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diff --git a/old/52413-0.txt b/old/52413-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 29ba4c8..0000000 --- a/old/52413-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4416 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Black Death in the Fourteenth Century, by -I. F. C. Hecker - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: The Black Death in the Fourteenth Century - -Author: I. F. C. Hecker - -Translator: B. G. Babington - -Release Date: June 26, 2016 [EBook #52413] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BLACK DEATH *** - - - - -Produced by Thiers Halliwell <thiers@mydigimail.net>, -Archibald Ogden-Smith <a.f.ogden.smith@gmail.com>, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - -Transcriber’s notes: - -The text of this book has been preserved as in the original (including -punctuation irregularities); archaic and inconsistent spellings have -been retained except where obviously misspelled in the original. - - Corrected misspellings include the following: - trangressed —> transgressed - espepecially —> especially - oriential —> oriental - - Spelling inconsistencies include the following: - medicin/medecine/medicine - monastaries/monasteries - sunset/sun-set - 2nd/2d/2dly - -Footnotes have been positioned below the relevant paragraphs. - - - - - THE - - BLACK DEATH - - IN THE - - FOURTEENTH CENTURY, - - FROM THE GERMAN OF - - I. F. C. HECKER, M. D. - - PROFESSOR AT FREDERICK WILLIAM’S UNIVERSITY AT BERLIN, AND MEMBER - OF VARIOUS LEARNED SOCIETIES IN BERLIN, BONN, COPENHAGEN, - ERLANGEN, HANAU, LONDON, LYONS, METZ, NAPLES, NEW YORK, - PHILADELPHIA AND ZURICK. - - - TRANSLATED BY - - B. G. BABINGTON, M. D. - - - LONDON: - A. SCHLOSS, FOREIGN BOOKSELLER, - 109, STRAND. - - 1833. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE i - - PREFACE ix - - CHAPTER I.--General Observations 1 - - CHAPTER II.--The Disease 4 - - CHAPTER III.--Causes--Spread 28 - - CHAPTER IV.--Mortality 54 - - CHAPTER V.--Moral Effects 82 - - CHAPTER VI.--Physicians 128 - - APPENDIX-- - - I.--The Ancient Song of the - Flagellants 172 - - II.--Trial of the Jews accused of - poisoning the Wells 181 - - III.--Extracts from “A Boke or - Counseill against the Sweate - or Sweatyng Sicknesse” 191 - - - - - -TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE. - - -In reading Dr. Hecker’s account of the Black Death which destroyed so -large a portion of the human race in the fourteenth century, I was -struck, not only with the peculiarity of the Author’s views, but also -with the interesting nature of the facts which he has collected. Some -of these have never before been made generally known, while others -have passed out of mind, being effaced from our memories by subsequent -events of a similar kind, which, though really of less magnitude and -importance, have, in the perspective of time, appeared greater, because -they have occurred nearer to our own days. - -Dreadful as was the pestilence here described, and in few countries -more so than in England, our modern historians only slightly allude to -its visitation:--Hume deems a single paragraph sufficient to devote to -its notice, and Henry and Rapin are equally brief. - -It may not then be unacceptable to the medical, or even to the general -reader, to receive an authentic and somewhat detailed account of one of -the greatest natural calamities that ever afflicted the human race. - -My chief motive, however, for translating this small work, and at -this particular period, has been a desire that, in the study of the -causes which have produced and propagated general pestilences, and of -the moral effects by which they have been followed, the most enlarged -views should be taken. The contagionist and the anti-contagionist may -each find ample support for his belief in particular cases; but in -the construction of a theory sufficiently comprehensive to explain -throughout the origin and dissemination of universal disease, we shall -not only perceive the insufficiency of either doctrine, taken singly, -but after admitting the combined influence of both, shall even then -find our views too narrow, and be compelled, in our endeavours to -explain the facts, to acknowledge the existence of unknown powers, -wholly unconnected either with communication by contact or atmospheric -contamination. - -I by no means wish it to be understood, that I have adopted the -author’s views respecting astral and telluric influences, the former of -which, at least, I had supposed to have been, with alchemy and magic, -long since consigned to oblivion; much less am I prepared to accede -to his notion, or rather an ancient notion derived from the East and -revived by him, of an organic life in the system of the universe. We -are constantly furnished with proofs, that that which affects life is -not itself alive; and whether we look to the earth for exhalations, -to the air for electrical phenomena, to the heavenly bodies for an -influence over our planet, or to all these causes combined, for the -formation of some unknown principle noxious to animal existence, still, -if we found our reasoning on ascertained facts, we can perceive -nothing throughout this vast field for physical research which is -not evidently governed by the laws of inert matter, nothing which -resembles the regular succession of birth, growth, decay, death, and -regeneration, observable in organized beings. To assume, therefore, -causes of whose existence we have no proof, in order to account for -effects which, after all, they do not explain, is making no real -advance in knowledge, and can scarcely be considered otherwise than an -indirect method of confessing our ignorance. - -Still, however, I regard the author’s opinions, illustrated as they are -by a series of interesting facts diligently collected from authentic -sources, as, at least, worthy of examination before we reject them, and -valuable, as furnishing extensive data on which to build new theories. - -I have another, perhaps I may be allowed to say a better, motive for -laying before my countrymen this narrative of the sufferings of past -ages,--that by comparing them with those of our own time, we may be -made the more sensible how lightly the chastening hand of Providence -has fallen on the present generation, and how much reason, therefore, -we have to feel grateful for the mercy shewn us. - -The publication has, with this view, been purposely somewhat delayed, -in order that it might appear at a moment when it is to be presumed -that men’s thoughts will be especially directed to the approaching -hour of public thanksgiving, and when a knowledge of that which they -have escaped, as well as of that which they have suffered, may tend to -heighten their devotional feelings on that solemn occasion. - -When we learn that, in the fourteenth century, one quarter, at least, -of the population of the old world was swept away in the short space of -four years, and that some countries, England among the rest, lost more -than double that proportion of their inhabitants in the course of a few -months, we may well congratulate ourselves that our visitation has not -been like theirs, and shall not justly merit ridicule, if we offer our -humble thanks to the “Creator and Preserver of all mankind” for our -deliverance. - -Nor would it disgrace our feelings, if, in expiation of the abuse and -obloquy not long since so lavishly bestowed by the public, we should -entertain some slight sense of gratitude towards those members of -the community, who were engaged, at the risk of their lives and the -sacrifice of their personal interests, in endeavouring to arrest the -progress of the evil, and to mitigate the sufferings of their fellow -men. - -I have added, at the close of the Appendix, some extracts from a scarce -little work in black letter, called “A Boke or Counseill against the -Disease commonly called the Sweate or Sweatyng Sicknesse,” published by -Caius in 1552. This was written three years before his Latin treatise -on the same subject, and is so quaint, and, at the same time, so -illustrative of the opinions of his day, and even of those of the -fourteenth century, on the causes of universal diseases, that the -passages which I have quoted will not fail to afford some amusement as -well as instruction. If I have been tempted to reprint more of this -curious production than was necessary to my primary object, it has been -from a belief that it would be generally acceptable to the reader to -gather some particulars regarding the mode of living in the sixteenth -century, and to observe the author’s animadversions on the degeneracy -and credulity of the age in which he lived. His advice on the choice of -a medical attendant cannot be too strongly recommended, at least _by a -physician_; and his warning against quackery, particularly the quackery -of _painters_, who “scorne (_quære_ score?) you behind your backs with -their medicines, so filthy that I am ashamed to name them,” seems quite -prophetic. - -In conclusion, I beg to acknowledge the obligation which I owe to my -friend Mr. H. E. Lloyd, whose intimate acquaintance with the German -language and literature will, I hope, be received as a sufficient -pledge that no very important errors remain in a translation which he -has kindly revised. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -We here find an important page of the history of the world laid open -to our view. It treats of a convulsion of the human race, unequalled -in violence and extent. It speaks of incredible disasters, of despair -and unbridled demoniacal passions. It shews us the abyss of general -licentiousness, in consequence of an universal pestilence, which -extended from China to Iceland and Greenland. - -The inducement to unveil this image of an age, long since gone by, -is evident. A new pestilence has attained almost an equal extent, -and though less formidable, has partly produced, partly indicated, -similar phenomena. Its causes and its diffusion over Asia and Europe, -call on us to take a comprehensive view of it, because it leads to an -insight into the organism of the world, in which the sum of organic -life is subject to the great powers of Nature. Now, human knowledge -is not yet sufficiently advanced, to discover the connexion between -the processes which occur above, and those which occur below, the -surface of the earth, or even fully to explore the laws of nature, an -acquaintance with which would be required, far less to apply them to -great phenomena, in which one spring sets a thousand others in motion. - -On this side, therefore, such a point of view is not to be found, if -we would not lose ourselves in the wilderness of conjectures, of which -the world is already too full: but it may be found in the ample and -productive field of historical research. - -History--that mirror of human life in all its bearings, offers, even -for general pestilences, an inexhaustible, though scarcely explored, -mine of facts; here too it asserts its dignity, as the philosophy of -reality delighting in truth. - -It is conformable to its spirit to conceive general pestilences as -events affecting the whole world, to explain their occurrences by the -comparison of what is similar, by which the facts speak for themselves, -because they appear to have proceeded from the higher laws which govern -the progression of the existence of mankind. A cosmical origin and -convulsive excitement, productive of the most important consequences -among the nations subject to them, are the most striking features to -which history points in all general pestilences. The latter, however, -assume very different forms, as well in their attacks on the general -organism, as in their diffusion; and in this respect a development from -form to form, in the course of centuries, is manifest, so that the -history of the world is divided into grand periods in which positively -defined pestilences prevailed. As far as our chronicles extend, more or -less certain information can be obtained respecting them. - -But this part of medical history, which has such a manifold and -powerful influence over the history of the world, is yet in its -infancy. For the honor of that science which should everywhere guide -the actions of mankind, we are induced to express a wish, that it may -find room to flourish amidst the rank vegetation with which the field -of German medical science is unhappily encumbered. - - - - -THE BLACK DEATH. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. - - -That Omnipotence which has called the world with all its living -creatures into one animated being, especially reveals himself in -the desolation of great pestilences. The powers of creation come -into violent collision; the sultry dryness of the atmosphere; the -subterraneous thunders; the mist of overflowing waters, are the -harbingers of destruction. Nature is not satisfied with the ordinary -alternations of life and death, and the Destroying Angel waves over man -and beast his flaming sword. - -These revolutions are performed in vast cycles, which the spirit of -man, limited as it is, to a narrow circle of perception, is unable -to explore. They are, however, greater terrestrial events than any of -those which proceed from the discord, the distress or the passions of -nations. By annihilations they awaken new life; and when the tumult -above and below the earth is past, nature is renovated, and the -mind awakens from torpor and depression to the consciousness of an -intellectual existence. - -Were it in any degree within the power of human research to draw up, -in a vivid and connected form, an historical sketch of such mighty -events, after the manner of the historians of wars and battles, and the -migrations of nations, we might then arrive at clear views with respect -to the mental development of the human race, and the ways of Providence -would be more plainly discernible. It would then be demonstrable, that -the mind of nations is deeply affected by the destructive conflict of -the powers of nature, and that great disasters lead to striking changes -in general civilization. For all that exists in man, whether good or -evil, is rendered conspicuous by the presence of great danger. His -inmost feelings are roused--the thought of self-preservation masters -his spirit--self denial is put to severe proof, and wherever darkness -and barbarism prevail, there the affrighted mortal flies to the idols -of his superstition, and all laws, human and divine, are criminally -violated. - -In conformity with a general law of nature, such a state of excitement, -brings about a change, beneficial or detrimental, according to -circumstances, so that nations either attain a higher degree of moral -worth, or sink deeper in ignorance and vice. All this, however, takes -place upon a much grander scale than through the ordinary vicissitudes -of war and peace, or the rise and fall of empires, because the powers -of nature themselves produce plagues, and subjugate the human will, -which, in the contentions of nations, alone predominates. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE DISEASE. - - -The most memorable example of what has been advanced, is afforded -by a great pestilence of the fourteenth century, which desolated -Asia, Europe, and Africa, and of which the people yet preserve the -remembrance in gloomy traditions. It was an oriental plague, marked by -inflammatory boils and tumors of the glands, such as break out in no -other febrile disease. On account of these inflammatory boils, and from -the black spots, indicatory of a putrid decomposition, which appeared -upon the skin, it was called in Germany and in the northern kingdoms -of Europe, _the Black Death_, and in Italy, la Mortalega Grande, _the -Great Mortality_.[1] - - [1] La Mortalega Grande. _Matth. de Griffonibus._ Muratori. Script. - rer. Italicar. T. XVIII. p. 167. D. They were called by others - Angumalgia. _Andr. Gratiol._ Discorso di peste. Venet. 1576, - 4to. Swedish: _Diger-döden. Loccenii_ Histor. Suecan L. III. p. - 104.--Danish: _den sorte Dod. Pontan_. Rer. danicar Histor. L. VIII. - p. 476.--Amstelod: 1631, fol. Icelandic: _Svatur Daudi_. Saabye, - Tagebuch in Grönland. Introduction XVIII. _Mansa_, de Epidemiis - maxime momorabilibus, quae in Dania grassatae sunt, &c. Part. I. - p. 12. Havniae, 1831, 8.--In Westphalia the name of _de groete Doet_ - was prevalent. Meibom. - -Few testimonies are presented to us respecting its symptoms and its -course, yet these are sufficient to throw light upon the form of the -malady, and they are worthy of credence, from their coincidence with -the signs of the same disease in modern times. - -The imperial writer, Kantakusenos,[2] whose own son, Andronikus, died -of this plague in Constantinople, notices great imposthumes[3] of -the thighs and arms of those affected, which, when opened, afforded -relief by the discharge of an offensive matter. Buboes, which are the -infallible signs of the oriental plague, are thus plainly indicated, -for he makes separate mention of smaller boils on the arms and in the -face, as also in other parts of the body, and clearly distinguishes -these from the blisters,[4] which are no less produced by plague in all -its forms. In many cases, black spots[5] broke out all over the body, -either single, or united and confluent. - - [2] _Joann Cantacuzen_ Historiar, L. IV. c. 8. Ed. Paris, p. 730. 5. - The ex-emperor has indeed copied some passages from Thucydides, as - _Sprengel_ justly observes, (Appendix to the Geschichte der Medicin. - Vol. 1. H. I. S. 73.) though this was most probably only for the - sake of rounding a period. This is no detriment to his credibility, - because his statements accord with the other accounts. - - [3] Αποσάσεις μεγάλαι. - - [4] Μελαίναι φλυχτίδες. - - [5] ὤσπερ σιγματα μέλανα. - -These symptoms were not all found in every case. In many, one alone was -sufficient to cause death, while some patients recovered, contrary to -expectation, though afflicted with all. Symptoms of cephalic affection -were frequent; many patients became stupified and fell into a deep -sleep, losing also their speech from palsy of the tongue; others -remained sleepless and without rest. The fauces and tongue were black, -and as if suffused with blood; no beverage would assuage their burning -thirst, so that their sufferings continued without alleviation until -terminated by death, which many in their despair accelerated with their -own hands. Contagion was evident, for attendants caught the disease of -their relations and friends, and many houses in the capital were bereft -even of their last inhabitant. Thus far the ordinary circumstances only -of the oriental plague occurred. Still deeper sufferings, however, -were connected with this pestilence, such as have not been felt at -other times; the organs of respiration were seized with a putrid -inflammation; a violent pain in the chest attacked the patient; blood -was expectorated, and the breath diffused a pestiferous odour. - -In the West, the following were the predominating symptoms on the -eruption of this disease.[6] An ardent fever, accompanied by an -evacuation of blood, proved fatal in the first three days. It appears -that buboes and inflammatory boils did not at first come out at all, -but that the disease, in the form of carbuncular (_anthraxartigen_) -affection of the lungs, effected the destruction of life before the -other symptoms were developed. - - [6] _Guidon de Cauliaco_ Chirurgia. Tract 11. c. 5. p. 113. Ed. - Lugdun, 1572. - -Thus did the plague rage in Avignon for six or eight weeks, and the -pestilential breath of the sick, who expectorated blood, caused a -terrible contagion far and near; for even the vicinity of those -who had fallen ill of plague was certain death;[7] so that parents -abandoned their infected children, and all the ties of kindred were -dissolved. After this period, buboes in the axilla and in the groin, -and inflammatory boils all over the body, made their appearance; but it -was not until seven months afterwards that some patients recovered with -matured buboes, as in the ordinary milder form of plague. - - [7] Et fuit tantae contagiositatis specialiter quae fuit cum - sputo sanguinis, quod non solum morando, sed etiam inspiciendo - unus recipiebat ab alio: intantum quod gentes moriebantur sine - servitoribus, et sepeliebantur sine sacerdotibus, pater non visitabat - filium, nec filius patrem: charitas erat mortua, spes prostrata. - -Such is the report of the courageous Guy de Chauliac, who vindicated -the honor of medicine, by bidding defiance to danger; boldly and -constantly assisting the affected, and disdaining the excuse of -his colleagues, who held the Arabian notion, that medical aid was -unavailing, and that the contagion justified flight. He saw the plague -twice in Avignon, first in the year 1348, from January to August, and -then twelve years later, in the autumn, when it returned from Germany, -and for nine months spread general distress and terror. The first time -it raged chiefly among the poor, but in the year 1360, more among the -higher classes. It now also destroyed a great many children, whom it -had formerly spared, and but few women. - -The like was seen in Egypt.[8] Here also inflammation of the lungs was -predominant, and destroyed quickly and infallibly, with burning heat -and expectoration of blood. Here too the breath of the sick spread a -deadly contagion, and human aid was as vain as it was destructive to -those who approached the infected. - - [8] _Deguignes_, Histoire générale des Huns, des Turcs, des Moguls, - &c. Tom. IV. Paris 1758. 4to. p. 226. - -Boccacio, who was an eye-witness of its incredible fatality in -Florence, the seat of the revival of science, gives a more lively -description of the attack of the disease than his non-medical -contemporaries.[9] - - [9] Decameron Giorn. I. Introd. - -It commenced here, not as in the East, with bleeding at the nose, a -sure sign of inevitable death; but there took place at the beginning, -both in men and women, tumours in the groin and in the axilla, varying -in circumference up to the size of an apple or an egg, and called -by the people, pest-boils (gavoccioli). Then there appeared similar -tumours indiscriminately over all parts of the body, and black or blue -spots came out on the arms or thighs, or on other parts, either single -and large, or small and thickly studded. These spots proved equally -fatal with the pest-boils, which had been from the first regarded as -a sure sign of death.[10] No power of medecine brought relief--almost -all died within the first three days, some sooner, some later, after -the appearance of these signs, and for the most part entirely without -fever[11] or other symptoms. The plague spread itself with the greater -fury, as it communicated from the sick to the healthy, like fire among -dry and oily fuel, and even contact with the clothes and other articles -which had been used by the infected, seemed to induce the disease. As -it advanced, not only men, but animals fell sick and shortly expired, -if they had touched things belonging to the diseased or dead. Thus -Boccacio himself saw two hogs on the rags of a person who had died of -plague, after staggering about for a short time, fall down dead, as -if they had taken poison. In other places, multitudes of dogs, cats, -fowls and other animals, fell victims to the contagion;[12] and it is -to be presumed that other epizootes among animals likewise took place, -although the ignorant writers of the fourteenth century are silent on -this point. - - [10] From this period black petechiæ have always been considered as - fatal in the plague. - - [11] A very usual circumstance in plague epidemics. - - [12] _Auger de Biterris_, Vitae Romanor. pontificum, _Muratori_ - Scriptor. rer. Italic. Vol. III. Pt. II. p. 556. - -In Germany there was a repetition in every respect of the same -phenomena. The infallible signs of the oriental bubo-plague with -its inevitable contagion were found there as everywhere else; but the -mortality was not nearly so great as in the other parts of Europe.[13] -The accounts do not all make mention of the spitting of blood, the -diagnostic symptom of this fatal pestilence; we are not, however, -thence to conclude that there was any considerable mitigation or -modification of the disease, for we must not only take into account -the defectiveness of the chronicles, but that isolated testimonies are -often contradicted by many others. Thus, the chronicles of Strasburg, -which only take notice of boils and glandular swellings in the axillæ -and groins,[14] are opposed by another account, according to which the -mortal spitting of blood was met with in Germany;[15] but this again is -rendered suspicious, as the narrator postpones the death of those who -were thus affected, to the sixth, and (even the) eighth day, whereas, -no other author sanctions so long a course of the disease; and even in -Strasburg, where a mitigation of the plague may, with most probability, -be assumed, since in the year 1349, only 16,000 people were carried -off, the generality expired by the third or fourth day.[16] In Austria, -and especially in Vienna, the plague was fully as malignant as any -where, so that the patients who had red spots and black boils, as well -as those afflicted with tumid glands, died about the third day;[17] -and lastly, very frequent sudden deaths occurred on the coasts of the -North Sea and in Westphalia, without any further development of the -malady.[18] - - [13] Contin. altera Chronici _Guillelmi de Nangis_ in _d’Acher_, - Spicilegium sive Collectio Veterum Scriptorum, &c. Ed. de la _Barre_, - Tom. iii. p. 110. - - [14] “The people all died of boils and inflamed glands which appeared - under the arms and in the groins.” _Jac. v. Königshoven_, the oldest - chronicle of Alsace and Strasburg, and indeed of all Germany. - Strasburg, 1698. 4. cap. 5, § 86. p. 301. - - [15] _Hainr. Rebdorff_, Annals, _Marq. Freher_. Germanicarum. rerum - Scriptores. Francof, 1624. fol. p. 439. - - [16] _Königshoven_, in loc. cit. - - [17] Anonym. Leobiens. Chron. L. VI. in _Hier. Pez_, Scriptor. - rer. Austriac. Lips. 1721. fol. Tom. 1, p. 970. The above named - appearances are here called, _rote sprinkel_, _swarcze erhubenn_ und - _druesz under den üchsen und ze den gemächten_. - - [18] _Ubb. Emmiie_ rer. Frisiacar. histor. L. XIV. p. 203. Lugd. Bat. - 1616. fol. - -To France, this plague came in a northern direction from Avignon, and -was there more destructive than in Germany, so that in many places not -more than two in twenty of the inhabitants survived. Many were struck, -as if by lightning, and died on the spot, and this more frequently -among the young and strong than the old; patients with enlarged glands -in the axillæ and groins scarcely survived two or three days; and no -sooner did these fatal signs appear, than they bid adieu to the world, -and sought consolation only in the absolution which Pope Clement VI. -promised them in the hour of death.[19] - - [19] _Guillelmus de Nangis._ - -In England the malady appeared, as at Avignon, with spitting of blood, -and with the same fatality, so that the sick who were afflicted -either with this symptom or with vomiting of blood, died in some cases -immediately, in others within twelve hours, or at the latest, in two -days.[20] The inflammatory boils and buboes in the groins and axillæ -were recognised at once as prognosticating a fatal issue, and those -were past all hope of recovery in whom they arose in numbers all over -the body. It was not till towards the close of the plague that they -ventured to open, by incision, these hard and dry boils, when matter -flowed from them in small quantity, and thus, by compelling nature to -a critical suppuration, many patients were saved. Every spot which the -sick had touched, their breath, their clothes, spread the contagion; -and, as in all other places, the attendants and friends who were either -blind to their danger or heroically despised it, fell a sacrifice -to their sympathy. Even the eyes of the patient were considered as -sources of contagion,[21] which had the power of acting at a distance, -whether on account of their unwonted lustre or the distortion which -they always suffer in plague, or whether in conformity with an ancient -notion, according to which the sight was considered as the bearer of a -demoniacal enchantment. Flight from infected cities seldom availed the -fearful, for the germ of the disease adhered to them, and they fell -sick, remote from assistance, in the solitude of their country houses. - - [20] _Ant. Wood_, Historia et Antiquitates Universit. Oxoniens. Oxon. - 1764, fol. L. 1. p. 172. - - [21] _Mezeray_, Histoire de France, Paris, 1685. fol. T. 11 p. 418. - -Thus did the plague spread over England with unexampled rapidity, -after it had first broken out in the county of Dorset, whence it -advanced through the counties of Devon and Somerset, to Bristol, and -thence reached Gloucester, Oxford and London. Probably few places -escaped, perhaps not any; for the annals of contemporaries report, that -throughout the land only a tenth part of the inhabitants remained -alive.[22] - - [22] _Barnes_, who has given a lively picture of the black plague, in - England, taken from the Registers of the 14th century, describes the - external symptoms in the following terms: knobs or swellings in the - groin or under the arm-pits, called kernels, biles, blains, blisters, - pimples, wheals or plague-sores. The Hist. of Edw. III. Cambridge. - 1688. fol. p. 432. - -From England the contagion was carried by a ship to Bergen, the capital -of Norway, where the plague then broke out in its most frightful form, -with vomiting of blood; and throughout the whole country, spared not -more than a third of the inhabitants. The sailors found no refuge in -their ships; and vessels were often seen driving about on the ocean and -drifting on shore, whose crews had perished to the last man.[23] - - [23] _Torfaeus_, Historia rerum Norvegicarum. Hafn. 1711. fol. L. ix. - c. 8. p. 478. This author has followed _Pontanus_ (Rerum Danicar. - Historia. Amstelod. 1631. fol.) who has given only a general account - of the plague in Denmark, and nothing respecting its symptoms. - -In Poland the infected were attacked with spitting of blood, and died -in a few days in such vast numbers, that, as it has been affirmed, -scarcely a fourth of the inhabitants were left.[24] - - [24] _Dlugoss_, S. Longini Histor. polonic. L. xii. Lips. 1711. fol. - T. 1. p. 1086. - -Finally, in Russia the plague appeared two years later than in Southern -Europe; yet here again, with the same symptoms as elsewhere. Russian -contemporaries have recorded that it began with rigor, heat, and -darting pain in the shoulders and back; that it was accompanied by -spitting of blood, and terminated fatally in two, or at most, three -days. It is not till the year 1360, that we find buboes mentioned as -occurring in the neck, in the axillæ and in the groins, which are -stated to have broken out when the spitting of blood had continued some -time. According to the experience of Western Europe, however, it cannot -be assumed that these symptoms did not appear at an earlier period.[25] - - [25] _W. M. Richter_, Geschichte der Medicin in Russland. Moskwa, - 1813. 8. p. 215. _Richter_ has taken his information on the black - plague in Russia, from Authentic Russian MSS. - -Thus much, from authentic sources, on the nature of the Black Death. -The descriptions which have been communicated contain, with a few -unimportant exceptions, all the symptoms of the oriental plague which -have been observed in more modern times. No doubt can obtain on this -point. The facts are placed clearly before our eyes. We must, however, -bear in mind, that this violent disease does not always appear in the -same form, and that while the essence of the poison which it produces, -and which is separated so abundantly from the body of the patient, -remains unchanged, it is proteiform in its varieties, from the almost -imperceptible vesicle, unaccompanied by fever, which exists for some -time before it extends its poison inwardly, and then excites fever and -buboes, to the fatal form in which carbuncular inflammations fall upon -the most important viscera. - -Such was the form which the plague assumed in the 14th century, for -the accompanying chest affection which appeared in all the countries -whereof we have received any account, cannot, on a comparison with -similar and familiar symptoms, be considered as any other than the -inflammation of the lungs of modern medicine,[26] a disease which at -present only appears sporadically, and, owing to a putrid decomposition -of the fluids, is probably combined with hemorrhages from the vessels -of the lungs. Now, as every carbuncle, whether it be cutaneous or -internal, generates in abundance the matter of contagion which has -given rise to it, so, therefore, must the breath of the affected -have been poisonous in this plague, and on this account its power -of contagion wonderfully increased; wherefore the opinion appears -incontrovertible, that owing to the accumulated numbers of the -diseased, not only individual chambers and houses, but whole cities -were infected, which, moreover, in the middle ages, were, with few -exceptions, narrowly built, kept in a filthy state, and surrounded with -stagnant ditches.[27] Flight was, in consequence, of no avail to the -timid; for even though they had sedulously avoided all communication -with the diseased and the suspected, yet their clothes were saturated -with the pestiferous atmosphere, and every inspiration imparted to -them the seeds of the destructive malady, which, in the greater number -of cases, germinated with but too much fertility. Add to which, the -usual propagation of the plague through clothes, beds, and a thousand -other things to which the pestilential poison adheres,--a propagation, -which, from want of caution, must have been infinitely multiplied; -and since articles of this kind, removed from the access of air, not -only retain the matter of contagion for an indefinite period, but also -increase its activity and engender it like a living being, frightful -ill-consequences followed for many years after the first fury of the -pestilence was past. - - [26] Compare on this point, _Ballings_ treatise “Zur Diagnostik der - Lungenerweichung.” Vol. XVI. ii. 3. p. 257 of lit. Annalen der ges. - Heilkunde. - - [27] It is expressly ascertained with respect to Avignon and Paris, - that uncleanliness of the streets increased the plague considerably. - _Raim. Chalin de Vinario._ - -The affection of the stomach, often mentioned in vague terms, and -occasionally as a vomiting of blood, was doubtless only a subordinate -symptom, even if it be admitted that actual hematemesis did occur. For -the difficulty of distinguishing a flow of blood from the stomach, from -a pulmonic expectoration of that fluid, is, to non-medical men, even in -common cases, not inconsiderable. How much greater then must it have -been in so terrible a disease, where assistants could not venture to -approach the sick without exposing themselves to certain death? Only -two medical descriptions of the malady have reached us, the one by the -brave _Guy de Chauliac_, the other by _Raymond Chalin de Vinario_, a -very experienced scholar, who was well versed in the learning of his -time. The former takes notice only of fatal coughing of blood; the -latter, besides this, notices epistaxis, hematuria and fluxes of blood -from the bowels, as symptoms of such decided and speedy mortality, that -those patients in whom they were observed, usually died on the same or -the following day.[28] - - [28] _De Peste_ Libri tres, opera _Jacobi Dalechampii_ in lucem - editi. Lugdani, 1552. 16. p. 35. _Dalechamp_ has only improved the - language of this work, adding nothing to it but a preface in the - form of two letters. _Raymond Chalin de Vinario_ was contemporary - with _Guy de Chauliac_ at Avignon. He enjoyed a high reputation, - and was in very affluent circumstances. He often makes mention of - cardinals and high officers of the papal court, whom he had treated; - and it is even probable, though not certain, that he was physician - to Clement VI. (1342--1352), Innocent VI. (1352--) and Urban the V. - (1362--1370). He and _Guy de Chauliac_ never mention each other. - -That a vomiting of blood may not, here and there, have taken -place, perhaps have been even prevalent in many places, is, from a -consideration of the nature of the disease, by no means to be denied; -for every putrid decomposition of the fluids, begets a tendency to -hemorrhages of all kinds. Here, however, it is a question of historical -certainty, which, after these doubts, is by no means established. Had -not so speedy a death followed the expectoration of blood, we should -certainly have received more detailed intelligence respecting other -hemorrhages; but the malady had no time to extend its effects further -over the extremities of the vessels. After its first fury, however, -was spent, the pestilence passed into the usual febrile form of the -oriental plague. Internal, carbuncular inflammations no longer took -place, and hemorrhages became phenomena, no more essential in this -than they are in any other febrile disorders. Chalin, who observed -not only the _great mortality_ of 1348, and the plague of 1360, but -also that of 1373 and 1382, speaks moreover of _affections of the -throat_, and describes the _black spots_ of plague patients more -satisfactorily than any of his cotemporaries. The former appeared but -in few cases, and consisted in carbuncular inflammation of the gullet, -with a difficulty of swallowing, even to suffocation, to which, in -some instances, was added inflammation of the ceruminous glands of -the ears, with tumours, producing great deformity. Such patients, as -well as others, were affected with expectoration of blood; but they -did not usually die before the sixth, and sometimes, even so late as -the fourteenth day.[29] The same occurrence, it is well known, is not -uncommon in other pestilences; as also blisters on the surface of the -body, in different places, in the vicinity of which, tumid glands and -inflammatory boils, surrounded by discoloured and black streaks, -arose, and thus indicated the reception of the poison. These streaked -spots were called, by an apt comparison, _the girdle_, and this -appearance was justly considered extremely dangerous.[30] - - [29] _Dalechamp_, p. 205--where, and at pp. 32–36, the - plague-eruptions are mentioned in the usual indefinite terms: - Exanthemata viridia, cærulea, nigra, rubra, lata, diffusa, velut - signata punctis, &c. - - [30] “Pestilentis morbi gravissimum symptoma est, quod zonam vulgo - nuncupant. Ea sic fit: Pustulæ nonnunquam per febres pestilentes - fuscæ, nigræ, lividæ existunt, in partibus corporis a glandularum - emissariis sejunctis, ut in femore, tibia, capite, brachio, humeris, - quarum fervore et caliditate succi corporis attracti, glandulas - in trajectione replent, et attollunt, unde bubones fiunt atque - carbunculi. _Ab iis tanquam solidus quidam nervus in partem vicinam - distentam ac veluti convulsione rigentem producitur, puta Brachium - vel tibiam, nunc rubens, nunc fuscus, nunc obscurior, nunc virens, - nunc Iridis colore, duos vel quatuor digitos latus._ Hujus summo, qua - desinit in emissarium, plerumque tuberculum pestilens visitur, altero - vero extremo, qua in propinquum membrum porrigitur, carbunculus. Hoc - scilicet malum vulgus zonam cinctumve nominat, periculosum minus, cum - hic tuberculo, illic carbunculo terminatur, quam si tuberculum in - capite solum emineat.” p. 198. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -CAUSES.--SPREAD. - - -An enquiry into the causes of the Black Death, will not be without -important results in the study of the plagues which have visited -the world, although it cannot advance beyond generalisation without -entering upon a field hitherto uncultivated, and, to this hour, -entirely unknown. Mighty revolutions in the organism of the earth, of -which we have credible information, had preceded it. From China to the -Atlantic, the foundations of the earth were shaken,--throughout Asia -and Europe the atmosphere was in commotion, and endangered, by its -baneful influence, both vegetable and animal life. - -The series of these great events began in the year 1333, fifteen years -before the plague broke out in Europe: they first appeared in China. -Here a parching drought, accompanied by famine, commenced in the tract -of country watered by the rivers Kiang and Hoai. This was followed -by such violent torrents of rain, in and about Kingsai, at that time -the capital of the Empire, that, according to tradition, more than -400,000 people perished in the floods. Finally, the mountain Tsincheou -fell in, and vast clefts were formed in the earth. In the succeeding -year (1334), passing over fabulous traditions, the neighbourhood -of Canton was visited by inundations; whilst in Tche, after an -unexampled drought, a plague arose, which is said to have carried -off about 5,000,000 of people. A few months afterwards an earthquake -followed, at and near Kingsai; and subsequent to the falling in of the -mountains of Ki-ming-chan, a lake was formed of more than a hundred -leagues in circumference, where, again, thousands found their grave. -In Hou-kouang and Ho-nan, a drought prevailed for five months; and -innumerable swarms of locusts destroyed the vegetation; while famine -and pestilence, as usual, followed in their train. Connected accounts -of the condition of Europe before this great catastrophe, are not to be -expected from the writers of the fourteenth century. It is remarkable, -however, that simultaneously with a drought and renewed floods in -China, in 1336, many uncommon atmospheric phenomena, and in the winter, -frequent thunder storms, were observed in the north of France; and so -early as the eventful year of 1333, an eruption of Etna took place.[31] -According to the Chinese annals, about 4,000,000 of people perished by -famine in the neighbourhood of Kiang in 1337; and deluges, swarms of -locusts, and an earthquake which lasted six days, caused incredible -devastation. In the same year, the first swarms of locusts appeared in -Franconia, which were succeeded in the following year by myriads of -these insects. In 1338, Kingsai was visited by an earthquake of ten -days duration; at the same time France suffered from a failure in the -harvest; and thenceforth, till the year 1342, there was in China, a -constant succession of inundations, earthquakes, and famines. In the -same year great floods occurred in the vicinity of the Rhine and in -France, which could not be attributed to rain alone; for, everywhere, -even on the tops of mountains, springs were seen to burst forth, and -dry tracts were laid under water in an inexplicable manner. In the -following year, the mountain Hong-tchang, in China, fell in, and caused -a destructive deluge; and in Pien-tcheou and Leang-tcheou, after three -months’ rain, there followed unheard of inundations, which destroyed -seven cities. In Egypt and Syria, violent earthquakes took place; and -in China they became, from this time, more and more frequent; for -they recurred, in 1344, in Ven-tcheou, where the sea overflowed in -consequence; in 1345, in Ki-tcheou, and in both the following years -in Canton, with subterraneous thunder. Meanwhile, floods and famine -devastated various districts, until 1347, when the fury of the elements -subsided in China.[32] - - [31] V. Hoff. Geschichte der natürlichen Veränderungen der - Erdoberfläche, T. II. p. 264. Gotha, 1824. This eruption was not - succeeded by any other in the same century, either of Etna or of - Vesuvius. - - [32] Deguignes Loc. cit. p. 226, from Chinese sources. - -The signs of terrestrial commotions commenced in Europe in the year -1348, after the intervening districts of country in Asia had probably -been visited in the same manner. - -On the island of Cyprus, the plague from the East had already broken -out; when an earthquake shook the foundations of the island, and was -accompanied by so frightful a hurricane, that the inhabitants who had -slain their Mahometan slaves, in order that they might not themselves -be subjugated by them, fled in dismay, in all directions. The sea -overflowed--the ships were dashed to pieces on the rocks, and few -outlived the terrific event, whereby this fertile and blooming island -was converted into a desert. Before the earthquake, a pestiferous wind -spread so poisonous an odour, that many, being overpowered by it, fell -down suddenly and expired in dreadful agonies.[33] - - [33] Deguignes Loc. cit. p. 225. - -This phenomenon is one of the rarest that has ever been observed, for -nothing is more constant than the composition of the air; and in no -respect has nature been more careful in the preservation of organic -life. Never have naturalists discovered in the atmosphere, foreign -elements, which, evident to the senses, and borne by the winds, spread -from land to land, carrying disease over whole portions of the earth, -as is recounted to have taken place in the year 1348. It is, therefore, -the more to be regretted, that in this extraordinary period, which, -owing to the low condition of science, was very deficient in accurate -observers, so little that can be depended on respecting those uncommon -occurrences in the air, should have been recorded. Yet, German accounts -say expressly, that a thick, stinking mist advanced from the East, and -spread itself over Italy;[34] and there could be no deception in so -palpable a phenomenon.[35] The credibility of unadorned traditions, -however little they may satisfy to physical research, can scarcely be -called in question when we consider the connexion of events; for just -at this time earthquakes were more general than they had been within -the range of history. In thousands of places chasms were formed, from -whence arose noxious vapours; and as at that time natural occurrences -were transformed into miracles, it was reported, that a fiery meteor, -which descended on the earth far in the East, had destroyed every -thing within a circumference of more than a hundred leagues, infecting -the air far and wide.[36] The consequences of innumerable floods -contributed to the same effect; vast river districts had been converted -into swamps; foul vapours arose every where, increased by the odour of -putrified locusts, which had never perhaps darkened the sun in thicker -swarms,[37] and of countless corpses, which even in the well-regulated -countries of Europe, they knew not how to remove quickly enough out of -the sight of the living. It is probable, therefore, that the atmosphere -contained foreign, and sensibly perceptible, admixtures to a great -extent, which, at least in the lower regions, could not be decomposed, -or rendered ineffective by separation. - - [34] There were also many locusts which had been blown into the sea - by a hurricane, and afterwards cast dead upon the shore, and produced - a noxious exhalation; and _a dense and awful fog was seen in the - heavens, rising in the East, and descending upon Italy_. Mansfeld - Chronicle, in _Cyriac Spangenberg_, chap. 287, fol. 336. Eisleben, - 1572. Compare _Staind._ Chron. (?) _by Schnurrer_. (“Ingens vapor - magnitudine horribili boreali movens, regionem magno adspicientium - terrore dilabitur”.) and _Ad. von Lebenwaldt_, Land-Stadt-und - Hausarzney-Buch fol. p. 15. Nuremberg, 1695, who mentions a dark, - thick mist which covered the earth. _Chalin_ expresses himself on - this subject in the following terms:--Coelum ingravescit, _aër - impurus sentitur: nubes crassae ac multae luminibus coeli obstruunt, - immundus ac ignavus tepor hominum emollit corpora, exoriens sol - pallescit_.” p. 50. - - [35] See Caius’ account of the causes of the sweating sickness, in - the Appendix.--_Translator._ - - [36] _Mezeray_ Histoire de France, Tom. II. 418. Paris, 1685. _V. - Oudegheerst's Chroniques de Flandres. Antwerp, 1571, 4to. Chap. - 175, f. 297. - - [37] They spread in a direction from East to West, over most of the - countries from which we have received intelligence. Anonym. Leobiens, - Chron. Loc. cit. - -Now, if we go back to the symptoms of the disease, the ardent -inflammation of the lungs points out, that the organs of respiration -yielded to the attack of an atmospheric poison--a poison, which (if -we admit the independent origin of the Black Plague at any one place -on the globe, which, under such extraordinary circumstances, it would -be difficult to doubt,) attacked the course of the circulation in as -hostile a manner as that which produces inflammation of the spleen and -other animal contagions that cause swelling and inflammation of the -lymphatic glands. - -Pursuing the course of these grand revolutions further, we find notice -of an unexampled earthquake, which, on the 25th of January, 1348, shook -Greece, Italy and the neighbouring countries. Naples, Rome, Pisa, -Bologna, Padua, Venice and many other cities suffered considerably: -whole villages were swallowed up. Castles, houses and churches, were -overthrown, and hundreds of people were buried beneath their ruins.[38] -In Carinthia, thirty villages, together with all the churches, were -demolished; more than a thousand corpses were drawn out of the rubbish; -the city of Villach was so completely destroyed, that very few of -its inhabitants were saved; and when the earth ceased to tremble, it -was found that mountains had been moved from their positions, and -that many hamlets were left in ruins.[39] It is recorded, that during -this earthquake, the wine in the casks became turbid, a statement -which may be considered as furnishing a proof, that changes causing -a decomposition of the atmosphere had taken place; but if we had no -other information from which the excitement of conflicting powers of -nature during these commotions, might be inferred, yet scientific -observations in modern times have shewn, that the relation of the -atmosphere to the earth is changed by volcanic influences. Why then, -may we not, from this fact, draw retrospective inferences respecting -those extraordinary phenomena? - - [38] _Giov. Villani_ Istorie Fiorentine>, L. XII. chap. 121, 122. in - Muratori T. XIII. pp. 1001, 1002. Compare Barnes Loc. cit. p. 430. - - [39] I. _Vitodaran._ Chronicon, in _Fuseli. Thesaurus_ Histor. - Helvet. Tigur. 1735, fol. p. 84. - -Independently of this, however, we know that during this earthquake, -the duration of which is stated by some to have been a week, and by -others, a fortnight, people experienced an unusual stupor and headache, -and that many fainted away.[40] - - [40] _Albert Argentiniens._ Chronic. in _Urstis_ Scriptor. rer. - Germanic. Francof. 1585. fol. P. II. p. 147. Compare _Chalin._ Loc. - Cit. - -These destructive earthquakes extended as far as the neighbourhood -of Basle,[41] and recurred until the year 1360, throughout Germany, -France, Silesia, Poland, England and Denmark, and much further -north.[42] - - [41] _Petrach._ Opera. Basil 1554. fol. p. 210. _Barnes._ Loc. cit. - - [42] “Un tremblement de terre universel, mesme en France et aux pays - septentrionaux, renversoit les villes toutes entières, déracinoit les - arbres et les montagnes, et remplissoit les campagnes d’abysmes si - profondes, qu’il semblait que l’enfer eût voulu engloutir le genre - humain. _Mezeray_ Loc. cit. p. 418. _Barnes_ p. 431. - -Great and extraordinary meteors appeared in many places, and were -regarded with superstitious horror. A pillar of fire, which on the -20th of December, 1348, remained for an hour at sun rise over the -pope’s palace in Avignon;[43] a fireball, which in August of the same -year was seen at sunset over Paris, and was distinguished from similar -phenomena, by its longer duration,[44] (not to mention other instances -mixed up with wonderful prophecies and omens), are recorded in the -chronicles of that age. - - [43] _Villani._ Loc. cit. c. 119. p. 1000. - - [44] _Guillelm de Nanges_, Cont. alt. Chron. Loc. cit. p. 109. - -The order of the seasons seemed to be inverted,--rains, floods and -failures in crops were so general, that few places were exempt -from them; and though an historian of this century assures us, that -there was an abundance in the granaries and storehouses,[45] all his -contemporaries, with one voice, contradict him. The consequences of -failure in the crops were soon felt, especially in Italy and the -surrounding countries, where, in this year, a rain which continued for -four months, had destroyed the seed. In the larger cities, they were -compelled, in the spring of 1347, to have recourse to a distribution -of bread among the poor, particularly at Florence, where they erected -large bake-houses, from which, in April, ninety-four thousand loaves of -bread, each of twelve ounces in weight, were daily dispensed.[46] It is -plain, however, that humanity could only partially mitigate the general -distress, not altogether obviate it. - - [45] _Guillelm de Nanges_ Cont. alt. Chron. Loc. cit. p. 110. - - [46] _Villani._ Loc. cit. c. 72. p. 954. - -Diseases, the invariable consequence of famine, broke out in the -country, as well as in cities; children died of hunger in their -mothers’ arms,--want, misery and despair, were general throughout -Christendom.[47] - - [47] Anonym. Istorie Pistolesi, in _Muratori_, T. XI. p. 524. “Ne - gli anni di Chr. 1346 et 1347, fu grandissima carestia in tutta la - Christianità, in tanto, che molta genie moria di fame, e fu grande - mortalità in ogni paese del mondo.” - -Such are the events which took place before the eruption of the -Black Plague in Europe. Contemporaries have explained them after -their own manner, and have thus, like their posterity, under similar -circumstances, given a proof, that mortals possess neither senses nor -intellectual powers sufficiently acute to comprehend the phenomena -produced by the earth’s organism, much less scientifically to -understand their effects. Superstition, selfishness in a thousand -forms, the presumption of the schools, laid hold of unconnected -facts. They vainly thought to comprehend the whole in the individual, -and perceived not the universal spirit which, in intimate union with -the mighty powers of nature, animates the movements of all existence, -and permits not any phenomenon to originate from isolated causes. To -attempt, five centuries after that age of desolation, to point out the -causes of a cosmical commotion, which has never recurred to an equal -extent,--to indicate scientifically the influences which called forth -so terrific a poison in the bodies of men and animals, exceeds the -limits of human understanding. If we are even now unable, with all the -varied resources of an extended knowledge of nature, to define that -condition of the atmosphere by which pestilences are generated, still -less can we pretend to reason retrospectively from the nineteenth -to the fourteenth century; but if we take a general view of the -occurrences, that century will give us copious information, and, as -applicable to all succeeding times, of high importance. - -In the progress of connected natural phenomena, from East to West, -that great law of nature is plainly revealed which has so often and -evidently manifested itself in the earth’s organism, as well as in -the state of nations dependent upon it. In the inmost depths of the -globe, that impulse was given in the year 1333, which in uninterrupted -succession for six-and-twenty years shook the surface of the earth, -even to the western shores of Europe. From the very beginning the air -partook of the terrestrial concussion, atmospherical waters overflowed -the land, or its plants and animals perished under the scorching heat. -The insect tribe was wonderfully called into life, as if animated -beings were destined to complete the destruction which astral and -telluric powers had begun. Thus did this dreadful work of nature -advance from year to year; it was a progressive infection of the -Zones which exerted a powerful influence both above and beneath the -surface of the earth; and after having been perceptible in slighter -indications, at the commencement of the terrestrial commotions in -China, convulsed the whole earth. - -The nature of the first plague in China is unknown. We have no -certain intelligence of the disease, until it entered the western -countries of Asia. Here it shewed itself as the oriental plague with -inflammation of the lungs; in which form it probably also may have -begun in China, that is to say, as a malady which spreads, more than -any other, by contagion--a contagion, that, in ordinary pestilences, -requires immediate contact, and only under unfavorable circumstances -of rare occurrence is communicated by the mere approach to the sick. -The share which this cause had in the spreading of the plague over -the whole earth, was certainly very great: and the opinion that the -Black Death might have been excluded from Western Europe, by good -regulations, similar to those which are now in use, would have all the -support of modern experience; provided it could be proved that this -plague had been actually imported from the East; or that the oriental -plague in general, as often as it appears in Europe, always has its -origin in Asia or Egypt. Such a proof, however, cannot be produced -so as to enforce conviction; for it would involve the impossible -assumption, that either there is no essential difference in the degree -of civilization of the European nations, in the most ancient and in -modern times, or that detrimental circumstances, which have yielded -only to the civilization of human society and the regular cultivation -of countries, could not formerly have maintained the bubo-plague. - -The plague was, however, known in Europe before nations were united -by the bonds of commerce and social intercourse;[48] hence there is -ground for supposing that it sprung up spontaneously, in consequence -of the rude manner of living and the uncultivated state of the earth; -influences which peculiarly favor the origin of severe diseases. Now, -we need not go back to the earlier centuries, for the 14th itself, -before it was half expired, was visited by five or six pestilences.[49] - - [48] According to _Papon_, its origin is quite lost in the obscurity - of remote ages; and even before the Christian Era, we are able to - trace many references to former pestilences. De la peste, ou époques - mémorables de ce fléau, et les moyens de s’en préserver. T. II. - Paris, An. VIII de la rép. 8. - - [49] 1301, in the South of France; 1311, in Italy; 1316, in Italy, - Burgundy and Northern Europe; 1335, the locust years, in the middle - of Europe; 1340, in upper Italy; 1342, in France; and 1347, in - Marseilles and most of the larger islands of the Mediterranean. Ibid. - T. II. p. 273. - -If, therefore, we consider the peculiar property of the plague, that, -in countries which it has once visited, it remains for a long time -in a milder form, and that the epidemic influences of 1342, when it -had appeared for the last time, were particularly favorable to its -unperceived continuance, till 1348, we come to the notion, that in -this eventful year also, the germs of plague existed in Southern -Europe, which might be vivified by atmospherical deteriorations; and -that thus, at least in part, the Black Plague may have originated in -Europe itself. The corruption of the atmosphere came from the East; but -the disease itself came not upon the wings of the wind, but was only -excited and increased by the atmosphere where it had previously existed. - -This source of the Black Plague was not, however, the only one; for, -far more powerful than the excitement of the latent elements of the -plague by atmospheric influences, was the effect of the contagion -communicated from one people to another, on the great roads, and -in the harbours of the Mediterranean. From China, the route of the -caravans lay to the north of the Caspian Sea, through Central Asia, -to Tauris. Here ships were ready to take the produce of the East to -Constantinople, the capital of commerce, and the medium of connexion -between Asia, Europe and Africa.[50] Other caravans went from India -to Asia Minor, and touched at the cities south of the Caspian Sea, -and lastly, from Bagdad, through Arabia to Egypt; also the maritime -communication on the Red Sea, from India to Arabia and Egypt, was -not inconsiderable. In all these directions contagion made its way; -and doubtless, Constantinople and the harbours of Asia Minor, are to -be regarded as the foci of infection; whence it radiated to the most -distant seaports and islands. - - [50] Compare _Deguignes._ Loc. cit. p. 288. - -To Constantinople, the plague had been brought from the northern coast -of the Black Sea,[51] after it had depopulated the countries between -those routes of commerce; and appeared as early as 1347, in Cyprus, -Sicily, Marseilles and some of the seaports of Italy. The remaining -islands of the Mediterranean, particularly Sardinia, Corsica and -Majorca, were visited in succession. Foci of contagion existed also -in full activity along the whole southern coast of Europe; when, in -January 1348, the plague appeared in Avignon,[52] and in other cities -in the south of France and north of Italy, as well as in Spain. - - [51] According to the general Byzantine designation, “from the - country of the hyperborean Scythians.” _Kantakuzen._ Loc. cit. - - [52] _Guid. Cauliac_, Loc. cit. - -The precise days of its eruption in the individual towns, are no longer -to be ascertained; but it was not simultaneous: for in Florence, the -disease appeared in the beginning of April;[53] in Cesena, the 1st -of June;[54] and place after place was attacked throughout the whole -year; so that the plague, after it had passed through the whole of -France and Germany, where, however, it did not make its ravages until -the following year, did not break out till August, in England; where -it advanced so gradually, that a period of three months elapsed before -it reached London.[55] The Northern Kingdoms were attacked by it in -1349. Sweden, indeed, not until November of that year: almost two years -after its eruption in Avignon.[56] Poland received the plague in 1349, -probably from Germany,[57] if not from the northern countries; but in -Russia, it did not make its appearance until 1351, more than three -years after it had broken out in Constantinople. Instead of advancing -in a north-westerly direction from Tauris and from the Caspian Sea, -it had thus made the great circuit of the Black Sea, by way of -Constantinople, Southern and Central Europe, England, the Northern -Kingdoms and Poland, before it reached the Russian territories; a -phenomenon which has not again occurred with respect to more recent -pestilences originating in Asia. - - [53] _Matt. Villani_, Istorie, in _Muratori_, T. XIV. p. 14. - - [54] Annal. Caesenat, _Ibid._ p. 1179. - - [55] _Barnes._ Loc. cit. - - [56] _Olof Dalin’s_, Svea-Rikes Historie, III. vol. _Stockholm_, - 1747–61, 4. Vol. II. C. 12, p. 496. - - [57] _Dlugoss_, Histor. Polon. L. IX. p. 1086, T. I. _Lips_. 1711, - fol. - -Whether any difference existed between the indigenous plague, excited -by the influence of the atmosphere, and that which was imported by -contagion, can no longer be ascertained from the facts; for the -contemporaries, who in general were not competent to make accurate -researches of this kind, have left no data on the subject. A milder -and a more malignant form certainly existed, and the former was -not always derived from the latter, as is to be supposed from this -circumstance--that the spitting of blood, the infallible diagnostic of -the latter, on the first breaking out of the plague, is not similarly -mentioned in all the reports; and it is therefore probable, that the -milder form belonged to the native plague,--the more malignant, to -that introduced by contagion. Contagion was, however, in itself, only -one of many causes which gave rise to the Black Plague. - -This disease was a consequence of violent commotions in the earth’s -organism--if any disease of cosmical origin can be so considered. One -spring set a thousand others in motion for the annihilation of living -beings, transient or permanent, of mediate or immediate effect. The -most powerful of all was contagion; for in the most distant countries -which had scarcely yet heard the echo of the first concussion, the -people fell a sacrifice to organic poison,--the untimely offspring of -vital energies thrown into violent commotion. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -MORTALITY. - - -We have no certain measure by which to estimate the ravages of the -Black Plague, if numerical statements were wanted, as in modern times. -Let us go back for a moment to the 14th century. The people were yet -but little civilized. The church had indeed subdued them; but they all -suffered from the ill-consequences of their original rudeness. The -dominion of the law was not yet confirmed. Sovereigns had everywhere -to combat powerful enemies to internal tranquillity and security. -The cities were fortresses for their own defence. Marauders encamped -on the roads--The husbandman was a feodal slave, without possessions -of his own.--Rudeness was general--Humanity, as yet unknown to the -people.--Witches and heretics were burned alive.--Gentle rulers were -contemned as weak;--wild passions, severity and cruelty, everywhere -predominated.--Human life was little regarded.--Governments concerned -not themselves about the numbers of their subjects, for whose welfare -it was incumbent on them to provide. Thus, the first requisite for -estimating the loss of human life, namely, a knowledge of the amount of -the population, is altogether wanting; and, moreover, the traditional -statements of the amount of this loss, are so vague, that from this -source likewise, there is only room for probable conjecture. - -Kairo lost daily, when the plague was raging with its greatest -violence, from 10 to 15,000; being as many as, in modern times, great -plagues have carried off during their whole course. In China, more than -thirteen millions are said to have died; and this is in correspondence -with the certainly exaggerated accounts from the rest of Asia. India -was depopulated. Tartary, the Tartar Kingdom of Kaptschak, Mesapotamia, -Syria, Armenia, were covered with dead bodies--the Kurds fled in vain -to the mountains. In Caramania and Caesarea, none were left alive. On -the roads,--in the camps,--in the caravansaries,--unburied bodies alone -were seen; and a few cities only (Arabian historians name, Maara el -nooman, Schisur and Harem) remained, in an unaccountable manner, free. -In Aleppo, 500 died daily; 22,000 people, and most of the animals, -were carried off in Gaza, within six weeks. Cyprus lost almost all -its inhabitants;[58] and ships without crews were often seen in the -Mediterranean; as afterwards in the North Sea, driving about, and -spreading the plague wherever they went on shore.[59] It was reported -to Pope Clement, at Avignon, that throughout the East, probably with -the exception of China, 23,840,000 people had fallen victims to the -plague.[60] Considering the occurrences of the 14th and 15th centuries, -we might, on first view, suspect the accuracy of this statement. How -(it might be asked) could such great wars have been carried on--such -powerful efforts have been made; how could the Greek empire, only a -hundred years later, have been overthrown, if the people really had -been so utterly destroyed? - - [58] _Deguignes_, Loc. cit. p. 223, f. - - [59] _Matt. Villani_, Istoria, Loc. cit. p. 13. - - [60] _Knighton_, in _Barnes_, Loc. cit. p. 434. - -This account is nevertheless rendered credible by the ascertained fact, -that the palaces of princes are less accessible to contagious diseases, -than the dwellings of the multitude; and that in places of importance, -the influx from those districts which have suffered least, soon repairs -even the heaviest losses. We must remember also, that we do not gather -much from mere numbers without an intimate knowledge of the state of -Society. We will, therefore, confine ourselves to exhibiting some of -the more credible accounts relative to European cities. - - In Florence there died of the - Black Plague 60,000[61] - In Venice 100,000[62] - In Marseilles, in one month 16,000[63] - In Siena 70,000[64] - In Paris 50,000[65] - In St. Denys 14,000[66] - In Avignon 60,000[67] - In Strasburg 16,000[68] - In Lübeck 9,000[69] - In Basle 14,000 - In Erfurt, at least 16,000 - In Weimar 5,000[70] - In Limburg 2,500[71] - In London, at least 100,000[72] - In Norwich 51,100[73] - -To which may be added-- - - Franciscan Friars in Germany 124,434[74] - Minorites in Italy 30,000[75] - - [61] _Jno. Trithem_ Annal. Hirsaugiens. Monast. St. Gall. Hirsaug. - 1690. fol. 1. T. II. p. 296. According to _Boccacio_, Loc. cit. - 100,000; according to _Matt. Villani_, Loc. cit. p. 14. three out of - five. - - [62] _Odoric Raynald_ Annal. ecclesiastic. Colon. Agripp. 1691. fol. - Vol. XVI. p. 280. - - [63] _Vitoduran_ Chronic, in _Füssli_. Loc. cit. - - [64] _Tromby_, Storia de _S. Brunone_ e dell’ ordine Cartusiano. - Vol. VI. L. VIII. p. 235. Napol. 1777. fol. - - [65] _Barnes_ p. 435. - - [66] Ditto. - - [67] _Baluz._ Vitae Papar. Avenionens. Paris 1693–4. Vol. I. p. 316. - According to _Rebdorf_ in _Freher_. Loc. cit. at the worst period, - 500 daily. - - [68] _Königshoven._ Loc. cit. - - [69] According to _Reimer Kork_, from Easter to Michaelmas 1350, 80 - to 90,000; among whom were eleven members of the senate, and bishop - John IV. Vid. _John Rud. Becker_, Circumstantial History of the - Imper. and free city of Lübeck. Lübeck: 1782, 84, 1805. 3 Vols. 4. - Vol. I. p. 269. 71. Although Lübeck was then in its most flourishing - state, yet this account, which agrees with that of _Paul Lange_, is - certainly exaggerated. (Chronic. Citizense, in _I. Pistorius_, Rerum - Germanic. Scriptores aliquot insignes, cur. _Struve_ Ratisb. 1626. - fol. p. 1214.) We have, therefore, chosen the lower estimate of an - anonym. writer. Chronic. Sclavic. by _Erpold Lindenbrog_. Scriptores - rerum Germanic. Septentrional, vicinorumque populor. diversi, - Francof. 1630. fol. p. 225, and _Spangenberg_. Loc. cit. with whom - again the assurance of the two authors, that on the 10th August, - 1350, 15 or 1700, (according to _Becker_ 2500) persons had died, does - not coincide. See Chronik des Franciskaner Lesemeisters _Detmar_, - nach der Urschrift und mit Ergänzugen aus anderen Chroniken, - published by I. H. Grautoff. Hamburg: 1829,--30. 8. P. I. p. 269. - App. 471. - - [70] _Förstemann_, Versuch einer Geschichte der christlichen - Geisslergesellschaften, in _Staudlins_ und _Izschirner’s_, Archiv für - alte und neue Kirchengeschichte, Vol. III. 1817. - - [71] Limburg. Chronicle, pub. by _C. D. Vogel_. Marburg: 1828. 8vo. - p. 14. - - [72] _Barnes._ Loc. cit. - - [73] Ibid. - - [74] _Spangenberg._ fol. 339. A. Grawsam Sterben vieler faulen - Troppfen. Many lazy monks died a cruel death. - - [75] _Vitoduran._ Loc. cit. - -This short catalogue might, by a laborious and uncertain calculation, -deduced from other sources, be easily further multiplied, but would -still fail to give a true picture of the depopulation which took -place. Lübeck, at that time the Venice of the North, which could no -longer contain the multitudes that flocked to it, was thrown into -such consternation on the eruption of the plague, that the citizens -destroyed themselves as if in frenzy. - -Merchants whose earnings and possessions were unbounded, coldly and -willingly renounced their earthly goods. They carried their treasures -to monasteries and churches, and laid them at the foot of the altar; -but gold had no charms for the monks, for it brought them death. They -shut their gates; yet, still it was cast to them over the convent -walls. People would brook no impediment to the last pious work to -which they were driven by despair. When the plague ceased, men thought -they were still wandering among the dead, so appalling was the livid -aspect of the survivors, in consequence of the anxiety they had -undergone, and the unavoidable infection of the air.[76] Many other -cities probably presented a similar appearance; and it is ascertained -that a great number of small country towns and villages which have been -estimated, and not too highly, at 200,000,[77] were bereft of all their -inhabitants. - - [76] _Becker_, Loc. cit. - - [77] _Hainr. Rebdorf._ P. 630. - -In many places in France not more than two out of twenty of the -inhabitants were left alive,[78] and the capital felt the fury of the -plague, alike in the palace and the cot. - - [78] _Guillelm de Nang._ Loc. cit. - -Two queens,[79] one bishop,[80] and great numbers of other -distinguished persons, fell a sacrifice to it, and more than 500 a -day died in the Hôtel-Dieu, under the faithful care of the sisters of -charity, whose disinterested courage, in this age of horror, displayed -the most beautiful traits of human virtue. For although they lost their -lives, evidently from contagion, and their numbers were several times -renewed, there was still no want of fresh candidates, who, strangers to -the unchristian fear of death, piously devoted themselves to their holy -calling. - - [79] _Johanna_, queen of Navarre, daughter of _Louis X._, and - _Johanna_ of Burgundy, wife of king _Philip_ de Valois. - - [80] _Fulco de Chanar._ - -The church-yards were soon unable to contain the dead,[81] and many -houses, left without inhabitants, fell to ruins. - - [81] _Mich. Felibien_, Histoire de la ville de Paris. Liv. XII. - Vol. II. p. 601, Paris: 1725. fol. Comp. _Guillelm de Nangis_. Loc. - cit, and _Daniel_ Histoire de France, Tom. II. p. 484. Amsterd. 1720. - 4to. - -In Avignon, the pope found it necessary to consecrate the Rhone, -that bodies might be thrown into the river without delay, as the -church-yards would no longer hold them;[82] so likewise, in all -populous cities, extraordinary measures were adopted, in order -speedily to dispose of the dead. In Vienna, where for some time -1200 inhabitants died daily,[83] the interment of corpses in the -church-yards and within the churches, was forthwith prohibited; and -the dead were then arranged in layers, by thousands, in six large pits -outside the city,[84] as had already been done in Cairo and Paris. -Yet, still many were secretly buried; for at all times, the people are -attached to the consecrated cemeteries of their dead, and will not -renounce the customary mode of interment. - - [82] _Torfaeus._ Loc. cit. - - [83] According to another account, 960. Chronic. Salisburg, in _Pez._ - Loc. cit. T. I. p. 412. - - [84] According to an anonymous Chronicler, each of these pits is said - to have contained 40,000; this, however, we are to understand as - only in round numbers. Anonym. Leobiens, in Pez. p. 970. According - to this writer, above seventy persons died in some houses, and many - were entirely deserted, and at St. Stephen’s alone, fifty-four - ecclesiastics were cut off. - -In many places, it was rumoured that plague patients were buried -alive,[85] as may sometimes happen through senseless alarm and -indecent haste; and thus the horror of the distressed people was every -where increased. In Erfurt, after the church-yards were filled, 12,000 -corpses were thrown into eleven great pits; and the like might, more -or less exactly, be stated with respect to all the larger cities.[86] -Funeral ceremonies, the last consolation of the survivors, were every -where impracticable. - - [85] _Auger. de Biterris_ in _Muratori_. Vol. III. P. II. p. 556. In - _Gobelin Person_, the same is said of Paderborn, in _Henr. Meibom._ - Rer. Germanic. Script. T. I. p. 286. Helmstadt: 1688. fol. - - [86] _Spangenberg._ Loc. cit. chap. 287, fol. 336–7. - -In all Germany, according to a probable calculation, there seem to have -died only 1,244,434[87] inhabitants; this country, however, was more -spared than others: Italy, on the contrary, was most severely visited. -It is said to have lost half its inhabitants;[88] and this account is -rendered credible from the immense losses of individual cities and -provinces: for in Sardinia and Corsica, according to the account of -the distinguished Florentine, John Villani, who was himself carried -off by the Black Plague,[89] scarcely a third part of the population -remained alive; and it is related of the Venetians, that they engaged -ships at a high rate to retreat to the islands; so that after the -plague had carried off three fourths of her inhabitants, that proud -city was left forlorn and desolate.[90] In Padua, after the cessation -of the plague, two thirds of the inhabitants were wanting; and in -Florence it was prohibited to publish the numbers of the dead, and to -toll the bells at their funerals, in order that the living might not -abandon themselves to despair.[91] - - [87] _Barnes._ 435. - - [88] _Trithem._ Annal. Hirsaug. Loc. cit. - - [89] Loc. cit. L. XII. c. 99. p. 977. - - [90] Chronic. Claustro-Neuburg. in _Pez._ Vol. I. p. 490. Comp. - _Barnes_ p. 435. _Raynald_ Histor. ecclesiastic Loc. cit. According - to this, a runaway Venetian is said to have brought the plague to - Padua. - - [91] _Giov. Villani_, L. XII. c. 83, p. 964. - -We have more exact accounts of England; most of the great cities -suffered incredible losses; above all, Yarmouth, in which, 7052 died: -Bristol, Oxford, Norwich, Leicester, York and London where, in one -burial ground alone, there were interred upwards of 50,000 corpses, -arranged in layers, in large pits.[92] It is said, that in the whole -country, scarcely a tenth part remained alive;[93] but this estimate -is evidently too high. Smaller losses were sufficient to cause those -convulsions, whose consequences were felt for some centuries, in a -false impulse given to civil life, and whose indirect influence, -unknown to the English, has, perhaps, extended even to modern times. - - [92] _Barnes_, p. 436. - - [93] _Wood_, Loc. cit. - -Morals were deteriorated every where, and the service of God was, in -a great measure, laid aside; for, in many places, the churches were -deserted, being bereft of their priests. The instruction of the people -was impeded;[94] covetousness became general; and when tranquility -was restored, the great increase of lawyers was astonishing, to whom -the endless disputes regarding inheritances, offered a rich harvest. -The want of priests too, throughout the country, operated very -detrimentally upon the people (the lower classes being most exposed -to the ravages of the plague, whilst the houses of the nobility -were, in proportion, much more spared) and it was no compensation -that whole bands of ignorant laymen, who had lost their wives during -the pestilence, crowded into the monastic orders, that they might -participate in the respectability of the priesthood, and in the rich -heritages which fell in to the church from all quarters. The sittings -of Parliament, of the King’s Bench, and of most of the other courts, -were suspended as long as the malady raged. The laws of peace availed -not during the dominion of death. Pope Clement took advantage of this -state of disorder, to adjust the bloody quarrel between Edward III. -and Philip VI.; yet he only succeeded during the period that the -plague commanded peace. Philip’s death (1350) annulled all treaties; -and it is related, that Edward, with other troops indeed, but with -the same leaders and knights, again took the field. Ireland was much -less heavily visited than England. The disease seems to have scarcely -reached the mountainous districts of that kingdom; and Scotland -too would, perhaps, have remained free, had not the Scots availed -themselves of the discomfiture of the English, to make an irruption -into their territory, which terminated in the destruction of their -army, by the plague and by the sword, and the extension of the -pestilence, through those who escaped, over the whole country. - - [94] _Wood_ says, that before the plague, there were 13,000 students - at Oxford; a number, which may, in some degree, enable us to form an - estimate of the state of education in England at that time, if we - consider that the universities were, in the middle ages, frequented - by younger students, who in modern times do not quit school till - their 18th year. - -At the commencement, there was in England a superabundance of all -the necessaries of life; but the plague, which seemed then to be the -sole disease, was soon accompanied by a fatal murrain among cattle. -Wandering about without herdsmen, they fell by thousands; and, as -has likewise been observed in Africa, the birds and beasts of prey -are said not to have touched them. Of what nature this murrain may -have been, can no more be determined, than whether it originated from -communication with plague patients, or from other causes; but thus much -is certain, that it did not break out until after the commencement of -the Black Death. In consequence of this murrain, and the impossibility -of removing the corn from the fields, there was every where a great -rise in the price of food, which to many was inexplicable, because the -harvest had been plentiful; by others it was attributed to the wicked -designs of the labourers and dealers; but it had its foundation in -the actual deficiency, arising from circumstances by which individual -classes at all times endeavour to profit. For a whole year, until -it terminated in August, 1349, the Black Plague prevailed in this -beautiful island, and every where poisoned the springs of comfort and -prosperity.[95] - - [95] _Barnes_ and _Wood_. Loc. cit. - -In other countries, it generally lasted only half a year, but returned -frequently in individual places; on which account, some, without -sufficient proof, assigned to it a period of seven years.[96] - - [96] _Gobelin Person_, in _Meibom_. Loc. cit. - -Spain was uninteruptedly ravaged by the Black Plague till after the -year 1350, to which the frequent internal feuds and the wars with the -Moors not a little contributed. Alphonso XI., whose passion for war -carried him too far, died of it at the siege of Gibraltar, on the 26th -of March, 1350. He was the only king in Europe who fell a sacrifice to -it; but even before this period, inumerable families had been thrown -into affliction.[97] The mortality seems otherwise to have been smaller -in Spain than in Italy, and about as considerable as in France. - - [97] _Juan de Mariana._ Historia General de España. Illustrated - by Don _José Sabau y Blanco_. Tom. IX. Madrid: 1819, 8vo. Libro - XVI. p. 225. Don _Diego Ortiz de Zuñiga_, Annales ecclesiasticos y - seculares de Sevilla. Madrid: 1795, 4to. T. II. p. 121. Don _Juan de - Ferreras_, Historia de España. Madrid: 1721. T. VII. p. 353. - -The whole period during which the Black Plague raged with destructive -violence in Europe, was, with the exception of Russia, from the year -1347 to 1350. The plagues, which in the sequel often returned until -the year 1383,[98] we do not consider as belonging to “the Great -Mortality.” They were rather common pestilences, without inflammation -of the lungs, such as in former times, and in the following centuries, -were excited by the matter of contagion everywhere existing, and which, -on every favorable occasion, gained ground anew, as is usually the case -with this frightful disease. - - [98] _Gobelin Person._ Loc. cit. _V. Chalin_, p. 53. - -The concourse of large bodies of people was especially dangerous; and -thus, the premature celebration of the Jubilee, to which Clement VI. -cited the faithful to Rome, (1350), during the great epidemic, caused a -new eruption of the plague, from which it is said, that scarcely one in -an hundred of the pilgrims escaped.[99] - - [99] _Guillelm de Nangis._ Loc. cit. - -Italy was, in consequence, depopulated anew; and those who returned, -spread poison and corruption of morals in all directions.[100] It is, -therefore, the less apparent, how that Pope, who was in general so -wise and considerate, and who knew how to pursue the path of reason and -humanity, under the most difficult circumstances, should have been led -to adopt a measure so injurious; since he, himself, was so convinced of -the salutary effect of seclusion, that during the plague in Avignon, he -kept up constant fires, and suffered no one to approach him;[101] and, -in other respects, gave such orders as averted, or alleviated, much -misery. - - [100] _Spangenberg._ fol. 337. b. Limburg. Chronic. p. 20. “Und die - auch von Rom kamen, wurden eines Theils böser als sie vor gewesen - waren.” - - [101] _Guillelm de Nangis._ Loc. cit. and many others. - -The changes which occurred about this period in the north of Europe, -are sufficiently memorable to claim a few moments attention. In Sweden, -two princes died--Häken and Knut, half-brothers of King Magnus; and -in Westgothland alone, 466 priests.[102] The inhabitants of Iceland -and Greenland, found in the coldness of their inhospitable climate, no -protection against the southern enemy who had penetrated to them from -happier countries. The plague caused great havoc among them. Nature -made no allowance for their constant warfare with the elements, and -the parsimony with which she had meted out to them the enjoyments of -life.[103] In Denmark and Norway, however, people were so occupied with -their own misery, that the accustomed voyages to Greenland ceased. -Towering ice-bergs formed at the same time on the coast of East -Greenland, in consequence of the general concussion of the earth’s -organism; and no mortal, from that time forward, has ever seen that -shore or its inhabitants.[104] - - [102] _Dalin’s_ Svea Rikes Historie, Vol. II. c. xii. p. 496. - - [103] _Saabye._ Tagebuch in Grönland. Einleit. XVIII.--_Torfaei_ - Histor. Norveg. Tom. IV. L. IX, c. viii. p. 478–79. _F. G. Mansa_, - De epidemiis maxime memorabilibus quæ in Dania Grassatæ sunt, et de - Medicinæ statu. Partic. I. Havn. 1831, 8vo. p. 12. - - [104] _Torfaei_ Groenlandia antiqua, s. veteris Groenlandiæ - descriptio. Havniæ, 1715, 8vo. p. 23--_Potan._ Rer. danicar. Histor. - Amstelod. 1631, fol. L. VII. p. 476. - -It has been observed above, that in Russia, the Black Plague did -not break out until 1351, after it had already passed through the -south and north of Europe. In this country also, the mortality was -extraordinarily great; and the same scenes of affliction and despair -were exhibited, as had occurred in those nations which had already -passed the ordeal. The same mode of burial--the same horrible certainty -of death--the same torpor and depression of spirits. The wealthy -abandoned their treasures, and gave their villages and estates to the -churches and monasteries; this being, according to the notions of the -age, the surest way of securing the favor of Heaven and the forgiveness -of past sins. In Russia too, the voice of nature was silenced by fear -and horror. In the hour of danger, fathers and mothers deserted their -children, and children their parents.[105] - - [105] _Richter_, Loc. cit. - -Of all the estimates of the number of lives lost in Europe, the most -probable is, that altogether, a fourth part of the inhabitants were -carried off. Now, if Europe at present contain 210,000,000 inhabitants, -the population, not to take a higher estimate, which might easily be -justified, amounted to at least 105,000,000, in the 16th century. - -It may, therefore, be assumed, without exaggeration, that Europe lost -during the Black Death, 25,000,000 of inhabitants. - -That her nations could so quickly overcome such a fearful concussion -in their external circumstances, and, in general, without retrogading -more than they actually did, could so develope their energies in the -following century, is a most convincing proof of the indestructibility -of human society as a whole. To assume, however, that it did not -suffer any essential change internally, because in appearance every -thing remained as before, is inconsistent with a just view of cause -and effect. Many historians seem to have adopted such an opinion; -accustomed, as usual, to judge of the moral condition of the people -solely according to the vicissitudes of earthly power, the events -of battles, and the influence of religion, but to pass over with -indifference, the great phenomena of nature, which modify, not only the -surface of the earth, but also the human mind. Hence, most of them have -touched but superficially on the “great mortality” of the 14th century. -We, for our parts are convinced, that in the history of the world, the -Black Death is one of the most important events which have prepared the -way for the present state of Europe. - -He who studies the human mind with attention, and forms a deliberate -judgment on the intellectual powers which set people and states in -motion, may, perhaps, find some proofs of this assertion in the -following observations:--at that time, the advancement of the hierarchy -was, in most countries, extraordinary; for the church acquired -treasures and large properties in land, even to a greater extent than -after the crusades; but experience has demonstrated, that such a state -of things is ruinous to the people, and causes them to retrograde, as -was evinced on this occasion. - -After the cessation of the Black Plague, a greater fertility in -women was everywhere remarkable--a grand phenomenon, which, from its -occurrence after every destructive pestilence, proves to conviction, -if any occurrence can do so, the prevalence of a higher power in the -direction of general organic life. Marriages were, almost without -exception, prolific; and double and treble births were more frequent -than at other times; under which head, we should remember the strange -remark, that after the “great mortality” the children were said to have -got fewer teeth than before; at which, contemporaries were mightily -shocked, and even later writers have felt surprise. - -If we examine the grounds of this oft-repeated assertion, we shall -find that they were astonished, to see children cut twenty, or at -most, twenty-two teeth, under the supposition that a greater number had -formerly fallen to their share.[106] Some writers of authority, as, -for example, the physician Savonarola,[107] at Ferrara, who probably -looked for twenty-eight teeth in children, published their opinions on -this subject. Others copied from them, without seeing for themselves, -as often happens in other matters which are equally evident; and thus -the world believed in the miracle of an imperfection in the human body -which had been caused by the Black Plague. - - [106] We may take this view of the subject from _Guillelm de Nangis_ - and _Barnes_, if we read them _with attention_. _Olof Dalin_, Loc. - cit. - - [107] Practica de aegritudinibus a capite usque ad pedes, Papiae, - 1486, fol. Tract, VI. c. vii. - -The people gradually consoled themselves after the sufferings which -they had undergone; the dead were lamented and forgotten; and in -the stirring vicissitudes of existence, the world belonged to the -living.[108] - - [108] “Darnach, da das Sterben, die Geiselfarth, Römerfarth, - Judenschlacht, als vorgeschrieben steht, ein End hatte, da hub die - Welt wieder an zu leben und fröhlich zu seyn, und machten die Männer - neue Kleidung.” Limburg Chronik, p. 26. After this when, as was - stated before, the mortality, the processions of the Flagellants, the - expeditions to Rome, and the massacre of the Jews, were at an end, - the world begun to revive and be joyful, and the people put on new - clothing. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -MORAL EFFECTS. - - -The mental shock sustained by all nations during the prevalence of the -Black Plague, is without parallel and beyond description. In the eyes -of the timorous, danger was the certain harbinger of death; many fell -victims to fear, on the first appearance of the distemper,[109] and -the most stout hearted lost their confidence. Thus, after reliance on -the future had died away, the spiritual union which binds man to his -family and his fellow creatures, was gradually dissolved. The pious -closed their accounts with the world,--eternity presented itself to -their view,--their only remaining desire, was for a participation in -the consolations of religion, because to them death was disarmed of its -sting. - - [109] _Chalin_, Loc. cit. p. 92. _Detmar’s_ Lübeck Chronicle, T. I. - p. 401. - -Repentance seized the transgressor, admonishing him to consecrate his -remaining hours to the exercise of Christian virtues. All minds were -directed to the contemplation of futurity; and children, who manifest -the more elevated feelings of the soul without alloy, were frequently -seen, while labouring under the plague, breathing out their spirit with -prayer and songs of thanksgiving.[110] - - [110] Chronic. _Ditmari_, Episcop. Mersepurg, Francof. 1580, fol. - p. 358.----“_Spangenberg_, p. 338. The lamentation was pitiful; - and the only remaining solace, was the prevalent anxiety, inspired - by the danger, to prepare for a glorious departure; no other hope - remained--death appeared inevitable. Many were hence induced to - search into their own hearts, to turn to God, and to abandon their - wicked courses: parents warned their children, and instructed them - how to pray, and to submit to the ways of Providence: neighbours - mutually admonished each other; none could reckon on a single hour’s - respite. Many persons, and even young children, were seen bidding - farewell to the world; some with prayer, others with praises on their - lips.” - -An awful sense of contrition seized Christians of every communion; they -resolved to forsake their vices--to make restitution for past offences, -before they were summoned hence--to seek reconciliation with their -Maker, and to avert, by self-chastisement, the punishment due to their -former sins. Human nature would be exalted, could the countless noble -actions, which, in times of most imminent danger, were performed in -secret, be recorded for the instruction of future generations. They, -however, have no influence on the course of worldly events. They are -known only to silent eye-witnesses, and soon fall into oblivion. But -hypocrisy, illusion and bigotry, stalk abroad undaunted; they desecrate -what is noble--they pervert what is divine, to the unholy purposes -of selfishness; which hurries along every good feeling in the false -excitement of the age. Thus it was in the years of this plague. In the -14th century, the monastic system was still in its full vigour,--the -power of the ecclesiastical orders and brotherhoods, was revered by the -people, and the hierarchy was still formidable to the temporal power. -It was, therefore, in the natural constitution of society that bigotted -zeal, which in such times makes a shew of public acts of penance, -should avail itself of the semblance of religion. But this took place -in such a manner, that unbridled, self-willed penitence, degenerated -into luke-warmness, renounced obedience to the hierarchy, and prepared -a fearful opposition to the church, paralysed by antiquated forms. - -While all countries were filled with lamentations and woe, there -first arose in Hungary,[111] and afterwards in Germany, the -Brotherhood of the Flagellants, called also the Brethren of the -Cross, or Cross-bearers, who took upon themselves the repentance of -the people, for the sins they had committed, and offered prayers and -supplications for the averting of this plague. This Order consisted -chiefly of persons of the lower class, who were either actuated by -sincere contrition, or, who joyfully availed themselves of this pretext -for idleness, and were hurried along with the tide of distracting -frenzy. But, as these brotherhoods gained in repute, and were -welcomed by the people with veneration and enthusiasm, many nobles -and ecclesiastics ranged themselves under their standard; and their -bands were not unfrequently augmented by children, honourable women -and nuns; so powerfully were minds of the most opposite temperaments -enslaved by this infatuation.[112] They marched through the cities, -in well-organized processions, with leaders and singers; their heads -covered as far as the eyes; their look fixed on the ground, accompanied -by every token of the deepest contrition and mourning. They were -robed in sombre garments, with red crosses on the breast, back, and -cap, and bore triple scourges, tied in three or four knots, in which -points of iron were fixed. Tapers and magnificent banners of velvet -and cloth of gold, were carried before them; wherever they made -their appearance, they were welcomed by the ringing of the bells; and -the people flocked from all quarters, to listen to their hymns and -to witness their penance, with devotion and tears. In the year 1349, -two hundred Flagellants first entered Strasburg, where they were -received with great joy, and hospitably lodged by the citizens. Above -a thousand joined the brotherhood, which now assumed the appearance of -a wandering tribe, and separated into two bodies, for the purpose of -journeying to the north and to the south. For more than half a year, -new parties arrived weekly; and, on each arrival, adults and children -left their families to accompany them; till, at length, their sanctity -was questioned, and the doors of houses and churches were closed -against them.[113] At Spires, two hundred boys, of twelve years of age -and under, constituted themselves into a Brotherhood of the Cross, -in imitation of the children, who, about a hundred years before, had -united, at the instigation of some fanatic monks, for the purpose of -recovering the Holy Sepulchre. All the inhabitants of this town, were -carried away by the illusion; they conducted the strangers to their -houses with songs of thanksgiving, to regale them for the night. The -women embroidered banners for them, and all were anxious to augment -their pomp; and at every succeeding pilgrimage, their influence and -reputation increased.[114] It was not merely some individual parts of -the country that fostered them: all Germany, Hungary, Poland, Bohemia, -Silesia, and Flanders, did homage to the mania; and they at length -became as formidable to the secular, as they were to the ecclesiastical -power. The influence of this fanaticism, was great and threatening; -resembling the excitement which called all the inhabitants of Europe -into the deserts of Syria and Palestine, about two hundred and fifty -years before. The appearance, in itself, was not novel. As far back -as the 11th century, many believers, in Asia and Southern Europe, -afflicted themselves with the punishment of flagellation. Dominicus -Loricatus, a monk of St. Croce d’Avellano, is mentioned as the master -and model of this species of mortification of the flesh; which, -according to the primitive notions of the Asiatic Anchorites, was -deemed eminently Christian. The author of the solemn processions of the -Flagellants, is said to have been St. Anthony; for even in his time -(1231), this kind of penance was so much in vogue, that it is recorded -as an eventful circumstance in the history of the world. In 1260, the -Flagellants appeared in Italy as _Devoti_. “When the land was polluted -by vices and crimes,[115] an unexampled spirit of remorse suddenly -seized the minds of the Italians. The fear of Christ fell upon all: -noble and ignoble, old and young, and even children of five years of -age, marched through the streets with no covering but a scarf round -the waist. They each carried a scourge of leathern thongs, which they -applied to their limbs, amid sighs and tears, with such violence, -that the blood flowed from the wounds. Not only during the day, but -even by night, and in the severest winter, they traversed the cities -with burning torches and banners, in thousands and tens of thousands, -headed by their priests, and prostrated themselves before the altars. -They proceeded in the same manner in the villages; and the woods and -mountains resounded with the voices of those whose cries were raised to -God. The melancholy chaunt of the penitent alone, was heard. Enemies -were reconciled; men and women vied with each other in splendid -works of charity, as if they dreaded, that Divine Omnipotence would -pronounce on them the doom of annihilation.” - - [111] _Torfaei_ Hist. rer. Norvegic, L. IX. c. viii, p. 478. (Havn. - 1711, fol.) _Die Cronica van der hilliger stat van Coellen, off dat - tzytboich_, Coellen, 1499, fol. p. 263. “_In dem vurss jair erhoiff - sich eyn alzo wunderlich nuwe Geselschaft in Ungarien._” &c. The - Chronicle of the holy city of Cologne, 1499. In this same year, a - very remarkable Society was formed in Hungary. - - [112] _Albert. Argentinens._ Chronic, p. 149, in _Chr. Urstisius._ - Germaniae historicorum illustrium Tomus unus. Francof. 1585, - fol.--_Guillelm de Nang._ Loc. cit.--See also the Saxon Chronicle, by - _Mattheus Dresseren_, Physician and Professor at Leipsig, Wittenberg, - 1596, fol. p. 340; the above-named Limburg Chronicle, and the - Germaniae Chronicon, on the origin, name, commerce, &c., of all the - Teutonic Nations of Germany: by _Seb. Francken_, of Wörd. Tubingen, - 1534, fol. p. 201. - - [113] _Königshoven_, Elsassische und Strassburgische Chronicke. Loc - cit. p. 297. - - [114] _Albert Argentin._ Loc. cit. They never remained longer than - one night at any place. - - [115] Words of _Monachus Paduanus_, quoted in Förstemann’s Treatise, - which is the best upon this subject.--See p. 60. - -The pilgrimages of the Flagellants extended throughout all the -provinces of Southern Germany, as far as Saxony, Bohemia and -Poland, and even further; but at length, the priests resisted this -dangerous fanaticism, without being able to extirpate the illusion, -which was advantageous to the hierarchy, as long as it submitted to -its sway. Regnier, a hermit of Perugia, is recorded as a fanatic -preacher of penitence, with whom the extravagance originated.[116] -In the year 1296, there was a great procession of the Flagellants in -Strasburg;[117] and in 1334, fourteen years before the great mortality, -the sermon of Venturinus, a Dominican friar, of Bergamo, induced above -10,000 persons to undertake a new pilgrimage. They scourged themselves -in the churches, and were entertained in the market-places, at the -public expense. At Rome, Venturinus was derided, and banished by the -Pope to the mountains of Ricondona. He patiently endured all--went to -the Holy Land, and died at Smyrna, 1346.[118] Hence we see that this -fanaticism was a mania of the middle ages, which, in the year 1349, -on so fearful an occasion, and while still so fresh in remembrance, -needed no new founder; of whom, indeed, all the records are silent. -It probably arose in many places at the same time; for the terror of -death, which pervaded all nations and suddenly set such powerful -impulses in motion, might easily conjure up the fanaticism of -exaggerated and overpowering repentance. - - [116] _Schnurrer_, Chronicle of the Plagues, T. I. p. 291. - - [117] Königshoven. Loc. cit. - - [118] _Förstemann_, Loc. cit. The pilgrimages of the Flagellants of - the year 1349, were not the last. Later in the 14th century, this - fanaticism still manifested itself several times, though never to so - great an extent: in the 15th century, it was deemed necessary, in - several parts of Germany, to extirpate them by fire and sword;--and - in the year 1710, processions of the Cross-bearers were still seen - in Italy. How deep this mania had taken root, is proved by the - deposition of a citizen of Nordhäusen (1446): that his wife, in the - belief of performing a Christian act, wanted to scourge her children, - as soon as they were baptized. - -The manner and proceedings of the Flagellants of the 13th and 14th -centuries, exactly resemble each other. But, if during the Black -Plague, simple credulity came to their aid, which seized, as a -consolation, the grossest delusion of religious enthusiasm, yet it is -evident that the leaders must have been intimately united, and have -exercised the power of a secret association. Besides, the rude band -was generally under the controul of men of learning, some of whom at -least, certainly had other objects in view, independent of those which -ostensibly appeared. Whoever was desirous of joining the brotherhood, -was bound to remain in it thirty-four days, and to have four-pence per -day at his own disposal, so that he might not be burthensome to any -one; if married, he was obliged to have the sanction of his wife, and -give the assurance that he was reconciled to all men. The Brothers -of the Cross, were not permitted to seek for free quarters, or even -to enter a house without having been invited; they were forbidden to -converse with females; and if they transgressed these rules, or acted -without precaution, they were obliged to confess to the Superior, who -sentenced them to several lashes of the scourge, by way of penance. -Ecclesiastics had not, as such, any pre-eminence among them; according -to their original law, which, however, was often transgressed, they -could not become Masters, or take part in the _Secret Councils_. -Penance was performed twice every day: in the morning and evening, they -went abroad in pairs, singing psalms, amid the ringing of the bells; -and when they arrived at the place of flagellation, they stripped the -upper part of their bodies and put off their shoes, keeping on only a -linen dress, reaching from the waist to the ancles. They then lay down -in a large circle, in different positions, according to the nature of -their crime: the adulterer with his face to the ground; the perjurer -on one side, holding up three of his fingers, &c., and were then -castigated, some more and some less, by the Master, who ordered them to -rise in the words of a prescribed form.[119] Upon this, they scourged -themselves, amid the singing of psalms and loud supplications for -the averting of the plague, with genuflexions, and other ceremonies, -of which contemporary writers give various accounts; and at the same -time constantly boasted of their penance, that the blood of their -wounds was mingled with that of the Saviour.[120] One of them, in -conclusion, stood up to read a letter, which it was pretended an angel -had brought from heaven, to St. Peter’s church, at Jerusalem, stating -that Christ, who was sore displeased at the sins of man, had granted at -the intercession of the Holy Virgin and of the angels, that all who -should wander about for thirty-four days and scourge themselves, should -be partakers of the Divine grace.[121] This scene caused as great a -commotion among the believers as the finding of the holy spear once did -at Antioch; and if any among the clergy enquired who had sealed the -letter? he was boldly answered, the same who had sealed the Gospel! - - [119] _Königshoven_, p. 298: - - “_Stant uf durch der reinen Martel ere; - Und hüte dich vor der Sünden mere._” - - [120] _Guill. de Nang._ Loc. cit. - - [121] _Albert Argentinens._ Loc. cit. - -All this had so powerful an effect, that the church was in considerable -danger; for the Flagellants gained more credit than the priests, from -whom they so entirely withdrew themselves, that they even absolved -each other. Besides, they everywhere took possession of the churches, -and their new songs, which went from mouth to mouth, operated strongly -on the minds of the people. Great enthusiasm and originally pious -feelings, are clearly distinguishable in these hymns, and especially -in the chief psalm of the Cross-bearers, which is still extant, and -which was sung all over Germany, in different dialects, and is probably -of a more ancient date.[122] Degeneracy, however, soon crept in; crimes -were everywhere committed; and there was no energetic man capable -of directing the individual excitement to purer objects, even had an -effectual resistance to the tottering church been at that early period -seasonable, and had it been possible to restrain the fanaticism. -The Flagellants sometimes undertook to make trial of their power of -working miracles; as in Strasburg, where they attempted, in their own -circle, to resuscitate a dead child: they however failed, and their -unskilfulness did them much harm, though they succeeded here and there -in maintaining some confidence in their holy calling, by pretending to -have the power of casting out evil spirits.[123] - - [122] We meet with fragments of different lengths in the Chronicles - of the times, but the only entire MS. which we possess, is in the - valuable Library of President von Meusebach. Massmann has had this - printed, accompanied by a translation, entitled _Erläuterungen zum - Wessobrunner Gebet des 8^{ten} Jahrhunderts. Nebst_ ZWEIEN _noch - ungedruckten_, GEDICHTEN DES VIERZEHNTEN JAHRHUNDERTS, Berlin, 1824. - “Elucidation of the Wessobrunn Prayer of the 8th century, together - with two unpublished Hymns of the 14th century.” We shall subjoin - it at the end of this Treatise, as a striking document of the age. - The Limburg Chronicle asserts, indeed, that it was not composed till - that time, although a part, if not the whole, of it, was sung in - the procession of the Flagellants, in 1260.--See, Incerti auctoris - Chronicon rerum per Austriam Vicinasque regiones gestarum inde ab - anno 1025, usque ad annum 1282, Munich, 1827–8, p. 9. - - [123] _Trithem._ Annal. Hirsaugiens, T. II. p. 206. - -The Brotherhood of the Cross announced that the pilgrimage of the -Flagellants was to continue for a space of thirty-four years; and -many of the Masters had, doubtless, determined to form a lasting -league against the church; but they had gone too far. Already, in the -same year, the general indignation set bounds to their intrigues; -so that the strict measures adopted by the Emperor Charles IV. and -Pope Clement,[124] who, throughout the whole of this fearful period, -manifested prudence and noble-mindedness, and conducted himself in -a manner every way worthy of his high station, were easily put into -execution.[125] - - [124] He issued a bull against them, Oct. 20, 1349. _Raynald._ - _Trithem._ Loc. cit. - - [125] But as they at last ceased to excite astonishment, were no - longer welcomed by the ringing of bells, and were not received with - veneration, as before, they vanished as human imaginations are wont - to do. Saxon Chronicle, by _Matt. Dresseren_. Wittenberg, 1596, fol. - p. 340–341. - -The Sorbonne, at Paris, and the Emperor Charles, had already applied -to the Holy See, for assistance against these formidable and heretical -excesses, which had well nigh destroyed the influence of the clergy in -every place; when a hundred of the Brotherhood of the Cross arrived -at Avignon from Basle, and desired admission. The Pope, regardless -of the intercession of several cardinals, interdicted their public -penance, which he had not authorized; and, on pain of excommunication, -prohibited throughout Christendom the continuance of these -pilgrimages.[126] Philip VI., supported by the condemnatory judgment -of the Sorbonne, forbid their reception in France.[127] Manfred, King -of Sicily, at the same time threatened them with punishment by death: -and in the East, they were withstood by several bishops, among whom was -Janussius, of Gnesen,[128] and Preczlaw, of Breslaw, who condemned to -death one of their Masters, formerly a deacon; and, in conformity with -the barbarity of the times, had him publicly burnt.[129] In Westphalia, -where so shortly before, they had venerated the Brothers of the Cross, -they now persecuted them with relentless severity;[130] and in the -Mark, as well as in all the other countries of Germany, they pursued -them, as if they had been the authors of every misfortune.[131] - - [126] _Albert Argentinens._ Loc. cit. - - [127] _Guillelm de Nangis._ - - [128] _Ditmar._ Loc. cit. - - [129] _Klose_ of _Breslaw’s_ Documental History and Description, 8vo. - Vol. II. p. 190. Breslaw, 1781. - - [130] Limburg Chronicle, p. 17. - - [131] _Kehrberg’s_ Description of Königsberg, _i. e._ Neumark, 1724, - 4to. p. 240. - -The processions of the Brotherhood of the Cross, undoubtedly promoted -the spreading of the plague; and it is evident, that the gloomy -fanaticism which gave rise to them, would infuse a new poison into the -already desponding minds of the people. - -Still, however, all this was within the bounds of barbarous enthusiasm; -but horrible were the persecutions of the Jews, which were committed -in most countries, with even greater exasperation than in the 12th -century, during the first Crusades. In every destructive pestilence, -the common people at first attribute the mortality to poison. No -instruction avails; the supposed testimony of their eyesight, is to -them a proof, and they authoritatively demand the victims of their -rage. On whom then was it so likely to fall, as on the Jews, the -usurers and the strangers who lived at enmity with the Christians? They -were everywhere suspected of having poisoned the wells or infected the -air.[132] They alone were considered as having brought this fearful -mortality among the Christians.[133] They were, in consequence, -pursued with merciless cruelty; and either indiscriminately given up -to the fury of the populace, or sentenced by sanguinary tribunals, -which, with all the forms of law, ordered them to be burnt alive. In -times like these, much is indeed said of guilt and innocence; but -hatred and revenge bear down all discrimination, and the smallest -probability, magnifies suspicion into certainty. These bloody scenes, -which disgraced Europe in the 14th century, are a counterpart to a -similar mania of the age, which was manifested in the persecutions of -witches and sorcerers; and, like these, they prove, that enthusiasm, -associated with hatred, and leagued with the baser passions, may work -more powerfully upon whole nations, than religion and legal order; nay, -that it even knows how to profit by the authority of both, in order the -more surely to satiate with blood, the sword of long suppressed revenge. - - [132] So says the Polish historian _Dlugoss_, Loc. cit., while most - of his contemporaries, mention only the poisoning of the wells. It is - evident, that in the state of their feelings, it mattered little to - them to add another still more formidable accusation. - - [133] In those places where no Jews resided, as in Leipsig, - Magdeburg, Brieg, Frankenstein, &c. the grave-diggers were accused - of the crime.--V. _Möhsen’s_ History of the Sciences in the March of - Brandenburg, T. II. p. 265. - -The persecution of the Jews, commenced in September and October, -1348,[134] at Chillon, on the Lake of Geneva, where the first criminal -proceedings were instituted against them, after they had long before -been accused by the people of poisoning the wells; similar scenes -followed in Bern and Freyburg, in January, 1349. Under the influence of -excruciating suffering, the tortured Jews confessed themselves guilty -of the crime imputed to them; and it being affirmed that poison had in -fact been found in a well at Zoffingen, this was deemed a sufficient -proof to convince the world; and the persecution of the abhorred -culprits, thus appeared justifiable. Now, though we can take as little -exception at these proceedings, as at the multifarious confessions of -witches, because the interrogatories of the fanatic and sanguinary -tribunals, were so complicated, that by means of the rack, the required -answer must inevitably be obtained; and it is besides conformable -to human nature, that crimes which are in every body’s mouth, may, -in the end, be actually committed by some, either from wantonness, -revenge, or desperate exasperation: yet crimes and accusations, are, -under circumstances like these, merely the offspring of a revengeful, -frenzied, spirit in the people; and the accusers, according to the -fundamental principles of morality, which are the same in every age, -are the more guilty transgressors. - - [134] See the original proceedings, in the Appendix. - -Already in the autumn of 1348, a dreadful panic, caused by the -supposed poisoning, seized all nations; and in Germany especially, -the springs and wells were built over, that nobody might drink of -them, or employ the water for culinary purposes; and for a long time, -the inhabitants of numerous towns and villages, used only river and -rain water.[135] The city gates were also guarded with the greatest -caution,--only confidential persons were admitted; and if medicine, -or any other article, which might be supposed to be poisonous, was -found in the possession of a stranger,--and it was natural that some -should have these things by them for their private use,--they were -forced to swallow a portion of it.[136] By this trying state of -privation, distrust and suspicion, the hatred against the supposed -poisoners, became greatly increased, and often broke out in popular -commotions, which only served still further to infuriate the wildest -passions. The noble and the mean, fearlessly bound themselves by an -oath, to extirpate the Jews by fire and sword, and to snatch them from -their protectors, of whom the number was so small, that throughout -all Germany, but few places can be mentioned where these unfortunate -people were not regarded as outlaws--martyred and burnt.[137] Solemn -summonses were issued from Bern to the towns of Basle, Freyburg in -the Breisgau, and Strasburg, to pursue the Jews as poisoners. The -Burgomasters and Senators, indeed, opposed this requisition; but in -Basle the populace obliged them to bind themselves by an oath, to -burn the Jews, and to forbid persons of that community from entering -their city, for the space of two hundred years. Upon this, all the -Jews in Basle, whose number could not have been inconsiderable, were -enclosed in a wooden building, constructed for the purpose, and burnt -together with it, upon the mere outcry of the people, without sentence -or trial, which indeed would have availed them nothing. Soon after, -the same thing took place at Freyburg. A regular Diet was held at -Bennefeld, in Alsace, where the bishops, lords and barons, as also -deputies of the counts (_query_ counties?) and towns, consulted how -they should proceed with regard to the Jews; and when the deputies of -Strasburg--not indeed the bishop of this town, who proved himself a -violent fanatic--spoke in favor of the persecuted, as nothing criminal -was substantiated against them; a great outcry was raised, and it was -vehemently asked, why, if so, they had covered their wells and removed -their buckets? A sanguinary decree was resolved upon, of which the -populace, who obeyed the call of the nobles and superior clergy, became -but the too willing executioners.[138] Wherever the Jews were not -burnt, they were at least banished; and so being compelled to wander -about, they fell into the hands of the country people, who without -humanity, and regardless of all laws, persecuted them with fire and -sword. At Spires, the Jews, driven to despair, assembled in their own -habitations, which they set on fire, and thus consumed themselves -with their families. The few that remained, were forced to submit to -baptism; while the dead bodies of the murdered, which lay about the -streets, were put into empty wine casks, and rolled into the Rhine, -lest they should infect the air. The mob was forbidden to enter the -ruins of the habitations that were burnt in the Jewish quarter; for the -senate itself caused search to be made for the treasure, which is said -to have been very considerable. At Strasburg, two thousand Jews were -burnt alive in their own burial ground, where a large scaffold had been -erected: a few who promised to embrace Christianity, were spared, and -their children taken from the pile. The youth and beauty of several -females also excited some commiseration; and they were snatched from -death against their will: many, however, who forcibly made their escape -from the flames, were murdered in the streets. - - [135] _Hermanni Gygantis_ Flores temporum, sive Chronicon - Universale--_Ed. Meuschen._ Lugdun, Bat. 1743. 4to. p. 139. Hermann, - a Franciscan monk of Franconia, who wrote in the year 1349, was an - eye-witness of the most revolting scenes of vengeance, throughout all - Germany. - - [136] _Guid. Cauliac._ Loc. cit. - - [137] _Hermann._ Loc. cit. - - [138] _Albert Argentin._--_Königshoven_, Loc. cit. - -The senate ordered all pledges and bonds to be returned to the -debtors, and divided the money among the work-people.[139] Many, -however, refused to accept the base price of blood, and, indignant -at the scenes of blood-thirsty avarice, which made the infuriated -multitude forget[140] that the plague was raging around them, presented -it to monastaries, in conformity with the advice of their confessors. -In all the countries on the Rhine, these cruelties continued to be -perpetrated during the succeeding months; and after quiet was in some -degree restored, the people thought to render an acceptable service -to God, by taking the bricks of the destroyed dwellings, and the -tombstones of the Jews, to repair churches and to erect belfreys.[141] - - [139] _Dies was ouch die Vergift, die die Juden döttete._ “This is - also the poison that killed the Jews,” observes _Königshoven_, which - he illustrates by saying, that their increase in Germany was very - great, and their mode of gaining a livelihood, which, however, was - the only resource left them, had engendered ill-will against them in - all quarters. - - [140] Many wealthy Jews, for example, were, on their way to the - stake, stripped of their garments, for the sake of the gold coin that - was sewed in them.--_Albert Argentinens._ - - [141] Vide preceding note. - -In Mayence alone, 12,000 Jews are said to have been put to a cruel -death. The Flagellants entered that place in August; the Jews, on -this occasion, fell out with the Christians, and killed several; but -when they saw their inability to withstand the increasing superiority -of their enemies, and that nothing could save them from destruction, -they consumed themselves and their families, by setting fire to their -dwellings. Thus also, in other places, the entry of the Flagellants -gave rise to scenes of slaughter; and as thirst for blood was -everywhere combined with an unbridled spirit of proselytism, a fanatic -zeal arose among the Jews, to perish as martyrs to their ancient -religion. And how was it possible, that they could from the heart -embrace Christianity, when its precepts were never more outrageously -violated? At Eslingen, the whole Jewish community burned themselves -in their synagogue;[142] and mothers were often seen throwing their -children on the pile, to prevent their being baptised, and then -precipitating themselves into the flames.[143] In short, whatever -deeds, fanaticism, revenge, avarice and desperation, in fearful -combination, could instigate mankind to perform,--and where in such a -case is the limit?--were executed in the year 1349, throughout Germany, -Italy and France, with impunity, and in the eyes of all the world. -It seemed as if the plague gave rise to scandalous acts and frantic -tumults, not to mourning and grief: and the greater part of those who, -by their education and rank, were called upon to raise the voice of -reason, themselves led on the savage mob to murder and to plunder. -Almost all the Jews who saved their lives by baptism, were afterwards -burnt at different times; for they continued to be accused of poisoning -the water and the air. Christians also, whom philanthropy or gain had -induced to offer them protection, were put on the rack and executed -with them.[144] Many Jews who had embraced Christianity, repented of -their apostacy,--and, returning to their former faith, sealed it with -their death.[145] - - [142] _Spangenberg._ Loc. cit. - - [143] _Guillelm. de Nangis._--_Dlugoss._ Loc. cit. - - [144] _Albert. Argentinens._ - - [145] _Spangenberg_ describes a similar scene which took place at - Kostnitz. - -The humanity and prudence of Clement VI., must, on this occasion, also -be mentioned to his honor; but even the highest ecclesiastical power -was insufficient to restrain the unbridled fury of the people. He -not only protected the Jews at Avignon, as far as lay in his power, -but also issued two bulls, in which he declared them innocent; and -admonished all Christians, though without success, to cease from -such groundless persecutions.[146] The Emperor Charles IV. was also -favourable to them, and sought to avert their destruction, wherever -he could; but he dared not draw the sword of justice, and even found -himself obliged to yield to the selfishness of the Bohemian nobles, -who were unwilling to forego so favorable an opportunity of releasing -themselves from their Jewish creditors, under favor of an imperial -mandate.[147] Duke Albert of Austria burned and pillaged those of his -cities, which had persecuted the Jews,--a vain and inhuman proceeding, -which, moreover, is not exempt from the suspicion of covetousness; yet -he was unable, in his own fortress of Kyberg, to protect some hundreds -of Jews, who had been received there, from being barbarously burnt by -the inhabitants.[148] Several other princes and counts, among whom -was Ruprecht von der Pfalz, took the Jews under their protection, on -the payment of large sums: in consequence of which they were called -“Jew-masters,” and were in danger of being attacked by the populace -and by their powerful neighbours.[149] These persecuted and ill-used -people, except indeed where humane individuals took compassion on them -at their own peril, or when they could command riches to purchase -protection, had no place of refuge left but the distant country of -Lithuania, where Boleslav V., Duke of Poland (1227–1279), had before -granted them liberty of conscience; and King Casimir the Great -(1333–1370), yielding to the entreaties of Esther, a favourite Jewess, -received them, and granted them further protection:[150] on which -account, that country is still inhabited by a great number of Jews, -who by their secluded habits, have, more than any people in Europe, -retained the manners of the middle ages. - - [146] _Guillelm de Nang._--_Raynald._ - - [147] Histor. Landgrav. _Thuring._ in _Pistor._ Loc. cit. Vol. I. - p. 948. - - [148] Anonym. _Leobiens_, in _Pez_. Loc. cit. - - [149] _Spangenberg._ In the county of Mark, the Jews were no better - off than in the rest of Germany. Margrave _Ludwig_, the Roman, even - countenanced their persecutions, of which _Kehrberg_, Loc. cit. - 241, gives the following official account: Coram cunctis Christi - fidelibus praesentia percepturis, ego _Johannes_ dictus _de Wedel_ - Advocatus, inclyti Principis Domini, _Ludovici_, Marchionis, publice - profiteor et recognosco, quod nomine Domini mei civitaten Königsberg - visitavi et intravi, et ex parte Domini Marchionis Consulibus ejusdem - civitatis in adjutorium mihi assumtis, _Judaeos inibi morantes igne - cremavi_, bonaque omnia eorundem Judaeorum ex parte Domini mei - totaliter usurpavi et assumsi. In cujus testimonum praesentibus meum - sigillum appendi. Datum A. D. 1351. in Vigilia S. Matthaei Apostoli. - - [150] _Basnage_ Histoire des Juifs. A la Haye, 1716. 8vo. T. IX. Pt. - II. Liv. IX. ch. 23. §. 12–24. p. 664–679. This valuable work gives - an interesting account of the state of the Jews of the middle ages. - Compare _J. M. Jost’s_ History of the Israelites from the time of the - Maccabees to the present day. T. VII. Berlin, 1827. 8vo. p. 8–262. - -But to return to the fearful accusations against the Jews: it was -reported in all Europe, that they were in connection with secret -superiors in Toledo, to whose decrees they were subject, and from -whom they had received commands respecting the coining of base money, -poisoning, the murder of Christian children, &c.;[151] that they -received the poison by sea from remote parts, and also prepared it -themselves from spiders, owls and other venomous animals; but, in order -that their secret might not be discovered, that it was known only to -their Rabbis and rich men.[152] Apparently there were but few who did -not consider this extravagant accusation well founded; indeed, in many -writings of the 14th century, we find great acrimony with regard to -the suspected poison-mixers, which plainly demonstrates the prejudice -existing against them. Unhappily, after the confessions of the first -victims in Switzerland, the rack extorted similar ones in various -places. Some even acknowledged having received poisonous powder in -bags, and injunctions from Toledo, by secret messengers. Bags of -this description, were also often found in wells, though it was not -unfrequently discovered that the Christians themselves had thrown them -in; probably to give occasion to murder and pillage; similar instances -of which may be found in the persecutions of the witches.[153] - - [151] _Albert Argentinens._ - - [152] _Hermann. Gygas._ Loc. cit. - - [153] On this subject see _Königshoven_, who has preserved very - valuable original proceedings. The most important are, the criminal - examinations of ten Jews, at Chillon, on the Lake of Geneva, held in - September and October, 1348.--V. Appendix. They produced the most - strange confessions, and sanctioned, by the false name of justice, - the blood-thirsty fanaticism which lighted the funeral piles. Copies - of these proceedings were sent to Bern and Strasburg, where they - gave rise to the first persecutions against the Jews.--V. also the - original Document of the offensive and defensive Alliance between - _Berthold von Götz_, Bishop of Strasburg, and many powerful lords and - nobles, in favor of the city of Strasburg, against Charles IV. The - latter saw himself compelled, in consequence, to grant to that city - an amnesty for the Jewish persecutions, which in our days would be - deemed disgraceful to an imperial crown. Not to mention many other - documents, which no less clearly shew the spirit of the 14th century, - p. 1021. f. - -This picture needs no additions. A lively image of the Black Plague, -and of the moral evil which followed in its train, will vividly -represent itself to him who is acquainted with nature and the -constitution of society. Almost the only credible accounts of the -manner of living, and of the ruin which occurred in private life, -during this pestilence, are from Italy; and these may enable us to form -a just estimate of the general state of families in Europe, taking into -consideration what is peculiar in the manners of each country. - -“When the evil had become universal,” (speaking of Florence) “the -hearts of all the inhabitants were closed to feelings of humanity. -They fled from the sick and all that belonged to them, hoping by these -means to save themselves. Others shut themselves up in their houses, -with their wives, their children and households, living on the most -costly food, but carefully avoiding all excess. None were allowed -access to them; no intelligence of death or sickness was permitted -to reach their ear; and they spent their time in singing and music, -and other pastimes. Others, on the contrary, considered eating and -drinking to excess, amusements of all descriptions, the indulgence of -every gratification, and an indifference to what was passing around -them, as the best medicine, and acted accordingly. They wandered day -and night, from one tavern to another, and feasted without moderation -or bounds. In this way they endeavoured to avoid all contact with the -sick, and abandoned their houses and property to chance, like men whose -death-knell had already tolled. - -Amid this general lamentation and woe, the influence and authority -of every law, human and divine, vanished. Most of those who were in -office, had been carried off by the plague, or lay sick, or had lost -so many members of their families, that they were unable to attend -to their duties; so that thenceforth every one acted as he thought -proper. Others, in their mode of living, chose a middle course. -They ate and drank what they pleased, and walked abroad, carrying -odoriferous flowers, herbs or spices, which they smelt to from time -to time, in order to invigorate the brain, and to avert the baneful -influence of the air, infected by the sick, and by the innumerable -corpses of those who had died of the plague. Others carried their -precaution still further, and thought the surest way to escape death -was by flight. They therefore left the city; women as well men -abandoning their dwellings and their relations, and retiring into the -country. But of these also, many were carried off, most of them alone -and deserted by all the world, themselves having previously set the -example. Thus it was, that one citizen fled from another--a neighbour -from his neighbours--a relation from his relations;--and in the end, -so completely had terror extinguished every kindlier feeling, that -the brother forsook the brother--the sister the sister--the wife her -husband; and at last, even the parent his own offspring, and abandoned -them, unvisited and unsoothed, to their fate. Those, therefore, that -stood in need of assistance fell a prey to greedy attendants; who -for an exorbitant recompence, merely handed the sick their food and -medicine, remained with them in their last moments, and then, not -unfrequently, became themselves victims to their avarice and lived not -to enjoy their extorted gain. Propriety and decorum were extinguished -among the helpless sick. Females of rank seemed to forget their natural -bashfulness, and committed the care of their persons, indiscriminately, -to men and women of the lowest order. No longer were women, relatives -or friends, found in the house of mourning, to share the grief of -the survivors--no longer was the corpse accompanied to the grave by -neighbours and a numerous train of priests, carrying wax tapers and -singing psalms, nor was it borne along by other citizens of equal rank. -Many breathed their last without a friend to sooth their dying pillow; -and few indeed were they who departed amid the lamentations and tears -of their friends and kindred. Instead of sorrow and mourning, appeared -indifference, frivolity and mirth; this being considered, especially -by the females, as conducive to health. Seldom was the body followed -by even ten or twelve attendants; and instead of the usual bearers and -sextons, mercenaries of the lowest of the populace undertook the office -for the sake of gain; and accompanied by only a few priests, and often -without a single taper, it was borne to the very nearest church, and -lowered into the first grave that was not already too full to receive -it. Among the middling classes, and especially among the poor, the -misery was still greater. Poverty or negligence induced most of these -to remain in their dwellings, or in the immediate neighbourhood; and -thus they fell by thousands; and many ended their lives in the streets, -by day and by night. The stench of putrefying corpses was often the -first indication to their neighbours that more deaths had occurred. The -survivors, to preserve themselves from infection, generally had the -bodies taken out of the houses, and laid before the doors; where the -early morn found them in heaps, exposed to the affrighted gaze of the -passing stranger. It was no longer possible to have a bier for every -corpse,--three or four were generally laid together--husband and wife, -father and mother, with two or three children, were frequently borne -to the grave on the same bier; and it often happened that two priests -would accompany a coffin, bearing the cross before it, and be joined on -the way by several other funerals; so that instead of one, there were -five or six bodies for interment.” - -Thus far Boccacio. On the conduct of the priests, another contemporary -observes:[154] “In large and small towns, they had withdrawn themselves -through fear, leaving the performance of ecclesiastical duties to the -few who were found courageous and faithful enough to undertake them.” -But we ought not on that account to throw more blame on them than on -others; for we find proofs of the same timidity and heartlessness in -every class. During the prevalence of the Black Plague, the charitable -orders conducted themselves admirably, and did as much good as can be -done by individual bodies, in times of great misery and destruction; -when compassion, courage, and the nobler feelings, are found but in -the few,--while cowardice, selfishness and ill-will, with the baser -passions in their train--assert the supremacy. In place of virtue which -had been driven from the earth, wickedness everywhere reared her -rebellious standard, and succeeding generations were consigned to the -dominion of her baleful tyranny. - - [154] _Guillelm de Nangis._ p. 110. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -PHYSICIANS. - - -If we now turn to the medical talent which encountered the “Great -Mortality,” the middle ages must stand excused, since even the -moderns are of opinion that the art of medicine is not able to cope -with the Oriental plague, and can afford deliverance from it only -under particularly favorable circumstances.[155] We must bear in mind -also, that human science and art, appear particularly weak in great -pestilences, because they have to contend with the powers of nature, of -which they have no knowledge; and which, if they had been, or could be -comprehended in their collective effects, would remain uncontrollable -by them, principally on account of the disordered condition of human -society. Moreover, every new plague has its peculiarities, which are -the less easily discovered on first view, because, during its ravages, -fear and consternation humble the proud spirit. - - [155] “Curationem omnem respuit pestis confirmata.”--_Chalin_, p. 33. - -The physicians of the 14th century, during the Black Death, did what -human intellect could do in the actual condition of the healing art; -and their knowledge of the disease was by no means despicable. They, -like the rest of mankind, have indulged in prejudices, and defended -them, perhaps, with too much obstinacy: some of these, however, were -founded in the mode of thinking of the age, and passed current in those -days, as established truths: others continue to exist to the present -hour. - -Their successors in the 19th century, ought not therefore to vaunt -too highly the pre-eminence of their knowledge, for they too will be -subjected to the severe judgment of posterity--they too, will, with -reason, be accused of human weakness and want of foresight. - -The medical faculty of Paris, the most celebrated of the 14th century, -were commissioned to deliver their opinion on the causes of the Black -Plague, together with some appropriate regulations with regard to -living, during its prevalence. This document is sufficiently remarkable -to find a place here. - -“We, the Members of the College of Physicians, of Paris, have, after -mature consideration and consultation on the present mortality, -collected the advice of our old masters in the art, and intend to make -known the causes of this pestilence, more clearly than could be done -according to the rules and principles of astrology and natural science; -we, therefore, declare as follows:-- - -“It is known that in India, and the vicinity of the Great Sea, the -constellations which combated the rays of the sun, and the warmth of -the heavenly fire, exerted their power especially against that sea, and -struggled violently with its waters. Hence, vapours often originate -which envelope the sun, and convert his light into darkness. These -vapours alternately rose and fell for twenty-eight days; but at last, -sun and fire acted so powerfully upon the sea, that they attracted a -great portion of it to themselves, and the waters of the ocean arose -in the form of vapour; thereby the waters were in some parts, so -corrupted, that the fish which they contained, died. These corrupted -waters, however, the heat of the sun could not consume, neither could -other wholesome water, hail or snow, and dew, originate therefrom. On -the contrary, this vapour spread itself through the air in many places -on the earth, and enveloped them in fog. - -“Such was the case all over Arabia, in a part of India; in Crete; in -the plains and valleys of Macedonia; in Hungary; Albania and Sicily. -Should the same thing occur in Sardinia, not a man will be left alive; -and the like will continue, so long as the sun remains in the sign -of Leo, on all the islands and adjoining countries to which this -corrupted sea-wind extends, or has already extended from India. If the -inhabitants of those parts do not employ and adhere to the following, -or similar means and precepts, we announce to them inevitable -death--except the grace of Christ preserve their lives. - -“We are of opinion, that the constellations, with the aid of Nature, -strive, by virtue of their divine might, to protect and heal the human -race; and to this end, in union with the rays of the sun, acting -through the power of fire, endeavour to break through the mist. -Accordingly, within the next ten days, and until the 17th of the -ensuing month of July, this mist will be converted into a stinking -deleterious rain, whereby the air will be much purified. Now, as soon -as this rain announces itself, by thunder or hail, every one of you -should protect himself from the air; and, as well before as after the -rain, kindle a large fire of vine-wood, green laurel, or other green -wood; wormwood and chamomile should also be burnt in great quantity in -the market places, in other densely inhabited localities, and in the -houses. Until the earth is again completely dry, and for three days -afterwards, no one ought to go abroad in the fields. During this time -the diet should be simple, and people should be cautious in avoiding -exposure in the cool of the evening, at night, and in the morning. -Poultry and water-fowl, young pork, old beef, and fat meat, in general, -should not be eaten; but on the contrary, meat of a proper age, of -a warm and dry nature, by no means, however, heating and exciting. -Broth should be taken, seasoned with ground pepper, ginger and cloves, -especially by those who are accustomed to live temperately, and -are yet choice in their diet. Sleep in the day-time is detrimental; -it should be taken at night until sun-rise, or somewhat longer. At -breakfast, one should drink little; supper should be taken an hour -before sun-set, when more may be drunk than in the morning. Clear -light wine, mixed with a fifth or sixth part of water, should be used -as a beverage. Dried or fresh fruits with wine are not injurious; but -highly so without it. Beet-root and other vegetables, whether eaten -pickled or fresh, are hurtful; on the contrary, spicy pot-herbs, as -sage or rosemary, are wholesome. Cold, moist, watery food is, in -general, prejudicial. Going out at night, and even until three o’clock -in the morning, is dangerous, on account of the dew. Only small -river fish should be used. Too much exercise is hurtful. The body -should be kept warmer than usual, and thus protected from moisture -and cold. Rain-water must not be employed in cooking, and every one -should guard against exposure to wet weather. If it rain, a little -fine treacle should be taken after dinner. Fat people should not sit -in the sunshine. Good clear wine should be selected and drunk often, -but in small quantities, by day. Olive oil, as an article of food, -is fatal. Equally injurious are fasting or excessive abstemiousness, -anxiety of mind, anger, and excessive drinking. Young people, in autumn -especially, must abstain from all these things, if they do not wish to -run a risk of dying of dysentery. In order to keep the body properly -open, an enema, or some other simple means, should be employed, when -necessary. Bathing is injurious. Men must preserve chastity as they -value their lives. Every one should impress this on his recollection, -but especially those who reside on the coast, or upon an island into -which the noxious wind has penetrated.”[156] - - [156] _Jacob._ _Francischini de Ambrosiis._ In the Appendix to the - Istorie Pistolesi. _Muratori_, Tom. XI. p. 528. - -On what occasion these strange precepts were delivered can no longer -be ascertained, even if it were an object to know it. It must be -acknowledged, however, that they do not redound to the credit either -of the faculty of Paris, or of the 14th century in general. This -famous faculty found themselves under the painful necessity of being -wise at command, and of firing a point blank shot of erudition at an -enemy who enveloped himself in a dark mist, of the nature of which -they had no conception. In concealing their ignorance by authoritative -assertions, they suffered themselves, therefore, to be misled; and -while endeavouring to appear to the world with eclat, only betrayed to -the intelligent their lamentable weakness. Now some might suppose, that -in the condition of the sciences in the 14th century, no intelligent -physicians existed; but this is altogether at variance with the laws -of human advancement, and is contradicted by history. The real -knowledge of an age, is only shown in the archives of its literature. -Men of talent here alone deposit the results of their experience and -reflection, without vanity or a selfish object:--here alone the genius -of truth speaks audibly. There is no ground for believing that, in the -14th century, men of this kind were publicly questioned regarding their -views; and it is, therefore, the more necessary that impartial history -should take up their cause and do justice to their merits. - -The first notice on this subject is due to a very celebrated teacher -in Perugia, Gentilis of Foligno, who, on the 18th of June, 1348, -fell a sacrifice to the plague, in the faithful discharge of his -duty.[157] Attached to Arabian doctrines, and to the universally -respected Galen, he, in common with all his contemporaries, believed -in a putrid corruption of the blood in the lungs and in the heart, -which was occasioned by the pestilential atmosphere, and was forthwith -communicated to the whole body. He thought, therefore, that everything -depended upon a sufficient purification of the air, by means of large -blazing fires of odoriferous wood, in the vicinity of the healthy, as -well as of the sick, and also upon an appropriate manner of living; -so that the putridity might not overpower the diseased. In conformity -with notions derived from the ancients, he depended upon bleeding -and purging, at the commencement of the attack, for the purpose of -purification; ordered the healthy to wash themselves frequently with -vinegar or wine, to sprinkle their dwellings with vinegar, and to -smell often to camphor, or other volatile substances. Hereupon he -gave, after the Arabian fashion, detailed rules, with an abundance of -different medicines, of whose healing powers wonderful things were -believed. He laid little stress upon super-lunar influences, so far as -respected the malady itself; on which account, he did not enter into -the great controversies of the astrologers, but always kept in view, -as an object of medical attention, the corruption of the blood in the -lungs and heart. He believed in a progressive infection from country -to country, according to the notions of the present day; and the -contagious power of the disease, even in the vicinity of those affected -by plague, was, in his opinion, beyond all doubt.[158] On this point, -intelligent contemporaries were all agreed; and in truth, it required -no great genius to be convinced of so palpable a fact. Besides, -correct notions of contagion have descended from remote antiquity, and -were maintained unchanged in the 14th century.[159] So far back as -the age of Plato, a knowledge of the contagious power of malignant -inflammations of the eye, of which also no physician of the middle ages -entertained a doubt,[160] was general among the people;[161] yet, in -modern times, surgeons have filled volumes with partial controversies -on this subject. The whole language of antiquity has adapted itself to -the notions of the people, respecting the contagion of pestilential -diseases; and their terms were, beyond comparison, more expressive than -those in use among the moderns.[162] - - [157] _Gentilis de Fulgineo_, Consilia. De Peste cons. I. II. fol. - 76. 77. Venet. 1514. fol. - - [158] “Venenosa putredo circa partes cordis et pulmonis de quibus - exeunte venenoso vapore, periculum est in vicinitatibus.” Cons. I. - fol. 76, a. - - [159] _Dr. Maclean’s_ notion that the doctrine of contagion was first - promulgated in the year 1547, by Pope Paul III. &c., thus falls to - the ground, together with all the arguments founded on it.--See - _Maclean_ on Epid. and Pestilent. Diseases, 8vo. 1817, Pt. II. Book - II. ch. 3. 4.--_Transl. note._ - - [160] Lippitudo contagione spectantium oculos afficit.--_Chalin de - Vinario_, p. 149. - - [161] See the Author’s Geschichte der Heilkunde, Vol. II. P. III. - - [162] Compare _Marx_, Origines contagii. Caroliruh. et Bad. 1824. 8. - -Arrangements for the protection of the healthy against contagious -diseases, the necessity of which is shewn from these notions, were -regarded by the ancients as useful; and by many, whose circumstances -permitted it, were carried into effect in their houses. Even a total -separation of the sick from the healthy, that indispensable means of -protection against infection by contact, was proposed by physicians -of the 2nd century after Christ, in order to check the spreading of -leprosy. But it was decidedly opposed, because, as it was alleged, -the healing art ought not to be guilty of such harshness.[163] This -mildness of the ancients, in whose manner of thinking inhumanity was -so often and so undisguisedly conspicuous, might excite surprise, if -it were anything more than apparent. The true ground of the neglect of -public protection against pestilential diseases, lay in the general -notion and constitution of human society,--it lay in the disregard of -human life, of which the great nations of antiquity have given proofs -in every page of their history. Let it not be supposed that they wanted -knowledge respecting the propagation of contagious diseases. On the -contrary, they were as well informed on this subject as the moderns; -but this was shewn where individual property, not where human life, -on the grand scale, was to be protected. Hence the ancients made a -general practice of arresting the progress of murrains among cattle, -by a separation of the diseased from the healthy. Their herds alone -enjoyed that protection which they held it impracticable to extend -to human society, because they had no wish to do so.[164] That the -governments in the 14th century, were not yet so far advanced, as -to put into practice general regulations for checking the plague, -needs no especial proof. Physicians could, therefore, only advise -public purifications of the air by means of large fires, as had often -been practised in ancient times; and they were obliged to leave it -to individual families, either to seek safety in flight, or to shut -themselves up in their dwellings,[165] a method which answers in common -plagues, but which here afforded no complete security, because such was -the fury of the disease when it was at its height, that the atmosphere -of whole cities was penetrated by the infection. - - [163] _Cael. Aurelian._ Chron. L. IV. c. l. p. 497. _Ed. Amman._ “Sed - hi ægrotantem destituendum magis imperant, quam curandum, quod a se - alienum humanitas approbat medicinæ.” - - [164] _Geschichte der Heilkunde_, Vol. II. p. 248. - - [165] _Chalin_ assures us expressly, that many nunneries, by closing - their gates, remained free from the contagion. It is worthy of - note, and quite in conformity with the prevailing notions, that the - continuance in a thick, moist atmosphere, was generally esteemed - more advantageous and conservative, on account of its being more - impenetrable to the astral influence, inasmuch as the inferior cause - kept off the superior.--_Chalin_, p. 48. - -Of the astral influence which was considered to have originated the -“Great Mortality,” physicians and learned men were as completely -convinced as of the fact of its reality. A grand conjunction of the -three superior planets, Saturn, Jupiter and Mars, in the sign of -Aquarius, which took place according to Guy de Chauliac, on the 24th -of March, 1345, was generally received as its principal cause. In -fixing the day, this physician, who was deeply versed in astrology, -did not agree with others; whereupon there arose various disputations, -of weight in that age, but of none in ours; people, however, agreed -in this--that conjunctions of the planets infallibly prognosticated -great events; great revolutions of kingdoms, new prophets, destructive -plagues, and other occurrences which bring distress and horror on -mankind. No medical author of the 14th and 15th century, omits an -opportunity of representing them as among the general prognostics of -great plagues; nor can we, for our parts, regard the astrology of -the middle ages, as a mere offspring of superstition. It has not -only, in common with all ideas which inspire and guide mankind, a -high historical importance, entirely independent of its error or -truth--for the influence of both is equally powerful--but there are -also contained in it, as in alchymy, grand thoughts of antiquity, of -which modern natural philosophy is so little ashamed that she claims -them as her property. Foremost among these, is the idea of the general -life which diffuses itself throughout the whole universe, expressed by -the greatest Greek sages, and transmitted to the middle ages, through -the new Platonic natural philosophy. To this impression of an universal -organism, the assumption of a reciprocal influence of terrestrial -bodies could not be foreign,[166] nor did this cease to correspond with -a higher view of nature, until astrologers overstepped the limits of -human knowledge with frivolous and mystical calculations. - - [166] This was called _Affluxus_, or _Forma specifica_, and was - compared to the effect of a magnet on iron, and of amber on - chaff.--_Chalin de Vinario_, p. 23. - -Guy de Chauliac, considers the influence of the conjunction, which was -held to be all-potent, as the chief general cause of the Black Plague; -the diseased state of bodies, the corruption of the fluids, debility, -obstruction, and so forth, as the especial subordinate causes.[167] -By these, according to his opinion, the quality of the air, and of -the other elements, was so altered, that they set poisonous fluids -in motion towards the inward parts of the body, in the same manner -as the magnet attracts iron; whence there arose in the commencement -fever and the spitting of blood; afterwards, however, a deposition -in the form of glandular swellings and inflammatory boils. Herein -the notion of an epidemic constitution was set forth, clearly and -conformably, to the spirit of the age. Of contagion, Guy de Chauliac -was completely convinced. He sought to protect himself against it by -the usual means;[168] and it was probably he who advised Pope Clement -VI. to shut himself up while the plague lasted. The preservation of -this pope’s life, however, was most beneficial to the city of Avignon, -for he loaded the poor with judicious acts of kindness,--took care to -have proper attendants provided, and paid physicians himself to afford -assistance wherever human aid could avail; an advantage which, perhaps, -no other city enjoyed.[169] Nor was the treatment of plague patients -in Avignon by any means objectionable; for, after the usual depletions -by bleeding and aperients, where circumstances required them, they -endeavoured to bring the buboes to suppuration; they made incisions -into the inflammatory boils, or burned them with a red-hot iron, a -practice which at all times proves salutary, and in the Black Plague -saved many lives. In this city, the Jews, who lived in a state of the -greatest filth, were most severely visited, as also the Spaniards, whom -Chalin accuses of great intemperance.[170] - - [167] Causa universalis agens--causa particularis patiens. To this - correspond, in _Chalin_, the expressions Causa superior et inferior. - - [168] Purging with alöetic pills; bleeding; purification of the air - by means of large fires; the use of treacle; frequent smelling to - volatile substances, of which certain “poma,” were prepared; the - internal use of Armenian bole,--a plague-remedy derived from the - Arabians, and, throughout the middle ages, much in vogue, and very - improperly used; and the employment of acescent food, in order to - resist putridity. _Guy de Chauliac_ appears to have recommended - flight to many. Loc. citat. p. 115. Compare _Chalin_, L. II. who - gives most excellent precepts on this subject. - - [169] _Auger. de Biterris._ Loc. cit. - - [170] L. I. c. 4. p. 39. - -Still more distinct notions on the causes of the plague were stated to -his contemporaries in the 14th century, by Galeazzo di Santa Sofia, a -learned man, a native of Padua, who likewise treated plague-patients -at Vienna,[171] though in what year is undetermined. He distinguishes -carefully _pestilence_ from _epidemie_ and _endemie_. The common -notion of the two first accords exactly with that of an epidemic -constitution, for both consist, according to him, in an unknown change -or corruption of the air; with this difference, that _pestilence_ -calls forth diseases of different kinds; _epidemie_, on the contrary, -always the same disease. As an example of an _epidemie_, he adduces -a cough (influenza) which was observed in all climates at the same -time, without perceptible cause; but he recognized the approach -of a _pestilence_, independently of unusual natural phenomena, by -the more frequent occurrence of various kinds of fever, to which -the modern physicians would assign a nervous and putrid character. -The _endemie_ originates, according to him, only in local telluric -changes--in deleterious influences which develope themselves in the -earth and in the water, without a corruption of the air. These notions -were variously jumbled together in his time, like everything which -human understanding separates by too fine a line of limitation. -The estimation of cosmical influences, however, in the _epidemie_ -and _pestilence_, is well worthy of commendation; and Santa Sofia, -in this respect, not only agrees with the most intelligent persons -of the 14th and 15th centuries, but he has also promulgated an -opinion which must, even now, serve as a foundation for our scarcely -commenced investigations into cosmical influences.[172] _Pestilence_ -and _epidemie_, consist, not in alterations of the four primary -qualities,[173] but in a corruption of the air, powerful, though quite -immaterial, and not cognoscible by the senses: (corruptio aëris non -substantialis, sed qualitativa) in a disproportion of the imponderables -in the atmosphere, as it would be expressed by the moderns.[174] The -causes of the _pestilence_ and _epidemie_ are, first of all, astral -influences, especially on occasion of planetary conjunctions; then -extensive putrefaction of animal and vegetable bodies, and terrestrial -corruptions (corruptio in terra); to which also, bad diet and want may -contribute. Santa Sofia considers the putrefaction of locusts, that had -perished in the sea, and were again thrown up, combined with astral and -terrestrial influences, as the cause of the pestilence in the eventful -year of the “Great Mortality.” - - [171] Fol. 32. a. a. O. - - [172] _Galeacii de Sancta Sophia_, Liber de Febribus. Venet. 1514, - fol. (Printed together with _Guilelmus Brixiensis_, _Marsilius de - Sancta Sophia_, _Ricardus Parisiensis_. fol. 29. seq.) - - [173] Warmth, cold, dryness and moisture. - - [174] The talented _Chalin_ entertains the same conviction, “Obscurum - interdum esse vitium aëris, sub pestis initia et menses primos, hoc - est argumento: _quod cum nec odore tetro gravis, nec turpi colore - fœdatus fuerit, sed purus, tenuis, frigidus, qualis in montosis et - asperis locis esse solet, et tranquillus, vehementissima sit tamen - pestilentia infestaque_, etc.” p. 28. The most recent observers of - malaria have stated nothing more than this. - -All the fevers which were called forth by the _pestilence_, are, -according to him, of the putrid kind; for they originate principally -from putridity of the heart’s blood, which inevitably follows the -inhalation of infected air. The Oriental Plague is, sometimes, but by -no means always, occasioned by _pestilence_ (?), which imparts to it -a character (qualitas occulta) hostile to human nature. It originates -frequently from other causes, among which, this physician was aware -that contagion was to be reckoned; and it deserves to be remarked, that -he held epidemic small-pox and measles to be infallible forerunners of -the plague, as do the physicians and people of the East[175] at the -present day. - - [175] Compare _Enr. di Wolmar_, Abhandlung über die Pest. Berlin, - 1827. 8vo. - -In the exposition of his therapeutical views of the plague, a clearness -of intellect is again shewn by Santa Sofia, which reflects credit on -the age. It seemed to him to depend, 1st, on an evacuation of putrid -matters, by purgatives and bleeding: yet he did not sanction the -employment of these means indiscriminately, and without consideration; -least of all where the condition of the blood was healthy. He also -declared himself decidedly against bleeding ad deliquium (venæ sectio -eradicativa). 2d, Strengthening of the heart and prevention of -putrescence. 3d, Appropriate regimen. 4th, Improvement of the air. -5th, Appropriate treatment of tumid glands and inflammatory boils, -with emollient, or even stimulating poultices (mustard, lily-bulbs), -as well as with red-hot gold and iron. Lastly, 6th, Attention to -prominent symptoms. The stores of the Arabian pharmacy, which he -brought into action to meet all these indications, were indeed very -considerable; it is to be observed, however, that, for the most part, -gentle means were accumulated, which in case of abuse, would do no -harm; for the character of the Arabian system of medicine, whose -principles were everywhere followed at this time, was mildness and -caution. On this account too, we cannot believe that a very prolix -treatise by Marsigli di Santa Sofia,[176] a contemporary relative of -Galeazzo, on the prevention and treatment of plague, can have caused -much harm, although, perhaps, even in the 14th century, an agreeable -latitude and confident assertions respecting things which no mortal -has investigated, or which it is quite a matter of indifference to -distinguish, were considered as proofs of a valuable practical talent. - - [176] Tractatus de Febribus, fol. 48. - -The agreement of contemporary and later writers, shews that the -published views of the most celebrated physicians of the 14th century, -were those generally adopted. Among these, Chalin de Vinario is -the most experienced. Though devoted to astrology, still more than -his distinguished contemporary, he acknowledges the great power of -terrestrial influences, and expresses himself very sensibly on the -indisputable doctrine of contagion, endeavouring thereby to apologize -for many surgeons and physicians of his time, who neglected their -duty.[177] He asserted boldly, and with truth, “_that all epidemic -diseases might become contagious,[178] and all fevers epidemic_,” -which attentive observers of all subsequent ages have confirmed. - - [177] De Peste Liber, pura latinitate donatus a _Jacobo Dalechampio_, - Lugdun. 1552. 16. p. 40. 188. “Longe tamen plurimi congressu eorum - qui fuerunt in locis pestilentibus periclitantur et gravissime, - quoniam e causa duplici, nempe et aëris vitio, et eorum qui versantur - nobiscum, vitio. _Hoc itaque modo fit, ut unius accessu in totam modo - familiam, modo civitatem, modo villam, pestis invehatur._” Compare - p. 20, “Solæ privatorum aedes pestem sentiunt, _si adeat qui in - pestilenti loco versatus est_.”--“Nobis proximi ipsi sumus, nemoque - est tanta occœcatus amentia, qui de sua salute potius quam aliorum - sollicitus non sit, maxime in contagione tam cita et rapida.” Rather - a loose principle, which might greatly encourage low sentiments, and - much endanger the honor of the medical profession, but which, in - _Chalin_, who was aware of the impossibility of avoiding contagion in - uncleanly dwellings, is so far excusable, that he did not apply it to - himself. - - [178] Morbos omnes pestilentes contagiosos, audacter ego equidem - pronuntio et assevero, p. 149. - -He delivered his sentiments on blood-letting with sagacity, as an -experienced physician; yet he was unable, as may be imagined, to -moderate the desire for bleeding shewn by the ignorant monks. He was -averse to draw blood from the veins of patients under fourteen years -of age; but counteracted inflammatory excitement in them by cupping; -and endeavoured to moderate the inflammation of the tumid glands by -leeches.[179] Most of those who were bled, died; he therefore reserved -this remedy for the plethoric; especially for the papal courtiers, -and the hypocritical priests, whom he saw gratifying their sensual -desires, and imitating Epicurus, whilst they pompously pretended to -follow Christ.[180] He recommended burning the boils with a red-hot -iron, only in the plague without fever, which occurred in single -cases;[181] and was always ready to correct those over-hasty surgeons, -who, with fire and violent remedies, did irremediable injury to their -patients,[182] Michael Savonarola, professor in Ferrara (1462), -reasoning on the susceptibility of the human frame to the influence of -pestilential infection, as the cause of such various modifications of -disease, expresses himself as a modern physician would on this point; -and an adoption of the principle of contagion, was the foundation of -his definition of the plague.[183] No less worthy of observation are -the views of the celebrated Valescus of Taranta, who, during the final -visitation of the Black Death, in 1382, practised as a physician at -Montpellier, and handed down to posterity what has been repeated in -innumerable treatises on plague, which were written during the 15th and -16th centuries.[184] - - [179] Vide preceding note, p. 162. 163. - - [180] Ibid. p. 97. 166. “Qualis (vita) esse solet eorum, qui - sacerdotiorum et cultus divini prætextu, genio plus satis indulgent - et obsequuntur, ac Christum speciosis titulis ementientes, Epicurum - imitantur.” Certainly a remarkable freedom of sentiment for the 14th - century. - - [181] Ibid. p. 183. 151. - - [182] Ibid. p. 159. 189. - - [183] Canonica de Febribus, ad Raynerium Siculum, 1487, s. l., - cap. 10, sine pag. “Febris pestilentialis est febris contagiosa ex - ebullitione putrefactiva in altero quatuor humorum cordi propinquorum - principaliter.” - - [184] _Valesci de Tharanta_, Philonium. Lugdani, 1535. 8. L. VII., - c. 18., fol. 401., b. seq.--Compare _Astruc_, Mémoires pour servir à - l’Histoire de la Faculté de Médicine de Montpellier, Paris, 1767. 4. - p. 208. - -Of all these notions and views regarding the plague, whose development -we have represented, there are two especially, which are prominent in -historical importance:--1st, The opinion of learned physicians, that -the _pestilence_, or epidemic constitution, is the _parent of various -kinds of disease_; that the plague sometimes, indeed, but by no means -always, originates from it: that, to speak in the language of the -moderns, _the pestilence_ bears the same relation to contagion, that a -predisposing cause does to an occasional cause: and 2dly, the universal -conviction of the contagious power of that disease. - -Contagion gradually attracted more notice: it was thought that in it, -the most powerful occasional cause might be avoided; the possibility of -protecting whole cities by separation, became gradually more evident; -and so horrifying was the recollection of the eventful year of the -“_Great Mortality_,” that before the close of the 14th century, ere -the ill effects of the Black Plague had ceased, nations endeavoured to -guard against the return of this enemy, by an earnest and effectual -defence. - -The first regulation which was issued for this purpose, originated -with Viscount Bernabo, and is dated the 17th Jan. 1374. “Every plague -patient was to be taken out of the city into the fields, there to -die or to recover. Those who attended upon a plague patient, were -to remain apart for ten days, before they again associated with any -body. The priests were to examine the diseased, and point out to -special commissioners, the persons infected; under punishment of -the confiscation of their goods, and of being burned alive. Whoever -imported the plague, the state condemned his goods to confiscation. -Finally, none except those who were appointed for that purpose, were to -attend plague-patients, under penalty of death and confiscation.[185] - - [185] Chronicon Regiense, _Muratori_, Tom. XVIII. p. 82. - -These orders, in correspondence with the spirit of the 14th century, -are sufficiently decided to indicate a recollection of the good effects -of confinement, and of keeping at a distance those suspected of having -plague. It was said that Milan itself, by a rigorous barricado of -three houses in which the plague had broken out, maintained itself -free from the “_Great Mortality_,” for a considerable time;[186] and -examples of the preservation of individual families, by means of a -strict separation, were certainly very frequent. That these orders must -have caused universal affliction from their uncommon severity, as we -know to have been especially the case in the city of Reggio, may be -easily conceived; but Bernabo did not suffer himself to be frightened -from his purpose--on the contrary, when the plague returned in the -year 1383, he forbad the admission of people from infected places into -his territories, on pain of death.[187] We have now, it is true, no -account how far he succeeded; yet it is to be supposed that he arrested -the disease, for it had long lost the property of the Black Death, to -spread abroad in the air the contagious matter which proceeded from the -lungs, charged with putridity, and to taint the atmosphere of whole -cities by the vast numbers of the sick. Now that it had resumed its -milder form, so that it infected only by contact, it admitted being -confined within individual dwellings, as easily as in modern times. - - [186] _Adr. Chenot_, Hinterlassene Abhandlungen über die ärztlichen - und politischen Anstalten bei der Pestseuche, Wien, 1798, 8vo. - p. 146. From this period it was common in the middle ages to - barricade the doors and windows of houses infected with plague, and - to suffer the inhabitants to perish without mercy.--_S. Möhsen_, Loc. - cit. - - [187] Chron. Reg. Loc. cit. - -Bernabo’s example was imitated; nor was there any century more -appropriate for recommending to governments strong regulations against -the plague, than the 14th; for when it broke out in Italy, in the year -1399, and still demanded new victims, it was for the 16th time; without -reckoning frequent visitations of measles and small-pox. In this same -year, Viscount John, in milder terms than his predecessor, ordered that -no stranger should be admitted from infected places, and that the city -gates should be strictly guarded. Infected houses were to be ventilated -for at least eight or ten days, and purified from noxious vapours -by fires, and by fumigations with balsamic and aromatic substances. -Straw, rags, and the like, were to be burned; and the bedsteads which -had been used, set out for four days in the rain or the sunshine, so -that, by means of the one or the other, the morbific vapour might be -destroyed. No one was to venture to make use of clothes or beds out of -infected dwellings, unless they had been previously washed and dried -either at the fire or in the sun. People were, likewise, to avoid, -as long as possible, occupying houses which had been frequented by -plague-patients.[188] - - [188] _Muratori_, Tom. XVI., p.560.--Compare _Chenot_, loc. cit. - p. 146. - -We cannot precisely perceive in these an advance towards general -regulations; and perhaps people were convinced of the insurmountable -impediments which opposed the separation of open inland countries, -where bodies of people connected together could not be brought, even -by the most obdurate severity, to renounce the habit of a profitable -intercourse. - -Doubtless it is Nature which has done the most to banish the Oriental -plague from western Europe, where the increasing cultivation of the -earth, and the advancing order in civilized society, prevented it from -remaining domesticated; which it most probably had been in the more -ancient times. - -In the fifteenth century, during which it broke out seventeen times -in different places in Europe[189], it was of the more consequence -to oppose a barrier to its entrance from Asia, Africa, and Greece -(which had become Turkish); for it would have been difficult for -it to maintain itself indigenously any longer. Among the southern -commercial states, however, which were called on to make the greatest -exertions to this end, it was principally Venice, formerly so severely -attacked by the black plague, that put the necessary restraint upon -the perilous profits of the merchant. Until towards the end of the -fifteenth century, the very considerable intercourse with the East was -free and unimpeded. Ships of commercial cities had often brought over -the plague: nay, the former irruption of the _great mortality_ itself -had been occasioned by navigators. For, as in the latter end of Autumn, -1347, four ships full of plague-patients returned from the Levant to -Genoa, the disease spread itself there with astonishing rapidity. On -this account, in the following year, the Genoese forbid the entrance of -suspected ships into their port. These sailed to Pisa and other cities -on the coast, where already Nature had made such mighty preparations -for the reception of the Black Plague, and what we have already -described took place in consequence.[190] - - [189] _Papon_, loc. cit. - - [190] _Chenot_, p. 145. - -In the year 1485, when, among the cities of northern Italy, Milan -especially felt the scourge of the plague, a special council of health, -consisting of three nobles, was established at Venice, who probably -tried every thing in their power to prevent the entrance of this -disease, and gradually called into activity all those regulations -which have served in later times as a pattern for the other southern -states of Europe. Their endeavours were, however, not crowned with -complete success; on which account their powers were increased, in the -year 1504, by granting them the right of life and death over those who -violated the regulations.[191] Bills of health were probably first -introduced in the year 1527, during a fatal plague[192] which visited -Italy for five years (1525–30), and called forth redoubled caution. - - [191] _Le Bret_, Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig. Riga, 1775. - 4, Part II., Div. 2, p. 752. - - [192] _Zagata_, Cronica di Verona, 1744. 4, III., p.93. - -The first lazarettos were established upon islands at some distance -from the city, seemingly as early as the year 1485. Here all strangers -coming from places where the existence of plague was suspected were -detained. If it appeared in the city itself, the sick were despatched -with their families to what was called the Old Lazaretto, were there -furnished with provisions and medicines, and, when they were cured, -were detained, together with all those who had had intercourse with -them, still forty days longer in the New Lazaretto, situated on another -island. All these regulations were every year improved, and their -needful rigour was increased, so that from the year 1585 onwards no -appeal was allowed from the sentence of the Council of Health; and -the other commercial nations gradually came to the support of the -Venetians, by adopting corresponding regulations.[193] Bills of health, -however, were not general until the year 1665.[194] - - [193] _Le Bret_, loc. cit. Compare Hamburger Remarquen of the year - 1700, p. 282 and 305. - - [194] Göttinger gelehrte Anzeigen, 1772, p. 22. - -The appointment of a forty days’ detention, whence quarantines derive -their name, was not dictated by caprice, but probably had a medical -origin, which is derivable in part from the doctrine of critical -days; for the fortieth day, according to the most ancient notions, -has been always regarded as the last of ardent diseases, and the -limit of separation between these and those which are chronic. It was -the custom to subject lying-in women for forty days to a more exact -superintendance. There was a good deal also said in medical works of -forty day epochs in the formation of the fœtus, not to mention that -the alchymists expected more durable revolutions in forty days, which -period they called the philosophical month. - -This period being generally held to prevail in natural processes, it -appeared reasonable to assume and legally to establish it as that -required for the development of latent principles of contagion, since -public regulations cannot dispense with decisions of this kind, even -though they should not be wholly justified by the nature of the case. -Great stress has likewise been laid on theological and legal grounds -which were certainly of greater weight in the fifteenth century than -in more modern times.[195] - - [195] The forty days’ duration of the Flood, the forty days’ - sojourn of Moses on Mount Sinai, our Saviour’s fast for the same - length of time in the wilderness; lastly, what is called the Saxon - term (Sächsische Frist,) which lasts for forty days, &c. Compare - _G. W. Wedel_. Centuria Exercitationum Medico-philologicarum. _De - Quadragesima Medica._ Jenae, 1701. 4, Dec. IV., p. 16. - -On this matter, however, we cannot decide, since our only object here -is to point out the origin of a political means of protection against a -disease, which has been the greatest impediment to civilization within -the memory of man; a means, that, like Jenner’s vaccine after the -small-pox had ravaged Europe for twelve hundred years, has diminished -the check which mortality puts on the progress of civilization, and -thus given to the life and manners of the nations of this part of the -world a new direction, the result of which we cannot foretel. - - - - -APPENDIX. - - - - -I. - -Das alte Geisslerlied - -NACH MASSMANN’S AUSGABE VON HERRN PROFESSOR LACHMANN MIT DER -HANDSCHRIFT VERGLICHEN. - - - Sve siner sele wille pleghen - De sal gelden unde weder geuen - So wert siner sele raed - Des help uns leue herre goed - Nu tredet here we botsen wille 5 - Vle wi io de hetsen helle - Lucifer is en bose geselle - Sven her hauet - Mit peke he en lauet - Datz vle wi ef wir hauen sin 10 - Des help uns maria koninghin - Das wir dines kindes hulde win - Jesus crist de wart ge vanghen - An en cruce wart he ge hanghen - Dat cruce wart des blodes rod 15 - Wer klaghen sin marter unde sin dod - Sunder war mide wilt tu mi lonen - Dre negele unde en dornet crone - Das cruce vrone en sper en stich - Sunder datz leyd ich dor dich 20 - Was wltu nu liden dor mich - So rope wir herre mit luden done - Unsen denst den nem to lone - Be hode uns vor der helle nod - Des bidde wi dich dor dinen dod 25 - Dor god vor gete wi unse blot - Dat is uns tho den suden guot - Maria muoter koninginghe - Dor dines leuen kindes minne - Al unse nod si dir ghe klaghet 30 - Des help uns moter maghet reyne. - De erde beuet och kleuen de steyne - Lebe hertze du salt weyne - Wir wenen trene mit den oghen - Unde hebben des so guden louen 35 - Mit unsen sinnen unde mit hertzen - Dor uns leyd crist vil manighen smertzen - Nu slaed w sere - Dor cristus ere. - Dor god nu latet de sunde mere 40 - Dor god nu latet de sunde varen - Se wil sich god ouer uns en barmen - Maria stund in grotzen noden - Do se ire leue kint sa doden - En svert dor ire sele snet 45 - Sunder dat la di wesen led - In korter vrist - God tornich ist - Jesus wart gelauet mid gallen - Des sole wi an en cruce vallen 50 - Er heuet uch mit uwen armen - Dat sic god ouer uns en barme - Jesus dorch dine namen dry - Nu make uns hir van sunde vry - Jesus dor dine wnden rod 55 - Be hod uns vor den gehen dod - Dat he sende sinen geist - Und uns dat kortelike leist - De vrowe unde man ir e tobreken - Dat wil god selven an en wreken 60 - Sveuel pik und och de galle - Dat gutet de duuel in se alle - Vor war sint se des duuels spot - Dor vor behode uns herre god - De e de ist en reyne leuen 65 - De had uns god selven gheuen - Ich rade uch vrowen unde mannen - Dor god gy solen houard annen - Des biddet uch de arme sele - Dorch god nu latet houard mere 70 - Dor god nu latet houard varen - So wil sich god ouer uns en barmen - Cristus rep in hemelrike - Sinen engelen al gelike - De cristenheit wil mi ent wichen 75 - Des wil lan och se vor gaen - Maria bat ire kint so sere - Lene kint la se di boten - Dat wil ich sceppen dat se moten - Bekeren sich. 80 - Des bidde ich dich - Gi logenere - Gy meynen ed sverer - Gi bichten reyne und lan de sunde uch ruwen - So wil sich god in uch vor nuwen 85 - Owe du arme wokerere - Du bringest en lod up en punt - Dat senket din an der helle grunt - Ir morder und ir straten rouere - Ir sint dem leuen gode un mere 90 - Ir ne wilt uch ouer nemende barmen - Des sin gy eweliken vor loren - Were dusse bote nicht ge worden - De cristenheit wer gar vorsunden - De leyde duuel had se ge bunden 95 - Maria had lost unsen bant - Sunder ich saghe di leue mere - Sunte peter is portenere - Wende dich an en he letset dich in - He bringhet dich vor de koninghin 100 - Leue herre sunte Michahel - Du bist en plegher aller sel - Be hode uns vor der helle nod - Dat do dor dines sceppers dod - - - - -The Ancient Song of the Flagellants - -ACCORDING TO MASSMANN’S EDITION COMPARED WITH THE MS. BY PROFESSOR -LACHMANN. - -(_Translation_). - - - Whoe’er to save his soul is fain, - Must pay and render back again. - His safety so shall he consult: - Help us, good Lord, to this result. - Ye that repent your crimes, draw nigh. 5 - From the burning hell we fly, - From Satan’s wicked company. - Whom he leads - With pitch he feeds. - If we be wise we this shall flee. 10 - Maria! Queen! we trust in thee, - To move thy Son to sympathy. - Jesus Christ was captive led, - And to the cross was riveted. - The cross was reddened with his gore 15 - And we his martyrdom deplore. - “Sinner, canst thou to me atone, - “Three pointed nails, a thorny crown, - “The holy cross, a spear, a wound, - “These are the cruel pangs I found. 20 - “What wilt thou, sinner, bear for me?” - Lord, with loud voice we answer thee, - Accept our service in return, - And save us lest in hell we burn. - We, through thy death, to thee have sued. 25 - For God in heaven we shed our blood: - This for our sins will work to good. - Blessed Maria! Mother! Queen! - Through thy loved Son’s redeeming mean - Be all our wants to thee pourtrayed. 30 - Aid us, Mother! spotless Maid! - Trembles the earth, the rocks are rent,[196] - Fond heart of mine, thou must relent. - Tears from our sorrowing eyes we weep; - Therefore so firm our faith we keep 35 - With all our hearts--with all our senses. - Christ bore his pangs for our offences. - Ply well the scourge for Jesus’ sake, - And God through Christ your sins shall take. - For love of God abandon sin, 40 - To mend your vicious lives begin, - So shall we his mercy win. - Direful was Maria’s pain - When she beheld her dear One slain, - Pierced was her soul as with a dart: 45 - Sinner, let this affect thy heart. - The time draws near - When God in anger shall appear. - Jesus was refreshed with gall: - Prostrate crosswise let us fall, 50 - Then with uplifted arms arise, - That God with us may sympathise. - Jesus, by thy titles three,[197] - From our bondage set us free. - Jesus, by thy precious blood, 55 - Save us from the fiery flood. - Lord, our helplessness defend, - And to our aid thy spirit send. - If man and wife their vows should break - God will on such his vengeance wreak. 60 - Brimstone and pitch, and mingled gall, - Satan pours on such sinners all. - Truly, the devil’s scorn are they: - Therefore, O Lord, thine aid we pray. - Wedlock’s an honorable tie 65 - Which God himself doth sanctify. - By this warning, man, abide, - God shall surely punish pride. - Let your precious soul entreat you, - Lay down pride lest vengeance meet you. 70 - I do beseech ye, pride forsake, - So God on us shall pity take. - Christ in heaven, where he commands, - Thus addressed his angel bands:-- - “Christendom dishonors me, 75 - “Therefore her ruin I decree.” - Then Mary thus implored her son:-- - “Penance to thee, loved Child, be done; - “That she repent be mine the care; - Stay then thy wrath, and hear my prayer. 80 - Ye liars! - Ye that break your sacrament, - Shrive ye throughly and repent. - Your heinous sins sincerely rue, - So shall the Lord your hearts renew. 85 - Woe! usurer, though thy wealth abound, - For every ounce thou mak’st a pound - Shall sink thee to the hell profound. - Ye murd’rers, and ye robbers all, - The wrath of God on you shall fall. 90 - Mercy ye ne’er to others shew, - None shall ye find; but endless woe. - Had it not been for our contrition, - All Christendom had met perdition. - Satan had bound her in his chain; 95 - Mary hath loosed her bonds again. - Glad news I bring thee, sinful mortal, - In heaven Saint Peter keeps the portal, - Apply to him with suppliant mien, - He bringeth thee before thy Queen. 100 - Benignant Michael, blessed saint, - Guardian of souls, receive our plaint. - Through thy Almighty Maker’s death, - Preserve us from the hell beneath. - - [196] We hence perceive with what feelings subterraneous thunders - were regarded by the people. - - [197] For the sake of thy Trinity. - - - - -II. - -Examination of the Jews accused of poisoning the Wells.[198] - - [198] An appearance of justice having been given to all later - persecutions by these proceedings, they deserve to be recorded as - important historical documents. The original is in Latin, but we have - preferred the German translation in Königshoven’s Chronicle, p. 1029. - - _Answer from the Castellan of Chillon to the City of Strasburg, - together with a Copy of the Inquisition and Confession of several - Jews confined in the Castle of Chillon on suspicion of poison. Anno - 1348._ - - -To the Honorable the Mayor, Senate and Citizens of the City of -Strasburg, the Castellan of Chillon, Deputy of the Bailiff of Chablais, -sendeth greeting with all due submission and respect. - -Understanding that you desire to be made acquainted with the confession -of the Jews, and the proofs brought forward against them, I certify, by -these presents, to you, and each of you that desires to be informed, -that they of Berne have had a copy of the inquisition and confession -of the Jews who lately resided in the places specified, and who were -accused of putting poison into the wells and several other places: as -also the most conclusive evidence of the truth of the charge preferred -against them. Many Jews were put to the question, others being excused -from it, because they confessed, and were brought to trial and burnt. -Several Christians, also, who had poïson given them by the Jews for -the purpose of destroying the Christians, were put on the wheel and -tortured. This burning of the Jews and torturing of the said Christians -took place in many parts of the county of Savoy. - - Fare you well.” - - - _The Confession made on the 15th day of September, in the year - of our Lord 1348, in the Castle of Chillon, by the Jews arrested - in Neustadt, on the Charge of Poisoning the Wells, Springs and - other places; also Food &c., with the Design of destroying and - extirpating all Christians._ - -I. Balavignus, a Jewish physician, inhabitant of Thonon, was arrested -at Chillon in consequence of being found in the neighbourhood. He was -put for a short time to the rack, and, on being taken down, confessed, -after much hesitation, that, about ten weeks before, the Rabbi Jacob -of Toledo, who because of a citation, had resided at Chamberi since -Easter, sent him, by a Jewish boy, some poison in the mummy of an -egg: it was a powder sewed up in a thin leathern pouch accompanied by -a letter, commanding him, on penalty of excommunication, and by his -required obedience to the law, to throw this poison into the larger -and more frequented wells of the town of Thonon, to poison those -who drew water there. He was further enjoined not to communicate -the circumstance to any person whatever, under the same penalty. In -conformity with this command of the Jewish rabbis and doctors of the -law, he, Balavignus, distributed the poison in several places, and -acknowledged having one evening placed a certain portion under a stone -in a spring on the shore at Thonon. He further confessed that the said -boy brought various letters of a similar import, addressed to others -of his nation, and particularly specified some directed severally to -Mossoiet, Banditon, and Samoleto of Neustadt; to Musseo Abramo and -Aquetus of Montreantz, Jews residing at Thurn in Vivey; to Benetonus -and his son at St. Moritz; to Vivianus Jacobus, Aquetus and Sonetus, -Jews at Aquani. Several letters of a like nature were sent to Abram -and Musset, Jews at Moncheoli; and the boy told him that he had taken -many others to different and distant places, but he did not recollect -to whom they were addressed. Balavignus further confessed that, after -having put the poison into the spring at Thonon, he had positively -forbidden his wife and children to drink the water, but had not -thought fit to assign a reason. He avowed the truth of this statement, -and, in the presence of several credible witnesses, swore by his Law, -and the Five Books of Moses to every item of his deposition. - -On the day following, Balavignus, voluntarily and without torture, -ratified the above confession verbatim before many persons of -character, and, of his own accord, acknowledged that, on returning one -day from Tour near Vivey, he had thrown into a well below Mustruez, -namely that of La Conerayde, a quantity of the poison tied up in a rag, -given to him for the purpose by Aquetus of Montreantz, an inhabitant of -the said Tour: that he had acquainted Manssiono, and his son Delosaz, -residents of Neustadt, with the circumstance of his having done so, and -advertised them not to drink of the water. He described the colour of -the poison as being red and black. - -On the nineteenth day of September, the above-named Balavignus -confessed, without torture, that about three weeks after Whitsuntide, -a Jew named Mussus told him that he had thrown poison into the well -in the custom-house of that place, the property of the Borneller -family; and that he no longer drank the water of this well, but that -of the lake. He further deposed that Mussus informed him that he had -also laid some of the poison under the stones in the custom-house at -Chillon. Search was accordingly made in this well, and the poison -found: some of it was given to a Jew by way of trial, and he died -in consequence. He also stated that the rabbis had ordered him and -other Jews to refrain from drinking of the water for nine days after -the poison was infused into it; and, immediately on having poisoned -the waters, he communicated the circumstance to the other Jews. He, -Balavignus, confessed that about two months previously, being at Evian, -he had some conversation on the subject with a Jew called Jacob, and, -among other things, asked him whether he also had received writings -and poison, and was answered in the affirmative; he then questioned -him whether he had obeyed the command, and Jacob replied that he had -not, but had given the poison to Savetus, a Jew, who had thrown it -into the Well de Morer at Evian. Jacob also desired him, Balavignus, -to execute the command imposed on him with due caution. He confessed -that Aquetus of Montreantz had informed him that he had thrown some of -the poison into the well above Tour, the water of which he sometimes -drank. He confessed that Samolet had told him that he had laid the -poison which he had received in a well, which, however, he refused to -name to him. Balavignus, as a physician, further deposed that a person -infected by such poison coming in contact with another while in a state -of perspiration, infection would be the almost inevitable result; as -might also happen from the breath of an infected person. This fact -he believed to be correct, and was confirmed in his opinion by the -attestation of many experienced physicians. He also declared that none -of his community could exculpate themselves from this accusation, as -the plot was communicated to all; and that all were guilty of the above -charges. Balavignus was conveyed over the lake from Chillon to Clarens, -to point out the well into which he confessed having thrown the powder. -On landing, he was conducted to the spot; and, having seen the well, -acknowledged that to be the place, saying, “This is the well into which -I put the poison.” The well was examined in his presence, and the linen -cloth in which the poison had been wrapped was found in the waste-pipe -by a notary-public named Heinrich Gerhard, in the presence of many -persons, and was shewn to the said Jew. He acknowledged this to be the -linen which had contained the poison, which he described as being of -two colours, red and black, but said that he had thrown it into the -open well. The linen cloth was taken away and is preserved. - -Balavignus, in conclusion, attests the truth of all and every thing -as above related. He believes this poison to contain a portion of the -basilisk, because he had heard, and felt assured, that the above poison -could not be prepared without it. - - -II. Banditono, a Jew of Neustadt, was, on the fifteenth day of -September, subjected for a short time to the torture. After a long -interval, he confessed having cast a quantity of poison, about the size -of a large nut, given him by Musseus, a Jew, at Tour near Vivey, into -the well of Carutet, in order to poison those who drank of it. - -The following day, Banditono, voluntarily and without torture, attested -the truth of the aforesaid deposition; and also confessed that the -Rabbi Jacob von Pasche, who came from Toledo and had settled at -Chamberi, sent him, at Pilliex, by a Jewish servant, some poison about -the size of a large nut, together with a letter, directing him to throw -the powder into the wells on pain of excommunication. He had therefore -thrown the poison, which was sewn up in a leathern bag, into the well -of Cercliti de Roch; further, also, that he saw many other letters in -the hands of the servant addressed to different Jews; that he had also -seen the said servant deliver one, on the outside of the upper gate, to -Samuletus, the Jew, at Neustadt. He stated, also, that the Jew Massolet -had informed him that he had put poison into the well near the bridge -at Vivey. - - -III. The said Manssiono, Jew of Neustadt, was put upon the rack on -the fifteenth day of the same month, but refused to admit the above -charge, protesting his entire ignorance of the whole matter; but the -day following, he, voluntarily and without any torture, confessed, -in the presence of many persons, that he came from Mancheolo one day -in last Whitsunweek, in company with a Jew named Provenzal, and, on -reaching the well of Chabloz Crüez between Vyona and Mura, the latter -said, “You must put some of the poison which I will give you into that -well, or woe betide you!” He therefore took a portion of the powder -about the bigness of a nut, and did as he was directed. He believed -that the Jews in the neighbourhood of Evian had convened a council -among themselves relative to this plot, before Whitsuntide. He further -said that Balavignus had informed him of his having poisoned the Well -de la Conerayde below Mustruez. He also affirmed his conviction of the -culpability of the Jews in this affair, stating that they were fully -acquainted with all the particulars, and guilty of the alleged crime. - -On the third day of the October following, Manssiono was brought before -the commissioners, and did not in the least vary from his former -deposition, or deny having put the poison into the said wells. - -The above-named Jews, prior to their execution, solemnly swore by -their Law to the truth of their several depositions, and declared that -all Jews whatsoever, from seven years old and upwards, could not be -exempted from the charge of guilt, as all of them were acquainted with -the plot, and more or less participators in the crime. - -[_The seven other examinations scarcely differ from the above, except -in the names of the accused, and afford but little variety. We will, -therefore, only add a characteristic passage at the conclusion of this -document. The whole speaks for itself._] - -There still remain numerous proofs and accusations against the -above-mentioned Jews: also against Jews and Christians in different -parts of the county of Savoy, who have already received the punishment -due to their heinous crime; which, however, I have not at hand, and -cannot therefore send you. I must add that all the Jews of Neustadt -were burnt according to the just sentence of the law. At Augst, I was -present when three Christians were flayed on account of being accessory -to the plot of poisoning. Very many Christians were arrested for this -crime in various places in this country, especially at Evian, Gebenne, -Krusilien and Hochstett, who, at last and in their dying moments, were -brought to confess and acknowledge that they had received the poison -from the Jews. Of these Christians some have been quartered; others -flayed and afterwards hanged. Certain commissioners have been appointed -by the magistrates to enforce judgment against all the Jews; and I -believe that none will escape. - - - - -III. - -Extracts from “A Boke or Counseill against the Disease commonly called -the Sweate or Sweatyng Sicknesse,” made by John Caius, Doctour in -Phisicke.-- Emprinted at London. A. D. 1552. - - -“Hetherto I haue shewed the beginning, name, nature & signes of this -disease: now I will declare the causes, which be ii: infection, & -impure spirites in bodies corrupt by repletion. Infection, by th’aire -receiuing euel qualities, distempring not only y^e hete, but the hole -substance thereof, in putrifieng the same, & that generally ii waies. -By the time of the yere vnnatural, and by the nature and site of the -soile & region . whereunto maye be put the particular accidentes of -this same. By the time of the yeare vnnaturall, as if winter be hot & -drie, somer hot & moist (a fit time for sweates) the spring colde and -drye, the fall hot & moist. To this mai be ioyned the euel disposition -by constellation, whiche hath a great power & dominion in al erthly -thinges. By the site & nature of the soile & region, many wayes. First -and specially, by euel mistes & exhalations drawen out of the grounde -by the sunne in the heate of the yeare, as chanced among the Grekes in -the siege of Troy, whereby died firste dogges & mules, after, men in -great numbre: & here also in England in this M.D.L.I. yeare, the cause -of this pestilent sweate, but of dyuers nature. Whiche miste in the -countrie wher it began, was sene flie from toune to toune, with suche a -stincke in morninges & euenings, that men could scarcely abide it. Then -by dampes out of the earth, as out of Galenes Barathrum, or the poetes -auernum, or aornum, the dampes wherof be such, that thei kil y^e birdes -flieng ouer them. Of like dampes, I heard in the north country in cole -pits, wherby the laboring men be streight killed, except before the -houre of coming therof (which thei know by y^e flame of their candle) -thei auoid the ground. Thirdly by putrefaction or rot in groundes aftre -great flouddes, in carions & in dead men. After great fluddes, as -happened in y^e time of Gallien the Emperor at Rome, in Achaia & Libia, -wher the seas sodeinly did ouerflow y^e cities nigh to y^e same. And in -the XI yeare of Pelagius, when al the flouddes throughe al Italye didde -rage, but chieflye Tibris at Rome, whiche in many places was as highe -as the walles of the citie. - -In carions or dead bodies, as fortuned here in Englande upon the sea -banckes in the tyme of King Alured or Alfrede (as some Chroniclers -write) but in the time of Ethelred after Sabellicus, by occasion of -drowned Locustes cast up by the Sea, which by a wynde were driuen -oute of Fraunce thether. This locust is a flie in bignes of a manne’s -thumbe, in colour broune, in shape somewhat like a greshopper, hauing -VI fiete, so many wynges, two tiethe, & an hedde like a horse, and -therfore called in Italy Caualleto, where ouer y^e citie of Padoa, in -the yere M.D.XIII. (as I remembre,) I, with manye more did see a swarme -of theim, whose passage ouer the citie, did laste two hours, in breadth -inestimable to euery man there. Here by example to note infection -by deadde menne in Warres . either in rotting aboue the ground, as -chaunced in Athenes by theim of Ethiopia, or else in beyng buried -ouerly as happened at Bulloigne, in the yere M.D.XIV. the yeare aftre -King Henrye theight had conquered the same, or by long continuance of -an hoste in one place, it is more playne by dayly experience, then it -neadeth to be shewed. - -Therefore I wil now go to the fourth especial cause of infection, the -pent aier, breaking out of the ground in yearthquakes, as chaunced at -Venice in the firste yeare of Andrea Dandulo, then Duke, the XXIV day -of Januarye, and XX hour after their computacion. By which infection -mani died, & many wer borne before their time. The V cause is close -& unstirred aire & therfore putrified or currupt, out of old welles, -holes in y^e ground made for grain, wherof many I did se in & about -Pesaro in Italy, by opening them aftre a great space, as both those -countrimen do confesse & also by example is declared, for y^t manye -in opening them unwarely be killed. Out of caues and tombes also, as -chaunced first in the country of Babilonia, proceding aftre into -Grece, and so to Rome, by occasion that y^e souldiers of themperour -Marcus Antoninus, upon hope of money, brake up a golden coffine of -Auidius Cassius, spieng a little hole therin, in the temple of Apollo -in Seleucia, as Ammianus Marcellinus writeth. To these mai be ioyned -the particular causes of infection, which I cal the accidentes of the -place, augmenting the same. As nigh to dwelling places, merishe & muddy -groundes, puddles or donghilles, sinckes or canales, easing places or -carions, deadde ditches or rotten groundes, close aier in houses or -ualleis, with such like. Thus muche for the firste cause. - -The second cause of this Englyshe Ephemera, I said were thimpure -spirites in bodies corupt by repletion. Repletion I cal here, abundance -of humores euel & maliciouse, from long time by little and little -gathered by euel diete, remaining in the bodye, coming either by to -moche meate, or by euel meate in qualitie, as infected frutes, meates -of euel juse or nutriment: or both ioyntly. To such spirites when the -aire infective cometh consonant, then be thei distempered, corrupted, -sore handled, & oppressed, then nature is forced & the disease -engendred. But while I doe declare these impure spirites to be one -cause, I must remoue your myndes from spirites to humours, for that -the spirites be fedde of the finest partes therof, & aftre bringe you -againe to spirites where I toke you. And for so muche as I haue not yet -forgotten to whome I write, in this declaration I will leaue apart al -learned & subtil reasons, as here void & vnmiete & only vse suche as -be most euident to whom I write, & easiest to be understanden of the -same: and at ones therwith shew also why it haunteth us Englishmen more -then other nations. Therfore I passe ouer the vngentle sauoure or smell -of the sweate, grosenes, colour, and other qualities of the same, the -quantitie, the daunger in stopping, the maner in coming furthe redily, -or hardly, hot or cold, the notes in the excrementes, the state longer -or sorer, with suche others, which mai be tokens of corrupt humours & -spirites, & onli wil stand vpon III reasons declaring y^e same swet by -gret repletion to be in vs not otherwise for al y^e euel aire apt to -this disease, more then other nations. For as heraftre I wil shew, & -Galen confirmeth, our bodies cannot suffre any thing or hurt by corrupt -& infectiue causes, except ther be in them a certein mater prepared apt -& like to receiue it, els if one were sick, al shuld be sick, if in -this countri, in al countries wher the infection came, which thing we -se doth not chance. For touching the first reason, we se this sweting -sicknes or pestilent Ephemera to be oft in England, but neuer entreth -Scotland, (except the borders) albeit thei both be joinctly within the -compas of on sea. The same beginning here, hath assailed Brabant & the -costes nigh to it, but neuer passed Germany, where ones it was in like -facion as here, with great mortalitie, in the yere M.D.XXIX. Cause -wherof none other there is naturall, then the euell diet of these thre -countryes whiche destroy more meates and drynckes withoute al ordre, -conuenient time, reason, or necessitie, then either Scotlande, or -all other countries vnder the sunne, to the greate annoiance of their -owne bodies and wittes, hinderance of theim which haue nede, and great -dearth and scarcitie in their common welthes. Wherfore if Esculapius -the inuentour of Phisike, y^e sauer of men from death, & restorer to -life, should returne again into this world, he could not saue these -sortes of men, hauing so moche sweatyng stuffe, so many euill humoures -laid by in store, from this displeasante, feareful, & pestilent -disease: except thei would learne a new lession, & folowe a new trade. -For otherwise, neither the auoidyng of this countrie (the seconde -reason) nor fleying into others, (a commune refuge in other diseases) -wyll preserue us Englishe men, as in this laste sweate is by experience -well proued in Cales, Antwerpe, and other places of Brabant, wher only -our contrimen ware sicke and none others, except one or ii. others of -thenglishe diete, which is also to be noted. (Fol. 13 to 17.) - - * * * * * - -The thirde and laste reason is, y^t they which had thys sweat sore -with perille or death, were either men of welthe, ease & welfare, or -of the poorer sorte such as wer idle persones, good ale drinkers, and -Tavern-haunters. For these, by y^e great welfare of the one sorte, -and large drinkyng of thother, heped up in their bodies moche euill -matter: by their ease and idlenes, coulde not waste and consume it. A -confirmacion of this is, that the laborouse and thinne dieted people, -either had it not, because they dyd eate but litle to make the matter: -or with no greate grefe and danger, because they laboured out moche -therof. Wherefore upon small cause, necessarily must folowe a small -effecte. All these reasones go to this ende, that persones of all -countries of moderate and good diete, escape thys Englishe Ephemera, -and those be onely vexed therewith, whiche be of immoderate and euill -diete. But why? for the euill humores and corrupte aier alone? No . for -then the pestilence and not the swet should rise. For what then? for -y^e impure spirites corrupte in theimselues and by the infectiue aier. -Why so? for that of impure and corrupte humores, whether thei be blode -or others, can rise none other then impure spirites. For euery thynge -is such as that wherof it commeth. Now, that of the beste and fineste -of the blode, yea in corrupte bodies (whyche beste is nought) these -spirites be ingendred and fedde I before expressed. Therfor who wyl -haue them pure and cleane, and himselfe free from sweat, muste kepe a -pure and cleane diete, and then he shall be sure. (Fol. 20 to 21.) - - * * * * * - -Who that lustethe to lyue in quiete suretie, out of the sodaine danger -of this Englishe Ephemera, he aboue all thynges, of litle and good -muste eate & spare not; the last parte wherof wyl please well (I doubt -not) us Englishe men: the firste I thinke neuer a deale. Yet it must -please theim that intende to lyue without the reche of this disease. -So doyng they shall easely escape it. For of that is good, can be -engendred no euill: of that is litle, can be gathered no great store. -Therfore helthful must he nedes be and free from this disease, that -vsethe this kinde of liuynge and maner in dietynge. An example hereof -may the wise man Socrates be, which by this sorte of diete escaped a -sore pestilence in Athenes, neuer fleynge ne kepyng close him selfe -from the same. Truly who will lyue accordynge to nature and not to -lust, may with this diete be well contented. For nature is pleased -with a litle, nor seketh other then that the mind voide of cares and -feares may be in quiete merily, and the body voide of grefe, maye be in -life swetly, as Lucretius writeth. Here at large to ronne out vntill -my breth wer spent, as vpon a common place, against y^e intemperance -or excessive diete of Englande, thincommodities & displeasures of the -same many waies: and contrarie, in commendation of meane diete and -temperance (called of Plato sophrosyne, for that it conserueth wisdome) -and the thousande commodities thereof, both for helthe, welthe, witte -and longe life, well I might, & lose my laboure: such be our Englishe -facions rather then reasones. But for that I purpose neither to wright -a longe worke but a shorte counseill, nor to wery the reders with -that they luste not to here, I will lette that passe, and moue them -that desire further to knowe my mynde therin, to remember that I sayd -before, of litle & good eate and spare not, wherby they shall easely -perceiue my meanyng. I therefore go furth with my diete, wherin my -counseill is, that the meates be helthfull, and holsomly kylled, swetly -saued, and wel prepared in rostyng, sethyng, baking, & so furth. The -bread of swet corne, wel leuened, & so baked. The drinke of swete -malte and good water kyndly brued, without other drosse now a daies -used. No wine in all the tyme of sweatyng, excepte to suche whose -sicknese require it for medicin, for fere of inflamynge & openynge, -nor except y^e halfe be wel soden water. In other tymes old, pure & -smal. Wishing for the better execution hereof & ouersight of good and -helthsome victalles, ther wer appointed certein masters of helth in -euery citie and toune, as there is in Italie, whiche for the good order -in all thynges, maye be in al places an example. The meates I would to -be veale, muttone, kidde, olde lambe, chikyn, capone, henne, cocke, -pertriche, phesane, felfare, smal birdes, pigeon, yong pecockes, whose -fleshe by a certeine natural & secrete propertie neuer putrefie, as -hath bene proued. Conies, porke of meane age, neither fatte nor leane, -the skynne taken awaye, roste & eaten colde. Tartes of prunes, gelies -of veale & capone. Yong befe in this case a little poudered is not to -be dispraised, nor new egges & good milke. Butter in a mornyng with -sage and rewe fastynge in the sweatynge time is a good preseruatiue, -beside that it nourisheth. Crabbes, crauesses, picrel, perche ruffe, -gogion, lampreis out of grauelly riuers, smeltes, dace, barbell, -gornerd, whityng, soles, flunders, plaice, millers thumbes, minues w^h -such others, sodde in water & vinegre w^h rosemary, time, sage, & hole -maces, & serued hote. Yea swete salte fishe & linge, for the saltes -sake wastynge y^e humores therof, which in many freshe fishes remaine, -maye be allowed well watered to them that haue non other & wel lyke it. -Nor all fishes, no more then al fleshes be so euill as they be taken -for: as is wel declared in physik, & approued by the olde and wise -romaines moche in their fisshes, lusty chartusianes neuer in fleshes, -& helthful poore people more in fishe than fleshe. But we are nowe a -daies so vnwisely fine, and womanly delicate, that we may in no wise -touch a fisshe. The olde manly hardnes, stoute courage, and peinfulnes -of Englande is vtterly driuen awaye, in the stede wherof, men now a -daies receiue womanlines & become nice, not able to withstande a blaste -of wynde, or resiste a poore fisshe. And children be so brought up, -that if they be not all daie by the fire with a toste and butire, and -in their furres, they be streight sicke. - -Sauces to metes I appoint firste aboue all thynges good appetite, -and next Oliues, capers, juse of lemones, Barberies, Pomegranetes, -Orenges and Sorel, veriuse & vineigre, iuse of unripe Grapes, thepes -or Goseberies. After mete, quinces, or marmalade, Pomgranates, Orenges -sliced eaten with Suger, Succate of the pilles or barkes therof, and of -pomecitres, olde apples and peres, Brunes, Reisons Dates and Nuttes. -Figges also, so they be taken before diner, els no frutes of that yere, -nor rawe herbes or rotes in sallattes, for that in suche times they be -suspected to be partakers also of the enfected aire. (Fol. 21 to 24.) - - * * * * * - -I remytte you to the discretion of a learned manne in phisike, who maye -judge what is to be done, & how, according to the present estate of -youre bodies, nature, custome, & proprety, age, strength, delyghte & -qualitie, tyme of the yeare, with other circumstaunces, & thereafter to -geue the quantitie, & make diuersitie of hys medicine. Otherwise loke -not to receiue by this boke that good which I entend, but that euel -which by your owne foly you vndiscretelye bring. For good counseil may -be abused. And for me to write of euery particular estate and case, -whiche be so manye as there be menne, were so great almost a busines, -as to numbre the sandes in the sea. Therefore seke you out a good -Phisicien and knowen to haue skille, and at the leaste be so good to -your bodies, as you are to your hosen or shoes, for the wel making or -mending wherof, I doubte not but you wil diligently searche out who -is knowen to be the best hosier or shoemaker in the place where you -dwelle: and flie the vnlearned as a pestilence in a comune wealth. -As simple women, carpenters, pewterers, brasiers, sopeballesellers, -pulters, hostellers, painters, apotecaries (otherwise then for their -drogges.) auaunters themselues to come from Pole, Constantinople, -Italie, Almaine, Spaine, Fraunce, Grece and Turkie, Jude, Egipt or -Jury: from y^e seruice of Emperoures, kinges & quienes, promising -helpe of al diseases, yea vncurable, with one or twoo drinckes, by -waters sixe monethes in continualle distillinge, by Aurum potabile, -or quintessence, by drynckes of great and hygh prices, as though thei -were made of the sunne, moone, or sterres, by blessynges and Blowinges, -Hipocriticalle prayenges, and foolysh smokynges of shirtes Smockes -and kerchieffes, wyth suche others theire phantasies, and mockeryes, -meaninge nothinge els but to abuse your light belieue, and scorne you -behind your backes with their medicines (so filthie, that I am ashamed -to name them) for your single wit and simple belief, in trusting them -most, whiche you know not at al, and understand least: like to them -whiche thinke, farre foules haue faire fethers, althoughe thei be neuer -so euel fauoured & foule: as thoughe there coulde not be so conning an -Englishman, as a foolish running stranger, (of others I speake not) -or so perfect helth by honest learning, as by deceiptfull ignorance. -For in the erroure of these vnlearned reasteth the losse of youre -honest estimation, diere bloudde, precious spirites, and swiete lyfe, -the thyng of most estimation and price in this worlde, next vnto the -immortal soule. - -For consuming of euel matter within, and for making our bodies lustye, -galiard, & helthful, I do not a litle commende exercise, whiche in vs -Englishe men I allowe quick, and liuishe: as to runne after houndes -and haukes, to shote, wrastle, play at Tennes and weapons, tosse the -winde balle, skirmishe at base (an exercise for a gentlemanne, muche -vsed among the Italianes) and vaughting vpon an horse. Bowling, a good -exercise for women: castinge of the barre and camping, I accompt rather -a laming of legges, then an exercise. Yet I vtterly reproue theim not, -if the hurt may be auoyded. For these a conueniente tyme is, before -meate: due measure, reasonable sweatinge, in al times of the year, -sauing in the sweatinge tyme. In the whiche I allow rather quietnesse -then exercise, for opening the body, in suche persons specially as be -liberally & freely brought up. Others, except sitting artificers, haue -theire exercises by daily labours in their occupations, to whom nothing -niedeth but solace onely, a thing conuenient for euery bodye that -lusteth to live in helth. For els as non other thing, so not healthe -canne be longe durable. - -Thus I speake of solace, that I meane not Idlenesse, wisshing alwayes -no man to be idle, but to be occupied in some honest kinde of thing -necessary in a common welth. For I accompt them not worthie meate and -drink in a commonwelth, y^t be not good for some purpose or seruice -therin, but take them rather as burdennes vnprofitable and heauye to -the yearth, men borne to fille a numbre only, and wast the frutes which -therthe doeth geue, willing soner to fiede the Lacedemonians old & -croked asse, whiche labored for the liuing so long as it coulde for -age, then suche an idle Englisshe manne. If the honestye and profite -of honeste labour and exercise, conseruation of healthe, preseruation -from sickenesse, maintenaunce of lyfe, advauncement, safety from -shamefull deathes, defence from beggerye, dyspleasures by idlenesse, -shamefulle diseases by the same, hatefulle vices, and punishmente -of the immortalle soule canne not moue vs to reasonable laboure and -exercise, and to be profitable membres of the commune welthe, let at -the least shame moue vs, seyng that other country menne, of nought, by -their owne witte, diligence, labour and actiuitie, can picke oute of -a cast bone, a wrethen strawe, a lyghte fether, or an hard stone, an -honeste lyuinge: Nor ye shall euer heare theym say, alas master, I haue -non occupacion, I must either begge or steale. For they can finde other -meanes betwene these two. And for so muche as in the case that nowe is, -miserable persons are to be relieued in a common welth, I would wisshe -for not fauouring the idle, the discretion of Marc. Cicero the romaine -were vsed in healping them: who wolde compassion should be shewed vpon -them whome necessitie compelled to do or make a faute: & no compassion -vpon them, in whome a faulte made necessitie. A faulte maketh -necessitie, in this case of begging, in them, whyche might laboure and -serve & wil not for idlenes; and therefore not to be pitied, but rather -to be punished. Necessitie maketh a fault in them, whiche wold labor -and serue, but cannot for age, impotency, or sickenes, and therefore -to be pitied and relieued. But to auoyde punishmente and to shew the -waye to amendmente, I woulde again wishe, y^t for so much as we be so -euel disposed of ourselfes to our own profites and comodities without -help, this old law were renued, which forbiddeth the nedy & impotent -parentes, to be releued of those their welthi chyldren, that by theym -or theire meanes were not broughte vppe, eyther in good learning and -Science, or honeste occupation. For so is a man withoute science, as a -realme withoute a kyng. (Fol. 27 to 30.) - - * * * * * - -Al these thinges duely obserued, and well executed, whiche before I -haue for preseruation mencioned, if more ouer we can sette aparte al -affections, as fretting cares and thoughtes, dolefull or sorowfull -imaginations, vaine feares, folysh loues, gnawing hates, and geue oure -selues to lyue quietly, frendlie & merily one with an outher, as men -were wont to do in the old world, when this Countrie was called merye -Englande, and euery man to medle in his own matters, thinking theim -sufficient, as thei do in Italie, and auoyde malyce and dissencion, the -destruction of commune wealthes, and priuate houses: I doubte not but -we shall preserue our selues, both from this sweatinge syckenesse, and -other diseases also not here purposed to be spoken of. (Fol. 31.) - - -FINIS. - -_Wertheimer. Printer, Leman-st. Goodman’s-fields._ - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Black Death in the Fourteenth -Century, by I. F. C. 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