee which dealt -with the proposition advised its acceptance. The Lower House passed -it, March 21st, by seventy-one votes against sixty-four; but the Upper -House rejected it. - -The miserable dealing of the Parliament of 1890 with the question I -shall have occasion to refer to further on. - -In the same year, the question made surprising advance in NORWAY. On -March 5th the Storting voted on the motion of Ullmann and many others, -by eighty-nine votes against twenty-four, an address to the King, which -begins thus:-- - - "The Storting hereby respectfully approaches your Majesty, with the - request that your Majesty will make use of the authority given by the - constitution in seeking to enter into agreements with foreign powers, - for the settling by arbitration of disputes which may arise between - Norway and those powers." - -And concludes with these words:-- - - "In the full assurance that what the Storting here requests will be an - unqualified benefit to our people, it is hereby submitted that your - Majesty should take the necessary steps indicated." - -A similar resolution was very near being voted by the DANISH FOLKETING -in 1875. The proposition as brought forward was, May 13th, unanimously -recommended by the committee in charge, but on account of the -dissolution of the House two days later, could not be acted upon. - -Several years ago a petition was circulated in the various districts -of Denmark, by which Parliament was urged to co-operate as early -as possible in bringing about a permanent Scandinavian treaty of -arbitration. - -In such a treaty, binding in the first instance for thirty years, -the petition affirms that the three northern kingdoms will have an -efficient moral support when there is occasion to withstand the -efforts of the great powers to entice or to threaten any of them to -take part in war as allies on one side or the other. Such a treaty -will, therefore, in great measure serve to preserve the neutrality of -the northern kingdoms, and thereby their lasting independence. - -This petition was dealt with in the Folketing, March 27th, 1888. After -a short discussion, the following motion of F. Bajer was passed by -fifty votes against sixteen. - - "Since the Folketing agrees with the wish expressed in the petition, - provided it is shared by the other States without whom it cannot be - carried out, the House passes on to the order of the day." - -In his little paper: _On the Prevention of War by Arbitration_, F. -Bajer writes: - - "It may certainly be granted, that a little State like Denmark cannot - well work at the creation of a European tribunal of arbitration, - so far as that means setting itself at the head of a movement for - inviting the other European States to a Congress by which its creation - shall be adopted. - - "But a little State like Denmark can always do something in the - direction of arbitration between States. It can bring the matter a - practical step forward by applying first to the other small States, - especially to the neighbour States of Sweden and Norway, and proposing - to them that mutual disputes shall in future, as far as possible, be - settled by arbitration when other means have failed. The relations - between the three northern kingdoms are indeed now so friendly that a - war between them can hardly be thought of for a moment. But--as was - said in confirmation of the resolution in the first northern Peace - Meeting, respecting a permanent arbitration treaty between the three - kingdoms--they have carried on many bloody internecine wars, which - have only benefited their powerful neighbours, but have been in the - highest degree injurious to themselves; and the possibility of war - between the three northern kingdoms is not excluded so long as they - are not simultaneously neutralized, or in some other way engaged to - carry out a common foreign policy. It is no longer ago than 1873 - that the so-called "pilots' war" in Oeresund caused much bad blood - among relatives on both sides of the sound. That that was settled - authoritatively by the mutual declaration of the 14th of August is - due to circumstances on whose continuance for the future it is not - possible to reckon. Had a strained relation at the same time obtained - between one or more of the great powers within or without the Baltic - ports, and had these endeavoured to sow discord between the coast - powers, that they might fish in the troubled waters, and feather - their own nests by getting these small states as their allies; and - if one power had got Denmark, but its enemy got Sweden-Norway as an - ally--a new northern fratricidal war would have broken out. Even if - such a future possibility cannot be entirely eradicated by a mutual - arbitration treaty amongst the northern nations, a new guarantee for - peace would be secured." (Bluntschli's expression.) "For the small - northern kingdoms would by such a treaty acquire an excellent moral - support when it came to withstanding the attempt of the great powers - to entice or threaten them into taking part in wars as their allies. - Such a participation is always a dangerous game, because, as history - shows, the small States lose rather than gain. The small States are - used as counters for the great ones to play with." - -At this point we may remark, that as far back as 1848, the same year -that the Peace Congress was held in Brussels, Feb. 2nd, a treaty (the -Guadaloupe-Hidalgo Treaty) was concluded between the United States of -America and Mexico, containing a clause that a committee of arbitration -shall settle, not only such differences as may arise directly -concerning that treaty, but also shall, as the highest authority, -adjudicate as far as possible all disputes which may arise between the -high contracting States.[3] - -SWITZERLAND concluded, July 20th, 1864, a similar treaty with the -HAWAIAN ISLANDS, and on October 30th with SAN SALVADOR.[4] - -Siam, whose monarch has given many proofs of sympathy for Oskar II., -concluded a similar treaty, May 18th, 1868, with the UNITED KINGDOMS, -and also with BELGIUM, Aug. 29th of the same year.[5] The CENTRAL and -SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS, HONDURAS, and THE UNITED STATES OF COLOMBIA -did the same when on April 10th, 1882, they signed an arbitration -treaty between themselves.[6] - -Since that time this vigorous idea has grown into the CENTRAL AND SOUTH -AMERICAN ARBITRATION LEAGUE, and is now making good way towards being -applied to the whole of America. - -The question now is, whether the VALUE OF PEACE TREATIES, in general -or in particular, which are established between mutually distant small -States can be estimated as highly as the good intention of their -creation, which is habitually acknowledged to be good? Are they -something to be depended upon? Will they be carried into effect? - -That depends in the first place upon what is meant by peace treaties. - -If reference is made to certain international settlements which the -conquered, with hatred in their hearts, bleeding, upon their knees were -FORCED to accept, we may at once grant that they imply no security -for peace, but, on the contrary, are a fresh source of warlike -complications. - -Thus, for example, the conclusion of peace which France was FORCED to -sign at Versailles, Feb. 26th, 1871, and by which Alsace-Lorraine was -torn from France, became a volcano which now for nineteen years has -held the nations in suspense and unrest, and still threatens to ruin -Europe. - -Neither would it be advisable to set much store on such obligations as -the Western Powers undertook in the agreement which goes by the name -of the NOVEMBER TREATY, to help us to defend the northern part of our -peninsula against Russia; because a guaranteed neutrality implies in -reality more danger than safety, if the guarantee is not mutual; that -is, in this instance, if our eastern neighbour is not included in the -guarantee; which is so far from being the case that the treaty, on the -contrary, is a source of menace and distrust to him.[7] - -With respect to certain treaties of alliance, whose object is to -collect THE GREATEST POSSIBLE NUMBER OF BAYONETS as a mutual security -against other powers, who, on their side, seek to protect themselves -by uniting their forces, nobody can see in them anything else than a -guarantee for an armed peace, which, by the necessity of its nature, -leads to war. - -If, on the contrary, by peace treaties are meant such international -contracts as are NOT WRITTEN IN BLOOD; such as relate to trade and -commerce, industry, art, science and so on, it would be in vain to seek -for a single instance of the breach of contract, either on the side of -the weaker or the stronger. - -Neither can any example in our time be pointed to of open violation of -the rights of a small country in its quality of an independent State, -as long as these rights have stood under the mutual guarantee of the -great powers. - -As evidence to the contrary, the London treaty of May 8th, 1853, has -been adduced, which was intended to secure Denmark's neutrality; the -Treaty of Paris, April 14th, 1856, respecting the Black Sea; and the -fifth article of the Peace of Prague in 1866. But here the fault lies -in a misunderstanding. - -What the Treaty of London established was not the indivisibility of -Denmark, but of the Dano-German monarchy. The German territory was to -be fast linked to the Danish. This was admitted, as a principle, by the -treaty to be fitting and right, but the treaty contained no trace of -stipulations as to guarantee. - -With respect to Russia's breach of treaty of the stipulations as to -her banishment from the Black Sea as a military power,[8] it must -be remembered that the representatives of the powers, and of Russia -also, on January 17th, 1871, signed a protocol, whereby it was -settled as an essential axiom in international law, that no power can -absolve itself from the obligations which are entered into by treaty -without the consent of the contracting parties. Therefore Russia -openly acknowledged that her declaration of not choosing to abide -by the injunctions stipulated for in the Treaty of Paris respecting -the Black Sea, was precipitate, and that, consequently, the treaty -was permanently in force until it was formally abrogated. This took -place in the new treaty of March 3rd, of the same year. Besides, here -comes in what was said above about the value of such treaties as are -concluded after brute force has determined the issue. And this not only -was the case in the Black Sea stipulations, but also with respect to -the unfulfilled promises of article 5 of the Treaty of Prague, whereby -the Danish people was to be given the opportunity for a plebiscite in -determining upon their reunion with Denmark. As to the peace treaties -between the lesser States, which certainly have important trade -relations one with another, but which, on account of their mutually -distant position, cannot reasonably be expected to go to war with each -other, it is true that one cannot in general attribute any special -importance to them. Nothing is gained by over-estimating their value. -But they deserve to be brought forward as enrichments of international -law and guide-posts for other States. And that the small States need -not wait until the great ones are ready to unite appears just as much -in accordance with the nature of the case as with the interests of -their own well-being. - -Calvo, undeniably the first authority in these matters, emphasizes -as a significant fact, that no single example can be pointed to in -which States, after their mutual disputes have been referred to the -consideration or judgment of arbitrators, have sought to _withdraw from -the operation_ of the decision. And according to Henry Richard and -other authorities, by allowing international questions to be settled by -arbitration, at least in sixty-seven instances, disputes of a menacing -character have been averted. - -I shall not here give a detailed account of all these instances, but -only with the greatest conciseness refer to some of them. - -In 1794 a contest between England and the United States of America -respecting St. Croix river was settled by arbitration; in 1803 -France was in the same way condemned to pay 18 million francs to the -United States of America for unlawful seizure of vessels; in 1818 a -threatening dispute between Spain and the United States of America was -settled by arbitration, and a contention between these and England was -arranged by the Emperor of Russia, who was chosen as arbitrator, etc. - -The best known of such disputes was the so-called Alabama question, -which threatened a desolating world-war. This affair sprang out of the -North American civil war 1861-65. The Southern States had privateers -built in England, among which the _Alabama_ especially wrought great -mischief to the Northerners. The Government of the Union considered -that England had broken her neutrality in allowing the equipment of -the privateer, and requested compensation. - -A bitter feeling grew up and war appeared inevitable. But on January -24th, 1869, an agreement was happily entered into, which, with fresh -negotiations, led to the Washington treaty, May 8th, 1871. In harmony -with this the dispute was referred for settlement to a Court of -Arbitration consisting of five members, of which England and the United -States each chose one, and the neutral states of Italy, Switzerland, -and Brazil, likewise each chose one. These five met on December 15th, -1871, as a tribunal of arbitration, at Geneva, and delivered their -judgment on September 14th following (four votes against England's -one), that the English Government had made a breach in its duty -as a neutral power with respect to some of the privateers under -consideration, and therefore England would have to pay an indemnity of -15-1/2 million dollars to the United States.[9] - -England bowed to the award and fulfilled her duty. - -In the same way the powerful insular kingdom voluntarily submitted -to settlement in the weary contention regarding the possession of -Delagoa Bay and the surrounding region on the east coast of Africa. The -dispute was entrusted for settlement, in 1874, to the President of the -French Republic, MacMahon, and he decided in July, 1875, in favour of -Portugal. That the new contention between these two States, which for -some time now has excited an inflammable spirit, not only in Portugal, -but in other countries as well, will be arranged in the same friendly -manner, there is but little doubt. - -The claim of Portugal is much older than that of England. Its special -ground is the discovery of the coast which was made by Portuguese -mariners three hundred years ago. The Portuguese urge, that since -the coast is theirs, they have a right to go as far inland as they -choose and place the country thus entered under their dominion. They -say further, that they have made a treaty with a native ruler over a -kingdom which stretches far inland, and that ruined fortresses are -still to be found which show that they once had this distant region -in possession. To this assertion Lord Salisbury answers, that where -ruined fortresses are found they only testify to fallen dominion. The -English Government could not recognise Portugal's construction of the -contested question; according to that construction the question would -virtually turn upon the possession of Shireland and Mashonaland (the -inland country north and south of the Zambesi). It denied Portugal's -claim to this territory as so entirely groundless that it could not -enter into such a question; but has on the other hand made a peremptory -claim, arising from Portugal's violence towards the natives who are -under England's protection, for dishonour to the English flag, and for -other international offences, etc. - -The right of possession of the regions in question can no longer -be regarded as doubtful, since Portugal had set aside the general -international axiom, that the claim for possession according to -colonial usage can only be held valid when colonization is actually -carried out to the furtherance of civilization and public safety. -Portugal's assertion that the signatories of the Congo Act would be -the right adjudicators of the question was denied, upon the ground -that Portugal had delayed to make her claim valid when Nyassaland was -declared to belong to the sphere of England's interests. On July 1st, -1889, the Under-secretary, Sir James Fergusson, in the Lower House, -explained that the Portuguese Government had been informed that they -would be held answerable for all loss which Englishmen might suffer -by the annulling of the Delagoa railway convention. The same day Lord -Salisbury informed the Upper House that the English Government would -send three war-ships to Delagoa Bay, to be ready in case of need. -Portugal's conduct was, in his opinion, unjustifiable. - -Then came the noble lord's ultimatum, with the demand that Portugal -should recall all Portuguese officers and troops from the territory -which stands under the sovereignty of England or lies within the sphere -of England's interests, and give an answer within twenty-four hours; -otherwise England would be compelled to break off her relations with -Portugal. This threatening manner of procedure, by which a weaker -nation was humbled by superior power, roused bad blood in Portugal and -was sharply censured in many parts of Europe; yes, even in England, -and in Parliament, in the press, and at many great public meetings. -At one of these meetings, composed of 700 workmen delegates from -various parts of England and 130 Members of Parliament, in quality -of vice-presidents, it was unanimously resolved to protest against -Lord Salisbury's conduct as at variance with the dignity of the -British nation; and to request that the dispute should be settled by -arbitration--so much the rather, as the more certain one is of being -in the right, the more confidently can one's cause be placed in the -hands of an impartial tribunal. Later on the English Government, -together with the North American virtually resolved on this expedient -for solving, the difficulties relating to Delagoa Bay. Portugal made -difficulties and delays, but at length declared herself willing to -enter into a proposal for arbitration.[10] All three States were now -united in asking the Government of Switzerland to choose three of her -most distinguished jurist officials as arbitration judges. - -At the time when the first Anglo-Portuguese contest was settled by the -President of the French Republic there occurred a second example of -both importance and interest. For many years there had been a menacing -boundary dispute between Italy and Switzerland, just a little seed of -quarrel, such as formerly always broke out into bloody strife, since -according to the traditions of national honour not an inch of a patch -of ground must be given up except at the sword's point. But the two -kingdoms decided to commend the case to an arbitrator, viz., the United -States minister in Rome, P. Marsh, who, after a careful study of the -claims of the contending parties, declared judgment in favour of Italy, -and so the contention was adjusted. - -Two DANGEROUS DISPUTES, which in 1874-75 and 1880 threatened an -outbreak of war between CHINA and JAPAN, but were happily solved by -arbitration, might be named, but for fear of being prolix I dare not go -more particularly into them, instructive as they are. - -The first arose as a result of a murder of some Japanese on the island -of Formosa, and was settled by the English minister in Pekin, who was -chosen by both parties as arbitrator, who decided that China should -give Japan in redress a large sum of money, which was done.[11] - -The second of these disputes concerned the sovereignty of the Liu -Kiu Islands, and was adjusted by a compromise brought about by -ex-president Grant, who in a conversation with the Chinese Minister -uttered these memorable words: "An arbitration between two nations -will never satisfy both nations alike; but it always satisfies the -conscience of humanity."[12] - -Not to be tedious, I pass over here many other remarkable instances in -which war and lesser misfortunes have been averted by arbitration; and -will now name further only some of the latest date. - -In 1887 a lengthened dispute about boundaries between CHILI and the -ARGENTINE REPUBLIC was adjusted by arbitration, through the mediation -of the United States Ministers in the two countries. After a complete -and precise fixing of the boundary line, an agreement was added: That -the Straits of Magellan shall for ever be neutralized; free passage -shall be secured to ships of all nations, and the erection of forts or -other military works on either of its shores shall be forbidden. - -Fresh in the memory is the passionate quarrel between SPAIN and GERMANY -about the CAROLINE ISLANDS. That was submitted, on Prince Bismarck's -proposal, to Pope Leo XIII. for settlement, and was adjusted by him. - -Most people now living remember the AFGHANISTAN BOUNDARY question, -which was happily solved by the friendliness on both sides of the -RUSSIAN AND ENGLISH Governments. The whole world followed for a while -that dispute with anxiety and disquietude. The press unhappily, as -usual, employed its influence in stirring up the national passions -in both countries. But before it had gone too far, fortunately the -feelings were quieted by the public being reminded that both England -and Russia had taken part in the resolution of the Paris Congress, -which declared that when any serious dispute arose between any of -the contracting powers, it should be referred to the mediation of a -friendly power. Upon this ground the English Government proposed to the -Russian that the "dispute should be referred to the ruler of a friendly -State, to be adjusted in a manner consistent with the dignity of both -lands." This proposal was accepted, but did not come into practice. It -was not needed. The Afghanistan boundary commission itself carried out -its duties to a successful issue. - -Still later many smaller INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES have been solved by -arbitration; for instance:-- - -Between ITALY and COLOMBIA in South America, respecting Italian -subjects who had suffered loss through the last revolution in Colombia, -in which Spain as arbitrator decided in favour of Italy. - -Between BRAZIL and ARGENTINA respecting their boundaries, a dispute in -which both parties appealed for a settlement to the President of the -United States of America, and which was adjusted by him. - -Between the UNITED STATES of North America and DENMARK, in which the -latter was, by the chosen arbitrator, the English Ambassador at Athens, -Sir Edward Monson, after long delay freed from the obligation to pay -compensation to the Americans, because the Danish authorities had fired -at an American ship which in 1854 was escaping out of the harbour of -St. Thomas, and which was suspected of carrying supplies to Venezuela, -at that time in insurrection. - -In conclusion it can be urged,-- - -That FRANCE and HOLLAND agreed to have the boundary between their -possessions in Guiana determined by arbitration.[13] - -That the international committee which met in Washington to arrange the -impending fishery question between GREAT BRITAIN, CANADA and the UNITED -STATES, decided to recommend the creation of a permanent tribunal of -arbitration for adjusting future disputes respecting these relations; -also: - -That the council of the Swiss Confederation, at the combined request of -PORTUGAL and of the CONGO STATE Government has undertaken to arbitrate -the possible disputes which may arise respecting the regulation of -boundaries amongst their African territories. - -Besides these and other instances which I am acquainted with, many -others have certainly taken place, though attracting less attention. - -The idea of arbitration goes peacefully and quietly forward, and the -world therefore takes little notice of it. - -It is quite otherwise with the crash of war, whose external show of -greatness and glory, and whose inward hatred and crime, are desolating -the happiness of the nations and are accompanied by distress and gloom. - -The one is a fearful hurricane which rends the mountains and breaks in -pieces the rocks. - -The other is the still small voice, mightier than the devastating -storm, since it speaks to us in the name of everlasting righteousness, -because it is the voice of God. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[Footnote 1: Mazzoleni, in his "L'Italia nel movimento per la Pace," -gives twenty instances. See pp. 58, 59. TRANS.] - -[Footnote 2: On a motion by Ruggiero Bonghi, supported by Crispi in -a speech in which he said that the future depended upon a European -tribunal of arbitration.] - -[Footnote 3: See Martens' "Nouveau recueil général," xiv. p. 32 (art -xxi.), and Calvo, "Droit International," II., § 1499.] - -[Footnote 4: According to a Manuscript by President Louis Ruchonnet, -addressed to F. Bajer.] - -[Footnote 5: See "Svensk förfaltningssamling," 1869, No. 74, page 26, -and "Lois Beiges," 1869, No. 36, § 24. In the Swedish-Siamese treaty, -art. 25, it is stated: "Should any disagreement arise between the -contracting parties which cannot be arranged by friendly diplomatic -negotiation or correspondence, the question shall be referred for -solution to a friendly neutral power, mutually chosen, whose decision -the contracting powers shall accept as final." Similar agreements are -to be concluded between Italy and Switzerland, Spain and Uruguay, Spain -and Hawaii, and between France and Ecuador.] - -[Footnote 6: The Treaty is given word for word in the _Herald of -Peace_, July, 1883.] - -[Footnote 7: In this treaty, which was concluded at Stockholm, Nov. -21st, 1855, the King of Norway and Sweden bound himself not to resign -to Russia, or to barter with her, or otherwise allow her to possess, -any portion of the territory of the united kingdoms, nor to grant to -Russia right of pasture or fishery, or any similar rights, either on -the coast of Norway or Sweden. Any Russian proposal which might be made -under this head must be made directly to France or England, who then -by sea and land must support us by their military power. A glorious -contrast to the declaration of neutrality, Dec. 15th, 1853!] - -[Footnote 8: Conquered Russia had to bind herself, at the conclusion of -peace, not to keep war ships in the Black Sea, not to have any haven -for war ships on her coasts. Stipulations which were perceived by all -thinking men at the time to be untenable in the long run.] - -[Footnote 9: £3,196,874 were received by Sec. Fish, Sept. 9th, 1873. -See Haydn's "Dictionary of Dates."] - -[Footnote 10: _The Arbitrator_, 1890, April.] - -[Footnote 11: The Japanese Government demanded redress, which was at -first refused by China. This led to a stormy correspondence, which at -last became so bitter that both sides prepared for war. The Japanese -troops had already taken possession of Formosa. During this dangerous -juncture, the British minister in Pekin, Sir Thomas Wade, offered to -mediate as an arbiter. The offer was accepted, and led to an agreement -between the Chinese Government and the Japanese ambassador in Pekin, -by which China was to pay Japan 50,000 taels, and the Japanese troops -were to evacuate Formosa. When Lord Derby, who was at that time Foreign -Secretary of Great Britain, received a telegram from Sir Thomas Wade -respecting this happy result, he answered him: "It is a great pleasure -to me to present to you the expression of the high esteem with which -her Majesty's Government regards you for the service you have rendered -in thus peaceably adjusting a dispute which otherwise might have had -unhappy consequences, especially to the two countries concerned, -but also for the interests of Great Britain and other parties to -treaties." Sir Harry Parkes, the English minister in Japan, wrote to -Lord Derby, that the Mikado, the Emperor of that land, had invited him -to an interview for the purpose of expressing his satisfaction at the -result, and through him to present his warm thanks for his brave and -efficient service. The Japanese minister in London also called upon -Lord Derby and expressed the thanks of his Government to Mr. Wade. "He -could assure me," said Lord Derby, when he repeated the words of his -excellency, "that the service which has thus been rendered will remain -in grateful remembrance among his countrymen."] - -[Footnote 12: This dispute had assumed quite a serious and menacing -character when the ex-president Grant, on his journey round the world, -came to China. When his arrival became known, the Chinese prince, Kung, -submitted to him that he should use his great influence in mediating -between the two countries. A specially interesting conversation -followed: "We have," said Prince Kung, "studied international law -as it is set forth by English and American authors, whose works are -translated into Chinese. If any value is to be set upon principles -of international right, as set forth by the authors of your nation, -the doing away with the independence of the Liu Kiu Islands is an -injustice." Grant reminded him that he was there only as a private -individual, but added, "It would be a true joy to me if my advice or -efforts could be the means of preserving peace, especially between -two nations for whom I cherish such interest as for China and Japan." -Immediately afterwards he returned to Tokio, the capital of Japan, -called upon the Emperor and his Minister, and advocated a peaceable -settlement of the dispute. He wrote to Prince Kung the result of his -mediation, and produced a scheme for a Court of Arbitration.] - -[Footnote 13: At the Peace of Utrecht, 1713, it was decided that the -course of the river Maronis was the boundary. But that river divides -itself into two branches which embrace a large tract of land, almost -a fifth part of French Guiana. Neither France nor Holland had claimed -that land until gold beds were discovered there, and it had to be -decided which of the two arms of the river was to be considered as the -Maronis, and which as a tributary.] - - - - -NEUTRALITY. - - -Side by side with the idea of arbitration, another pacific idea, -already powerful, is pressing forward, and growing into an -International Law, namely, the Law of Neutrality. - -He is neutral, who neither takes part for, nor against, in a dispute. -Neutrality is the impartial position which is not associated with -either party. The State is called neutral which neither takes part in a -war itself, nor in time of war sides with any of the warring parties. - -In ancient times neutrality was not understood as a national right. -Neither the Greek nor the Latin language has any word to express -the idea. In the days when Roman policy was seeking to drag all the -nations of the earth into its net, the Romans saw in other peoples only -tributaries who had been subdued by their armies, subject nations who -had submitted to the Roman yoke, allies who were compelled to join in -their policy of conquest, or lastly enemies, who sooner or later would -have to bow before their victorious legions. Neutral States there were -none. - -The centuries immediately following the dissolution of the Western -Roman Empire were filled with constant strife. This continued long -before the refining power which exists in the heart of Christianity -began to show itself in the foreign relations of States. - -The foundations of modern Europe were laid in war. - -During the Crusades the whole of our continent was under arms. The -struggle against the "infidel" was not simply a contest between one -State and another, it was also a contest between Christian Europe and -Mohammedan Asia. To be neutral in such a struggle would, according to -the judgment of the time, have been equivalent to denying the faith. -Within the European States, feudalism exerted no less a hindrance to -the embodiment of the principle of neutrality. It would have been -thought the gravest crime to loosen the bond of military service which -compelled vassals to support with arms the cause of their feudal lords. -It was only with the close of the age of feudalism, when Europe began -to separate into three or four great monarchies, that neutrality in -politics became a means of preserving the balance. - -In later times increasing COMMUNICATION and TRADE have above all -contributed to the development of neutral laws. Without the sanction -of these, a naval war between two great nations would have made any -maritime trade all but impossible. Down to the close of the last -century, however, neutral rights were dependent either on national -statutes or on special treaties concluded between one State and -another. The law only gained certain international importance towards -the close of the eighteenth century through the NEUTRAL ALLIANCES which -from time to time were contracted between States. - -In the period between 1780 and 1856 the subject gained an entrance by -degrees among all maritime nations except England, who, independent -of it, and always relying on her own strength, continuously sought to -maintain unlimited domination at sea. - -In 1854-56 begins, so far as neutrality is concerned, a new era of -international law. - -From this time the opposition which England raised to the practical -application of neutrality in naval war may be regarded as having -broken down. On the 30th of March, 1854, the French Minister of Foreign -Affairs, Drouyn de Lhuys, published a communication, including, amongst -other things, that the neutral flag during the then begun (Crimean) -war, should be regarded as a protection for all neutral and hostile -private property, except contraband of war. The same day the English -Government gave forth in the _London Gazette_ a similar declaration, -and on April 19th of the same year the Russian Government notified in -the _Official Gazette_ of St. Petersburg that Russia would, during that -war, act upon the same rules as the Allied powers. - -The provisions, which thus the Western powers on one side, and -Russia on the other, believed themselves bound to observe towards -neutral states, were at the Peace of Paris, 1856, solemnly ratified -as International Law in force for all time. The principles which the -plenipotentiary signatories of the Peace Treaty of Paris agreed upon in -a proclamation of April 16th, 1856, are as follows:-- - -1. Privateering is and shall be abolished. 2. The neutral flag shall -protect property belonging to the enemy, with the exception of -contraband of war. 3. Neutral goods, except contraband of war, may -not be seized under the enemy's flag. 4. Blockades in order to be -obligatory must be fully effectual; that is, shall be maintained with a -strength really sufficient to prevent approach to the enemy's coast. - -The Governments which signed the treaty bound themselves also, in this -proclamation, to communicate the resolutions to the States which were -not called to take part in the Paris Conference, and to invite them to -agree in these decisions. All the European States except Spain, and a -number of powers outside Europe, declared themselves ready to carry out -in practice the entire resolutions of the proclamation. - -Many wars since then have shaken Europe; but under all these -misfortunes the warring States have not only conscientiously observed -the principles laid down in 1856, but they have gone further, in -certain points, in applying them, than they by it were bound to do. -Thus the Austrian Government issued an order, during the war with -France and Sardinia, with respect to maritime national law, in many -points far beyond what hostile or neutral powers had any ground for -requesting. The Imperial decree not only charged its military and civil -officers to follow strictly the injunctions of the proclamation, but -Sardinian and French vessels, which lay moored in Austrian waters, were -also to be permitted to load freight and proceed to foreign seas, on -condition that they took on board no contraband of war or prohibited -goods of any description. Immediately on the outbreak of war, the same -principles were adopted by France and Sardinia. These States, however, -went a step further than Austria, inasmuch as they unreservedly -declared that they would not regard coal as a contraband of war. - -During the Dano-German War, in 1864, and the war between Austria and -Prussia and Italy, in 1866, the international principles of maritime -law received a similarly wide interpretation. - -During the North American Civil War important questions came up, which -more or less affected the principle of neutrality. The question, which -became one of the greatest importance, arose in respect of the injury -which the commerce and navigation of the Union suffered during the war -from various privateers which were built in England on the Southerners' -account. - -The ALABAMA QUESTION took its name from the privateer which went out -from Liverpool and occasioned the greatest devastation while the -war lasted. Although the executive of the Union at Washington duly -directed the attention of the English Government to the fact that -allowing the pirate to leave the English port would be equivalent to -a breach of the peace, yet the Government took no measures to prevent -the vessel leaving. The American Government, who with reason regarded -this omission as a violation of the laws of neutrality, claimed from -England full compensation for the property which had been destroyed -in the course of the civil war by the Southern privateer which came -from an English port. I have previously given more particularly the -constitution and functions of the Court of Arbitration appointed to -settle the threatening dispute which arose on this occasion. The -arbitration award had to be adjudicated in accordance with the three -following fundamental principles of international law:-- - -A neutral Government is bound:-- - -1. To guard assiduously against any vessel being armed or equipped -in its ports, which there is reason to believe would be employed for -warlike purposes against a peaceful power, and with equal assiduity to -prevent any vessel designed for privateering, or other hostility, from -leaving the domain of the neutral State: - -2. Not to allow any belligerent power to make use of its ports or -harbours as the basis of its operations, or for strengthening or -repairing its military strength, or for enlisting: - -3. To use every care within its ports and harbours and over all persons -within its domain, to prevent any violation of the obligations named. - -The contracting parties to this treaty agreed to hold themselves -responsible for the future, and to bring them before the notice of -other Maritime powers, with the recommendation that they also should -enter into them. - -The historical facts here produced show that the mutual interest -nations have in the inviolability of the seas has effectually -contributed to the development of an accepted international law. - -When the necessity of making the principles of neutrality binding at -sea was once understood, it was not long before the value of adopting -them on land became apparent. - -In the documents, for instance, by which Belgium, Switzerland and -Luxemburg are neutralized, it is distinctly stated that the permanent -neutrality of these States is in full accord with the true interests of -European policy. - -According to the actual modern law of nations, there is a permanent -neutrality guaranteed by international deeds of law and treaties, and -one occasionally resting upon free decisions.[14] - -As instances of permanent and guaranteed neutrality, we have: The -NEUTRALIZATION OF SWITZERLAND. Ever since the unhappy Italian war in -the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Swiss Confederation has -endeavoured to assure to the country the security which neutrality -gives. - -This neutrality was recognised and guaranteed by the great European -powers at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 (art. 84 and 92), and later -was further solemnly confirmed by a special act of the powers at Paris, -Nov. 20th of the same year, in which it was stated: - -"The powers declare ... by a permanent act that the permanent -neutrality and inviolability of Switzerland, as well as its -independence of foreign influence, accords with the true interests of -European policy."[15] - -THE NEUTRALIZATION OF BELGIUM. In virtue of the Treaty of London, Nov. -15th, 1831 (art. vii.), further confirmed by the powers April 19th, -1839, a permanent neutrality was awarded to Belgium. - -This country, which for centuries had served as a battle-ground for -foreign powers, especially for France and Germany, was hereby secured -against such dangers, and at the same time the field for European -warfare was materially narrowed. - -Article vii. of the London protocol runs thus: "Belgium shall, within -the boundaries established in art. i. and iv., form an independent -State. The kingdom is bound to observe the same neutrality towards all -States."[16] - -During the Franco-German war 1870-1, the neutralization of Belgium was -threatened with violation by France, and further guarantees were given -in new protocols arranged by England. - -THE NEUTRALIZATION OF THE ARCHDUCHY OF LUXEMBURG resulted from the -London protocol of May 11th, 1867. - -As an evidence of the power and importance in our day of entering into -agreements of neutrality, the following may be adduced:-- - -During the Franco-German war, 1870-1, the Prussian Government -complained to the guaranteeing powers of conduct at variance with -neutrality on the part of Luxemburg, and threatened no longer to -respect the neutrality of the Archduchy. (Despatch of Prince Bismarck, -Dec. 3rd, 1870.) - -In consequence of this, Count Beust, the Austrian chancellor, in an -opinion given Dec. 22nd of the same year, remarked, that upon the -ground of the principle of European guarantee, it belonged to the -powers who had signed the document of neutralization, to inquire into -and to settle whether a violation had taken place on the part of the -neutral State, and not to one of the belligerent powers.[17] - -Besides the States named, a permanent neutrality has been secured to -the IONIAN ISLANDS according to the treaties of London, 1863-64; and -also to the SAMOAN ISLANDS, in virtue of the agreement between England, -Germany, and the United States of North America, whereby, amongst -other things, it was settled that in case of any difference of opinion -arising; an appeal should be made to arbitration; and that a supreme -tribunal should be created with a supreme judge, whom the King of -Sweden and Norway has been empowered to name. - - * * * * * - -One general advantage which neutralization affords is the -simplification with respect to foreign policy thereby obtained. - -The attitude of a neutralized State can be reckoned on beforehand by -all parties. - -In proportion to its military importance and position, a neutral -country constitutes in many ways a security to all the powers. - -It is in close connection with neutralization that in these days an -ever-growing need is becoming apparent to localize wars as much as -possible; that is, to confine them to those who begin them. - -As a result of the extraordinarily rapid development of world-wide -trade and intercourse, and the consequent community of interests, a war -between two States necessarily occasions more or less derangement to -the rest. - -In this increasing solidarity lies the surest guarantee that neutrality -will be respected. - -We may already be justified in drawing the conclusion that the security -of neutral States will continually increase. - - * * * * * - -Supported upon these foundations of history and of international -law, a discussion was raised on the neutralization of Sweden, in the -First Chamber by Major C.A. Adelsköld, and by myself in the Second, -in the hope thereby not only to oppose the King's bill for the -extension of the war department, but also especially to open the way -for a profitable solution of the tough, old, threadbare question of -Defence.[18] - -Before this resolution was brought into the Riksdag, I had read it to -seventy members of the Riksdag, who unanimously accepted it, as did -also, later on, in the main, a majority of the [Norwegian] Storting. -[19]And as soon as the purport of the resolution became generally known -through the press, there came in from popular meetings all over Sweden -numerous congratulatory addresses to Major Adelsköld and myself. - -But from its very commencement the proposition met with an -unconquerable opposition from those in power. - -With great unanimity efforts were made in this quarter to depreciate -the value and the historical importance of the principle of neutrality. -All possible means were used with this object, to touch the tenderest -fibres of the national feelings. It would be a disgrace to us, it was -said, to employ any other than military power in asserting our primeval -freedom. We should thereby break off from our glorious history, and -draw a black line over its brilliant warlike reminiscences. There were -certainly neutral countries to be found, but their neutrality was not -the result of their own desire, but proceeded from the great powers -themselves. Should we then, they say further, be the first people to -take such a step? Would it not be equivalent to begging peace of our -neighbour, and declaring ourselves incapable before the whole world? -The sensible thing would be to further develop and strengthen our army. -The resolution was called a political demonstration of indigence; a -disgusting nihilist plot, and so on. One member of the Riksdag proposed -that it should be consigned to a committee charged with arranging for -sending beasts abroad. Scoffs came thick as hail; and when it became -known that the mover in the _Second Chamber_ was its author, the really -guilty one, he was branded as a universal traitor,--just as the year -before, when he raised a peaceable question about extended liberty of -conscience. - -In my defence of the resolution in the Riksdag, I sought to anticipate -all objections to it which were worthy of notice.[20] - -Amongst these I give special attention to the following five:-- - - 1. "The powers will not enter into the neutralization of Sweden. - - 2. "But if, contrary to expectation, they did, the safety of the - country would gain nothing by it. - - 3. "On the contrary, our independence would be diminished by a - guaranteed neutrality. - - 4. "Without lessening our military burdens for defence. - - 5. "The proposition is untimely." - -With regard to the first objection, _viz._, that the powers would not -enter upon Sweden's neutralization, it appears to me that circumstances -of great weight imply the contrary. - -We may be quite sure that the powers will first and foremost consult -their own interests. Scandinavia may be certainly regarded as specially -valuable as a base of military operations to any of the great Baltic -and Western States. But it would be quite a matter of consideration, -whether these powers would not gain more by the reciprocal security of -being all alike cut off from this base, than by the doubtful advantage -of being possibly able to reckon upon Scandinavia as an ally. - -A neutralized Scandinavia would be a Switzerland among the seas; a -breakwater in the way between England and France on the one side, -and Russia and Germany on the other. In case of a war between these -great powers it would now be of considerable moment for any of them to -get the powers along the coasts of the Sound and the Belts, upon its -side. And how difficult it would be for the latter to preserve their -neutrality during such a war, must be evident to everybody. - -So the interests are seen to be equally great on all sides. It may -therefore be deemed prudent to establish, in time, a permanent -neutrality of the powers along the coast. Here, according to my view, -lies a great problem for the foreign secretaries of the united kingdoms -and Denmark. - -My reason for speaking here of neutralizing the whole of Scandinavia -is, that I am convinced that the brother-nations take entirely the same -view as the Swedish. With respect to the general interests of European -peace, the neutralization of Scandinavia would be more important than -that of Switzerland and Belgium, because the interests of the great -powers are greater and more equally balanced around the Scandinavian -North than around those two small continental States. - -We have old friends in the Western powers; we have gained a new friend -in united Germany and by the neutralization of Scandinavia we shall -not only make friendship with Russia, but Denmark will gain that of -Germany, perhaps causing the last-named power to fulfil its duty to -Denmark with respect to North Sleswick, seeing that it need no longer -fear that its small neighbour would ever be forced into an alliance -with a powerful enemy of Germany. - -But it is not only the political interests of the powers which would be -advanced by the neutralization of Scandinavia. - -In the course of the last ten years world-wide traffic has made an -unheard-of growth and connecting links between nations have been formed -in many regions. As an example of the effect of these we may mention -that even thirty years ago the normal freightage for corn was 50-60 -shillings sterling per ton, from the Black Sea to North Europe; but -the freightage from California and Australia to Europe, now, hardly -exceeds the half. A European war would exercise a paralyzing effect -here. Every one who has any conception of the influence of the price of -corn on, to speak broadly, the whole civilization of modern times, will -easily understand this. - -Before the century closes this development will have woven a net of -common interest all over our continent, and necessarily called forth -such a sensitiveness in the corporate body of Europe, that, for -example, an injury in the foot of Italy may be said to cause pain right -up to Norway. - -The merchant fleet of Norway, alone, is indeed the third in rank of all -the merchant fleets of the world. As is well known, the united kingdoms -take an advanced place in the carrying trade by sea. According to what -was told me by a distinguished merchant, the transport trade undertaken -by Norwegian and Swedish ships between foreign countries is five times -greater than that between home and foreign lands. Consequently, as the -keen competition between steam and sailing vessels increases, the only -country which can dispense with the service of our sailing vessels -is England, the great power upon which we may reckon always as an -ally. Most of the remaining countries, on the other hand, require our -merchant fleet. - -Since, now, we could not of course defend our merchant service in a -war, and other and greater nations may be jeopardized as much as we, it -may be assumed that they would be willing, through the neutralization -of Scandinavia, to secure its fleet against the eventualities of war. - -If we add such interests as affect trade and credit, civilization and -humanity, to the political interests, it appears that we may plead on -grounds of strong probability that the great powers would be willing to -guarantee our neutrality. - -According to the second objection, the country would gain no security -from a guaranteed neutrality, even if, contrary to expectation, such -could be obtained. - -Perfect safety cannot be attained here on earth by any system. -This is as true for nations as for individuals but I believe that -a neutrality thus guaranteed would be a strong protection to our -national independence, whilst in a not inconsiderable degree it would -contribute to the preservation of peace, and gradually help to lessen -the military burdens of all lands; consequently, and in the first -place, of our own. - -Treaties, it is said, are broken as easily as they are made. Even if -it be true that this has occurred, it does not necessarily follow that -it must continue to occur. New factors may come in making it more -difficult to break engagements that have been entered into. - -Experience shows that righteous laws have been transgressed, but no -one would aver that they are therefore unnecessary. As the moral power -of the law makes it possible to diminish the police force, so also -treaties of neutrality make it possible to diminish the military forces. - -Besides, our opponents ought to bring forward evidence that the rights -of States at present neutralized have been violated. That they have -been threatened is true, and it would have been a wonder if this had -not happened under the lawless condition which has obtained among -nations. - -The idea of neutrality has, nevertheless, as I have tried to show by -many examples, little by little developed into a valid principle of -justice; and the growth continues. The neutralization of Scandinavia -would bring it a great step forward, to the blessing both of ourselves -and of other nations. - -According to objections 3 and 4, a guaranteed neutrality would diminish -our independence without contributing to lessen our burdens for defence. - -The truth is, that international law as at present constituted does -not permit another power to interfere under any pretext with the -internal concerns of a neutral state, and therefore not with anything -which affects its system of defence or its measures for preserving its -neutrality. With these the neutral State, and it only, can deal. - -As a proof of this being so, Luxemburg was neutralized in 1867 upon -condition that the strong fortress bearing that name should be -demolished. But this circumstance, imperative for the general peace -of Europe, shows on the other hand that guaranteeing powers do not -willingly impose upon a State any serious duty of fortifying itself in -order to defend its rights. Nevertheless the powers found it needful -to make a supplementary clause to the protocol by which the congress -concluded the neutrality of Luxemburg, whereby it was emphasized, as a -matter of course, that the article respecting the destruction of the -fortress of Luxemburg did not imply any sort of limitation of the right -of the neutral State to maintain, or, if it chose, to improve its own -works of defence. Belgium did indeed construct the great fortresses -around Antwerp long after the country was neutralized. - -In reference to what one and another has said about the value of the -subject, nothing is needed beyond the fact that neutral rights have, -even in its present position, been respected in all essentials. That -a neutral power must abstain from mixing itself up with the policy -of other powers cannot imply a greater limitation of its right to -self-regulation than that a guaranteeing power shall abstain from -attacking a neutralized State or from making military alliance with -it. There is certainly a limitation for both parties, as far as -is necessary for adopting an intelligent union between States,--a -limitation of physical force and of love of war. - -The neutral State has not to submit to any guardianship beyond what -any man must do and does, when he subjects his passions to the control -of a moral purpose. - -Seeing that a guaranteeing State has no right to interfere in our -internal concerns, not even in anything we think good for our defence, -we shall always be free to keep up a military force, large or small. -But a neutralized State is obliged to disarm the troops of other -belligerent powers that may overstep its frontiers, just as of course, -under the lawless condition which war is and which it entails, it has, -according to its ability, to protect its boundaries with arms. But if -this duty cannot exempt Switzerland and Belgium from proportionately -large war burdens in time of peace, this would not at all in the -same degree affect the neutralization of the Scandinavian peninsula, -since there could never be a question of disarming troops which had -overstepped its boundaries, but only of preventing the war-ships of -a belligerent power from entering Norwegian or Swedish seas, a thing -which, under the protection of a guaranteed neutrality, could not take -place. - -Respecting the fifth objection, which declares that the proposition -is untimely, I do not hesitate to express my opinion that just now, -during the truce which prevails, is the time to bring it forward. The -need of a settled peace increases everywhere, and it is therefore -probable that a proposition to the great powers respecting a guaranteed -neutrality for the united kingdoms would meet with general sympathy in -Europe. - -On these and many other grounds I sought to maintain my proposition. - -It was opposed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Baron Hochschild, -amongst others, who declared that he could not possibly support it. He -informed us that the whole of his colleagues in the Government took -the same view of the subject as himself. He desired that the bill as -well as the contingent appointment of a committee should be thrown out -totally and entirely. - -As the minister in this way has made the matter into a cabinet -question, there could not well, under the present conditions, be any -question of the adoption of the bill. - -In spite of this, however, the request of the Foreign Minister was not -complied with, seeing the Second Chamber adopted an amendment after -fifty-three members had voted for the acceptance of the original bill. - -By the amendment which was adopted, the Chamber did not accept the -grounds of the committee's opinion--which the Foreign Secretary -approved--but, in the hope that the Government would spontaneously -carry out the chief object of the bill, accepted for the present the -report of the committee that no address be sent to the King on the -subject. - -By reason of this result in the Second Chamber no action was taken in -the First on the matter.[21] - -During the debate in the Second Chamber, April 28, the Foreign -Secretary remarked that I must have overlooked the fact that the -European powers had, ever since 1814, looked upon the two kingdoms of -the Scandinavian peninsula as a political unity in questions relating -to peace and war; why otherwise should I propose from the first that -the sister kingdom should have the opportunity of expressing itself on -a matter which concerned Norway equally with Sweden. This objection was -without foundation. - -During the drawn debate, March 3, I had already taken occasion to -point out that it would not be seemly for one moving a resolution in -the Swedish Riksdag to act as spokesman for Norway at the same time -expressing my confidence that the Storting would meet us in a friendly -manner, if the Riksdag approved the bill with respect to Sweden.[22] - -That the neutralization ought to include not only Norway, but Denmark -too, seems to be obvious. - -A highly esteemed jurist, Count L. KAMAROWSKY, professor of law at -the University of Moscow, puts it as a matter of great importance -in the interests of the world's peace that international seas -and coasts should be neutralized.[23] This particularly affects -Denmark in connection with the other two Scandinavian States. Such -a neutralization, he says, will lead to a disarmament in the Sound -and Belts. These great traffic-ways would then be accessible for the -merchant and war vessels of all nations. They must not be fortified, -but the freedom of navigation would be watched over by an international -committee. - -At the CONFERENCE at BERLIN in 1885, where fifteen States were -represented, just principles were adopted for the navigation of the -Congo and the Niger. Free navigation and commerce on these rivers was -secured to the flags of all nations. The same principle was likewise -extended to their tributaries and lakes, together with canals and -railroads which might in the future be constructed to get past the -unnavigable portions of the Congo and Niger. Not even in time of war -may the freedom of communication and commerce be interrupted. The -transport of contraband of war alone is forbidden. An international -commission takes care that all these international agreements are kept -in force. This authority, composed of delegates from each of the States -which took part in the Berlin Conference, is independent of the local -authorities in Congo-land. - -Now, every free people has naturally an independent right to arrange -its own affairs as it chooses, upon condition that it grants the same -right to every other State. - -In consequence of this principle in international law, neutralization -is applied in very varied ways according to the very varying conditions -of those who have the benefit of it, and altogether in harmony with -their wishes. Thus, for example, neutralization when it concerns a -territory, consists not only in forbidding any warlike operation in -the domain thus rendered inviolate, but involves a similar prohibition -with respect to any marching or countermarching of armies, or smaller -detachments, even of single officers or soldiers. - -A canal or a strait may be so neutralized, on the other hand, that all -warlike operations are forbidden in it, but nevertheless it is open for -passage through, yet upon condition that no belligerent has a right, in -passing through, to land upon the shores of the neutralized region. - -This is the kind of neutralization which appears applicable to the -Scandinavian seas. - - * * * * * - -One question which for a long time came up constantly at the congresses -of Peace Societies, was the NEUTRALIZATION of the SUEZ CANAL, until it -became at last solved in practice. After tedious negotiations, this -burning question was settled by an agreement between England and France -in the treaty of October 24, 1887, which was later entered into by the -other powers interested and that important channel of communication -became at all times inviolate.[24] - -Upon the programme of the friends of peace questions have long been -mooted respecting the neutralization of Elsass-Lothringen, and of -the Balkan States, together with that of the Danube, Bosphorus, -Sea of Marmora, Dardanelles, and their European coasts; whereupon -should follow the rendering inviolate of Constantinople; as also -of the Baltic, and as a result of this, the neutralization of the -Scandinavian kingdoms. - -In connection with the neutralization of the Sound has arisen the still -newer question of the non-German region north of the North Sea Canal, -now in course of construction, between the mouth of the Elbe and the -naval port of Kiel. - -By constituting Elsass-Lothringen into an independent neutral State, -a division would be made between France and Germany, and these great -powers would be separated by a huge wall of neutral States which would -also narrow in an essential degree the European battle-field. - -The same result is hoped for from a confederacy of neutral States on -the Balkan, with respect to the relations between Russia and Austria, -as well as with respect to the whole of Europe. - -The Sound is one of the most important arteries of the world's -commerce. About one hundred vessels of all nations pass daily through -this strait, but only about ten (on the average, however, certainly -larger ships) pass through the Suez Canal, which in the interests of -the world's trade has become neutral. - -It can be nothing but a gain to Europe that the entrances both into the -Baltic and the Black Sea should be rendered inviolate. - -In an address upon the importance of the Sound to the North, given -to the National Economic Society, Mr. Bajer pointed out that so long -as the Sound and its coasts were not rendered inviolate, military -devastations will be carried on in and around the strait by belligerent -powers; also that the facts that the Sound is not Danish only, but -Swedish also, and that Sweden has a common foreign policy with -Norway, make it probable that it may the sooner be understood to be -for the European interest that all three northern kingdoms should be -simultaneously neutralized, and not one of them only.[25] - -In consequence of Mr. Bajer's indefatigable zeal for the united -co-operation of the northern kingdoms in the cause of peace, this idea -has gained many influential adherents in foreign countries also; and -on his proposition, two international congresses, Geneva, Sept. 16th, -1883, and Berne, Aug. 6th, 1884, unanimously accepted the following -resolution, which in its general meaning was adopted by the First -Northern peace Meeting at Gotenberg, Aug. 19th, 1885:-- - - Considering that,-- - - 1. The geographical position of the three northern States, is such, - that they might, with a larger military and commercial naval power - than they now possess, hold the keys of the Baltic: - - 2. Whilst the very weakness of these States probably removes all - danger of their using the advantages of this position against Europe, - the same weakness may one day expose them, either by force or fraud, - to be plundered by their powerful neighbours: - - 3. The inviolability of the three northern States, and their - independence of every foreign influence, is in the true interest of - all Europe, and their neutralization would tend to the general order. - - 4. Their independence, which is indeed a common right of all nations, - can only be secured to the northern nations by their neutralization. - - 5. This neutralization ought to have for its object and legal effect: - - Firstly, To place beyond all danger of war all those portions of land - and sea which belong to Sweden, Denmark and Norway. - - Secondly, To secure at all times, even during war, to all merchant and - war-ships, whatever flag they carry, whether that of a belligerent or - not, full liberty to run into the Baltic from the North Sea, or _vice - versâ_, whether sailing singly or in fleets. - - On these accounts the meeting declares,-- - - That Denmark, Sweden and Norway ought to be neutralized, and that this - neutralization ought to include:-- - - 1. With respect to the mainland and islands of Norway, Sweden and - Denmark, that all parts of this territory shall be at all times - entirely neutral. - - 2. With respect to the Sound and the Little Belt, that in time of war, - ships belonging to any belligerent power shall be forbidden to show - themselves in these seas; which, on the other hand, shall be always - open for merchant craft, even those belonging to belligerent powers, - as well as for war-ships belonging to neutrals. - - 3. With respect to the Great Belt, that this strait shall always be - open for merchant and war-ships of every flag, including belligerents, - whether singly or in fleets; but that these ships shall be entirely - forbidden to undertake any inimical action on the coasts of the - above-named strait, or in its seas, within a distance exceeding the - maximum range of its artillery before sailing in or sailing out, or - indeed any attack, seizure, privateering, blockade, embargo, etc., or - any other warlike action whatever. - - The meeting expressed its desire to see an international congress - arrange and conclude a treaty which should be open for all European - nations to enter into and sign, which should establish on the - above-named basis, under the guarantee of the signatory powers, the - neutrality of the northern States, together with the creation of a - really solid tribunal of arbitration, which, as the highest court of - appeal, should solve all difficulties that might arise with respect to - the said treaty. - -That the neutralization of the Suez Canal, so long looked upon as -a pious wish, may in the near future lead to the inviolability of -Egypt, will doubtless be suggested. When this is accomplished, the good -understanding between France and England will be further strengthened, -and a foundation thereby laid for an extended co-operation in the -service of the peace of the world, in the young Congo State, with -its twenty millions of inhabitants and a territory equal to half -Europe; a realm founded without costing a drop of blood, from its -first commencement sanctioned and declared a neutral community by the -European powers unanimously, which will some day be looked upon as one -of the fairest pages in the history of the human race. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[Footnote 14: This and the following regulations are taken from -Bluntschli's "Das moderne Völkerrecht der civilizirten Staatens," -Nordlingen, 1872. Some of the treaty provisions and questions are -grounded upon "Recueil des traités, conventions," etc., par Ch. de -Martens and F de Cussy, Leipzig, 1846, and "Archives diplomatiques:" - ---Since practical abstaining from war is the natural assumption of -neutrality, a neutral State is bound not to assist any belligerent -power in warlike purposes. - ---A neutral State may not supply a belligerent power with weapons or -other war material. - ---If private persons furnish belligerent powers with war material as -articles of commerce, they assuredly run the risk of confiscation by -the contending parties of such articles, as contraband of war; but the -neutral _State_ is not to be regarded as having violated its neutrality -by tolerating trade in contraband of war. - ---Permission freely to purchase food even upon account of a belligerent -power is not regarded as a serious concession towards that State, -provided that the permission is general, applying alike to both parties. - ---A neutral State may not permit the war-ships of a belligerent power -to run into its ports or (with any other object than to procure -provisions, water, coal, etc.) to traverse its sounds, rivers and -canals. - ---Belligerent powers are bound fully to respect the right of peace -of the neutral States, and to abstain from any invasion of their -territories. - ---Where a violation of neutral territory has taken place from ignorance -of the boundary and not from evil intent, the neutral State shall -immediately claim redress, compensation, and the adoption of measures -necessary to prevent a similar mistake in future.] - -[Footnote 15: See in respect of this act, "Recueil des traités, -conventions," etc., Ch. de Martens and F. de Cussy, Part iii. p. 243 -Leipzig, 1846.] - -[Footnote 16: See Ch. de Martens and F. de Cussy, in the above-named -collection, Part iv. p. 575.] - -[Footnote 17: Respecting the correspondence on this question, see the -remainder of "Archives diplomatiques," 1871-72.] - -[Footnote 18: Motion in the Second Chamber, No. 97. - -Since the European States have settled into their present grouping, the -material preponderance of the great powers over the smaller countries -has more and more diminished the possibility of these defending their -external liberty and independence by military power only. - -There are States whose whole male population cannot equal or barely -exceed the number, which a great power can command for its fully -equipped army. - -In olden time, a small high-spirited people might with success fight -against a greater and more powerful neighbour. In consequence of the -weak organization, the feeble spirit of cohesion and the slightly -developed art of war, it was then possible. - -Now this condition is changed. As a rule we find that the military -strength of a State is in direct proportion to its population and -material wealth. - -The consequence is that the smaller States have virtually ceased to -be belligerent powers. Such examples as Germany's proceeding against -Denmark in 1864, and England's against Egypt in 1882, or in general, -when the stronger State only needs to consider how large a portion of -its forces must be employed to accomplish its object, are not to be -considered as wars, but as military executions. - -As to our own country (Sweden), it certainly has, together with Norway, -an advantage in its situation above other small powers. But it concerns -us that we utilize this advantage with wisdom and at the right time. -This is not to be done by turning Sweden into a military State, because -even if we did so to the greatest possible extent, we should, if left -to ourselves, not even so be in a condition to defend ourselves against -our powerful neighbours. - -In proportion as a nation exhausts its resources by military -preparations, its ability lessens to cope with an over-powering enemy. - -In our day, not only are great and well-disciplined hosts required for -carrying on war, but great material riches are equally indispensable. -The relation between a nation of four or five millions, and one of -forty or fifty millions, is like that between the dwarfs and the giants. - -It is easily understood that patriotic feelings may bewilder the -judgment, and that our nation, with its brilliant war memories, can -only with difficulty perceive this simple truth, and with reluctance -accommodate itself to the changed condition which modern times have -created. - -Let us, however, realize that we are standing at the parting of the -ways; that we have before us the alternative, on the one hand, of a -barren and ruinous militarism; on the other, the seeking of our defence -in a neutrality guaranteed by the united powers; making it possible for -us to get our defence adjusted, without any very great difficulty, and -settled upon a footing so satisfactory. - -The first-named alternative would, in our naturally poor land, -excessively depress our natural vitality, and in a great degree prevent -our progress as a cultured people keeping pace with greater and -wealthier nations. The second would put us into a position to confine -our military burdens within reasonable limits, and to expend the powers -and resources of prosperity thus relieved, in means of promoting -business, trade, science, and well-being of all kinds. - -The clear-sighted friend of his country, who sees the population in -ever-swelling numbers leaving their homes for a foreign shore, seeking -a new fatherland, will surely not hesitate in his choice. - -It will perhaps be said that such a choice does not now lie before us. -There are two opinions about that. But in one thing we may all unite, -namely, that a settled neutrality for Sweden is a thing to be aimed at. -Here almost every interest of the fatherland converges. - -But if such a neutralization is considered by many not a sufficient -peace-protection under all circumstances, yet no one with reason can -deny that it does form a security for our country against foreign -powers. - -Accepting this conclusion as correct, it follows that we should find -some practicable means of realizing it; and if hindrances do meet us, -we shall, on nearer inspection, find that they are not great, but with -hearty goodwill and perseverance may be overcome. - -This is my conviction. - -In drawing attention to the subjoined, I would further bring to mind -that the seat of war in Europe is limited in the proportion in which -the number of neutralized States grows, a condition of things which may -little by little in an essential degree impede or prevent the outbreak -of war; that the peculiar situation of Sweden (greatly superior, for -example, to Belgium or Switzerland) must naturally facilitate its -neutralization; that, lastly, the neutrality proposed does not stand -in the way of arranging our own defence, but that rather, in case -Parliament rejects his Majesty's army bill, adapts itself powerfully to -contribute to a right solution of the _Defence question_; and so much -the more, as all suspicion that that old vexed question aims perhaps -at something more and other than DEFENCE of the country would thereby -disappear. - -For this reason--and since we cannot expect that other powers should -take the first step and offer us what we do not ask for--I respectfully -propose:-- - - _That Parliament shall in writing express to the king its desire that - it might please his Majesty to initiate, amongst the states with which - Sweden has diplomatic relations, negotiations for bringing about a - permanent guaranteed[26] neutrality of Sweden, in harmony with the - principles of modern international law._ - - K.P. ARNOLDSON. - - STOCKHOLM, _February, 1883_. - -This motion was supported by-- - - S.A. HEDLUND, - WILL. FARUP, - J. ANDERSSON, Tenhuset, - J.E. ERICSSON, Alberta, - PER PERSSON, - F.F. BORG, - J. JONASSEN, Gullahs, - C.J. SVEN'S, - A. TH. WAYLEN'S, - P.M. LARSON, LA, - P.G. PETERSON, - ARVID GUMOELIUS, - J. JONASSEN, - ERIC OLSSON, - J.A. ERICSSON, - LARS NILSSON, - C.G. OTTERBORG.] - - -[Footnote 19: Taken from the following communication: - -At a meeting, March 31st, 1883, of the Association of members of the -Storting, a document was presented, being a motion in the Second -Chamber, No. 97, respecting the Neutralization of Sweden; which -document was sent to the president of the meeting by a Swedish M.P. - -In consequence of this the following declaration and resolution was -voted unanimously: Recognising that the neutralization of a single -country is in the interest of universal peace; that being secured -from foreign attack by stronger nations, gives ability to use its -own resources and develop its institutions, including its defence, -according to its special requirements; that the condition and situation -of our country give equal opportunity for working for this object, -and facilities for its attainment; and that the action taken in the -Swedish Rigsdag upon the question, seriously calls our attention to it -on the ground of the constitutional relation between the kingdoms and -their union in war and in peace; a committee is requested to take into -consideration, how the question may be subjected to further attention. - - A. QUAM, Secretary of the Association.] - -[Footnote 20: Protocol of the Second Chamber, No 33, April 28th, 1883.] - -[Footnote 21: See on the dealing with the question in Parliament, -"Riksdagstrycket" 1883. Motion in the Second Chamber, No. 97, pp. 1-8; -First Chamber, protocol No. 33, pp. 3-4, etc., etc.] - -[Footnote 22: Mr. Arnoldson's speech ran thus:-- - -"The second speaker on the Right propounded certain difficulties, -amongst others, one referring to Sweden's union with Norway. Since -Sweden and Norway have the same foreign policy, and the initiative -in this question comes from Sweden, the Union King ought certainly -to be able to act freely in the common interest of the two kingdoms. -In any case, it is probable, as Mr. Hedlund remarked, that if the -Riksdag takes the first step it will not be long before the Storting -comes to meet us. It was chiefly on the ground of courtesy that I did -not undertake to speak for Norway too in the Riksdag. We know that -the Norse--and it does them honour--are tenacious of their right of -deciding for themselves. I do not think it would be seemly for the -mover of such a resolution as this to make himself their spokesman -in the Swedish Riksdag--not to mention the positive incorrectness -of the proceeding. This is why I limited the matter to Sweden in my -proposition."] - -[Footnote 23: "Revue de droit international et de Legislation -comparée," 1888, 2.] - -[Footnote 24: The most important provisions of the treaty are the -following:-- - -Article 1. The Suez Canal shall always be free and open whether in time -of war or peace, for both merchant and war-ships, whatever flag they -carry. The treaty-powers therefore decide that the use of this canal -shall not be limited either in time of peace or war. The canal can -never be blockaded. - -Article 4. No fortifications which can be used for military operations -against the Suez Canal, may be erected at any point which would command -or menace it. No points which command or menace its entrance or course -may be occupied in a military sense. - -Article 5 provides that, although the Suez Canal shall be open in -war-time, no belligerent action shall take place in its vicinity or -in its harbours, or within a distance from its area which shall be -determined by the international committee that watches over the canal. - -Article 6 is a continuation of the foregoing and runs thus: In time of -war none of the belligerent powers are permitted to land, or to take on -board, ammunition or other war material, either in the canal or in its -harbours. - -Article 8. The powers are not allowed to keep any warship in the waters -of the canal. But they may lay up war-ships in the harbours of Port -Said and Suez to a number not exceeding two of any nation. - -Article 9. The representatives in Egypt of the powers who signed the -treaty shall be charged with seeing to its fulfilment. In all cases -where free passage through the canal may be menaced, they shall meet -upon the summons of the senior member to investigate the facts. They -shall acquaint the Khedive's Government with the danger anticipated, -that it may take the measures needful to secure the safety and -unimpeded use of the canal. They shall meet regularly once a year -to ascertain that the treaty is properly observed. They shall most -especially require the deposition of all works and dispersion of all -collections of troops which on any part of the area of the canal might -either design or cause a menace to the free passage or to the security -thereof. - -Article 10 treats of the obligations of the Egyptian Government and -runs thus:-- - -The Egyptian Government shall, so far as its power by firman goes, take -the measures necessary for enforcing the treaty. In case the Egyptian -Government has not adequate means it shall apply to the Sublime Porte, -which will then consult with the other signatories of the London -treaty of March 17, and with them make provision in response to that -application. - -Article 14 sets forth: Beyond the duties expressed and stipulated for -in the paragraphs of this treaty, the sovereign rights of his Imperial -Majesty the Sultan are in no way curtailed, nor are the privileges and -rights of his Highness the Khedive as defined by the firman.] - -[Footnote 25: Nationaloekonomisk Tidsskrift, xxii. pp. 139-155. See -also _Politiken_, 1890, March 31. Article "Oeresunds Fred," signed, -Defensor Patriæ.] - -[Footnote 26: The word "guaranteed" was inserted in the motion contrary -to the opinion of the committee] - - - - -FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS. - - -In other ways the European powers have shown that, with a little -willingness to do so, they can work together in the interests of peace. - -We have an illustrative instance of this in the DANUBE COMMISSION, -which, since 1856, has watched over the traffic in the Delta of the -Danube, neutralized by the Treaty of Paris. - -This commission, which is composed of members from all the great powers -and Turkey and Roumania, and was originally appointed only for a short -time, has, in consideration of its great value as an international -institution, been renewed from year to year, and has had its power -gradually extended. The commission possesses its own flag, its customs -and pilotage, its police, its little fleet, and so on. It has for -thirty years exercised an almost unlimited power over the mouths of the -Danube, has made laws, raised a loan, carried out works, and in many -other respects given evidence of the possibility of united co-operation -amongst the powers under many changing and intricate international -relations. - -In the so-called EUROPEAN CONCERT is seen a commencement of an extended -co-operation in a similar direction. The war between Servia and -Bulgaria was confined within certain limits by the united will of the -powers, and Greece was obliged to subdue her fierce military ardour. - -Again, so far as concerns such coalitions as it is evident are not -formed for the whole of Europe, but are said to aim at securing peace -by accumulating forces, it could hardly be expected, from their very -nature, that they would fulfil the alleged design in themselves. -But, on the other side, it would be short-sighted to overlook their -importance as a link in the gradually progressive development of the -interests of various nations in the common concerns of Europe. One -token in this direction is the proposal which was brought forward -in the beginning of 1888 by a number of deputies in the Austrian -Parliament, urging the Government, after procuring the consent of -the Hungarian Government, to initiate negotiations with Germany for -the purpose of getting a GERMANO-AUSTRIAN ALLIANCE adopted by the -Parliaments of both realms, and constitutionally incorporated in the -fundamental law of both States. This proposal may have hardly any -practical result, but it is worth notice as one of the small rays of -light which from time to time point the way to a common goal. - -Thither point too, though indeed from afar, those propositions for -DISARMAMENT which now and then crop up, but which, quite naturally, -fade away as quickly as they come, so long as the principle of -arbitration does not prevail in Europe. - -"Europe's only salvation is a general disarmament," cries the -illustrious Frenchman Jules Simon, and yet louder the Italian -ex-minister, Bonghi. The latter a distinguished Conservative statesman, -utters these powerful words in the _International Review_ (Rome). - - "The ideas of peace, which I have just expressed and which are also - entertained by the masses, sound almost like a jest in the menaces of - war which we hear around us. And they are ridiculous if the policy - which the Government follows is considered serious. The great thing - is to be able to guess how long the ludicrous shall be regarded as - serious, and the serious as ludicrous; and how long a proceeding so - devoid of sound reason as that of the great European powers will be - counted as sense. I, for my part, am persuaded that such a confusion - as to the meaning of the words cannot endure continually, and that the - present condition of things, whether people will or not, must soon - cease. But we ought not to wait until the change is brought about by - violence, nor indeed till it comes by violence from--below. Dynasties - must give heed to this, and must hold me responsible for saying it--I, - who am a royalist by conviction." - -In the English House of Commons, Mr. A. Illingworth, May 30th, 1889, -questioned the First Lord of the Treasury, Mr. W.H. Smith, "Whether the -Government had recently made a proposal to the continental Governments -that they should agree upon a considerable and early reduction of -armaments? and with what result? And if not, whether Her Majesty's -Government would without delay initiate such negotiations, having for -their object to lessen the military burdens and the dangers which -menace the peace of Europe." - -In his answer the First Lord of the Treasury[27] said: "If any -favourable opportunity manifested itself, the Government would have -pleasure in using its influence in the direction indicated by the -honourable member. But the questioner should bear in mind, that an -interference in a question of this sort often does more harm than good -to the object he wishes to attain. I can assure him that the Government -is as deeply impressed with this question as himself, and it has often -expressed its view in the House, that the present armed condition of -Europe is a great misfortune and a danger to the peace of the world." - -In the German Parliament, also, similar utterances may be heard; in -the latest instance from one of the Centre, Reichensperger, who in the -military debate, June 28th, 1890, expressed the wish that they could -set in motion a general disarmament. The speaker had certainly spoken -in favour of the Government bill for adding 18,000 men to the peace -footing of the army. But he wished alongside of that to say, that as -the decision of the Emperor in summoning a conference of working men -from all parts of Europe had been greeted with applause, so would the -civilized world, with still greater applause greet the tidings that -William II. had advocated a general disarmament. - - * * * * * - -Many entertain the belief that the first condition of such a -disarmament must be to absolve the rulers themselves from the dangerous -power they possess in being able at their discretion to declare war, -conclude peace, and make alliances one with another for warlike aims. - -In our country many propositions have been brought forward for limiting -this power especially with regard to the concluding of treaties without -so much as consulting the whole Swedish Cabinet. - -As is well known, even in the time of Gustavus Adolphus, the royal -power did not extend beyond the king having to consult the Riksdag, and -to obtain its consent, whether he were engaging in a war or entering -into an alliance with foreign powers. The absolute monarchs seized -upon greater power, and the law-makers of 1809 simply ratified this -dangerous extension of it. - -Now we are unceasingly told, when the subject of defence is on, about -sacrifices. They declare to us that no sacrifice should be esteemed too -great. The State has the right of enlisting soldiers by compulsion, -fathers, husbands and sons, for the defence of the country; and not -only when it is really a question of defence, but when it is a matter -of preparation for defence, that is drill, even if this extend to years -of barrack life in time of peace. - -These are the sacrifices demanded from the people. - -There are those who think, would it not be much better if the people, -on their side, demanded a little security that the country should not -be far too thoughtlessly plunged into war--war which can no longer be -carried on by paid volunteers, but with members of families conscripted -by force, by means of compulsory service? - -Such security could be effected by changing the formulas of government -§§ 12 and 13, and the constitutional law § 26, partly so that the -conclusion of treaties should require the confirmation of a united -meeting of the Swedo-Norse cabinet councils, and partly also, -that certain treaties, namely such as include a greater political -intricacy, should be subjected to the confirmation of the Riksdag -and the Storting, as has been the case with certain treaties of -commerce--bagatelles in comparison with the entanglement of the -kingdoms in war. - -It is simply an assertion, refuted by experience, that the king cannot -make use of the law here treated of. - -During the Crimean war, according to a treaty, we should have been -entangled in the war, had not the Peace of Paris intervened. So also -during the last Dano-German war, when interference on our part, as the -result of a treaty, would have taken place, had not the death of King -Frederic VII. occurred. - -The same thing would have happened during the last Franco-German war, -if the battle of Wörth had not thrown out the reckoning, according to -a treaty which entailed our interference. Into all these treaties the -king could enter without giving the whole Cabinet the opportunity of -expressing its opinion. - -The danger of such a power begins to be increasingly felt, especially -in England. In 1886, Henry Richard raised in the House of Commons -the question of abolishing the right of the sovereign to declare war -without the consent of Parliament. The proposition was certainly -rejected, but with the large minority of 109 against 115 votes. That -the proposition could gather round it such a minority may certainly -be regarded as a remarkable sign of the times. In 1889, W.R. Cremer -made a similar motion in the House. He proposed that a "parliamentary -committee should be chosen to examine and arrange foreign matters, -which were then to be laid before Parliament." This proposal fell -through but progress was made, and Mr. Cremer still awaits a suitable -occasion for renewing it. - -A characteristic expedient is pointed out by the well-known Belgian -professor of political economy, de Molinari, in an article published in -the _Times_. - -He shows, in the first place, how solidarity among the civilized States -of the world has lately increased in a marvellous degree, for not long -ago the foreign trade of a civilized nation and the capital invested in -other States was of very small importance. Each country produced nearly -all the requisites for its own consumption, and employed its capital -in its own undertakings. In 1613, the whole of England's imports and -exports amounted to only five million pounds sterling. A hundred years -later, indeed, the united foreign trade of the whole of Europe did not -amount to so much as the present foreign trade of little Belgium. -Still more unimportant were the foreign loans. Holland was the only -country whose capitalists lent to foreign Governments, and persons were -hardly to be found who ventured to put their money into industrial -undertakings in foreign lands, or even beyond the provinces in which -they dwelt. Consequently at that time a neutral State suffered little -or no injury when two States were at war. A quarrel between France and -Spain or Germany then did no more harm to English interests than a war -between China and Japan would do now. - -At present it is quite otherwise. Trade and capital have in our day -become international. While the foreign traffic of the civilized world -two hundred years ago did not exceed one hundred millions sterling, it -runs up now to about five thousand millions; and foreign loans have -augmented in the same degree. In every country there is a constantly -increasing portion of the population dependent for its subsistence upon -relations with other peoples, either for the manufacture or exportation -of goods, or for the importation of foreign necessaries. In France a -tenth part of the population is dependent in this way upon foreign -countries, a third in Belgium, and in England probably not far from a -third. - -So long as there is peace, this increasing community of interests is a -source of well-being, and advances civilization; but if a war breaks -out, that which was a blessing is turned into a common ill. For, not -to mention the burden which preparations for defence impose upon the -neutral nations, they suffer from the crisis which war causes in the -money market, and from the cessation or curtailing of their trade with -the belligerent powers. - -From these facts, de Molinari deduces a principle of justice--NEUTRAL -STATES HAVE THE RIGHT TO FORBID A WAR, as it greatly injures their own -lawful interests. - -If two duellists fight out their quarrel in a solitary place, where -nobody can be injured by their balls or swords, they may be allowed -without any great harm to exercise their right of killing. But if they -set to work to shoot one another in a crowded street, no one can blame -the police if they interfere, since their action exposes peacable -passers-by to danger. It is the same with war between States. Neutral -States would have small interest in hindering war, if war did not do -them any particular harm; and under those circumstances their right -to interfere might be disputed. But when, as is now the case, war -cannot be carried on without menacing a great and constantly increasing -portion of the interests of neutrals, yes, even their existence, their -right to come in and maintain order is indisputable. - -The worst is that, after all, the belligerent nation itself never -decides its own fate. That is settled by a few politicians and military -men, who have quite other interests than those of business. It is -often done by a single man; and it may be said without exaggeration, -that the world's peace depends upon the pleasure of three or four men, -sovereigns or ministers, who can any day, at their discretion, let -slip all the horrors of war. They can thereby bring measureless misery -and ills upon the whole civilized world's peaceable industries, not -excepting even those of neutral nations, with whom they have nothing to -do. The most absolute despots of the rude old times had no such power. - -Self-interests of purely political nature give the neutral States, -especially the smaller ones, the right to do what they can to prevent -war between other powers; because it is an old experience that war -among the great powers readily spreads itself to the little ones. - -De Molinari states further that the neutral States may so much the more -easily ward off all this evil, as they have not only the right, but -also the power, if they would set themselves to do it. - -Thereupon he unfolds his proposition:-- - -"With England at the head, and with Holland, Belgium, Switzerland -and Denmark as members, there might be formed a confederation, 'THE -NEUTRAL LEAGUE,' for the purpose of attacking any of the other powers -who should begin a war, and of helping the attacked. The States named -have a united strength of 460,000 men, and can place on a war footing -1,200,000. To these may be added the fleets of England, Holland -and Denmark, which together form the strongest naval power in the -world."[28] - -Suppose that a complication takes place between two great powers on the -continent of Europe--Germany, France, Austria, or Russia--there can be -no doubt that if the "League" united its strength with the threatened -power, that power would become thereby so superior to its opponent that -victory would be certain. - -For this reason a peaceable interference on the part of the League -before the war broke out, would make the most warlike amongst the -powers consider. - -But the fact that no State could stir up a war without meeting a -crushing superior force would lead to a constant and lasting state of -peace, and disarmament. - -De Molinari thinks his plan would be advanced by forming an association -in the countries named, which should work for an agreement between them -in the above-named direction. - -The proposition will never of itself lead to any practical result. But -it is at least useful in having pointed out the growing interest which -neutral powers have in maintaining peace unmolested. This interest -shows itself already in general politics in the zealous pains with -which, on the outbreak of war, all powers not implicated unite to -"localize" war, that is, to limit it to as few partisans, and to as, -small an area, as possible. The peace interests of neutral States -become year by year more powerful factors in politics. - -Here we must bear in mind that more States are continually passing over -into the condition of unconsciously forming "a neutral league." They -are approaching the goal which they have long been striving after by -arms and by diplomacy. "They are," to quote Bismarck, "satisfied and -do not strive for more." Such States are Germany and Italy, which have -achieved their unity, and Hungary, which has gained its freedom. - -Nevertheless all great causes of war are not thereby eradicated from -Europe. - -In the forenamed article by the Russian jurist, Kamarowski, light is -thrown upon this circumstance with scientific clearness. - -He says respecting Germany, that this country has essentially realized -its national unity, and thereby reached a justifiable object; but -at the same time has been guilty of two serious violations of the -principles of international right. - -"It carried on the war against France with an inflexible and altogether -unnecessary severity, and it tore from that State Elsass-Lothringen." - -The attempt is certainly made to justify this by the fact that both -these provinces formerly belonged to Germany, and that it was an -absolute necessity for Germany to acquire a military guarantee against -a fresh attack on the part of France. - -Kamarowski shows both these grounds to be untenable. If nations -should continually look back to the past, and strive to renew the old -conditions, they never could found a more durable or righteous state of -things in the present. - -What ought to be decisive is, that in these unhappy provinces the -sympathy of the great part of the population is completely on the side -of France. - -The possession of Strasburg and Metz has not only failed to give -Germany the anticipated security; it has, on the other hand, compelled -the Germans to live since 1871 in perpetual unrest; to keep on foot -an immense army, and to expend their last resources in building -fortresses. Besides, this possession cripples German activity in -both internal and external political questions. The situation of -France is equally unenviable; constantly kept in suspense, and with -the feeling of having been unjustly treated, and longing for revenge. -Is it possible, with this deadly hatred between two of Europe's most -civilized states, to think of a lasting peace? - -And what can the Governments of these nations do with respect to this -evil, unless they set themselves to eradicate it? - -Kamarowski proposes three different solutions of the question of -Elsass-Lothringen. A European congress might arrange the destiny of -these provinces, by dividing them, for example, so that Elsass should -remain united to Germany, and Lothringen to France; or by forming them -into two or more cantons united to Switzerland; or lastly, by letting -them become an independent State with a self-chosen mode of government, -but with the _sine quâ non_ that they shall be neutralized, and placed -under the guarantee of combined Europe. - -It would be almost immaterial to Europe which of these three expedients -were chosen; therefore the choice might be left to the inhabitants of -Elsass-Lothringen themselves; and the opportunity might be given them -of expressing themselves by a plebiscite, uncontrolled by any influence -from either the French or German side. - -This naturally affects Danish South Jutland in an equal degree, which -Germany wrenched from Denmark by a gross breach of international law. -That the writer does not adduce this instance may be simply because he -does not regard it as involving any danger of war. - -Kamarowski finds this to be much more pronounced with regard to the -EASTERN QUESTION. - -This is more threatening than that of Elsass-Lothringen. Ever since -the close of the last century the Turkish Empire has, on account of -its internal condition, been doomed to fall to pieces, and its final -dissolution is only a question of time. It is difficult to say what is -to be done with the remains. - -The only reasonable and righteous settlement is to allow the Christian -peoples who were in the past subjected by the Turks, and who compose -the great majority of the population in European Turkey, to form -independent States. Manifold causes have hitherto prevented the -organization of the political life of these nations, shorn of political -maturity in consequence of protracted thraldom, mutual jealousy, -and influences of the great powers, who under all manner of excuses -have played their own game at the cost of these people, pretending -to protect them, while they sought to make them into their subjects. -Russia has doubtless, even if unintentionally, in the greatest degree -helped to set these nations free, and to produce the present position -by which Servia and Roumania have been changed, from being subject -to Turkey, into independent States; and Bulgaria, instead of being a -Turkish province, has now a less subject position as regards Turkey. -"It is," says the writer, "not altogether without reason that the -Russians accuse their Southern Sclav brethren of ingratitude"; but -he admits that Russia ought partly to blame herself. She has, for -instance, at times shown a decided inclination to force her forms of -thought and policy upon them, and to get the whole of their inner -national life placed under her authority. This action of Russia is -blameworthy, both because it violates the independence which belongs -of right to every State, and because it is foolishly opposed to -Russia's own well-known interests. By such a policy she can only betray -her Sclav mission, create more than one new Poland for herself, and -artificially shift her political power from north to south, thereby -weakening her national strength. - -Kamarowski further describes the selfish schemes of England and Austria -in the Balkan peninsula. - -These plans are even more distasteful to the Christian population than -Russia's, because it stands in the closest relation to that country -both as to race and a common religion. England and Austria seek to -entice this people by the prospect of freer institutions and greater -economic well-being but they can only drag them into their net at the -cost of their national and moral independence. And the jealousy between -these powers, Russia on the one hand and Austria and England on the -other, each wanting to get the advantage, or to possess itself of -the remains of the dying realm, is a standing menace to the peace of -Europe. This danger would disappear if people could be satisfied to let -these nations belong to themselves. - -Now that Austria has carried out the injunction laid upon her by the -Berlin Congress--for the present to undertake the management and -administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina--she ought to withdraw from -these provinces, whose population should be allowed to decide their own -fate by universal suffrage, whether this would result in the union of -Bosnia with Servia, and of Herzegovina with Montenegro, or whether the -situation should be arranged in some other way. All that Austria has -any ground for requiring is, the free navigation of the Danube and the -straits (Bosphorus and Dardanelles), and therewith her true interests -in this region would be abundantly satisfied. - -The Christian States which, alongside of Turkey, have spread over -the Balkan peninsula, are Greece, Roumania, Servia, Montenegro and -Bulgaria. The last named still stands in subjection to Turkey, but has -the same right to full independence as the neighbour States. It is -evidently their vocation to divide amongst themselves the remains of -Turkey in Europe, for their population in an overwhelming proportion -consists of Southern Sclavs and Greeks. But unhappily they seem to -have little conception of this their task, because they live in a -constant state of jealousy and bickering. These States are all only -just in the embryo. They have not yet by a long way attained their -natural boundaries. A large number of Greeks and Bulgarians are still -under the direct government of Turkey. It would be labour lost to -attempt to guess how many small States will form themselves out of the -ruins of Turkey, or what political form they will take. The author -remarks that it would be best for them to arrange themselves into one -or more confederations with self-government for each single State -composing this alliance. - -Europe, in harmony with international justice, should see to it: (1) -that the peoples of the Balkan peninsula should not become the prey -of any foreign power; (2) that they should not be allowed to trespass -upon each other's domains; (3) that their development should as far -as possible proceed in a peaceful and law-abiding way; (4) that they -should divide the inheritance of Turkey in a thoroughly just manner, so -that the political boundaries should be marked out in harmony with the -wishes and interests of the inhabitants; (5) that they themselves do -not invade the domains of other States, and that they recognise all the -maxims of international justice. - -A European congress, co-operating in such an arrangement of the -conditions of the Balkan peninsula, would contribute in no small -degree to remove the causes of war in Europe, and would do effective -work in the cause of freedom and civilization. Greece would acquire -all the islands of the Archipelago, together with Candia and Cyprus. -Macedonia would, according to the conditions of its nationalities, -be divided between Greece and Bulgaria. The natural boundary of the -latter would be the Danube on the one side and the Archipelago on the -other. Constantinople would remain the capital of a Bulgarian kingdom, -or of a Southern Sclav federation; or again, a free city with a small -independent territory.[29] The fortifications on both sides the -Bosphorus and Dardanelles should be destroyed, and both these straits -be thrown open to the navigation of all nations. - -After being obliterated from the list of European nations, Turkey would -peacefully continue its existence in Asia. - -But not even so are all the causes of war removed from our continent. -Many are to be found in the RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND ENGLAND -especially two, says Kamarowski. - -One is the opposition between the dissimilar forms of government in -these countries. England is the advocate of liberal social institutions -all over the continent, but Russia poses as the mainstay of unlimited -sovereign power and of conservative principles. Yet doubtless Russia -will sooner or later, with a firmness and consistency hitherto lacking, -strike into the path of political reform, and then this contrast will -be assimilated. - -The other consists in the opposing interests of the two powers upon -the Eastern Question. But if this question is solved as the author -proposes, by the whole Balkan peninsula being permitted to form itself -into independent States under the guarantee of united Europe, this -cause of strife would also be removed. Russia need no longer threaten -India. Russia's true well-being can never consist in spreading herself -over the deserts and wastes of Asia, or in the endless compulsory -subjection of hostile races under her. She will doubtless in time -perceive this. - -Historical facts have already marked out the domain of both realms and -the boundaries of their influence. The greater part of Southern Asia is -more or less subjected to England. The whole of Northern and Central -Asia belongs to Russia. Russia and England have a common mission in -Asia--to promote the Christian civilization of the world; and in this -direction each has her special call. - -Also in the relations between RUSSIA AND GERMANY are found indeed -inflammable materials; but with wise action on both sides they may be -got rid of. - -Russia has, more than any other power, promoted the unity and powerful -position of Germany. Except during the strife between the Empress -Elizabeth and Frederic II., constant friendly relations have obtained -between Russia and Prussia; so, under Frederick II. and Catherine II., -and during Prussia's struggle against Napoleon I. while the friendship -between Alexander II. and William I. made possible the wars of 1866 and -1870-71. The House of Hohenzollern, which has never been any friend of -popular freedom, felt drawn to Russia upon the ground of its devotion -to conservative modes of thought and its absolutism. - -But since Prussia has realized her goal--that of being the leading -power in Germany--the relations with Russia have become more and more -strained. - -One of the chief causes has been the disputes caused by economic -questions, and that of the customs in particular. - -In addition to this is the general misunderstanding fomented by the -press. The political press, says Kamarowski, ought to serve the cause -of peace to-day more than ever. Unhappily it by no means does. With -few exceptions it helps to fan and feed national hatred, and to stir -up enmity between the European States. Most of the principal organs -have a narrower horizon than this. Some of these papers and periodicals -are worked only as business undertakings, to make the greatest -possible profit to the shareholders; the best of them defend with -gross one-sidedness the interests of their own country; seldom do they -disclose any insight into great, purely humanitarian interests. The -political press is, therefore, for the most part a constant source of -reciprocal suspicion and hatred, which hinders the States of Europe -from entering into the condition of peace they all inwardly so long -for. Dip at random into a heap of most of the great papers, and you -will find the strangest ideas respecting international justice; rank -self-assertion in judgment, and purely barbarous sentiments respecting -subjugating and destroying so-called hereditary enemies. - -Lastly, there is a cause of tension between Russia and Germany in -their opposing attitude with regard to the Sclav question; and if a -satisfactory solution is not found for this question in a peaceable -way, a crowd of complications will arise, into which Russia will -inevitably be drawn. - -We have first the Polish question. In our day Russia is entering, -through the power of circumstances, more and more into her historic -vocation of giving freedom and unity to the Sclavs. But this -undertaking stands in direct opposition to the policy which was -expressed in the partition of Poland. - -Russia's future _rôle_ may be to favour a confederation of all the -Sclav peoples. Her true mission cannot be to subdue or trample down any -Sclav nationality, but much rather to emancipate them all. Emancipate -from what? From the yoke of Turkey and of Germany. So far as the former -is concerned, a great part of the work has been already carried out. -With regard to the Germans, Russia cannot think of the restoration of -the disputed and long obliterated boundaries of the Sclav races, which -were lost in the struggle with the Germans; but she may assist the -organization of the bodies politic of the Sclav races, and co-operate -in revivifying those branches of the nation which are not altogether -dead. - -The author desires, therefore, that Poland should be restored by -Russia's own act. Yet Poland must not demand her boundaries as they -were before 1772 (that is, the possession of Lithuania). Once admitted -into a Sclav confederation, she would cease to be a menace to any one, -but would serve as a bulwark between Russia and Germany. - -The solution of the Sclav question might, according to the author's -idea, bring with it the dismemberment of the Austrian Empire. The -German part would go to Germany, and Trieste and South Tyrol fall to -Italy. Austria's Sclav provinces would be acknowledged as independent, -and either unite themselves with the Sclav federation on the Balkan -peninsula, or form a separate State. The situation in Bohemia would be -the most difficult to arrange, since in part it is a German-speaking -country; but as a Sclav land, it ought under no circumstances to be -entirely given over to the Germans. Hungary also would obtain its -independence, but must, on its own part, recognise the freedom of -Croatia. The inhabitants of the various portions of the Austrian Empire -would themselves have to decide their fate, and in the interests of -all, a European congress should be summoned, to maintain the general -peace, and to prevent one nationality from subjecting or swallowing up -another. - -But while Professor Kamarowski here and elsewhere in his treatise -speaks of congresses, he does not mean thereby the meetings of -diplomatists to which that name now applies. - -Congresses ought, he says, to be actual international organs, whose -object is not to serve the fluctuating and conflicting interests of -policy, but the strict principles of justice. They must be permanent -institutions, and being so, help on international reforms, such as -a gradual disarmament and a codification of international law; that -is, a correct digest of the various regulations and principles of -international law, forming a common law for all civilized nations. - -In the last named direction there is in the field already THE -ASSOCIATION FOR THE REFORM AND CODIFICATION OF INTERNATIONAL -LAW, founded at Brussels, Oct. 10th, 1873, and in an important -degree consisting of the most eminent jurists of the nations. This -association, which meets annually for the discussion of international -law in various parts of Europe, deals also with the scholarly inquiry -into the continually growing material, springing from the many -international congresses, which so often now, with various objects, -meet first in one part then in another of the civilized world. As -examples of some of the most recent of these may be named: The post and -telegraph conferences; the conference on maritime law in Washington, -representing twenty-one separate States, with the purpose of working -out a universal system of signals for preventing collisions; the -African conference at Brussels, with representatives of most of the -European powers for considering the best way of civilizing Africa, -getting rid of the slave trade, and limiting the exportation of -alcohol;[30] the railway meeting at Lugano, for introducing a uniform -time table and scale of freight, on all railways of the European -continent; the Madrid conference, for international protection of -industrial property, and above all the Labour Congress held at Berlin -by William II.'s invitation. - -Whilst in this way the nations' own desire and the needs of the case -grow and branch into great common interests, the friends of peace -unceasingly set before themselves this distinct goal, "Right before -might." - -To paint the historic background of the activity of the friends of -peace would be almost synonymous with bringing forward all that is -uniting, important and lasting in the history of the nations. It would -be a "saga" on the welfare of the human race through all time. Such a -task I do not undertake. I give only a short indication of what, in our -own time, organized peace-work is. - -Its activity was almost a result of the wars of Napoleon, which were -terminated by the Peace of Paris, November, 1815. These wars had -deeply stirred the minds of many, both in the old and new world, and -directed their thoughts to the apathy of the Christian Churches in not -proclaiming, with unmistakable emphasis, that war is irreconcilable -with the teaching of Christ. - -This view was represented in America by Dr. W. ELLERY CHANNING, and Dr. -NOAH WORCESTER, who as early as 1814 stirred up the friends of peace -to organize themselves into united work. - -A Peace Society was formed in New York in August, 1815; and in November -of the same year the Ohio Peace Society. The Massachusetts Peace -Association (Boston) started in January, 1816, and a similar society -was begun in Rhode and Maine in 1817. These, with that of South -Carolina, united in 1828, and formed the AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, an -association which is still in active operation. Also in Philadelphia an -association was formed, which was succeeded in 1868 by the UNIVERSAL -PEACE UNION. - -In 1814 a zealous philanthropist, Mr. William Allen, a member of -the Society of Friends, invited a number of persons to his house in -_London_ to form a peace association. They did not at once agree -upon the best method, and the proposal was deferred for a time. But -after the conclusion of peace was signed in 1816, Mr. Allen, with the -assistance of his friend Mr. Joseph Tregelles Price, also a member -of the Society of Friends, called his friends together again, and -succeeded in bringing into existence the English peace association, -under the name of the PEACE SOCIETY. - -The source from which the association sprang is to be found in the -Society of Friends (Quakers), that sect which has always been a -faithful proclaimer of the peace principles of Christianity. But the -founders were not all of this society. Some were members of the Church -of England and of other religious persuasions. - -As the foundation of its effort, the association advanced the great -principle that war is contrary to the spirit of Christianity and to the -true interests of mankind. It has always been open to persons of all -persuasions. One of its first stipulations was, that "the society shall -consist of all ranks of society who will unite in forwarding peace -on earth and goodwill amongst men." The association has always been -international. From its commencement it proclaimed its desire to bring -other nations as far as possible within the reach of its operations. -Some of the first acts of the founders were to translate its most -important writings into French, German, Spanish and Italian. - -Immediately after, in 1816, Mr. J.T. Price, the most zealous amongst -the founders, undertook a journey to _France_ to gain adhesion and -co-operation amongst Christians and philanthropists in that country. -Many hindrances lay in the way of forming an association in that -country which should have peace only for its object. These difficulties -were overcome by founding a Society of Christian Morals (_La Société -de morale Chrétienne_), whose aim was to bring the teaching of -Christianity to bear upon the social question. This society continued -for more than a quarter of a century and numbered amongst its members -many illustrious Frenchmen. Its first president was the Duke of -Rochefoucauld-Liancourt; its vice-president was the Marquis of the same -name, the son of the above. Amongst the members were Benjamin Constant, -the Duke of Broglie, de Lamartine, Guizot, Carnot, and Duchatel. The -promotion of peace was one of the objects of the Society. - -A branch of it was formed in _Geneva_, under the leadership of Count -Sellon, and the English parent society stood in close and lively -connection with both these associations. It had for many years in its -service an active man, Stephen Rigaud, who travelled through France, -Belgium, Germany and Holland, held meetings, distributed tracts, and -formed committees and associations in furtherance of peace. - -Between the years 1848 and 1851 a still greater aggressive peace -movement was set on foot upon the European continent, by means of -congresses held at Brussels, Paris and Frankfort, and by the attendance -of many hundred delegates from all the countries of Europe. - -This effort for peace was entered upon by the Secretary, Mr. Henry -Richard. At least twenty times he visited the Continent, speaking -for peace and arbitration in many, if not most, of the largest -cities--Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Pesth, Dresden, Leipsic, Munich, -Frankfort, Brussels, Antwerp, Bremen, Cologne, the Hague, Amsterdam, -Genoa, Rome, Florence, Venice, Milan, Turin, etc. - -These efforts bore good fruit. The friends of peace began to stir. -Peace societies were formed, devoted attachments were made, and -personal intercourse created between the adherents of peace principles -in various lands. - -This was especially the case in France, where _la Ligue Internationale -de la Paix_ was founded by M. Frédéric Passy. In 1872 the name of the -league was changed to the _Société Française des Amis de la Paix_. -This name it retained until its amalgamation with the _Comité de Paris -de la Fédération Internationale de l'Arbitrage et de la Paix_, founded -by Mr. Hodgson Pratt in 1883. The new society, formed of the union of -the two, bears the name of the _Société Française de l'Arbitrage entre -Nations_. - -The _Ligue Internationale de la Paix el de la Liberté_ was founded -at Geneva by M. Charles Lemonnier as far back as 1867. Under the -powerful leadership of this aged captain of peace the league has, by -its activity in promoting the idea of the "United States of Europe," -constantly sought to work in a practical way for its object,--peace and -freedom. - -The same year, too, were founded the _Ligue du Désarmement_ and the -_Union de la Paix_, at Havre. - -But the most remarkable occurrence in this domain was the spontaneous -interchange of addresses and greetings between workmen in France and -Germany, which led to the formation, in Biebrich on the Rhine, of an -ASSOCIATION OF GERMAN AND FRENCH WORKINGMEN. - -As a result of a visit from Mr. Richard three years later, there was -founded at the Hague, Sept. 8th, 1870, "THE DUTCH PEACE SOCIETY," by -Mr. Van Eck and others. Later in the same year ten similar associations -sprang up in the Hague, Amsterdam, Zwolle, Groningen and other places. -One of these, the "Women's Peace Society," in Amsterdam, under the -leadership of Miss Bergendahl, deserves to be named, on account of its -advanced character. In 1871 this union took the name of the "_Peace -Society's National Union for Holland_," and in 1878 of the "Peace -League of the Netherlands." Its present name is the "_Universal Peace -Association for the Netherlands_" (_Algemeen Nederlandsch Vredesbond_). -For seventeen years Mr. Geo. Belinfante as the indefatigable secretary -of this Union. He died in 1888, and was succeeded by M.C. Bake, of the -Hague. - -In 1871 the BELGIAN ASSOCIATION was formed at Brussels, and at the same -time a local association at Verviers. Later on, April 15th, 1889, was -founded the Belgian branch of the International Arbitration and Peace -Association (_Federation Internationale de l'Arbitrage et de la Paix, -section Belge_), under the leadership of M.E. de Laveleye. - -The ENGLISH PARENT SOCIETY has, in the course of three-quarters of a -century, employed every means that can serve to advance a public cause. -By lectures and public meetings; by the distribution of literature and -a diligent use of the press; by appeals to the peoples; petitions to -the Governments; resolutions in parliament; by adapting themselves to -Sunday and other schools, by influencing the religious community, the -clergy and teachers; by combinations and interviews with peace friends -in all lands--by all practicable means it has sought to work towards -its goal. - -First and foremost, it has advocated arbitration as a substitute for -war, laboured for the final establishment of an International Law, and -a Tribunal for the nations, and for a gradual reduction of standing -armies; at the same time it has never ceased to raise its voice -against the wars in which England and other nations have engaged. At -a Universal International Peace Congress, held in London under the -auspices of the society in 1843, it was resolved to send an address -"to the Governments of the civilized world," whereby they should be -earnestly conjured to consider the principle of arbitration, and to -recognise it. This address was sent to forty-five Governments. By a -deputation to the powers at the Paris Congress in 1856, this society -succeeded, as before said, in getting the principle of arbitration -recognised, etc. - -From the commencement, the English and American peace societies have -worked side by side with brotherly concord. There are over forty peace -societies in America. Besides these already named--viz., the _American -Peace Society_, and the _Universal Peace Union_--the following are most -important: _The Christian Arbitration and Peace Society_, Philadelphia; -_the National Arbitration League_, Washington; _the American Friends' -Peace Society_, for Indiana and Ohio, founded December 1, 1873; and -_the International Code Committee_, New York, of which David Dudley -Field is president. - -On the 25th of July, 1870, the English WORKMEN'S PEACE ASSOCIATION, now -called the INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION LEAGUE, was founded by members -of the "Reform League," a great union of workmen in London. Two years -later this Arbitration League, under Mr. W. R. Cremer's powerful -leadership, had well-appointed local associations all over the country, -and nearly a hundred zealous leaders in various towns. Since then Mr. -Cremer has become a Member of Parliament, and as such has had the -opportunity of helping the peace cause in many ways; for example, as -a zealous participant in the deputation of twelve to the President of -the United States, which has been mentioned more particularly in the -beginning of this work. - -In April, 1874, was formed the WOMEN'S AUXILIARY OF THE PEACE SOCIETY. -This continued to work in connection with the English parent society -until 1882, when a division took place. Part of the members gathered -themselves into an auxiliary, now called the LOCAL PEACE ASSOCIATION -AUXILIARY OF THE PEACE SOCIETY, which has thirty-three sub-associations -in England only. The other part formed the WOMEN'S PEACE AND -ARBITRATION ASSOCIATION.[31] - -At the same time great progress was made upon the Continent. - -In Italy a LEAGUE OF PEACE AND BROTHERHOOD was founded as early as -1878, by Signor E.T. Moneta. - -A workmen's peace association was formed at Paris in 1879, by M. -Desmoulins and others, under the name of the _Société des travailleurs -de la Paix_. - -At the close of 1882, The DANISH PEACE SOCIETY, or "Society for the -Neutralization of Denmark," was founded in Copenhagen, with FREDRIK -BAJER, M.P., as chairman, and twenty-five local associations in -Denmark.[32] There is also at Copenhagen a "Women's Progress Society," -which, with Mrs. Bajer as president, placed the cause of peace -prominently upon its programme. - -At a meeting of members of the Riksdag, in the spring of 1883, -a SWEDISH PEACE SOCIETY was formed, which has for its object to -co-operate with the _International Arbitration and Peace Association_ -of Great Britain and Ireland, in working for the preservation of peace -among nations, and the establishment of an International Tribunal -of Arbitration, under the mutual protection of the States, to which -disputes that may arise may be referred. The first chairman of the -society was S.A. HEDLUND, who has long laboured in Sweden for the -spread of information as to the efforts of the friends of peace. - -The same year a NORWEGIAN PEACE SOCIETY was formed, which, however, -like the Swedish sister association, has been apparently only -dead-alive of late. - -This is the result, certainly in great degree, of the slender interest -taken by the cultivated classes, who in general pose as either -indifferent or antagonistic to peace work; indifferent, because, in -ignorance of the subject, they look upon organized peace effort as -fanciful and fruitless; antagonistic, because they see in these efforts -a hindrance to getting the national defence strengthened by increased -military forces. As regards Norway, there are, however, signs that a -different view of things has lately begun to make itself felt.[33] - -In France the peace societies received strength in 1884, through -the foundation by M. GODIN of the _Société de Paix et d' Arbitrage -International du Familistère de Guise_ (Aisne), Godin's activity has -embraced not less than forty-two departments in France. Besides these -may be named the _Société d'Aide Fraternelle et d'Etudes Sociales_, the -_Société de Paix par l'Education_ at Paris, the _Groupe des Amis de la -paix à Clermont-Ferrand_, _La Fraternité Universelle_ Grammond, Canton -de St. Galmier (Loire), and the _Association des Jeunes Amis de la -Paix_, Nîmes. - -The INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION AND PEACE ASSOCIATION for Great Britain -and Ireland was founded in 1880.[34] This association, with which the -Scandinavian society should co-operate the most closely, has a worthy -chairman in Mr. HODGSON PRATT, a man whose devoted and untiring zeal -has made him a distinguished leader of the peace movement, to which he -has dedicated the whole business of his life. - -His sphere of action has also included the Continent, and borne good -fruit. Amongst others he succeeded in instituting peace societies at -DARMSTADT, STUTTGART and FRANKFORT; a committee of the association at -BUDAPEST; and in ROME, the _Associazione per l'Arbitrato e la Pace tra -le Nazione_, with RUGGIERO BONGHI as president; and also in MILAN, the -_Unione Lombarda per la Pace e l'Arbitrato Internazionale_. - -In the course of the last three years, 1886-90, the idea of peace has -made great progress in Italy. The movement has not been confined to any -special class of society, or to any particular political or religious -party, but has spread alike amongst all. - -In the autumn of 1888 the central committee of the _Italian League -of Peace and Liberty_ sent out a leaflet, with a protest against any -war with France. The central committee, which numbers amongst its -members, senators, deputies, and many of Garibaldi's former companions -in arms, declares: "The league requires all Italians, young and old, -women and men, philosophers, tradesmen and working men, to unite all -their energies in the great work of peace; that there may be an end of -armaments, which are a positive ruin to all nations." - -In the course of 1889 several important peace congresses were held. -In Milan, such a congress met for the first time, January 13th, -representing 200 associations in France, Italy, and Spain and for -the second time, April 28th, when fifty-four Italian societies were -represented. Eight days after the first Milan meeting, a similar one -took place in Naples, attended by 3,000 persons, which expressed the -united views of five hundred associations. - -Lastly, a congress was held in Rome, May 10-14, which represented -thirty-nine peace associations, the ex-minister Bonghi in the chair. -The meeting expressed the desire that governments would find means to -diminish the war burdens by international agreements similar to those -by which economic and scientific matters are already arranged, as well -as questions dealing with general sanitary concerns. A committee, -consisting of six senators and deputies, was afterwards chosen for -further work in the cause of peace. - -A specially noteworthy feature in these Italian peace congresses is the -deep repugnance to the Triple Alliance--which is regarded as a standing -menace of war,--and a strong craving for good relations with France. - -The way to this lies through increased peaceful connection. This was -especially manifest in the meeting at Rome, which had to prepare for -the participation of Italians in the Peace Congress at Paris in the -summer of 1889. - -The Congresses of 1889 formed part of the great commemoration of the -Revolution; that meeting of international fraternity which, in the -words of President Carnot in his opening, speech, "shall hasten the -time when the resources of the nations, and the labour of mankind, -shall be dedicated only to the works of peace." - -One of these gatherings, the Universal Peace Congress, June 23-27, -which was composed of delegates from the peace societies of Europe and -America, had, amongst other vocations, to express itself on certain -general principles for carrying forward the idea of arbitration. It -specially maintained and emphasized that the principle of arbitration -ought to form a part of fundamental law in the constitution of every -State.[35] Before the meeting closed, it was decided that the next -Universal Congress should be held in London in 1890. - -The other assembly, an INTERPARLIAMENTARY CONFERENCE (June 29-30), -composed exclusively of legislators from many lands, was entitled to -express itself more definitely on the adoption of actual measures; -notably, on the best means of bringing about arbitration treaties -between certain States and groups of States. - -With this Interparliamentary Conference, this international -parliamentary meeting, we come to the beginning of a new and exalted -organization, forming almost a powerful prelude to co-operation between -England, America and France, such as I spoke of in the commencement of -this book. - -After the emissaries of the 270 members of the legislature had in the -autumn of 1887 fulfilled their mission to America, and had started an -active movement there which has since spread over the whole American -continent, English and French representatives of the people met in -Paris, October 31st, 1888, and decided on behalf of many hundreds -of their absent associates that a meeting of members of as many -parliaments as possible should take place during the Universal -Exposition in 1889. - -This resolution was carried into effect. On June 10th about one -hundred parliamentary representatives assembled in Paris from Belgium, -Denmark, England, France, Hungary, Italy, Liberia, the United States -and Spain. Nearly four hundred members of various parliaments had given -their adhesion to the design of the meeting. Jules Simon opened the -proceedings. Many important resolutions were passed, with a view to -practically carrying into effect the principle of arbitration. After -this it was arranged that a similar assembly should meet annually in -one or other of the capital cities of the countries in sympathy; in -1890, in London; and lastly, a committee of forty was chosen, composed, -according to resolution, of six members of every nationality, which -should undertake the preparation of the next conference, send out the -invitations, collect the necessary contributions, and in the interim do -all in their power to remove the misunderstandings which might possibly -arise, when it appealed, as it would be needful to do, to public -opinion. - -Pursuant to the invitation of this committee, the second International -Assembly of Members of Parliament met in London, July 22-23, 1890. - -In consequence of the second Universal Peace Congress, the central -gathering of the peace societies, being held only a short time -previously (July 14-19), a large number of influential men attended -this international meeting of legislators; but whilst amongst those who -took part in the first named conference, the Universal Peace Congress, -were a fair number of M.P.s of various countries, yet (with few -exceptions) all those who took part in the interparliamentary meeting -were members of one or other national legislative assembly. - -The second Interparliamentary Conference, in London, 1890, had double -the attendance of the first, in Paris, members from Austria, Belgium, -Denmark, England, France, Germany, Holland, Hungary, Italy, Norway, -Spain and Sweden; besides which, more than a thousand representatives -of the people, who were prevented attending, signified by letter their -adhesion. Amongst these were Gladstone, Clemenceau, the Vice-president -of the German Reichstag, Baumbach, the Italian Prime Minister Crispi, -Andrassy, and three French Ministers. Ninety-four Italian senators -and deputies, and thirty-one members of the Spanish Cortes, in their -respective addresses, expressed their sympathy with the work of the -conference. The ex-Lord Chancellor, Lord Herschell, acted as chairman. - -The most important resolution of the meeting was, that all civilized -governments were urged to refer all disputes in which they might be -involved to arbitration for solution. - -Those present bound themselves to work to the best of their ability for -the object, especially through the press and in the national assembly -of their own lands, and thus gradually win public opinion over to the -cause. - -As a first step towards practically settling international disputes by -arbitration, the conference urged that in all treaties affecting trade, -literature, or other arrangements, a special arbitral clause should be -inserted. - -Amongst other resolutions it was voted, that a parliamentary committee -should be created in each country for mutual consultation on -international matters. - -Lastly, a standing interparliamentary committee of thirty members -was chosen, to serve as a connecting link in the interval between the -conferences. - -The third Interparliamentary Conference will meet in Rome in 1891. - -In the fact that these conferences are composed of legislators chosen -by the people lies their peculiar significance. They speak with power, -because they are supported by millions of electors in various lands. -The weight of their utterances naturally increases in the proportion -in which the number of members grows. As yet this parliament of the -peoples represents only a minority of the national assemblies; but the -day may be coming when it will express the opinion of the majority, and -that would be the triumph of right over might. - - * * * * * - -In the effort to reach this goal there must be no settling into -stagnation. The peace societies especially must work with all their -might to get friends of peace into parliament, and subscribe to enable -them to take part in the interparliamentary meetings. It would, of -course, be still better if the means for their attendance were supplied -by a public grant. - -Here the NORWEGIAN STORTING has set an example which will be to its -honour for all time; for after about sixty members had joined the -interparliamentary union, and chosen Messrs. Ullmann, Horst and Lund -as representatives to the conference in London, 1890; and after the -Arbitration resolution moved had been adopted by the Storting (voted -July 2nd, 1890, by eighty votes against twenty-nine), a subsidy of -1,200 kroner was granted for the travelling expenses of the three -delegates to, the London conference. - -This is probably the first time in the life of the nations that a State -has granted money in support of a direct effort to make a breach in the -old system of Cain. - -There is less strain in America: a similar inception seems to be at -hand. Long before the great rousing in 1887, the present United States -Minister, JAMES G. BLAINE, was possessed with the idea of bringing -about a peace-treaty between all the independent States of North and -South America. He stood at the head of the Foreign Department of the -Union when General Garfield was President, 1881, and already at that -time entertained this grand idea. He desired, in order to realize it, -to invite all the American States, by means of government emissaries, -to take part in an international congress at Washington. In the interim -Garfield died, and when Arthur became President, Blaine ceased to be -Minister of Foreign Affairs; but as soon as, upon Harrison being chosen -to the presidency, he became Foreign Minister again, he resumed the -interrupted work. - -In June, 1888, the President confirmed a resolution adopted by -Congress, empowering him to invite all the American States to a -conference composed of emissaries from their governments, with the view -of establishing a Tribunal of Arbitration for settling differences that -may arise between them; and for establishing by commercial treaties -more facile trade combinations, adapted to the needs of the various -States, and their productive and economic well-being. - -The invitations were issued, and met with approval by all the -independent States throughout America. - -The representatives of these States met at Washington, Oct. 1st, -1889, in a deliberative assembly, which was styled the PAN-AMERICAN -CONFERENCE. Mr. Blaine was voted to the chair, and under his leading -the members of the congress decided to begin with a circular tour of -forty days through the whole of the States of the Union. Its labours -were afterwards continued until April 18th, 1890. - -The results of the Conference as regards the common interests of -trade and commerce, etc., will only be felt gradually, since many -of these matters are of intricate character, and in some instances -require entirely fresh international transactions. But as regards -the chief thing--viz., the establishment of a permanent tribunal of -arbitration--the object was achieved. - -Congress almost unanimously[36] adopted the resolution of the report -of the committee respecting the election of such a supreme judicial -authority in case of any menacing international disagreement. - -The members of the Conference were not authorized to conclude binding -treaties. Their task was confined to deliberating upon affairs which -might have a reciprocal interest in various countries, and then laying -before their governments such resolutions as in the opinion of the -Conference might best promote the well-being of all the States. - -Nevertheless the majority of the States later bound themselves to the -conclusions of the congress. Indeed, a week before the assembly broke -up the respective members for Brazil, Bolivia, Columbia, Equador, -Guatemala, Hayti, Honduras, Nicaragua and Salvador, were empowered to -sign at Washington the arbitration-treaty adopted by the Pan-American -Conference; and the other governments have since in the same way -sanctioned it.[37] - -When this document has been fully confirmed, a quarter of the inhabited -world will be rendered inviolate, and 120 millions of men set free from -the chronic frenzy of war. - -If minor breaches of the peace possibly may not thereby be for ever -prevented, yet certainly the irresponsible system of violence will -become powerless against the force of civilization which is spreading -over the whole Western hemisphere. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[Footnote 27: As an adherent of the Conservative party, he has always -held to a strong armed force, and hardly ever supported peace efforts.] - -[Footnote 28: That he does not take in the Scandinavian peninsula, must -be because he regards the position of the northern kingdoms as too -remote from the continental quarrels to be sensibly disturbed by them; -or because he has not a high opinion of the fitness of their military -forces for attack, which is here alluded to.] - -[Footnote 29: According to the proposal of an old diplomatist, the -Sultan should be given a similar position in Constantinople to that -of the Pope, now, in Rome. Thereby the Sultan would become innocuous -to Europe, but continue to be the "Ruler of the Faithful" to Asia. -("La question d'Orient devant l'Europe democratique." Paris: E. Dentu, -_libraire_, 1886).] - -[Footnote 30: In the United States Congress, Mr. Blaine has introduced -a bill for calling an international conference in Washington, in 1891, -for making an alliance, whose object is the suppression of slavery and -the prohibition of alcohol in uncivilized countries. The conference is -further to discuss the creation of a tribunal of Arbitration, for the -solution of international questions, and a general disarmament.] - -[Footnote 31: Since amalgamated with the Women's Committee of the -International Arbitration and Peace Association.] - -[Footnote 32: For the objects of this Association see Appendix.] - -[Footnote 33: "On August 8th, 1891, at a meeting at Seljord, a New -Norwegian Peace Association was formed, and a provisional Committee -appointed." TRANS.] - -[Footnote 34: For programme of the Association see Appendix.] - -[Footnote 35: This principle is likely to be realized by the bill of -the constitution of the Brazilian Republic, sanctioned by the executive -of the new free State, which proclaims that the Government may not -begin a war without having first appealed to arbitration.] - -[Footnote 36: The scruples entertained by Chili, Argentina and Mexico -appear to have been dropped, in the case at least of the two last -named.] - -[Footnote 37: For provisions of this Treaty see Appendix.] - - - - -THE PROSPECTS. - - -The events which I have here described will perhaps one day be regarded -as the transition into a new era. But specially here, in the Old World, -with its many unsettled accounts, we cannot rely upon bright pictures -of the future. We are convinced of nothing beyond the range of our own -knowledge and experience. - -I have thought so myself, and therefore I have endeavoured to keep to -facts which no one can deny. - -It is a fact that WARS CONTINUALLY DIMINISH in proportion as peoples -are brought nearer to one another by trade and commerce. The old -warlike condition has ceased. Formerly not a year passed without war in -Europe--in the Middle Ages hardly a week. After 1815 an international -peace reigned over most of the European States for forty years. In the -Scandinavian peninsula that peace is continuing still. Before that -time, at least until 1721, Sweden was almost continually involved in -war. We reckon two hundred and sixty years of war to the Kalmar Union, -and the proneness to invade and defend the countries on the other side -the Baltic. - -The old CAUSES OF WAR ARE BEING REMOVED. Certainly new ones arise as a -result of selfish patriotism, breaking out in new acts of violence. But -these outbreaks of barbarism become continually more rare. Unhappily, -they are so much the more horrible when they do occur, but yet much -More transitory. This is applicable to all the great wars in the last -half of the present century. No thirty years' war is known now. - -In consequence of the shorter flow of blood the wounds get time to -heal, and the divided interests are allowed to grow together again. -The levers of civilization are again in motion; commerce spreads over -land and sea by steam, electricity, and other motive powers. The -victories of Alexander and Napoleon are cast into the shade by the -triumphal procession of the tiny postage stamp around the world. Trade -and industry, art and science, efforts in the direction of universal -morality and enlightenment, all branch out and weave around the -nations a boundless web of common interests, which, though at certain -intervals violently torn asunder by brute force, grows together again -with increased strength and in broader compass; until one day, under -the majesty of law, it will form an irresistible civilizing power. - -This is what in REALITY IS TAKING PLACE. Men do not in general see it; -and this, because they busy themselves so much with warlike notions, -and trouble themselves so little about events of the character that I -have dwelt upon in the foregoing pages. - - * * * * * - -The friends of peace ought to stimulate one another, especially when -there is gloom over the great world, and no one knows whence the -approaching calamity may spring. Once it was warded off from our land -by a wise measure of one of our kings. I refer to Oscar I., when he -saved us from being embroiled in the chances of war, by drawing up a -DECLARATION OF NEUTRALITY in 1854, which was approved by the united -powers, and earned for him the homage and gratitude of the Swedish -Riksdag, in an address which lauded him as one of the wisest and -noblest of kings.[38] - -But there is little security that the same expedient will always lead -to a like successful result, if people wait till war is at the door -before setting to work. - -In time of peace, and during the specially good relations which obtain -between the two English-speaking nations, as well as between France -and America, our fellow-workers on both sides the Atlantic are making -use of the favourable opportunity for trying to get this good relation -established by law. - -It may well be asked why we, who are friendly with the whole world, -should not be able to do the same, not only with respect to Siam, but -also first and foremost with our near neighbours. - -It was this thought which led to the Arbitration resolution in 1890, in -the Storting and in the Riksdag. - -At the first meeting of the Left (Liberals) of the Storting, Feb. 4th, -the subject was discussed and gained unanimous adhesion. Whereupon -followed the resolution in the Storting on the 21st, which was adopted -by a large majority, March 5th, after the Minister of State (Stang) had -delivered a long speech against the resolution in vain. - -After this successful result, a similar resolution for Sweden was -brought into the First Chamber by F.T. Borg, and in the Second by J. -Andersson. The reports of the committees upon it ran diversely. The -committee of the First Chamber opposed, and that of the Second Chamber -approved, the resolution. On May 12th the question was thrown out in -both Chambers.[39] - -Mr. Borg spoke with dignity for his resolution in a long speech. This -was answered by the chairman of the committee, with a reminder of the -perverse condition of the world and of the human race. The resolution -contained a "meaningless expression of opinion." It was a real danger -for small nations to go to sleep, hoping and believing in a lasting -peace. It was now just as in the olden times: those who loved peace -and would preserve it "must prepare for war." The speaker had, as -chairman of the committee, expressed sympathy with the resolution, but -he added, "one does not get far with paper and words; and, according to -my opinion, the honourable mover of the resolution will certainly show -more love for peace if he, next year, on coming back with this peace -business, will set about it with a proposition for some ironclads and -artillery regiments or such like things, of more effectual service than -the platonic love which he has expressed; and I venture to predict that -both the committee and the Chamber will support him more powerfully -than to-day." - -After another distinguished genius had expressed himself in the same -well-known fashion, wherein proofs were conspicuous by their absence, -and the narrow circle of thought was filled with scorn and slighting -talk about "pious notions," etc., the High Chamber threw out the bill -by fifty-six votes against four. - -In the Second Chamber the debate was opened by the Foreign Minister -with a speech which clearly enough justifies the "MEMORIAL -DIPLOMATIQUE" where it points to the necessity of the study of the -arbitration-system having a high place amongst the requirements made of -those who enter the path of diplomacy;--a thing that they have actually -begun seriously to set before themselves in England. - -In full accord with the evidence brought forward above, the judicial -professor of the Chamber declared in short that the Chamber would -disgrace itself by adopting the resolution before it. - -After the mover of the resolution and some who shared his views had -expressed their hope that the Chamber would not fall back from the -position it took in 1874 upon this question, a speaker rose who -requires to be met, Herr A. Hedin. - -He began with the assertion that if a refusal of the report of the -committee would show that the Chamber had now changed its opinion, -they had before them sufficient reason for this. He wondered that a -resolution of such a nature as this had been brought forward, so soon -after the unpleasant experience which the country and people of Sweden -lately had in a so-called decision by arbitration. "The Chamber will -please to remember," continued the speaker, "that the king, with no -authority from the Riksdag, agreed with Spain to appeal to arbitration -upon the difficulties that had arisen on the right understanding of -the prolonged commercial treaty with Spain. Also the Chamber will -please to remember that this arbitration tribunal neither acted upon -the plan settled in the agreement, nor did it act in harmony with -the instructions of the treaty; and what was worse, the so-called, -or supposed, sentence which this one-man arbitration tribunal passed -did not concern the matter, which according to the agreement was to -have been settled by arbitration, but quite another, which could not -reasonably be subjected to arbitration--though the matter was, so far -as we were legally concerned, made to appear as though Sweden had -received an injustice in the principal matter which should have been -tried by arbitration, but which was not--a circumstance which, with the -Spanish authorities, has greatly weakened the position in law due to -Swedish citizens, whose rights have been violated in so unprecedented a -manner by the mode of procedure in consequence of which arbitration was -appealed to." - -All this had truth in it. But does that prove anything against the -usefulness of arbitration clauses in treaties of commerce? - -The agreement referred to between the united kingdoms and Spain, -January 8th, 1887, establishes:-- - - "A question which affects customs or the carrying out of commercial - treaties, or relates to results of some special violation of the - same, shall, when all attempts to come to an amicable agreement and - all friendly discussions have proved fruitless, be referred to an - arbitration tribunal, whose decision shall be binding on both parties." - -According to this it may be plainly seen, that the well-known -Swedo-Spanish SPIRIT-DISPUTE, to which Mr. Hedin alluded, ought to have -been solved in its entirety by arbitration. The Spanish Government, -however, maintained that this affected Spanish internal concerns, -since in fact the forced sale of Karlstamms-Volagets brandy stores -in Spain took place as a result of a new spirit law, to which the -arbitration clause in this case could not be applied. - -This starting-point for the judgment of the whole dispute was accepted -by the Swedish Government; which also agreed to let an arbitrator -settle whether the question of the spirit tax was independent of -the treaty or not. Both Governments agreed to choose the Portuguese -ex-Foreign Minister, Count de Casal Riberio, as arbitrator, and he -expressed himself in favour of the Spanish construction. And with this -the whole matter was settled. - -No one can seriously think that the method of procedure on the Swedish -side, which led to so distressing a violation of justice as that -referred to by Herr Hedin, could prove anything against the principle -of arbitration. On the other hand, it appears to betray the character -of the statesmanship of our then Foreign Minister; which indeed earned -for him a diamond-set snuffbox from the Emperor William II., but -otherwise, the blame only of sensible people. - -Herr Hedin, who has a weakness for strong expressions, had the -opportunity of using some such in their right place. Unhappily, this -cannot be said with truth of the closing words of his speech, where he -remarks that the expressions of the Foreign Minister are so decisive -against the bill that they deal the report of the committee of the -Second Chamber a right deadly blow. - -The committee had proposed that the king, with the authority which § -11 in the form of government accords him, should seek to bring about -such agreements with foreign powers, that future possible differences -between the powers named and Sweden should be settled by arbitration. - -The deadly blow must be the remark of the Foreign Minister that -questions affecting the _existence and independence of nations_ must be -excepted from decisions by arbitration. - -This principle is known to be universally accepted, and in no way -stands in antagonism to the report of the committee, which of course -left the hands of the king as free as possible to promote the idea of -arbitration according to circumstances. - -However, the report of the committee was thrown out by eighty-eight -votes against eighty-three. - -Herr Hedin got his way. He has always been the consistent opposer of -the active friends of peace; and this time he has besides won the -gratitude even of our Government organ, _Nya Dagligt Allehanda_, which -calls his speech glittering; meaning that upon this resolution "there -was no need to waste many words," and continues thus:-- - - "The resolution is worthy of notice, because it shows the return of - the Chamber to a sounder perception of this question. It seems at last - to recognise the extravagance of the expectation certain fanatics - entertain of bringing about a lasting peace by so apparently simple - a means as a tribunal of arbitration. We have indeed, as Herr Hedin - reminded us, now had experience ourselves of how unsatisfactory - this can be; and it certainly appears that they must be lacking in - common sense who would question the justice of the Foreign Minister's - reminder, that arbitration cannot be appealed to when a nation's - political freedom or independence is touched by the issue." - -I may here beg leave to calm the ruffled feelings of the honourable -Government organ by bringing to remembrance the lesson, otherwise -applicable also, which our dismembered sister-land on the other side -of the Sound offers us. - -At the London Conference in 1864, the representative of England, Lord -Russell, referred to the decision arrived at by the Paris Congress -in 1856, that States which had any serious dispute should appeal to -the mediation of a friendly power before taking to arms. In harmony -with this the British plenipotentiary proposed that the question, -whether the boundary line should be drawn between the lines of -Aabenraa-Toender, on the one side, or Dannewerke-Sli on the other, -should be decided by arbitration. Prussia and Austria consented to -accept the mediation of a neutral power; but Denmark replied to the -proposition with a distinct refusal. In the same way Denmark refused -the proposal made first by Prussia, and later by France, that a means -of deciding the boundary should be sought in a plebiscite of the people -in Sleswick. - -_Denmark trusted too much upon might and too little upon right. -Otherwise Sleswick had still been Danish._ - -If the axiom be correct, that disputes which affect the existence -and independence of nations ought not to be submitted for solution -to arbitration, it is of so much the greater moment to try to get -international complications settled in this way, because they may swell -up into questions of the kind first named; since in any case this means -could be adopted as a last resource in time of need. History knows -of no example of the destruction of a free nation by the impartial -judgment of arbitration. - - * * * * * - -Now it may well appear honourable on the part of the free nations of -the Scandinavian peninsula that they should openly show to the whole -world that they are prepared (in full harmony with King Oscar II.'s -pacific expressions in the speech from the throne to the Riksdag -and the Storting in 1890), for their own part, in all international -circumstances to substitute justice for brute force, and this without -compromising and meaningless limitations. In the Swedish arbitration -resolution, as well as in the Norse, lies the road certainly to -efficiently carrying out the neutral policy so strongly emphasized in -the speech from the throne. Besides the public gain, which a favourable -result in both Chambers would have been, a unanimous co-operation in -this cause would in a great degree have facilitated the solving of the -important QUESTION OF THE UNION (UNIONELLE TVISTEMAAL). - -The last named consideration will indeed claim more attention as the -consequences of the divergent decisions of the Storting and the Riksdag -develop themselves. That these consequences will be scattering, rather -than uniting, the friends of peace in both lands must keep in view; -and must look out, in time, for means to soothe them, as long as they -continue. - - * * * * * - -That which lies nearest my heart has been to help, with cheering -words, to strengthen the faith of my fellow-workers. If these words -have succeeded also, here and there, in scattering doubts, so much the -better. Little-faith is faint-hearted. Without confidence in a cause, -there is no action. Ignorance may be enlightened, superstition wiped -out; intolerance may become tolerant, and hate be changed into love; -ideas may be quickened, intelligence widened, and men's hearts may be -ennobled; but from _pessimism_ which can see nothing but gloomy visions -nothing is to be expected. This offspring of materialism is one of -the most powerful opponents which the cause of international law and -justice has to encounter. It is only self-deception to conceal the fact -that it still reigns in our Christian community. - -These gloomy-sighted people refer us to history, which on every page -tells of crime and blood, sorrow and tears. We answer by pointing to -the development of civilization, and show how all things slowly grow -and ripen, whether in human life or in the world of nature. - -Human perfection does not provide for an individual being a law-abiding -member of a human community, and exclude a community from being a -law-abiding member of an alliance of States. The abolition of war -therefore in no way pre-supposes universal righteousness, but only a -certain degree of moral cultivation. - -But that this perfection is not attained to cannot be any rational -objection _against_ striving after the perfect. Discontent with -imperfection ought much rather to goad us on to work for what is better. - -Now, war is not something imperfect only: it is a summing up of all -human depravity--a condition which we might expect all enlightened men -and women would turn against with combined energies. That this does not -take place is an evidence that the enlightenment is not so great among -so-called cultivated people. - -The dazzling external show of war conceals from many its inner reality. -This applies not only to the horrors of the battle-field and their -ghastly accompaniments. Fancy's wildest pictures of the infernal abyss -are nothing to the descriptions eye-witnesses give of this veritable -hell. Tolstoï's pen and Veretschagin's pencil give us an idea of -it.[40] From this misery spring untold sufferings for thousands upon -thousands of innocent victims; and, besides, it remains to be a flowing -source of fresh calamities. - -The ARMED PEACE is a similar calamity, which threatens European -civilization with complete overthrow. We have got so far in the general -race in the science of armaments that the yearly outlay in Europe -for military purposes, including the interest of national debts, -is reckoned as about twelve milliards of kroner,[41] 650 millions -sterling, which of course must imply a corresponding limitation of -productive labour. - -In time of peace the European armies are reckoned at four millions -of men. In time of war this can grow to nineteen millions; and in a -few years when, as intended, the new conscription law comes into full -effect, to something like thirty millions.[42] - -War, the personification of all human depravity, desolates the -progressive work of culture, and the armed peace which ruins the -nations prepares new wars and augments the misery. Ignorance, war, and -poverty follow one another in an unvarying circle. - -By the side of this wild race for armaments goes on a terrible struggle -for existence, and discontent reigns in all lands. This condition -of things, which fills the world with unrest and fear, must in the -near future have an end. It will either come in the form of a social -revolution, which will embrace the whole of our continent, or it may -come by the introduction of an established condition of international -law. - -It is the last named outcome that active friends of peace labour for. -They strive to enlighten the nations as to the means of removing and -preventing these calamities; and they hope that the so-called educated -classes will cease to be inactive spectators of these efforts. While -they do not feel called upon to oppose the nonsense of folly, they -listen respectfully to objections dictated by a sincere patriotism. In -that feeling we ought all to be able to join. It depends upon the way -in which this is expressed whether we can work together or must go on -separate lines. - -Commonly, we commend an action as virtuous when it does not oppose our -interests, but brand it as blameworthy when it in some way threatens -our position. - -Thus we read, with glad appreciation, the deeds of our own warriors; -but our admiration is changed into resentment when the exploits are -achieved against ourselves by the heroes of other nations. When one -says in Sweden, "I am not a Russian, indeed"; they say in Russia, "You -behave yourself like a Swede." It needs an independent third party to -give an impartial judgment. Right must be right. - -If our so-called enemy is _really_ in the right, he does not become -wrong _because_ he is called our enemy; and if we conquer and kill -him, we only thereby increase a hundredfold our terrible guilt. It is -in the long run a loss to both sides. Here, at any rate at least, a -_compromise_ is needed, for it is seldom the fault of _one_ when two -quarrel. - -But the endeavour to get a permanent arbitration tribunal established -cannot, in any way, be reasonably opposed to efforts for the welfare -of one's own country. The very consciousness of the existence of such -a tribunal would little by little, as a matter of course, bring about -the reign of law. It would indeed be a marvellous perversion of ideas -which esteemed it dishonourable to feel bound, in case of disputes -with other countries, to appeal to law and justice; inasmuch as this -very unwillingness to seek the path of justice must excite a serious -suspicion as to the cause you maintain. - -To lay hold on the sword under the influence of passion is like taking -a knife when intoxicated; and it is a crying absurdity to expect -people, who soberly know what they are doing, to go to homicide with -a light heart. That is to say, that a good man in severe conflict -as to his duty, may possibly be forced to do a bad action to escape -participation in a still worse. If he forbears to kill his brother, -this last will murder his father. When warriors are led out to battle, -the brilliant uniform ought to be laid aside, and the troops clad in -sombre mourning, which would better accord with the naked reality. -When they have slain many and come back in triumph, decorated with -honourable Cain-badges, they are wont in their homes to point with -pride to their brothers who lie silent in their blood. They earn a -character for having done something great; they are received with -exultation and honourable distinctions, and praised as gods in popular -story. But the whole spirit and conception is false IF Christ's -teaching of love is true; and we should long since have grown out of -this heathenish religion if there had not been incorporated with it -so much patriotism, both true and false--the false wrapped in those -high sounding words and phrases of self-love and vanity which still -exercise so great a power over the easily excited spirit of the nations. - -But if we set our thoughts free, confined as they are by warm devotion -to our hereditary soil, and now and then venture to look out over the -wide world, we shall see points of contact in the progressive effort -of humanity; and it is our highest honour to be able to take an active -part in this. Barriers are crumbling away one after the other. They do -not go down with violence; they vanish as new ideas smooth the way for -a higher conception of human dignity. Inquiry dissipates prejudice, and -continually shows us new phases of the inner cohesion of the life of -nations. - -The inhabitants of Europe, says DRAPER, show a constantly increasing -disposition towards the complete levelling of their mutual -dissimilarities. Climatic and meteorological differences are more and -more dissolved by artificial means and new inventions; and thence -arises a similarity, not only in habits of life, but in physical -conformation. Such inventions soften the influences to which men are -subjected, and bring them nearer to an average type. With this greater -affinity one to the other in bodily form, follows also a greater -similarity in feeling, habit and thought. - -Day by day, too, the economic fellowship of Europe increases. -Communications by ship, railroad, post and telegraph are developed; by -means of State loans, share and exchange connections, interests are -knit together. Therefore we see the Bourse, the barometer of economic -life, fluctuate when serious rumours of war are afloat; an evidence -that common economic interests and war are at variance one with the -other. - -I shall not venture further, but simply indicate in closing that even -the differences in language will certainly go on being gradually -adjusted. - -It is a remarkable fact, says the above-named investigator, that in -nearly all Indo-Germanic races, family appellatives, father, mother, -sister, brother, daughter, are the same. A similar agreement may be -observed in the names of a great number of everyday things, such as -house, door, way; but one finds that whilst these observations hold -good in respect to the designation of objects of a peaceful character, -many of the words which have a military signification are different in -the different languages. - -Here lies, perhaps, the germ of a future progressive growth which will -rise higher heavenward than the tower of Babel. - -I believe, for my part, that the English language, both on the ground -of its cosmopolitan character and of its great expansion, is already -on the path of transition into a universal common language. According -to Mulhall, it has spread since 1801, 310 per cent., whilst German has -increased 70, and French 36 per cent. A hundred years ago, Gladstone -says, the English tongue was spoken by fifteen millions; it is now -spoken by 150 millions; and according to the computation of Barham -Zincke, in another hundred it will be spoken by at least 1,000 millions. - -The computation is probably correct; and then not only in America, -but in every part of our globe, the remembrance will be treasured of -the little flock of Puritans who, ere they landed from their frail -_Mayflower_ upon the desolate rocks of a strange coast, drew up in that -undeveloped language the great social law for their future, which -begins with the words, "In the name of God be it enacted." - -Mankind will hold them in remembrance for their faith in a high ideal, -these persecuted, weary, sick, and hungry men. For it was that faith -which upheld them under continued trials and sufferings, and brought -them a victory guiltless of blood, but fraught with blessing to coming -generations. - -Even if many of us do not believe in the way those Christian heroes -believed, yet we may in this materialistic age have strong confidence -in the power of good, and so pronounced, that we shall gain something -for our cause. - -In the life of Society, however, as in external nature with all its -teeming variety, we observe a subserviency to law, which may be taken -as the surest pledge of the final triumph of the cause of peace. - -For my part, I see herein the Divine government of the world. - -And therefore my love for this idea can never be extinguished. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[Footnote 38: Transactions of the Riksdag, 1853-1854, No. 4. - -In the introduction to the address to the Riksdag the king observed, -that he had, in providing for the welfare of the nation, found himself -obliged to declare Sweden neutral; consequently he informed the Riksdag -of the Declaration of Neutrality, respecting which the king said:-- - -"The system which the king intends steadily to adhere to and employ is -a strict neutrality, founded upon sincerity, impartiality, and full -regard to the rights of all the powers. This neutrality will entail -upon the government of his Majesty of Sweden and Norway the following -duties, and secure to it the following benefits: 1. To hold himself -free from any participation in any contentions which directly or -indirectly may be advantageous to one and injurious to another of the -belligerent States.... - -"Such are the general principles of the neutral position, which his -Majesty of Sweden and Norway designs to take in case war should break -out in Europe. His Majesty feels persuaded that it will be accepted as -in accordance with international law, and that the exact and impartial -observance of these principles will make it possible for his Majesty -to continue to sustain those connections with friendly and allied -powers which his Majesty, for his people's weal, so greatly desires to -preserve from every infringement." - -To this communication, satisfactory answers, accepting the decision -announced by his Majesty, arrived from the various Governments in the -following words: ... - -"His Majesty has been pleased to announce to the assembled Estates -of the Realm the attainment of this result, so satisfactory for the -undisturbed continuance of peaceful transactions and the uninterrupted -course of trade and navigation so much the more as on account of the -political relations of Sweden and Norway with foreign powers, they may -be regarded as for the present amply secured. His Majesty gratefully -acknowledges that the patriotism and the reliance upon the paternal -designs of his Majesty which the Estates of the Realm have manifested -on this occasion may be regarded as having in an important degree -contributed to the attainment of the desired object. His Majesty, in -expressing his sincere satisfaction, will continue to devote incessant -pains to all the measures which the maintenance of neutrality may -require in harmony with the principles laid down and promulgated by his -Majesty. With his Majesty's royal favour and constant best wishes to -the Estates of the Realm." - -The address of thanks from the Riksdag to the king:-- - -"After the Declaration of Neutrality made by your Majesty on behalf -of the united kingdoms, and in concert with the King of Denmark, had -been accepted by the European powers and also the United States, -it pleased your Majesty to inform the Estates of the Realm of this -result, so satisfactory for the undisturbed continuance of our -peaceful transactions, and for the uninterrupted course of our trade -and navigation. Your Majesty has at the same time been pleased also -to express your gracious appreciation of the patriotism and reliance -upon your paternal designs which the Estates of the Realm have on this -occasion manifested. - -"The representatives of the Swedish people hold in grateful remembrance -these expressions of your Majesty's high satisfaction, and beg -respectfully to assure your Majesty of their deep and warm gratitude. -The Fatherland is indebted to your Majesty's incessant and unremitting -pains in securing the friendly relations of the united kingdoms -towards foreign powers during the contests in which a great part of -Europe is at present embroiled. The Estates of the Realm offer sincere -homage to the resolution and wise forethought with which your Majesty, -under these troublous conditions, has safeguarded the interests, the -independence and power of the united kingdoms. With confidence between -the king and the people, with mutual co-operation in working together -to promote the true welfare of our beloved Fatherland, they will, with -the blessing of the Highest, be henceforth preserved. The peace we -enjoy is the dearer because it is the evidence of the fidelity with -which the best interests of the country are guarded by your Majesty. -Ready to follow her noble king in all vicissitudes, the Swedish nation -implores the blessings of Providence upon the vigilant fatherly love -whose untiring care for the people's welfare reaps its reward in this -answering love. - -"The Estates of the Realm, remain," etc.] - -[Footnote 39: Riksdagen protocol, 1890. First Chamber, No. 37; Second -Chamber, No. 45.] - -[Footnote 40: When Wellington once, as a victor, went over the field of -battle, he burst out with the cry, "There is nothing so disastrous as a -victory, except a defeat."] - -[Footnote 41: That is 12,000,000,000; sufficient to furnish the annual -pension of a minister of State, 2,000 kroner, for EVERY man and woman, -old man and suckling in the whole of Norway.--ED. of Danish edition.] - -[Footnote 42: Five times as many able-bodied men as there are men, -women, old men and children in the whole of Norway.--Do.] - - - - -APPENDIX. - - -_Note on page 123._ - -The ASSOCIATION for the NEUTRALIZATION of DENMARK. - -The objects of this Association are to work for: - -1. Securing for Denmark a permanent neutrality recognised by Europe, -like that of Belgium or Switzerland; - -2. The concluding of Arbitration treaties between Denmark and other -independent States, especially the two Northern Kingdoms; - -3. The solution by a pacific means of the North Sleswick question in -accordance with the principle of popular veto. - - -_Note on page 125._ - -INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION and PEACE ASSOCIATION (40 and 41, Outer -Temple, London, W.C.). - - -OBJECTS. - -Among the objects of this Association are the following: - -1. To create, educate, and organize public opinion throughout Europe in -favour of the substitution of ARBITRATION for WAR. - -2. To promote a better understanding and more friendly feeling between -the citizens of different nations. - -3. To correct erroneous statements in the public press or in -Parliaments on International questions. - - -MODES OF ACTION. - -1. To establish in the chief cities of Europe Committees or Societies -which shall correspond with each other on all matters likely to create -disputes, with the view of ascertaining the facts and of suggesting -just and practical modes of settlement. - -2. Where Committees cannot at present be formed, to obtain the services -of individuals acting in co-operation for the same purpose. - -3. To form a medium of communication between men of different countries -by a Journal devoted to these purposes, and to promote International -fraternity and co-operation, mutual appreciation and esteem. - -4. To hold periodical conferences and congresses in all parts of Europe. - -5. To correspond and work with similar Associations and committees in -America. - - -WHAT THE ASSOCIATION HAS DONE. - -It has held two International Congresses on the European continent. -Many visits have been paid to cities in Germany, Italy, France, -Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, and Hungary, for the above purpose. In -these countries, including America, the Association has directly or -indirectly corresponded with more than six hundred persons, many of -whom are Members of Parliament, journalists, literary men, professors, -merchants, and manufacturers. - -Corresponding Committees and Societies have been founded by the -Association in Germany, Hungary, Italy and France; and Societies are -affiliated in Belgium, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and California. - - -WHAT IT DESIRES TO DO. - -To complete the "International Federation" of Peace-makers proposed by -the Congress held at Berne in 1883. - -To promote the formation of Societies belonging to this Federation in -all parts of Europe. - -To form Branches of the Association in various parts of England. - -To publish a foreign edition of the monthly paper, _Concord_, in French -and German. - - -_Note on page 137._ - -The following are the provisions of the Treaty agreed to at the -PAN-AMERICAN CONFERENCE. - -Article I.--The republics of North, Central, and South America hereby -adopt arbitration as a principle of American International Law for the -settlement of all differences, disputes, or controversies that may -arise between them. - -Article II.--Arbitration shall be obligatory in all controversies -concerning diplomatic and consular privileges, boundaries, territories, -indemnities, the right of navigation, and the validity, construction, -and enforcement of treaties. - -Article III.--Arbitration shall be equally obligatory in all cases -other than those mentioned in the foregoing article, whatever may be -their origin, nature, or occasion; with the single exception mentioned -in the next following article. - -Article IV.--The sole questions excepted from the provisions of the -preceding article are those which, in the judgment of any one of the -nations involved in the controversy, may imperil its independence. In -which case, for such nation, arbitration shall be optional; but it -shall be obligatory upon the adversary power. - -Article V.--All controversies or differences, with the exception -stated in Article IV., whether pending or hereafter arising, shall -be submitted to arbitration, even though they may have originated in -occurrences ante-dating the present treaty. - -Article VI.--No question shall be revived by virtue of this treaty -concerning which a definite agreement shall already have been reached. -In such cases arbitration shall be resorted to only for the settlement -of questions concerning the validity, interpretation, or enforcement of -such agreements. - -Article VII.--Any Government may serve in the capacity of arbitrator -which maintains friendly relations with the nation opposed to the -one selecting it. The office of arbitrator may also be entrusted to -tribunals of justice, to scientific bodies, to public officials, or to -private individuals, whether citizens or not of the States selecting -them. - -Article VIII.--The court of arbitration may consist of one or more -persons. If of one person, he shall be selected jointly by the nations -concerned. If of several persons, their selection may be jointly -made by the nations concerned. Should no choice be made, each nation -claiming a distinct interest in the question at issue shall have the -right to appoint one arbitrator on its own behalf. - -Article IX.--When the court shall consist of an even number of -arbitrators, the nations concerned shall appoint an umpire, who shall -decide all questions upon which the arbitrators may disagree. If the -nations interested fail to agree in the selection of an umpire, such -umpire shall be selected by the arbitrators already appointed. - -Article X.--The appointment of an umpire, and his acceptance, shall -take place before the arbitrators enter upon the hearing of the -question in dispute. - -Article XI.--The umpire shall not act as a member of the court, but his -duties and powers shall be limited to the decision of questions upon -which the arbitrators shall be unable to agree. - -Article XII.--Should any arbitrator, or an umpire, be prevented -from serving by reason of death, resignation, or other cause, such -arbitrator or umpire shall be replaced by a substitute to be selected -in the same manner in which the original arbitrator or umpire shall -have been chosen. - -Article XIII.--The court shall hold its sessions at such place as the -parties in interest may agree upon, and in case of disagreement or -failure to name a place the court itself may determine the location. - -Article XIV.--When the court shall consist of several arbitrators, a -majority of the whole number may act notwithstanding the absence or -withdrawal of the minority. In such case the majority shall continue -in the performance of their duties, until they shall have reached a -final determination of the questions submitted for their consideration. - -Article XV.--The decision of a majority of the whole number of -arbitrators shall be final both on the main and incidental issues, -unless in the agreement to arbitrate it shall have been expressly -provided that unanimity is essential. - -Article XVI.--The general expenses of arbitration proceedings shall -be paid in equal proportions by the governments that are parties -thereto; but expenses incurred by either party in the preparation and -prosecution of its case shall be defrayed by it individually. - -Article XVII.--Whenever disputes arise the nations involved shall -appoint courts of arbitration in accordance with the provisions of the -preceding articles. Only by the mutual and free consent of all of such -nations may those provisions be disregarded, and courts of arbitration -appointed under different arrangements. - -Article XVIII.--This treaty shall remain in force for twenty years from -the date of the exchange of ratifications. After the expiration of that -period, it shall continue in operation until one of the contracting -parties shall have notified all the others of its desire to terminate -it. In the event of such notice the treaty shall continue obligatory -upon the party giving it for at least one year thereafter, but the -withdrawal of one or more nations shall not invalidate the treaty with -respect to the other nations concerned. - -Article XIX.--This treaty shall be ratified by all the nations -approving it, according to their respective constitutional methods; -and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the city of Washington on -or before the first day of May, A.D. 1891. Any other nation may accept -this treaty and become a party thereto, by signing a copy thereof -and depositing the same with the Government of the United States; -whereupon the said Government shall communicate this fact to the other -contracting parties. - - -Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Pax mundi, by Klas Pontus Arnoldson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAX MUNDI *** - -***** This file should be named 52587-8.txt or 52587-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/2/5/8/52587/ - -Produced by Bryan Ness, Graeme Mackreth and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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