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diff --git a/old/52286-0.txt b/old/52286-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 702aaef..0000000 --- a/old/52286-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,19904 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Colleges of Oxford: Their History and -Traditions, by Various, Edited by Andrew Clark - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: The Colleges of Oxford: Their History and Traditions - XXI Chapters Contributed by Members of the Colleges - - -Author: Various - -Editor: Andrew Clark - -Release Date: June 9, 2016 [eBook #52286] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COLLEGES OF OXFORD: THEIR -HISTORY AND TRADITIONS*** - - -E-text prepared by MWS and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -(http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/collegesofoxford00clarrich - - -Transcriber’s note: - - The editor of this book did not trouble himself to impose - a consistent style on the contributing authors’ spelling, - hyphenation, etc. The transcriber of this e-text has not - ventured to do so either. - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - A carat character is used to denote superscription of - the character or characters enclosed by curly brackets - following the carat character (example: y^{e}). - - - - - -THE COLLEGES OF OXFORD: -THEIR HISTORY AND TRADITIONS. - -XXI Chapters Contributed by Members of the Colleges. - -Edited by - -ANDREW CLARK, M.A., - -Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. - - - - - - - -Methuen & Co., -18, Bury Street, London, W.C. -1891. - -[All rights reserved.] - -Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, -London & Bungay. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The history of any one of the older Colleges of Oxford extends over a -period of time and embraces a variety of interests more than sufficient -for a volume. The constitutional changes which it has experienced in -the six, or four, or two centuries of its existence have been neither -few nor slight. The Society living within its walls has reflected from -age to age the social, religious, and intellectual conditions of the -nation at large. Its many passing generations of teachers and students -have left behind them a wealth of traditions honourable or the reverse. -Yet it seems not impossible to combine in one volume a series of -College histories. What happened in one College happened to some extent -in all; and if, therefore, certain periods or subjects which are fully -dealt with in one College are omitted in others, a single volume ought -to be sufficient, not merely to narrate the salient features of the -history of each individual College, but also to give an intelligible -picture of College life generally at successive periods of time. - -This is what the present volume seeks to do. Brasenose and Hertford -chapters give a hint of the multiplicity of halls for Seculars out of -which the Colleges grew; in Trinity and Worcester chapters we have -a glimpse of the houses for Regulars which for a while mated the -Colleges, but disappeared at the Reformation. In Queen’s College, -early social conditions are described; in New College, early studies. -Balliol College gives prominence to the Renaissance movement; Corpus -Christi to the consequent changes in studies. In Magdalen College -we see the divisions and fluctuations of opinions which followed -the Reformation; in S. John’s, the golden age of the early Stuarts; -in Merton, the dissensions of the Civil War; in Exeter College, the -strong contrast between Commonwealth and Restoration. University -College naturally enlarges on the Romanist attempt under James II. -The bright and dark sides of the eighteenth century are exhibited in -Pembroke and Lincoln. To Corpus, which had described the Renaissance, -it belongs almost of right to depict the renewed love of letters which -distinguishes the present century. And as with successive phases of -social and intellectual life, so with other matters of interest. -Oriel College gives a full account of the different books of record -of a College, and of the long warfare of contested elections. Lincoln -College sets forth the constitutional arrangements of a pre-Reformation -College. Lincoln and Worcester show through what uncertainties -projected Colleges have to pass before they are legally settled. Christ -Church suggests the architectural and artistic wealth of Oxford. - -It is only fair to the writers of the separate chapters to say that -the limits of length imposed on them, and the selection of subjects -for special treatment, are not of their own choosing. Space for fuller -treatment in each case is of necessity wanting; but somewhat greater -latitude has been allowed to those less fortunate Colleges which have -no history of their own, extant or in prospect. Colleges which have -found their historian, will not, it is hoped, grudge their sisters this -consolation. - -A. C. - -_August 1891._ - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - CHAP. PAGE - - I. UNIVERSITY COLLEGE 1 - By F. C. CONYBEARE, M.A. - - II. BALLIOL COLLEGE 24 - By REGINALD L. POOLE, M.A. - - III. MERTON COLLEGE 59 - By the WARDEN OF MERTON. - - IV. EXETER COLLEGE 76 - By the REV. CHARLES W. BOASE, M.A. - - V. ORIEL COLLEGE 87 - By C. L. SHADWELL, M.A. - - VI. QUEEN’S COLLEGE 124 - By the PROVOST OF QUEEN’S. - - VII. NEW COLLEGE 150 - By the REV. HASTINGS RASHDALL, M.A. - - VIII. LINCOLN COLLEGE 171 - By the REV. ANDREW CLARK, M.A. - - IX. ALL SOULS COLLEGE 208 - By C. W. C. OMAN, M.A. - - X. MAGDALEN COLLEGE 233 - By the REV. H. A. WILSON, M.A. - - XI. BRASENOSE COLLEGE 252 - By FALCONER MADAN, M.A. - - XII. CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE 273 - By the PRESIDENT OF C. C. C. - - XIII. CHRIST CHURCH 301 - By the REV. R. ST. JOHN TYRWHITT, M.A. - - XIV. TRINITY COLLEGE 323 - By the REV. HERBERT E. D. BLAKISTON, M.A. - - XV. S. JOHN BAPTIST COLLEGE 347 - By the REV. W. H. HUTTON, M.A. - - XVI. JESUS COLLEGE 364 - By the REV. LLEWELYN THOMAS, M.A. - - XVII. WADHAM COLLEGE 389 - By J. WELLS, M.A. - - XVIII. PEMBROKE COLLEGE 400 - By the REV. DOUGLAS MACLEANE, M.A. - - XIX. WORCESTER COLLEGE 425 - By the REV. C. H. O. DANIEL, M.A. - - XX. HERTFORD COLLEGE 449 - By the REV. HASTINGS RASHDALL, M.A. - - XXI. KEBLE COLLEGE 461 - By the REV. WALTER LOCK, M.A. - - INDEX 471 - - - - -ERRATUM. - - -Page 427, lines 25 and 26, should read:--‘surmounted by three shields -(of which two bear respectively the arms of Ramsey Abbey and St. -Alban’s).’ - - - - -ERRATA. - - - p. 288, line 31, _for_ 1567 _read_ 1568 - - p. 298, line 4, _for_ (perhaps) _read_ (most probably) - - ” line 7, _for_ Miles Smith, _&c., read_ John Spenser, - President of the College, and Miles Smith, Bishop of - Gloucester, both amongst the translators of the Bible; - - - - -I. - -UNIVERSITY COLLEGE. - -BY F. C. CONYBEARE, M.A., SOMETIME FELLOW OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE. - - -The popular mind concerning the origin of University College is well -exampled in the form of prayer which after the reform of religion was -used in chapel on the day of the yearly College Festival, and which -begins in these words-- - -“Merciful God and loving Father, we give Thee humble and hearty thanks -for Thy great Bounty bestow’d upon us of this place by Alfred the -Great, the first Founder of this House; William of Durham, the Restorer -of it; Walter Skirlow, Henry Percy, Sir Simon Benet, Charles Greenwood, -especial Benefactors, with others, exhibitors to the same.”[1] - -However, Mr. William Smith, Rector of Melsonby, and above twelve years -Senior Fellow of our Society, who in the year 1728 published his -learned Annals of the College, sets it down that King Alfred was not -mentioned in the College prayers as chief founder until the reign of -Charles I., and he relates how “that Dr. Clayton, after he was chosen -Master (in 1665), when he first heard King Alfred named in the collect -before William of Durham, openly and aloud cried out in the chapel, -‘_There is no King Alfred there_.’” - -For at an earlier date it had been of custom to pray indeed for the -soul of King Alfred, but only in the following order-- - -“I commend also unto your devout Prayers, the souls departed out -of this world, especially The Soul of William of Durham, our chief -Founder. The Soul of Mr. Walter Skirlaw, especial Benefactor. The Soul -of King Alfred, Founder of the University. The Soul of King Henry the -5th. The Souls of Henry Percy, first Earl of Northumberland; Henry the -2nd Earl, and my Ladies their Wives, with all their Issue out of the -World departed.… The Souls of all them that have been Fellows, and all -good Doers. And for the Souls of all them that God would have be prayed -for.” - -The date of this form of prayer is concurrent with Philip and Mary; -between whose reign and that of Charles I. it is therefore certain -that King Alfred was lifted in our prayers from being Founder only of -the University to the being Founder of our College. And in so much as -during many generations the belief that this college was founded by -King Alfred has, by all who are competent to judge, been condemned -for false and erroneous, I will follow the example of the learned -antiquarian already mentioned, and recount its true foundation by -William of Durham; eschewing the scruples of those brave interpreters -of the law, who in the year 1727 said in Westminster Hall, “that King -Alfred must be confirmed our Founder, for the sake of Religion itself, -which would receive a greater scandal by a determination on the other -Side, than it had by all the Atheists, Deists, and Apostates, from -Julian down to Collins; that a succession of Clergymen for so many -years should return thanks for an Idol, or mere Nothing, in Ridicule -and Banter of God and Religion, must not be suffered in a court of -Justice.”[2] - -The historical origin of University College dates from the thirteenth -century, and was in this wise. There was in the year 1229, so Matthew -Paris relates, a great falling out between the students and citizens of -Paris, and, as was usual for Academicians then to do, all the scholars -removed to other places, where they could have civiller usage, and -greater privileges allowed them, as the Oxonians had done in King -John’s time, when three thousand removed to Reading and Maidstone (and -as some say to Cambridge also). It appears that the English king, -Henry III., was not blind to the advantages which would accrue to his -country from an influx of scholars, and therefore published Letters -Patent on the 14th July, of that very year, to invite the masters -and scholars of the University to England; and foreseeing they would -prefer Oxford before any other place, the said king sent several Writs -to the Burgers of Oxon, to provide all conveniences, as lodgings, -and all other good Entertainment, and good usage to welcome them -thither.[3] Among other Englishmen who left Paris in consequence of -these dissensions, was Master William of Durham, who repaired at first -to Anjou only. But we may well suppose that his attention was drawn -by the fostering edicts of the English king to Oxford as a centre of -schools. It is certain that when he died, at Rouen, on his way home -from Rome, twenty years later, in 1249, “abounding in great Revenues, -eminently learned, and Rector of that noble Church of Weremouth, not -far from the sea,” he bequeathed to the University of Oxford the sum of -three hundred and ten marks, for purchase of annual rents, unto the use -of ten or eleven or twelve, or more Masters, who should be maintained -withal. - -The above information is derived from a report drawn up in 1280, by -certain persons delegated by the University of Oxford to enquire into -the Testament of Master William of Durham; which report is still kept -among the muniments of the College, and constitutes our earliest -statutes. - -In the thirteenth century there was not the same choice of investments -as to-day. The best one could do was to lend out one’s money to -the nobles and king of the Realm, or to purchase houses therewith. -The former security corresponded to, but was not so secure as, the -consolidated funds of a later age. Nor was house property entirely -safe. For in an age when communication between different parts of the -country was slow and insecure, it was not of choice, but of necessity, -that one bought house property in one’s own city; since farther afield -and in places wide apart one lacked trusty agents to collect one’s -rents; but in a single city a plague might in one year lay empty half -the houses, and so forfeit to the owners their yearly monies. - -In laying out William of Durham’s bequest, the University had recourse -to both these kinds of security. As early as the year 1253, a house -was bought for thirty-six marks from the priors and brethren of the -hospital of Brackle; perhaps for the reception of William of Durham’s -earliest scholars. This house stood in the angle between School -Street and St. Mildred’s Lane (which to-day is Brazenose Lane), and -corresponded therefore with the north-east corner of the present -Brazenose College. Two years later, in 1255, was purchased from the -priors of Sherburn, a house in the High Street, standing opposite the -lodge of the present college, where now is Mr. Thornton’s book-shop. -For this piece of property the University paid, out of William of -Durham’s money, forty-eight marks down. - -This house, the second purchase made out of the founder’s bequest, -after belonging to the College for upwards of six hundred years, was -lately sold to Magdalen College instead of being exchanged as it should -have been, if it was to be alienated at all, with a house belonging to -Queen’s College, numbered 85 on the opposite side of the street. And -at the same time, all properties and tenements, not already belonging -to us, except the aforesaid No. 85, intervening between Logic Lane and -the New Examination Schools, were purchased, to give our College the -faculty of some day, if need be, extending itself on that side. - -The third house bought out of the same bequest adjoined (to the south) -the former of the two already mentioned, and fronting on School Street, -was called as early as A.D. 1279, Brazen-Nose Hall. It cost £55 6_s._ -8_d._ sterling, and on its site stands to-day Brazen-nose College gate -and chapel. The purchase was completed in 1262. The last of the early -purchases made by the University for the College consisted of two -houses east of Logic Lane on the south side of the High Street. (The -old Saracen’s Head Inn on the same side of Logic Lane only came to the -College in the last century by the bequest of Dr. John Browne, who -became master in 1744.) These two houses paid a Quit Rent of fifteen -shillings, for which the University gave, A.D. 1270, seven pounds -of William of Durham’s money, proving, as Mr. Smith notes, that in -the thirteenth century houses were purchased in Oxford at ten years’ -purchase, so that you received eleven per cent. interest on your money. - -The rents of all these houses, so we learn from the Inquisition of the -year 1280 already mentioned, amounted to eighteen marks. As to the -rest of the money bequeathed, the Masters of Arts appointed by the -University in 1280 to enquire found, “That the University needing it -for itself, and other great men of the Land that had recourse to the -University; the rest of the money, to wit, one hundred Pounds and ten -Marks, had been made use of, partly for its own necessary occasions, -and partly lent to other persons, of which money nothing at all is yet -restored.” - -The barons to whom the University thus lent money had long been at -strife with King Henry for his extortions, and in May of 1264 won the -Battle of Lewes against him. With them the University took side against -the king, so far at least as to advance them money out of William of -Durham’s chest. It is not certain--though it seems probable--that some -few scholars were as early as 1253 invited by the University to live -together, as beneficiaries of William of Durham, in the Hall which was -in that year purchased out of his bequest. If it be asked how were they -supported, it may be answered: with the interest paid by the nobles -upon the hundred pounds lent to them; for, since the capital sum was -afterwards repaid, it is fair to suppose that the interest was also -got in year by year from the first. Although the University drew up no -statutes for William of Durham’s scholars till the year 1280, yet his -very will--which is now lost--may have served as a prescription ruling -their way of life, even as it was made the basis of those statutes of -1280. Perhaps, however, his scholars were scattered over the different -halls until 1280, when, after the pattern of the nephews and scholars -of Walter de Merton, they were gathered under a single roof for the -advancement of their learning and improvement of their discipline. -Even if they lived apart, the title of college can hardly be denied -to them, for--to quote Mr. William Smith--“taking it for granted and -beyond dispute, that William of Durham dyed A.D. 1249, and that several -purchases were bought with his money shortly after his death, as the -deeds themselves testifie; all the doubt that can afterwards follow is, -whether William of Durham’s Donation to ten, eleven, or twelve masters -or scholars, were sufficient to erect them into a society? and whether -that society could properly be called a college?” And the same writer -adds that a college “signifies not a building made of brick or stone, -adorned with gates, towers, and quadrangles; but a company, or society -admitted into a body, and enjoying the same or like privileges one with -another.” Such was a college in the old Roman sense. - -We will then leave it to the reader to decide whether University -College is or is not the earliest college in Europe, even though its -foundation by King Alfred is mythical, and will pass on to view the -statutes made in the year 1280. In that year at least the Masters -delegated by the University “to enquire and order those things which -had relation to the Testament of Master William of Durham,” ordained -that “The Chancellor with some Masters in Divinity, by their advice, -shall call other masters of other Faculties; and these masters with -the Chancellor, bound by the Faith they owe to the University, shall -chuse out of all who shall offer themselves to live of the said rents, -four Masters, whom in their consciences they shall think most fit -to advance, or profit in the Holy Church, who otherwise have not to -live handsomely without it in the State of Masters of Arts.… The same -manner of Election shall be for the future, except only that those four -that shall be maintained out of that charity shall be called to the -election, of which four one at least shall be a Priest. - -“These four Masters shall each receive for his salary fifty shillings -sterling[4] yearly, out of the Rents bought.… - -“The aforesaid four masters, living together, shall study Divinity; -and with this also may hear the Decretum and Decretalls, if they shall -think fit; who, as to their manner of living and learning, shall -behave themselves as by some fit and expert persons, deputed by the -Chancellor, shall be ordered. But if it shall so happen, that any ought -to be removed from the said allowance, or office, the Chancellor and -Masters of Divinity shall have Power to do it.” - -By the same Statutes a procurator or Bursar was appointed to take care -of rents already bought and procure the buying of other rents. This -Bursar was to receive fifty-five shillings instead of fifty. He was to -have one key of William of Durham’s chest, the Chancellor another, and -a person appointed by the University Proctors the third. - -Three points are evident from these statutes: firstly, that in its -inception the College of William of Durham was entirely the care of the -University, which thus held the position of Visitor. Secondly, theology -was to be the chief, if not sole study of the beneficiaries. Perhaps -the founder viewed with jealousy the study of Roman law, which was -beginning to engross some of the best minds of the age. Thirdly, only -Masters were admissible as Fellows. It was the custom at the time to -have graduated in Arts before proceeding to teach Divinity. - -After a lapse of twelve years, A.D. 1292, at the Procurement of the -Executors of the Venerable Mr. William of Durham, who were, it seems, -still living, the University made new statutes for the College. In -these new statutes we hear for the first time of a Master of the -College, of commoners, and of a College library. The Senior Fellow was -to govern the Juniors, and get half a mark yearly for his diligence -therein. Thus the headship of the College went at first by succession, -and not until 1332 by election; after which date the master was -required to be cæteris paribus proxime Dunelmiam oriundus, or at least -of northern extraction. - -The first alien to the College who was elected Master was Ralph -Hamsterley, in 1509. Previously he was a fellow of Merton College, -where in the chapel he was buried. (Brodrick, _Memorials of Merton -College_, p. 240.) He was “nunquam de gremio nostro neque de comitiva,” -and was therefore chosen Master conditionally upon the visitors -granting a dispensation to depart from the ordinary rule. (W. Smith’s -MSS., xi. p. 2.) - -The Master had until lately as much or as little right to marry as -any of the Fellows, and in 1692 the Fellows, before electing Dr. -Charlet, exacted from him a promise that he would not marry, or, if -he did, would resign within a year. It seems that in old days Fellows -of Colleges who were obliged to be in Holy Orders were free to marry -after King James the I.’s parliament had sanctioned the marriage of -clergymen. Already in 1422 the Master is called the custos, but he -was till 1736, when new statutes made a change, called “_the Master -or Senior Fellow, Magister vel senior socius_.” He had the key of -the College, but in time delegated the function of letting people -in and out to a statutory porter. The introduction of commoners or -scholars not on the foundation is thus referred to in these statutes -of 1292: “Since the aforesaid scholars have not sufficient to live -handsomely alone by themselves, but that it is expedient that other -honest persons dwell with them; it is ordained that every Fellow shall -secretly enquire concerning the manners of every one that desires to -sojourn with them; and then, if they please, by common consent, let him -be received under this condition, That before them he shall promise -whilst he lives with them, that he will honestly observe the customs -of the Fellows of the House, pay his Dues, not hurt any of the Things -belonging to the House, either by himself, or those that belong to him.” - -In the year 1381 we find from the Bursar’s roll that the students -not on the foundation paid £4 18_s._ as rents for their chambers, a -considerable sum in those days. - -As to the books of the College, it was ordained that there be put one -book of every sort that the House has, in some common and secure place; -that the Fellows, and others with the consent of a Fellow, may for the -future have the benefit of it. - -For the rest it was ordained that the Fellows should speak Latin often, -and at every Act have one Disputation in Philosophy or Theology, -and have one Disputation at least in the principal Question of both -Faculties in the Vespers, and another in the Inception in their private -College. In these disputations it is clear that rival disputants -sometimes lost their tempers from the following ordinance-- - -“No Fellow shall under-value another Fellow, but shall correct his -Fault privately, under the Penalty of Twelve-pence to be paid to the -common-Purse; nor before one that is no Fellow, under the Penalty of -two shillings; nor publickly in the Highway, or Church, or Fields, -under the penalty of half a mark; and in all these cases, he that -begins first shall double what the other is to pay, and this in -Disputations especially.” - -In those days a lesson was read during dinner. In these degenerate days -all the above salutary rules are inverted, and it is customary for the -senior scholar to sconce in a pot of beer any junior member who quotes -Latin during the Hall-dinner. - -In the year 1311 fresh statutes were ordained by convocation for the -College, which, however, add little to the former ones. Of candidates -for a Fellowship, otherwise duly qualified, he was to be preferred who -comes from near Durham. After seven years a Fellow was to oppose in the -Divinity Schools, which was equivalent to nowadays taking the degree -of Doctor of Divinity. Each Fellow or past-Fellow was to put up a mass -once a year for the Repose of the soul of William of Durham; and all -alike were to cause themselves to be called, so far as lay in their -power, the scholars of William of Durham. Lastly, the Senior Fellow was -to be in Holy Orders. This, however, must not be taken to mean that -the other Fellows were not to be so likewise. They were till recently -expected to be ordained within four years of their degree, and the -Statutes of 1311 A.D. were reaffirmed in that sense by the visitors -under the chancellorship of Dr. Fell, 1666 A.D., when it was sought to -remove Mr. Berty, a Bennet Fellow, because he had not taken orders. - -In or about the year 1343 the scholars of William of Durham removed to -the present site of the College, where a house called Spicer’s Hall, -occupying the ground now included in the large quadrangle, had been -bought for them. At the same time White Hall and Rose Hall, two houses -facing Kybald Street--which joined the present Logic Lane and Grove -Street half-way down each--were bought, and made part of the College. -Ludlow Hall, on the site of the present east quadrangle, was bought at -the same time, and a tenement, called in 1379 Little University Hall, -and occupying the site of the Lodgings of the Master (which in 1880, -on the completion of the Master’s new house, were turned into men’s -rooms), was bought in 1404. But Ludlow Hall and Little University Hall -were not at once added to the College premises. - -During the first hundred years of the life of the College its members -were called simply _University Scholars_, and the ordinance of A.D. -1311, that they should call themselves _the Scholars of William of -Durham_, proves that that was not the name in common vogue. Their -old house at the corner of what is to-day Brazen-nose College was -called the _Aula Universitatis in Vico Scholarum_ (the Hall of the -University in School Street). After 1343, the probable year of their -migration, until at least 1361, the College was called as before _Aula -Universitatis_, only _in Alto Vico_, i. e. in High Street. After 1361 -they assumed the official title of _Master and Fellows of the Hall of -William of Durham_, commonly called _Aula Universitatis_. It was not -till 1381 that the present title _Magna Aula Universitatis_, or Mickle -University Hall, was used, in distinction from the _Little University -Hall_, which was only separated from it by Ludlow Hall. But the -nomenclature was not uniform, and in Elizabeth’s reign, as in Richard -II.’s, it was called _the College of William of Durham_. - -The legend of the foundation of the College by King Alfred has been -mentioned, and here is a convenient place to conjecture how and when -it arose. The first mention of it we meet with in a petition addressed -in French to King Richard II., A.D. 1381, by his “poor Orators, the -Master and Scholars of your College, called Mickil University Hall in -Oxendford, which College was first founded by your noble Progenitor, -King Alfred (whom God assoyle), for the maintenance of twenty-four -Divines for ever.” Twenty years before, in 1360, Laurence Radeford, a -Fellow, had bought for the College various messuages, shops, lands and -meadows yielding rents of the yearly value of £15. This purchase was -made out of the residuum of William of Durham’s money, now all called -in. But it turned out that the title to the new property was bad, and, -after forging various deeds without success, the College appealed -in the above petition to the king, Richard II., to exercise his -prerogative, and take the case out of the common courts, in which--so -runs the petition--the plaintiff, Edmond Frauncis, citizen of London, -“has procured all the Pannel of the Inquest to be taken by Gifts and -Treats.” - -The petition prays the king to see that the College be not “tortiously -disinherited,” and appeals to the memory of the “noble Saints John -of Beverley, Bede, and Richard of Armagh, formerly scholars of the -College.” A petition so full of fictions hardly deserved to lead to -success, and the College was eventually compelled to redeem its right -to the estate by payment of a large sum of money to the heirs of -Frauncis. The interest of this petition, however, lies in the fact -that in 1728, on the occasion of a dispute arising for the mastership -between Mr. Denison and Mr. Cockman, it formed the ground upon which, -in the King’s Bench at Westminster, it was held that the College is a -Royal foundation, and the Crown the rightful visitor; the truth being -that the whole body of Regents and non-Regents of the University were -and always had been the true and rightful visitor. - -But the French Petition to Richard II. was not the only fabrication to -which William of Durham’s unworthy beneficiaries had recourse in order -to establish a fictitious antiquity and deny their real founder. About -the same time they stole the chancellor’s seal and affixed its impress -to a forged deed purporting to have been executed in A.D. 1220, the 4th -of Henry III., May 10th, by Lewis de Chapyrnay, Chancellor. This false -deed records the receipt of four hundred marks bequeathed by William, -Archdeacon of Durham, for the maintenance of six Masters of Arts, and -the conveyance of certain tenements to Master Roger Caldwell, Warden -and senior Fellow of the great hall of the University. The reader -will the more agree that this forgery was worthier of Shapira than of -“honest and holy clerks,” when he reads in Antony à Wood (_City of -Oxford_, ed. Andrew Clark, vol. i. p. 561)--who was not deceived by -it--that it was written “on membrane cours, thick, greasy, whereas, -in the reign of Henry III. parchment was not so, but fine and clear.” -There never were such persons as Chapyrnay and Caldwell, and William -of Durham did not die till 1249, and then left only three hundred and -ten marks. Mr. Twine, the author of the _Apology for the Antiquity of -Oxford_, said of this deed, “mentiri nescit, it cannot lie.” “But,” -says quaintly Mr. William Smith, “if ever there was a lie in the world, -that which we find in that Charter is as great a one as ever the Devil -told since he deceived our first Parents in Paradise.” - -It would oppress the reader to detail all the other fictions which -followed on this early one. One lie makes many, and as time went on -outward embellishments were added to the College commemorative of its -mythical founder. Thus a picture of King Alfred was bought in the -year 1662 for £3--perhaps the same which one now sees in the College -library. There was--so Mr. Smith relates--an older picture of him in -the Masters’ lodgings. - -A statue of Alfred also stood over the chapel door, and was removed by -Mr. Obadiah Walker, Master in 1676, to a niche over the hall door to -make place for a statue of St. Cuthbert, the patron saint of Durham, on -whose day the gaudy used to be celebrated until 1662, at which date it -was changed to the day of Saints Simon and Jude, out of respect to the -memory of Sir Simon Benet, who had lately bequeathed four Fellowships, -four scholarships, and various other benefits. This was the real cause -of the 28th of October being chosen for the gaudy, although afterwards -the Aluredians absurdly pretended that it was the day of King Alfred’s -obit. The statue of Alfred above-mentioned was given by Dr. Robert -Plot, the well-known author of _The Natural History of Oxfordshire_, -who was a Fellow-commoner of the College, and it cost £3 1_s._ 5_d._ to -remove it, as related, in the year 1686. A hundred years later a marble -image of Alfred was given to the College by Viscount Folkestone, which -is now set up over the fireplace in the oak common-room. A relief of -him is also set over the fireplace in the college-hall, and was given -by Sir Roger Newdigate, a member of the College, and founder of the -University annual prize for an English poem. - -A picture of St. John of Beverley, mentioned in the French petition -to Richard II., was, we learn from Gutch’s edition of Antony Wood’s -_Colleges and Halls_ (ed. 1786, p. 57), set in the east window of -the old chapel in the beginning of the seventeenth century. The same -authority assures us that until Dr. Clayton’s time (Master, 1605) -there were in a window on the west side of the little old quadrangle -pictures of King Alfred kneeling and St. Cuthbert sitting, … the king -thus bespeaking the saint in a pentameter, holding the picture of the -College in his hand, “Hic in honore tui collegium statui,” to whom the -saint made answer, in a scroll coming from his mouth--“Quæ statuisti in -eo pervertentes maledico.” - -In a window of the outer chapel were also the arms of William of -Durham, which were, “Or, a Fleur de lis azure, each leaf charged with -a mullet gules.” Round these arms was written on a scroll: “Magistri -Willielmi de Dunelm … huius collegii”; the missing word, so Wood had -been informed, was “Fundatoris,” erased, no doubt, by an Aluredian. -The arms of the College to-day are those of Edward the Confessor, to -wit--“Azure, a cross patonce between five martlets Or.” We would do -well to resign our sham royalty, and return to the arms of William of -Durham, our true founder. - -The crowning fiction was the celebration in the year 1872 of the -millennium of the College, during the mastership of the Rev. G. -G. Bradley, afterwards Dean of Westminster. It is said that a -distinguished modern historian ironically sent him a number of burned -cakes, purporting to have been dug up at Athelney, to entertain King -Alfred’s scholars withal. It is not recorded if they were served up or -no to the guests, among whom were Dean Stanley and Mr. Robert Lowe, -both past tutors of the College. At the dinner which graced this festal -occasion, the late Dean of Westminster is said to have ridiculed the -idea of King Alfred having bestowed lands and tenements on scholars in -Oxford, which place was in A.D. 872 in possession of Alfred’s enemies -the Danes; whereupon Mr. Lowe made the happy answer, that this latter -fact was itself a confirmation of the legend, for King Alfred was a man -much before his time, who in the spirit of some modern leaders of the -democracy took care to bestow on his followers, not his own lands, but -those of his political opponents. - -This legend of King Alfred sprang up in the fourteenth century, when -people had forgotten the Norman Conquest and time had long healed all -the scars of an alien invasion. Then historians began to feel back to a -more remote period for the origin of institutions really subsequent. -In so doing they fed patriotic pride by establishing an unbroken -continuity of the nation’s life. So to-day we see asserting itself, and -with better historical warranty, a belief in the antiquity of English -ecclesiastical institutions. The best minds are no longer content -with that idol of the Evangelicals, a parliamentary church dating -back no more than three centuries. It may be even that a good deal of -the Aluredian legend was earlier in its origin than the fourteenth -century, and shaped itself at the first out of anti-Norman feeling. -In the reign of King Richard, anyhow, all sections of the now united -nation accepted it, and not only have we the writ of King Richard -II., dated May 4th, 1381 (in answer to the French petition), setting -down the College to be “the Foundation of the Progenitors of our Lord -the King, and of his Patronage,”[5] but in that very reign, if not -later, a passage was interpolated in MSS. of Asser’s _Life of Alfred_, -identifying the schools--which Alfred undoubtedly maintained--with the -schools of Oxford. The Fellows of University only took advantage of a -feeling which was abroad, and by which they were also duped, when they -declared themselves in the French petition to be a royal foundation. -Antony Wood was not deceived by the legend, though he credits it in -regard to the University. It is strange to find Hearne the antiquary, -and Dr. Charlet, Master, 1692-1722, both acquaintances of Mr. W. Smith, -adhering to the belief. Mr. Smith declares that Dr. Charlet did so from -vanity, because he thought that to be head of a royal foundation added -to his dignity. Obadiah Walker had sided with the Aluredians, because -he was a papist, and because Alfred had been a good Catholic king and -faithful to the Pope. What is most strange of all is that, although -the king’s attorney and solicitor-general, being duly commissioned to -inquire, had, in October 1724 pronounced that the College was not a -royal foundation, nor the sovereign its legitimate visitor, yet the -Court of King’s Bench three years after decided both points in just -the opposite sense. It is an ill wind that blows no one any good. We -then lost the University as our visitor, but have since obtained gratis -on all disputed points the opinion of the highest law officer of the -realm, the Lord Chancellor. - -Between the years 1307 and 1360 as many as sixteen halls in the -parishes of St. Mary, St. Peter, St. Mildred, and All Hallows were -bought for the College. They were no doubt let out as lodgings to -University students, and were in those days, as now, a remunerative -form of investment; some of them standing on sites which have since -come to be occupied by colleges. - -It was not till the fifteenth century that the College acquired -property outside Oxford, and then not by purchase, but by bequest. In -those days locomotion was too difficult for a small group of scholars -to venture on far-off purchases. But in 1403 Walter Skirlaw, Bishop -of Durham, left to our College the Manor of Mark’s Hall, or Margaret -Ruthing, in Essex. The proceeds were to sustain three Fellows “chosen -out of students at Oxford or Cambridge, and if possible born in -the dioceses of York and Durham.” It has already been remarked how -closely connected was the College with the North of England. No other -conditions were attached to the benefaction save this, that “all the -Fellows shall every year, for ever, celebrate solemn obsequies in their -chapel upon the day of the Bishop’s death, with a Placebo and Dirige, -and a Mass for the dead the day after.” Is it altogether for good that -we have outgrown those customs of pious gratitude to the past? Bishop -Skirlaw’s Fellowships, it may be added, figure in the Calendar as of -the foundation of Henry IV., because the lands were passed as a matter -of legal form through the sovereign’s lands in order to avoid certain -difficulties connected with mortmains. - -The next great benefactor of the College after Bishop Skirlaw was -Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, who in 1442 left property and the -advowson of Arncliffe in Craven in Yorkshire. Three Fellows drawn from -the dioceses of Durham, Carlisle, and York were to be sustained out of -his benefaction. The next chief benefaction was that of John Freyston -or Frieston, who in 1592 bequeathed property in Pontefract for the -support of a Fellow or Exhibitioner, who should be a Yorkshire man, -and also by his will made the College trustee to pay certain yearly -sums to the grammar schools of Wakefield, Normanton, Pontefract, and -Swillington. - -Coming to the seventeenth century, we find a Mr. Charles Greenwood, a -past-Fellow, leaving a handsome bequest to the College, out of which, -however, only £1500 was secured from his executors, which money paid -for the present fabric to be partially raised; the north side of the -quadrangle, the chapel, and hall and old library being first begun A.D. -1634. The present library was partly built out of money given by the -executors and trustees of the second Lord Eldon, past-Fellow of the -College. It shelters the colossal twin-image of his kinsmen, and was -designed by Sir G. G. Scott, and is better suited to be a chapel than a -library. Then in 1631, Sir Simon Bennet, a relative and college pupil -of Mr. Greenwood’s, left lands in Northampton to maintain eight Fellows -and eight scholars; though they turned out sufficient to maintain but -four of each sort. The last great benefactor of this century was the -famous Dr. Radcliffe, formerly senior scholar, of whom the eastern -quadrangle, built by his munificence, remains as a monument. Beside -completing the fabrics he founded two medical Fellowships, and, dying -in 1734, bequeathed in trust to the College for its uses his estate of -Linton in Yorkshire. - -It is beyond the limits of a short article to narrate all the -vicissitudes which during the epochs of the Reformation and -Commonwealth the College underwent. In the reign of Elizabeth it sided -with the Roman Catholics, and the Master and several Fellows were -ejected on that account. Later on, in 1642, the College _lent_ its -plate, consisting of a silver flagon, 8 potts, 9 tankards, 18 bowles, -one candle-pott, and a salt-sellar to King Charles I., one flagon alone -being kept for the use of the Communion. The gross weight as weighed at -the mint was 738 oz. The Fellows and commoners also contributed on 30th -July, 1636, the sum of 19li. 10s. for entertaining the king; and again -on 17th Feb., 1636, 4li. 17s. 6d. Subsequently the College sustained -for many months 28 soldiers at the rate of 22li. 8s. per month. After -all this show of loyalty we expect to learn that Cromwell ejected the -Master, Thomas Walker, and instituted a Roundhead, Joshua Hoyle, in his -place. - -Another member of the College of the same name, but who achieved -more fame, was Obadiah Walker, who was already a Fellow under Thomas -Walker’s mastership, and was ejected by the Long Parliament along with -him, and also with his old tutor, Mr. Abraham Woodhead. Woodhead and O. -Walker retired abroad and visited Rome and many other places. At the -Restoration they both regained their Fellowships, but Woodhead never -more conformed to the English Church. O. Walker, however, continued -to take the Sacrament in the College chapel, and after that he was -elected Master distributed it to the other Fellows, till, on the -accession of James II., he “openly declared himself a Romanist, and -got a dispensation from his Majesty for himself and two Fellows, his -converts, who held their places till the king’s flight, notwithstanding -the laws to the contrary.” William Smith, who was a resident Fellow at -the time, has “many good things to say of Obadiah Walker, as that he -was neither proud nor covetous, and framed his usual discourse against -the Puritans on one side, and the Jesuits on the other, as the chief -disturbers of the peace, and hinderers of all concessions and agreement -amongst all true members of the Catholic Church.” He complains, -however, that “as soon as he declared himself a Roman Catholic, he -provided him and his party of Jesuits for their Priests; concerning -the first of which (I think he went by the name of Mr. Edwards) there -is this remarkable story, that having had mass said for some time in a -garret, he afterwards procured a mandate from K. James to seize on the -lower half of a side of the quadrangle, next adjoining to the College -chapel, by which he deprived us of two low rooms, their studies and -their bed-chambers; and after all the partitions were removed, it was -someway or other consecrated, as we suppose, to Divine services; for -they had mass there every day, and sermons at least in the afternoons -on the Lord’s Day.” - -Smith goes on to relate how the Jesuit chaplain was one day preaching -from the text, “So run that you may obtain,” when one of many -Protestants, who were harkening at the outside of the windows in the -quadrangle, discovering that the Jesuit was preaching a sermon of Mr. -Henry Smith, which he had at home by him, went and fetched the book, -and read at the outside of the window what the Jesuit was preaching -within. For this it seems the particular Jesuit got into trouble. -Smith complains also that by mandate of the king, Walker sequestred -a Fellowship towards the maintenance of his priest, and incurred the -College much expense in putting up the statue of James II., presented -by a Romanist,[6] over the inside of a gate-house. He adds that “Mr. -Walker that had the king’s ear, and entertained him at vespers in their -chapel, and shewed the king the painted windows in our own, so that -the king could not but see his own statue in coming out of it, never -had the Prudence nor kindness to the College, as to request the least -favour to the society from him.” - -That Mr. William Smith, who writes the above, could also make himself a -_persona grata_ to the great men of State who came to Oxford to attend -on the king, we see from the following letter written by Lord Conyers, -who in 1681 lodged with his son in University College, on the occasion -of the Parliament meeting in Oxford. It is dated Easter Thursday, -London, 1681, and is as follows (MSS. Smith):-- - - “Sir, - - I cannot satisfy my wife without giving you this trouble of - my thanks for your very greate kindnesse to me and my sonn: - we gott hither in v. good time on Thursday to waite on y^{e} - king before night; who was in a course of physick, but God be - praised is v. well & walked yesterday round Hide Parke. My son - also desires his humble services to you: And we both of us - desire our services & thanks to Mr. Ledgard & Mr. Smith for - y^{r} great civilities to us; & whenever I can serve any of - you or the College, be most confident to find me - - “Y^{r} most affect. friend & - - “humble Servant - - “Conyers.” - -In 1680, March 30, London, Lord Conyers writes to O. Walker about -sending his son to the College, “who is growne too bigge for schoole -tho’ little I fear in scholarship … he is very towardly & capable to -be made a scholar.” He desires [letter of London, April 9, 1682] Mr. -Walker to provide a tutor for “his young man.” - -Smith’s account of Obadiah Walker’s doings at the College is fitly -completed by the following passage from a letter sent by a Romanist -priest at Oxford, Father Henry Pelham, to the Provincial of the -Jesuits, Father John Clare (Sir John Warner, Bart.), preserved in the -Public Record Office in Brussels, and given in Bloxam’s _Magdalen -College and James II._ (p. 227)-- - -“Oxford, 1690, May 2.--Hon. Sir, You are desirous to know how things -are with us in these troublous times, since trade (_religion_) is so -much decayed. I can only say that in the general decline of trade we -have had our share. For before this turn we were in a very hopeful -way, for we had three public shops (_chapels_) open in Oxford. One -did wholly belong to us, and good custom we had, viz. the University -(_University College Chapel_); but now it is shut up. The Master was -taken, and has been ever since in prison, and the rest forced to -abscond.” - -Thus ended the last attempt to force the Romanist religion upon Oxford. -In the following December we find “Obadiah Walker” in the list of -prisoners remaining at Faversham under a strong guard until the 30th of -December, and then conducted some to the Tower, some to Newgate, and -others released. Mr. Obadiah Walker lived for many years afterwards, -and added to the literary work he had already accomplished in Oxford a -history of the Ejected Clergy. His memory long survived in Oxford, and -with the mob was kept alive in a doggrel ballad which bore the refrain, -“Old Obadiah sings Ave Maria.” - -In University College, under Obadiah Walker, were focussed all -the propagandist influences of the time. Dr. John Massey, Dean of -Christchurch, 1686, referred to in Pelham’s letter, was originally a -member of University College, and was converted by Obadiah Walker. -There was also a printing press kept going in University to publish -books of a Romanist tendency, which the University would not authorize -to be printed by its Press. - -The official College record (in the Register of Election) of the -deposition of Mr. Obadiah Walker from the headship of the College is as -follows (MSS. of Will. Smith, vol. vii. p. 113)-- - -“About the middle of Dec., A.D. 1688, Mr. Obadiah Walker attempted to -flee abroad, but was taken at Sittingbourne in Kent, and carried to -London, and there lodged in the Tower on a charge of high treason. - -“On Jan. 7, 1689, the Fellows of University deputed Master Babman to -go to him and ask him if he would resign his post, to whom, after -deliberation lasting many days, Walker answered that he would not. - -“On Jan. 22, after this answer had been brought to Oxford and conveyed -to the Vice-Chancellor, the latter summoned the Fellows to appear -before the Visitors on Jan. 26, in the Apodyterium of the Venerable -House of Convocation. - -“Where on Jan. 26, between 9 and 10 a.m., there appeared in person -and as representing the College the following Fellows--Mr. Will. -Smith, Tho. Babman, Tho. Bennet, Francis Forster, and besought the -Vice-Chancellor, Proctors, and Doctors of Divinity representing -Convocation to remedy certain grievances in the College, specially -concerning the Master and two Fellows. To them a citation was then -issued by the Vice-Chancellor, Proctors, Doctors of Divinity, and -others, as the ordinary and legitimate patrons and visitors of the -College, to appear before them in the College Chapel on Monday, Feb. 4 -following between 8-9 a.m. - -“On the appointed day there met in the chapel between 8-9 a.m. the -Vice-Chancellor, Gilbert Ironsyde, S.T.P., Rob. Say, Byron Eaton, -Master of Oriel, W. Lovett, Tho. Hyde, Chief Librarian, Tho. Turner, -President of C.C.C., Jonath. Edwards, S.T.P., Thom. Dunstan, Pres. of -Magdalen College, Will. Christmas, Jun. Proctor, and others. After the -Litany had been repeated, the Vice-Chancellor prorogued the meeting -to the common-room, where were present the afore-mentioned Fellows, -and in addition Edw. Farrar, Jo. Gilve, Jo. Nailor, Jo. Hudson. The -Fellows preferred a complaint that the statutes of the Realm, of the -University, and of the College had been violated by Obadiah Walker, -Master or Senior Fellow of the College. They objected in particular -that he had left the religion of the Anglican Church, established -and confirmed by the statutes of this Realm, and betaken himself to -the Roman or papistical religion; that he had held, fostered, and -frequented illegal conventicles within the aforesaid College; that he -had procured to be sequestred unto wrong uses and against the statutes -the income and emoluments of the Society; also that he had had printed -books against the Reformed religion, and that within the College, and -had published the same unto the grave scandal as well of the University -as of the College. All these charges were amply proved by trustworthy -witnesses, whereupon the visitors decreed that the post of Mr. Obadiah -Walker was void and vacant. At the same time, at the instance of the -said Fellows, Masters Boyse and Deane, Fellows of the College, who had -left the religion of the reformed Anglican Church, were ordered to be -proceeded against so soon as a new Master or Senior Fellow was chosen.” - -Mr. Obadiah Walker lived for many years after the accession of William -and Mary. He was a man of great piety and vast and varied learning, as -is shown by his books upon Religion, Logic, History, and Geography. He -wrote a book upon Greenland, and made experiments in physics. A near -friend of the great benefactor of the College, Dr. John Radcliffe, -he sought to convert that famous physician to the Roman faith, but -found him as little inclined to believe in transubstantiation as “that -the phial in his hand was a wheelbarrow.” In spite of their want of -religious sympathy, however, the two men liked each other’s society, -and the great physician, who respected Walker’s learning, gave him a -competency during the latter years of his life. In the College archives -is an elegant letter addressed by O. Walker, then Master, to Radcliffe, -thanking him for his gift of the east window of the College chapel. It -runs thus: - - “Sir, we return you our humble and hearty thanks for your - noble and illustrious benefaction to this ancient foundation; - your generosity hath supplyed a defect and covered a blemish - in our chapell; the other lesse eminent windows seemed to - upbraid the chiefest as being more adorned and regardable than - that which ought to be most splendid; till you was pleased to - compassionate us and ennoble the best with the best work. Other - benefactions are to be sought out in registers and memorialls, - yours is conveyed with the light. The rising sun displays - the gallantry of your spirit, and withall puts us in mind as - often as we enter to our devotions to remember you and your - good actions towards us. Nor can we salute the morning light - without meditating on y^{e} Shepherds and y^{e} Angells adoring - the true Sun. And y^{r} holy praise and prostration by your - singular favour is continually proposed, as to our sight and - consideration, so to our example also. And so we do accept and - acknowledge it, not only as an object moving our devotions, - but as praise of y^{e} artificer who hath not only observed much - better decorum and proportion in his figures, but hath all so - ingeniously contrived that the light shall not be hindred as by - y^{e} daubery of y^{e} others.”--The letter concludes with a prayer - that Dr. Radcliffe may prosper in his profession. - -The following quaint “letter sent by the College to begge contributions -towards the building the East Side of the quadrangle about y^{e} end of -1674 or beginning of 1675 to the gentlemen in the North Parts” may -fitly conclude our notice of this college (_vide_ MSS. W. Smith, x. -239). - - “Gentlemen, - - “Your aged mother, and not yours alone, but of this whole - University, if not all other such nurseries of Learning, at - least in this nation, craves your assistance in the Time of - her Necessity. It is not long since her walls Ruining and her - Buildings, almost, after so many years, decayed; It pleased - God to excite two of her sonnes in especiall manner, M^{r} - Charles Greenwood, the tutor, and S^{r} Simon Benett, his pupill, - to compassionate her decay, Repair her Ruins and Renew with - Great Augmentation her former glory. But the late civil warrs - and other alterations intervening not only interrupted that - progresse which in a small time would have finished the work; - But also disappointed her of the Assistance of Diverse, who - were willing to contribute to her repairs. - - * * * * * - - “And we have very good Hopes that you will not be wanting to us - in this our Necessity; this being a college designed for and - most of the preferment in it limitted to Northern Scholars. - A college which hath had the felicity to be herselfe at this - present time DCCC. years old.… In recompense she may justly - expect that as she hath fostered your youths, so you would - cherish her age.” - - -_Additional Notes._ - -p. 9. On Clerical Fellows.--It should be added that the statutes -of 1736 provided that the two senior Fellows of the foundation of -Sir Simon Bennet might study Medicine or Law. In 1854 the general -ordinances of the Commissioners provided that there should be six -(_i. e._ half of the) Fellows in Holy Orders. More recently clerical -Fellowships have been practically abolished in the College. - -p. 14. Anti-Norman feeling.--A spirit of Rivalry with Cambridge may -with more reason be alleged in explanation of the acceptance of the -Aluredian Legend. - -p. 14. On the Legend of King Alfred.--The Court of King’s Bench only -decided that the College is a Royal Foundation, not that it was -actually founded by King Alfred. Cp. the Preamble of Statutes of 1736: -“it manifestly appears by a Judgement lately given in our Court of -Kings Bench that the college of the great Hall of the University, -commonly called University College, in Oxford, is of the foundation of -our Royal Progenitors.” - -p. 23. On Northern Scholars.--The College lost its one-sided Northern -character in 1736, when new statutes ordained that Sir Simon Bennet’s -Fellows were to come from the Southern Province of Canterbury (in -partibus regni nostri Australibus oriundi). - - - - -II. - -BALLIOL COLLEGE.[7] - -BY REGINALD L. POOLE, M.A., BALLIOL COLLEGE. - - -The precedence of Balliol over Merton College depends upon the fact -that John Balliol made certain payments not long after 1260 for the -support of poor students at Oxford, while Walter of Merton’s foundation -dates from 1264; but it was not until the example had been set by -Merton that the House of Balliol assumed a corporate being and became -governed by formal statutes. The “pious founder” too was at the outset -an involuntary agent, for the obligation to make his endowment was -part of a penance imposed on him together with a public scourging -at the Abbey door by the Bishop of Durham.[8] John Balliol, lord of -Galloway, was the father of that John to whom King Edward the First of -England adjudged the Scottish crown in 1292. His wife, the heiress, -was Dervorguilla, grandniece to King William the Lion. It is to her -far more than to her husband that the real foundation of the College -bearing his name is due, and husband and wife are rightly coupled -together as joint-founders, the lion of Scotland being associated with -the orle of Balliol on the College shield. A house was first hired -beyond the city ditch on the north side of Oxford, hard by the church -of St. Mary Magdalen, and here certain poor scholars were lodged and -paid eightpence a-day for their commons.[9] It was in the beginning a -simple almshouse, founded on the model already existing at Paris, it -depended for its maintenance upon the good pleasure of the founder, and -possessed (so far as we know) no sort of organization, though customs -and rules were certain to shape themselves before long without any -positive enactment. - -This state of things lasted until 1282, when Dervorguilla,--her -husband had died in 1269,--took steps to place the House of Balliol -upon an established footing. By her charter deed[10] she appointed two -representatives or “proctors” (one, it seems probable, being always -a Franciscan friar, and the other a secular Master of Arts) as the -governing body of the House. The Scholars were, it is true, to elect -their own Principal, and obey him “according to the statutes and -customs approved among them,” but he and they were alike subordinate -to the Proctors or (as they came to be distinguished) the Extraneous -Masters. The Scholars, whose number is not mentioned, were to attend -the prescribed religious services and the exercises at the schools, and -were also to engage in disputations among themselves once a fortnight. -Three masses in the year were to be celebrated for the founders’ -welfare, and mention of them was to be made in the blessing before -and grace after meat. Rules were laid down for the distribution of -the common funds; if they fell short it was ordered that the poorer -Scholars were not to suffer. The use of the Latin language (apparently -at the common table) was strictly enjoined upon the Scholars. Whoever -broke the rule was to be admonished by the Principal, and if he -offended twice or thrice was to be removed from the common table, to -eat by himself, and be served last of all. If he remained incorrigible -after a week, the Proctors were to expel him. One feature of the -Balliol Statutes which deserves particular notice is that none of them, -until we reach the endowments of the sixteenth century, placed any sort -of local restriction upon those who were capable of being elected to -the Foundation. - -This charter was plainly but the giving of a constitution to a society -which had already formed for itself rules and usages with respect to -discipline and other matters not referred to in it. The “House of -the Scholars of Balliol” was placed on a still more assured footing -when its charter was confirmed by Bishop Sutton of Lincoln two years -later,[11] in which year the Scholars removed to a house bought for -them by the foundress in Horsemonger-street, a little to the eastward -of their previous abode;[12] and soon afterwards the Bishop permitted -them to hold divine service, though they still attended their parish -Church of St. Mary Magdalen on all great festivals.[13] Before the -middle of the fourteenth century the society had considerably enlarged -its position. It had bought houses on both sides of its existing -building, so that it now occupied very nearly the site of the present -front-quadrangle.[14] It received from private benefactors endowment -for two Chaplains; and in 1327, with help furnished through the -Abbot of Reading,[15] the building of a Chapel dedicated to Saint -Catherine--the special patron whom we find first associated with the -College in the letter of Bishop Sutton--was carried into effect. -But the College remained dependent upon its parish Church for the -celebration of the Mass until the Chapel was expressly licensed for -the purpose by Pope Urban the Fifth in April 1364. As early as 1310 -the College had become possessed of a messuage containing four schools -on the west side of School-street, which were, according to the usual -practice, let out to those who had exercises to perform, and thus added -to the resources of the College.[16] Some unused land on this property -was afterwards conveyed to the University to form part of the site -of the Divinity School, and the University still pays the College a -quitrent for it.[17] - -During this time there seems to have been an active dispute among the -Scholars as to the studies which they were permitted to pursue. Bishop -Sutton had expressly ordained that they should dwell in the House -_until they had completed their course in Arts_. It seemed naturally -to follow that it was not lawful for them to go on to a further course -of study, for instance, in Divinity, without ceasing their connection -with the House. At length in 1325 this inference was formally ratified -by the two Extraneous Masters in the presence of all the members as -well as four graduates who had formerly been _Fellows_ (a title which -now first appears in our muniments as a synonym for Scholars) of the -House.[18] One of the Extraneous Masters was Nicolas Tingewick, who -is otherwise known to us as a benefactor of the Schools of Grammar in -the University;[19] and one of the ex-Fellows was Richard FitzRalph, -afterwards Vice-Chancellor of the University and Archbishop of Armagh, -the man to whom above all others John Wycliffe, a later member of -Balliol, owed the distinguishing elements of his teaching.[20] It was -thus decided that Balliol should be a home exclusively of secular -learning; and it reads as a curious presage, that thus early in the -history of the College the field should be marked out for it in which, -in the fifteenth century and again in our own day, it was peculiarly -to excel. - -But the theologians soon had some compensation, for in 1340 a new -endowment was given to the College by Sir Philip Somerville for their -special benefit. From the Statutes which accompanied his gift[21] -we learn that the existing number of Fellows was sixteen; this he -increased to twenty-two (or more, if the funds would allow), with the -provision that six of the Fellows should, after they had attained their -regency in Arts, enter upon a course of theology, together with canon -law if they pleased, extending in ordinary cases over _not more_ than -twelve or thirteen years from their Master’s degree in Arts. Such was -the rigour of the demands made upon the theological student in the -University system of the middle ages; with what results as to solidity -and erudition it is not necessary here to say. - -Somerville’s Statutes further made several important changes in the -constitution of the Hall or House, as it is here called. The Principal -still exists, holding precedence among the Fellows, much like that -of the President in some of the Colleges at Cambridge; but he is -subordinate to the Master, who is elected by the society subject to -the approval of a whole series of Visitors. After election the Master -was first to present himself and take oath before the lord of Sir -Philip Somerville’s manor of Wichnor, and then to be presented by two -of the Fellows and the two Extraneous Masters to the Chancellor of the -University, or his Deputy, and to the Prior of the Monks of Durham -at Oxford. By these his appointment was confirmed. There was thus -established a complicated system of a threefold Visitatorial Board. The -powers of the lords of Wichnor were indeed probably formal; but those -of the Extraneous Masters subsisted side by side by, and to some extent -independently of, the Chancellor and the Prior. The former retained -their previous authority over the Fellows of the old foundation; they -were only associated with the Chancellor and Prior with respect to the -new theological Fellows. Finally, over all the Bishop of Durham was -placed, as a sort of supreme Visitor, to compel the enforcement of -the provisions affecting Somerville’s bequest. One wonders how this -elaborate scheme worked, and particularly how the society of Balliol -liked the supervision of the Prior of Durham College just beyond their -garden-wall. But the curious thing is that the benefactor declares that -in making these Statutes he intends not to destroy but to confirm the -ancient rules and Statutes of the College, as though some part of his -extraordinary arrangements had been already in force.[22] - -It is easy to guess that the scheme was impracticable, and in fact so -early as 1364 a new code had to be drawn up. This was given, under -papal authority, by Simon Sudbury, Bishop of London, afterwards -Archbishop of Canterbury; but unfortunately it is not preserved. We -can only gather from later references that it changed more than it -left of the existing Statutes, and that it established Rectors (almost -certainly the old Proctors or Extraneous Masters under a new name[23]) -to control the Master and Fellows, and possibly a Visitor over all. -But the one thing positive is that a right of ultimate appeal was now -reserved to the Bishop of London, who thus came to exercise something -more than the power which was in later times committed to the Visitor. -It was by his authority that in the course of the fifteenth century -the property-limitation affecting the Master was abolished, and he was -empowered to hold a benefice of whatever value;[24] and that Chaplains -were made eligible, equally with the Fellows, for the office of -Master.[25] On the one hand the dignity of the Master was increased; on -the other the ecclesiastical element was brought to the front. - -The latter point becomes more than ever clear in the Statutes which -were framed for the College in 1507, and which remained substantially -in force until the Universities Commission of 1850. The cause of their -promulgation is obscurely referred to the violent and high-handed -action of a previous--possibly the existing--Visitor. The matter was -laid before Pope Julius the Second, and he deputed the Bishops of -Winchester and Carlisle, or one of them, to draw up an amended body of -Statutes which should preclude the repetition of such misgovernment. -The Statutes[26] themselves are the work of the Bishop of Winchester, -the same Richard Fox who left so enduring a monument of his piety and -zeal for learning in his foundation of Corpus Christi College. That -foundation however was ten years later, and Fox had not yet, it should -seem, formed in his mind the pattern according to which a College in -the days of revived and expanded classical study should be modelled. In -Balliol he saw nothing but a small foundation with scanty resources and -without the making of an important home of learning. The eleemosynary -character of its original Statutes he left as it was, only slightly -increasing the commons of the Fellows.[27] The Master was to enjoy -no greater allowance than Fellows who were Masters of Arts, but he -retained the right to hold a benefice. He was no longer necessarily -to be chosen from among the Fellows. The unique privilege of the -College to elect its own Visitor--how the privilege arose we know -not--is expressly declared. But the essential changes introduced in -the Statutes of 1507 are those which gave the College a distinctively -theological complexion, and those which established a class of students -in the College subordinate to the Fellows. - -We have seen how the Chaplains had been long rising in dignity, as -shown by the fact that, though not Fellows, they had since 1477[28] -been equally eligible with the Fellows for the office of Master. By the -new Statutes two of the Fellowships were to be filled up by persons -already in Priest’s orders to act as Chaplains. This was in part a -measure of economy, since Fellows could be found to act as Chaplains, -but the increased importance of the latter is the more significant -since these same Statutes reduced the number of Fellows from at least -twenty-two to not less than ten. Besides this, every Fellow of the -College was henceforth required to receive Priest’s orders within four -years after his Master’s degree. Doubtless from the beginning all the -members of the foundation had been--as indeed all University students -were--_clerici_; but this did not necessarily imply more than the -simple taking of the tonsure. The obligation of Priest’s orders was -something very different. The Fellows were as a rule to be Bachelors -of Arts at the time of election. Their studies were limited to logic, -philosophy, and divinity; but they were free to pursue a course of -canon law in the long vacation. The Master’s degree was to be taken -four years after they had fulfilled the requirements for that of -Bachelor. It may be noticed that, instead of their having, according to -the modern practice, to pay fees to the College on taking degrees, they -received from it on each occasion a gratuity varying according to the -dignity of the degree. - -The reduction in the number of Fellowships was evidently made in -order to provide for the lower rank of what we should now-a-days call -Scholars. In the Statutes indeed this name is not found, for it was -not forgotten that Fellow and Scholar meant the same thing: and so the -old word _scholasticus_, which was often used in the general sense -of a “student,” was now applied to designate those junior members of -the College for whom Scholar was too dignified a title. They were -to be “scholastics or servitors,” not above eighteen years of age, -sufficiently skilled in plain song and grammar. One was assigned to the -Master and one to each graduate Fellow, and was nominated by him; he -was his private servant. The Scholastics were to live of the remnants -of the Fellows’ table, to apply themselves to the study of logic, and -to attend Chapel in surplices. They had also the preference, in case -of equality, in election to Fellowships. We may add that, although the -position of these Scholars (as they came to be called) unquestionably -improved greatly in the course of time, the Statute affecting them was -not revised until 1834.[29] - -The Statutes throw a good deal of light on the internal administration -of the College at the close of the middle ages. Of the two Deans, -the senior had charge of the Library, the junior of the Chapel; they -were also to assist the Master generally in matters of discipline. -The Master, Fellows, and Scholastics were bound on Sundays and -Feast-days to attend matins, with lauds, mass, vespers, and compline; -and any Fellow who absented himself was liable to a fine of twopence, -while Scholastics were punished with a flogging or otherwise at the -discretion of the Master and Dean. The senior Dean presided at the -disputations in Logic, which were held on Saturdays weekly throughout -the term, except in Lent, and attended by the Bachelors, Scholastics, -and junior Masters. The more important disputations in philosophy were -held on Wednesdays, and were not intermitted in Lent. They were even -held during the long vacation until the 7th September. At these all the -Fellows were to be present, and the Master or senior Fellow to preside. -Theological disputations were also to be held weekly or fortnightly in -term so long as there were three Fellows who were theologians to make -a quorum. The College was empowered to receive boarders not on the -foundation--what we now call commoners or persons who pay for their -commons,--on the condition of their following the prescribed course of -study (or in special cases reading civil or canon law); and the fact of -their paying seems to have given them a choice of rooms. - -The Bible or one of the Fathers was to be read in hall during -dinner, and all conversation to be in Latin, unless addressed to -one--presumably a guest or a servant--ignorant of the language. French -was not permitted, as it was at Queen’s,[30] but the Master might -give leave to speak English on state occasions,--evidently on such a -feast as that of Saint Catherine’s day, when guests were invited and -an extraordinary allowance of 3_s._ 4_d._ was made. The condition of -residence was strictly enforced; nevertheless _in order that when, as -ofttimes comes to pass, a season of pestilence rages, the Muses be not -silent nor study and teaching of none effect by reason of the strength -of fear and peril_, it was permitted that the members of the College -should withdraw into the country, to a more salubrious place not -distant more than twelve miles from Oxford, and there dwell together -and carry on their life of study and their accustomed disputations -so long as the plague should last.[31] The gates of the College were -closed at nine in summer and eight in winter, and the keys deposited -with the Master until the morning. Whoever spent the night out of -College or entered except by the gate, was punished, a Fellow by a fine -of twelve pence, a Scholastic by a flogging. - - * * * * * - -Having now sketched the constitutional history of the College to the -end of the middle ages, we have now to mention a few facts of interest -during that time. These group themselves first round the name of John -Wycliffe the reformer of religion, and then round the band of learned -men and patrons of learning, the reformers of classical study, in the -century after him. - -In 1360 and 1361 John Wycliffe is mentioned in the College muniments -as Master of Balliol. That this was the famous teacher and preacher is -not disputed, but there has been much controversy as to his earlier -history. That he began his University life at Queen’s is indeed known -to be a mistake; but the entry of the name in the bursar’s rolls at -Merton under the date June 1356 has led many to believe that he was a -Fellow of that College. It seems nearly certain that there were two -John Wycliffes at Oxford at the time; and since the Master of Balliol -could only be elected from among the Fellows, the inference seems -clear that the Wycliffe who was Master of Balliol cannot have been -Fellow of Merton. Besides, it has been pointed out that Wycliffe the -reformer’s descent from a family settled hard by Barnard Castle, the -home of the Balliols, would naturally lead him to enter the Balliol -foundation at Oxford; there was another Wycliffe also at Balliol, -and three members of the College--one himself Master--were given the -benefice of Wycliffe-upon-Tees between 1363 and 1369. Fellowships were -obtained by personal influence, and ties of this kind would easily -help his admission. Moreover, it was not common for a northerner to -enter a College like Merton, which appears in fact to have formed the -head-quarters of the southern party at Oxford.[32] - -Whatever be the truth in this matter, Wycliffe’s connection with -Balliol is scarcely a matter of high importance. Men did not in those -days receive their education within the College walls. The College was -the boarding-house where they dwelt, where they were maintained, and -where they attended divine service. It is true that disputations were -required to take place within the House; but this was only to ensure -their regularity. It was an affair of _discipline_, not of tuition, -for the College tutor was an officer undreamt of in those days; the -duty of the Principal on these occasions was only to announce the -subject, to preside over the discussion, and to keep order. Nor again -was Wycliffe Master for more than a short time. He was elected after -1356, and he resigned his post shortly after accepting the College -living of Fillingham in 1361. When in later years he lived in Oxford -he took up his abode elsewhere than in Balliol; perhaps at Queen’s, -then, according to many, at Canterbury Hall, finally at Black Hall: -Balliol, it should seem, at that time had room only for members of the -foundation. The chief interest residing in his connection with the -College lies in the fact, to which we have alluded, that his great -exemplar, Richard FitzRalph, had been a Fellow of it about the time -of Wycliffe’s birth, and was probably still resident in Oxford when -Wycliffe came up as a freshman. - -The age succeeding Wycliffe’s death is the most barren time in the -history of the University. Scholastic philosophy had lost its vitality -and become over-elaborated into a trivial formalism. Logic had ceased -to act as a stimulus to the intellectual powers, and had rather become -a clog upon their exercise; and men no longer framed syllogisms to -develop their thoughts, but argued first and thought, if at all, -afterwards. When, however, towards the middle of the fifteenth century, -the revival of learning which we associate with the name of humanism -began to influence English students, it was not those who stayed in -England who caught its spirit, but those who were able to pursue a -second student’s course in Italy, and there devote their zeal to the -half-forgotten stores of classical Latin literature and the unknown -treasure-house of Greek. It was only the ebb of the humanistic movement -which in England, as in Germany, turned to refresh and invigorate the -study of theology. In the earlier phase, so far as it affected England, -Balliol College took a foremost position, though indeed there is less -evidence of this activity among the resident members of the House than -among those who had passed from it to become the patrons and pioneers -of a younger generation of scholars. They were almost all travelled -men, who collected manuscripts and had them copied for them, founded -libraries and sowed the seed for others to reap the fruit. - -First among these in time and in dignity was Humphrey Duke of -Gloucester, the Good Duke Humphrey, by whose munificence the University -Library grew from a small number of volumes chained on desks in the -upper chamber of the Congregation House at Saint Mary’s,[33] into a -collection of some six hundred manuscripts, of unique value, because, -unlike the existing cathedral and monastic libraries, it was formed at -the time when attention was being again devoted to classical learning -and with the help of the foreign scholars, whose work the Duke loved -to encourage, and whom he employed to transcribe and collect for -him. His library contained little theology; it was rich in classical -Latin literature, in Arabic science (in translations), and in the new -literature of Italy, counting at least five volumes of Boccaccio, seven -of Petrarch, and two of Dante.[34] Unhappily the whole library was -wrecked and brought to nothing in the violence of the reign of King -Edward the Sixth, and the three volumes which are now preserved in -the re-founded University Library of Sir Thomas Bodley were recovered -piecemeal from those who had obtained possession of them in the great -days of plunder.[35] That Duke Humphrey was a member of Balliol College -is attested by Leland[36] and Bale,[37] but further evidence is wanting. - -Almost at the same time as the University Library was thus enriched, -five Englishmen are mentioned as students at Ferrara under the -illustrious teacher Guarino:[38] four of the five are claimed by our -College, William Grey, John Tiptoft, John Free, and John Gunthorpe. -Of these, two were men of letters and munificent patrons of learning, -the third was himself a scholar of high repute, and the last combined, -perhaps in a lesser degree, the characteristics of both classes. -William Grey stands in a peculiarly close relation with the College. -A member of the noble house of Codnor, he resided for a long time at -Cologne in princely style, and maintained a magnificent household. -Here he studied logic, philosophy, and theology. He was Chancellor of -the University of Oxford from 1440 to 1442, and then went forth again -for a more prolonged course of study in Italy, at Florence, Padua, -and Ferrara. Removing in 1449 to Rome, as proctor for King Henry the -Sixth, he lived there an honoured member of the learned society in -the papal city, and continued to collect manuscripts and to have them -transcribed and illuminated under his eyes, until he was recalled in -1454 to the Bishopric of Ely. It was his devotion to humanism and his -patronage of learned men that naturally found favour with Pope Nicolas -the Fifth, and his elevation to the see of Ely was the Pope’s act. -After his return to England he was not regardless of the affairs of -State,--indeed for a time in 1469 and 1470 he was Lord Treasurer,--but -his paramount interest still lay in his books and his circle of -scholars, himself credited with a knowledge not only of Greek but of -Hebrew. It was his desire that his library should be preserved within -the walls of his old College. One of its members, Robert Abdy, heartily -coöperated with him, and the books--some two hundred in number, and -including a _printed_ copy of Josephus,--were safely housed in a new -building erected for the purpose, probably just before the Bishop’s -death in 1478. Many of the codices were unhappily destroyed during -the reign of King Edward the Sixth, and by Wood’s time few of the -miniatures in the remaining volumes had escaped mutilation.[39] But it -is a good testimony to the loyal spirit in which the College kept the -trust committed to them, that no less than a hundred and fifty-two of -Grey’s manuscripts are still in its possession.[40] - -Part of the building in which the library was to find a home was -already in existence. The ground-floor, and perhaps the dining-hall -(now the library reading-room) adjoining, are attributed to Thomas -Chase, who had been Master from 1412 to 1423, and was Chancellor of -the University from 1426 to 1430. It was the upper part of the library -which was expressly built for the purpose of receiving Bishop Grey’s -books, and it was the work of Abdy, who as Fellow and then, from 1477 -to 1494, as Master devoted himself to the enlargement and adornment of -the College buildings, Grey helping him liberally with money. On more -than one of the library windows their joint bounty was commemorated:-- - - Hos Deus adiecit, Deus his det gaudia celi: - Abdy perfecit opus hoc Gray presul et Ely. - -And again:-- - - Conditor ecce novi structus huius fuit Abdy: - Presul et huic Hely Gray libros contulit edi. - -The bishop’s coat of arms may still be seen on the panels below the -great window of the old solar, now the Master’s dining-hall; and -elsewhere in the new buildings might be seen the arms of George -Nevill, Archbishop of York, the brother of the King-Maker, who was -also a member, and would thus appear to have been a benefactor, of -the College.[41] The future Archbishop was made Chancellor of the -University in 1453 when he was barely twenty-two years of age.[42] His -installation banquet, the particulars of which may be read in Savage’s -_Balliofergus_,[43] was of a prodigality to which it would be hard to -find a parallel: it consisted of nine hundred messes of meat, with -twelve hundred hogsheads of beer and four hundred and sixteen of wine; -and if, as it appears, it was held within the College, the resources -of the house must have been severely taxed to make provision for the -entertainment of the company, which included twenty-two noblemen, -seventeen bishops and abbots, a number of noble ladies, and a multitude -of other guests, not to speak of more than two thousand servants. - -The other Balliol scholars who followed the instruction of Guarino at -Ferrara were a good deal younger than Grey; for Guarino lived on until -1460, when he died at the age of ninety. Tiptoft, who was created Earl -of Worcester in his twenty-second year, in 1449, was an enthusiastic -traveller. He set out first to Jerusalem; returned to Venice, and then -spent several years in study at Ferrara, Padua, and Rome.[44] During -this time he collected manuscripts wherever he could lay hands on -them, and formed a precious library, with which he afterwards endowed -the University of Oxford: its value was reckoned at no less than five -hundred marks.[45] His later career as Treasurer and High Constable -belongs to the public history of England. It is to be lamented that -he brought back from the Italian _renaissance_ a spirit of cruelty -and recklessness of giving pain, unknown to the humaner middle ages, -which made him one of the first victims of the revolution that restored -King Henry the Sixth to the throne. But in his death the cause of -letters received a blow such as we can only compare with that which -it suffered by the execution of the Earl of Surrey in the last days -of King Henry the Eighth. It is a strange coincidence that one of the -leaders of the restoration movement, one of those chiefly chargeable -with Tiptoft’s death, was his own Balliol contemporary, Archbishop -Nevill, the new Lord Chancellor.[46] - -John Free, who graduated in 1450,[47] was a Fellow of Balliol College, -and was afterwards a Doctor of Medicine of Padua. During a life spent -in Italy he became famous as a poet and a Greek scholar, a civilist -and a physician.[48] Pope Paul the Second made him Bishop of Bath and -Wells, but he died almost immediately, in 1465.[49] Gunthorpe was his -companion in study at Ferrara, and he too became distinguished as a -scholar: but he was still more a collector of books, some of which he -gave to Jesus College, Cambridge--at one time he was Warden of the -King’s Hall in that University,--while others came to several libraries -at Oxford. Gunthorpe is best known as a man of affairs, a diplomatist -and minister of state. He became Dean of Wells, and is still remembered -in that city by the _guns_ with which he adorned the Deanery he -built.[50] He survived all his fellow-scholars we have named, and died -in 1498.[51] - - * * * * * - -From the end of the middle ages down to the present century Balliol -College presents none of those characteristics of distinction which -we have remarked in the fifteenth century. During this time, indeed, -although in the nature of things a large number of men of note -continued to receive their education at Oxford, there was no College -or Colleges which could be said to occupy anything like a position -of peculiar eminence or dignity. In the general decline of learning, -education, and manners, Balliol College appears even to have sunk below -most of its rivals, and its annals show little more than a dreary -record of lazy torpor and bad living.[52] The Statutes of the College -received no alterations of importance. Its power to choose its own -Visitor was indeed for a time overridden by the Bishop of Lincoln, who -was considered _ex officio_ Visitor until Bishop Barlow’s death in -1691;[53] and the _Scholastici_ became distinguished as _Scholares_ -from an inferior rank of _Servitores_ with which the Statutes of 1507 -had identified them. Another lower class of students, called Batellers, -also came into existence. Every Commoner was required by a rule of 1574 -to be under the Master or one of the Fellows as his Tutor;[54] Scholars -being apparently _ipso facto_ subject to the Fellows who nominated -them. In 1610 it was ordered, with the Visitor’s consent, that Fellow -Commoners might be admitted to the College and be free from “public -correction,” except in the case of scandalous offences; they were not -bound to exhibit reverence to the Fellows in the quadrangle unless they -encountered them face to face,--_reverentiam Sociis in quadrangulo -consuetam non nisi in occursu praestent_. Every such Commoner was -bound to pay at least five pounds on admission for the purchase of -plate or books for the College.[55] The sum was in 1691 raised to ten -pounds.[56] As the disputations in hall tended to become less and less -of a reality, and the lectures in the schools became a pure matter of -routine for the younger Masters, provision had to be made for something -in the way of regular lectures, but fixed tuition-fees were not yet -invented, and so the richest living in the gift of the College--that -of Fillingham in Lincolnshire, which had been usually held by the -Master and was now attached to his office--was in 1571 charged with the -payment of £8 13_s._.4_d._ to three Prelectors chosen by the College -who should lecture in hall on Greek, dialectic, and rhetoric.[57] The -lectures, it was soon after decided, were to be held at least thrice -a week during term, except on Feast Days or when the lecturer was -ill. Any one who failed to fulfil his duty--either in person or by a -deputy--was to pay twopence _to be consumed by the other Fellows at -dinner or supper on the Sunday next following_.[58] In 1695 the famous -Dr. Busby, who had before shown himself a friend to the College,[59] -established a Catechetical Lecture to be given on thirty prescribed -subjects through the year, at which all members of the College were -bound to be present.[60] This Lecture was maintained until recent years. - -During the two centuries following the reign of King Edward the Third -the College had received little or no addition to its corporate -endowments, though, as we have seen, it had been largely helped by -donations towards its buildings, and above all by the foundation of -its precious library.[61] Between the date of the accession of Queen -Elizabeth and the year 1677, in the renewed zeal for academical -foundations which marked that period, the College received a number -of new benefactions; and these introduced a new element into its -composition. Hitherto all the Fellowships had been open without -restriction of place of birth or education; and although it is likely -that the College in its earlier days drew its recruits mainly from the -north of England, yet there was nothing in the Statutes to authorize -the connection. The College, it is true, was a very close corporation, -for Fellow nominated Scholar, and out of the Scholars the Fellows -were generally elected. Still, in contradistinction to the majority -of Colleges, there were no local limitations upon eligibility to -Scholarships. The new endowments, on the other hand, with the exception -of those of the Lady Periam, were all so limited. First, by a bequest -of Dr. John Bell, formerly Bishop of Worcester, two Scholarships -confined to natives of his diocese were founded in 1559,[62] and in -1605 Sir William Dunch established another for the benefit of Abingdon -School.[63] A little later Balliol nearly became possessed of the much -larger endowment, of seven Fellowships and six Scholarships, attached -to the same school by William Tisdale. Indeed part of the money was -paid over, six Scholars were appointed, and Cesar’s lodgings--of which -more hereafter--were bought for their reception.[64] But a subsequent -arrangement diverted the endowment, which in 1624 helped to change the -ancient Broadgates Hall into Pembroke College.[65] In the meanwhile -a more considerable benefaction, also connected with a local school, -accrued to Balliol between 1601 and 1615, when in execution of the will -of Peter Blundell one Fellowship and one Scholarship were founded to -be held by persons educated at Blundell’s Grammar School at Tiverton, -and nominated by the Trustees of the School.[66] The next endowment -in order of time was that of Elizabeth, widow of Chief Baron Periam -and sister of Francis Bacon. The nomination to the Fellowship and two -Scholarships which she founded in 1620, she reserved to herself for her -lifetime; afterwards they were to be filled up in the same manner as -the other Fellowships of the College.[67] - -After the Restoration two separate benefactions set up that close -connection between the College and Scotland which saved Balliol from -sinking into utter obscurity in the century following, and which has -since contributed to it a large share of its later fame. Bishop Warner -of Rochester, who died in 1666, bequeathed to the College the annual -sum of eighty pounds for the support of four scholars from Scotland to -be chosen by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Rochester; -and about ten years later certain Exhibitions were founded by Mr. -John Snell for persons nominated by Glasgow University. The latter -varied in number according to the proceeds of Mr. Snell’s estate; at -one time they were as many as ten and of the yearly value of £116, -but their number and value have since been reduced. Both of these -foundations were expressly designed to promote the interests of the -Episcopal Church in Scotland.[68] Their importance in the history of -the College cannot be overestimated, and it is to them that it owes -such names among its members as Adam Smith, Sir William Hamilton, and -Archbishop Tait, to say nothing of a great company of distinguished -Scotsmen now living. The Exhibitioners have also as a rule offered an -admirable example of frugal habits and hard work; and perhaps it was -in consideration of their national thriftiness that the rooms assigned -them are noticed in 1791 as mean and incommodious.[69] - -Among more recent benefactions to the College the most important is -that of Miss Hannah Brakenbury who, besides the questionable service of -contributing towards the rebuilding of the front quadrangle, endowed -eight Scholarships for the encouragement of the studies of Law and -Modern History. Nor should we omit to mention the two Exhibitions of -£100 a-year each, founded under the will of Richard Jenkyns, formerly -Master, which are awarded by examination to members of the College, -and the list of holders of which is of exceptional brilliancy. But in -recent years the number of Scholarships and Exhibitions has been most -of all increased not by means of any specific endowment but by savings -from the annual internal income of the College. In pursuance of the -ordinances of the Universities’ Commission of 1877, Balliol became -the owner of New Inn Hall on the death of its late Principal; and the -proceeds of the sale of the Hall, when effected, are to be applied to -the establishment of Exhibitions for poor students. - - * * * * * - -We now resume the history of the College buildings. We have seen that -the Chapel was built early in the reign of King Edward the Third, -and that the hall and library buildings were added in the following -century.[70] A new Chapel was built between 1521 and 1529,[71] which -lasted until the present century. It contained a muniment-room or -treasury, “which,” says Anthony Wood, “is a kind of vestry, joyning on -the S. side of the E. end of the chappel;”[72] and there was a window -opening into it, as at Corpus, from the library.[73] With the present -Chapel in one’s mind it is hard to estimate the loss which from a -picturesque point of view the College has suffered by the destruction -of its predecessor. In modern times Oxford has ever been a prey to -architects. The rebuilding of Queen’s is an example of what happily -was not carried into effect at Magdalen and Brasenose in the last -century; but in the present, Balliol is almost peculiar in the extent -to which these depredations have run, and those who remember the line -of buildings of the Chapel and library as they looked from the Fellows’ -garden say that for harmony and quiet charm they were of their kind -unsurpassed in Oxford. Among the special features of the old Chapel -were the painted windows, particularly the great east window given by -Lawrence Stubbs in 1529. The fragments of this are distributed among -the side windows of the modern Chapel, and even in their scattered -state are highly regarded by lovers of glass-painting.[74] Of the -later buildings of the College, “Cesar’s lodgings” must not pass -without notice. It had its name from Henry Caesar, afterwards Dean -of Carlisle--the brother of Sir Julius Caesar, Master of the Rolls -(1614-1636),--and stood opposite to where the “Martyrs’ Memorial” now -is. Being currently known as _Cesar_, an opposite stack of buildings -to the south of it was naturally called _Pompey_. The two were pulled -down, not before it was necessary, in the second quarter of the present -century.[75] Hammond’s lodgings, which came to the College in Queen -Elizabeth’s time, and stood on the site of the old Master’s little -garden and the present Master’s house, were occupied by the Blundell -and Periam Fellows.[76] - -Before the front of the College was a close, planted with trees like -that in front of St. John’s. - - “Stant Baliolenses maiore cacumine moles, - Et sua frondosis praetexunt atria ramis; - Nec tamen idcirco Trinam sprevere minorem - Aut sibi subiectam comitem sponsamve recusant--” - -ran some verses of 1667.[77] But if we may judge from a story to be -told hereafter of the respective prosperity of the two Colleges, it -was rather Trinity which had the right to look down upon its rival at -that time. In the eighteenth century the buildings of Balliol were -considerably enlarged by the erection of two staircases westward of -the Master’s house, by Mr. Fisher of Beere, and of three running -north of these over against St. Mary Magdalen Church. The fronts of -the east side of the quadrangle, reputed to be the most ancient part -of the College, and of part of the south side adjoining it, were -rebuilt.[78] The direction of the hall was reversed, so that instead of -the passage into the garden, the entrance to the hall, and the buttery -being beneath the Master’s lodgings, they were placed on the northern -extremity of the hall.[79] In the present reign a further addition to -the College was made in the place of the dilapidated “Cesar,” and with -it a back porch with a tower above it was built. Then followed the -rebuilding of the Chapel and, after an interval, of two sides of the -front quadrangle and of the Master’s house. A little later the garden -was gradually enclosed by buildings on the north side, which were -completed in 1877 by a hall with common room, buttery, kitchen, and a -chemical laboratory beneath it. - - * * * * * - -It is very difficult to obtain any accurate knowledge of the number -of persons ordinarily inhabiting a College in past times. A few lists -happen to have been preserved, but their accuracy is not free from -suspicion. Thus, a census of 1552 enumerates under the head of Balliol -seven Masters, six Bachelors, and seventeen others, these seventeen -including the manciple, butler, cook, and scullion.[80] In ten years -this list of thirty names has grown to sixty-five: six Masters, -thirteen Bachelors, and forty-six others, eight of whom were Scholars, -five “poor scholars”--presumably batellers,--and four servants.[81] -By 1612 the number appears to have nearly doubled, and comprises the -Master and eleven Fellows, thirteen Scholars, seventy commoners, -twenty-two “poor scholars,” and ten servants; in all a hundred and -twenty-seven:[82] a total the magnitude of which is the more perplexing -since the College matriculations between 1575 and 1621 averaged hardly -more than fifteen a-year.[83] No doubt, in the days when several -students shared a bedroom, it was possible even for a small College -to give house-room to a far larger number than we can imagine at the -present time; but still it is hard to understand how so many as a -hundred and twenty persons could be accommodated in the then existing -buildings of Balliol. According to the procuratorial cycle of 1629, -Balliol ranks with University, Lincoln, Jesus, and Pembroke, among the -smallest Colleges.[84] In recent times, taking years by chance, we -find the number of Fellows, Scholars, and Commoners in the _University -Calendar_ for 1838 to be 102, in that for 1859 to be 122, in 1878 -about 195, and in 1891 about 187.[85] That the College has been able -to count so many resident members is partly owing to the extension of -the College buildings, but much more to the modern Statute whereby all -members of the College are not necessarily required to live within the -College walls. - - * * * * * - -Notices of the domestic history of Balliol during the sixteenth, -seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries are surprisingly scanty. In the -following pages we have gathered together such particulars as we have -thought of sufficient interest to be recorded in a brief sketch like -the present. Early in the seventeenth century the life of the College -was varied by the presence of two Greek students, sent over by Cyril -Lucaris, the Patriarch of Constantinople, to whom England owes the -gift of the Codex Alexandrinus. One of these, Metrophanes Critopulos, -became Patriarch of Alexandria. The other, Nathaniel Conopios, we -are told “spake and wrote the genuine Greek (for which he was had -in great Veneration in his Country), others using the vulgar only,” -and was a proficient in music. He took the degree of B.D., and was -made Bishop of Smyrna. Evelyn remarks that he was the first he “ever -saw drink coffee, w^{ch} custom came not into England until 30 years -after.”[86] Our next note is of a different character. Soon after the -Scholars endowed by Tisdale[87] were established in Cesar’s lodgings, -a dispute arose between one of them, named Crabtree, and Ferryman -Moore, a freshman of three weeks’ standing. Crabtree called Moore an -“undergraduate” and pulled his hair; whereupon Moore drew his knife -and stabbed him so that he died. In the trial that followed Moore -pleaded benefit of clergy and was condemned to burning in the hand, -but at the petition of the Vice-Chancellor, Mayor, and other Justices, -received the Royal pardon on the 19th November, 1624,--the very year -in which the benefaction that had brought his victim to Balliol was -settled in its lasting home in Pembroke College.[88] A little later, -in 1631, we find one Thorne, a member of Balliol, preaching at St. -Mary’s against the King’s Declaration on Religion of 1628: he was -expelled the University by Royal order.[89] The famous John Evelyn, -who was admitted a Fellow Commoner of the College in May 1637, being -then in his seventeenth year, tells us that “the Fellow Com’uners in -Balliol were no more exempt from Exercise than the meanest scholars -there, and my Father sent me thither to one Mr. George Bradshaw,” who -was Master from 1648 to 1651. “I ever,” he adds, “thought my Tutor -had parts enough, but as his ambition made him much suspected of y^{e} -College, so his grudge to Dr. Lawrence, the governor of it (whom he -afterwards supplanted), tooke up so much of his tyme, that he seldom or -never had the opportunity to discharge his duty to his scholars. This -I perceiving, associated myself with one Mr. James Thicknesse, (then -a young man of the Foundation, afterwards a Fellow of the House,) by -whose learned and friendly conversation I received great advantage. At -my first arrival, Dr. Parkhurst was Master; and after his discease, Dr. -Lawrence, a chaplaine of his Ma’ties and Margaret Professor, succeeded, -an acute and learned person; nor do I much reproach his severity, -considering that the extraordinary remissenesse of discipline had -(til his coming) much detracted from the reputation of that Colledg.” -Later Evelyn mentions that his Tutor managed his expenses during his -first year. In January 1640 “Came my Bro. Richard from schole to be my -chamber-fellow at the University,” so that even Fellow Commoners did -not always have rooms to themselves. It is noticeable that the chief -studies which Evelyn speaks of engaging in are those of “the dauncing -and vaulting Schole” and music; and one is not surprised to read that -when he quitted Oxford in April 1640, without taking a degree, and made -his residence in the Middle Temple, he should observe, “My being at the -University, in regard of these avocations, was of very small benefit to -me.”[90] - -When King Charles was at Oxford, Balliol, with the great majority of -Colleges, handed over its plate to him, 20 January 1642/3. The weight -of the metal was only 41 _lb._ 4 _oz._, less than that of any other -College recorded.[91] When the Parliamentary Visitation began in 1647. -Thomas Lawrence was Master and also Margaret Professor of Divinity. -After a while he submitted to the Visitors’ authority and then resigned -his offices. In the Mastership he was succeeded by George Bradshaw, -Evelyn’s tutor.[92] Apparently about half the members of the College in -time made their submission.[93] From 1651 the Mastership was held by -Henry Savage, a man of cultivation, who had travelled in France, and -here at least deserves to be remembered as the author of the first and -only history of his College, a work to which we have been constantly -indebted for its transcripts and extracts from the muniments.[94] On -his death in 1672 he was succeeded by Thomas Good,--one of the first -of those who submitted to the Parliamentary Visitors[95]--whom Wood -describes as when resident in College “a frequent preacher, yet always -esteemed an honest and harmless puritan.”[96] He is best known from -the stories which Humphrey Prideaux tells about him. According to him -the Master “is a good honest old tost, and understands business well -enough, but is very often guilty of absurditys, which rendreth him -contemptible to the yong men of the town.”[97] One of these stories -he does “not well beleeve; but however you shall have it. There is -over against Baliol College a dingy, horrid, scandalous alehouse, fit -for none but draymen and tinkers and such as by goeing there have made -themselves equally scandalous. Here the Baliol men continually ly, -and by perpetuall bubbeing ad art to their natural stupidity to make -themselves perfect sots. The head, beeing informed of this, called -them togeather, and in a grave speech informed them of the mischiefs -of that hellish liquor cald ale, that it destroyed both body and soul, -and adviced them by noe means to have anything more to do with it; but -on of them, not willing soe tamely to be preached out of his beloved -liquor, made reply that the Vice-Chancelour’s men drank ale at the -Split Crow,[98] and why should not they to? The old man, being nonplusd -with this reply, immediately packeth away to the Vice-Chancelour,[99] -and informed him of the ill example his fellows gave the rest of the -town by drinkeing ale, and desired him to prohibit them for the future; -but Bathurst, not likeing his proposall, being formerly and [_sic_] -old lover of ale himselfe, answared him roughly, that there was noe -hurt in ale, and that as long as his fellows did noe worse he would not -disturb them, and soe turned the old man goeing; who, returneing to -his colledge, calld his fellows again and told them he had been with -the Vice-Chancelour, and that he told them there was noe hurt in ale; -truely he thought there was, but now, beeing informed of the contrary, -since the Vice-Chancelour gave his men leave to drinke ale, he would -give them leave to; soe that now they may be sots by authority.”[100] - -Another story of the same time connecting Balliol and Trinity Colleges -is told of Dr. Bathurst, President of Trinity and the “Vice-Chancelour” -named in the foregoing quotation. “A striking instance,” says Thomas -Warton, “of zeal for his college, in the dotage of old age, is yet -remembered. Balliol College had suffered so much in the outrages of the -grand rebellion, that it remained almost in a state of desolation for -some years after the restoration: a circumstance not to be suspected -from its flourishing condition ever since. Dr. Bathurst was perhaps -secretly pleased to see a neighbouring, and once rival society, -reduced to this condition, while his own flourished beyond all others. -Accordingly, one afternoon he was found in his garden, which then ran -almost contiguous to the east side of Balliol-college, throwing stones -at the windows with much satisfaction, as if happy to contribute his -share in completing the appearance of its ruin.”[101] - -Indeed, that Balliol was by no means in a state of prosperity after -the Restoration may be gathered from the facts that it is described -as possessing but half the income of Exeter, Oriel, and Queen’s, and -containing but twenty-five commoners;[102] and that in 1681 the College -was taken by the opposition Peers for lodgings during the Oxford -Parliament.[103] In January the Earl of Shaftesbury, together with the -Duke of Monmouth, the Earls of Bedford and Essex, and twelve other -Peers, subscribed a petition praying that the Parliament should sit -not at Oxford but at Westminster; and when they found they could not -move the King, Shaftesbury promptly set about securing rooms at Oxford. -John Locke, who conducted negotiations for him, reported on the 6th -February that the Rector of Exeter would be happy to place three rooms -in his house at his Lordship’s disposal, “but that the whole college -could by no means be had.” Dr. Wallis’s house was also inspected, and -it was soon discovered that Balliol College was at the Peers’ service. -From a letter however from Shaftesbury to Locke, of the 22nd February, -it seems that he himself and Lord Grey occupied Wallis’s house, and -“dieted” elsewhere, no doubt at Balliol.[104] On their departure -Shaftesbury and fourteen other Peers--almost exactly the same list as -that of the petitioners of the 25th January--presented to the College -“a large bole, with a cover to it, all double guilt, 167 _oz._ 10 -_dwts_,”[105] which was melted down into tankards many years since. - -The history of the College during the greater part of the eighteenth -century coincides with the life of Dr. Theophilus Leigh, who took his -Bachelor’s degree from Corpus in 1712, was appointed Master of Balliol -fifteen years later, and held his office until 1785. Hearne records the -circumstances of his election in a way which implies that he owed his -success to an informality, with more than a hint of nepotism on the -part of the Visitor.[106] Six years after his death Martin Routh was -elected President of Magdalen College. He died in 1855; so that the -academical lives of these two men overlapping just at the extremities -cover a period of not less than a hundred and forty-six years. In -Leigh’s days Balliol was sunk in the heavy and sluggish decrepitude -which characterized Oxford at large. The _Terrae Filius_--doubtless -an authority to be received with caution--reviles the Fellows for -the perpetual fines and sconces with which they burthened the -undergraduates;[107] and it is stated that Adam Smith, when a member -of the College, was severely reprimanded for reading Hume.[108] It is -certain that, at least when Leigh was first a Fellow, the College did -not even trust the undergraduates with knives and forks, for these, we -are assured, were chained to the table in hall, while the trenchers -were made of wood.[109] There was “a laudable custom” which lasted -on to a later generation “of the Dean’s Visiting the Undergraduats -Chambers at 9 o’ Clock at Night, to see that they kept good hours.”[110] - -It was before nine o’clock on the 23rd February 1747-8 that a party -was gathered there which led to serious consequences. In spite of the -failure of the rebellion of 1745 the zealous ardour of some Jacobite -members of the College waxed so warm that they and their guests paraded -down the Turl shouting _G--d bless k--g J----s_, until they reached -Winter’s coffee-house near the High Street, where Mr. Richard Blacow, -a Canon of Windsor, was sitting “in company with several Gentlemen of -the University and an Officer in his Regimental Habit,” about seven -o’clock in the evening. Mr. Blacow tells us with righteous indignation -how he not only heard treasonable and seditious expressions in favour -of the exiled family, but also such cries as _d--n K--g G----e_. Being -a young Master of Arts and very much on his dignity, he went forth into -the street to check the outrage, but was only met by a rough handling -on the part of the rioters, who stood shouting in St. Mary Hall Lane -in front of Oriel College; so that Mr. Blacow was glad to make good -his retreat within the College gate. Reappearing after a while he was -on the point of being attacked, when his assailant was carried off by -the Proctor. Another, Luxmoore, B.A. of Balliol, took to his heels. -After this the loyal Canon sought in vain to induce the Vice-Chancellor -to take steps for the trial of the offenders; but he could by no -means be prevailed upon. At length, as the scandal spread abroad, the -Secretary of State, the Duke of Newcastle, requested Mr. Blacow to -lay an information before him; and three members of the University -were tried for treason in the King’s Bench. Of the two who belonged to -Balliol one, Luxmoore, was acquitted; the other Whitmore, with Dawes of -St. Mary Hall,--both undergraduates barely twenty years of age,--were -sentenced to a fine, to two years’ imprisonment, to find securities -for their good behaviour for seven years, “to walk immediately round -Westminster Hall with a libel affixed to their foreheads denoting their -crime and sentence, and to ask pardon of the several courts.”[111] - -The letters of Robert Southey, who entered Balliol as a commoner in -1792, do not give an unfavourable impression of the condition of the -College just after Leigh’s death. His own peculiarities of taste and -temper placed him doubtless in uncongenial surroundings,--he refused -the assistance of the College barber and wore his curly hair long,--but -his complaint is not of the College but of the University system in -general. The authorities are “men remarkable only for great wigs and -little wisdom.” “With respect to its superiors, Oxford only exhibits -waste of wigs and want of wisdom; with respect to the undergraduates, -every species of abandoned excess.” In his second year, with the -haughty air of a senior man, he found the freshmen “not estimable”; -but he made friends in College, and two of his first four comrades -in the great Pantisocratic scheme were Balliol men. Even his tutor, -Thomas Howe, delighted him by being “half a democrat,” and still more -by the remark--“Mr. Southey, you won’t learn any thing by my lectures, -Sir; so, if you have any studies of your own, you had better pursue -them.” Rowing and swimming, Southey used to say, were all he learned -at Oxford; but with two years’ residence, and a term missed in them, -with Pantisocracy and _Joan of Arc_, we may doubt whether it was all -Oxford’s fault.[112] - -The real revival of Balliol College began after the election of John -Parsons as Master in 1798. He succeeded to the Vice-Chancellorship in -1807 unexpectedly, on the death of Dr. Richards, Rector of Exeter, -after a single year of office. “He was a good scholar,” says Bedel Cox, -“and an impressive preacher, though he did not preach often; above all, -he was thoroughly conversant with University matters, having been for -several years the leading, or rather the working, man in the Hebdomadal -Board. Indeed, he had the great merit of elaborating the details of -the Public Examination Statute at the end of the last century. His -subsequent promotion” to the Bishopric of Peterborough “was considered -as the well-earned reward of that his great work. Dr. Parsons had also -the credit of laying the foundation of that collegiate and tutorial -system which Dr. Jenkyns afterwards so successfully carried out.”[113] -Those who may think the establishment of the examination system a -questionable benefit may be comforted by knowing that for many years it -was conducted entirely _vivâ voce_, while the requirements for degrees -in the time preceding the change were so notoriously perfunctory that -the old method could not possibly be maintained. In the Colleges -too the tutorial system, in its principle--as still at Cambridge--a -disciplinary system, had long outlived its vitality; and Dr. Parsons -deserves credit not merely for invigorating it, but for setting on a -firm foundation an organization for teaching undergraduates as well as -for keeping them in order. - -But it was not to be expected that these reforms should bear full fruit -for many years. Sir William Hamilton, who was at Balliol from 1807 to -1810, describes himself as “so plagued by these foolish lectures of the -College tutors that I have little time to do anything else--Aristotle -to-day, ditto to-morrow; and I believe that if the ideas furnished by -Aristotle to these numbskulls were taken away, it would be doubtful -whether there remained a single notion. I am quite tired of such -uniformity of study.”[114] He was however unfortunately placed under -an eccentric tutor named Powell, who lived furtively in rooms over the -College gate and was never seen out except at dusk. “For a short time -Hamilton and his tutor kept up the formality of an hour’s lecture. This -however soon ceased, and for the last three years of his College life -Hamilton was left to follow his own inclinations.”[115] But, as Dr. -Parsons said, “he is one of those, and they are rare, who are best left -to themselves. He will turn out a great scholar, and we shall get the -credit of making him so, though in point of fact we shall have done -nothing for him whatever.”[116] Yet in later years the philosopher -speaks of the “College in which I spent the happiest of the happy -years of youth, which is never recollected but with affection, and -from which, as I gratefully acknowledge, I carried into life a taste -for those studies which have contributed the most interesting of my -subsequent pursuits.”[117] - -Hamilton’s freshman’s account of the daily life and manners of the -College deserves quotation: its date is 13 May, 1807. “No boots are -allowed to be worn here, or trousers or pantaloons. In the morning we -wear white cotton stockings, and before dinner regularly dress in silk -stockings, &c. After dinner we go to one another’s rooms and drink some -wine, then go to chapel at half-past five, and walk, or sail on the -river, after that. In the morning we go to chapel at seven, breakfast -at nine, fag all the forenoon, and dine at half-past three.”[118] - -Under Dr. Parsons as Master, and Mr. Jenkyns as Tutor and then -Vice-Master on the Head’s elevation to the see of Peterborough, the -College continued steadily to improve. Mr. Jenkyns succeeded to the -Mastership on the Bishop’s death in 1819. But there were still two -points in the constitution of the College which were felt to be out -of keeping with the spirit of modern education. One was the direct -nomination of each Scholar, except those on the Blundell Foundation, -by a particular Fellow in turn; and the other, the obligation under -which all the Fellows lay of taking Priest’s orders. The former -arrangement was revised by a new Statute sanctioned by the Visitor in -1834, which placed all the Scholarships, with the exception named, -in the appointment of the Master and Fellows after examination. At -the same time the College yielded to the tendency of the time which -brought undergraduates to the University older than formerly, and -raised the age below which candidates were admissible to scholarships -from eighteen to nineteen.[119] The other question was settled by a -decision in 1838 that the obligation of Fellows to take holy orders -did not debar candidates from election who had no such purpose in -mind, provided of course that their tenure of Fellowships terminated -at the date by which according to the Statutes they were bound to be -ordained.[120] - -In the same year that this decision was given Mr. Benjamin Jowett, -afterwards Regius Professor of Greek and since 1870 Master of the -College, was elected to a Fellowship. He has committed to writing in a -most interesting letter to the son of William George Ward, famous for -his share in the Oxford Movement and for his degradation by Convocation -in 1845, his recollections of the Fellows as they were when he was -elected to their membership; but we have only room here for a short -extract from his account of Master Jenkyns, “who was very different -from any of the Fellows, and was held in considerable awe by them. -He was a gentleman of the old school, in whom were represented old -manners, old traditions, old prejudices, a Tory and a Churchman, high -and dry, without much literature, but having a good deal of character. -He filled a great space in the eyes of the undergraduates. ‘His young -men,’ as he termed them, speaking in an accent which we all remember, -were never tired of mimicking his voice, drawing his portrait, and -inventing stories about what he said and did.… He was a considerable -actor, and would put on severe looks to terrify Freshmen, but he was -really kind-hearted and indulgent to them. He was in a natural state -of war with the Fellows and Scholars on the Close Foundation; and many -ludicrous stories were told of his behaviour to them, of his dislike -to smoking, and of his enmity to dogs.… He was much respected, and his -great services to the College have always been acknowledged.”[121] - -When we consider the progress made by Balliol College during the years -between 1813, when Jenkyns became Vice-Master, and 1854, when he -died, we may perhaps venture to question whether the balance between -“old manners, old traditions, old prejudices,” and new manners, new -traditions, new prejudices, does not hang very evenly. But into this -we are not called upon to enter. The Statutes made by the University -Commission of 1850 made fewer changes in the condition of Balliol -than of most Colleges, because the most inevitable reforms had been -carried into effect already. The Close Fellowships were opened, and the -majority of the Fellowships were released from clerical obligations. -The moment which witnessed the promulgation of the new Statutes -witnessed also the death of Dean Jenkyns and the succession of Robert -Scott. But here we may well conclude the story of the Balliol of the -past. To carry it down further would require much more space than the -limits of this chapter permit; and besides, the Balliol of the present -is a new College in a different sense from perhaps any other College -in Oxford. No other College has so distinctly parted company with its -traditions beyond the lifetime of men now living. The commemoration -of founders and benefactors on St. Luke’s Day has long been given up, -and the Latin grace in hall has not been heard for many years. The -College buildings are for the greater part the work of the present -reign. In the new hall the portraits which strike the eye behind the -high table are all those of men who were alive when the hall was opened -in 1877. Bishop Parsons and Dean Jenkyns are seen above them, while in -the obscurity of the roof may be discerned the pictures--unhistorical, -as in other Colleges, it need not be said--of John Balliol and -Dervorguilla his wife. A visitor from the last century would see little -that he could recognize; but when he entered the common room after -dinner he would notice one highly conservative custom revived. In 1773 -it had been the lament of older men, that - - “Nec Camerae Communis amor, qua rarus ad alta - Nunc tubus emittit gratos laquearia fumos;”[122] - -but in late years the practice of smoking has been regularly admitted -even in those sacred precincts. - -Every College has its own ideal, and that of Balliol has been by a -steady policy adapted to the modern spirit of work, employing the best -materials not so much for learning as an end in itself as a means -towards practical success in life. In this field, in the distinctions -of the schools, of the courts, and of public life, it has been seldom -rivalled by any other College. But it is remarkable that in the long -and distinguished list of its men of mark we find, speaking only of the -dead, no Statesman and not many scholars of the first rank. The College -has excelled rather in its practical men of affairs, diplomatists, -judges, members of parliament, civil service officials, college tutors, -and schoolmasters. At the present moment it counts among former members -no less than seven of her Majesty’s Judges and seven Heads of Oxford -Colleges. But to show that another side of culture has been represented -at Balliol in the present reign, we must not forget the band of Balliol -poets, Arthur Hugh Clough, Matthew Arnold, and Algernon Charles -Swinburne. - - - - -III. - -MERTON COLLEGE.[123] - -BY THE HON. GEORGE C. BRODRICK, D.C.L., WARDEN OF MERTON COLLEGE. - - -In the year 1274, “the House of the Scholars of Merton,” since called -Merton College, was solemnly founded, and settled upon its present -site in Oxford, by Walter de Merton, Chancellor to King Henry III. and -King Edward I. Ten years earlier, in the midst of the Civil War, this -remarkable man had already established a collegiate brotherhood, under -the same name, at Malden, in Surrey, but with an educational branch -at Oxford, where twenty students were to be maintained out of the -corporate revenues. The Statutes of 1264 were very slightly modified in -1270; the Statutes of 1274, issued on the conclusion of the peace, and -sealed by the King himself, were a mature development of the original -design, worked out with a statesman-like foresight. These statutes -are justly regarded as the archetype of the College system, not only -in the University of Oxford, but in that of Cambridge, where they -were adopted as a model by the founder of Peterhouse, the oldest of -Cambridge Colleges. In every important sense of the word, Merton, with -its elaborate code of statutes and conventual buildings, its chartered -rights of self-government, and its organized life, was the first of -English Colleges, and the founder of Merton was indirectly the founder -of Collegiate Universities. - -His idea took root and bore fruit, because it was inspired by a true -sympathy with the needs of the University, where the subjects of study -were then as frivolous as it was the policy of Rome to make them, -where religious houses with the Mendicant Friars almost monopolized -learning, and where the streets were the scenes of outrageous violence -and license. To combine monastic discipline with secular learning, -and so to create a great seminary for the secular clergy, was the -aim of Walter de Merton. The inmates of the College were to live by -a common rule under a common head; but they were to take no vows, to -join no monastic fraternity, on pain of deprivation, and to undertake -no ascetic or ceremonial obligations. Their occupation was to be -study, not the _claustralis religio_ of the older religious orders, -nor the more practical and popular self-devotion of the Dominicans and -Franciscans, “the intrusive and anti-national militia of the Papacy.” -They were all to read Theology, but not until after completing their -full course in Arts; and they were encouraged to seek employment in -the great world. As the value of the endowments should increase, -the number of scholars was to be augmented; and those who might win -an ample fortune (_uberior fortuna_) were enjoined to show their -gratitude by advancing the interests of “the house.” While their -duties and privileges were strictly defined by the statutes, they were -expressly empowered to amend the statutes themselves in accordance -with the growing requirements of future ages, and even to migrate from -Oxford elsewhere in case of necessity. The Archbishop of Canterbury, -as Visitor by virtue of his office, was entrusted with the duty of -enforcing statutable obligations. - -The Merton Statutes of 1274, as interpreted and supplemented by several -Ordinances and Injunctions of Visitors, remained in force within living -memory, and the spirit of them never became obsolete. The Ordinances -of Archbishop Kilwarby, issued as early as 1276, with the Founder’s -express sanction, chiefly regulate the duties of College officers, -but are interesting as recognizing the existence of out-College -students. Those of Archbishop Peckham, issued in 1284, are directed -to check various abuses already springing up, among which is included -the encroachment of professional and utilitarian studies into the -curriculum of the College; the admission of medical students on the -plea that Medicine is a branch of Physics is rigorously prohibited, -and the study of Canon Law is condemned except under strict conditions -and with the Warden’s leave. The Ordinances of Archbishop Chicheley, -issued in 1425, disclose the prevalence of mercenary self-interest -in the College, manifested in the neglect to fill up Fellowships, in -wasteful management of College property, and so forth. The ordinances -of Archbishop Laud, issued in 1640, are specially framed, as might be -expected, to revive wholesome rules of discipline, entering minutely -into every detail of College life. Chapel-attendance, the use of -surplices and hoods, the restriction of intercourse between Masters and -Bachelors, the etiquette of meals, the strength of the College ale, the -custody of the College keys, the costume to be worn by members of the -College in the streets, and the careful registration in a note-book -of every Fellow’s departure and return--such were among the numerous -punctilios of College economy which shared the attention of this -indefatigable prelate with the gravest affairs of Church and State. -A century later, in 1733, very similar Injunctions were issued by -Archbishop Potter; and on several other occasions undignified disputes -between the Wardens and Fellows called for the decisive interference of -the Visitor. But the general impression derived from a perusal of the -Visitors’ Injunctions is, that a reasonable and honest construction of -the Statutes would have rendered their interference unnecessary, and -that it was a signal proof of the Founder’s sagacity to provide such a -safeguard against corporate selfishness and intestine discord, in days -when public spirit was a rare virtue. - -While the University of Oxford has played a greater part in our -national history than any other corporation except that of the City -of London, the external annals of Merton, as of other Colleges, are -comparatively meagre and humble. The corporate life of the College, -dating from the Barons’ War, flowed on in an equable course during a -century of French Wars, followed by the Wars of the Roses. We know, -indeed, that in early times Merton was sometimes represented by its -Wardens and Fellows in camps and ecclesiastical synods, as well as in -Courts, both at home and abroad. For instance, Bradwardine, afterwards -Archbishop, rendered service to Edward III. in negotiations with the -French King; Warden Bloxham was employed during the same reign in -missions to Scotland and Ireland; two successive Wardens, Rudborn and -Gylbert, with several Fellows, are said to have followed Henry V. as -chaplains into Normandy, and to have been present at Agincourt; Kemp, -a Fellow and future Archbishop, attended the Councils of Basle and -Florence; and Abendon, Gylbert’s successor in the Wardenship, earned -fame as delegate of the University at the Council of Constance. But the -College, as a body, was unmoved either by continental expeditions, or -by the storms which racked English society in the Middle Ages; and its -“Register,” which commences in 1482, is for the most part ominously -silent on the great political commotions of later periods. During the -reign of Henry VII., indeed, occasional mention of public affairs is -to be found in its pages. Such are the references to extraordinary -floods, storms, or frosts; to the Sweating Sickness; to the Battle of -Bosworth Field; to Perkin Warbeck’s Revolt, and other insurrectionary -movements of that age; to notable executions; to the birth, marriage, -and death of Prince Arthur; to the death of Pope Alexander VI., and to -Lady Margaret’s endowment of a Theological Professorship. After the -reign of Henry VII. the brief entries in this domestic chronicle, like -the monotonous series of cases in the Law Reports, almost ignore Civil -War and Revolution, betraying no change of style or conscious spirit of -innovation; and it is from other sources that we must learn the events -which enable us to interpret some passages in the Register itself. - -Whether John Wyclif was actually a Fellow of Merton is still an open -question, though no sufficient evidence has been produced to rebut a -belief certainly held in the next generation after the great Reformer’s -death. That his influence was strongly felt at Merton is an undoubted -fact, and the liberal school of thought which he represented had -there one of its chief strongholds until the Renaissance and the -Reformation. Being anti-monastic by its very constitution, and having -been a consistent opponent of Papal encroachments, Merton College might -naturally have been expected to cast in its lot with the Protestant -cause at this great crisis. A deed of submission to Henry VIII. as -Supreme Head of the Church, purporting to represent the unanimous -voice of the College, and professing absolute allegiance not only to -him, but to Anne Boleyn and her offspring, is preserved in the Public -Record Office. This deed bears the signatures of the Sub-Warden and -fifteen known Fellows, besides those of three other persons who were -perhaps Chaplains, but not that of Chamber, the Warden, though his -name is expressly included in the body of the deed. Nevertheless, the -sympathies of the leading Fellows appear to have been mainly Catholic. -William Tresham, an ex-Fellow, zealous as he was in the promotion of -learning, was among the adversaries of the Reformation movement, and -was rewarded by Queen Mary with a Canonry of Christ Church. Though he -signed the acknowledgment of the Royal Supremacy, Richard Smyth was a -still more active promoter of the Catholic re-action. He also received -a Canonry of Christ Church, with the Regius Professorship of Divinity, -and preached a sermon before the stake when Ridley and Latimer were -martyred, on the unhappy text--“Though I give my body to be burned, -and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing.” Dr. Martiall, another -Fellow of Merton, acted as Vice-Chancellor on the same occasion, -and his brother Fellow, Robert Ward, appears on the list of Doctors -appointed to sit in judgment on the doctrines of the Protestant -bishops. Parkhurst, afterwards Bishop of Norwich, is the only Fellow of -Merton recorded by Anthony Wood to have sought refuge beyond the seas -during the Marian persecution. On the other hand, four only, including -Tresham, are mentioned as having suffered the penalty of expulsion -for refusing the Oath of Supremacy under Elizabeth, though Smyth was -imprisoned in Archbishop Parker’s house, and Raynolds, the Warden, on -refusing that Oath, was deposed by order of a new Commission. - -A more important place was reserved for Merton College in the great -national drama of the following century. Having been one of the -Colleges in which members of the Legislature were lodged during -the Oxford Parliament of 1625, and upon which the officers of a -Parliamentary force were quartered in 1641, it was selected, in July -1643, for the residence of Queen Henrietta Maria, who then joined the -King at Oxford, and remained there during the autumn and winter. She -occupied the present dining-room and drawing-room of the Warden’s -house, with the adjoining bedroom, still known as “the Queen’s Room.” -The King, who held his Court at Christ Church, often came to visit her -by a private walk opened for the purpose through Corpus and Merton -gardens; and doubtless took part in many pleasant re-unions, of which -history is silent, though a graphic picture of them is preserved in the -pages of _John Inglesant_. - -It does not follow that Royalist opinions preponderated among the -Merton Fellows, and there is clear evidence that both sides were -strongly represented in the College. Sir Nathaniel Brent, the Warden, -being a Presbyterian, and having openly espoused the Parliamentary -cause, absented himself, and was deposed in favour of the illustrious -Harvey, Charles I.’s own physician, recommended by the King, but duly -elected by the College. Ralph Button, too, a leading Fellow and Tutor, -quitted Oxford, when it became the Royal head-quarters, lest he should -be expected to bear arms for the King. On the other hand, Peter Turner, -one of the most eminent Mertonians of his day, accompanied a troop of -Royalist horse as far as Stow in the Wold, was there captured, and was -committed to Northampton Gaol. A third Fellow, John Greaves, Savilian -Professor of Astronomy, drew up and procured signatures to a petition -for Brent’s deposition; and two more, Fowle and Lovejoy, actually -served under the Royal standard. But we search the College Register -in vain for any formal resolution on the subject of the Civil War. It -is certain that Merton gave up the whole of its plate for the King’s -use in 1643, and no silver presented at an earlier date is now in the -possession of the College. But it is interesting, if not consolatory, -to know that in the previous reign a large quantity of old plate had -been exchanged for new, so that, from an antiquarian point of view, the -sacrifice made to loyalty was not so great as might be imagined. No -College order directing the surrender is extant, and two of the Fellows -afterwards mutually accused each other of having thus misappropriated -the College property. - -Other notices of the great struggle then convulsing the nation are -few and far between in the minutes of the College Register. It is -remarkable that, so far back as August 1641, the College directed -twelve muskets and as many pikes to be purchased, _bello ingruente_, -for the purpose of repelling any roving soldiers who might break in for -the sake of plunder. Anthony Wood particularly observes, that during -the Queen’s stay at Merton there were divers marriages, christenings, -and burials in the Chapel, of which all record has been lost, as the -private register in which the Chaplain had noted them was stolen -out of his room when Oxford was finally surrendered to Fairfax. The -confusion that prevailed during the Royalist occupation of Oxford is, -however, officially recognized by the College. It is duly chronicled, -for instance, that on August 1st, 1645, the College meeting was held -in the Library, neither the Hall nor the Warden’s Lodgings being then -available for the purpose; and several entries attest the pecuniary -straits to which the College was reduced. At last it is solemnly -recorded, under the date of October 19th, 1646, that by the Divine -goodness the war had at last been stayed, and the Warden (Brent) with -most of the Fellows had returned, but that as there were no Bachelors, -hardly any Scholars, and few Masters, it was decided to elect but one -Bursar and one Dean. It is added that, as the Hall still lay _situ et -ruinis squalida_, the College meeting was held in the Warden’s Lodgings. - -When the scenes were shifted, and a solemn Visitation of the University -was instituted by “The Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament,” -Merton College may be said to have set the example of conformity to -the new order in Church and State. Sir Nathaniel Brent himself was -President of the Commission. Among his colleagues were three Fellows of -Merton, Reynolds, Cheynell, and Corbet, who had already been appointed -with four other preachers to convert the gownsmen through Presbyterian -sermons. The earlier sittings of the Commission were held in the -Warden’s dining-room, or, during his absence, in Cheynell’s apartments. -When the members of the College, including servants, were called before -the Visitors and required to make their submission, about half of them, -according to Anthony Wood, openly complied: most of the others made -answers more or less evasive, declaring their readiness to obey the -Warden, or submitting in so far as the Visitors had authority from the -King. French, who, as official guardian of the University Register, had -refused to give it up, now made his submission, but justified it on -the strange ground that he was bound by the capitulation of Oxford to -Fairfax. One Fellow only, Nicholas Howson, boldly refused submission, -declaring that he could not reconcile it with his allegiance to the -King, the University, and the College. He was of course removed; and -the same fate befell Turner, Greaves, French, and one other Fellow, -with a larger number of Postmasters, of whom, however, some were -condemned as improperly elected, and some were afterwards restored -through Brent’s influence. Even while the Commission was sitting, a -Royalist spirit must have lingered in the College, since we read that -four of the Fellows, three of whom had submitted, were put out of -commons for a week and publicly admonished by the Warden for drinking -the King’s health with a _tertiavit_, and uncovered heads. Brent -resigned the Wardenship in 1651; whereupon the Parliamentary Visitors -proceeded to appoint, by their own authority, but on the express -nomination of the Protector, Dr. Jonathan Goddard, who had been head -physician to Cromwell’s army in Ireland and Scotland--thereby improving -on Charles I.’s paternal but constitutional recommendation of Harvey. - -With the suspension of this great Visitation, shortly to be followed by -the Restoration of Charles II., the short-lived connection of Merton -College with general history may be said to have closed. It had the -honour of lodging the Queen and favourite ladies of Charles II. in -the plague-year, 1665; it cashiered a Probationer-Fellow in 1681 for -maintaining that Charles I. died justly; it took part in the enlistment -of volunteers for the suppression of Monmouth’s rebellion; and it -joined other Colleges in the half-hearted reception of William III. -But its records are devoid of political interest, except so far as it -became a chief stronghold of Whig principles in the University during -the Jacobite re-action which followed the Revolution, was encouraged by -the avowed Toryism of Queen Anne, and almost broke out into civil war -on the accession of George I. Charles Wesley expressly mentions it with -Christ Church, Exeter, and Wadham, as an anti-Jacobite society; and -Meadowcourt, a leading member of the College, was the hero of a famous -scene at the Whig “Constitution Club,” when the Proctor, breaking -in, was reluctantly obliged to drink King George’s health. Shortly -afterwards the following entry appeared in the University “Black -Book”:--“Let Mr. Meadowcourt, of Merton College, be kept back from the -degree for which he next stands, for the space of two years; nor be -admitted to supplicate for his grace, until he confesses his manifold -crimes, and asks pardon on his knees”--a penalty, however, which he -managed to evade, being afterwards thanked for his loyalty by the Whig -government. - -In the absence of contemporary letters or biographies, it is only from -casual notices in Visitors’ Injunctions, Bursars’ Rolls, and (after -1482) the College Register, that we can obtain any light on the life -and manners of Merton scholars, whether senior or junior, before the -Reformation-period. That it was a haven of rest for quiet students, -and a model of academical discipline to extra-collegiate inmates of -halls and lodgings, during the incessant tumults of the fourteenth -century, admits of no doubt whatever. A notable proof of this is the -special exemption of Merton “_et aularum consimilium_”--probably -University, Balliol, Exeter, Oriel, and Queen’s Colleges--from the -general rustication of students which followed the sanguinary riot on -St. Scholastica’s day in 1354. But the rules laid down by the Founder, -and enforced by successive Visitors, were expressly directed to secure -good order in the Society. By the Statutes of 1274, summary expulsion -was to be the penalty of persistence in quarrelsome or disorderly -behaviour. By the Ordinances of Archbishop Peckham and several other -Visitors, the inmates of the College are strictly prohibited from -taking meals in the town or entering it alone, and enjoined always to -walk about in a body, returning before nightfall. Other Regulations, -of great antiquity, but of somewhat uncertain date, emphatically -warn the Fellows against aiding and abetting, even in jest, the -squabbles between the Northern and Southern “Nations,” or between -rival “Faculties.” In 1508, the College itself legislated directly -against the growing practice of giving out-College parties in the city -and coming in late, “even after ten o’clock.” By the Injunctions of -Archbishop Laud, it was ordered that the College gates should be closed -at half-past nine and the keys given to the Warden, none being allowed -to sleep in Oxford outside the College walls, or even to breakfast -or dine, except in the College Hall, carefully separated according -to their degrees. Whether the scholars of Merton, old and young, -originally slept in large dormitories, or were grouped together by -threes and fours in sets of rooms, like those occupied singly by modern -students, is a question which cannot be determined with certainty. The -structure of “Mob Quadrangle,” however, together with the earliest -notices in the Register, justifies the belief that most of them lived -in College rooms, and that in those days the College Library, far -larger than could be required for the custody of a few hundred or -thousand manuscripts, was the one common study of the whole College, -perhaps serving also as a covered ambulatory. This building is known to -have been constructed, or converted to its present use, about 1376; but -the dormer windows in the roof were not thrown out until more than a -century later; and in the meantime readers can scarcely have deciphered -manuscripts on winter-days, in so dark a chamber, without the aid of -oil lamps. Fires were probably unknown, except in the Hall, whither -inmates of the College doubtless resorted to warm themselves at all -hours of the day. It is to be hoped that, at such casual gatherings, -they were relieved from the obligation to converse in Latin imposed -upon them during the regular meals in Hall. But intimacy between -juniors and seniors was strictly prohibited; and though Archbishop -Cranmer allowed the College to dispense with the practice of Bachelors -“capping” Masters in the Quadrangle, it was thought necessary to revive -it. As for manly pastimes, which occupy so large a space in modern -University life, they are scarcely to be traced in the domestic -history of Merton, though a ball-court is known to have existed at the -west-end of the Chapel. Football, cudgel-play, and other rough games, -were certainly played by the citizens in the open fields on the north -of Oxford; but if Merton men took part in them, it was against the -spirit of Merton rules, since these playful encounters were a fertile -source of town and gown rows. There seem to have been no academical -sports whatever; rowing was never practised, cricket was not invented, -archery was cultivated rather as a piece of warlike training; and it -is to be feared that poaching in the great woods then skirting Oxford -on the north-east was among the more favourite amusements of athletic -students. - -It must not be forgotten, however, that, by the original foundation, -all the members of the College were both Scholars and Fellows, of equal -dignity, except in standing, the Scholar being nothing but a junior -Fellow, and the Fellow nothing but an elder Scholar. There were a few -boys of the Founder’s kin, for whom a separate provision was made; and -“commoners” were admitted from time to time at the discretion of the -College, but these were mere supernumeraries, at first of low degree, -afterwards of higher rank, and on the footing of fellow-commoners. It -was not until the new order of Postmasters (_portionistae_) was founded -by Wylliott, about 1380, that a second class of students was recognized -by the College; and this institution of College “scholarships,” in -the modern sense, long remained a characteristic feature of Merton. -Unlike the young “Scholares,” the Postmasters did not rise by seniority -to what are now called Fellowships, and were, in fact, the humble -friends of the Master-Fellows who had nominated them. It would appear -that at the end of the fifteenth century, if not from the first, each -Master-Fellow had this right; and the number of Postmasters was always -to be the same as that of the Master-Fellows. Until that period they -seem to have been lodged in the separate building, opposite the College -gate, long known as “Postmasters’ Hall.” It is not clear whether they -took meals in the College Hall, or lived on rations served out to them; -but it is perfectly clear that they fared badly enough until their -diet was improved in the reign of James I. by special benefactions of -Thomas Jessop and others. In the previous reign, they had been removed -into the College itself; and thenceforward for several generations they -slept, probably on truckle-beds, in the bedrooms of their respective -“Masters.” Indeed, a College-order of 1543 leads us to suppose that -some of them were expected to wait upon the Bachelor-Fellows in Hall. - -Another institution characteristic of Merton in the olden times is one -now obsolete, but formerly known as the “Scrutiny.” The Founder had -expressly ordained in his statutes that a “Chapter or Scrutiny” should -be held in the College itself thrice a year--a week before Christmas, -a week before Easter, and on July 20; and that on these occasions a -diligent enquiry should be made into the life, behaviour, morals, and -progress in learning of all his scholars, as well as into all matters -needing correction or improvement. He also decreed that, once a year, -the Warden, bailiffs of manors, and all others concerned in the -management of College property, should render a solemn account of their -stewardship before the Vice-Warden and all the Scholars, assembled at -“one of the manors.” The bailiffs and other agents of the College were -to resign their keys, without reserve, into the hands of the Warden; -but the Warden himself was to undergo a like inquisition into his own -conduct, and was apparently to be visited with censure or penalties, in -case of delinquency, by the College meeting. It is by no means easy to -understand why this annual audit, for such it was, should not have been -appointed to be held at one of the stated “Chapters or Scrutinies,” -or why “one of the manors” should have been designated as the lawful -place for it. At all events, the distinction between a Scrutiny and -an Audit-meeting seems to have been lost at a very early period. -Scrutinies, or Chapters, were held frequently, though at irregular -intervals; but at least once a year the Scrutiny assumed the form of -an Audit, not only into accounts, but into conduct, being sometimes -held in the College Hall, and sometimes at Holywell Manor. The earliest -notice of such a Scrutiny in the College Register is under the date -1483, when three questions were propounded for discussion:--(1) the -conduct of College servants; (2) the number of Postmasters; and (3) -the appointment of College officers. Two years later, however, we -find three other questions laid down as the proper subjects for -consideration:--(1) the residence and conduct of the Warden; (2) the -condition of the manors; and (3) the expediency of increasing the -number of Fellows. At a later period, the regular questions were--(1) -the expediency of increasing the number of Postmasters; (2) the -conduct of College servants (as before); and (3) the appointment of a -single College officer, the garden-master. Practically, the Scrutiny -often resolved itself into a sort of caucus, at which a free and -easy altercation took place among the Fellows upon all the points of -difference likely to arise in a cloistered society absorbed in its own -petty interests. In Professor Rogers’ interesting record of a Scrutiny -held in 1338-9, long before the College Register commences, every -kind of grievance is brought forward, from the Warden’s neglect of -duty to the slovenly attire of the Chaplain, the excessive charge for -horses, and the incessant squabbles between three quarrelsome Fellows. -The same freedom of complaint shows itself in the briefer notices -of later Scrutinies to be found in the Register. Undue indulgence -in games of ball, loitering about the town, the introduction of -Fellow-commoners into Hall, the prevalence of noise in the bed-chambers -at night, as well as enmities among the Fellows, and abuses in the -estate-management, were among the stock topics of discussion at -Scrutinies; and in 1585 complaints were made at a Scrutiny against -suspected Papists. It is evident that reflections were often cast upon -the Warden; but it was known that he could only be deposed by the -Visitor after three admonitions from the Sub-Warden; and, though in one -case these admonitions were given, the Visitor, Archbishop Sancroft, -declined to adopt the extreme course. The practice of reviewing the -conduct of the Warden at Scrutinies appears, indeed, to have been -finally dropped under Warden Chamber, who, as Court physician to King -Henry VIII., had a good excuse for constantly absenting himself; but -the practice of inviting personal charges against Fellows survived much -longer, and Scrutinies were nominally held in the last century. - -A third institution distinctive of Merton was the system of -“Variations,” or College disputations, of the same nature as the -exercises required for University degrees. This custom is thus -described by John Poynter, in a little work on the curiosities of -Oxford, published in 1749. “The Master-Fellows,” he says, “are obliged -by their Statutes to take their turns every year about the Act time, or -at least before the first day of August, to vary, as they call it, that -is, to perform some public exercise in the Common Hall, the Variator -opposing Aristotle in three Latin speeches, upon three questions -in Philosophy, or rather Morality; the three Deans in their turns -answering the Variator in three speeches in opposition to his, and in -defence of his Aristotle, and after every speech disputing with him -syllogistically upon the same. Which Declamations or Disputations were -amicably concluded with a magnificent and expensive supper, the charges -of which formerly came to £100, but of late years much retrenched.” -He adds that the audience was composed of the Vice-Chancellor and -Proctors, with several Heads of Houses, besides the Warden and all the -members of the College. As Variations were still in force when Poynter -wrote, we may accept his description of them as tolerably accurate; -but he is evidently wrong in supposing them to have taken place at -one season of the year only, for the College Register clearly proves -the actual date of them to have been moveable, so long as they were -performed within the two years of “Regency” following Inception. By the -old rule of the University, all Regent-Masters were obliged to give -“ordinary” lectures during that period. This obligation was enforced at -Merton by the oath required of Bachelor-Fellows before their Inception; -and by the same oath they bound themselves during the same period, -not only to engage in the logical and philosophical disputations -of the College, but also to “vary twice.” The system was regularly -established, and is mentioned as of immemorial antiquity, before -the end of the fifteenth century. From that time forward Variations -are frequently and fully recorded in the Register; and, whenever -dispensations were allowed, the fact is duly noted. In 1673 a Fellow -was fined £12--a large sum in those days--for neglecting his second -Variations; and the significant comment is appended:--“we acquitted -him, so far as we could, of his perjury.” Even the subjects chosen -by the Variators are carefully specified, and astonish us by their -wide range of interest. At first, metaphysical and logical questions -predominate; but there is a large admixture of ethical questions, and -a few bearing on natural philosophy. At the end of the sixteenth and -throughout the seventeenth century, politics enter largely into the -field of disputation; while in the eighteenth century a more discursive -and literary tone of thought makes itself clearly felt. Upon the -whole, we can well believe that, in the age before examinations, these -intellectual trials of strength played no mean part in education, -quickening the wits of Merton Fellows, if they did not encourage the -cultivation of solid knowledge. - -It is to be hoped, no doubt, that they were preceded and supplemented -by sound private tuition; but upon this, unhappily, the Merton records -throw no light. It seems to be assumed in the original Statutes that -Scholars of Merton, though bound to study within the House, will -receive their instruction outside it. The only exception was the -statutable institution of a grammar-master, who was to have charge of -the students in grammar, and to whom “the more advanced might have -recourse without a blush, when doubts should arise in their faculty.” -This institution was treated by Archbishop Peckham as of primary -importance; and he specially censures the College for practically -excluding boys who had still to learn the rudiments of grammar. There -is good reason to believe that John of Cornwall, who is mentioned as -the first to introduce the study of English in schools, and to abandon -the practice of construing Latin into French, actually held the office -of grammar-master in Merton College. These Merton grammar-masters (who -continued to be appointed in the sixteenth century) were probably the -earliest type of College tutors--an order which inevitably developed -itself at a later period, but of which the history remains to be -evolved from very scanty materials. The medical lectures founded by -Linacre, and the Divinity lectures founded by Bickley, in the sixteenth -century, as well as the lectures delivered by Thomas Bodley on Greek, -were essentially College lectures, but seem to have been professorial -rather than tutorial. A College order of June 9th, 1586, the first year -of Savile’s wardenship, requires the Regent-Masters to deliver twenty -public lectures to the Postmasters on the Sphere or on Arithmetic, as -the Warden should think fit. Probably this rule was soon neglected; and -it is not until a much later period that we find the modern relation of -tutor and pupil a living reality in Colleges. - -We may pass lightly over some other strange, though not unique, -customs of Merton which fill a large space in the Register and the -pages of Anthony Wood. One of these was the annual election of a _Rex -Fabarum_, or “Christmas King,” on the vigil of St. Edmund (Nov. 19th), -under the authority of sealed letters, which “pretended to have been -brought from some place beyond sea.” This absurd farce, reminding us -of the rough burlesques formerly practised on board ship in crossing -the Equator, was solemnly enacted year after year, and recorded in -the Register with as much gravity as the succession of a Warden. The -person chosen was the senior Fellow who had not yet borne the office; -and, according to Wood, his duty was “to punish all misdemeanours -done in the time of Christmas, either by imposing exercises on the -juniors, or putting into the stocks at the end of the Hall any of the -servants, with other punishments that were sometimes very ridiculous.” -This went on until Candlemas (Feb. 2nd), “or much about the time that -the _Ignis Regentium_ was celebrated.” The _Ignis Regentium_ seems -to have been nothing more than a great College wine-party round the -Hall fire, attended with various traditional festivities, and provided -at the cost of all the Regent-Masters, or only of the Senior Regent, -whose munificent hospitality is sometimes expressly commended. Of a -similar nature were the practical jokes and rude horse-play described -by Anthony Wood as carried on, by way of initiating freshmen, on All -Saints Eve and other Eves and Saints’ Days up to Christmas, as well as -on Shrove Tuesday, when the poor novices were compelled to declaim in -undress from a form placed on the High Table, and rewarded, or punished -with some brutality, for their performances. It is significant that, -under the Commonwealth, these old-world jovialities were disused, and -soon afterwards died out. The old custom of singing Catholic hymns in -the College Hall, on the Eves and Vigils of Saints’ Days between All -Saints and Candlemas Day, had been modified at the Reformation by the -substitution of Sternhold and Hopkins’ Psalms, which continued to be -sung in Anthony Wood’s times. Not less curious, and more important, -are the detailed regulations made for the health of the College during -frequent outbreaks of the plague, when the majority of Fellows and -students migrated to Cuxham, Stow Wood, Islip, Eynsham, or elsewhere, -and communication between the College and the town was strictly limited. - -Were it possible for a Merton Fellow of the Plantagenet, Tudor, or -Stuart period to revisit his College in our own day, he would find but -few survivals of the quaint usages once peculiar to it. The recitation -of a thanksgiving prayer for benefits inherited from the Founder at -the end of each chapel-service, the time-honoured practice of striking -the Hall table with a wooden trencher as a signal for grace, and the -ceremonies observed on the induction of a new Warden, are perhaps the -only outward and visible relics of its ancient customary which the -spirit of innovation has left alive. But he would feel himself at -home in the noble choir of the Chapel, with its stonework and painted -glass almost untouched by the lapse of six centuries; in the Library, -retaining every structural feature of Bishop Rede’s original work down -to its minutest detail; in the Treasury, with its massive high-pitched -roof, under which the College archives have been preserved entire -since the reign of Edward I., together with a coeval inventory of the -documents then deposited there; in the College Garden, surrounded on -two sides by the town-wall of Henry III., extended eastward since the -close of the Middle Ages by purchases from the City, but curtailed -westward by sales of land for the site of Corpus. Perhaps, on reviewing -the unbroken continuity of College history through more than twenty -generations, crowded with vicissitudes in Church and State, with -transformations of ancient institutions, and with revolutions in human -thought, he would cease to repine over changes which the Founder -himself foresaw as inevitable, and would rather marvel at the vitality -of a collegiate society, which can still maintain its corporate -identity, with so much of its original structure, in an age beyond that -which mediæval seers had assigned for the end of the world. - - - - -IV. - -EXETER COLLEGE. - -BY THE REV. CHARLES W. BOASE, M.A., FELLOW OF EXETER COLLEGE. - - -In 1314 Walter de Stapeldon, Bishop of Exeter, founded Stapeldon Hall, -soon better known as Exeter College, for “Scholars” (_i. e._ Fellows), -born or resident in Devon and Cornwall, eight from the former and four -from the latter county; and he also founded a grammar-school at Exeter, -to prepare boys for Oxford. He had, at first, bought ground in and -near Hart Hall (now Hertford College); but this site not proving large -enough, he removed the students to St. Stephen’s Hall in St. Mildred’s -parish, and gave them Hart Hall, that by its rent their rooms might be -kept in repair and be rent-free. - -The object of the early founders of Colleges was to pass as many men -as possible through a course of training that would fit them for the -service of Church or State: and so Stapeldon fixed fourteen years -as the outside period of holding his scholarships; he had no idea -of giving fellowships for life. The twelve scholars were to study -Philosophy; and a thirteenth scholar was to be a priest studying -Scripture or Canon Law. Aptness to learn, good character, and poverty -were the qualifications required of them; and they were to be chosen -without regard to favour, fear, relationship, or love. They were kept -in order by punishments, increasing from a stoppage of commons to -expulsion, at the discretion of the Rector, who was chosen annually -after the audit in October. The Rector also looked after the money, -and rooms, and servants; but, if two Fellows demanded the expulsion of -a servant he was to appoint another. The Rector must have been always -under thirty; it was the younger Masters of Arts that then directed -education in the University. Disputations were held twice a week, and -of three disputations, two were in Logic, one in Natural Science. -Tenpence a week was allowed for commons, and each scholar received in -addition the sum of ten shillings a year, the Rector and the Priest -twenty shillings each. If any scholar was away for more than four weeks -his commons were stopped; and by an absence of five months he forfeited -his scholarship. - -Stapeldon endowed his Hall with the great tithes of Gwinear in -Cornwall, and of Long Wittenham in Berks; and any surplus or legacy was -to go to public purposes, such as increasing the number of scholars -or buying books. There was a common chest with three keys, kept by -the Rector, the senior Scholar, and the Priest; and the audit-rolls -(_computi_) are extant from 1324, though with gaps, as for instance -during the Black Death (1349). There is something touching in the -number of legacies which Stapeldon left to individual poor scholars in -his will. - -The scholars were very poor; and to relieve them, Ralph Germeyn -(Precentor of Exeter), Richard Greenfield (Rector of Kilkhampton in -Cornwall), and Robert Rygge (Fellow 1362-1372; afterwards Canon and -Chancellor of Exeter), at several times founded “chests” for making -loans to them without interest, on security of books or plate; but all -such funds have now disappeared, having been, it seems, absorbed in -Charles I’s war-chest. The College itself sometimes borrowed; in 1358 -the College accounts show a payment of “£3 for a Bible redeemed from -Chichester chest”; in 1374, of “four marks to our barber for a Bible -pledged to him in the time of Dagenet” (John Dagenet had been Rector in -1371-1372). - -The life was simple. Besides the “commons” (_i. e._ allowances for -food), “liveries” (_i. e._ clothes) were supplied about once in three -years. The scholars were to wear black boots (_caligæ_); and conform to -clerical manners according to their standing as Sophists, Bachelors, or -Masters. Meals were taken in the hall (which stood a little north of -the present hall), where there was always a large bason with hanging -towels. A charcoal fire burned in the middle of the hall, under an -opening to let out the smoke; but men were not allowed to linger round -the fire, and they went off to bed early because candles were dear, -nearly 2_d._ a pound, _i. e._ 2_s._ of our money--they lacked therefore -the genial inspiration of writing by good candle-light. All had to be -in College by nine o’clock in the evening; and the key of the gate was -kept in the Rector’s room, which was over the gate. Lectures began at -six or seven in the morning; dinner was at ten; supper at five. Of -the servants, the manciple received five shillings a term, the cook -two, barber twelvepence, washerwoman fifteen pence. The barber was the -newsmonger of that as of other ages. - -The scholars might by common consent make any new statutes, not -contrary to the Founder’s ordinances; and were to refer all doubts to -the Visitor. - -The Bishops of Exeter were kind Visitors; and gave books and money -several times. Gradually more halls and lodging-houses were obtained, -some lying on the lane[124] which ran all along inside the city wall, -others along St. Mildred’s (now Brasenose) lane, and others along the -Turl. A tower was built on the site of St. Stephen’s Hall, with a gate -opening into the lane under the city wall; two windows of this tower -survive in the staircase of the present Rector’s house. The present -garden is on the site of some of the old buildings, but the ivy-clad -buttresses of the Bodleian and the great fig-trees along the College -buildings, which make such a show in summer, of course do not date from -such early times. - -An agreement had to be made with the Rector of St. Mildred’s parish, -who feared lest the College-chapel should interfere with his rights. -This early chapel had rooms under it, and a porch. The _computus_ -for building a library in 1383, shows that the building cost £57 -13_s._ 5½_d._, the leaded roof costing £13 13_s._ 4_d._; and it was -completed between Easter and Michaelmas, before the beginning of the -Academic year. The timber came from Aldermaston in Berks, the stone -from Taynton in Gloucestershire and Whatley near Frome--the latter -corresponding to our present Bath stone. Carpenters and masons were -paid 6_d._ a day, and the masons had breakfast and dinner (_merenda_ -and _prandium_). David, the foreman, had 6_d._ a week for “commons,” -and he held the place of a modern architect. - -The regard paid to poverty brought forward some distinguished men, such -as Walter Lihert (Fellow 1420-1425), Bishop of Norwich, a miller’s -son from Lanteglos by Fowey in Cornwall. This consideration for poor -scholars did not often fail. Long afterwards John Prideaux (Fellow -1601, Rector 1612-1642) used to say, “If I could have been parish -clerk of Ubber (Ugborough in Devon), I should never have been Bishop -of Worcester.” Benjamin Kennicott was master of a charity school at -Totnes till friends helped him to come to Oxford, where (in 1747) he -obtained a Fellowship in Exeter College, and became a great Hebrew -scholar. William Gifford, the critic, was apprentice to a shoemaker -at Ashburton, where a surgeon helped him to gain a Bible clerkship -at Exeter (1779); when he became a leader in the literary world, he -remembered his own rise in life, and founded an Exhibition at Exeter -for poor boys from Ashburton school. Thus the Universities had formerly -something of the character of popular bodies in which learning and -study were recommendations, and the avenues of promotion were not -closed even to the poorest. - -The Wiclifite movement largely influenced Exeter College, and a number -of the Fellows suffered in the cause. But, mixed with this, was a -wish to uphold the independence of the University, as against the -Archbishop of Canterbury’s power of visitation; and perhaps a feeling -for the _lay_ government, as against the clergy. A former Fellow, -Robert Tresilian, was among Richard II’s chief supporters; and his -fate is the first legend in _The Mirror for Magistrates_, written by -William Baldwin in 1559. Later on several Fellows were connected with -the House of Lancaster. Michael de Tregury (Fellow 1422-1427) was in -1431 made Rector of the new University, set up at Caen by the English -during their rule in France. The physicians of Henry VI. and Margaret -were both Fellows. But when Margaret was at Coventry in 1459, levying -an army for the War of the Roses, she took “Queen’s gold” from the -College, _i. e._ a tenth of an old fine paid the King for ratifying the -grant of a house. - -The College was favourably known in the Revival of Learning. William -Grocyn taught Greek in the hall; and Richard Croke and Cornelius -Vitelli lodged in rooms in the College. Some of the Fellows too -were connected with Wolsey; but the College on the whole sided with -the opposition to Henry VIII’s measures, like their friends in the -West. John Moreman (Fellow 1510-1522) opposed Catherine’s divorce, -and was imprisoned under Edward VI. The Cornish insurgents in 1549 -demanded that “Dr. Moreman and Dr. Crispin should be safely sent to -them.” Moreman was also famous as a schoolmaster; and as Vicar of the -College living of Menheniot, he taught the Creed, Lord’s Prayer, and -Commandments in English, the people having hitherto used only the old -Cornish tongue. - -The _Valor Ecclesiasticus_ of 1535 states the College revenues at only -£83 2_s._ But Sir William Petre, a statesman trained under Thomas -Cromwell, wishing to benefit his old College, gave it some lands -and advowsons which he bought of Queen Elizabeth, and added eight -Fellowships for the counties in which his family held or should hold -land. Elizabeth’s Charter of Incorporation is dated 22nd March, 1566. - -New Statutes were then framed by Petre and the Visitor. The Rectorship -had already been made perpetual. Petre allowed the Fellows to retire to -the Vicarage of Kidlington in time of plague, an oft-recurring trouble. -Under a later ordinance a Fellow was allowed, with Lord Petre’s -approval, to travel abroad for four years to study Medicine or Civil -Law. - -Petre also gave the College a curious Latin Psalm-book, which had -been the family Bible of the Tudors, the most learned royal family in -Europe. It is from it that we know the birthday of Henry VII., 28th -Jan. 1457. - -Exeter was still in sympathy with the old faith. Ralph Sherwine (Fellow -1568-1575) was hanged by the side of Edmund Campian of St. John’s, in -1581; and several Fellows fled abroad, such as Richard Bristowe, the -chief of the translators who put forth the Douai Bible. Elizabeth -remedied this by getting two loyal men appointed Rectors successively, -Thomas Glasier in 1578, and Thomas Holland in 1592--the latter was one -of the translators of the Authorised Version. Under them Exeter became -remarkable for discipline and learning, tinged by Puritan views. - -John Prideaux was an equally well-known Rector under Charles I., and -came into conflict with Laud. There was more intercourse then between -English and foreign Protestant Universities than there is now; and -Sixtinus Amama, the Dutch Hebraist, speaks in the most grateful terms -of the kindness he received from Prideaux and the Fellows. Exeter was -now training men like Sir John Eliot, William Strode, William Noye, and -John Maynard. Maynard afterwards gave his old College money to found a -Catechetical and a Hebrew lectureship. In 1612 the members included 134 -commoners, 37 poor scholars, and 12 servitors--the number of the whole -University was 2920. Western friends, the Aclands, Peryams, and others, -now built a new hall; and John Peryam also built the rooms between the -hall and the library, while George Hakewill, a Fellow, gave money to -build a new chapel in 1623. - -As to the life of the place, Shaftesbury, the famous statesman, who was -a member of the College in 1637, gives an amusing account of “coursing” -(now become a sort of free fight) in the schools; of how he stopped the -evil custom of “tucking” freshmen (_i. e._ grating off the skin from -the lip to the chin); and how he prevented the Fellows “altering the -size of” (_i. e._ weakening) “the College beer.” Shaftesbury’s future -colleague in the Cabal, Clifford, was also at Exeter. - -Charles I., in 1636, gave an endowment out of confiscated lands to -found Fellowships for the Channel Islands at Exeter, Jesus, and -Pembroke, that men so trained might devote themselves to work in the -Islands. He made John Prideaux (Rector 1612-1642) and Thomas Winniff -(Fellow 1595-1609), Bishops, the former of Worcester, the latter of -Lincoln, when he at last tried to conciliate the gentry, who were -almost all opposed to Laud’s innovations. - -In the Civil War most of the Fellows took the King’s side, and -Archbishop Usher sojourned in some wooden buildings then known as -Prideaux Buildings, situated behind the old Rector’s house, buildings -now partly re-erected in the Turl. The College plate was taken by -Charles, although the Fellows had redeemed it by a gift of money; but -the King’s needs were overwhelming. - -Under the Commonwealth John Conant became Rector, and increased -the fame of the College for learning and discipline. “Once[125] a -week he had a catechetical lecture in the Chapel, in which he went -over Piscator’s _Aphorisms_ and Woollebius’ _Compendium Theologiæ -Christianæ_; and by the way fairly propounded the principal objections -made by the Papists, Socinians, and others against the orthodox -doctrine, in terms suited to the understanding and capacity of the -younger scholars. He took care likewise that the inferior servants of -the College should be instructed in the principles of the Christian -religion, and would sometimes catechise them in his own lodgings. -He looked strictly himself to the keeping up all exercises, and -would often slip into the hall in the midst of their lectures and -disputations. He would always oblige both opponents and respondents to -come well prepared, and to perform their respective parts agreeably -to the strict law of disputation. Here he would often interpose, -either adding new force to the arguments of an opponent, or more -fullness to the answers of the respondent, and supplying where anything -seemed defective, or clearing where anything was obscure in what the -moderator[126] subjoined. He would often go into the chambers and -studies of the young scholars, observe what books they were reading, -and reprove them if he found them turning over any modern author, and -send them to Tully, that great master of Roman eloquence, to learn the -true and genuine propriety of that language. His care in the election -of Fellows was very singular. A true love of learning, and a good -share of it in a person of untainted morals and low circumstances, -were sure of his patronage and encouragement. He would constantly look -over the observator’s roll and buttery-book himself, and whoever had -been absent from chapel prayers or extravagant in his expenses, or -otherwise faulty, was sure he must atone for his fault by some such -exercise as the Rector should think fit to set him, for he was no -friend to pecuniary mulcts, which too often punish the father instead -of the son. The students were many more than could be lodged within -the walls: they crowded in here from all parts of the nation, and some -from beyond the sea. He opposed Cromwell’s plan of giving the College -at Durham the privileges of a University, setting forth the advantages -of large Universities and the dangers which threaten religion and -learning by multiplying small and petty Academies. He was instrumental -in moving Mr. Selden’s executors to bestow his prodigious collection -of books, more than 8000 volumes, on the University. In his declining -age he could scarce be prevailed upon by his physicians to drink now -and then a little wine. He slept very little, having been an assiduous -and indefatigable student for about threescore years together. Whilst -his strength would bear it, he often sat up in his study till late at -night, and thither he returned very early in the morning.” - -The Restoration put an end alike to learning and to discipline, to -the grief of a few good men, such as Ken, though the Royalists in -general issued numerous squibs and satires against the Puritans, -which still impose on some writers. Anthony Wood, a strong Royalist -and constant resident in Oxford, makes frequent allusion in his -diaries to the disastrous effects of the Restoration. “Some cavaliers -that were restored,” he says in one place, “were good scholars, but -the generality were dunces.” “Before the war,” he says in another -place, “we had scholars that made a thorough search in scholastic and -polemical divinity, in humane learning, and natural philosophy: but -now scholars study these things not more than what is just necessary -to carry them through the exercises of their respective Colleges and -the University. Their aim is not to live as students ought to do, viz. -temperate, abstemious, and plain and grave in their apparel; but to -live like gentry, to keep dogs and horses, to turn their studies into -places to keep bottles, to swagger in gay apparell and long periwigs.” -The difference between a Puritan and a Restoration Head of a House is -strongly set out by the contrast between Conant’s government of Exeter -and that of Joseph Maynard, who was elected on Conant’s ejection for -refusing submission to the Act of Conformity (1662). Wood says--“Exeter -College is now (1665) much debauched by a drunken governor; whereas -before in Dr. Conant’s time it was accounted a civil house, it is now -rude and uncivil. The Rector (Maynard) is good-natured, generous, and -a good scholar; but he has forgot the way of a College life, and the -decorum of a scholar. He is given much to bibbing; and when there is -a music-meeting in one of the Fellows’ chambers, he will sit there, -smoke, and drink till he is drunk, and has to be led to his lodgings by -the junior Fellows.” - -In 1666 pressure was put upon Maynard to resign, and he did so -on advice of the Visitor and his brother, Sir John Maynard. The -resignation was made smooth for him by the understanding that he -should be appointed Prebendary of Exeter in room of Dr. Arthur Bury, -who was now elected Rector of Exeter. Dr. Bury wrote a book, famous -in the Deist controversy, called _The Naked Gospel_, which had the -distinction of being impeached by several Masters of Arts, and formally -condemned and burnt by order of the Convocation of the University. -About the time of its publication, Bury got into trouble with Trelawney -the Visitor, the same whose name became a watchword in the West (“and -shall Trelawney die”), over questions of discipline and jurisdiction. -The Visitor expelled Bury and his supporters, July 1690; the decision -was appealed against in the Court of King’s Bench, and in the House of -Lords, but was finally upheld. - -The evil effects of the Restoration in studies and in morals continued. -Later on, Dean Prideaux can still say, “There is nothing but drinking -and duncery. Exeter is totally spoiled, and so is Christ Church. There -is over against Baliol, a dingy, horrid, scandalous ale-house, fit for -none but dragooners and tinkers. Here the Baliol men, by perpetual -bubbing, add art to their natural stupidity to make themselves perfect -sots.” - -Exeter and Christ Church were both reformed by John Conybeare,[127] -a writer famous for his answer to the _Christianity as old as the -Creation_ of Matthew Tindal, also an Exeter man. - -Jacobite feeling was strong in Oxford, and at the election of county -members in 1755, when the Jacobites guarded the hustings in Broad -Street, twenty men deep, the Whigs passed through Exeter and succeeded -in voting. The Vice-Chancellor, a strong Jacobite, remarked on “the -infamous behaviour of one College”; and this led to a war of pamphlets. -Christ Church, Exeter, Merton, and Wadham were the four Whig Colleges. - -Early in the eighteenth century the front gate and tower and the -buildings between this and the Hall were erected by the help of -such friends as Narcissus Marsh, Archbishop of Armagh, formerly a -Fellow. But in 1709 the library was burnt. The fire began “in the -scrape-trencher’s room. This adjoining to the library, all the inner -part of the library was destroyed, and only one stall of books or -thereabouts secured.” The wind was west, and the smoke must have -reached the nostrils of Hearne as he lay abed at St. Edmund Hall, for -“he was strangely disturbed with apprehensions of fire.” The library -was rebuilt in 1778, and had many gifts of books and manuscripts, and a -fund for buying more was established by Dr. Hugh Shortridge. - -When the time of religious revival came, John Wesley influenced some -members of the College, such as Thomas Broughton (Fellow 1733-1741). -During the present century other Fellows were noted in the Evangelical -movement; and in the Tractarian movement the names of William Sewell, -John Brande Morris, and John Dobree Dalgairns (better known as Father -Dalgairns), were conspicuous. - -Nor did the College lack among the fellows and scholars names in -Science, such as Milman and Rigaud; or in Oriental Learning, as -Kennicott and Weston; or in Classics and Literature, as Stackhouse and -Upton; or in Law, as Judge Coleridge; or in Theology, as Forshall the -editor of Wiclif’s Bible, and Milman, Bishop of Calcutta, and Jacobson, -Bishop of Chester; while among its other members it counted Sir -Gardner Wilkinson and Sir Charles Lyell. Of the living men who uphold -the repute of the College, this is not the place to speak. - -In 1854 the Commissioners threw the Fellowships open, and turned eight -of them into scholarships, ten open, ten for the diocese of Exeter, -and two for the Channel Islands. In the same year new buildings were -begun facing Broad Street, and next year a library, and the year after -a chapel and a rectory. Since the chapel absorbed the site of the -former rector’s house (east of the old chapel), the new house was built -on the site of St. Helen’s quadrangle. The liberality of the members -was conspicuous on the occasion of these buildings. Stained-glass and -carved oak stalls have been since given to the chapel, and some fine -tapestry, representing the Visit of the Magi, executed by Burne Jones -and William Morris, old members of the College. - -Many changes have been made in old arrangements, but the foundation -of the new scholarships carried out the real spirit of the Founder’s -views, in passing men rapidly through a University training. It is -hoped that Walter de Stapeldon would, if now living, approve of the -care for educating scholars which he had so much at heart. - - - - -V. - -ORIEL COLLEGE. - -BY C. L. SHADWELL, M.A., FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE. - - -Adam de Brome, the actual, though not the titular, founder of Oriel -College, was at the beginning of the fourteenth century a well-endowed -ecclesiastic, in the service of King Edward the Second. He held -the living of Hanworth, Middlesex; he was Chancellor of Durham and -Archdeacon of Stow; he held the office of almoner to the King; and -in 1320 he was presented by the King to the Rectory of St. Mary the -Virgin, Oxford. - -The College of Walter de Merton had then been in existence nearly -half a century; and the type which he had created, a self-governing, -independent society of secular students, well lodged and well endowed, -was that to which the aims of the struggling foundations of William of -Durham, Devorguilla of Balliol, and Bishop Stapeldon were directed. -The poor masters established out of William of Durham’s fund, and now -beginning to be known as the scholars of University Hall, were still -subject to Statutes issued by the University, and had not yet attained -to an independent position. It was not till 1340 that the scholars of -the Lady Devorguilla were set free from the authority of extraneous -Procuratores, and allowed to be governed by a Master of their own -choosing. The office of Rector of Stapeldon Hall was an annual one; -he was appointed by the scholars from among themselves, or if they -disagreed, by the Chancellor of the University, and his principal -duties were bursarial. But for the standard set by the completely -organised House of Merton, the development of these infant societies -might have taken a very different direction. - -Adam de Brome appears to have chosen Merton as his model, and his -foundation was from the first intended to be styled a College, a title -perhaps till then exclusively enjoyed by Merton.[128] - -By Letters Patent, dated at Langley, 20th April, 1324, he obtained -the royal license to purchase a messuage in Oxford or its suburbs, -and therein to establish “quoddam collegium scolarium in diversis -scientiis studentium,” to be styled the College of St. Mary in Oxford, -with power to acquire lands to the annual value of thirty pounds. In -the course of the same year he purchased the advowson of the church -of Aberford, in Yorkshire; and, in Oxford, Perilous Hall, in St. Mary -Magdalen parish, and Tackley’s Inn in the High Street; and by his -charter dated 6th December at Oxford, and confirmed by the King, 20th -December, 1324, at Nottingham, he founded his College of scholars -“in sacra theologia & arte dialectica studentium,” appointing John -de Laughton as their Rector, and assigning to them Tackley’s Inn as -their residence. This Society, if it ever came into actual existence -at all, lasted only a little more than a twelvemonth; and on the first -of January, 1325-6, its possessions were surrendered by Adam de Brome -into the King’s hands, as a preliminary to its re-establishment under -the King’s name. Edward the Second had already shown an interest in -the maintenance of academical students at the sister University; and -the scholars whom he supported there were the germ of the institution -afterwards developed by his son under the name of King’s Hall. He also -founded the Cistercian house at Oxford. He lent himself readily to the -suggestion of his Almoner; and by his Letters Patent, dated at Norwich, -21st January, 1325-6, he refounded the College, with Adam de Brome -as its head with the title of Provost, restoring the old endowments, -further augmented by the grant of the advowson of St. Mary’s. Leave -was given to appropriate the church to the use of the College on -condition of maintaining four chaplains for the performance of daily -service. License was given to take and hold lands in mortmain to the -annual value of sixty pounds. The original statutes are dated on the -same day as the charter of foundation. By these statutes, nearly all -the provisions of which are taken verbatim from the Merton statutes of -1274, the College was to consist of a Provost, and ten scholars to be -nominated in the first instance by Adam de Brome, and thereafter to -be elected by the whole body. The ten first nominated were to study -Theology; those elected in future were to study Arts and Philosophy, -until they were allowed to pass to the study of Theology or (to the -number of five or six out of ten) of Civil or Canon Law. The Provost -was to be chosen by the whole body of scholars from among themselves -and presented to the King’s Chancellor for admission. The second -officer of the College was the Dean, corresponding to the Sub-Warden at -Merton, filling the Provost’s place in his absence, and acting with him -at all times in the College government. Provision was made, similar to -that at Merton, for the appointment of other subordinate Deans, such -as were established elsewhere and in later foundations; this power has -however never been exercised, and the Dean of Oriel, alone of all who -bear that title, is in power and dignity second only to the head of -the College. The scholars were to be chosen from among Bachelors of -Arts, without preference for any locality, place of birth, or kindred. -Three chapters were to be held in the year, at the same times as those -appointed at Merton, Christmas, Easter, and St. Margaret’s day, at -which inquiry was to be made into the conduct of the members, and newly -elected scholars were to be admitted. - -The foundation was now in contemplation of law, complete. The new -Society was a corporate body, having a license to hold land, and with -a common seal.[129] It probably was at first established either in -St. Mary’s Hall, the Manse or Rectory House of St. Mary’s Church, or -in Tackley’s Inn, a large messuage in the High Street, on the site now -occupied by the house No. 106. - -But the College had not long been founded before Adam de Brome -perceived that the protection afforded by the King’s name would be -insufficient, unless he could also obtain the support of the Bishop of -Lincoln, Henry de Burghash. The Bishop’s approbation of the foundation -was not given until a new body of statutes had been drafted, differing -in many important particulars from the Foundation Statutes, and placing -the College under the control not of the Crown but of the Bishop. The -Provost when elected is to be presented to the Bishop for approval -or confirmation. Only three of the Fellows may be allowed to study -Civil or Canon Law, all the rest being required to betake themselves -to Theology. The Bishop is everywhere substituted for the King or his -Chancellor; his approval is required for alterations in the statutes; -the power of interpreting them on the occasion of any dispute is vested -in him; and he is constituted the sole and final judge in the removal -of a Provost or scholar for misconduct. Prayers are to be said for the -Bishop’s father and mother, Robert Lord Burghash and Matilda his wife, -his brothers Robert and Stephen, as well as for the King and Adam de -Brome; the name of Hugh le Despenser is significantly omitted. These -statutes were issued by the College 23rd May, and confirmed by the -Bishop 11th June, 1326; the Bishop’s charter approving the foundation -was first given on 13th March, but apparently was kept back until the -constitution of the College had been settled to his satisfaction, -and was only finally granted on 19th May. In the course of the same -year the appropriation of the church of St. Mary was approved by the -Bishop and the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln; and on Adam de Brome’s -resignation, the College was duly inducted by the Prior of St. -Frideswide (August 10). - -By the close of the year the Queen’s party, to which Bishop Burghash -belonged, had triumphed over the Despensers, the deposition of the -King following in January 1327. The Bishop made use of the favour in -which he stood with the new government to obtain some substantial -benefits for the College which he had taken under his protection. The -advowson of Coleby, Lincolnshire, purchased by Adam de Brome, was -secured to the College by a Royal grant, with a view to its ultimate -appropriation. The Hospital of St. Bartholomew, near Oxford, and of -Royal foundation, was annexed to the College. The maintenance of the -almsmen was provided by a charge on the fee farm rent of the city; but -the possessions of the Hospital, consisting principally of tenements -and rents in Oxford, went to augment the slender endowments of the -College.[130] But the most important accession which the institution -now received was by the grant of a messuage, called “La Oriole,” the -nucleus of the site of the present College buildings. This messuage -stood in St. John Baptist’s parish, fronting Schidyard Street and St. -John Street, and occupying nearly the whole of the southern half of -the present quadrangle; the south-east corner, the site of the present -chapel, was not acquired till later. It had anciently been known as -Senescal Hall, but had since acquired the name of La Oriole. Queen -Eleanor, wife of Edward the First, had granted it to her chaplain and -kinsman James of Spain, and the reversion was now (Dec. 1327) conferred -upon the College. The life interest was surrendered in 1329, and the -Society probably removed there in that year.[131] - -The increase in the College revenues since its first establishment was -probably the occasion of issuing some further supplementary statutes, -8th December, 1329. The commons or weekly allowance was raised from -twelve to fifteen pence a week for each scholar. The stipend of the -Provost was increased to ten marks. Ten shillings were allowed to -the Dean; five shillings apiece to the two Fellows, “collectores -reddituum,” who collected the income derived from the oblations in St. -Mary’s Church, and the rents of house and other property in Oxford; -five shillings to the collector of the Littlemore tithes; pittances -were allowed to the Fellows at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide. The -Provost was allowed to keep a separate table, and to maintain a private -servant. By a more important provision, ex-Fellows were made eligible -to the office of Provost. These statutes were confirmed by the Visitor -26th Feb. 1330, and with those of May 1326, by Royal Letters Patent, -18th March, 1330. - -The first chapter in the history of the College, recording the birth -and establishment of Adam de Brome’s foundation, closes with the Papal -Bulls ratifying and confirming the acts of the King and the Bishop, and -authorising the appropriation of the three benefices of St. Mary’s, -Aberford, and Coleby. These were obtained in answer to a letter of the -King, dated 4th December, 1330, in which the design of the foundation -is becomingly set forth. In a postscript to this letter the King calls -the Pope’s attention to another matter, the inconvenience arising -from the frequent occurrence of disturbances in St. Mary’s Church and -Churchyard, arising from the gatherings that habitually took place -there, and which led to “effusiones sanguinis” within the consecrated -precincts, calling for the Bishop’s sentence of reconciliation. -This was not always easily to be obtained, the Bishop being engaged -elsewhere in his extensive diocese; and the King suggests that the Pope -should authorise the Bishop to give a standing commission to the Abbots -of Oseney and Rewley to act for him whenever occasion should require, -and effect the necessary reconciliation. The Pope, having taken six -months to consider this application, issued on the 23rd June, 1331, -four separate Bulls, three of which provided for the appropriation to -the College of the three churches, and the fourth dealt with the matter -last referred to, the use of St. Mary’s Church for secular assemblies, -but very differently from the King’s expectations. Instead of acceding -to the proposal that a simple and expeditious machinery should be -provided for the reconciliation of the Church, on the not unusual -occurrence of a riot within its walls, he proceeded to forbid, under -penalty of excommunication, the holding of any meetings whatever, -“mercationes aliquas emendo vel vendendo seu conventiculas illicitas,” -in the church or churchyard. The Bulls authorising the appropriations -asked for were promptly put into execution, and the benefices secured -to the College, though Aberford did not fall vacant till 1341, -and Coleby not till 1346. But the fourth Bull was suffered to lie -unemployed in the College custody, until an opportunity[132] arose in -which it was thought likely to prove serviceable. - -Adam de Brome died 16th June, 1332, on which day his obit. was long -observed by the College. By his will, proved in the Mayor of Oxford’s -Court, certain houses in Oxford--Moses Hall in Penyferthyng Street, -and Bauer Hall in St. Mary Magdalen parish--which he had acquired for -the further endowment of his College, were devised to Richard Overton, -clerk, his executor. Overton may have been one of the Fellows; at -all events he was intimately associated with Adam de Brome in the -establishment of the College and in the acquisition of its endowments; -and the property now left to him, and other property afterwards -acquired, were all ultimately secured to Oriel. - -Adam de Brome was succeeded in the Provostship by William de Leverton, -Fellow and Master of Arts, unanimously elected by the College, and -instituted by the Bishop, 27th June. Leverton died 21st Nov. 1348, and -William de Hawkesworth, Doctor in Theology, was elected in his place. -The Bishop annulled this election on the ground of informality, and -himself appointed Hawkesworth to be Provost by his own authority.[133] -Hawkesworth’s tenure of the Provostship was short, and it is chiefly -memorable for the part he played in the disputed election to the -Chancellorship of the University, which occurred early in 1349. -Hawkesworth, who had already acted as the Chancellor’s Commissary, was -the candidate of the Northerners, the party with which the College -appears throughout to be connected; John Wylliot, Fellow of Merton, -was the candidate of the Southerners. On the 19th of March 1349, -Hawkesworth, as Chancellor, with his Proctors proceeded to St. Mary’s -for the performance of Divine service, and they were there attacked -by Wylliot and his party. It was then that Hawkesworth had recourse -to the neglected Bull of Pope John XXII., which had hitherto lain -unused in the College Treasury. It was now produced and publicly read -in the Church, with what immediate result does not appear, though -Wylliot’s action was complained of to the King, and a Commission sent -to inquire into the matter. Hawkesworth’s death followed soon after, -April 8th; he was buried in St. Mary’s, where an inscription still -remains to his memory. Before the election of his successor, an order -was received from the Bishop, prescribing the procedure to be followed, -probably with the object of preventing the irregularities which had -vitiated the last election. William de Daventre, who was now chosen, -had been an active member of the College for some years; his name -occurs frequently in deeds relating to the Oxford property. In 1361 -the College found itself rich enough to obtain the King’s license to -add to its possessions divers messuages and small pieces of ground in -Oxford, which had been accumulating since the foundation, and which -were, up to this time, held in the name of members of the society in -trust. The earliest roll of College property, the rental for the year -1363-4, was drawn up shortly after the license had been obtained and -acted upon; and as a consequence of this increase in their corporate -revenues, a new ordinance or statute was issued in 1364, augmenting the -weekly commons, and assigning additional stipends to the Provost, and -to certain College servants. - -Daventre died in June 1373, and was succeeded by John de Colyntre, -then one of the Fellows, and for some years past one of its leading -members. The entry of his election in the Lincoln Register records -the names of the electing Fellows, eight besides Colyntre himself, -and describes him in eulogistic language, “virum in spiritualibus et -temporalibus plurimum circumspectum literarum sciencia vita et moribus -merito commendandum scientem et valentem jura domus nostrae efficaciter -prosequi et tueri quin immo propter vite sue munditiam et excellentiam -virtutum apud omnes admodum gratiosum.” It was long before the Fellows -were again as completely in harmony upon the choice of their head. -Colyntre’s rule lasted till his death in 1385 or 1386. - -All through the latter part of the fourteenth century the College -was engaged in increasing its scanty endowment, by the purchase, as -opportunity offered, of houses, quit-rents, and other property in -Oxford, contiguous to or in the neighbourhood of La Oriole. The chantry -of St. Mary in the church of St. Michael Southgate, founded by Thomas -de la Legh, was annexed to the College in 1357; as was also the chantry -of St. Thomas in the church of St. Mary the Virgin in 1392. Other -acquisitions were secured by successive licenses in mortmain, granted -in 1376, in 1392, and in 1394. In this way the greater part of the -ground lying between La Oriole and St. Mary’s Hall was acquired and -appropriated to the enlargement of the College buildings and garden. - -The name of St. Mary’s College, the legal description of the College, -seems to have been little used: the Society is sometimes described -as the King’s Hall, or the King’s College, but it was more generally -known by the old name of the mansion in which it was lodged. The first -instance of the use of the name “Oriel” by the College itself in a -formal document is in 1367; but it was no doubt a popular designation -at a much earlier date. - -In 1373 license was granted by the Bishop for the celebration of masses -and other divine offices in a chapel constructed, or to be constructed, -within the College. Previous to this the church of St. Mary had been -resorted to for all purposes. The legends on the painted glass windows -in this chapel, preserved by Wood, record its erection by Richard Earl -of Arundel, and by his son Thomas Arundel, about the year 1379. - -Next in importance for the society of students which Adam de Brome had -founded, after providing them with a house to lodge in, a church or -chapel to worship in, and means to maintain them, was books for them -to study; and this he had, as he believed, secured in the infancy of -the foundation, by acquiring the library which Thomas Cobham, Bishop -of Worcester, had brought together, and which he had placed in the -new building he had erected adjoining St. Mary’s Church. The building -and the books placed in it were intended by the Bishop to be made over -to the University for the use of all its students; but his intention -was frustrated by his premature death; and his executors, finding -his estate unequal to the payment of his debts and funeral expenses, -were driven to pawn the books for the sum of fifty pounds. Adam de -Brome, who, as Rector of the church, had allowed the building to be -erected on his ground, pressed for the completion of the Bishop’s -undertaking; and the executors, unable otherwise to help him, told him -to go in God’s name, and redeem the books and hold them for the use -of his College. Acting upon this permission, he redeemed the books, -brought them to Oxford, and gave them, with the building which had -been built for their reception, to his newly founded Society. This -account of the transaction was not acquiesced in by the University; -and in the Long Vacation of 1337, five years after Adam de Brome’s -death, the Chancellor’s Commissary, at the head of a body of students, -made forcible entry into the building, and carried off the books, the -few Fellows who were then in residence not daring, as the College -plaintively records, to offer any resistance. Thirty years later, -proceedings were taken in the Chancellor’s Court to recover possession -of the building itself; and notwithstanding an urgent petition of the -College imploring the Bishop of Lincoln to interfere on its behalf, -the University took possession, and established, in the upper story -of what is still known as the Old Congregation House, the nucleus of -its first library. The College continued for a long time to assert -its claim; and it was not till 1410 that the dispute was finally set -at rest. But although disappointed in this quarter, other donors and -benefactors rapidly came forward to compensate the College for its -loss. Adam de Brome probably gave largely. Master Thomas Cobildik -appears in the earliest catalogue as the donor of a considerable part -of the then recorded collection. William Rede, Bishop of Chichester, -who died in 1385, left ten books to Oriel, and made a similar bequest -to most of the then existing Colleges. Provost Daventre, who died in -1373, left the residue of his books to the College. Two Fellows, Elias -de Trykyngham and John de Ingolnieles, whose names occur together in -a deed of 1356, gave books which are still in the College library. -In 1375 a catalogue was compiled, which is still preserved;[134] -this comprises about one hundred volumes, arranged according to the -divisions of academical study, the Arts, the Philosophies, and lastly, -the higher departments of Law--Civil and Canon--and Theology. - -The Society for whose use it was intended was still a small one; the -number of Fellows remained, as Adam de Brome had left it, at no more -than ten. The average tenure of a Fellowship was about ten years. The -requirement to proceed to the higher faculties produced little result; -either it was disregarded, or the Fellowship was vacated from other -causes before the time came for obeying it. By the statutes a vacancy -was caused by entering religion, obtaining a valuable benefice, or -ceasing to reside and study in the College. Marriage must always have -been reckoned as a variety of the last disqualification; and it is -especially enumerated in a deed of 1395 reciting the various causes -which might bring about the avoidance of a Fellowship. - -The Provost, on the other hand, generally held his office till his -death. This is the case during the whole of the first century of the -College (1326-1425). - -Besides the members of the corporate society, room appears to have -been found in the Oriole for a few other members, graduates, scholars, -bible-clerks, commensales. Thomas Fitzalan, or Arundel, afterwards -Archbishop of Canterbury, is the most eminent name recorded in the -fourteenth century. - -It is perhaps worth while here to dispose of the claim of the College -to be connected with the authorship of _Piers Ploughman_. The real name -of the author of this remarkable poem was, no doubt, William Langlande; -but a misunderstanding of a passage in the opening introduction led -Stowe hastily to infer that it was written by one John Malverne; and -a name something like this, John Malleson, or Malvesonere, occurring -as that of one of the Fellows of Oriel in deeds of the year 1387 and -subsequently, was sufficient ground for identification. It is enough -now to say that the poem was not written by any John Malverne, and that -no person of that name was ever Fellow of Oriel; that the only Fellow -with a name at all resembling it first appears some time after the date -of the poem (_c._ 1362); and that the internal evidence makes it highly -improbable that the writer was ever at any University. There has been, -however, this indirect advantage to the College, that, on the ground -of its supposed connexion, a valuable MS. of the poem was presented -to its library in the seventeenth century, which ranks among the best -authorities for the text. - -On the death of Provost Colyntre in 1386 began the first of a long -series of disputes concerning the election of a head. The Fellows were -divided in their choice between Dr. John Middleton, Fellow and Canon of -Hereford, and Master Thomas Kirkton. Middleton had the support of five, -Kirkton of four of the Fellows. An attempt was made, though whether -before or after the election does not clearly appear, to deprive Master -Ralph Redruth, B.D., of his Fellowship, though on appeal to the King -he succeeded in retaining his place. Kirkton presented himself to the -Bishop of Lincoln, and was confirmed. From the Bishop appeal was made -to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and to the King. On the 18th of April, -1386, Letters Patent were issued, ordering two of the Fellows, John -Landreyn, D.D., and Master Ralph Redruth, to assume the government -of the College, pending the termination of the dispute; and by other -letters of May 23rd, the Archbishop, Robert Rugge, Chancellor of the -University, and John Bloxham, Warden of Merton, were commissioned to -hear the parties and give final judgment and sentence. Under this -commission some sentence may have been given in favour of Kirkton, -though of this no record has been discovered. At all events the King’s -Sergeant-at-arms was ordered, October 26th, to put him in peaceable -possession of the Provostship. This order was again, January 4th, -1386-7, revoked by Letters Patent, reciting that Kirkton had before -Arundel, then Chancellor and Bishop of Ely, renounced all his claims. -Meanwhile the Archbishop had proceeded independently and more slowly. -On the 4th of May he had commissioned Master John Barnet, official of -the Court of Canterbury, and Master John Baketon, Dean of Arches, to -hear Middleton’s appeal; and a like commission to Barnet alone was -issued on the 21st of November. Under the last commission sentence was -given in favour of Middleton, and an order was sent, 26th February, -1386-7, to the Chancellor of Oxford, and to John Landreyn for his due -induction. - -Middleton died at Hereford, 27th June, 1394, and was succeeded by John -Maldon, M.A., B.M., and Scholar in Divinity, “nuper & in ultimis diebus -consocius et conscolaris juratus.” In the record of the election in the -Lincoln Register, the names of twelve other Fellows appear as electors. -The most important memorial of his period of office now preserved is -the Register of College muniments, compiled in 1397, perhaps under -the hand of Thomas Leyntwardyn, Fellow, and afterwards Provost. This -valuable record consists of a carefully arranged catalogue of all the -deeds, charters, and muniments of title then in the College possession. -Prefixed to the Register is a Calendar, noting the anniversaries, -obits, and other days to be observed in the College in commemoration -of its founders and benefactors. Maldon died early in 1401-2. By his -will, dated January 21st, he made various bequests to the College, and -to individual Fellows. One book, at least, belonging to him is still in -the library. - -Hitherto the materials for the history of the College have mainly -consisted of the title-deeds relating to the property from time to -time acquired, the purchases being in the first instance made in the -names of a certain number of the Fellows, these again handing it -on to some of their successors, until the College felt itself in a -position to apply for a license in mortmain to enable it to hold the -property in its corporate character. In this way it is possible to -make out a tolerably full list of the early members of the College. -From about the time of the compilation of the earliest Register, in -1397, this source of information is no longer very productive. Compared -with the abundance of deeds of the fourteenth century, which are -catalogued in the Register of 1397, the fifteenth century is singularly -deficient. Fortunately, however, the want is supplied by other sources -of information of more interest. The earliest book of treasurer’s -accounts, still preserved, extends from 1409 to 1415. The income of -the College was made up of the rents of Oxford houses, about £53; -the tithes of its three churches, Aberford, Coleby, and Littlemore, -belonging to St. Mary’s, about £35; and the proceeds of offerings in -St. Mary’s Church, about £28. The net income, after deducting repairs -and other outgoings on property, was between £80 and £90. The principal -items of expenses were (1) the commons of the Provost and Fellows, at -the rate of 1_s._ 3_d._ per week per head; (2) battells, the charge for -allowances in meat and drink to other persons employed in and about -the College, servants, journeymen, labourers, tilers, and the like, -including also the entertainment of College visitors, the clergy of St. -Mary’s, or the city authorities; (3) exceedings, “excrescentiae,” the -cost incurred on any unusual occasion of College festivity, wine drunk -on the feasts of Our Lady, pittances distributed among the members -of the College on certain prescribed days, and similar extraordinary -expenses. The amounts expended are accurately recorded for each week, -the week ending, according to the practice which continues at Oriel -to the present day, between dinner and supper on Friday. The total of -these charges amounted to about £40. The stipends of the Provost and of -the College officers, the payments to the Vicar of St. Mary’s and the -four chaplains, the wages of College servants, and the ordinary cost of -the College fabric, are the principal other items of expenditure. - -In 1410, the long-standing dispute with the University as to Cobham’s -library was set at rest, through the mediation of Archbishop Arundel. -Not long afterwards a sum of money was raised by contributions from -members of the College, and from parishioners of St. Mary’s, for -renewing the internal fittings of the church, the University giving -£10 _pro choro_. On the completion of the work, the Chancellor and the -whole congregation of regents and non-regents were regaled with wine, -at a cost of eight shillings, including oysters for the scrutineers. - -It would not be easy to discover in the dry pages of the College -accounts, any indication of the domestic quarrels which at this time -violently divided the Society. The attempts made by the Archbishop, -with the support of the King, to suppress the Lollard doctrines, -aroused considerable opposition in the University. In 1395, Pope -Boniface IX. had issued a Bull, in answer to a petition from the -University, by which the Chancellor was confirmed as the sole authority -over all its members, to the exclusion of all archbishops and -bishops in England. This Bull, though welcome to the majority of the -Congregation, consisting largely of Masters of Arts, was resisted by -the higher faculties, and especially by the Canonists; and the King, at -the instance of the Archbishop, compelled the University, by the threat -of withdrawing all its privileges, to renounce the exemption. Another -burning question was the condemnation of the heretical doctrines of -Wycliffe. Under considerable pressure from Archbishop Arundel, the -University appointed twelve examiners to search Wycliffe’s writings, -and extract from them all the erroneous conclusions which deserved -condemnation. This task was performed in 1409; but the recalcitrant -party among the residents continued to throw considerable difficulty -in the way of the Archbishop’s wishes; and Oriel seems to have been -an active centre of resistance. In 1411, the Archbishop visited the -University, with the double object of asserting his metropolitical -authority, which had been threatened by the Papal Bull of exemption, -and of crushing out the Lollard heresies. He was not immediately -successful; but he had behind him the support of the King, and by the -end of the year the obnoxious Bull was revoked, and order was restored. -It was probably after this settlement that an enquiry was held at -Oriel into the conduct of some of the Fellows who had taken an active -part in opposition. William Symon, Robert Dykes, and Thomas Wilton, -all Northerners, are charged with being stirrers up and fomenters of -discord between the nations; they frequent taverns day and night, they -come into College at ten, eleven, or twelve at night, and if they find -the gate locked, climb in over the wall. Wilton wakes up the Provost -from his sleep, and challenges him to come out and fight. On St Peter’s -Eve, 1411, when the College gate was shut by the Provost’s order, he -went out with his associates, attacked the Chancellor in his lodgings, -and slew a scholar who was within. One witness deposed to seeing him -come armed into St. Mary’s Church, and when his sword fell out of his -hand, crying out, “There wyl nothing thryve wyt me.” In support of -the charge that Oriel College suffered in reputation by reason of the -misbehaviour of its Fellows, Mr. John Martyll, then Fellow, deposes -that many burgesses of Oxford and the neighbourhood are minded to -confiscate the College lands, rents, and tenements. Upon these general -charges of domestic misconduct, follow others against Symon and against -Master John Byrche of more public importance. Byrche was Proctor in -1411, and Symon in 1412.[135] Both appear to have taken an active part -in opposing the attempt of the Chancellor and the Archbishop to correct -the ecclesiastical and doctrinal heresies of the University. Byrche -as Proctor contrived to carry in the Great Congregation a proposal -to suspend the power of the twelve examiners appointed to report on -Wycliffe’s heresies; and when the Chancellor met this by dissolving -the Congregation, Byrche next day summoned a Small Congregation, and -obtained the appointment of judges to pronounce the Chancellor guilty -of perjury, and by this means frightened him into resigning his office. -When the Archbishop arrived for his visitation, Byrche and Symon held -St. Mary’s Church against him, and setting his interdict at naught, -they opened the doors, rang the bells, and celebrated high mass. When -summoned in their place in College to renounce the Papal Bull of -Exemption, they declined to follow the example of their elders and -betters, and flatly refused to comply. - -Upon these charges a number of witnesses were examined; some, possibly -townsmen, giving evidence as to the disturbances in the streets between -the Northern and Southern nations; others, notably John Possell, the -Provost, Mr. John Martyll, and Mr. Henry Kayll, Fellows, Mr. Nicholas -Pont, and Mr. John Walton, speaking to the occurrences in College -and in the Convocation House. It does not seem that any very serious -results followed from the inquiry; Symon, and a young bachelor Fellow, -Robert Buckland, against whom no specific charge was made, confessed -themselves in fault; as to the others, nothing more is recorded. A -number of further charges were prepared against a still more important -member of the College, the Dean, John Rote (or Root), who by his -connivance, and by his refusal to support the Provost’s authority, -made himself partaker in the misconduct of the younger Fellows, and -was justly held to be the “root” of all the evil. Such was the weight -of his character in College, that none would venture to go against -his opinion; his refusing to interfere, his sitting still and saying -nothing when these enormities were reported to the Provost, was a -direct encouragement to the offenders. At other times, in Hall, and in -the company of the Fellows, he uttered the rankest Lollardism. “Are -we to be punished with an interdict on our church for other people’s -misdoings? Truly it shall be said of the Archbishop, ‘The devil go -with him and break his neck.’ The Archbishop would better take care -what he is about. He tried once before to visit the University, and -was straightway proscribed the realm. I have heard him say, ‘Do you -think that Bishop beyond the sea’--meaning the Pope--‘is to give away -my benefices in England? No, by St. Thomas.’” What was this but the -battle-cry of the new sect, “Let us break their bonds asunder, and -cast away their cords from us”? But no evidence was offered on these -charges, and Root remained undisturbed in his College eminence. - -Possell, who is stated to have been sixty years of age at the time -of the commission of enquiry, seems to have died in September 1414; -and the proceedings which followed further illustrate the divided -condition of the College. A prominent candidate for the Provostship was -Rote, already conspicuous for his outspoken Lollardism, and who, by -his adversaries’ own admissions, was of far more weight and influence -in the College than the old and timid Provost. An election was held, -seemingly in the following October, at which he was chosen; and he -obtained confirmation from the Bishop of Lincoln on November 17th. -But the validity of the proceedings was at once contested by Mr. John -Martyll, one of the Fellows, on the ground of want of notice; and -Rote’s claim to the office was kept in suspense, pending an appeal -to Rome. From the College accounts, the payments due to the Provost -seem to have been made to Rote, under a salvo, pending the appeal. -Archbishop Courtenay, who had lately succeeded Arundel, interfered, and -summoned the parties before him at Lambeth, where on 14th February, -1415, Rote renounced his claims. A new election took place, at which -Dr. William Corffe was chosen; and he was confirmed by the Bishop of -Lincoln, on the 16th of March following, by John Martyll, his proxy. -He appears then to have been absent from England, representing the -University at the Council of Constance. From this embassy he perhaps -never returned; the proceedings of the Council record him as present in -June 1415; and a note in a MS. in the College library states that he -died at Constance. His name occurs as Provost in a deed dated 14th May, -1416; and he is mentioned as “in remotis agens” 3rd April, 1417. His -death may be presumed to have occurred about September 1417. - -The period from 1429 to 1476, during which the College was under -the rule of its four great provosts--John Carpenter, Walter Lyhert, -John Hals, and Henry Sampson--was one of exceptional brilliance and -prosperity. Hitherto the College had been one of the most slenderly -endowed; but during this period a stream of benefactions flowed in -upon it, which materially altered its position. The first and most -considerable addition which it received was the legacy of John Frank, -Master of the Rolls, who left the sum of £1000 for the support of four -additional Fellows. The money was judiciously invested in the purchase -of the Manor of Wadley, near Faringdon, once the property of the Abbey -of Stanley, Wilts, and which had lately been forfeited to the Crown. -This property was acquired in 1440, and the statute providing for the -enlargement of the Foundation is dated 13th May, 1441. The adjoining -estate of Littleworth was purchased some time later by Hals, then -Bishop of Lichfield, and also given to the College. The manors of Dene -and Chalford,[136] in the parishes of Spelsbury and Enstone, Oxon, were -acquired by Carpenter, who had become Bishop of Worcester in 1443, and -were given by his will to the College, for the support of a Fellow -from the diocese of Worcester. Somewhat later William Smyth, Bishop -of Lincoln, and afterwards one of the founders of Brasenose College, -founded another Fellowship for his own diocese, and endowed the College -with the manor of Shenington, near Banbury. The last considerable -addition to the College property was made by Richard Dudley, sometime -Fellow, who in 1525 gave the manor of Swainswick, near Bath, to -maintain two Fellows. The whole of these new endowments, which exceed -many times over the value of the original possessions of the College, -were acquired in a period of less than a hundred years, and they are -the lasting memorial of what until recent times must be considered the -most splendid period in the College history. - -By these benefactions the number of Fellows, fixed at ten in the -Foundation Statutes, was raised to eighteen, at which it remained down -to the changes of recent times. Four of these, founded by John Frank, -were to be chosen out of the counties of Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, -and Devon; one, founded by Bishop Carpenter, from the diocese of -Worcester; and one, founded by Bishop Smyth, from the diocese of -Lincoln. The two Fellowships founded by Dudley were not made subject -to any restriction; but the College bound itself, in acknowledgment of -Carpenter’s benefaction, to assign one of the original Fellowships also -to the diocese of Worcester. This provision was repealed in 1821. There -were therefore from the reign of Henry VIII. onwards seven Fellowships -limited in the first instance to certain counties and dioceses, and -eleven which were subject to no restriction. And there never grew up -at any time any class of junior members of the Foundation, entitled -by statute or custom to succeed to Fellowships, or indeed any class -whatever, corresponding to the scholars, postmasters or demies, to -be found at most other Colleges. Certain Exhibitions were indeed -established by Bishop Carpenter and Bishop Lyhert, and charged upon -lands given by them to St. Anthony’s Hospital in London. Others, again, -were founded by Richard Dudley. But neither the Exhibitions of St. -Anthony nor the Dudley Exhibitions ever grew to the least importance. -The small stipends originally assigned to them were never increased; -and with the change in the value of money, they sank into complete -insignificance. - -New statutes to regulate these additions to the Foundation were enacted -in 1441, 1483, and in 1507. From another statute in 1504 dates the -establishment of the College Register, which thenceforward becomes the -sole authentic record of the history of the College. This Register is -directed to be kept not by the Provost, but by the Dean; and a similar -practice was established about the same time in several other Colleges, -such as Merton, where the Register begins in 1482, Magdalen, Brasenose, -and others. It was probably thought that the duty would be better -discharged by a subordinate officer, who could be called to account -by his superior, than by the Head himself, whose negligence it was no -one person’s business to correct. The Oriel Register, though first -instituted by the statute of 1504, contains also the record of some -transactions of earlier date; and the statute was probably intended -to put upon a regular footing a practice which had already begun, and -which was found to be of service. If this Register had been employed -as the statute directed, in recording “omnia acta et decreta, per -Praepositum et Scholares capitulariter facta,” it would be invaluable -for the history of the College; but unfortunately the tendency soon -showed itself to confine the entries to a limited number of cases, such -as the elections and admissions of the Provost and Fellows, and to -leave unnoticed many matters belonging to the ordinary daily life of -the Society, for the insertion of which no exact precedent was found. -When at a later time the character of the College changed from a small -Society of graduate students to an educational institution, receiving -undergraduate members, scarcely any notice is to be discovered in the -Register which betrays the existence of tutors or pupils, or of any -other members of the Society besides the Provosts and Fellows. - -Another important source of information is the series of Treasurer’s -accounts, known as the Style. These begin in 1450, almost immediately -after the election of Provost Sampson, and the plan then introduced, -of which he may possibly have been the author, has lasted in unbroken -continuity to the present time. For some time this account records the -whole of the pecuniary transactions of the College; but after the -act of Elizabeth (18 Eliz. c. 6) came into operation, and the surplus -revenue of each year became divisible among the Provost and Fellows, -the practice soon established itself of excluding from both sides of -the account items of a novel or exceptional character. The rents of -the College estates are given in the fullest detail; but no mention -is made of the fines taken on the renewal of leases, although these -began very early to form an important part of the College revenue. The -whole of the domestic side of the account, the charges upon members -outside the Foundation, and the cost of their maintenance, the fees -paid by undergraduates to tutors and College officers, servants’ wages, -and other similar items, are nowhere noticed. When in the seventeenth -century the whole fabric of the College was pulled down and rebuilt, it -would be difficult to find in the pages of the Style any entry which -would give a hint that any unusual outlay was in progress. - -The century which followed the resignation of Provost Sampson in 1475, -presents very little of general interest. At the visitation of the -College by Atwater, Bishop of Lincoln, in 1520, among other matters -of minor consequence, occurs the first recorded instance of an abuse -which was probably then and for long afterwards not unfrequent. Thomas -Stock had resigned his Fellowship in favour of John Throckmorton, -keeping back his resignation until he was sure that Throckmorton -would be elected. “Hoc potest trahi in exemplum perniciosum. Ita quod -in posterum socii resignabunt loca sua quibus voluerint. Dominus -injunxit ne deinceps aliquis talia faceret in electionibus ibidem.” The -Injunctions of Bishop Longland, following on his visitation in 1531, -seem to show a growing laxity of discipline. The Provost, then Thomas -Ware, is admonished to be personally resident in the College, and to -attend more diligently to his duties. The Bachelors are to observe the -regular hours of study in the library at night, and not to introduce -strangers into their sleeping-rooms. The new classical learning -(“recentiores literae, lingua Latina, et opera poetica”) is not to be -pursued to the prejudice of the older studies, the “Termini Doctorum -antiquorum.” The disputations and exercises are to be kept up as in -former times; the Provost, Dean, and senior masters are to attend the -disputations, and to be ready to solve the doubtful points. No Fellow -is to go out of residence without the leave of the Provost or the -Dean, and then only for a limited time, whether in term or vacation. -The vacant Fellowships are to be filled up in a month’s time, and no -Fellowship to remain vacant in future longer than one month. - -Fifteen years later another set of Injunctions was issued by the -same Bishop. The Fellows are again enjoined to be diligent in their -studies, giving themselves to philosophy for three years following -their admission, and then going on to divinity. The unseemly behaviour -of Mr. Edmund Crispyne calls for special reprimand; he is to give up -blasphemy and profane swearing; he is not to let his beard grow, or -to wear plaited shirts, or boots of a lay cut; he is to be respectful -and obedient to the Provost and Dean, on pain of excommunication and -deprivation of his Fellowship. Mention is made of St. Mary Hall as a -place of education under the control of the College, but distinct from -it. The door opening from the College into the Hall is to be walled -up, and no communication between the two to be allowed henceforth. The -College is to appoint a fit person to be Principal of the Hall, who is -to provide suitable lectures for the instruction of the students there. - -The Reformation makes but little mark in the recorded history of the -College. No difficulty was met with by the King’s Commissioner, Dr. -Cox, when he came in 1534 to require the acknowledgment of the Royal -supremacy. Four years later came the orders for depriving Becket of the -honours of saintship, and for removing his name from all service-books. -The thoroughness with which these orders were carried out is remarkably -illustrated at Oriel, where even in so obscure a place as the Calendar -prefixed to the Register of College Muniments, the days marked for -the observance of St. Thomas have been carefully obliterated. There -was, however, one member of Oriel, Edward Powell, who distinguished -himself by his opposition to the King’s policy. He had been Fellow of -the College from about 1495 to 1505; afterwards he became Canon of -Salisbury, and also held other ecclesiastical preferments. On the -first appearance of Luther’s writings he was selected by the University -as one of the defenders of orthodoxy, and recommended as such to the -King. When, however, the question of the King’s divorce arose, Powell -was retained by Queen Katherine as her ablest advocate; and from that -time he was conspicuous by his resistance to the King. In 1540 he -was hanged, drawn, and quartered at Smithfield for denying the Royal -supremacy, and for refusing to take the oath of succession. - -In the pages of the College Register the affairs of St. Bartholomew’s -Hospital play a much more important part than any changes in religion. -It was in 1536 that the long-standing dispute between the College -and the City respecting the payment appropriated to the support of -the almsmen was finally settled. The charge, £23 0_s._ 5_d._, out of -the fee farm rent of the town, had been granted by Henry I. on the -first establishment of the Hospital; but ever since the annexation -to the College by Edward III., great difficulty had been experienced -in obtaining punctual payment. Charters confirming the charge had -been obtained from nearly every sovereign through the fourteenth -and fifteenth centuries; but the City persevered in disputing its -liability. In 1536 both parties agreed to stand to the award of two -Barons of the Exchequer, and by their decision the payment was settled -at the reduced amount of £19 a year, and the nomination of the almsmen -was transferred to the city. - -On the resignation of Provost Haynes in 1550, the King’s Council -endeavoured to procure the election of Dr. William Turner, a prominent -Protestant divine, honourably known as one of the fathers of English -Botany. The Fellows, perhaps anticipating interference, held their -election on the day of Haynes’ resignation, and chose Mr. John -Smyth, afterwards Margaret Professor of Divinity. Smyth was promptly -despatched to the Bishop of Lincoln for confirmation, and on his return -to the College was duly installed Provost. Some days afterwards the -Dean was summoned to attend the Council and to give an account of the -College proceedings. His explanations were apparently accepted, and -no further action was taken. Smyth retained his place through all -the changes of religion under Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth. On his -resignation in 1565, Roger Marbeck of Christchurch, and Public Orator, -was chosen, although not statutably qualified, having never been a -Fellow. It is possible, though not hinted at in the account of the -election, that he was recommended either by the Queen or by some other -powerful personage; and a dispensation was obtained from the Visitor -authorising a departure from the regulations of the Statutes. Marbeck -held the office only two years, and was succeeded by John Belly, -Provost 1566 to 1574. - -The long reign of the next Provost, Anthony Blencowe, covers the -period of transition from the old to the new era. The College of the -medieval type consisted of the Fellows only. Already Bachelors of -Arts at the time of their election, they carried on their studies -under the direction of the Head and seniors, proceeding to the -higher degrees, and ultimately passing from Oxford to ecclesiastical -employment elsewhere. William of Wykeham had indeed made one important -innovation on the type which Walter de Merton had created; for the -younger members of his foundation were admitted direct from school, and -only obtained their first University degree after they had been some -years at College. The example of New College was followed at Magdalen -and Corpus; but in these cases, as at New College, the admission of -undergraduates was only introduced as part of the regulations for -members of the Foundation, and it was not in contemplation to make the -College a school for all comers. No doubt a few _extranei_, graduate -or undergraduate, were occasionally admitted to share the Fellows’ -table, and to profit by their advice and companionship; but the bulk -of the younger students remained outside the Colleges, lodging in the -numerous Halls in the town, and subject only to the discipline of the -University. Instances of such _extranei_ are Thomas Arundel, already -mentioned as a member of Oriel in the fourteenth century; Henry, Prince -of Wales, afterwards Henry V., at Queen’s College; Doctor Thomas -Gascoigne, who at different times resided at Oriel, at Lincoln, and -at New College. This class survived to recent times in the Fellow -commoners, or gentlemen commoners, whose connexion with the Colleges -is historically older than the more numerous and important class of -commoners, which has overshadowed and ultimately extinguished them. -It is worth observing that the three Colleges of William of Wykeham’s -type, New College, Magdalen, and Corpus, although they received -gentlemen commoners, did not admit ordinary commoners until the changes -which followed on the University Commission of 1854. All Souls has -remained to the present day a College of Fellows alone. - -The religious changes of the sixteenth century were followed by great -alterations in the discipline of the University. Acting on pressure -from without, a Statute was passed in 1581 requiring all matriculated -students to reside in a College or Hall. The old Halls had nearly all -disappeared; of the few remaining most were connected more or less -closely with one of the Colleges. Queen’s College claimed, and was -successful in retaining, St. Edmund’s Hall. Merton had purchased Alban -Hall in the earlier part of the century. Magdalen Hall was dependent -on Magdalen College. The connexion between Oriel and St. Mary Hall was -older and closer than any. The Principal was, invariably, chosen or -appointed from among the Fellows. The holders of the small Exhibitions -founded by Bishop Carpenter and Dr. Dudley were lodged not in the -College but in the Hall; in times of plague the members of the Hall -were allowed to remove to St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, for a purer -air. In the census of the University, taken in 1572, Oriel appears -to have numbered forty-two members; of these the Provost and Fellows -account for nineteen; three were servants; the remaining twenty, one -of whom may be perhaps identified with Sir Walter Raleigh, represent -the favoured class of _extranei_, of which we have already spoken. -In the same year the members of St. Mary Hall numbered forty-six. -The next half century sees this proportion completely reversed. The -matriculations at Oriel from 1581 to 1621 average a little over ten -a year; those at St. Mary Hall sink to five. The control over the -Hall was taken away by the Chancellor, Lord Leicester, though the -College might well have made out as good a claim as that successfully -asserted by Queen’s College over St. Edmund’s Hall. But the Principals -continued to be chosen from among Fellows of Oriel down to the time of -the Commonwealth. - -As has been already stated, the Register contains but few notices from -which it could be gathered that any great change in the character of -the College took place at this time. In 1585 the Provost admonishes the -Fellows as to the behaviour of their scholars, and they are ordered -to be responsible to the butler for the battels of their scholars or -pupils. In 1594 an order was made that no Fellow should have more than -one poor scholar under the name of batler. In 1595 the Dean is invested -with the power of catechising. In 1606 one of the Fellows is appointed -public catechist for the instruction of the youth, as required by -University Statute. In 1624 a Mr. Jones, not a Fellow, is appointed, on -his own application, Praelector in Greek. A Register of the admission -of commensales, that is the members of the higher order only, or Fellow -commoners, was begun in 1596, and continued to 1610. It contains -eighteen names only, the first being that of Robert Pierrepont, -afterwards Earl of Kingston. With this exception the admissions into -the College have to be collected from the University Matriculation -Register, supplemented from about 1620 by the Caution Book. - -It was this enlargement of its numbers that made it necessary for the -College to take in hand the question of rebuilding the fabric in a -manner suitable to the new requirements. The buildings then existing -had been erected at different times, and had gradually been brought -into the form of a quadrangle, occupying the site of the older part -of the present College. These are shown in Neale’s drawing, made in -1566. The chapel on the south side was that built by Richard, Earl of -Arundel, about 1373. The Hall on the north side had been rebuilt about -the year 1535, partly by the contributions of former Fellows. Provost -Blencowe died in 1618, and was succeeded by Mr. William Lewis, Chaplain -to Lord Bacon, and afterwards Master of St. Cross, and Prebendary of -Winchester. Lewis’ election was not unanimous, and though he was duly -presented to the Bishop of Lincoln and confirmed by him, he thought -it necessary to obtain a further ratification of his title from his -patron. This proceeding is remarkable, as it is almost the solitary -instance in which the original statutes of January 1326, superseded -almost immediately after their issue by the Lincoln statutes of May -in the same year, were quoted or acted upon. The Chancellor, assuming -cognizance of the case as of an election in discord, pronounced in -favour of Lewis, and by an order entered in the College Register and -authenticated by his own hand, confirmed Lewis in his place. Lewis -held the office for three years only, during which time, however, -the design of the new building was determined upon, and the first -part completed. Blencowe had left the sum of £1300 to be applied in -the first instance to the west side--“the primaria pars Collegii.” -This was undertaken in 1619, and in the following year the south side -was also taken down and rebuilt. Besides Blencowe’s legacy, £300 was -forthcoming from a College fund, and plate was sold to the value of -£90. The College groves at Stowford and Bartlemas supplied some of the -timber; the stone came from the College quarry at Headington. Timber -was also sold from other College estates. But it was in obtaining -contributions from former members, and from great people connected -with Oriel, that Provost Lewis’ talent was most remarkable. His skill -in writing letters--“elegant, in a winning, persuasive way”--was long -quoted as an example to other heads of Colleges. This “art, in which -he excelled,” had recommended him to Lord Bacon, and it was by his -patron’s advice that he employed it in the service of the College. -Among those whom he laid under contribution were the Earl of Kingston -and Sir Robert Harley, whose arms are still to be seen in the windows -of the Hall. Lewis resigned the Provostship in 1621, and was succeeded -by John Tolson. The completion of the new quadrangle was postponed for -some years, though the design had probably been determined on from the -first. In 1636 large sums of money were again raised by contributions -from present and former members, and the north and east sides of the -quadrangle were erected. - -The plan of the new College is in its main features similar to that of -Wadham, erected 1613, and of University, which was built some years -after Oriel. In all of these the chapel and hall stand together -opposite to the gateway, and form one side of a quadrangle. The other -three sides are of uniform height, consisting of three stories, -containing chambers for the Fellows and other members. In Oriel the -library occupied a part of the upper story on the north side. The hall -is approached by a flight of steps under a portico on the centre of the -east side; above this portico are the figures of the Virgin and Child, -to whom the College is dedicated, and of King Edward II., the founder, -and King Charles I. in whose reign it was set up. Round the portico ran -the legend in stone--“Regnante Carolo.” By an unaccountable blunder, -this last figure has been described in all accounts of the College as -being that of King Edward III.; but there can be no doubt, both from -the dress and from the features, that it represents King Charles, and -no one else. Over the doorways round the quadrangle were stone shields -bearing the arms of the four great benefactors--Frank, Carpenter, -Smyth, and Dudley, and of the three Provosts--Blencowe, Lewis, -and Tolson--under whom the new building was planned and executed. -Blencowe’s are also to be seen in the treasury in the tower, and upon -the College gate. The whole building was completed in 1642, when the -chapel was first used for divine service. - -This great work had scarcely been completed when the Civil War broke -out. In January 1642-3, the King being at Oxford, the College plate -was demanded: 29 lbs. 0 oz. 5 dwt. of gilt, and 52 lbs. 7 oz. 14 dwt. -of white plate was given, the College retaining only its founder’s -cup, and two other small articles--a mazer bowl and a cocoa-nut -cup, believed to have been the gift of Bishop Carpenter. A few days -afterwards a weekly contribution of £40 was assessed upon the Colleges -and Halls for the expenses of fortifying the city; the charge upon -Oriel was fixed at £1. This charge was joyfully acquiesced in by -the College, “ita quod faxit Deus Musae una cum Rege suo contra -ingrassantes hostium turmas tutius agant ac felicius.” But these hopes -were not to be realised; and the hardships of the siege soon came to -tell heavily on the College finances. The high price of provisions, -the difficulty of getting in rents, the debts incurred for the -College building, must have seriously crippled their resources; and -grievous complaints of their inability to complete the October audit -occur in the years 1643, 1644, and 1645. In the last of these years -extraordinary expedients had to be resorted to in order to maintain -even the common table; leases were renewed or promised in reversion -on almost any terms; the Oxford tenants were solicited to pay their -rents in advance, on the promise of considerate treatment at their -next renewal; all the timber at Bartlemas was felled at one stroke and -converted into money. Even these heroic remedies were inadequate; and -in March 1645-6 the commons’ allowance was reduced to one-half, and -the elections to vacant Fellowships suspended. The surrender of the -city to the Parliament in the summer of 1646 must have been felt as a -great relief. From that time, although the times were not altogether -prosperous, the distress of the years of siege never reappeared with -the same acuteness. The numbers of the undergraduate members, which -had sunk to almost nothing, soon revived; and the College was able -to build a Ball Court for their diversion in the back part of their -premises. The Hospital of St. Bartholomew was rebuilt in 1651. Although -now converted to other uses, this good gray stone house, with its eight -chambers for the eight almsmen, still stands and bears its history -on its face. On the several doorways, and also on the chapel, which, -though not rebuilt, was refitted and beautified, are the date of the -work, and the initials of the College,[137] the Provost, and the -Treasurers. - -The Parliamentary Visitation which descended upon Oxford in the year -following the siege dealt on the whole very tenderly with Oriel. It is -possible that Prynne, an old Oriel man, who was an active member of -the London Committee, may have stood its friend. The answers of the -Provost and Fellows to the Visitors’ questions were in almost every -case such as merited expulsion; but in the result only five Fellows -were removed, and of these two were soon afterwards allowed to return -to their place. Two Fellowships were suspended by the Visitors’ order, -in order to pay off the debts under which the College lay. Others were -filled up by the Visitors or the London Committee during the years 1648 -and 1652. After the latter year no further interference seems to have -taken place, and on the death of Saunders, in 1652-3, Robert Say was -elected in the accustomed form, and admitted without any confirmation -from external authority. He held office till 1691, when he died after a -long but uneventful reign of nearly forty years. - -Of the Fellows of the College during the seventeenth century, not -many achieved any distinction. Humphrey Lloyd, elected Fellow in -1631, and removed by the Visitors in 1648, became Bishop of Bangor. -William Talbot, successively Bishop of Oxford, Salisbury, and Durham; -Sir John Holt, who, after the Revolution, became Lord Chief Justice -of England; and Sir William Scroggs, one of his predecessors, who -gained an unenviable reputation in the political trials which arose -out of the Popish Plot, were educated at Oriel, but were not Fellows. -The most eminent name among the Fellows is undoubtedly John Robinson, -Bishop of Bristol and afterwards of London, Lord Privy Seal, and the -chief negotiator of the Peace of Utrecht. Soon after his election in -1675, he obtained leave to reside abroad, as chaplain to the English -Minister at Stockholm. His benefactions to the College will be more -conveniently mentioned later. With these exceptions the list of -Fellows contains very few eminent names; and the same remark continues -to be true in the main throughout the eighteenth century. The truth -probably is that the system of election to Fellowships was tainted -with corruption. Buying and selling of places was a common practice -in the age of the Restoration, and it has survived to our own time in -the army. In many Colleges this evil was to some extent kept in check -by the establishment of a regular succession from Scholars to Fellows; -but at Oriel, as has been already observed, the choice of the electors -was absolutely free, and, valuable as this freedom may be when honestly -exercised, it is capable of leading to corruption of the worst kind. In -1673 a complaint was made to the Bishop of Lincoln, the Visitor, by -James Davenant, Fellow, against the conduct of the Provost at a recent -election. The Bishop issued a commission to the Vice-Chancellor (Peter -Mews, Bishop of Bath and Wells), Dr. Fell (Dean of Christ Church), and -Dr. Yates (Principal of Brasenose), to visit the College. The conduct -of the business seems to have been chiefly in Fell’s hands; and in his -letters to the Bishop he expresses in strong terms his opinion of the -state of things he found in Oriel. He writes, 1st Aug. 1673--“When -this Devil of buying & selling is once cast out your Lordship will I -hope take care that he return not again lest he bring seven worse than -himself into the house after ’tis swept and garnisht.” He recommends -various regulations for checking the evil; among them that the election -be by the major part of the whole Society, “else ’twill always be -in the Provost’s power to watch his opportunity & when the house is -thin strike up an election”; also that the successor be immediately -admitted, “for there is a cheat in some houses by keeping the successor -out for a good while after the election.” The Bishop on this report -issued a decree, 24th Jan., 1673-4, prescribing the proceeding in -elections. Not to be baffled, the Provost, Say, hit upon the ingenious -device of obtaining a Royal letter of recommendation for the candidate -whose election he desired, and a letter was sent in favour of Thomas -Twitty for the next vacancy. He was probably elected and admitted upon -this recommendation; though the Vice-Chancellor refused to allow him to -subscribe as Fellow. The Bishop made his remonstrances at Court, and -obtained the withdrawal of the King’s letter, and Twitty’s election -was annulled before it had been entered in the College Register. The -Provost seems to have written an insolent letter to the Bishop, such -(says Fell) “as in another age a valianter man would not have written -to a Visitor.” Fell goes on--“Though I am afraid that with a very -little diligence the being a party to Twitty’s proceedings may be -made out, yet it will not be safe to animadvert on that act, however -criminal, as a fault, for notwithstanding the present concession, the -Court will never endure to have the prerogative of laying laws asleep -called in question. As to the letter I think ’twill be much the best -way not to answer it. It is below the dignity of a Visitor to contest -in empty words. If the Provost goes on with his Hectoring ’tis possible -he may run himself so in the briers that ’twill not be easy for him to -get out.” - -The regulations of Bishop Fuller were more fully established by a -statute made by the College with the Visitor’s approval in 1721, -when the day of election was fixed to the Friday in Easter week, and -the examination on the Thursday before. But new disputes had already -begun which led to unexpected but most important consequences. At the -Fellowship election in July 1721, Henry Edmunds, of Jesus, the hero of -the ensuing struggle, received the votes of nine Fellows against those -of three other Fellows and the Provost. The Provost rejected Edmunds -and admitted his own candidate. Edmunds appealed to the Visitor, who -upheld the Provost. On the Friday after Easter, 1723, Edmunds stood -again, and he and four other candidates were chosen by a majority of -the electors into the five vacant Fellowships. The Provost refused to -admit them, and was again upheld by the Visitor, who claimed that the -right of filling up the vacancies had devolved upon himself. Three -places he proceeded to fill up at once; as to the other two he seems -to have been in consultation with the Provost as to his choice, but -not to have made any nomination. At the election in the following -April 1724, two candidates received the votes of eight of the Fellows, -against the votes of the Provost and of one other Fellow only, Mr. -Joseph Bowles. The Provost as before refused to admit them. Edmunds now -brought his action in the Common Pleas on behalf of himself and his -four companions, claiming to have been legally elected. He took his -stand on the original Foundation Statutes of January 1326, and claimed -that the Crown and not the Bishop of Lincoln was the true and lawful -Visitor of the College. These statutes, as has been already mentioned, -were superseded within six months of their issue, and although in a -few rare instances, questions had been brought before the King or his -Chancellor, the Visitatorial authority of the Bishop had never before -been disputed, but had been repeatedly exercised and acquiesced in for -four hundred years. The case was tried at bar, before Chief Justice -Eyre, and the three puisne judges, and a special jury; and on the 14th -May, 1726, judgment was given in Edmunds’ favour. The authority of the -statutes of Jan. 1326 was established, and the Crown declared to be -the sole Visitor. Edmunds and his four co-plaintiffs, as also the two -candidates chosen in 1724, were admitted to their Fellowships in July -1726 by the Dean, the Provost refusing, on the ingenious plea that if -the Crown was Visitor, it was for the Crown and not for the Common -Pleas to decide on the validity of the election. - -Dr. Carter died in September 1727, and notwithstanding his disagreement -with the Fellows, he showed his affection for the College by leaving -to it his whole residuary estate. He had already, by the help of -Bishop Robinson, obtained the annexation to his office of a prebend at -Rochester, and he provided for its further endowment by leaving £1000 -for the purchase of a living to be held by the Provost. With this -money the living of Purleigh, in Essex, was bought in 1730. Hitherto -the Provostship had been but scantily endowed. The Parliamentary -Visitors in 1648 had scheduled it as one of the Headships that required -augmentation. The fixed stipend and the allowances prescribed by the -statutes had, with the change in the value of money, shrunk to small -proportions; the principal part of his income was derived from the -dividend and the fines. - -Both these sources of income were of modern growth. By the Act 18 -Eliz., leases of College estates were limited to twenty-one years, and -one-third of the old rent was to be reserved in corn. House property -might be let for not longer than forty years. The beneficial effect of -these Acts on the corporate revenue was not immediate; in many cases -long terms had been granted shortly before, which did not expire for -many years. Notably the College estate at Wadley had been let in 1539 -for 208 years; and in 1736, when this long period was approaching its -end, the lessees petitioned Parliament to interfere and prevent them -being deprived of what they had so long treated as their own property. -But few leases were of this extravagant duration; and in the course of -the seventeenth century the College income was considerably increased. -The Provost, however, received no more than one Fellow’s share and a -half in the dividend, _i. e._ the surplus income of the year, and one -share only of the fines. The ecclesiastical preferment which Provost -Carter secured to the Headship resulted in making it one of the best -endowed places in Oxford, without imposing any additional charge on the -College. - -Bishop Robinson, who obtained the Rochester stall for the Provost, was -also a benefactor in other ways. He founded three Exhibitions, to be -held by bachelor students; and he also erected at his own expense an -additional building on the east side of the College garden, containing -six sets of chambers, three of which were to be occupied by his -Exhibitioners. Dr. Carter erected at the same time a similar building -on the west side. - -The effect of the decision given in the Court of Common Pleas, was to -restore the authority of the Foundation Statutes of January 1326. Under -these Statutes only an actual Fellow could be chosen Provost, and the -election must be unanimous. On Dr. Carter’s death, Mr. Walter Hodges -was chosen by a majority of votes only, but he was confirmed by the -Lord Chancellor, Lord King, upon whom, under these circumstances, the -election had devolved. Henceforward, the Fellows agreed to make the -formal election unanimous in every case, and no further instance of a -disputed election occurred. - -The history of the College during the remainder of the eighteenth -century was quiet, decorous and uneventful. Its undergraduate members -were drawn from all classes, but always included many young men of rank -and family. Some of these showed their affection for the College in -after life by benefactions more or less important. Henry, fourth Duke -of Beaufort, founded four exhibitions for the counties of Gloucester, -Monmouth and Glamorgan. Mrs. Ludwell, a sister of Dr. Carter, gave an -estate in Kent for the support of two exhibitioners from that county. -Edward, Lord Leigh, who died in 1786, bequeathed to the College -the entire collection of books in his house at Stoneleigh. For the -reception of this bequest, the new Library was built in the following -year at the north end of the College garden. - -Of the few eminent names connected with the College in the last -century, that of Bishop Butler is the greatest. He entered Oriel in -1715, and his early rise in his profession was in a great measure due -to the acquaintance he there made with Charles Talbot, afterwards Lord -Chancellor, who recommended him to the patronage of his father, the -Bishop of Durham, also an old member of the College. William Hawkins, -elected Fellow in 1700, was an eminent lawyer, whose treatise of the -Pleas of the Crown still keeps its place as a standard legal work. -William Gerrard Hamilton, admitted in 1745, is still remembered as an -early patron of Burke, and for his speech in the great debate in Nov. -1755, by which he gained his nickname. Gilbert White, of Selborne, -among all the Fellows of Oriel of this period, has left the most -lasting name. Yet his College history is in curious contrast to the -reputation which is popularly attached to him. Instead of being, as -is often supposed, the model clergyman, residing on his cure, and -interested in all the concerns of the parish in which his duty lay, -he was, from a College point of view, a rich, sinecure, pluralist -non-resident. He held his Fellowship for fifty years, 1743-1793, during -which period he was out of residence except for the year 1752-3, when -the Proctorship fell to the College turn, and he came up to claim it. -In 1757 he similarly asserted his right to take and hold with his -Fellowship the small College living of Moreton Pinkney, Northants, -with the avowed intention of not residing. Even at that time the -conscience of the College was shocked at this proposal, and the claim -was only reluctantly admitted. White continued to enjoy the emoluments -of his Fellowship and of his College living, while he resided on his -patrimonial estate at Selborne; and although it was much doubted -whether his fortune did not exceed the amount which was allowed by the -Statutes, he acted on the maxim that anything can be held by a man who -can hold his tongue, and he continued to enjoy his Fellowship and his -living till his death. - -It was not till near the close of the century that the College took -the decisive step which at once lifted it above its old level of -respectable mediocrity, and gave it the first place in Oxford. As has -been already shown, the election to Fellowships was singularly free -from restriction; for most of them there was no limitation of birth, -locality, or kindred; and no class of junior members had any title to -succession or preference. When in 1795 Edward Copleston was invited -from Corpus to stand for the vacant Fellowship, the first precedent -was set for making the Oriel Fellowship the highest prize of an Oxford -career. The old habit of giving weight to personal recommendations was -not at once immediately laid aside. Even when Thomas Arnold was elected -in 1815, it was still necessary for the Fellows to be lectured against -allowing themselves to be prejudiced by the reports in Oxford that -the candidate was a forward and conceited young man. But the better -principle had the victory: the last election in which the older motives -were allowed to prevail was in 1798, and from that time the College -continued year after year to renew itself without fear or favour out of -the most brilliant and promising of the younger students. - -It was the head of Oriel, Provost Eveleigh, who, backed by the growing -reputation of his College, induced the Hebdomadal Board to institute -the new system of examination for honours. Under this system Oriel -soon took and long retained the first place. It was an Oriel Fellow -who, as Headmaster of the Grammar School at Rugby, succeeded, as was -foretold of him, in changing the whole face of Public School Education -in this country. It was another Fellow who brought about that religious -movement which has worked a still greater change in the Church of -England. - - -_List of Provosts._ - - 1326. Adam de Brome: first Provost under Charter of 21 Jan. - 1325-6: died 16 June 1332. - - 1332. William de Leverton: instituted 27 June 1332: died 21 - Nov. 1348. - - 1348. William de Hawkesworth: election confirmed 20 Dec. 1348: - died 8 April 1349. - - 1349. William de Daventre: elected 1349: died June 1373. - - 1373. John de Colyntre: elected 8 July 1373: died c. 1385. - - 1385. [Headship in dispute between Thomas Kirkton and John de - Middleton.] - - 1387. John de Middleton: confirmed 26 Feb. 1386-7: died 27 June - 1394. - - 1394. John de Maldon: elected 3 July 1394: died Jan. 1401-2. - - 1402. [Headship in dispute between John Paxton and John - Possell.] - - 1402. John Possell: died Sept. 1414. - - 1414. [John Rote: elected and confirmed 17 Nov. 1414, but - resigned his claim 14 Feb. 1414-15.] - - 1415. William Corffe: confirmed 16 March 1414-15: died about - Sept. 1417. - - 1417. [Headship in dispute between Richard Garsdale and Thomas - Leyntwardyn.] - - 1419. Thomas Leyntwardyn: died 1421. - - 1421. Henry Kayle: confirmed 3 Dec. 1421: died 1422. - - 1422. [Headship in dispute between Nicholas Herry and another.] - - 1426. Nicholas Herry: first decision in his favour given 30 July - 1424: final decision given 29 Jan. 1425-6: died 1427. - - 1427. John Carpenter: resigned 1435. - - 1435. Walter Lyhert: elected 3 June 1435: resigned 28 Feb. - 1445-6. - - 1446. John Hals: elected 24 March 1445-6: resigned 4 March - 1448-9. - - 1449. Henry Sampson: resigned 1475. - - 1475. Thomas Hawkyns: elected Nov. 1475: died Feb. 1477-8. - - 1478. John Taylor: elected 8 Feb. 1477-8: died 23 Dec. 1492. - - 1493. Thomas Cornysh: elected 5 Feb. 1492-3: resigned 26 Oct. - 1507. - - 1507. Edmund Wylsford: elected 30 Oct. 1507: died 3 Oct. 1516. - - 1516. James More: elected 14 Oct. 1516: resigned 12 Nov. 1530. - - 1530. Thomas Ware: elected 16 Nov. 1530: resigned 6 Dec. 1538. - - 1538. Henry Mynne: elected 6 Dec. 1538: died 13 Oct. 1540. - - 1540. William Haynes: elected 18 Oct. 1540: resigned 17 June - 1550. - - 1550. John Smyth: elected 17 June 1550: resigned 2 March 1564-5. - - 1565. Roger Marbeck: elected 9 March 1564-5: resigned 24 June - 1566. - - 1566. John Belly: elected 25 June 1566: resigned 3 Feb. 1573-4. - - 1574. Antony Blencowe: elected 10 Feb. 1573-4: died 25 Jan. - 1617-18. - - 1618. William Lewis: elected 28 March 1618: resigned 29 June - 1621. - - 1621. John Tolson: elected 5 July 1621: died 16 Dec. 1644. - - 1644. John Saunders: elected 19 Dec. 1644: died 20 March 1652-3. - - 1653. Robert Say: elected 23 March 1652-3: died 24 Nov. 1691. - - 1691. George Royse: elected 1 Dec. 1691: died 23 April 1708. - - 1708. George Carter: elected 6 May 1708: died 30 Sept. 1727. - - 1727. Walter Hodges: elected 24 Oct. 1727: died 14 Jan. 1757. - - 1757. Chardin Musgrave: elected 27 Jan. 1757: died 29 Jan. 1768. - - 1768. John Clarke: elected 12 Feb. 1768: died 21 Nov. 1781. - - 1781. John Eveleigh: elected 5 Dec. 1781: died 10 Dec. 1814. - - 1814. Edward Copleston: elected 22 Dec. 1814: resigned 29 Jan. - 1828. - - 1828. Edward Hawkins: elected 31 Jan. 1828: died 18 Nov. 1882. - - 1882. David Binning Monro: elected 20 Dec. 1882. - - - - -VI. - -QUEEN’S COLLEGE. - -BY J. R. MAGRATH, D.D., PROVOST OF QUEEN’S. - - -It is now just five centuries and a half since Robert of Eglesfield -founded “the Hall of the scholars of the Queen” in Oxford. The Royal -license for its foundation was sealed in the Tower of London on the -eighteenth of January, and the statutes of the founder were corrected, -completed and sealed in Oxford on the tenth of February in the year -1340 as men then reckoned, or as we should say 1341. - -Eglesfield was chaplain and confessor to Philippa, Queen of Edward -III. He came of gentle blood in Cumberland, and had ten years before -received from the King the hamlet and manor of Ravenwyk or Renwick, -forfeited through rebellion by Andrew of Harcla. This and the property -he had purchased in Oxford as a site for his hall was all that -Eglesfield was able of himself to contribute to its maintenance. His -relations with the Queen and the King were, however, of priceless -service to the new foundation. - -Eglesfield seems to have continued for the remainder of his life to -have fostered by his presence and influence the institution he had -founded. In the earliest of the “Long Rolls,” or yearly accounts of -the College, which are preserved, that of 1347-8, his name appears at -the head of the list of the members. In that year sixteen pence is -paid for the hire of a horse for six days, that he may visit London on -the Thursday after the feast of St. Augustine, bishop of the English; -twenty-three shillings is paid for a horse for him to go to Southampton -about the time of the festival of St. Peter _ad vincula_; William of -Hawkesworth, Provost of Oriel, a former Fellow, lends him a horse, -and a penny is put down for a shoe for the same, and a halfpenny for -parchment bought for him for documents executed on the feast of Saints -Cosmo and Damian. - -His funeral is celebrated in 1351-2. They made a “great burning for -him,” as of seventeen and a quarter pounds of wax, costing nine -shillings, expended during the year, eleven pounds were used at the -funeral of the founder. Fourpence halfpenny only seems to have been -spent on wine on the same occasion. - -A casket containing his remains was transferred from the old chapel to -the vault under the new chapel when the latter was built. - -His horn is still used on gaudy-days as the loving-cup. It must have -been mounted in something like its present condition almost from the -beginning, as in the Long Roll of 1416-7 sixteen pence is paid “pro -emendatione aquilae crateris fundatoris.” Other repairs are mentioned -later as in 1584-5, “pro reparatione particulae coronae quae circumdat -operculum cornu xii d.; item, pro reparandis aliis partibus cornu xviii -d.” - -His name is also kept alive by the “canting” custom observed in the -College on New Year’s Day, when after dinner the Bursar presents to -each guest a needle threaded with silk of a colour suitable to his -faculty (_aiguille et fil_), and prays for his prosperity in the words -“Take this and be thrifty.”[138] - -The object with which the College was founded is set forth in the -statutes as “the cultivation of Theology to the glory of God, the -advance of the Church, and the salvation of souls.” It was to be a -Collegiate Hall of Masters, Chaplains, Theologians, and other scholars -to be advanced to the order of the priesthood. It was founded in the -name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity, to the Glory of our Lord -and of His Mother and of the whole Court of Heaven, for the benefit -of the Universal Church and especially of the Church of England, -for the prosperity of the King and Queen and their children, and -for the salvation of their souls and the souls of their progenitors -and successors, and of the souls of the founder’s family and his -benefactors, especially William of Muskham, Rector of the Church of -Dereham, and for the “_salutare suffragium_” of all the living and the -dead. - -The benefactions of Muskham do not seem to have ceased with the -foundation of the College. In 1347 Roger Swynbrok goes to Dereham -on behalf of the College to get money from Muskham, and the hire of -his horse costs eightpence, and there are entries of money received -from Muskham in later years. Other persons besides the members of the -College were interested in him, as in 1362 the oblations for his soul -and the soul of John de Hotham the second Provost amounted to £29 -16_s._ 11½_d._ - -The statutes lay down with considerable minuteness of detail the course -of life which Eglesfield expected the members of his foundation to -follow, and, in connection with the early accounts of the College, -which have been preserved with tolerable completeness, give us some -materials for an account of the social life in the College during the -earlier portion of its history. - -It is probable, indeed, that the large and complex establishment, whose -details are developed in Eglesfield’s statutes, rather represent what -he wished for and aimed at than the actual condition of the College at -any time; but there seems to have been always in the College a sincere -desire to carry out, so far as was possible, the prescriptions of the -founder; and, as we shall see, some of his minutest directions have -regulated the practice of the College ever since his days. - -The patronage of the Hall, “the advowson” as he calls it, was to be -vested in his Royal mistress Philippa, and in the Queens consort of -England who shall succeed her. He adds the characteristic detail that, -if a king dies before his successor is married, the patronage shall be -continued to the widow till a Queen consort comes into being. - -Philippa had already procured from her husband for the infant College -the Church of Brough under Staynesmore, and this was to be only an -earnest of the benefits the College was to derive from the lofty -patronage the founder thus secured to it. She was the first queen to -be distinguished as patroness and foundress of a Collegiate Hall. - -In 1353-4, which seems to have been a year of unusual expense to the -College, among the donations received xxvj pounds iiij shillings is -credited to “domina Regina.” - -It was doubtless through the Queen’s influence that the King in 1343 -endowed the College with the advowson of Bletchingdon, and in the -following year with the Wardenship of St. Julian’s Hospital, commonly -called God’s House, in Southampton. - -The College seems always to have been careful to secure the patronage -of the Queens consort of England. In the muniment room is preserved a -letter from Anne, Richard II.’s queen, to her husband, asking him to -grant letters patent to the College. - -In 1603, on the 3rd of August, 48_s._ 6_d._ is allowed to the Provost -for his journey “ad solicitandam dominam reginam pro patronatu -collegii.” This was another Anne, James I.’s wife. A bible was -presented to the Queen which cost 42_s._ 4_d._ - -It was through Henrietta Maria--Queen Mary, as the College delights -to call her--that Charles I. was supplicated for the advowsons in -Hampshire given by the King to the College in 1626. Caroline, George -II.’s queen, gave £1000 towards the rebuilding of the College in the -eighteenth century; and promised another £1000, which, owing to her -death, still (as the Benefactors’ Book says) remains “unpaid but not -unhoped for.” Charlotte, George III.’s consort, heads the list of those -who subscribed towards the rebuilding of the south-west wing after the -fire of 1778. Queen Adelaide was the last queen entertained within the -walls of the College. - -The community was to consist of a Provost and twelve Fellows, -incorporated under the name of “the Hall of the Queen in Oxford,” with -a common seal. - -The original body was nominated by the founder, and their names are set -forth in his statutes. - -The number thirteen was chosen with reference to the number of our Lord -and His Apostles, “sub mysterio decursus Christi et Apostolorum in -terris.” - -Richard of Retteford, Doctor of Divinity, was the first Provost, and -the thirteen came from ten different dioceses. Several of them were, or -had been, Fellows of Merton; one, a Fellow of Exeter. - -It was some years before the revenues of the College allowed of the -maintenance of so large a number of Fellows. The first “long roll” -preserved mentions only five persons, including Eglesfield himself, -as receiving a Fellow’s allowance; and eight is the largest number -of Fellows named in any account up to the end of the century. In the -early part of the sixteenth century the numbers rose to about ten, -but dwindled again in the disturbed periods about the middle of the -century. Twelve Fellows first appear in the Long Roll for 1590; and -soon after the number was increased to fourteen, at which the number of -the Fellows on the original foundation seems to have remained till the -first of the two University Commissions of the present century. - -By the ordinance of 1858, the number of Fellows of the Consolidated -Foundation was fixed at nineteen; and by the statutes of 1877, the -Fellowships are to be not less in number than fourteen and not more -than sixteen. The actual number is fourteen. - -From the earliest times down to the legislation of 1858 the body of -Fellows seems to have been recruited from the junior members of the -foundation, and ordinarily by seniority. - -It seems to have soon become a rule that no one should be admitted to a -Fellowship till he had proceeded to his Master’s degree. The University -was often appealed to to grant dispensations to Queen’s men to omit -some of the conditions generally required for that degree in order to -enable them to be elected Fellows. - -In 1579 some Bachelors were elected Fellows: “electi socii dum Domini -fuere; sed irrita facta est electio: postea vero electi.” - -The names given to the different orders of foundationers perhaps -deserve a passing notice. The Fellows, as we should call them, -were the “Scholares,” who, with the “Praepositus,” or Provost, -constituted the Corporation. They are in the original statutes called -indifferently “Scholares” and “Socii.” The first name under which -other recipients of Eglesfield’s bounty appear is that of “Pueri,” -or “Pueri eleemosynarii.” By the end of the fourteenth century the -name “Servientes” came to be applied to an intermediate order, between -the “socii” and the “pueri,” recruited from the latter. In 1407, -for instance, Bell is a “pauper puer”; in 1413 Ds. Walter Bell is a -“serviens”; and in 1416 Mr. Walter Bell, who was for the previous -Michaelmas Term, and for the first term of the year, still “serviens” -and chaplain, becomes a Fellow. A candidate for the foundation seems -to have entered the College as a “pauper puer”; to have become a -“serviens” on taking his Bachelor’s degree; and to have been eligible -to a Fellowship as soon as he had proceeded to the degree of M.A. - -The distinction between the three orders seems to have been maintained, -though with some variety in the names given to the orders and some -laxity in their application. Chaplains who are Masters are sometimes -loosely called “pueri” even as early as the middle of the fifteenth -century; and about 1570 the term “servientes” seems to have gone out of -use and the name “pueri” to have been transferred to the Bachelors. - -Soon after this a fourth order appears intermediate between the first -and second, of “magistri non-socii,” or Masters on the foundation. It -might often be convenient for a B.A. to proceed to his M.A. degree -before a Fellowship was ready for him. The Chaplains were generally -appointed from among these Masters. In the University Calendar of 1828 -there appear as many as nine of these expectants. - -Before the end of the fifteenth century we find the lowest order called -“pueri domus,” and then “pueri de taberta” or “taberto” or “tabarto.” -The first appearance of this famous appellation seems to be in the Long -Roll for 1472. The tabard from which the Taberdars, as we now call -them, derived their name appears early in the accounts of the College. -Under the expenses of the boys in 1364-5 occurs:--“Item, cissori pro -cota Ad. de Spersholt cum capic. tabard. et calig. xii d.” - -The livery of the boys seems always to have been a special part of -the provision made by the College for them: 25_s._ 4_d._ is expended -in 1407 “in vestura pauperum puerorum”; and when Thomas Eglesfield is -promoted in 1416 from Leylonde Hall, where the College had paid 1_s._ -4_d._ for a term’s schooling for him to Mr. John Leylande and 5_d._ for -his batells, the first expenditure on his account as a poor boy of the -College is “pro factura togae & tabard. ejusd. xii d.” Those who are -wise in such matters may be able to calculate the size of the tabard -from the datum that eight yards of cloth, at a cost of 14_s._ 8_d._, -were provided in 1437 “pro duobus pueris domus, pro tabard. suis.” In -1503, 37_s._ 4_d._ is paid “pro liberatura iiij puerorum domus”; and in -1519, 56_s._ for the same for six boys. - -The College had probably its pattern for the tabard, but no trace of -a description of it has yet been discovered. The word seems, from -Ducange, to have been used for almost every sort of upper garment, from -the long tabard worn by the Priests of the Hospital of Elsingspittal -with tunic, supertunic and hood, to the round mantles or tabards -of moderate length permitted by the council of Buda to be worn by -Prelates, and the “renones,” or capes coming down to the reins, which -the French call “tabart.” It seems now to be only applied to the -herald’s coat. - -The four orders in their latest manifestation previous to the -legislation of 1858 were--1, Fellows; 2, Masters of Arts on the -Foundation; 3, Taberdars or Bachelors of Arts on the Foundation; 4, -Probationary Scholars, who were undergraduates. Under the subsequent -arrangements the name Taberdar has been reserved for the eight senior -open scholars. - -The Provost was required by Eglesfield to be of mature character, in -Holy Orders, a good manager, and he was to be elected for life. He was -to be elected by the Fellows, and admit Fellows who had been elected; -to devote himself to the rule and care of the College, and to the -administration of its property. He was to see to the collection of the -debts of the College, going to law if necessary on behalf of its rights -and privileges, and to study in all respects to promote the advantage -and enlargement of the Hall by obtaining such influence over Royal and -other persons as he might be able to secure. - -The provision that the Provost should be in Holy Orders seems only once -to have been violated. Roger Whelpdale (1404), indeed, seems only to -have received priest’s orders after his election; but in the person -of Thomas Francis all precedents were violated. He was a Doctor of -Medicine, of Christ Church, a native of Chester, and Regius Professor -of Medicine; and was in 1561, it would seem by Royal influence, -intruded into the Provostship. Serious disturbances seem to have taken -place at his inauguration,[139] and in two years he had had enough -of it. The irregularity prevailing at the time is evidenced by his -offering in an extant letter to nominate Bernard Gilpin, the Apostle of -the North, as his successor.[140] The Tudor sovereigns seem in this, -as in other matters, to have found it difficult to set limits to their -prerogative. Later in Elizabeth’s reign, on Henry Robinson’s promotion -from the Provostship to the Bishopric of Carlisle, his chancellor -had to write to the College, 8th Oct., 1598, signifying the Queen’s -pleasure that the election of a Provost in his room “be respited till -her Majesty be informed whether it belongs to her by prerogative, or to -the Fellows, to chuse a successor.” - -No fault can be found with the Provosts of the College, as a rule, -for want of care of its interests. The names of six occur in the -Thanksgiving for the Founder and Benefactors of the College; and others -could prefer a claim to the same distinction. - -Thomas Langton (1487), the first of the six, who was also Fellow of -Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, where his “Anathema” cup is still to be seen, -died Bishop of Winchester, having been nominated just before his death -to the Archbishopric of Canterbury. He left memorial legacies both -directly to the College, and indirectly to it through a benefaction to -God’s House at Southampton. Christopher Bainbridge (1506), the next of -the Benefactor Provosts, was Cardinal and Archbishop of York, poisoned -at Rome by his steward, and buried under a magnificent renaissance -monument which now adorns the Church of St. Thomas à Becket in that -city. - -A chantry priest was till the Reformation paid £5 6_s._ 8_d._ for -celebrating for the souls of these two benefactors in the Church of St. -Michael in Bongate near Appleby, the capital of the county in which -they were both born. - -Henry Robinson (1581), the third on the list, had been Principal of -St. Edmund Hall, and died Bishop of Carlisle. His brass in Carlisle -Cathedral, of which the College possesses a duplicate, says of his -relations with the College, “invenit destructum, reliquit exstructum -et instructum.” The College spent, 15th July, 1615, £23 3_s._ 3_d._ -in celebrating his obsequies, and provided Chr. Potter with a funeral -gown and hood to preach his funeral sermon; £10 was paid in 1617 for -engraving his monument on copper, and 31_s._ 6_d._ for some impressions -from the plate. - -Henry Airay (1598), who succeeds Robinson as Provost and Benefactor, -the Elisha to Robinson’s Elijah, as his brass with much variety of -symbolic illustration describes him, in spite of his being “a zealous -Calvinist,” commends himself to Wood “for his holiness, integrity, -learning, grauity, and indefatigable pains in the discharge of his -ministerial functions.” The College proved his will at a cost of 41_s._ -8_d._, and spent £19 16_s._ 8_d._ on his funeral, 9th July, 1616. - -Timothy Halton (1677), the fifth of the Provosts commemorated in the -Thanksgiving, built the present spacious library of the College mainly -at his own expense. - -William Lancaster (1704), who is sixth, had the chief hand in building -the present College. He incurred Hearne’s wrath on private grounds -and as a “Whigg,” and is abused by him through many volumes of his -Collections; but he commended himself to others of his contemporaries, -and the favour in which he was held by the Corporation of Oxford was -of great service to the College. In the Mayoralty of Thomas Sellar, -Esq., 14th Jan., 1709, it was “agreed that the Provost and Scholars -of Queen’s College shall have a lease of so much ground in the high -street leading to East Gate as shall be requisite for making their -intended new building there strait and uniform from Michaelmas last for -one thousand years at a pepper corn rent, gratis and without fine, in -respect of the many civilities and kindnesses from time to time showed -unto and conferred upon this city and the principal members thereof by -Dr. Lancaster.” - -It was by thus obtaining influence over Royal and other persons, -in conformity with the injunctions of the founder, that Provosts -and other members of the College were enabled to benefit it. The -monument to Joseph Smith (1730) which faces one who comes out of the -College chapel, seems to preserve the memory of an ideal Provost from -Eglesfield’s point of view and that which continued to be maintained -in the College. “Distinguished for his Learning, Eloquence, Politeness -of Manners, Piety and Charity, he with great Prudence and judicious -Moderation presided over his College to its general Happiness. Its -Interests were the constant Object of his Attention. He was himself a -good Benefactor to it, and was blest with the Success of obtaining for -it by his respectable Influence, several ample Donations to the very -great and perpetual Increase of its Establishment.” - -Among the “ample donations” obtained by Provost Smith’s “respectable -influence,” the first place belongs to the Hastings foundation. The -Lady Elizabeth Hastings, daughter of Theophilus, seventh Earl of -Huntingdon, of whom Steele says in the _Tatler_, “To love her is a -liberal education,” bequeathed to the College in 1739 her Manors, -Lands, and Hereditaments in Wheldale in the West Riding of Yorkshire, -to found five Exhibitions for five poor scholars that had been educated -for two years at one or other of twelve schools in Cumberland, -Westmorland, and Yorkshire. Each school was to send a candidate, and -the candidates were first to be examined at Abberforth or Aberford in -Yorkshire by seven neighbouring clergymen, and the ten best exercises -were to be sent to the Provost and Fellows, who were to “choose out of -them eight of the best performances which appear the best, which done, -the names subscribed to those eight shall be fairly written, each in a -distinct paper, and the papers rolled up and put into an Urn or Vase, -… and after being shaken well together in the Urn shall be drawn out -of the same.… And those five whose names are first drawn shall to all -Intents and Purposes be held duly elected.… And though this Method -of choosing by Lot may be called by some Superstition or Enthusiasm, -yet … the advice was given me by an Orthodox and Pious Prelate of the -Church of England as leaving something to Providence.” This method of -election was observed as late as 1859, the Urn or Vase then employed -being the Provost’s man-servant’s hat. In 1769 the lot not drawn was -that of Edward Tatham of Heversham School, afterwards Rector of Lincoln -College, probably the most notable person who was ever a candidate for -a place on this foundation. A more reasonable provision, that if of the -original schools any should so far come to decay as to have no scholar -returned by the examiners at Aberford in four successive elections, -the College should appoint another school from the same county in its -stead, has been of great benefit to the Foundation and to education in -the counties. The estate devised has increased in value, coals having -been got, which were supposed in Lady Betty’s time to be in the estate. -Fourteen schools now enjoy the benefits of the Foundation, and nearly -thirty Exhibitioners of £90 a year each now take the place of the -original five Exhibitioners of £28 a year. - -Elaborate regulations were laid down for the election of the Provost, -and on one occasion at least the whole course of proceeding had to be -gone through.[141] In the oath, which was to precede this as almost all -other important ceremonies in the College, the Fellows swear that they -will elect the most fit and sufficient of the Fellows to the vacancy. - -Disputes have from time to time taken place as to whether a -“promoted[142] Fellow” during his year of grace is to be regarded as a -Fellow for this purpose. At the time of Wm. Lancaster’s election (1704) -a pamphlet was published in opposition to his claims, but it would seem -without any effect on the election. The pamphleteer has to allow that -several earlier Provosts, among them Henry Boost, who was also Provost -of Eton, and Bishop Langton, had never been Fellows at all. - -The Provost was to receive five marks in addition to the portion -assigned to each of the Fellows, and this was to be increased gradually -to forty pounds in case the augmentation of the revenues of the College -allowed the number of Fellows prescribed in the statutes to increase. -He was to receive this for his ordinary expenses and necessities. The -community was to defray any expenses incurred in absence on business, -or in the entertainment of visitors who might repair to the College in -connection with its affairs.--In 1359-60, Adam, the Provost’s servant, -has his expenses paid for a visit to Southampton to see the condition -of God’s House while the foreigners were at Winchester. In 1363-4 Henry -Whitfield, the Provost, brings in a bill for his expenses on a voyage -to the Court of Rome at Avignon on College business connected with the -living of Sparsholt in Berks. A century later the Provost is allowed -5_s._ 10_d._ for his expenses to London in May 1519 to get money for -the building of the chapel. In 1600-1 18_d._ is paid for a horse sent -to fetch the Provost for the election of a principal at St. Edmund Hall. - -The rights of the College in the matter of the appointment of a -Principal of that Hall have always been vigorously asserted against the -Chancellor of the University, who nominates the Principals of all other -public Halls. In 1636, when the Heads of Colleges and Halls were called -upon to give their formal submission to Laud’s new statutes, Chr. -Potter, Coll. Reginæ Præpositus, adds his name “Salvo jure Collegii -prædicti ad Aulam St. Edmundi.” The record of the proceedings on the -occasion of each election of a Principal has been preserved with a care -not usually extended to any but the most solemn of the proceedings of -the College. On the 18th December, 1614, Mr. French is paid 3_s._ for -writing out the agreement made between the University and the College -about the election of a Principal of St. Edmund Hall. The agreement, -securing the appointment to the College, was made in 1559. Lord -Buckhurst (Chancellor from 1591 to 1608) was advised by Lord Chief -Justice Walmsley that it was void, but the law officers of the Crown at -the time maintained its validity.[143] - -The common seal, the jewels, treasure, bulls, charters, writings, -statutes, privileges and muniments of the College were to be kept in -a chest with three locks, the keys whereof were to be kept by the -Provost, the Treasurer, and the “Camerarius.” The two last were the -technical names for the senior and junior Bursars respectively, and -were retained in the Long Rolls to a very recent time. - -The Foundation was to be in theory open. Like the University, the -College was not to close the bosom of its protection to any race or -deserving nation; and the Fellows at the time of election swore not -only to put away all hatred, fear, and partiality, and to listen to -no requests, but also to act without accepting person or country. The -conditions of eligibility were distinguished character, poverty and -fitness for studying theology with profit. A preference, however, -was to be given to suitable persons who were natives of Cumberland -and Westmorland, to which this preference was given on account of -their waste state, their uninhabited condition, and the scarcity of -letters in them. Within these limits too there was to be a preference -for founders’ kin. After these a _cæteris paribus_ preference was -given to those places wherein the College derived benefit either from -ecclesiastical benefices, manors, lands or tenements. These limitations -soon practically resulted in confining the Foundation to natives of -the two counties. They supplied a steady flow of capable persons; and -curiously enough, though so unequal in size and population, in about -equal numbers. - -Pressure was from time to time applied to the College to admit into the -society persons not duly qualified. In the reign of James I., Robert -Murray, a Scot, was thus recommended by a Royal letter; and, though the -College declined to elect him, it was thought politic to pay him £20 -“ne in iniquam pecuniarum erogationem traheretur collegium.” During the -time of the usurpation, as a note in the Entrance Book calls it, four -Fellows were intruded, who were promptly got rid of at the Restoration -of Charles II. Thomas Cartwright, who was afterwards “Tabiter,” and -eventually Bishop of Chester, and one of the Commissioners for ejecting -the President and Fellows of Magdalen College, is said to have been put -into the College by the Parliamentary Visitors during the same period. - -The claim to preference as founder’s kin does not seem to have been -often advanced. The Thomas Eglesfield, to the purchase of whose tabard -reference is made above,[144] seems to have been grandson of the -founder’s brother John. At the time of his admission to the College, -his father, also called John, seems to have visited the College and -taken away with him a son William, who, like Thomas, had been for a -term under the instruction of Mr. John Leylonde. This is probably the -William who, with his wife, brother, and sister-in-law, receives from -the College gloves in 1459 to the value of 12½_d._ Leylonde seems to -have continued to act as private tutor to Thomas after he joined the -College, as x_s._ is paid in 1418, “Magistro Joh. Leylonde pro scolagio -Tho. Egylsfelde.” A Christopher Eglesfield was on the Foundation about -the same time. Thomas went through all the stages of promotion. He was -“puer,” “serviens,” Fellow, and eventually Provost, besides holding -the University offices of Proctor and Commissary (or Vice-Chancellor). -An Anthony Eglesfield was Fellow of the College in 1577. A James -Eglesfield belonged to it in 1615, and a George Eglesfield in 1670. -A Gawin Eglesfield, who had been taberdar, and was passed over at an -election to Fellows in 1632, claimed election as founder’s kin, and was -backed by the Archbishop of York as visitor. The College successfully -resisted the claim; but on Gawin’s acknowledgment that the claim was -unfounded, to please the visitor, presented him to the living of Weston -in Oxfordshire. - -The College, however, in another way, has from the beginning “opened -the bosom of its protection” to students whom it was unwilling out of -regard to the preferences of the founder to admit to the pecuniary -benefits of the Foundation. Whether it was that the buildings -contained more rooms than the slowly growing Foundation was able to -fill with its own members, or for some other cause, the receipts of -the College have always included “pensiones” for “cameræ” occupied by -non-foundationers. The very first Long Roll which has been preserved, -that of 1347-8, contains the names of Roger Swynbrok, John Herte, and -John Schipton as thus occupying chambers. The word used for the payment -has survived in “pensioners,” the name given at Cambridge to those whom -we call “commoners.” The pensioners of the fourteenth century probably -differed in many respects from the commoners of the nineteenth. The -founder was in one sense the first commoner of the College. The Black -Prince was perhaps one of the earliest. Dominus Nicholas monachus, -the monachus Eboracensis who paid two marks “pro magna camera,” the -monachus de Evesham, Robertus canonicus, The Prior of Derbich, Magister -John Wicliff, Canonicus Randulphus, the Scriptor Slake, Bewforth, if -not Bewforth’s more celebrated pupil, afterwards Henry V., Raymund, -Rector of Hisley, the treasurer of Chichester, and numerous other -Magistri whose names appear in this relation were probably rather -researchers or advanced students than anything more resembling the -modern undergraduate. It was not unusual for those who had been Fellows -to return to the College after some period of absence from Oxford and -from the Foundation. But it is doubtless in this element that we find -the first traces in the College of those who now occupy so prominent a -place in any view of modern Oxford. By the time the first lists occur -of residents in the Colleges, and before the regularly-kept register of -entrances begins, the present system seems to have been in full swing. -In course of time it became profitable for the College even to extend -its buildings for the accommodation of this kind of student, and the -“musaea” or “studies” in the “_novum cubiculum_” and in the “_novum -aedificium_” became a regular source of revenue. - -It was not only through these and other payments that these “commoners” -contributed to the well-being of the College. Among its most liberal -benefactors some of the foremost have been non-foundationers. So John -Michel, in some sense the second founder of the College, like his -father and his uncle, who, as he records, “in saeculo rebellionis -nunquam satis deflendae sedem quietam per 14 annos hic invenerunt,” a -commoner of the College, besides other benefactions, left an endowment -for eight Fellows, four scholars, and four exhibitioners, merged by -the Commissioners of 1858 with the smaller Foundation of Sir Orlando -Bridgman, another commoner, in the original Foundation of Eglesfield. -During the hundred years which this Foundation lasted (the first -Fellow was elected in 1764, the last in 1861) more than a hundred -Fellows elected to enjoy Michel’s liberality contributed an independent -element which somewhat modified the monotony of the old north-country -corporation. The Michel Fellows were not members of the governing body, -and some amusing stories are told of the differences insisted on by -some of the less genial of the older order. Yet the “Michels” (_mali -catuli_, as the jesting etymology had it) contributed their full share -to the glories of the College. A Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, -a Chief Justice of Ceylon, a Bishop of St. David’s, three Bampton -Lecturers, a Bishop of Newfoundland, a Bishop of Ballarat, a Professor -of Arabic,[145] were only the most prominent among a large number of -distinguished men who owed something to Michel’s liberality. The value -of the Fellowships was small, and the length of tenure limited, and -so richer Foundations carried off some of those who had for a while -been on this Foundation. So among others Dornford passed in this way -through Queen’s from Wadham to Oriel, so Basil Jones from Trinity to -University, so Tyler and Garbett back again to Oriel and Brasenose from -which they came. The College has not been willing to let Michel’s name -be altogether forgot, and the four junior Fellows in the list are still -called Michel Fellows. - -In quite recent times the College has had to thank a commoner for its -latest considerable benefaction, and five scholars will always have -occasion to bless the memory of Sir Edward Repps Jodrell. - -Some of the most characteristic of Eglesfield’s injunctions were -concerned with the Common Table. In the midst of the table was to sit -the Provost or his _locum tenens_. No one was to sit on the opposite -side in any seat or chair, nor to eat on that side either kneeling or -standing. If necessary, room was to be found at a side table. - -They were to meet twice in the day for meals at regular hours. They -were to be summoned by a “clarion” blown so as to be heard by all -the members of the foundation. Among the charges in the accounts for -1452-3 is 2_s._ 4_d._ for the repair of the trumpet. In 1595-7, either -for repair or a new one, there was paid 8_s._ “pro tuba”; and in -1604-5 “pro tuba et vectura a Lond. et emendatione,” 28_s._ In 1666 a -magnificent silver trumpet was presented by Sir Joseph Williamson, one -of the most liberal of the benefactors as he was one of the most loyal -of the sons of the College, to which he was never weary of expressing -his obligations and his affection. By a curious accident his extensive -private correspondence has become incorporated with the Domestic State -Papers of the period, and those who are searching for the more secret -springs of the public policy of his age have their attention arrested -by the details of his familiar relations with his College friends. So -too at an earlier time among the State Papers of the reign of James I. -are included the Latin verses and orations, the sermon-notes and other -occasional papers of a Queen’s undergraduate, who was afterwards to be -Mr. Secretary Nicholas. And along with these are letters to him from a -sister, promising stockings, and asking sympathy for toothache and the -mumps; and this three hundred years ago. - -As they sat at table, before them was to be read the Bible by a -Chaplain. They were to pay attention to him, and not prevent his -being heard by loquacity or shouting. They were to speak at table -“modeste,” and in French or Latin unless in obedience to the law of -politeness to converse with a visitor in his own language, or for some -other reasonable cause. Unseemly talk or jesting was to be avoided, -and punished if necessary by the Provost. Up to the beginning of the -present century it was the practice for the porter to bring at the -beginning of dinner a Greek Testament to the Fellow presiding at the -High Table who returned it to him indicating a verse, and saying, -“Legat (so and so),” naming the scholar of the week. The porter then -took the book to the scholar and gave it him, saying, “Legat,” and the -book after the verse had been read was carried away by the porter. -When this custom was abolished does not appear, but Provost Jackson -remembered that it prevailed when he came into residence (1808). - -At both meals, at all times of the year, that their garments might -conform to the colour of the blood of the Lord, all the Fellows were to -wear purple robes, and if Doctors of Theology or of Decrees, the robes -were to be furred with black budge. The Chaplains were to wear white -robes, and the Provost was to see that those of each grade wore robes -of uniform colour. - -The Students in Arts[146] among the poor boys were to dispute a -sophism among themselves once or twice a week, under the guidance -of an “artist,”[147] who was to look after them, superintend their -disputations, and otherwise supervise their instruction. The -“grammarians”[148] were to have “collationes” before their instructor -every day except Sundays and “double feasts.” The Clerks of the Chapel -were to instruct the poor boys in singing. All the instructors, -artists, grammarians and musicians were to be diligent in watching the -progress of the students and in instructing them, and were to swear to -be so. - -The Students in Theology[149] were to hold theological disputations -every week on Saturday, Friday, or some other convenient day, which -were to be superintended by the Provost or his _locum tenens_, or the -senior present at the disputation; and at these all the theologians -except the Provost, who would be very much busied about the affairs of -“the Hall,” _i. e._ of the College, were bound to be present unless -prevented by some lawful cause. - -The number of scholars was to be increased as the means of the College -allowed. A Provost or anybody else who opposed such increase was to be -expelled. - -For the maintenance of each scholar a sum of ten marks annually was -to be set aside. Of this, at least 1_s._ 6_d._, and not more than -2_s._, was to be appropriated to his weekly commons. Anything saved -under this head out of 2_s._ in the week was to be devoted to alms -and no other purpose. The remainder of the ten marks was to go to -the scholars to provide them with clothes and other necessaries. The -Provost was to look to the character of the clothes. If they went far -in country or town, they were not to wear simple or double “hoods,” but -long “collobia” (frocks, sleeveless or with short sleeves), or other -suitable garments; and they were not to go alone. - -An absent Fellow was to forfeit his commons in the long vacation, and -the rest of his allowance also at other times, unless he were absent -on the business of the Hall. Additional reasons for the enjoyment of -commons in absence were subsequently approved. Pestilence in Oxford was -a common excuse. In 1400-1, 1_s._ 6_d._ is allowed for the commons of -William Warton and Peter de la Mare in time of pestilence. Similarly -in 1625-6, £7 4_s._ is allowed to the Fellows dispersed in time of -pestilence. Equally urgent reasons commended themselves during the -reign of Charles I. In 1642 payments are made to Fellows, Chaplains, -boys and servants in place of commons, when the College was for seven -weeks dissolved owing to the advance of the enemy; and this in the same -“computus,” with seven payments for bonfires on the occasion of seven -Royalist victories. A Fellow received for each week 5_s._, a Chaplain -and a boy 2_s._ 6_d._, a servant 2_s._ Three Fellows away in the North -got smaller payments during eleven months. - -In order that there might be plenty to give away, the Scholars and -Chaplains were to have two courses at meals on ordinary days, and on -the five great feasts--Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide, the Assumption, -and All Saints Day--an extra course with a suitable quantity of wine. -Court manners were to be observed at meals and other times. - -How soon the custom of bringing in a boar’s head at Christmas began -does not appear, nor is the date of the carol sung on the occasion -ascertained. Wynkin de Worde’s version, which differs in some -particulars from that used in the College, was printed as early as -1521. On the 24th December, 1660, £1 10_s._ is paid “pictori Hawkins -caput apri in festo nativitatis adornanti.” This suggests that the -head was then, as now, “adorned” with banners bearing coats of arms: -Richard Hawkins was a heraldic painter resident in Oxford, an intimate -of Anthony Wood. - -The expenses of any Fellows sent out of Oxford on College business -were to be defrayed by the Community. They were to bring an account of -their expenses at the end of the journey, which was to be audited by -the Provost, Treasurer, and Camerarius, who were to disallow them if -in their judgment excessive; and if the three auditors could not agree -on this point, the judgment of the Provost was to decide. Thus, in -1386-7, Mr. Richard Brown the Camerarius and Senior Fellow is repaid -12_s._ 4_d._, his expenses for a journey to Devonshire to get the books -bequeathed to the College by Mr. Henry Whitfield, as well as 20_d._ for -the carriage of the said books. Ten years later two and a half marks -are paid for Mr. Thomas Burton’s expenses in going to the Archbishop of -York. In 1411-12 the same Fellow pays a visit on College business to -the Roman court. - -If the revenues of the College allowed, thrice in the year, at the -end of each term, a portion beyond the commons was to be divided -among the Fellows fairly, according to the amount of their residence. -On the day of this division the statutes of the College were to be -read among themselves by the Provost and scholars, and a solemn mass -of the Holy Trinity to be said in the College Chapel, or Parochial -Church, “if they got one,” for the King, Queen Philippa, the other -benefactors of the Hall, and other persons specified in the statutes, -and for all the faithful living and dead. After the solemn mass the -Provost was to inquire separately of each of the Fellows as to the -behaviour of the rest in the matters of obedience to the statutes, -honesty of deportment, and progress in study. Special regulations were -laid down for the conduct of this inquiry. These regularly recurring -inquiries might be supplemented by special inquiries whenever the -Provost thought it necessary; and at the peril of his soul he was to -see that the boys, the chaplains, and the other “_ministri_” conducted -themselves properly. All accused persons were to be allowed to purge -themselves privately, peacefully, and honestly, but not scandalously -or contentiously. No scholar or poor boy was to be expelled except -with consent of a majority of the College. The Provost inflicted other -punishments after taking counsel with one or two of the scholars. - -The Provost was allowed to keep a servant or clerk, to whose -maintenance he was to contribute. The other Masters or scholars -were prohibited from burdening the community by the introduction of -strangers or relatives, and especially of poor clerks of their own or -private servants. This was not to prevent hospitality being shown at -the expense of the entertainer, in the hall or in his own chamber, to -friends, of any rank, from the city or outside, who might come to see -one of the community. A visitor on business of the community was to be -properly entertained in the hall or Provost’s lodging at the common -expense. - -Nor did this in later times prevent such services as were rendered by -a “fag” at a public school some fifty years ago from being rendered in -College for a salary by the poorer students to the richer. So George -Fothergill, in 1723, writes home--“My Tutor has given me a gentleman -commoner last night, w^{ch} I call’d up this morning. So that for -calling up I have about 5 pounds per year, viz. 5_s._ a quarter of each -of the 3 com̄oners w^{ch} I had before, w^{ch} comes to 3 pounds a -year, & 10_s._ a quarter for this Gent: Com: w^{ch} makes up 5 pounds.” - -Harriers, hounds, hawks, and other such animals were not to be kept in -the Hall or its precincts by any of the scholars. It was not thought -fitting that poor men living mainly on alms should give the bread of -the sons of men for the dogs to eat, and woe to those who play among -the birds of the air. The “_extructio pullophylacii_” in 1590 would -probably not be regarded as a violation of the statute, nor “_le -henhouse_,” probably the same building which is referred to a few years -later. A caged eagle also seems from time to time to have been kept -in the College, in connection with the founder’s name and the arms of -the College. In 1661, 5_s._ 3_d._ is paid, “_operculum fabricanti ad -concludendam aquilam domini praepositi_.” - -The use of musical instruments was prohibited within the College except -during the hours of general refreshment, as likely to produce levity -and insolence, and to afford occasion of distraction from study. -This of course did not apply to the musical instruments employed in -the chapel service. There was an organ in chapel from very early -times. In 1436-7 4_d._ is paid among the expenses of the chapel “pro -emendatione organorum”; and in 1490-1 “organa reparantur.” In 1676-7 -£1 12_s._ is paid “famulis domini episcopi Londinensis organum musicum -afferentibus.” This was Bishop Compton, who crowned William III., -and who had been a gentleman commoner of the College. The present -organ, perhaps the largest in Oxford, is mainly due to the skill and -liberality of Leighton George Hayne, D.Mus., and sometime Coryphæus of -the University, who, with the support of the late Archbishop of York, -revived the musical service which had for many years been interrupted. - -All sorts of games of dice, chess, and others giving opportunity of -losing money, were prohibited, especially dice and other similar games -which give occasion for strife and often beggary to the player. An -exception was made for such games occasionally played, not in the hall, -for recreation only, when it did not interfere with study or divine -service. All Chaplains, poor clerks, servants, and other inhabitants of -the Hall were bound by this prohibition, and the Provost or his _locum -tenens_ were bound on pain of perjury to inflict the penalties which -might be necessary to stop these or other infractions of the statutes. -When stage plays came into vogue the College followed the fashion. In -the accounts of 1572-3, 3_s._ 8_d._ is paid “pro fabricatione scenae -in aula ad tragicam comoediam narrandam,” and 7_s._ 5_d._ “in expensis -tragicae comediae in natal. Xti.” - -The chambers and studies were to be assigned to the scholars by the -Provost, who was to assign, except for special reasons, according to -seniority. There were to be at least two in each chamber unless the -status or pre-eminence of the quality of any of the scholars should -require otherwise. The arrangement of rooms adopted in the front -quadrangle when the College was rebuilt seems to retain a trace of the -old regulations. A large “chamber” with two “studies” recalls the days -when John Boast and Henry Ewbank were chamber-fellows or “chums” in -their youth, before the dark time when the younger man was the cause of -the elder being butchered alive for exercising his priestly functions -in England.[150] Nowadays in the rare case of two brothers or intimate -friends living together in a set of rooms, the old disposition is -reversed, the chamber becomes the joint study, and the two studies the -separate bed-chambers. - -Except for urgent cause, or by leave of the Provost or his _locum -tenens_, the scholars were not to have meals except in the hall, -and they were to avoid, in accordance with the laws of temperance, -expensive and luxurious meals of all kinds, suppers and other eatings -and drinkings. The Provost or his _locum tenens_ was to restrain all -such excess. - -The scholars were not to pass the night outside the College in the -town or its suburbs unless leave had been previously obtained from the -Provost, his _locum tenens_, or the senior in hall; and the application -for leave must specify the cause for which such leave is asked. - -A Fellow, poor cleric, or Chaplain expelled was not to have any remedy -against the College by law or otherwise, and was to renounce any -right to such remedy under the obligation of an oath at the time of -his admission to the Hall. The College sometimes showed compassion to -former Fellows who fell into misfortune: 28th September, 1625, 50_s._ -is paid to Mr. Lancaster formerly a Fellow, now reduced to the depths -of misery, and in following years a similar payment is made, the amount -being raised later to £4. - -A scholar was to forfeit his emolument by entering religion, by -transferring himself to anybody’s obedience, by being absent except on -College business or by special leave of the Provost for more than the -greater half of a full term, or for wilfully neglecting to take the -prescribed steps of advancement in study. - -Offences generally were to be tried by the Provost and two assessors, -and punished by the Provost with the consent of the scholars. - -The College was to bake its own bread and brew its own beer within -the College, by its own servants acting under the supervision of the -steward of the week and of the treasurer’s clerk. Every loaf before it -was baked was to weigh 46_s._ 8_d._ sterling, from whatever market the -corn came, and of whatever kind the bread was; and this weight was not -to be changed whatever was the price of corn. - -A sum of £40 specially given for this purpose by the founder was always -to remain in hand, to be set apart at the beginning of each year, and -accounted for at the end as ready-money or floating balance, to be used -for buying stores of victuals and fuel, and not to be employed in part -or whole for any other purpose. - -The Scholars were to have a horse-mill of their own to grind their -wheat, barley, and other corn within the College, or at least very near -thereto, to save the excessive tolls and payments to millers which -might otherwise fall upon them. - -With these and similar injunctions the founder launched the College on -its voyage across the centuries. Into the details of that voyage there -is no further room to go. Whatever affected the history of the country -affected the history of the University, and whatever affected the -history of the University affected the history of the College. Wycliff -stayed within the College, and Nicholas of Hereford, who translated -for him the Old Testament, was a Fellow. Henry Whitfield, Provost, and -three Fellows, one of them John of Trevisa, all four west-countrymen, -were expelled for Wycliffism. The phases of the Reformation in England -are accurately reflected in the College accounts. A Royal Commission -visits the College in 1545, and Rudd, one of the Fellows, is expelled. -Eightpence is paid, “pro vino & orengis commissionariis.” Three years -later 6_s._ 2_d._ is paid, “dolantibus meremium & diripientibus -imagines in sacello.” The wheel comes round, and in 1555, 9_s._ -is paid, “pro ligatione et coopertura unius portiphorii, duorum -processionalium, unius missalis, unius gradalis, unius antiphonarii -& unius hymnarii.” But the reaction is only temporary, and in 1560 -appears 4_s._ 8_d._, “pro destruendo altaria.” - -The College contributes others besides the Wycliffites and Rudd as -victims to the struggles of the times. John Bost is a martyr for -Roman Catholicism; as Michael Hudson later, for the King against the -Parliament. Thomas Smith’s case is the hardest of all; as, having been -turned out of his Fellowship at Magdalen for refusing to elect Bishop -Parker as President, he is turned out again later on for refusing to -take the oath of allegiance to William III. - -The College shared the fortunes of the University in the days of the -Stuarts. His Majesty desires the College, 5th Jan., 1642-3, to lend him -all plate of what kind soever belonging to the College, and promises -to see the same repaid after the rate of 5_s._ per ounce for white, -and 5_s._ 6_d._ for gilt plate; and nine days later Mr. Stannix, -thesaurarius, delivers to Sir William Parkhurst for his Majesty’s use -such a collection of tankards, two-eared potts, white large bowles -and lesser bowles, salts and gilt bowles, and spoones and gobletts, -as the College shall never see again, 2319 oz. of both sorts, worth -in all £591 1_s._ 9_d._ And then the Provost and scholars, as things -grow worse, petition Sir Thomas Glemham that--whereas parcel of the -works on the west side of Northgate had been assigned to Magdalen and -Queen’s College jointly, and Queen’s College had already performed -more than in a due proportion would have come to their share, most of -them labouring in their own persons by the space of twelve days at -the least, while those of Magdalen assisted, some very slenderly and -some not at all--that a proportionable part of the work yet unfinish’d -may be set forth to themselves in particular apart from Magdalen; -and this is ordered to be done. And then the king goes down, and the -parliamentary visitors appear; and “This is the answer of mee, Jo. -Fisher (Master of Arts and Chaplaine of Queenes Colledge), and which -I shall acknowledge is myne: That I cannot without perjury submitt -to this visitation, and therefore I will not submitt. _Ita est_: Jo. -Fisher.” And John Fisher and others are reported to the Committee of -Lords and Commons and lose their places. And George Phillip and James -Bedford and William Barksdale and Moses Foxcraft appear in the Register -of Fellows as “Intrusi tempore usurpationis, exclusi ad Restaurationem -Caroli Secundi.” - -And in all these crises, and those which have followed, “sons of -Eglesfield” have been called to play their part. Thomas Barlow, Bishop -of Lincoln; Henry Compton, Bishop of London; Thomas Cartwright, Bishop -of Chester; Thomas Lamplugh, Archbishop of York; Edmund Gibson, Bishop -of London; William Nicholson, Archbishop of Cashel; Thomas Tanner, -Bishop of St. Asaph; William Van Mildert, Bishop of Durham; William -Thomson, Archbishop of York, among Prelates: John Owen, Dean of -Christ Church; John Mill and Richard Cecil, among Divines: Sir John -Davies, Sir Thomas Overbury, William Wycherly, Joseph Addison, Thomas -Tickell, William Collins, William Mitford, Jeremy Bentham, Francis -Jeffrey, among men of letters: Gerard Langbaine, Thomas Hyde, Thomas -Hudson, Edward Thwaites, Christopher Rawlinson, Edward Rowe Mores, -Thomas Tyrwhitt, among scholars; Edmund Halley and Henry Highton, -among men of science; Sir Edward Nicholas, Sir John Banks, and Sir -Joseph Williamson, among lawyers and statesmen--are but a selection -of the more distinguished of those to whose equipment the College has -contributed in a greater or less degree. May those who now and shall -hereafter occupy their places avoid their errors and emulate their -virtues. - - - - -VII. - -NEW COLLEGE. - -BY THE REV. HASTINGS RASHDALL, M.A., LATE SCHOLAR OF NEW COLLEGE, -FELLOW OF HERTFORD COLLEGE. - - [A MS. life of Wykeham ascribed to Warden Chaundler, but - probably only corrected by him, remains in the possession - of the College. The _Historica Descriptio complectens vitam - ac res gestas Wicami_, Londini 1597, is the work of Martyn. - There are two scholarly lives of the Founder by Lowth (edit. - 2, London 1759) and G. H. Moberly (Winchester 1887), but they - give little information about the College. Walcott’s _William - of Wykeham and his Colleges_ (Winchester 1852) is the fullest - College history that we possess, but it leaves something to be - desired. I have to thank the Warden of New College, the Rev. - W. A. Spooner, and the Rev. H. B. George for several valuable - suggestions or corrections.] - - -More has been written about the lives of the Oxford College founders -than about the institutions which they founded. In some cases the -life of a founder properly belongs to the history of his College; the -life of William of Wykeham is part of the history of England. For our -present purpose, therefore, it is unnecessary to trace his public -and political career; but we cannot appreciate the aim of such an -institution as New College without understanding the kind of man in -whose brain the scheme originated. - -William of Wykeham was an ecclesiastic; but in the Middle Ages that -meant something very different from what it means now. “The Church” was -a synonym for “the professions.” In Northern Europe the Church supplied -almost the only opportunity of a civil career to the cadet of a noble -house, the sole opportunity of rising to the ambitious plebeian. The -servants of the Crown, the diplomatists, the secretaries, advisers, -or “clerks” of great nobles, the host of ecclesiastical judges and -lawyers, many even of the secular lawyers, the physicians, the -architects, sometimes even the astrologers, were ecclesiastics. William -of Wykeham rose to eminence as a civil servant of the Crown, and was -rewarded in the usual way by ecclesiastical preferment, culminating -in a bishopric. Such men had usually taken a degree in Canon or Civil -Law at the Universities. William of Wykeham is not known to have been -a University man; he rose to eminence in the King’s Office of Works, -and became surveyor at Windsor Castle, which was half rebuilt under -his direction. He was the greatest architect of his day. Afterwards he -held a series of political appointments--eventually the Chancellorship. -As a politician, he was the champion of the old order of things rudely -shaken by the Wycliffite heresy and the political movements with which -it was associated; the leader of the Church, or Conservative, party; -a moderate and far-sighted man withal, but still a sturdy opponent of -reform; a pious man in the conventional fourteenth-century way, but -still a devoted supporter of all the abuses against which Wyclif had -declaimed, as became one who was himself the greatest pluralist of his -day. - -New College was intended to be another stronghold of the old system in -Church and State. It was to increase the supply of clergy, which the -statutes declare to have been thinned by “pestilences, wars, and the -other miseries of the world.” Some have seen in these words a special -allusion to the Black Death of 1348; but it was more probably a mere -flourish of mediæval rhetoric, or possibly a fashion which had survived -from 1348. The general idea of the College was not fundamentally -different from that of its predecessors. William of Wykeham, once -raised to the splendid See of Winchester, was anxious to do something -for the Church; and the general opinion of the day was that monks were -out of date, that the Church herself was rich enough, and that to send -capable men to the Universities was the best way to fight heresy, to -strengthen the Church system, and to save the donor’s soul. - -Wykeham’s ultimate purpose in founding his College was conventional -enough; in the manner of carrying it out there was much that was -original. It was, however, rather the greater scale of the whole design -than any one original feature that gives an historical appropriateness -to the name “New” which has accidentally cleaved to “St. Marie -Colledge of Wynchester” in Oxford. In the number of the scholars, in -the liberality of their allowances, in the architectural splendour of -the buildings of his College, Wykeham eclipsed all previous Oxford -College-founders. In many respects the founder of Queen’s had, indeed, -aimed as high as Wykeham; but he had begun to build and was not able -to finish; his Provost and apostolic twelve never grew to the seventy -which he contemplated. What Eglesfield designed, Wykeham accomplished. - -The most original feature of Wykeham’s design was the connection of his -College at Oxford with a grammar-school at a distance. The fundamental -vice of mediæval education was the prevalent neglect of grammatical -discipline and the absurdly early age at which boys were plunged into -the subtleties of Logic and the mysteries of the Latin Aristotle, -the very language of which, unclassical as it was, they could hardly -understand. Wykeham had no thought of a Renaissance, or of any -fundamental change in the educational system of the day; he was only -anxious to remedy a defect which all practical men acknowledged. Boys -were still to be taught Latin chiefly that they might read Aristotle, -and Peter the Lombard or the Corpus Juris; but they were to learn to -walk before they were encouraged to run. - -Hard by his own cathedral, the Bishop erected a College for a Warden, -Sub-Warden, ten Fellows, a Head Master, Usher, and seventy scholars, -with a proper staff of chaplains and choristers. From this College -exclusively were to be selected the seventy scholars of St. Marie -Colledge of Wynchester in Oxford; and no one could be elected before -fifteen or after nineteen, except in the case of “Founder’s-kin” -scholars, who were eligible up to thirty. This implies that the usual -age of Wykehamists upon entering the University would be much above -the average, since it was quite common for boys to begin their course -in Arts at fourteen or earlier. By the erection of his College at -Winchester, Wykeham became the founder of the English public-school -system. - -The Oxford College consisted of a Warden and seventy “poor clerical -scholars,” together with ten “stipendiary priests” or chaplains, three -stipendiary clerks, and sixteen boy-choristers for the service of the -chapel. It entered on a definite existence not later than 1375, the -scholars being temporarily lodged in Hart Hall (now Hertford College) -and other adjoining houses while the buildings were being completed. -The foundation charters were granted in 1379; the foundation-stone -laid at 8 a.m. on March 5th, 1379-80; on April 14th, 1387, at 9 a.m. -the society, “with cross erect, and singing a solemn litany,” marched -processionally into the splendid habitation which their Founder had -been preparing for them in an unoccupied corner within the walls of the -town. - -New College is the first, and still almost the only, College whose -extant buildings substantially represent a complete and harmonious -design as it presented itself to the founder’s eye. The quadrangle -of New College may indeed have been the first completed quadrangle -in Oxford. In that case we might attribute to the architect Bishop -the origination of the type to which later English Colleges have so -tenaciously adhered. At any rate completeness is the characteristic -feature of Wykeham’s buildings; every want of his scholars was provided -for from their academical birth, if need be to the grave. - -Previous Colleges had for the most part occupied the choir of some -existing parish church for the solemn services of Sunday and Holy-day; -at most they had a little “oratory” in which a priest or two said -mass. With Wykeham the chapel formed an integral part of the original -design. In spite of the ravages of Puritan iconoclasm, the chapel -has always retained the perfect proportion which it received from -its founder’s hands. It is now regaining, under the touch of modern -restoration, so much of its ancient beauty as the cold taste of the -present day will tolerate; but we shall never see again the blaze of -colour on windows and walls, on groined roof and on sculptured image -which it presented to its founder’s eye. Wykeham’s design provided -not merely for things needful, but for ornament. Not only was the -chapel a choir of cathedral magnitude, with transepts, though without -a nave--henceforth the typical form of the College chapel; there was -outside the wall (nowhere else could it have stood so conveniently), -the great Bell-tower. There was an ample hall or refectory, the -oldest now remaining in Oxford. There were cloisters, round which -every Sunday the whole College, in copes and surplices, were to go in -procession, “according to the use of Sarum,” and within which members -of the College might be buried, by special papal bull, without leave -of parish-priest or bishop. There was a tower specially provided over -the hall staircase with massive doors of many locks to serve as a -muniment-room and treasury. There was a library, stored with books by -the founder; and an audit-room on the north side of the east gate. -Just outside the main entrance were the brewery and the bake-house. -A spacious garden supplied the College with vegetables, and perhaps -the scholars with room for such exercise as was permitted by the -high standard of “clerical” behaviour demanded of Wykeham’s tonsured -undergraduates. And all remains now substantially as the founder -designed it, marred only by the addition (in 1675) of a third story to -the front quadrangle, and by the modernization of the windows. - -The religious aim of College-founders is often exaggerated, or at -least misapprehended. It is true that all Oxford Colleges, like the -University itself, were intended for ecclesiastics. But in the earlier -Colleges not even the Head is required to be in Holy, or even in -minor, Orders; nor are students of any rank required to go to church -or chapel except on Sundays and holy-days. As time went on, the -ecclesiastical character of Colleges is more and more emphasized; but -even then, more is thought of providing for the repose of the founder’s -soul than of the moral or religious training of his scholars, or the -spiritual wants of those to whom they were to minister. Colleges, like -monasteries, were largely endowed out of the “impropriated” tithes -properly belonging to the parochial churches. But if College Fellows -are required to become priests at a certain stage of their career, -it is that they may say masses for the founder. If the chapels are -provided with a staff of chaplains, it is with the same object. In -William of Wykeham’s College the ecclesiastical character is at its -maximum: Wykeham aimed in fact at erecting a great Collegiate Church -and an Academical College in one. The ecclesiastical duties--the masses -and canonical hours--were chiefly performed by the hired chaplains. -But even the studious part of the community was required to make some -return for the founder’s liberality by saying certain prayers for him -and his royal “benefactors” immediately after rising and before going -to bed. They are further required to go to mass daily--it is the first -Oxford College where daily chapel is required--and while there (or -at some other time) every scholar is to say sixty _Paters_ and fifty -_Aves_ in honour of the Virgin. - -Wykeham was indeed the first College-founder, at Oxford at all events, -who conceived the idea of making his College not a mere eleemosynary -institution, but a great ecclesiastical corporation, which should -vie both in the splendour of its architecture and the dignity of its -corporate life with the Cathedral chapters and the monastic houses. -The earlier Heads had been raised above the scholars or Fellows by -the luxury of a single private room: they dined in the common hall -with the rest. The Warden of New College was to live, like an abbot, -in a house of his own, within the College walls, but with a separate -hall, kitchen, and establishment. His salary of £40 was princely by -comparison with the 40_s._, with commons, assigned to the Master of -Balliol, or even the forty marks allotted to the Warden of Merton. -Instead of the jealous provisions against burdening the College -with the entertainment of guests which we meet with in the Paris -College-statutes, ample provision is made for the hospitable reception -of important strangers by the Warden in his own Hall, or (in his -absence) by the Sub-Warden and Fellows in the Great Hall, as they would -have been entertained in a Benedictine abbey by the abbot or the prior -(the Sub-Warden being evidently intended to hold a position analogous -to the latter). The Master of Peterhouse in Cambridge was allowed to -have a single horse, on the ground that it would be “indecent for -him to go afoot, nor could he, without scandal to the College, hire -a hack” (_conducere hakenys_): the Warden of New College is to have -_six_ horses at his disposal, for himself and the “discreet, apt, and -circumspect Fellow,” with four servants, who attended upon the annual -“progress” over the College estates--more than some provincial canons -allowed to a cathedral dean. In chapel the Warden was placed on a level -with cathedral canons by the permission to wear an amice _de grisio_ -(vair or ermine). - -The “commons,” or weekly allowance of a Fellow, was to be a shilling -in times of plenty, which might rise in times of scarcity to 16_d._, -or when the bushel of corn should be at 2_s._, to 18_d._ But though -the College allowances were equal, the money was expended by the -officers for the Fellows, and not by the Fellows themselves; and it was -expressly provided that the quality of the victuals supplied should -vary with “degree, merit and labour.” The Sub-Warden and Doctors of -superior Faculties sat at the High Table, to which also might be -admitted Bachelors of Theology in defect of sufficient Doctors; their -plates or courses (_fercula_) might not exceed four. But when the -Warden dined in Hall (which he was only privileged to do on certain -great festivals), he was to sit in the middle of the table and to -be “served alone,” _i. e._ to have luxuries provided for him in -which his neighbours were not to participate. At the side-tables sat -the Graduate-Fellows and chaplains; in the middle of the Hall, the -probationers and other juniors. During meals the Bible was read, and -silence required. As to the hours of meals it may be observed (though -the statutes are silent on this head) that the usual hour for dinner -was 10 a.m., and supper was at 5 p.m. There is no trace of breakfast in -any mediæval College till near the beginning of the sixteenth century, -when it became usual for men to go to the buttery for a hunk of bread -and a pot of beer, which were either consumed at the buttery or taken -away--the first meal taken in rooms, and the origin of that tradition -of breakfast-parties which is still characteristic of University life. -But when it is remembered that the day began at five or six, it were a -pious opinion that some kind of “hasty snack” at an early hour (such as -the _jentaculum_ of a later day) was winked at in the case of weaker -brethren. - -Besides the commons every Fellow received an annual “livery,” or suit -of clothes, suitable to his University rank, but also of uniform cut -and colour; and the rooms were no doubt rudely furnished at the expense -of the College. - -A Fellow received no other allowance, unless he was of Founder’s-kin -and poor, or a priest, or an officer, or a tutor, the latter receiving -5_s._ a year for each pupil. A Fellow in need of such assistance might -also have the heavy expenses of graduation, especially of banqueting -the Regents, defrayed by the College. - -In the lower rooms, each of which had four windows and four studies -(_studiorum loca_), four scholars were quartered; in the upper rooms, -three. The chaplains and clerks slept in rooms under the Hall, which -are now appropriated to the College stores. A senior was placed in -each room who was responsible for the diligence and good conduct of -the juniors, and was bound to report irregularities to the Warden, -Sub-Warden, or Dean, “so that such manner of Fellows and scholars -suffering defect in their morals, negligent, or slothful in their -studies, may receive competent castigation, correction, and punition.” -Whether the last terrors of scholastic law are contemplated under the -head of “castigation” is not quite clear; but Fellows of all ranks were -liable to “subtraction of commons”; and were in that case, perhaps, not -able to live upon their neighbours in the convenient manner practised -by modern New College men “crossed at the buttery.” - -Only a Doctor might have a separate servant; but all were required to -have separate beds, a luxury not altogether a matter of course in the -Middle Ages. At Magdalen, for instance, the younger Demies slept two in -a bed. - -All kinds of service were to be performed by males; though a -washerwoman might be tolerated (“in defect of a male washer”), -provided she were of such “age and condition” as to be above “sinister -suspicions.” One of the servants was to be specially entrusted with the -task of carrying the scholars’ books to the public schools. - -The statutes of New College are extraordinarily minute and detailed in -their disciplinary regulations, being more than three times as long -as those of Merton. In their ample prohibitory code we may probably -see a fair picture of undergraduate life in the Middle Ages, as it -was outside the Colleges. It was the Colleges which gradually broke -down the ancient liberty of the boy-undergraduate; and at last, by the -sixteenth century, succeeded in making him a mere school-boy _sub virga -et ferula_. - -One piece of rough mediæval horse-play which incurs the founder’s -especial wrath is that “most vile and horrid sport of shaving beards, -which is wont to take place on the night preceding the inception of -Masters of Arts.” Among the more ordinary pastimes forbidden by the -founder are the haunting of taverns and “spectacles,” the keeping of -dogs, hawks, or ferrets; the games of chess, hazard, or ball; and other -“noxious, inordinate, or illicit” games, “especially those played for -money”; shooting with “arrows, stones, earth, or other missiles” to the -danger of windows and buildings; the “effusion of wine, beer, or other -liquor” (some unpleasant details are added under this head) upon the -floor of upper chambers; “dancing or wrestling or other incautious or -inordinate games” in the hall or “perchance in the chapel itself,” the -reason alleged for this last prohibition being that danger might be -done to the sculptured “image of the Holy and Undivided Trinity,” and -other ornaments on the wall between the chapel and the hall. After this -comprehensive list of unlawful amusements, the reader may be inclined -to ask, “What recreations did the good bishop allow his scholars?” -Only one seems contemplated by the statutes: the founder’s experience -of human nature told him that “after bodily refection by the taking of -meat and drink, men are made more inclined to scurrilities, base talk, -and (what is worse) detraction and strife”; he accordingly provides -that on ordinary days after the loving cup has gone round, there is to -be no lingering in hall after dinner or supper (except for the usual -“potation” at curfew), but on festivals and other winter-nights, “on -which, in honour of God and his Mother, or some other saint,” there is -a fire in the hall, the Fellows are allowed to indulge in singing or -reading “poems, chronicles of the realm, and wonders of the world.” - -Such were the modest amusements of the first Wykehamists. How was -the bulk of their time passed or meant to be passed? It must be -remembered that Colleges were, in the first instance, not intended -for teaching-institutions at all; their members resorted for -lectures to the public schools. Wykeham is the first Oxford founder -who contemplates any instruction being given to his scholars in -College.[151] By his provisions on this head he became the founder -of the Oxford tutorial system. Both at Paris and in Oxford, College -teaching was destined, in process of time, practically to destroy -University teaching in the Faculty of Arts. But the process took place -in totally different ways. The form which College-teaching has assumed -in Oxford was inaugurated by Wykeham. He, or his academical advisers, -saw the unsuitableness of formal lectures in the public schools as a -means of teaching mere boys. Hence he provides that for the first three -years of residence, the scholar was to be placed under the instruction -of a tutor (“Informator”), selected from the senior Fellows. By about -1408 the system had so far spread, that the lectures of the public -schools were attended mainly by Bachelors. - -Let us briefly trace the career of a young Wykehamist newly arrived -from Winchester. - -For two years he is a probationary “scholar”; after that he becomes -a full member or “Fellow” of the College. It may be noticed that the -New College statutes are the earliest in which the term “Socius,” -originally applied to the students who live in the same house or hall, -begins to be used in a technical way to distinguish the full member of -the society (“verus et perpetuus socius”) from the mere probationer or -chaplain or chorister: it is not till a still later date that the term -“scholar” is confined to a Foundation-student who is not a Fellow. - -At the end of the two years, the Fellow, though still an undergraduate, -takes his share in the government of the house on such occasions as -the election of a Warden. The ordinary administration, however, is in -the hands of a certain number of Seniors (varying in different cases). -The discipline was mainly in the hands of the Sub-Warden and the five -deans--two Artists, a Canonist, a Civilian, and a Theologian--who -presided over the disputations of their respective Faculties. But -every one was compelled to act as a check upon every one else by -means of the three yearly “chapters” or “scrutinies,” at which every -Fellow was invited and required to reveal anything which he might have -observed amiss in the conduct of his brethren since the last “Chapter.” -Thus, the discipline of the mediæval Colleges, or at least that which -their founders desired to introduce, was modelled on that of the -monastery. - -The lectures which our undergraduate had to attend before his B.A. -degree were as follows[152]:-- - -_In College_: (1) In Grammar, the _Barbarismus_ of Donatus; (2) in -Arithmetic, the _Computus_, _i. e._ the method of finding Easter, with -the _Tractatus de Sphaera_ of Joannes de Sacrobosco; (3) in Logic, the -_Isagoge_ of Porphyry, and Aristotle’s _Sophistici Elenchi_. - -_In the Public Schools_: The whole _Organon_ of Aristotle, the _Sex -Principia_ of Gilbert de la Poirée, and the logical writings of -Boethius (except _Topics_, Book IV.). - -Thus during the first four years of his course our undergraduate was -occupied mainly with Logic, at first in College, afterwards at the more -formal lectures of the Regents in the public schools of the University. -This programme would represent a very dry and severe course of study -to the modern Honour-man, while it would be simply appalling to the -modern Pass-man. The latter will, however, learn with relief that in -Oxford (unlike other mediæval Universities) it would appear doubtful -whether there was any actual examination for the B.A. degree. Then as -now, indeed, the student had to “respond _de quaestione_”; but in the -course of his fourth year he would be admitted, as a matter of course, -“to lecture upon a book of Aristotle.” - -After this he was commonly styled a Bachelor, though he did not become -one in strictness till he had gone through a disputation called -“Determination.” This ordeal had to be passed to the satisfaction of -the other Bachelors. How glad would be the modern examinee to throw -himself upon the mercy of his fellows! Before being admitted to -determine, the student had indeed to appear before the examiners of -Determinants, but it is not certain that these examiners did more than -satisfy themselves by the oaths and certificates of the candidates that -they had heard the required books: and it is quite clear that when once -Determination was passed, no further examination stood between him and -the M.A. degree. - -The mediæval student was not, however, supposed to have completed his -education when he had become a Bachelor. To the four years of residence -required for a B.A., three more must be added for the Mastership. -During this time he attended lectures in “the Seven Arts” and “the -three Philosophies.” In the Arts his text-books were[153]:--In Grammar, -Priscian; in Rhetoric, Aristotle or Boethius[154]; in Logic, Aristotle; -in Arithmetic, Boethius; in Music, Boethius; in Geometry, Euclid; and -in Astronomy, Ptolemy. Most of the Arts were however very quickly -and perfunctorily disposed of. His real work as a Bachelor lay with -the three philosophies, studied exclusively in the Latin translation -of Aristotle, the following being the “necessary books”:--In Natural -Philosophy, the _Physics_, or _De Anima_, or some other of the Physical -treatises; in Moral Philosophy, the _Ethics_; and in Metaphysical -Philosophy, the _Metaphysics_. - -Time would fail me to tell of the various disputations in which -our student had to figure at various stages of his career; but -disputations, though to the nervous student their terrors must have -exceeded those of modern _viva_, had this advantage, that there was no -“plucking” or “ploughing” in the question. A candidate who had done -very badly might fail to get the required number of Masters to testify -to his competency when he applied for the degree; and very incapable -students, if poor and humbly-born, were probably choked off in this -way. It is certain that a large number never took even the B.A. degree. -But there is no record of anybody having been formally refused a degree -in Arts. And yet the Master’s degree in the Middle Ages was in reality -what it still is in theory--a license to teach. For a year after -admission to his degree, the new M.A. was _necessario regens_, and was -obliged to give “ordinary lectures” in the public schools. After that -he was free to enter upon the study of one of the higher Faculties. - -Those who took Theology spent the rest of their academical career in -the study of the Bible and “the Sentences” of Peter the Lombard--much -more of the Sentences than of the Bible. It took eleven years’ study to -become a D.D.; naturally most got livings and “went down” before that. - -Those who obtained leave to study Law would usually take a degree in -Civil Law first, and then proceed to the study of Canon Law, that is -to say the _Decretum_ of Gratian and the Papal _Decretals_. There were -always to be twenty Canonists and Civilians in the House. - -Two scholars alone might take up Medicine, and two Astronomy or -Astrology. Wykeham is the only College-founder who treats Astronomy -as a recognized Faculty; but belief in Astrology was on the increase -in fourteenth-century England, and reached its maximum amid the -enlightenment of the sixteenth century. - -It is time to allude to the curious “privilege” which exercised so -disastrous an effect upon the New College of two generations ago, the -privilege of taking degrees without examination. William of Wykeham -is not responsible for this _damnosa hereditas_. Nothing is heard -of it till the beginning of the seventeenth century; and then the -University recognized it as having been enjoyed since the earliest days -of the College.[155] But its origin seems to be as follows.--So far -from wishing his scholars to be exempt from the ordinary tests, the -Founder peremptorily forbids them to sue for “graces” or dispensations -from the residence or other statutable conditions of taking a degree. -The grace of congregation was then required only when some of these -conditions had not been complied with; if they had been, the degree -was a matter of right. Even in Wykeham’s time these graces were -scandalously common. In course of time the full statutable conditions -were so seldom complied with that the grace of congregation came to be -asked for as a matter of course: Wykehamists alone, mindful of their -founder’s injunction, sought no graces. Hence what had been intended -as an exceptional disability came to be regarded as an exceptional -privilege; and when regular examinations were at length introduced, it -was understood that the mysterious privilege carried with it exemption -from this requirement also. Since a fair level of scholarship was -secured by the fact that the places in New College were competed for by -the boys of a first-rate classical school (although corrupt elections -were not unknown), the privilege was not particularly ruinous so long -as the examinations continued on the basis of the Laudian statutes. -It was only when the Honour Schools were instituted at the beginning -of this century that the exclusion of New College men from the -Examination-schools shut out the College from the rapid improvement in -industry and intellectual vitality which that measure brought with it -for the best Oxford Colleges. - -The character of the College during the earlier part of its history was -exactly of the kind which the founder designed. In Wykeham’s day the -Scholastic Philosophy and Theology were already in their decadence. -The history of mediæval thought, so far as Oxford is concerned, ends -with that suppression of Wycliffism in 1411, which both Wykeham and -his College (though not quite free from the prevalent Lollardism) had -contributed to bring about. New College produced not schoolmen and -theologians like Merton, but respectable and successful ecclesiastics -in abundance--foremost among them, Henry Chicheley, Archbishop -of Canterbury, the founder of All Souls. It is a characteristic -circumstance that a New College man, John Wytenham, was at the head of -the Delegacy for condemning Wycliffe’s books in 1411, all the other -Doctors being monks or friars. - -On the other hand, the one piece of reform which Wykeham did seek -to introduce into Oxford bore fruit in due season. New College, the -one College which was recruited exclusively from a great classical -school, became the home of what may be called the first phase of the -Renaissance movement which showed itself in Oxford. It is during the -latter part of Thomas Chaundler’s Wardenship (1454-1475) that traces of -this movement become apparent. Chaundler’s own style, as is shown by -his published letters to Bishop Bekynton of Wells (himself a Wykehamist -and benefactor of the College), was more correct than the ordinary -“Oxford Latin” of his day; and some time before his death he brought -into the College as “Prælector” the first Oxford teacher of Greek, -the Italian scholar Vitelli, who remained till 1488 or 1489.[156] The -movement made little progress for the next two decades; but it must -have been Vitelli who imparted at least the rudiments of Greek and the -desire for further knowledge to William Grocyn, the great Wykehamist -with whose name the “Oxford Renaissance” is indissolubly associated. -Stanbridge, the Head Master of Magdalen College School, and author of -the reformed system of teaching grammar imitated by Lily at St. Paul’s -and at other schools, and Archbishop Warham, the patron of Erasmus, -deserve mention among New College Humanists. To Warham we owe the -panelling which imparts to our Hall much of its peculiar charm. - -But if New College welcomed and fanned the first faint breath of -the Renaissance air in Oxford, wherever religion and politics -were concerned, she retained that character of rigid and immobile -Conservatism which the founder had sought to give it. John London -(Warden 1526-1542) was foremost in the persecution of Protestant -heretics in Oxford, though afterwards employed in the dirty work of -collecting evidence against the Monasteries. One of his victims was -Quinley, a Fellow of his own College, whom he starved to death in the -College “Steeple.” When asked by a friend what he would like to eat, -he pathetically exclaimed, “A Warden-pie.” His unnatural hunger might -have been appeased could he have seen his persecutor doing public -penance for adultery, and ending his days a prisoner in the Fleet. The -stoutest and most learned opponents of the Reformation were bred in -Wykeham’s Colleges--the men who were ejected or fled under Edward VI., -rose to high preferment under Mary, and became victims again under -Elizabeth--men like Harpesfield the ecclesiastical historian, Pits the -bibliographer, and Nicholas Saunders, the Papal Legate, who organized -the Irish Insurrection of 1579. - -Ecclesiastically and politically the Great Rebellion found the -College again on the Conservative side. In 1642 the then Warden, Dr. -Robert Pincke, as Pro-Vice-Chancellor, took the lead in preparing -Oxford to resist the Parliamentary forces. The University train-bands -were wont to drill “under his eyes” in the front quadrangle. Dons -and undergraduates alike joined the ranks; among them is especially -mentioned the New College D.C.L., Dr. Thomas Read, who trailed a pike. -The cloisters were converted into a magazine; and the New College -school-boys, being thus turned out of their usual school, were removed -“to the choristers’ chamber at the east end of the common hall of the -said College: it was then a dark, nasty room, and very unfit for such a -purpose, which made the scholars often complaine, but in vaine.” These -are the words of Anthony à Wood, then a little boy of eleven, and a -pupil in the school. - -While the school-boys were with difficulty restrained from the novel -excitement of watching the drills in the quadrangle, the Warden’s -severer studies had been no less interrupted. He had been sent by the -University to treat with the old New College-man, Lord Say, who was -supposed to be in command of the Parliamentary forces at Aylesbury. -Unfortunately for Pincke, Lord Say was not there, and the Parliamentary -commander, being without Wykehamical sympathies, sent the Doctor a -prisoner to the Gate-house at Westminster. Meanwhile Lord Say had -entered Oxford, and immediately proceeded to New College “to search for -plate and arms” (no doubt he knew where to look), and even overhauled -the papers in the Warden’s study. “One of his men broke down the King’s -picture of alabaster gilt, which stood there; at which his lordship -seemed to be much displeased.” It is not very clear how Warden Pincke -found his way back to Oxford; but soon after the Parliamentary triumph, -he came to an untimely end by falling down the steps of his own -lodgings. - -Pincke was evidently a learned as well as an active man, and -published a curious collection of _Quaestiones in Logica, Ethica, -Physica, et Metaphysica_ (Oxon. 1640); this is a list of problems -with a formidable array of references to authorities, classical, -patristic, and scholastic. He found time, even in the busy days of -his Vice-Chancellorship, to write a narrative of his proceedings in -that office, which was still extant in MS. after the Restoration. The -only other Wardens who have left any considerable literary remains are -Pincke’s predecessor, Lake, afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells, and -Shuttleworth (Warden 1822-1840), afterwards Bishop of Chichester, a -sturdy opponent of the Tractarian movement. - -While speaking of New College learning of the early seventeenth -century, we must not pass over Dr. Thomas James, the first Bodley’s -Librarian, who, besides being a really learned writer on theological -subjects, catalogued the MSS. in the libraries of the Colleges of both -Universities as well as those under his own charge. - -On the arrival of the Puritan Visitors in 1647, no College gave so -much trouble as New College. All but unanimously the members of the -foundation declared that it was contrary to their oaths to submit -to any Visitor who was an actual (_i. e._ resident) member of the -University, which was the case with the most active Visitors. Only two -unconditional, and one qualified submission, are recorded. Forty-nine -out of the fifty-three members of the foundation (choir included) then -in residence were sentenced to expulsion on March 15th, 1647-8. But it -was not till June 6th that four of the worst offenders were ordered -to move; on July 7th the order was extended to seventeen more. On -August 1st, 1648, Dr. Stringer, the Warden whom the Fellows had elected -in defiance of the Visitors, was removed by Parliament, and in 1649 -nineteen more foundationers were “outed.” - -It must not be assumed that the Fellows left by the Visitors, or even -those put in the place of the ejected Fellows, conformed heartily to -the Puritan _régime_. The bursars appointed by the Commission found -the buttery and muniment-room shut against them. George Marshall, -the Parliamentarian Warden appointed in 1649, had to complain to the -Visitors that the College persisted in remitting the “sconces” imposed -by him upon Fellows for absence from the no doubt lengthy Puritan -prayers. Moreover, the Visitors, with scrupulous desire to minimize -the breach of continuity, elected only Wykehamists into the vacant -places, with, indeed, the notable exception of the intruded Warden; -and these new Fellows were most of them no doubt either Royalists and -Churchmen, or at least men whose Puritan republicanism was of no very -bigoted type. Hence we find that Woodward, the Warden freely elected by -the College on Marshall’s death in 1658, retained his place after the -Restoration. Even in 1654 Evelyn found the chapel “in its ancient garb, -notwithstanding the scrupulosity of the times.” After the Restoration -we are not surprised to find that the Royalist majority was strong -enough to turn out many of the “godly” minority before the King’s -Commissioners arrived in Oxford, and to reinstate “the Common Prayer -before it was read in other churches.” - -Two of “the Seven Bishops” were New College men, the saintly Ken, -Bishop of Bath and Wells, and Turner, Bishop of Ely. One of their -Judges, Richard Holloway, the only one who charged boldly in -their favour, had been Fellow of the College till ejected by the -Parliamentary Visitors. - -The annals of our University in the eighteenth century are of an -inglorious order; and New College exhibits in an intensified form the -characteristic tendencies of Oxford at large. The building of the -“new common chamber” (one of the first in Oxford) and of the garden -quadrangle, at the end of the seventeenth century (finished 1684), -seem to herald the age in which the increase of ease, comfort, and -luxury kept pace with the decay of study, education, and learning. The -_Vimen Quadrifidum_ of Winchester still indeed kept alive a tradition -of classical scholarship which even the possession of an Academic -sinecure at eighteen, with total exemption from University examinations -and exercises, could not quite extinguish; but there was a significant -proverb about New College men which ran, “golden Scholars, silver -Bachelors, leaden Masters.” One of the last men of learning whom New -College produced was John Ayliffe, D.C.L., the author of the _Past and -Present State of the University of Oxford_ (1714), who was expelled -the University, deprived of his degree, and compelled to resign his -Fellowship for certain “bold and necessary truths” contained in that -book, partly of a personal, partly of a political (_i. e._ Whiggish) -character. Perhaps the most respectable and yet characteristic product -of New College during the _ferrea aetas_ which succeeded were Robert -Lowth, the scholarly antagonist of the slipshod Warburton, and author -of the famous lectures _On the Poetry of the Hebrews_, successively -Bishop of St. David’s, Oxford and London. - -Towards the close of the century New College harboured a staunch -defender of the Church (including some of its abuses), but a staunch -assailant of much else in that old _régime_ to which it belonged. -Sydney Smith came up from Winchester in 1789, having been Prefect of -Hall and third on the roll; but though in the College, he was little of -it. It is curious that the most brilliant talker of the century does -not seem to have left much reputation behind him in College society. -Perhaps his extreme poverty may have something to do with it. - -The other most notable Fellow of New College in the first half of the -nineteenth century, Augustus Hare (joint-author of _Guesses at Truth_), -was also an assailant of the abuses among which he was brought up. When -acting as “Poser” in the Winchester election of 1829, he had the spirit -to resist the claims of certain candidates to be admitted to one or -other of the two Colleges without examination, as “Founder’s-kin.” At -the time there were already twenty-four “Founders” at New College, and -fourteen or fifteen at Winchester. His appeal was heard by the Bishop -of Winchester as Visitor, with Mr. Justice Patteson and Dr. Lushington -as Assessors; a New College man, Mr. Erle (afterwards Lord Chief -Justice), was one of the petitioner’s counsel. The case was argued not -upon the ground that the claimants’ demand was based on fictitious -pedigrees (which was probably the fact), but upon the precarious -contention that by the Civil and Canon Law the term “consanguineus” -applies at most only to persons within the tenth generation of descent -from a common ancestor, and the appeal was naturally dismissed. - -The era of reform may be said to begin with the voluntary renunciation -by New College, in 1834, of its exemption from University examinations. -The College still retains, indeed, the right to obtain for its Fellows -degrees without “supplication” in congregation; and when a Fellow -of New College takes his M.A., the Proctor still says, “Postulat -A.B., e Collegio Novo,” instead of the ordinary “Supplicat, etc.,” or -(more correctly) omits the name altogether. In spite of the vehement -opposition of the College, a more extensive reform was carried -out on truly Conservative lines by an Ordinance of the University -Commissioners in 1857. The Fellowships were reduced to forty (in -1870 to thirty); but the mystic seventy of the original foundation -is maintained by the addition in 1866 of ten open scholarships to -the thirty which were still reserved for Winchester men. Further, -commoners[157] were made eligible for Fellowships as well as scholars. -Half the Fellowships are still reserved for Wykehamists, that is, men -educated either at Winchester or at New College. The chaplaincies are -now reduced to three, and the number of lay choir-men increased. - -Since that beneficent reform, ever since loyally accepted and -vigorously carried forward by the Warden and Fellows, the history of -the College has been one of continuous material expansion, numerical -growth, and academic progress. In 1854 the society voluntarily opened -its doors to non-Wykehamist commoners, whose increasing numbers soon -called for the new buildings, the first block of which was opened in -1873. - -We take our leave of the College with a glance at one or two of the -quaint customs which have unfortunately, if inevitably, disappeared in -the course of the process of modernization. - -Down to 1830, or a little later, the College was summoned to dinner by -two choir-boys[158] who, at a stated minute, started from the College -gateway, shouting in unison and in lengthened syllables--“Tem-pus est -vo-can-di à-manger, O Seigneurs.” It was their business to make this -sentence _last out_ till they reached with their final note the College -kitchen. - -On Ascension Day the College and choir used to go in procession to St. -Bartholomew’s Hospital (the remains of which may still be seen on the -Cowley road a little beyond the new church) where a short service was -held, after which they proceeded to the adjoining well (Strowell), -heard an Epistle and Gospel, and sang certain songs. - -At the beginning of the present century the College was still waked -by the porter striking the door at the bottom of each staircase with -a “wakening mallet.” Fellows are still summoned to the quarterly -College-meetings in this antique fashion. - - - - -VIII. - -LINCOLN COLLEGE. - -BY THE REV. ANDREW CLARK, M.A., FELLOW OF LINCOLN COLLEGE. - - -Lincoln College, or, in its full and official title, “The College of -the Blessed Mary and All Saints, Lincoln, in the University of Oxford,” -was founded by Richard Fleming, Bishop of Lincoln, in the year 1429, in -the eleventh year of his episcopate and one year and one month before -his death. - -The founder, a native of Yorkshire, was educated in Oxford, and held -the office of Northern (or Junior) Proctor in 1407. He was promoted to -a prebendship in York Cathedral in 1415; and was raised to the see of -Lincoln in 1419. In 1424 Pope Martin V., who held him in great esteem, -advanced him to the Archbishopric of York; but the king (Henry VI.) -refused to sanction the nomination; and Fleming, ejected from York, had -some difficulty in getting “translated” back to Lincoln. - -Richard Fleming, as a graduate resident in Oxford, had been noted for -his sympathy with the tenets of the Wycliffists; but in his later years -he had come to regard the movement with alarm, foreboding (as his -preface to the statutes for his college says) that it was one of those -troubles of the latter days which were to vex the Church towards the -end of the world. The Wycliffists professed to accept the authority of -the Scriptures and to find in them the warrant for their attacks on -accepted Church doctrines and institutions. In these same Scriptures, -rightly understood and expounded, Fleming believed that the authority -of the Church was laid down beyond contradiction. And so, in the -bitterness of his repulse from York, which he perhaps attributed to -the growing spirit of rebelliousness against the Church, he determined -to found (to use his own words) “collegiolum quoddam theologorum”--“a -little college of true students in theology who would defend the -mysteries of the sacred page against those ignorant laics who profaned -with swinish snouts its most holy pearls.” - -It is instructive to note the means by which he carried out his -purpose. There is a common impression that these pre-Reformation -prelates were possessed of great wealth. In some few instances, this -was the case, namely, where the prelate had held in plurality several -wealthy benefices, or had occupied a rich see for a great number of -years, or had inherited a large private fortune; but in the majority of -cases, the bishops were not wealthy men, and from year to year spent -the revenues of their sees in works of public munificence or private -charity. Every bishop, however, had partially under his control several -of the Church endowments of his diocese, and could divert them, even -in perpetuity, to the use of any institution he favoured, so long as -they were not alienated from the Church. Accordingly, Fleming proposed, -as it seems, to build the College out of his own moneys; but to -provide for its endowment by attaching to it existing ecclesiastical -revenues. He therefore obtained the sanction of the king (Henry VI.’s -charter is dated 13th Oct., 1427) and Parliament, the Archbishop of -Canterbury, the mother-church of Lincoln, the Archdeacon of Oxford, the -parishioners of all three parishes, and the Mayor and Corporation of -Oxford, to dissolve the three contiguous parish churches of All Saints, -St. Mildred, and St. Michael,--all three being in the patronage of -the Bishop of Lincoln,--as also the chantry of St. Anne in the church -of All Saints, which was in the patronage of the city of Oxford; and -to unite them into a collegiate church or college, which was to be -“Lincoln College.” - -St. Mildred’s was a small parish occupying the present site of Exeter -College, and about half of the site of Jesus College; its church was -sadly out of repair, and had no funds for its maintenance; and the -ordinary parish population had given place to Academical students with -their Halls and Schools. Fleming therefore planned to build his college -on the site of this church and its churchyard, increasing the area -by the purchase, on 4th April, 1430, of Craunford Hall, which stood -south of the churchyard, and, on the 20th June, 1430, by the purchase -of Little Deep Hall, which stood on the east of the churchyard. The -ground-plot so formed is represented by the present outer quadrangle of -the College. - -The two churches of All Saints and St. Michael were to provide the -endowment of the College. The lands and houses originally belonging -to them had already been taken away when they had been reduced -from rectories to vicarages, before they came to the patronage of -the bishops of Lincoln. Their only revenues now were therefore the -offerings in church, the fees at burials, etc., and the petty tithe -(called “Sunday pence,” being a penny per week from every house of over -twenty shillings annual value in the parish, doubled at the four great -festivals, viz. Christmas, Easter, Ascension, Whitsuntide).[159] These -revenues, together with the income of the chantry of St. Anne, seem -to have amounted to about £30; and out of them, when the College was -founded, £12 was to be paid for the maintenance of divine service in -the two churches and the chantry. - -With these revenues Fleming proposed to endow a college consisting -of a Warden and seven Fellows, who should, (1) study Theology, the -queen and empress of all the faculties (_omnium imperatrix et domina -facultatum_); (2) pray for the welfare of the founder during his life -and for the health of his soul after his death, as also for the souls -of his kindred and of his benefactors and of all faithful deceased. - -Fleming’s charter, uniting the churches and erecting the College, -is dated 19th Dec., 1429. He did not live to see his project -accomplished, for he died suddenly on 25th January, 1430-1. - -In what condition was the College when the founder died? The following -points may be noted:-- - -(1) The College was founded, and had received its charter of -incorporation, together with certain “ordinances” for its government, -which Rotheram says he imitated in framing the 1480 statutes; - -(2) The buildings of the College had been begun, namely, the present -tower, with the rooms over the gateway, in which, according to usual -custom, the Head of the College was to reside, and control the comings -in and goings out of its members; - -(3) MSS. had been given to the library;[160] the Catalogue of 1474 -specifying twenty-five “books” as given by the founder, chiefly -theological (among these, _Walden against Wycliffe_), but one or two -historical; - -(4) A small annual revenue had been provided for, but this would -probably not become available till the deaths, or cessions, of the -vicars of All Saints’ and St. Michael’s, and the chaplain of St. Anne; - -(5) A rector (William Chamberleyn) had been named by the founder, but -no Fellows; so that when Chamberleyn died (7th March, 1433-4) Fleming’s -successor, Bishop William Grey, finding it impossible to supply the -vacancy by election, according to Fleming’s ordinances, himself -nominated (on 7th May, 1434) Dr. John Beke. - -In Beke’s rectorship (1434-1460) the orphan College found good patrons -to carry out the intentions of its deceased founder. - -Before 1437 John Forest, Dean of Wells, built the Hall, the Kitchen, -the Library (now the Subrector’s room), the Chapel (now the Senior -Library), with living rooms above and below the Library and below the -Chapel, so that he deservedly was recognized by the College as its -“co-founder.” - -In 1444 William Finderne, of Childrey, gave a large sum of money -towards the buildings, and his estate of Seacourt, a farm at Botley -near Oxford; in return the College was to appoint an additional Fellow -(“_sacerdos et collega_”) to pray for Finderne. - -In 1436, we have evidence of a Rector, seven Fellows, and two Chaplains -of Lincoln College. An account-book of 1456 has been preserved, showing -the Rector and five Fellows in residence and in receipt of commons. - -Beke resigned in 1460, and was succeeded in Jan. 1460-1 by the third -Rector, John Tristrop, who had been resident in College as a Commoner -in 1455, and had probably at one time been Fellow. - -In the first year of Tristrop’s rectorship the dissolution of the -College was threatened. The charter of incorporation had been obtained -from Henry VI.; and now that he had been deposed (on 4th March, -1460-1) by Edward IV., some powerful person seems to have coveted -the possessions of the College, and suggested that Edward IV. should -not grant it a charter, but seize it into his own hands. The College -besought the protection of George Nevill, Bishop of Exeter, Lord High -Chancellor, himself a graduate of Oxford. By Nevill’s influence the -College secured from Edward IV., on 23rd Jan., 1461-2, pardon of all -offences and release of all amercements incurred by them, and on 9th -Feb., 1461-2, a charter confirming the College and extending its right -to hold lands in mortmain. The reality of the danger and the gratitude -of the College for preservation are sufficiently apparent by the -way in which the Rector and Fellows tendered their thanks to Bishop -Nevill: although he had given nothing to the College, yet by a solemn -instrument, dated 20th Aug., 1462, they assigned him the same place in -their prayers as the founder himself, “because he had delivered the -College from being torn to pieces by dogs and plunderers.” - -This danger averted, and confidence in the legal position of the -College restored, the stream of benefactions again began to flow. - -In 1463 the College purchased from University College three halls lying -next to it in St. Mildred’s (now Brasenose) Lane and in Turl Street, -thus doubling its original ground-plot. - -In 1464 Bishop Thomas Beckington’s executors, out of the monies he -had left to be applied by them to charitable uses, gave £200 to build -a house for the Rector at the south end of the hall, consisting of -a large room on the ground-floor and another on the first floor -(the dining-room and drawing-room of the present Rector’s Lodgings), -with cellar and attic. On the west front of this building was carved -Beckington’s rebus[161]--a flourished T, followed by a beacon set in a -barrel (_i. e._ “beacon”--“tun”) for “T. Beckington”--and his coat of -arms, with the rebus, on the east front. - -In 1465 the founder’s nephew, Robert Fleming, Dean of Lincoln, gave -the library thirty-eight MSS., chiefly of classical Latin authors, -comprising Cæsar, Cicero, Aulus Gellius, Horace, Juvenal, Livy, -Plautus, Quintilian, Sallust, Suetonius, Terence, Virgil. Most of -these, along with the old plate of the College, were embezzled by -Edward VI.’s commissioners, under pretence of purging the library of -Romanist books. - -Some years afterwards the very existence of the College was a second -time brought into danger. The scribe who wrote out the charter of -1461-2 (1 Edward IV.), had done his work in a most slovenly manner, -dropping here and there words required by the grammatical structure. -Unfortunately for the College, in one important place the words “_et -successoribus_” were omitted; and some one in authority, fastening on -this omission, suggested that the grant was only to the Rector and -Fellows for the time being, and on their death or removal would lapse -to the Crown. The College appealed, in 1474, for protection to Thomas -Rotheram, Bishop of Lincoln and therefore Visitor of the College, and -(from May 1474 to April 1475, and again from Sept. 1475) Lord High -Chancellor of England. - -The manner of this appeal, as recounted by Subrector Robert Parkinson -about 1570, in the College register, is sufficiently dramatic. When -Rotheram, in the visitation of his diocese, was at Oxford, the Rector -or one of the Fellows of Lincoln College preached before him from the -text, Ps. lxxx. (lxxxi.), vers. 14, 15, “Behold and visit this vine, -and complete it which thy right hand hath planted.” The preacher -described the desolate condition of the College, founded by Rotheram’s -predecessor, unprotected from the enemies who sought to destroy it; -and his words so moved the bishop that he at once rose up and told the -preacher that he would perform his desire.[162] - -Rotheram was not slow in fulfilling his promise. To relieve the -present necessities of the College he gave, in July 1475, a grant -of £4 per annum during his life. Thereafter he completed the front -quadrangle by building its southern side;[163] and he very greatly -increased the endowments by impropriating[164] the rectories of Long -Combe in Oxfordshire and Twyford in Bucks. He increased the number of -Fellowships by five; but at least three of these had been provided for -by earlier benefactors, one by Finderne, one by Forest and Beckington’s -executors, and one (for the study of Canon Law) by John Crosby, -Treasurer of Lincoln Cathedral. - -To secure the legal position of the College, he obtained from Edward -IV., 16th June, 1478, a larger charter. In this the king recites his -former charter; mentions the doubt which had arisen by reason of its -omitting the words “_et successoribus_”; and then sets the position -of the College as a _perpetua persona_ for ever at rest. In the same -charter the king still further increased the amount of lands which the -College might hold in mortmain. - -On 11th Feb., 1479-80, Rotheram provided for the internal government -of the College by the giving of a full body of statutes. Rotheram -therefore is justly regarded as our restorer and second founder. - -The later years of the fifteenth and the earlier years of the -sixteenth centuries increased the estates of the College by four -great benefactions. By an agreement with Margaret Parker, widow of -William Dagville, a parishioner of All Saints parish, the College in -1488 (5 Henry VIII.) came into possession of considerable property -in Oxford,[165] which had been bequeathed by Dagville, subject to his -widow’s life interest, by his will dated 2nd June, 1474, and proved 9th -Nov., 1476. In 1508 William Smith, Bishop of Lincoln, gave his manors -of Senclers in Chalgrove in Oxfordshire, and of Elston (or Bushbury) -in Staffordshire. In 1518 Edmund Audley, Bishop of Sarum, gave £400, -with which lands in Buckinghamshire were bought. And in 1537 Edward -Darby, Fellow in 1493, and now Archdeacon of Stowe, gave a large sum of -money, with which lands in Yorkshire were bought. Darby directed that -the number of Fellowships should be increased by three, to be nominated -by himself in his lifetime (one of the first three whom he nominated as -Fellows was Richard Bruarne, afterwards Regius Professor of Hebrew); -and afterwards, one to be nominated by the Bishop of Lincoln, the other -two to be elected by the College. - -In connection with Bishop Smith’s benefaction, we may note here -the singular fatality which has led the College in successive ages -to quarrel with its benefactors. Writing in 1570, Subrector Robert -Parkinson says, “Bishop Smith would have given to our College all -that he afterwards gave to Brasenose (founded by him in 1509) had -he agreed with the Rector and Fellows that then were.” With Smith’s -change of plans, part of Darby’s benefaction went, for he also founded -a Fellowship in Brasenose. Sir Nathaniel Lloyd was a chief benefactor -in the early eighteenth century to All Souls in Oxford, and to Trinity -Hall in Cambridge: in three successive drafts of his will he takes -the trouble to write, “I gave £500 to Lincoln College, which was not -applied as I directed: so no more from me!” Lord Crewe, our greatest -benefactor of modern times, well deserving the title of “our third -founder,” was almost provoked[166] to recalling his benefaction. -A quarrel with John Radcliffe diverted from Lincoln College the -munificence which doubled the buildings of University College and -provided for the erection of the Radcliffe Library, the Infirmary, and -the Observatory. Other instances, both remote and recent, might also be -cited. - -Having now brought the history of the endowments of the College to that -point where their application within its walls can be conveniently -described, it is necessary to leave the annals of the College for -a time and consider its organization, as it was arranged for by -Rotheram’s statutes, modified slightly by subsequent benefactions. - -The College was to consist of (I) the Rector; (II) Fellows; (III) -Chaplains; (IV) Commoners; (V) and Servants. - -(I) To the Rector was, of course, in general terms committed the -government of the College and its members. But he was allowed large -limits of absence from College; and he was to be capable of holding -any ecclesiastical benefice in conjunction with his rectorship. In the -founder’s intention, therefore, the headship of the College was to be -an office of dignity, and the holder set free from the ordinary routine -of college work. It was also to be a reward of past services to the -College, because only a Fellow, or ex-Fellow, was eligible for the -office. - -(II) The Fellows were to be thirteen in number, counting the Rector -as holding a Fellowship; and consequently, when augmented by Darby, -sixteen. Provision was made for the increase of their number if the -revenues of the College could bear it; but this provision seems never -to have been acted on. The corresponding provision for diminution of -the number of Fellowships to eleven, to seven, to five, and even to -three, was, however, from time to time had recourse to; and as a rule, -the circumstances of the College have not permitted of the extreme -number of Fellowships being filled up.[167] - -The Fellows were to be elected from graduates of Oxford or Cambridge, -born within the counties or dioceses described below; and if not -already in priest’s orders were to take them immediately they were -of age for them. A Bachelor of Arts was not to be elected unless -there was no Master of Arts possessed of the proper county or diocese -qualification. When, however, Darby in 1537 gave his three additional -Fellowships, he recognized the fact that there might be no graduate in -the University eligible, and provided that they might be filled up by -the election of an undergraduate Fellow[168] either from undergraduates -in Oxford, or by taking a boy from some grammar school in Lincoln -diocese; but the person so elected was to have no voice in College -business until he had taken his degree. - -Taking the full number of Rector, twelve Foundation Fellows, and three -Darby Fellows, the sixteen places on the foundation of Lincoln College -were assigned as follows-- - -One Fellowship was to be filled up from the diocese of Wells (_i. e._ -county of Somerset), in memory of the benefactions of John Forest, -dean, and Thomas Beckington, bishop, of Wells; but this Fellow was -specially excluded from election to the Rectorship or Subrectorship. -All the other places were to be apportioned between the dioceses of -York and Lincoln. It is not known whether Fleming, himself a native of -Yorkshire and bishop of Lincoln, had made any such limitations; but -Rotheram, possessed of the same twofold interest, draws particular -attention to the fact that his College is designed to make provision -for natives of these two dioceses which had hitherto been neglected by -the founders of colleges. Four places were assigned for natives of the -county of Lincoln, with a preference to natives of the archdeaconry of -Lincoln; four places were open to natives of the diocese of Lincoln; -two places were assigned for natives of the county of York, with a -preference to natives of the Archdeaconry of York, and within that with -a more particular preference to the parish of Rotherham, in which the -second founder was born; two places were to be open to natives of the -diocese of York. Of the Darby Fellowships, one was to be for a native -of the Archdeaconry of Stowe, one for a native of Leicestershire or -Northamptonshire (with a preference to the former), and one for a -native of Oxfordshire.[169] - -The next point which we may consider is the duties of the Fellows. -These may be classified as follows:-- - -(1) They were to be “theologi” (students of theology), with the single -exception of the holder of the Fellowship founded by John Crosby for -the study of Canon Law. Their orthodoxy was ensured by a very stringent -clause directed against heretical opinions:--“if it be proved by two -trustworthy witnesses that any Fellow, _in public or in private_, has -favoured heretical tenets, and in particular that pestilent sect, -lately sprung up, which assails the sacraments, divers orders and -dignities, and property of the Church,” the College is to compel him to -immediate submission and correction, or else to expel him. - -(2) They were to pray for the souls of founders and benefactors, at the -celebration of mass, in bidding-prayers, in the graces in hall, after -disputations, and on the anniversaries of their death. This was the -chief duty contemplated by all pre-Reformation benefactors. - -(3) They had considerable duties to perform with regard to their four -Churches which may be classified thus:-- - -(_a_) As regards spiritualities. Although the ordinary services of the -Churches throughout the year were to be discharged by four salaried -Chaplains, yet, during Lent, a Fellow of the College was to assist the -Chaplain of All Saints in hearing confessions and in other ministerial -functions; another, similarly, to assist the Chaplain of St. -Michael’s; another, to assist the Chaplain at Combe; and the Rector, -or a Fellow appointed by him, to assist the Chaplain at Twyford. On -all greater festival days, the Rector or his representative (in an -amice, if he had one, and if not, in surplice, and the hood of his -degree), accompanied by all the Fellows (except one who was to attend -as representative of the College at St. Michael’s), was to go to -service at All Saints.[170] St. Mildred’s Church was to be commemorated -on her day (13th July) by a celebration in the College chapel; and the -benefaction of John Bucktot by a Fellow going to Ashendon to say mass -on St. Matthias day, and that of William Finderne by a similar service -in Childrey parish church.[171] Sermons in English were to be preached -at All Saints on Easter Day and on All Saints Day,[172] by the Rector, -and on the dedication day of that Church, by one of the Fellows; and at -St. Michael’s on Michaelmas Day, by one of the Fellows.[173] - -(_b_) As regards temporalities. On the 6th of May a “Rector chori” was -to be appointed for All Saints and a “Rector chori” for St. Michael’s; -their duties were to occupy the Rector’s stall in the chancel, and to -collect all alms, fees, etc., for the bursar of the College. These -duties at Twyford belonged to the Rector of the College, and at Combe -were supervised by him. - -(4) As regards the ordinary academical curriculum, the founder’s -requirements were by no means exacting. - -(_a_) The College disputations were to be weekly during Term, in Logic -and Philosophy on Wednesdays, for those members who had taken B.A. and -not yet proceeded to M.A. (there being no undergraduates, according to -the founder’s scheme); and in Theology on Fridays, for all members of -M.A. standing. Both sets of disputations were to cease during Lent, -when the Fellows were engaged in their ministerial duties. - -(_b_) Fellows, elected as B.A., were to proceed to M.A. as soon as -possible; Fellows were to take B.D. (or B. Can. L. in case of the -Canonist Fellow) within nine years from M.A.; and, unless the College -approved of an excuse, to proceed to D.D. (or D. Can. L.) within six -years later. The last of these provisions, however, was practically a -dead letter, for the College never forced any Fellow to the expensive -dignity of the Doctorate. - -(5) Study, however, as distinct from formal academical exercises, -was inculcated as a virtue both by persuasions and punishments. The -Subrector was charged to rebuke Fellows not merely for offences against -morality and decorum, but for being neglectful of books; and unless the -Fellows so admonished submitted and mended their ways, they were to be -expelled. - -The founder and later benefactors, as has been from time to time noted, -made gifts of “books” (_i. e._ MSS.) for the use of the Fellows; -and John Forest built a library for their reception. According to -Rotheram’s statutes, two classes of books were to be recognized-- - -(_a_) Those which were to be chained in the library, and which the -reader had therefore to consult there. According to the Catalogue of -1474, this library then contained 135 MSS., arranged on seven desks. - -(_b_) Those which were to be considered as “in the common choice” of -the Rector and Fellows. On each 6th November a list of these was to be -made out; the Rector was to choose one, and after him the Fellows one -each, according to their seniority,[174] and so on till the books were -all taken out; thereafter, the Fellows were to take the books to their -own rooms, depositing a bond for their safe custody and return. In 1476 -there were 35 books in this “lending library,” different from the 135 -above-mentioned. A record is also found of the books (18 in number) -thus borrowed by the Fellows in 1595 and (17 in number) in 1596; among -them are two copies of Augustine _De civitate Dei_, and one of Servius -_In Virgilium_. - -(6) The Fellows had to take their share in the ordinary routine of -College business, especially in the two chief meetings on 6th May and -6th November, called “chapters” (_capitula_), and to serve when called -upon in the College offices. These were three in number, all held for -one year only. - -(_a_) The Subrector was charged with the general management of the -College during the Rector’s absence, the supervision of the conduct -of the Fellows and commoners, the presiding over disputations, and -the writing of all letters on College business. The emblem of his -office was a whip, which, with his alternative title (Subrector _sive_ -Corrector[175]), is eloquent as to his original duty of correcting -faults of conduct by corporal punishment. This scourge of four tails, -made of plaited cord after the old fashion, is still extant and -perfect, is solemnly laid down by the Subrector at the conclusion of -his term of office, and restored to him next day on his re-election. -It has been coveted for the Pitt-Rivers anthropological museum, as a -genuine example of the “flagellum” of mediæval discipline. - -(_b_) The Bursar (_thesaurarius_) was charged with the duties of paying -bills, collecting rents, and keeping accounts; of seeing that commons -were duly and sufficiently supplied; and of governing the College -servants (over whom he had the power, with the consent of the Rector, -of appointment and dismissal). - -(_c_) The Key-keeper (_claviger_) was to keep one of the three keys -with which the Treasury was locked, and one of the three keys of the -chest in the Treasury which contained the College money, the other keys -of these sets being in the charge of the Rector and Subrector. This -“chest of three keys” corresponds to the balance to the credit of the -College at its bankers and its investments in the public stocks; in it -were placed any surplus money or donations to meet sudden calls for -payment or to wait investment; and the idea of appointing a key-keeper -was that the chest might never be approached by any person at random -or singly, but always by responsible officers, protected against -themselves by the presence of others. - -(7) The Fellows were strictly required to reside in Oxford and within -College. During the Long Vacation they might be absent from College for -six weeks; at other times not for more than two days, without special -leave: the Rector and Subrector had, however, general directions given -them in the statutes not to be niggardly in granting leave in cases -where the presence of the applicant was required by no College duties. - -On several occasions of the visitation of the city by the plague, this -requirement of residence was relaxed; and the Fellows were permitted -to have all their allowances if they lived in common at some place -near Oxford. Thus, in the pestilence of 1535, commons were allowed to -the Rector, Subrector, and five Fellows in residence at Launton, for a -fortnight in some cases, for a month in others; and in that of 1538, -commons were allowed to the Rector, Subrector, and twelve Fellows in -residence at Gosford (near Kidlington), during a period of no less than -fifteen weeks. - -During Elizabeth’s reign, leaves of absence become frequent and -continuous, and are practically equivalent to non-residence. The -Fellows in this reign, and later, developed a bad habit of asking for -leave when their turn for disputing, or other duties, came round; and -several Visitors’ Injunctions are directed against granting leaves -unless a substitute has been provided to perform all duties. - -From this statement of the duties of the Fellows, we pass on to discuss -their emoluments. These can best be understood if we group them -together under separate heads. - -(_a._) Commons (_communiæ_), the weekly allowance for food at the -common table in the hall of the College, and at the regular time of -meals. Rotheram provided that in each week there should be allowed for -each Fellow in residence (counting the Rector as a Fellow), the sum -of sixteen-pence; fixing the allowance at that amount, and not more, -because, as he says, “clerks” should avoid luxury. - -Several festivals of the Church’s year were to be honoured by an -addition to the ordinary table-allowance. In the weeks in which the -following Holy-days occurred, the allowance for commons for each Fellow -was to be increased by the sum named:--Epiphany (6th Jan.), 4_d._; -Purification of Mary (Feb. 2nd), 2_d._; _Carnis privium_ (Septuagesima -Sunday), 2_d._; Annunciation of Mary (25th Mar.), 2_d._; Easter, -8_d._; Ascension, 4_d._; Whitsun day, 8_d._; Corpus Christi, 4_d._; -St. Mildred (13th July), 2_d._; Assumption of Mary (15th Aug.), 2_d._; -Nativity of Mary (8th Sept.), 2_d._; Michaelmas (29th Sept.), 2_d._; -dedication of St. Michael’s Church (in Oct.), 2_d._; All Saints’ Day -(1st Nov.), 4_d._; dedication of All Saints’ Church (in Nov.), 4_d._; -Conception of Mary (8th Dec.), 2_d._; Christmas, 8_d._ - -An incidental, and therefore very striking, indication of the plagues -which then infected the country is the care the statutes take to -provide for cases of leprosy or other noisome disease. The Fellow so -afflicted is to live away from the College, and to receive yearly forty -shillings in lieu of all allowances. - -(_b._) Salary (_salarium_), payments in money. Rotheram made no grants -for these, except to the Rector and the College officers; but he gave -liberty to other benefactors to make them. The first distinct mention -of such grants is in 1537, when Edmund Darby directs that 3_s._ 4_d._ -shall be paid annually to each Fellow, and 6_s._ 8_d._ to the Rector. -The dividends of the College rents, after payment of all charges, known -as “provision,” date no doubt from a very early period, but their -history cannot now be traced. - -(_c._) Livery (_vestura_), allowance for clothing. For this also -Rotheram made no provision, except to permit it if given by later -benefactors. Edmund Audley, Bishop of Sarum, in giving his benefaction -in 1518, directed that forty shillings per annum should be allowed _pro -robis_ to the Rector, and to each of the four senior Fellows. - -(_d._) The Fellows in common were entitled to the services of the -common servants; for which see below. - -(_e._) The Fellows were entitled to have rooms (_cameræ_) rent-free. -These were to be chosen, according to seniority, on the May chapter. -About 1600 we find that along with his room, the Fellow received also -the attic (“loft,” or “cock-loft”) over it, into which he might put a -tenant from whom he might receive rent. How far this custom had come -down from antiquity we have no means of saying. - -(_f._) Obits (_obitus_), allowances for being present at Mass on the -anniversary-day of a benefactor. A considerable benefactor invariably -made a bargain with the College, that his name should be kept in -remembrance, and his soul’s health prayed for in a special Mass, yearly -on the anniversary of his death, or, if that should clash with some -very solemn season of the Church’s year, on the nearest convenient day. -To insure the presence of the Rector and Fellows, he generally ordered -that each Fellow present at the Commemoration Service should receive a -stipulated sum, which was called by the same name as the day itself, an -“obit.” - -The following are the dates of the obits in Lincoln College, and -the amount paid to each Fellow; the Rector as celebrant, receiving -in each case double the amount which a Fellow received:--Jan. 10th, -Edward Darby, 1_s._; Jan. 16th, Bishop Beckington, 6_d._; Feb. 23rd, -Archdeacon Southam, 1_s._; March 21st, John Crosby, 8_d._; March 26th, -Dean Forest, 1_s._; April 11th, Cardinal Beaufort, 8_d._; May 29th, -Rotheram, the second founder, 1_s._; Aug. 23rd, Bishop Audley, 1_s._; -Oct. 10th, Bishop William Smith, 1_s._; Oct. 29th, William Dagvill, -1_s._; Nov. 16th, William Bate, 6_d._--all of them early benefactors. -The obit of the first founder, Fleming, was fixed for Jan. 25th; but no -allowances made for it, gratitude alone being strong enough to ensure -the attendance of all the Fellows. - -At the Reformation, the celebration of Mass and, consequently, the -observance of these anniversary services in the form directed by -the statutes, became illegal, and the chapel services ceased. The -allowances still continued to be paid to each Fellow who was present in -College on the particular day, the test of “presence” being now dining -in hall at the ordinary hour of dinner. - -(_g._) Pittances (_pietantia_). Besides the sum given to the Rector and -each Fellow on a benefactor’s anniversary day, it is sometimes directed -that a sum shall be paid to them in common for “a pittance,” _i. e._ -as I suppose, to provide a better dinner on that day. Thus Cardinal -Beaufort gave a pittance of 3_s._ 4_d._; Rotheram, one of 2_s._; Edward -Darby, one of 3_s._ 4_d._ - -(III) The Chaplains were four in number. Two were to serve the churches -of All Saints and St. Michael in Oxford, one of whom must be of the -diocese of York, the other of the diocese of Lincoln. They were to be -appointed by the Rector, and to be removed by him when he chose; and -each to receive from the College a stipend of £5 per annum. A third -Chaplain was to serve the church of Twyford under the same conditions, -except that his stipend was to be paid by the Rector; a fourth was to -serve the church of Combe Longa. - -It was clearly no part of the founder’s intention that the chaplaincies -should be served by the Fellows: and we find, down to the Civil War -and the Commonwealth, instances of Chaplains who were not Fellows. -But after the Restoration, when £5 per annum no longer represented a -reasonable year’s income, there was a growing feeling that it was for -the honour of the College that the duties of Chaplain of All Saints, -St. Michael’s, and Combe should be undertaken by Fellows. And so long -as there were Fellows in orders enough for the duties, this was done. -In the last half century, recognizing the changed circumstances of the -times, the College has provided a more adequate endowment for each of -its four chaplaincies. - -(IV) The Servants. Rotheram’s statutes provided that the Rector and -each Fellow should have free of charge his share of the services of the -“common” servants (_i. e._ of the College servants). These were (1) the -manciple, whose duty it was to buy in provisions and distribute them in -College; (2) the cook; (3) the barber;[176] (4) the laundress. From an -account-book of 1591, it appears that the salary of the manciple and of -the cook was £1 6_s._ 8_d._ per annum; of the barber, 10_s._; and of -the laundress £2. - -There was also the bible-clerk (_bibliotista_, contracted _bita_), -who was to be the Rector’s servant when he was in residence. At -dinner in hall he was to read, from the Bible, or some expositor, or -some other instructive book, a portion appointed by the Rector or -Subrector; and at dinner and supper he was to wait at the Fellows’ -table. For these services he was to receive food and drink; a room; -and washing and shaving (the latter referring to the tonsure probably, -and not suggesting that he was old enough to grow a beard). Different -benefactors made additions to his emoluments; and at last, until -divided by the 1855 statutes into two “Rector’s Scholarships,” the -Bible-clerkship was the best paid office in College, being worth three -times the Subrectorship, twice the Bursarship, or once and a half a -Tutorship. - -(V) The Commoners, or Sojourners (_commensales seu sojornantes_). -Almost from the first there had been graduates resident in College, -attracted by its quiet and by its social life, but not on the -foundation, and therefore receiving no allowances from the College. -Rotheram’s statutes provided for their discipline, directing that -they must take part in the disputations of the Fellows, and so on. -Undergraduates are by implication excluded; and this presumption is -increased to a certainty by the fact that no provision is made in the -statutes for tuition. - -In its beginnings, therefore, Lincoln College differs from our modern -conceptions of a College alike in its aims and in its constitution. In -all external features, and partially also in its domestic arrangements, -it resembles a monastic house; but it differs from a convent in two -important, though not obvious, points; first, that its inmates are -not bound by a rule, and are free to depart from the College into -the wider service of the Church; secondly, that the duty of prayer -for benefactors and the Christian dead is co-ordinate with two other -duties, the duty of serving certain churches, and the duty of studying -for study’s sake and for the truth. We have next to inquire how the -College changed its original character, and was made, like other Oxford -Colleges, a place of residence for undergraduates, with a body of -Fellows engaged in tuition. This was one of the indirect results of the -Reformation. - -Under Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Elizabeth, the old freedom of -the University was taken away, lest, if the immunities of the place -continued, Oxford should become an asylum for disaffected persons.[177] -No undergraduate was to be allowed in the University, unless he had -the protection of a graduate tutor; and residence was to be restricted -to residence within the walls of a College or Hall. There was thus -an external pressure forcing undergraduates to enter Colleges. There -was also a readiness from within the College to receive them. The -proceedings of the Reformers had been a violent shock to the adherents -of the old faith in Lincoln College; and now that the routine of chapel -services, masses, anniversaries, obits, could no longer be pursued, -these adherents devoted themselves to training up young students in -opposition to the new movement. And when, under John Underhill (Rector -1577-1590), the College was purged of the old leaven, the pressure -of poverty (which then began to be felt in the University) made the -Fellows glad to have undergraduates resident in College to keep up the -establishment and pay tuition fees. - -Unfortunately, there are no statistics of the stages of this change: -the intervals between the years in which statements of the numbers -in College occur being too great. In 1552 there were in College, the -Rector, eleven Fellows, one B.A. Commoner, and thirteen persons not -graduates, of whom some were certainly servitors, and some probably -servants. In 1575 the Rector and the greater part of the Fellows -have undergraduate pupils assigned to them in grammar and logic. In -1588 there were in College, the Rector and twelve Fellows, sixteen -undergraduate Commoners, and nine servitors. In 1746, there were -the Rector and twelve Fellows, eight Gentlemen-commoners, eighteen -Commoners, and eight Servitors. - -What provision was made for their instruction? - -From about 1592 the College appointed annually these instructors -for its undergraduates: (_a_) two “Moderators,” to preside over the -disputations in “Philosophy” and in “Logic” (occasionally when the -College was full, an additional “Moderator” was appointed in Logic); -(_b_) a Catechist, or theological instructor. Also, from 1615, a -lecturer in Greek, annually appointed, was added. Of these the -catechetical lecture disappears after 1642; the others continued to -be annually filled up till 1856, but for many years these had been -merely nominal appointments, the work of tuition devolving on regularly -appointed Tutors, as in other Colleges. But at what date these last had -been introduced into Lincoln College, is nowhere stated. In some few -years, exceptional appointments are made; as, for example, in 1624 a -Fellow is appointed to teach Hebrew; in 1708, £6 per annum is paid to -Philip Levi, the Hebrew master. - -Among these lecturers two may be noted. In 1607, and again in 1609 and -1610, Robert Sanderson was Logic lecturer; and began that vigorous -course of Logic, which was published in 1615, and long dominated the -Schools of Oxford: indeed, its indirect influence survived into the -present half century, if, as Rector Tatham wrote to Dean Cyril Jackson, -“Aldrich’s logic is cribbed from Sanderson’s.” In 1615 Sanderson was -Catechist, and perhaps at that time turned his attention to those -questions of casuistry, in which he was to gain enduring fame. John -Wesley was appointed to give the Logic and Greek lectures in 1727, -1728, 1730; and the Philosophy and Greek lectures in 1731, 1732, and -1733. - -What provision was made for the maintenance of undergraduates in the -College? - -In 1568, Mrs. Joan Traps, widow of Robert Traps, goldsmith of London, -bequeathed to the College lands at Whitstable in Kent for the -maintenance of four poor scholars. One scholar was to be nominated -from Sandwich School by the Mayor and Jurats of that town, but not -to be admitted unless the College thought him fit; in defect of such -nomination, Lincoln College was to fill this place up (as it did -the other three) from any grammar school in England. Each of these -four scholars was to receive fifty-three shillings and fourpence -half-yearly. Mrs. Traps was also, in her husband’s name, a benefactor -to Caius College, Cambridge, in which College their portraits hang. -Descendants of R. Traps’ brother are still found in Lancashire, -Catholics; and one of them has told me his belief that the Traps had -bought Church lands at the dissolution of the monasteries, intending -to return them to the Church when the nation was again settled on its -old lines; but this hope failing, devoted them to education,[178] as -so many other conscientious purchasers of Church lands did. If this -be so, it is fitting that the first recorded Traps’ Scholar, William -Harte (elected 25th May, 1571), should have been one of those sufferers -for the old faith, whose cruel and barbarous murders are so dark a -stain on the “spacious times” of Elizabeth. Mrs. Joyce Frankland, -daughter of the Traps, augmented the stipend of these “scholars.” She -was afterwards a considerable benefactress to Brasenose College, and a -most munificent donor to Caius College, Cambridge. Is she also to be -numbered among those “offended benefactors” who have been mentioned -above? Or had Lincoln College in her time been “reformed”? These four -Traps’ scholars,[179] commonly called the “Scholars of the House” -(being distinguished, as I suppose, by that name from the servitors -maintained privately by any Fellow), were for a century the only -undergraduates in Lincoln College in receipt of any endowment. - -In 1640, Thomas Hayne left £6 per annum in trust to the corporation -of Leicester for the maintenance of two scholars in Lincoln College -to be elected by the Mayor, Recorder, and Aldermen of that city. The -corporation received this benefaction, but never sent any scholar to -the College. Numerous educational benefactions throughout England were -lost, like this, in the anarchy of the Civil War. - -In 1655, a Chancery suit was begun against Anthony Foxcrofte, who had -destroyed a codicil of Charles Greenwood, Rector of Thornhill and -Wakefield, by which two Fellowships (or perhaps Scholarships) were -bestowed on Lincoln College. What the issue of the suit was, I cannot -say; nothing, certainly, came to the College. - -About 1670, Edmund Parboe left a rent-charge of £10 per annum issuing -out of the Pelican Inn in Sandwich, of which £4 was to be paid to the -master of the grammar-school there, £1 to the Mayor and Juratts for -wine “when they keep their ordinary there,” £5 to Lincoln College for -the increase of the scholarship from Sandwich school; if no scholar is -in College, it is to be funded till one is sent, and the arrears paid -to him. From that date the corporation of Sandwich never nominated a -scholar. I suspect the Mayor and Juratts treated the £5, like the £1, -as a _pour boire_. - -May the College still hope that the towns of Leicester and Sandwich, or -some one for them, will remember the long arrears of these endowments, -thus diverted from education? Even at simple interest, they would be -now a great benefaction; and at compound interest, how great! - -Later Scholarships and Exhibitions were founded by Rectors Marshall -(four, in 1688), Crewe (twelve, 1717), Hutchins (several, 1781), -Radford (several, 1851); also by Mrs. Tatham, widow of Rector Tatham -(one, 1847). In 1857, Henry Usher Matthews, formerly Commoner of the -College, founded a Scholarship in Lincoln College, and an Exhibition -in Shrewsbury School to be held in Lincoln College: but the Public -Schools Commissioners unjustly took the latter from the College. Since -that date no Scholarship benefaction has come to the College; but -Scholarships and Exhibitions have been created from time to time, under -the provisions of the Statutes of 1855, out of suspended Fellowships. - -The consideration of this change in the aims of the College has led us -beyond the point to which we had come in its annals; it is therefore -necessary to go back, and pass rapidly in review its post-Reformation -history. - -John Cottisford, the eighth Rector of the College (elected in March -1518-19), resigned on 7th Jan., 1538-9, probably[180] in dismay at the -course of events in the nation. His successor, Hugh Weston, elected on -8th Jan., was possibly supposed to be on the reforming side; for he was -undisturbed by Edward VI.’s Commissioners; but had to resign in 1555 -to the Visitors appointed by Cardinal Pole. Christopher Hargreaves, -elected on 24th Aug., 1555, and confirmed in his place by Cardinal -Pole’s Visitors, died on 15th Oct., 1558. His successor, Henry Henshaw -or Heronshaw, was hardly elected on 24th Oct., when the hopes of the -Romanist party were shattered. The College register, in the greatness -of its anxiety, breaks, on this one occasion, the silence it observes -as to affairs outside the College.[181] “In the year of our Lord 1558, -in November, died the lady of most holy memory, Mary, Queen of England, -and Reginald Poole, Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury; the body -of the former was buried in Westminster, the body of the latter in -his cathedral church of Canterbury, both on the same day, namely 14th -December. At this date the following were Rector and Fellows of Lincoln -College,” and then follows a list of them. Clearly the writer of this -note did not look forward to remaining long in College. Nor did he; -within two years Henshaw had to resign to Queen Elizabeth’s Visitors. -Francis Babington, who had just been made Master of Balliol by these -Visitors, was transferred to the Rectorship of Lincoln. In this -appointment we can detect the sinister influence which was to direct -elections at Lincoln for some time to come; Babington was chaplain -to Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, Chancellor of the University -after 1564. The election was in flagrant violation of the Statutes -which required that the Rector should be chosen from the Fellows or -ex-Fellows of the College. But it was the policy of the Court to break -College traditions, by thrusting outsiders into the chief government: -the same thing was done in other Colleges, the case of Lincoln being -peculiar only in the frequency of the intrusion. Doubts began to be -cast on Babington’s sincerity; he was accused of secretly favouring -Romanism; and in 1563 he found it advisable to betake himself beyond -sea.[182] Leicester was ready with another of his chaplains, John -Bridgwater, who had been Fellow of Brasenose, and was not statutably -eligible for the Rectorship of Lincoln. Again the Court was mistaken in -its man. Under Bridgwater the College became a Romanist seminary, and -continued so for eleven years; and then Bridgwater had to follow his -predecessor across the seas, retiring to Douay, where, Latinising his -name into “Aquapontanus,” he became famous as a theologian. He is still -held in honour among his co-religionists, and I remember several visits -paid to the College in recent years by admirers of his, in hopes of -seeing a portrait of him (but the College has none) or his handwriting -(which we have). Still another of his chaplains was thrust into Lincoln -College by the over-powerful Leicester; this time John Tatham, Fellow -of Merton. But Tatham’s Rectorship was destined to be a brief one: -elected in July 1574, he was buried in All Saints’ Church on 20th Nov., -1576. - -Then there took place a very remarkable contest, six candidates -seeking the Rectorship. Only one, John Gibson, Fellow since 1571, was -statutably qualified; although of only six years’ standing as a Fellow -he was still senior Fellow, a fact eloquent as to the removal of the -older Fellows from the College. Edmund Lilly, of Magd. Coll., another -candidate, relied apparently on his popularity in the University. -The other four candidates relied on compulsion from outside, William -Wilson, of Mert. Coll., being recommended by the Archbishop of -Canterbury, while the Chancellor (Lord Leicester) and the Bishops of -Lincoln and Rochester tried to secure the election of their respective -Chaplains. Leicester’s candidate, John Underhill, was specially -unacceptable to the College, having been removed from his Fellowship at -New College by the Bishop of Winchester (the Visitor there), because -of some malpractices with the College moneys. The Fellows elected John -Gibson; the Bishop of Lincoln refused to admit him. Leicester wrote -threatening letters to the College; summoned several of the Fellows to -London, and browbeat them there. Then, thinking he had now gained his -point, he proceeded to frighten off the other candidates, in order to -leave a clear field for Underhill. The Fellows again elected Gibson; -and the Bishop of Lincoln again refused to admit him. Then the Fellows -elected Wilson; but the Bishop refused to admit him. So that, there -being no help for it, they met again on 22nd June, 1577, and elected -Underhill. - -These proceedings caused great indignation in the University; and a -petition was drawn up, worded in very strong terms, entreating the -Archbishop of Canterbury to undertake the defence of the University -against the “iniquity, wrong, and violence” which had been done. This -was signed by resident B.D.’s and M.A.’s, and presented to his Grace, -who passed it on to Leicester. Leicester thereupon wrote a long letter -to Convocation, trying to justify his action, and threatening to resign -his Chancellorship of the University if further attacked in this matter. - -Underhill’s first step after his election was to begin a new register, -and to tear out of the old register all records of the proceedings -since the death of Tatham; so that the only entry in the College -books concerning this controversy is that Underhill was “unanimously -elected.” Leicester visited the College in 1585, and the Latin -congratulatory verses on that occasion are among the earliest printed -of Oxford contributions to that particularly dull form of literature. -Underhill remained rector till 1590. By that time the see of Oxford -had been vacant twenty years; and, as the leases of the episcopal -estates were running out, Sir Francis Walsingham required a bishop who -would make new leases and give him a share of the fines. He selected -Underhill for this purpose, who was consecrated Bishop of Oxford in -December 1589, and resigned the Rectorship of the College in 1590. His -patron, having no further use for him after the renewal of the leases, -neglected him; and Underhill died in poverty and disgrace in May 1592. - -Leicester being now dead, the College at this vacancy was left to -choose its own head; and Richard Kilby, Fellow since 1578, was elected -sixteenth rector on 10th December, 1590. Kilby’s Rectorship proved one -continuous domestic struggle, which has left its mark in the College -register in scored-out pages and blotted entries, as plainly as an -actual battle leaves its mark in fields of grain trampled down by -contending armies. The question was about the number of Fellows. In -Underhill’s Rectorship the College appears to have been impoverished, -and unable to pay the full body of Fellows their allowances. Kilby’s -policy was to leave the Fellowships vacant, in order to keep up the -income of the present holders; the opposition in College desired to -fill up the Fellowships and to submit to a reduction of stipend all -round. - -In April 1592 the number of Fellows had fallen to nine. On 24th April -three Fellows were elected; this election was quashed by the Visitor -on 8th December of the same year. But the Fellows returned to the -charge, and elected three Fellows on 15th December, and five others -on 16th December, 1592; so that in 1593 the College consists of the -Rector and the full number of Fellows (_i. e._ fifteen). Vacancies -occur rapidly, the Fellowships being so small in value. In 1596, and -again in 1599, elections of one Fellow are made, are appealed against, -but confirmed by the Visitor. In 1600 the number of Fellows had again -fallen as low as ten, and the Fellows wished to proceed to an election; -but the Rector (Kilby) tried to prevent their doing so by retiring to -the country. The Subrector, (Edmund Underhill) called a meeting, and -on 3rd November, 1600, the Fellows, in the Rector’s absence, elected -into two vacancies. Kilby induced the Visitor to quash these elections; -Edmund Underhill appealed to the Archbishop of Canterbury as primate of -the southern province. This was against the statutes, which directed -that no Fellow should invoke any other judge than the Visitor; and on -this ground, on 4th May, 1602, Kilby procured Underhill’s expulsion. -At the end of 1605 there were only five Fellows remaining; by 2nd May, -1606, two more had resigned. On the next day the Rector and the three -Fellows remaining elected eight new Fellows, the last of the eight -being certainly not the least, but the most illustrious Lincoln name of -the century, Robert Sanderson, the prince of casuists. - -The years which follow, from this election to the breaking out of -the Civil War, present two aspects. Externally tokens of prosperity -are not wanting. The buildings were considerably increased. In 1610 -Sir Thomas Rotheram, probably the same who had been Fellow from 1586 -to 1593 and Bursar[183] in 1592, and apparently of kin to the second -Founder,[184] built the west side of the chapel quadrangle. The chapel -itself, with its beautiful glass (said to be the work of an artist -Abbott, brother of the Archbishop), was the gift of John Williams, -Bishop of Lincoln and Visitor of the College. Bishop Williams at the -same time (1628-1631) built the east side of the chapel quadrangle. The -work cost more than he had promised to give, and the College had to -complete it at its own charges; £90 being spent on this work in 1629, -“as being all the sum that my lord our benefactor did require or the -College could spare.” It is curious to find[185] the same benefactor -doing exactly the same thing in the fixed sum he gave (and would not -increase) for building the library at St. John’s College in Cambridge. -If we turn, however, to the domestic annals of the College during -this period we find an unlovely picture of turbulence and disorder. -Fellows and Commoners alike are accused of boorish insolence, of -swinish intemperance, of quarrelling and fighting. Bursars mismanage -their trust and fail to render account of the College moneys they have -received. Fellows try to defraud the College by marrying in secret and -retaining their Fellowships. Two or three of the less scandalous scenes -will be sufficient to indicate the violence of the times. On 20th -November, 1634, Thomas Goldsmith, B.A., had to read a public apology in -chapel for “a most cruel and barbarous assault” on William Carminow, an -undergraduate. In December 1634 Thomas Smith, an M.A. commoner, made -“a desperate and barbarous assault” on Nicholas North, another M.A. -commoner, in the room of the latter. The same Thomas Smith a month -before had been ordered by the Rector “to take his dogs[186] out of the -College,” which order he had treated with contempt. In October 1636 -Richard Kilby and John Webberley, two Fellows, fell out and fought; and -“Mr. Kilbye’s face was sore bruised and beaten.” The College ordered -Webberley “to pay the charge of the surgeon for healing of Mr. Kilbye’s -face.” - -We must pass very hastily over the period from 1641 to the Restoration, -not because the annals of Lincoln are lacking in interest during -these years, but because space presses and the chief incidents have -been noted in Wood’s _History of the University_ and in Burrows’ -_Register of the Parliamentary Visitation_. Paul Hood, the Rector, -being a Puritan, kept his place under the Commonwealth, and having -been constitutionally elected before the Civil War, retained it at the -Restoration. Ten Fellows were ejected by the Parliamentary Visitors, -and ten put into their place, at least six of them being persons of -unsatisfactory character. At the Restoration Hood got the King’s -Commissioners to eject those of the ten who remained, and seven Fellows -were elected in their place, the only name of interest among these -being that of Henry Foulis, famous in his own age for his violent and -bulky invectives against Presbyterianism and Romanism. - -Lincoln College was singularly fortunate during the latter half of -the seventeenth and for the greater part of the eighteenth centuries. -Hood, at the Restoration, was in extreme old age, and left the whole -management of the College to Nathaniel Crewe (Subrector 1664-1668), -so that it fairly escaped the break-down in manners, morals, and -studies which the Restoration brought to many Colleges. Crewe, after -a short Rectorship of four years (1668-1672), was raised to the -Episcopal Bench; and at the close of his long life proved our greatest -benefactor. When he resigned Crewe used his influence to get Thomas -Marshall elected Rector, a good scholar and a good governor; who, on -his death in 1685, left his estate to the College. His successor, -Fitz-herbert Adams, was also a considerable benefactor. Of John Morley -and Euseby Isham, who followed, John Wesley speaks in the highest -terms. Richard Hutchins, twenty-third Rector (1755-1781), was a model -disciplinarian and an excellent man of business; and, following -Marshall’s example, left his estate for the endowment of scholarships. - -During this happy period much was done to improve the College, which -can only be touched on in the briefest outline here. In 1662 John Lord -Crewe of Steane (father of Nathaniel) converted the old chapel--which -since the consecration of the new chapel on 15th September, 1631, -had lain empty--into a library, which it still remains, and changed -the library into a set of rooms. In 1662 the room under the library -westwards was set aside as a room where the Fellows might have their -common fires and hold their College meetings;[187] it is still the -Fellows’ morning-room. In 1684 the common-room was wainscotted at a -cost of £90, Dr. John Radcliffe subscribing £10, and George Hickes -and John Kettlewell each £5. In 1686 Fitz-herbert Adams spent £470 -on repairing and beautifying the chapel. In 1697-1700 the hall was -wainscotted at a cost of £270, to which Lord Crewe gave £100. Rector -Hutchins bought from Magdalen College some of the houses between the -College and All Saints’ Church, and left money to purchase the others, -so as to form the present College garden. - -During this period also the roll of the Fellows received some of its -more famous names. The two eminent non-jurors, George Hickes and John -Kettlewell; the celebrated physician, John Radcliffe; John Potter, -whose Greek scholarship promoted him to the see of Canterbury; and John -Wesley,[188] by and by to win a name only less famous than that of -Wycliffe in the history of religion in England, may be cited. - -The long period of prosperity which Lincoln College had enjoyed -during the later part of the seventeenth and the earlier part of the -eighteenth centuries was followed in the end of the eighteenth and the -beginning of the nineteenth centuries by a period of decline, during -which the College had its full share in the general stagnation of the -University, and was chiefly notable for the grotesque eccentricities -of its rector, Edward Tatham (Rector 1792-1834). Tatham, an M.A. of -Queen’s College, had been elected into a Yorkshire Fellowship at -Lincoln in 1782. Shortly after his election he came into conflict with -the Rector (John Horner) over a number of points in the interpretation -of the statutes; and after several appeals to the Visitor, was -successful in his contention. In 1790 he distinguished himself by the -ponderous learning, and the vigorous, if coarse, style of his Bampton -Lectures, _The Chart and Scale of Truth by which to find the cause -of Error_ (published in 1790 in two volumes; a copy in the College -library has additional MS. notes by the author). In March 1792 he was -elected Rector, and one of his first achievements was the use he made -of his old practice in controversy over the statutes to obtain from -the Visitor an unstatutable augmentation of the stipend of the Rector. -In the old obits, the Rector, being celebrant, had been assigned -double the allowance of any Fellow; and in elections, according to an -almost universal custom in Oxford Colleges, his vote counted for two. -By emphasizing these points and suppressing contradictory evidence, -Tatham persuaded the Visitor to decree that for the future the Rector’s -Fellowship should receive double of _all_ the allowances of an ordinary -Fellowship. Tatham was known as a forcible but most unconventional -preacher; and one phrase of his, used in the University pulpit,[189] -has become almost proverbial, that namely in which he wished that “all -the Jarman[190] philosophers were at the bottom of the Jarman ocean,” -forgetting in the heat of his rhetoric to make it plain to his audience -whether he meant the writers or their writings. In University business -Tatham was at war with the Hebdomadal Board, and used to brow-beat its -members, accusing them of “intrigues, cabals, and subterfuges.” He was -therefore well-hated by many of his contemporaries, and a great subject -of those pasquils and lampoons which, orally and in writing, circulated -freely in the University. In several of these Tatham had been compared -in features and disposition to the “devil,” who, after the fashion of -the similar grotesque at Lincoln Cathedral, “looked over Lincoln” from -his niche on the quadrangle-side of the gate-tower. Irritated at this, -Tatham ordered the leaden figure to be taken down.[191] Then came out -a lampoon, longer and more bitter than any before, in which the wit -consists in making the word “devil” occur as often as possible in every -quatrain, and the point is to suggest that when Tatham was returning -from dining out (“full of politics, learning, and port was his pate”) -the devil, tired of standing so long inactive, had flown off with him -into space; where leaving him, the devil returned to establish himself -in person in the Rectorship and to govern the College with the help of -“two imps, called tutors.” During the later years of his life Tatham -availed himself of the large liberty of non-residence allowed the -Rector by the then statutes, and lived chiefly in the rectory-house at -Combe. There he enjoyed the pleasures of a rough country life, farming -the glebe, and devoting himself with marked success to the rearing -of his special breed of pigs. He rarely visited Oxford; and when he -did, always brought with him in his dog-cart a pair of his pigs to be -exposed for sale in the pig-market, which was then held in High Street -beside All Saints Church. On these occasions his dress is described by -a contemporary to have been so strictly in keeping with his favourite -pursuit that he ran no risk of being mistaken for a Doctor of Divinity -or the head of a College. There was, however, one occasion on which -Tatham came out in his “scarlet,” with great effect. The College had -some rights in the naming of the master of Skipton Grammar School, -Yorkshire. On occasion of a vacancy the local governors were disposed -to dispute the claim. Tatham went north, at the previous stage put on -his Doctor’s robes, drove into Skipton attired in their splendour, and -dazzled the opposition into acknowledging the College claim. He died on -24th April, 1834, aged 84. - -As might be expected, Lincoln College did not prosper during Tatham’s -rectorship. A scholarship was lost. Sir George Wheler, a Commoner -of the College, had left in 1719 a yearly rent-charge of £10 on a -house in St. Margaret’s parish, Westminster, to certain trustees “to -pay to a poor scholar in Lincoln College that shall have been bred -up in the grammar school at Wye.” From 1735 to 1759 no payment was -made; and then the Rev. Granville Wheler, in recognition of arrears, -increased the rent-charge to £20, and directed that if no boy was sent -from Wye, the scholarship should be open to any grammar school in -England. In Horner’s and Tatham’s time the matter was neglected; and -the benefaction is now for ever lost to the College. Again, part of -the money received from the city in payment for the grand old College -garden, which by Act of Parliament was taken to form the present -Market, was invested in Government securities; but the books were so -carelessly kept that the exact details required by the Exchequer could -not afterwards be collected from them: so that part of the property of -Lincoln College is amongst those “unclaimed” dividends out of which the -new Law Courts were built. It is surely unjust that the nation should -thus make a College suffer for the negligence of one generation of its -officers. There was also great degeneracy in the _personnel_ of the -College. Oxford was then passing through that phase of hard-drinking -which within living memory still afflicted society in country places; -and from this vice Lincoln College was not exempt. Several of the -Fellows had curacies or small livings in the neighbourhood of Oxford, -to which they rode out, as represented in a well-known cartoon of the -time, on Saturday morning, returning to the College on Monday. On -Monday evening, therefore, they were all met together, and preparations -were made for a “wet night.” When the Fellows entered Common-room after -Hall, a bottle of port was standing on the side-board for each of their -number. These finished there would be a second (and as liberal) supply, -and very probably after that several of them would slip out to bring an -extra bottle from their private stores. Two instances of the _corruptio -optimi_ of the times--the degradation of men who had received a -University education--may be cited. A Fellow of Lincoln College got -into debt, and his Fellowship was sequestrated by his creditors, who -allowed him a small pittance out of its proceeds, and applied the rest -to the liquidation of his debts; he became an ordinary tramp, and died -in the casual ward at Northampton, after holding his Fellowship for -twenty-five years. An ex-Fellow, incumbent of one of the more distant -and valuable College livings, got, by his own extravagance, into the -clutches of the money-lenders, who sequestrated his living and confined -him in Oxford Debtors’ prison, where he remained year after year -till his death. When, in 1854, the new incumbent went to the living, -he found that the parishioners, unable to get anything out of their -Rector, had helped themselves from the Rectory-house; windows, doors, -staircases, floors, slates, stones had been taken away, and the ruins, -sold at auction, fetched less than £10. - -The tuition in College became of the meanest and poorest stamp. The -public lectures consisted in the lecturer hearing the men translate -without comment a few lines of Virgil or Homer in the morning; and the -informal instruction was equally paltry. One story of a Lincoln tutor -of the time may be set down here, though it is probably exceptional -and not typical. The narrator, an Archdeacon, “Venerable” not only -by title but by years, said--“I was pupil to Mr. ----, and I did not -altogether approve of his method of tuition. His method, sir, was this: -I read through with him the greater part of the second extant decade of -Livy, in which, as you are aware, the name of Hannibal not infrequently -occurs. There was a bottle of port on the table; and whenever we came -to the name of that Carthaginian general, my tutor would replenish -his glass, saying, ‘Here’s that old fellow again; we must drink his -health,’ never failing to suit the action to the word.” - -An odd incident has to be told in connection with Tatham’s death. An -examination previous to an election to a Lincoln county Fellowship -had been duly announced, and on 24th April, 1834, the candidates were -assembled in Hall waiting for the first paper. The opinion of his -contemporaries had singled out Henry Robert Harrison of Lincoln as the -favourite candidate, and it was, therefore, with some satisfaction -that the other candidates learned from one of their own number, that -the coach coming from Leicester had been overturned the day before, -and that Harrison, who was an outside passenger by it, had had his leg -broken, and would be unable to appear. The paper was now given out, -and they set to it with zest; but before they had finished it a Fellow -came in with a grave face, told them that a messenger had brought -word that the Rector had died that morning at Combe, and that, as the -College could not proceed to an election till after a new Rector had -been elected, the Fellows had decided to postpone the examination. -After Radford’s election the usual notice was given of the Fellowship -examination; Harrison was now able to come to it; and on 5th July, -1834, he was elected. - -Mention may also be made of an undergraduate of Lincoln College at this -time who was famous beyond any undergraduate of his own or subsequent -years. Robert Montgomery, then in the full enjoyment of the reputation -of being the great poet of the century, a reputation evinced by the -sale of thousands of copies of his poems, and unassailed as yet by any -whisper of adverse criticism, entered the College as Commoner on 18th -Feb., 1830. Although he put himself down in the Bible-Clerk’s book -as son of “Robert Montgomery, esquire,” he was really of very poor -parentage, and was able to come to the University only by the profits -of his pen. His undergraduate contemporaries, whether because they -believed it or not, used to assert that he was the son of Gomerie, a -well-known clown of the day. He was mercilessly persecuted in College. -Some of the forms of this persecution were little creditable to the -persecutors, and had best be left unrecorded; but one instance of a -practical joke on the victim’s egregious vanity may be noted. When -about to enter for “Smalls” in his first term, he was persuaded to go -to the Vice-Chancellor and request that a special decree should be -proposed putting off his _vivâ-voce_ till late in the vacation, “to -avoid the inconveniences likely to be caused by the crowds which might -be expected to attend the examination of that distinguished poet.” -Montgomery took a fourth class in “Literæ Humaniores” in 1834, and was -afterwards minister of Percy Chapel in London, which members of the -College used occasionally to attend to listen to his florid but not -ineffective preaching. - -John Radford, who had succeeded Tatham as Rector in 1834, was succeeded -in 1851 by James Thompson, and Thompson by Mark Pattison in 1861. -Both these elections were keenly, not to say bitterly, contested, -with a partizan spirit which has found its way into several pamphlets -and memoirs; but when the present Rector, W. W. Merry, the thirtieth -who has ruled over the College, was elected in 1884, the College -Register once more recorded an election made “_unanimi consensu omnium -suffragantium_.” He had been Fellow and Lecturer since 1859; and by his -editions of Homer and Aristophanes, had charmed wider circles of pupils -than that of the College lecture-room. - -It will be the duty of the future historian of Lincoln College -to mention with all honour the persons by whom, in these later -Rectorships, the College has reasserted its good name, which in the -beginning of the century had been somewhat tarnished; but for the -present the gratitude of members of the Society to these must remain -unexpressed in words; most of them are still alive, and we must not -praise them to their face. Of Radford, however, this much may be said, -that though not a strong governor, his care for the College, and -his munificence to it, well earned his portrait its place among the -benefactors in the College hall, and the inscription on his stone in -All Saints Church, which says that he “dearly loved his College.” - -One effect of Radford’s bounty must, however, be regretted. Under -his will the sum of £300 was expended in putting battlements on the -outer (and the earliest) quadrangle of the College, so destroying its -monastic appearance, and giving to it a castellated air foreign to the -time of its building and alien to its traditions. This was the last -step in a process of injudicious repair, which beginning about 1819 -had robbed the buildings of their quaintness and individuality. Recent -work has been more reverent for the past. In 1889 the College removed -the lath-and-plaster wagon-roof in the hall and restored to view the -fine chestnut timbers of the original building. The liberality of -resident and non-resident members of the College has in the present -year provided a fund to complete this restoration of the hall, and to -recover in 1891 something of the grace which it possessed in 1435, but -lost in 1699. - - - - -IX. - -ALL SOULS COLLEGE.[192] - -BY C. W. C. OMAN, M.A., FELLOW OF ALL SOULS. - - -Henry Chichele, the son of a merchant of Higham Ferrars, was one of -the first roll of scholars whom William of Wykeham nominated at the -opening of his great foundation of New College. He left Oxford with the -degree of Doctor of Laws, and soon found both ecclesiastical preferment -and a lucrative legal practice. He attached himself to the House of -Lancaster, and served Henry IV. so well that he was made Bishop of St. -Davids, and sent to represent England at the Council of Pisa. In such -favour did he stand at Court, that when Thomas Arundel, Archbishop -of Canterbury, died in the first year of Henry V., the young king -appointed Chichele to succeed him. - -For the long term of thirty years Henry Chichele held the Primacy of -all England, and played no small part in the governance of the realm. -The two main characteristics of his policy, whatever may be urged in -his defence, were most unfortunate: he was a stout supporter of the -unhappy war with France, and he was a weak defender of the liberties of -the Church of England against Papal aggression. History remembers him -as the ambassador who urged so hotly the preposterous claims of Henry -V. on the French throne, and as the first Primate who refused to accept -the Archbishopric from the King and the Chapter, till he had obtained a -dispensation and a Bull of Provision from the Pope. - -However great may have been his faults as a statesman, Chichele (like -his successor Laud) was throughout his life a liberal and consistent -patron of the University. He presented it with money and books, and, -mindful of what he owed to his training at New College, resolved to -copy his old master Wykeham in erecting one more well-ordered and -well-endowed house of learning, among the obscure and ill-managed halls -which still harboured the majority of the members of the University. -He first began to build a small College in St. Giles’; but this -institution--St. Bernard’s as it was called--he handed over unfinished -to the Cistercian monks, in whose possession it remained till the -Reformation, when it became the nucleus round which Sir Thomas White -built up his new foundation of St. John’s. - -Chichele’s later and more serious scheme for establishing a College -was not taken up till 1437, when he had occupied the Archiepiscopal -see for twenty-three years, and was already past the age of seventy. -It was one of the darkest moments of the wretched French war; the -great Duke of Bedford had died two years before, and Paris had been -for twelve months in the hands of the French. The old Archbishop, all -whose heart had been in the struggle, and who knew that he himself was -more responsible for its commencement than any other subject of the -Crown, must have spent his last years in unceasing regrets. Perhaps -he may have felt some personal remorse when he reflected on his own -part in the furthering of the war, but certainly--whether he felt his -responsibility or not--the waste of English lives during the last -twenty years lay heavy on his soul. Hence it came that his new college -became a chantry as well as a place of education--the inmates were to -be devoted as well _ad orandum_ as _ad studendum_--hence also, we can -hardly doubt, came its name. For, as its charter drawn by Henry VI. -proceeds to recite--the prayers of the community were to be devoted, -“not only for our welfare and that of our godfather the Archbishop, -while alive, and for our souls when we shall have gone from this light, -but also for the souls of the most illustrious Prince Henry, late -King of England, of Thomas late Duke of Clarence our uncle, of the -Dukes, Earls, Barons, Knights, Esquires, and other noble subjects of -our father and ourself who fell in the wars for the Crown of France, -as also for the souls of all the faithful departed.” Not unwisely -therefore has the piety of the present generation filled the niches -of Chichele’s magnificent reredos with the statues of Clarence and -York, Salisbury and Talbot, Suffolk and Bedford, and others who struck -their last stroke on the fatal plains of France. Nor can we doubt that -the Archbishop’s meaning was well expressed in the name that he gave -to his foundation, which, copying the last words in the above-cited -foundation-charter, became known as the “Collegium Omnium Animarum -Fidelium Defunctorum in Oxonia.” - -To found his College, Chichele purchased a large block of small -tenements, among them several halls, forming the angle between Catte -Street and the High Street. The longer face was toward the former -street, the frontage to “the High” being less than half that which -lay along the narrower thoroughfare. The ground lay for the most -part within the parish of St. Mary’s, with a small corner projecting -into that of St. Peter in the East. The buildings which Chichele -proceeded to erect were very simple in plan. They consisted of a single -quadrangle with a cloister behind it, and did not occupy more than half -the ground which had been purchased: the rest, where Hawkesmore’s twin -towers and Codrington’s library now stand, formed, in the founder’s -time, and for 250 years after, a small orchard and garden. Chichele’s -main building, the present “front quadrangle,” remains more entirely as -the founder left it than does any similar quadrangle in Oxford. Except -that some seventeenth century hand has cut square the cusped tops of -its windows, it still bears its original aspect unchanged. The north -side is formed by the chapel; the south contains the gate-tower with -its muniment-room above, and had the Warden’s lodgings in its eastern -angle; the west side was devoted entirely to the Fellows’ rooms, as -was also the whole of the east side, save the central part of its -first floor, where the original library was situate. Into space which -now furnishes seventeen small sets of rooms, the forty Fellows of the -original foundation were packed, together with their two chaplains, -their porter, and their small establishment of servants. - -To the north of this quadrangle lay the cloister, a small square, -two of whose sides were formed by an arcade with open perpendicular -windows, much like New College cloister; the third by the chapel; while -the fourth was occupied by the College hall, an unpretentious building -standing exactly at right angles to the site of the modern hall. The -cloister-quadrangle’s size may be judged from the fact that the chapel -formed one entire side of it. It took up not more than a quarter of -the present back-quadrangle, and was surrounded to north and east -by the garden and orchard of which we have already spoken. For many -generations it formed the burial-ground of the Fellows, and on several -occasions of late years, when trenches have been dug across the turf -of the new quadrangle, the bones of fifteenth and sixteenth century -members of the College have been found lying there undisturbed. To -conclude the account of Chichele’s buildings, it must be added that on -the east side of the hall the kitchen and storehouses of the College -made a small irregular excrescence into the garden; their situation is -now occupied by that part of the present hall which lies nearest the -door. - -All Chichele’s work was on a small scale save his chapel, on which he -lavished special care. His reredos, preserved for two centuries behind -a coat of plaster, still remains to witness to his good taste; but its -original aspect, blazing with scarlet, gold, and blue, must have been -strangely different from that which the nineteenth century knows. Of -the figures which adorned it a part only can be identified: at the -top was the Last Judgment, of which a considerable fragment was found -_in situ_ when the plaster was cleared away, with its inscription, -“Surgite mortui, venite ad judicium” still plainly legible. Immediately -above the altar was the Crucifixion; the cross and the wings of the -small ministering angels of the modern reproduction being actually -parts of the old sculpture. The carver, Richard Tillott, who executed -the work, mentions, in his account of expenses sent in for payment -to Chichele, “two great stone images over the altar”; these may very -probably have been the founder and King Henry VI.; and the restorers of -our own generation ventured to fill the two largest niches with their -representations. How the central and side portions of the reredos were -occupied is unknown; but it would seem that the founder did not leave -every niche full, as fifty years after his death, Robert Este, a Fellow -of the College, left £21 18_s._ 4_d._ for the completing of the images -over the high altar. - -In addition to the high altar, the chapel contained no less than seven -side altars; where they were placed it is a little difficult to see, -as the stalls bear every mark of being contemporary with the founder, -and extend all along the sides of the chapel from the altar-steps to -the screen. Probably then the smaller altars--of which we know that -one was dedicated to the four Latin Fathers--must have been all, or -nearly all, placed in the ante-chapel. The windows, both in the chapel -and ante-chapel, were filled with excellent glass; all that of the -chapel has disappeared, but in the ante-chapel there is much good -work remaining. The most interesting window contains an admirable set -of historical figures; the founder, his masters Henry V. and Henry -VI., John of Gaunt, and several more being in excellent preservation; -but this was not originally placed in the chapel, and seems to have -belonged to the old library. The other windows are filled with saints. - -The total cost of the foundation of the College to Chichele was about -£10,000; that sum covered not only the erection and fitting up of the -buildings, but the purchase of some of the lands for its endowment. The -two largest pieces of property which the Archbishop devoted to his new -institution were situated respectively in Middlesex and Kent. The first -estate lay around Edgeware, of which the College became lord of the -manor, and extended in the direction of Hendon and Willesden. It was -mainly under wood in the founder’s day, and formed part of the tract of -forest which covered so much of Middlesex down to the last century. The -second property consisted of a large stretch of land in Romney Marsh, -already noted as a great grazing district in the fifteenth century. -Many lesser estates lay scattered about the Midlands; they consisted in -no small part of land belonging to the alien priories, which Chichele -had assisted Henry V. to abolish, and included at least one of the -suppressed houses--Black Abbey in Shropshire. For these confiscated -estates the Archbishop paid £1000 to the Crown. - -The College as designed by Chichele contained forty Fellows; he -nominated twenty himself, and these with their Warden, Richard Andrew, -chose twenty more. By the Charter sixteen of the forty were to be -jurists--the founder remembered that he himself had taken his degree in -Laws--and twenty-four artists. As Wykeham had done before him, Chichele -took pains to obtain a Bull from the Pope to sanction and confirm his -new foundation: in this document, dated from Florence in 1439, Eugenius -IV. grants numerous spiritual privileges to the _pauperes scholares_ -of All Souls. They are excused certain fasts, freed from any parochial -control of the Vicar of St. Mary’s, permitted to bury their dead in the -precincts of the College, and even granted leave to celebrate the Mass -in their chapel in time of interdict, “but with hushed bells and closed -doors.” Chichele was such a confirmed Papalist that he took the unusual -step of sending the first Warden to Italy in person, to receive the -Bull from the Pope’s own hands. - -Nor was it only his spiritual superior that Chichele resolved to -interest in the College. When all was complete he went through the form -of handing over the foundation to his young god-son Henry VI., and of -receiving it back from the King’s hands as co-founder. Hence comes the -constant juxtaposition of their names in the prayers of the College. - -Chichele lived to see his College completely finished; in 1442 he -presided at the solemn entry of the Fellows into their new abode, and -formally delivered the statutes to Warden Andrew. Next year he died, -at the end of his eightieth year, an age almost unparalleled among the -short-lived men of the fifteenth century. His successor, Archbishop -Stafford, on taking up the office of Visitor, was pleased to grant an -indulgence of forty days to any Christian of the province of Canterbury -who should visit the chapel and there say a _Pater_ and an _Ave_ for -the souls of the faithful departed. This grant made the College a -place of not unfrequent resort for pilgrims. If a passage cited by -Professor Burrows[193] is correct, as many as 9000 wafers were consumed -in the chapel on one day in 1557. - -For the first century of the College’s existence the succession of -Wardens and Fellows was very rapid. Richard Andrew, the first head -of the foundation, resigned his post in the same year that the new -buildings were opened, on receiving ecclesiastical preferment outside -Oxford. He became Dean of York, and survived his resignation for -many years. His successor, Warden Keyes, had been the architect of -the College; he presided for three years only, and then gave place -to William Kele. Altogether in the first century of its existence -1437-1537 the College knew no less than eleven Wardens, of whom seven -resigned and only four died in harness. The Fellows were as rapid in -their succession; not unfrequently seven or eight--a full fifth of the -whole number--vacated their Fellowships in a single year; the average -annual election was about five. The shortness of their tenure of office -is easily explained; a Fellowship was not a very valuable possession, -for beyond food and lodging it only supplied its holder with the -“livery” decreed by the founder, an actual provision of cloth for his -raiment. A Fellow’s commons were fixed on the modest scale of “one -shilling a week when wheat is cheap, and sixteenpence when it is dear.” -The annual surplus from the estates was not divided up, but placed in -the College strong-box within the entrance-tower, against the day of -need. Moreover, as the Fellows were lodged two, or even in some cases -three, in each room, the accommodation can hardly have been such as to -tempt to long residence. The acceptance of preferment outside Oxford, -or even an absence of more than six months without the express leave -of the College, sufficed to vacate the Fellowship; and since every -member of the foundation was in orders, it naturally resulted that -the “jurists” drifted up to London to practice, while the “artists” -accepted country livings. Only those Fellows who were actually studying -or teaching in the University held their places for any length of time. - -There is little to tell about the first fifty years of the history -of All Souls; but it is worthy of notice that its connection--merely -nominal though it was--with its co-founder, Henry VI., brought on -trouble when the House of York came to the throne. Edward IV. pretended -to regard the endowments of the College as wrongly-alienated royal -property, and had to be appeased, not only by the insertion of his name -and that of his mother Cecily in the prayers of the College, but by -payment of a considerable fine. However, the College might congratulate -itself on an easy escape, and its pardon was ratified when, some years -later, its head, Warden Poteman, was made envoy to Scotland, and -afterwards promoted to be Archdeacon of Cleveland. - -In the reign of Henry VII., when the Renaissance began to make itself -felt in Oxford, All Souls had the good fortune to produce two of the -first English Greek scholars, Linacre and Latimer. The name of the -latter is forgotten--the present age remembers no Latimer save the -martyr-bishop; but Linacre’s memory is yet green. With Grocyn and -Colet he stands at the head of the roll of Oxford scholars, but in -his medical fame he is unrivalled. His contemporaries “questioned -whether he was a better Latinist or Grecian, a better grammarian or -physician”; but it is in the last capacity that he is now remembered. -He was elected to his Fellowship at All Souls in 1484, resided four -or five years, and then went to Italy, where he tarried long, taught -medicine at Padua, and then returned to England to found and preside -over the College of Physicians. The two Linacre professorships were -both endowed by him. The example of his career was not soon forgotten, -and for two centuries All Souls continued to produce men of mark in the -realm of medicine. To this day it excites the surprise of the visitor -to the College library to see the large proportion of books on medical -subjects contained in its shelves. Among the manuscripts there are many -such, which Linacre’s own hands must have thumbed; while throughout the -sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the purchases of medical books are -only exceeded by those of works on theology. But with the incoming of -the reign of the Founder’s-kin Fellows in the early eighteenth century -the physicians ceased out of the land, and at last, “holding a physic -place” became a convenient fiction by which lay members of the College -succeeded in excusing themselves from taking orders, though they might -be in reality anything rather than medical men. - -The reign of Henry VII. saw the beginning of two sources of trouble -to All Souls, which were not to cease for many generations. The first -was the interference of the Archbishop as Visitor, to determine the -conditions of the tenure of Fellowships. William of Warham is found -writing to the College to denounce a growing practice of endeavouring -to keep a Fellowship in conjunction with a benefice outside Oxford. He -strictly forbade it, and his commands seem to have been more effectual -than Visitor’s injunctions have usually proved. The other interference -with the College from without, was an attempt made by Arthur Prince -of Wales to influence the annual elections of Fellows. He writes from -Sunninghill in 1500 to recommend the election of a young lawyer named -Pickering to a Fellowship, “because that his father is in the right -tender favour of our dearest mother the Queen.” Pickering’s name does -not appear in the register of Fellows, so it is evident that the -College found some excuse for evading compliance with the Prince’s -request. - -All Souls seems to have passed through the storms of the Reformation -with singularly little friction from within or without. One single -Warden, John Warner--the first Regius professor of Medicine in the -University--continued to steer the course of the College from 1536 to -1556, complying with all the various commands of Henry VIII., making -himself acceptable both to Somerset and Northumberland, and even -holding on for two years into Mary’s reactionary time. It is true that -he then resigned his post, but he was evidently no less complying -under the Papalist Queen than under her Protestant predecessor, as no -harm came to him though he continued to reside in Oxford. Warden Pope, -his successor, having died in the first year of Elizabeth, Warner was -immediately restored to his old post, and held it till he was made Dean -of Winchester in 1565. - -It was during Warner’s wardenship that we have the first mention -of an evil custom in the College, which was to form for a hundred -years a subject of dispute between the Fellows and their Visitor the -Archbishop. This was the habit of “corrupt resignation.” A member of -the College, when about to vacate his Fellowship, not unfrequently had -some friend or relation whom he wished to succeed him. This candidate -he naturally pushed and supported at the annual election on All Souls’ -Day. It came to be the tacit custom of the College to elect candidates -so supported; for each Fellow, when voting for an outgoing colleague’s -nominee, remembered that he himself would some day wish to recommend a -_protégé_ for election in a similar manner. This right of nomination -being once grown customary, soon grew into a monstrous abuse, for -unscrupulous Fellows, when about to vacate their places, began to hawk -their nominations about Oxford. Actual payments in hard cash were made -by equally unscrupulous Bachelors of Arts or Scholars of Civil Law, to -secure one of these all-powerful recommendations. Hence there began -to appear in the College not the poor but promising scholars for whom -Chichele had designed the foundation, but men of some means, who had -practically bought their places. Cranmer was the first Visitor who -discovered and endeavoured to crush this noxious system. In 1541 we -find him declaring that he will impose an oath on every Fellow to obey -his injunction against the practice, and that every Fellowship obtained -by a corrupt resignation shall be summarily forfeited. At the same time -we find him touching on other minor offences in the place--misdoings -which seem ludicrously small compared to the huge abuse with which he -couples them. Fellows have been seen clad not in the plain livery which -the pious founder devised, but in gowns gathered round the collar and -arms and quilted with silk; they have been keeping dogs in College; -some of them have hired private servants; others of them have engaged -in “compotationibus, ingurgitationibus, crapulis et ebrietatibus.” All -these customs are to cease at once. It is to be feared that the good -Archbishop was as unsuccessful in suppressing these smaller sins and -vanities, as he most certainly was in dealing with the evil of corrupt -resignations. - -It was in the reign of the same compliant Warden Warner, under whom -Cranmer’s visitation took place, that All Souls was robbed of its -greatest ornament--the decorations of its chapel. In 1549, by order -of the Royal Commissioners appointed by Protector Somerset, havoc was -made with the whole interior of the building. The organ was removed, -the windows broken, the high-altar and seven side-altars taken down, -and, worst of all, the whole reredos gutted; its fifty statues and -eighty-five statuettes were destroyed, and so it remained, vacant -but graceful, though much chipped about in the course of ages, till -in the reign of Charles II. the Fellows in their wisdom concluded to -plane down its projections, stuff its niches with plaster, and paint -a sprawling fresco upon it! The church vestments of the College were -probably destroyed at the same time that the chapel was made desolate, -but its church plate was not defaced, but merely removed to the -muniment-room and put in safe keeping. There it remained till 1554, -when it came down again, and was again employed in Queen Mary’s time. -In 1560 it was once more put into store in the strong-room, and there -it remained till in 1570 Archbishop Parker had it brought forth and -bade it be melted down, “except six silver basons together with their -crewets, the gilt tabernacle, two silver bells, and a silver rod.” -After a stout resistance lasting three years, the College was obliged -to comply. Charles I. received nearly all that Parker spared, and of -the old communion-plate of All Souls there now survives nought but two -of the crewets preserved in 1573. They are splendid pieces of the work -of about 1500, eighteen inches high, shaped like pilgrim’s bottles, and -ornamented with swans’ heads. The founder’s silver-gilt and crystal -salt-cellar, the only other piece of antique silver which All Souls now -owns, was most fortunately not in the hands of the College in Charles’s -time, or it would have shared the fate of the rest of its ancient plate. - -One more incident of Warner’s tenure of office needs mention. He -erected with subscriptions raised from all quarters as a residence for -himself, the building which faces the High Street in continuation of -the front quadrangle to the east. For the future, Wardens had six rooms -instead of two to live in, and there is splendour as well as comfort in -the magnificent panelled room on the first floor which forms the chief -apartment in the new building. Here dwelt Warner’s successors, till -in the reign of Anne the present Warden’s lodgings were erected still -further eastward. - -Warden Hoveden, whose long rule of forty-three years covered most of -the reign of Elizabeth and half that of James I. (1571-1614) was a man -of mark. He adorned the old library, now the “great lecture-room,” in -the front quadrangle, with the beautiful barrel-roof and panelling -which make it the best Elizabethan room in Oxford. He bought and added -to the grounds of the College a large house and garden called “the -Rose,” where the Warden’s lodgings now stand. He arranged and codified -the College books and muniments. He caused to be constructed a splendid -and elaborate set of maps of the College estates, ten years before any -other College in the University thought of doing such a thing (1596). -These maps are worked out on a most minute scale: every tree and house -is inserted; and as a proof of how English common-fields were still -worked in minutely subdivided slips, only a few yards broad, they are -invaluable. One map gives a bird’s-eye view of All Souls, with its two -quadrangles as then existing, and is the first good representation of -the College that remains. But Hoveden’s greatest achievements were his -two victories in struggles with Queen Elizabeth. The first contest -concerned the parsonage and tithes of the parish of Stanton Harcourt; -the Crown and the College litigated about them for just forty years, -1558-98; but Hoveden had his way, and in the latter year they came back -into the hands of the College. In the regrant of the disputed property, -the Queen’s reasons are stated to be the poverty of the College and -the want of a convenient house near Oxford to which the Fellows might -retire in times of pestilence in the University. Epidemical disorders -had been very common at the date: in 1570-1 the plague carried off 600 -persons, and in 1577 a fearful distemper in consequence of the “Black -Assize” was no less fatal. Such a house as Stanton Harcourt parsonage -was then of infinite utility, and for more than 200 years the College -used to compel its tenants by a covenant in their lease, to “find -four chambers in the house, furnished with bedding linen, and woollen -for so many of the fellows as shall be sent to lodge there whenever -any pestilence or other contagious disorder shall happen in the -University.” The second struggle resulted from an attempt of Elizabeth -to induce All Souls to grant a lease of all their woods to Lady -Stafford, at the ridiculously small rent of twenty pounds per annum. -Hoveden resisted stoutly, and his refusal drew down a most disgraceful -letter of threats from Sir Walter Raleigh. Sir Walter intimates that -the Queen is highly incensed that “subjects of your quality” should -presume to chaffer with her, and hints at evils to come if compliance -is still refused. The Warden replied that the terms offered were so -bad that if they were taken the Fellows would be compelled to give -up housekeeping and take to the fields. To this it was answered that -“their state was so plentiful by her Majesty’s statute, that they -seemed rather as fat monks in a rich abbey than students in a poor -College.” Hoveden stood his ground and enlisted Whitgift, the Visitor, -to work with Lord Burleigh in the defence of the College. Burleigh -moved Elizabeth to relax her pressure, and Lady Stafford never obtained -her cheap lease. - -By the end of Hoveden’s time a new subject of interest comes to the -front in the management of the College. The rise in wealth and in -prices which characterized the Tudor epoch resulted in the development -of the annual surplus from the College estates into unexpected -proportions. When all outgoings were paid there were often £500 or -£600 left to be transferred to the strong-box in the gate-tower. -It naturally occurred to the Fellows that some of this money might -reasonably come their way. Archbishop Whitgift allowed them to augment -their daily commons from it, and afterwards bade them commute their -“livery” in cloth for a reasonable equivalent in cash. This was done, -but still the annual surplus cash grew. Archbishop Bancroft directed -it “to amendment of diet and other necessary uses of common charge.” -He soon found that this merely led to luxurious living. “It is -astonishing,” he wrote, “this kind of beer which heretofore you have -had in your College, and I do strictly charge you, that from henceforth -there be no other received into your buttery but small-and middle-beer, -beer of higher rates being fitter for tippling-houses.” Yet the College -strong ale still survives! Nor was it only in its drinking that the -College offended: its eating corresponded: the gaudés, and the annual -Bursar’s dinner became huge banquets, costing some £40; guests were -invited in scores, and the festivities prolonged to the third day. -Such things were only natural when the Fellows had the disposal of a -large revenue, yet were not allowed to draw from it more than food and -clothing. At last, Archbishop Abbott, in 1620 bethought him of a less -demoralizing way of disposing of the surplus: he boldly doubled the -livery-money. Then for the first time a Fellowship became worth some -definite value in hard cash. The next step was easy enough; instead of -a fixed double livery, there was distributed annually so many times -the original livery as the surplus could safely furnish. The seniors -drew more than the juniors, and the jurists more then the artists. This -arrangement, after working in practice for many years, was sanctioned -in theory also by Archbishop Sheldon in 1666. - -It is in a letter of Archbishop Abbott’s, dealing with one of the -riotous feasts to which the College had grown addicted, that we have -our first mention of that celebrated bird, the All Souls Mallard. The -Visitor writes--“The feast of Christmas drawing now to an end, doth put -me in mind of the great outrage which, as I am informed, was the last -year committed in your College, where although matters had formerly -been conducted with some distemper, yet men did never before break -forth into such intolerable liberty as to tear down doors and gates, -and disquiet their neighbours as if it had been a camp or a town in -war. Civil men should never so far forget themselves under pretence of -a foolish mallard, as to do things barbarously unbecoming.” Evidently -the gaudé had developed into one of those outbreaks, which a modern -Oxford College knows well enough when its boat has gone head of the -river. Furniture had been smashed, perhaps a bonfire lighted; certainly -the noise had been long and loud. But what of the Mallard? Pamphlets -have been written on him, and College tradition tells that when the -first stone of the College was laid a mallard was started out of a -drain on the spot. In commemoration of the event, the Fellows annually -went round the College after the gaudé, pretending to search for the -tutelary bird. The song concerning him was written to be sung by “Lord -Mallard,” a Fellow chosen as the official songster of the College. It -bears every appearance of being of Jacobean date-- - - “Griffin, Turkey, Bustard, Capon, - Let other hungry mortals gape on, - And on their bones with stomachs fall hard, - But let All Souls’ men have their Mallard. - - _Chorus_-- - O by the blood of King Edward, - It was a swapping, swapping Mallard! - - “The Romans once admired a gander - More than they did their chief Commander, - Because he saved, if some don’t fool us, - The place that’s named from the scull of Tolus.[194] - - _Chorus, etc._ - - “The poets feign Jove turned a swan, - But let them prove it if they can, - As for our proof it’s not at all hard-- - He was a swapping, swapping Mallard. - - _Chorus, etc._ - - “Then let us drink and dance a Galliard - Unto the memory of the Mallard, - And as the Mallard dives in pool, - Let’s dabble, duck, and dive in bowl.” - - _Chorus, etc._ - -So for three hundred years, if not for four, has Lord Mallard annually -chanted. But the last time that we have proof of a procession having -gone round the College with torches, pursuing the mock search for the -bird, is in 1801, when Bishop Heber, then a scholar of Brazenose, -mentions in a letter home that he had witnessed the scene from his -windows across the Radcliffe Square. - -Professor Burrows in a most ingenious passage of his _Worthies_ makes -a plausible suggestion as to the real origin of the Mallard. He found -in Alderman Fletcher’s copy of Anthony à Wood, now in the Bodleian, the -impression of a seal bearing a griffin, inscribed “_Sigillum Guilielmi -Mallardi Clerici_.” This seal of one Mallard was actually dug up in -making a drain on the site of All Souls, to the east of the Warden’s -lodgings. Can the exhuming of Mallard’s seal have been turned by oral -tradition into the finding of an actual mallard? - -Down to the time of the great Civil War the College, though always -more or less tainted with the evil of corrupt resignations, continued -to produce a great number of able men. Since the Reformation laymen -are found among them as well as clerics. We may name Lord Chancellor -Weston, Mason and Petre, both Privy Councillors of note, and the -Persian traveller Sir Anthony Sherley, under Elizabeth; while in the -early seventeenth century we meet Archbishop Sheldon--long Warden of -the College--Bishop Duppa, and Jeremy Taylor. The election of the -last-named illustrates in the most striking way the manner in which -corrupt resignations had come to be looked upon as matters of routine. -Osborne, a Fellow about to vacate his place, instead of putting his -nomination up for sale, made a present of it to Archbishop Laud. Laud, -taking the procedure as the most natural thing in the world, bade him -nominate Taylor, who was therefore elected, but with great murmurs from -the College, for he was a Cambridge man, and of nine years standing -since his degree. - -Those who know only the modern constitution of All Souls, will find it -startling to learn that down to the Great Rebellion the College was not -without its fair share of undergraduates. There was no provision for -them in the statutes, but a number of “poor scholars” (_servientes_) -were allowed to matriculate. In 1612 there were as many as thirty-one -of them on the books at once. In going through a list of All Souls men -who became Fellows of Wadham between 1615 and 1660, I found that about -one in three were _servientes_, so their number must have been not -inconsiderable. The College narrowly escaped having a regular provision -of scholars, for Archbishop Parker had planned the endowment of a -considerable number of scholarships from Canterbury Grammar School when -he died. After the Restoration the _servientes_ are no more heard of, -or at least the four Bible-clerks then appear as their sole successors. - -Few Colleges suffered more from the Civil Wars than All Souls. Its -head, Sheldon, was one of the King’s chaplains, and all, save a very -small minority of the Fellows, were enthusiastic Royalists. One of -them, William St. John, was slain in battle in the King’s cause, and -others of them bore arms for him. It is most pitiful to read the -account of the College plate which went to the melting-pot in New Inn -Hall, to come forth as the ugly Oxford shillings of Charles I. All -Souls contributed 253 lbs. 1 oz. 19 dwts. in all, more than any other -house save Magdalen, besides a large sum in ready money. Its treasury -was swept clean of the founder’s gifts, of Warden Keyes’ “great cupp -double gilt with the image of St. Michael on its cover,” of all the -church-plate that had escaped Parker, of tankards, flagons, and goblets -innumerable. Worse was to follow: the bulk of the College estates lay -in Kent and Middlesex, counties in the hands of the Parliament, and -their rents could not be raised. At the end of the first year the -tenants were £600 in arrears, and the evil went on growing, while at -the same time the demands on the purse of the College were increasing. -In June 1643 the College was directed by the King to maintain 102 -soldiers for a month, at the rate of four shillings a week per man. -It had to contribute towards the fortifications, towards stores for -the siege, and towards the relief of the poor of the city. Altogether -it would seem that the finances of the College went to pieces, and -that the greater part of the Fellows dispersed. When the Parliamentary -Visitors got to work on the University, as much as two years after -the fall of Oxford, they found only eleven members of the College in -residence. Warden Sheldon was summoned before them to ask whether he -acknowledged their authority, and replied with frankness, “I cannot -satisfy myself that I ought to submit to this visitation.” Next day -a notice of ejectment was served upon him, and the day following the -Chancellor Pembroke went with the Visitors to expel him. They found -Sheldon walking in his little garden, read their decree to him, and -then sent for the College buttery-book, out of which they struck -his name, inserting instead of it that of Dr. Palmer, whom they had -designated as his successor. Next they bade him give over his keys, and -when he refused broke open his lodgings, installed Palmer in them, and -sent the rightful owner away under a guard of musketeers, “followed as -he went by a great company of scholars, and blessed by the people as he -passed down the street.” - -Of the Fellows, only five made their peace with the Visitors, and -avoided expulsion; even five of the College servants were deprived of -their places. The Commissioners proceeded for five years to nominate -to the Fellowships, and intruded in all forty-three new members on -to the foundation between 1648 and 1653. It is only fair to say that -if some of them were abnormal personages--such as Jerome Sanchy, who -combined the functions of Proctor and Colonel of Horse--others were men -of conspicuous merit. The most noteworthy of them was Sydenham, the -greatest medical name except Linacre that the College--perhaps that -England--can boast. - -In 1653, free elections recommenced, and as the first-fruits of their -labours the new Fellows co-opted Christopher Wren. This greatest of all -the Fellows of All Souls was in residence for eight years, working from -the very first year of his election at architecture, though astronomy -and mathematics were also taking up part of his time. Ere he had been -many months a Fellow, he erected the large sundial, with the motto -_pereunt et imputantur_, which now adorns the Library. In 1661 he -resigned his Fellowship on becoming Professor of Astronomy, and shortly -after departed for London. Almost the only note of his All Souls -life that survives is the fact that he was a great frequenter of the -newly-established coffee-house, next door to University College. His -famous architectural drawings were left to the College, and are still -preserved in the Library. - -The troubles of the Restoration passed over with very little friction -at All Souls. Palmer, the intruding Warden, died in the very month of -King Charles’ return, and Sheldon peaceably took possession of his old -place. But within two years he was called off, to become Archbishop -of Canterbury, and John Meredith reigned in his stead. This Warden’s -short tenure of office is marked by the horrible mutilation of the -reredos to which we have already alluded. The College must needs -have a “restoration” of its chapel, and in the true spirit of the -“restorer,” broke away much of what was characteristic in it, plastered -up the rest, and hired Streater, painter to the king, to daub a “Last -Judgment” on the flat space thus obtained. Having accomplished this -feat Meredith died. - -Meredith’s successor, Jeames, prompted and supported by Archbishop -Sancroft, succeeded in finally putting down the evil of corrupt -resignations, which had survived the Parliamentary Visitation, and -blossomed out into all its old luxuriance in the easy times of the -Restoration. The fight came to a head in 1680-1, when Jeames, for two -years running, used his veto to prevent the election of all candidates -nominated by resigners. The veto frustrating any election, the Visitor -was by the statutes allowed to fill up the vacant places, and did so. -The threat that the same procedure should again be carried out in the -next year brought the majority of the College to reason, though for the -whole twelve months, Nov. 1680-Nov. 1681, twenty-four discontented -Fellows, whom Jeames called “the Faction,” were moving heaven and earth -to get the Warden’s right of veto rescinded. From 1682 onwards, the -type of Fellow improved, and some of the most distinguished members -of the College date from the years 1680-1700. It is in this period, -however, that the complaint begins to be heard that All Souls looked -to birth quite as much as to learning in choosing its candidates. -“They generally,” says Hearne--a great enemy of the College--“pick out -those that have no need of a Fellowship, persons of great fortunes and -good birth, and often of no morals and less learning.” For the former -part of this statement, the names in the College register give some -justification: concerning the latter, we can only say that the average -of men who came to great things in the list of Fellows is higher in -Hearne’s time than at any other. To this period belong Dr. Clarke, -Secretary of War under William III., Christopher Codrington--of whom -more hereafter--Bishop Tanner the antiquary, Sir Nathaniel Lloyd, and -many more. - -The reign of James II. was fraught with as much danger to All Souls as -to the other Colleges of the University. Warden Jeames died in 1686, -and every one expected and dreaded an attempt to force a Papist head -on the College. What happened was almost as bad. There was in the -foundation a very junior Fellow--only elected in 1682--named Leopold -Finch, son of the Earl of Winchelsea, whose riotous outbreaks and -habitual fits of inebriety had done much to embitter Jeames’ last years -of rule. Finch was a hot Tory, and when, on the outbreak of Monmouth’s -rebellion, the University proposed to raise a regiment of trained-bands -for the King, was one of the leaders in the movement. He enlisted a -company of musketeers from members of All Souls and Merton, and this -company was the only part of the University battalion that actually -took the field. Its not very glorious record of service consisted in -occupying Islip for ten days, to secure the London road, and stop all -transit of suspicious persons. When the news of Sedgmoor came, Lord -Abingdon bade the company dine with him at Rycot, and they came home -“well fuzzed with his ale,” insomuch that their very drum was stove in, -and remains so to this day, stored, with one of the muskets borne by -the volunteers, in All Souls Bursary. - -Finch had nothing to recommend him save this military exploit, his -good birth, and his notorious looseness of life and conscience. -He was thought by the King capable of anything in the way of -submission--perhaps even of conversion to Papacy--and on the death -of Jeames the College, to its horror, learned that Finch had been -nominated as Warden. Less courageous than the Fellows of Magdalen, -the All Souls men, though they refused to elect Finch in due form, -refrained from choosing any other head, and allowed the intruder to -take possession of the Warden’s house and prerogatives. Finch, though -a man of some learning, made as disreputable a head of the College as -might have been expected: he jobbed, he drank, he ran into debt, and -finally he was found to have embezzled College money. But when William -of Orange landed, his Toryism disappeared, and he saved his place by -suddenly becoming a hot Whig. All the punishment that he ever got -for his usurpation, was that he was compelled to acknowledge himself -as only “pseudo-custos,” and to submit to be re-appointed to his -Wardenship in a more legal way. He presided for sixteen years over the -College with much disrepute, and died in 1702--with the bailiffs in his -house. - -Finch was succeeded by Bernard Gardiner, a very different character. -Gardiner was a good scholar and a good man, but decidedly testy and -choleric; in politics he was that somewhat abnormal creature, a -Hanoverian Tory, and succeeded in earning the dislike of both parties. -He was the Vice-Chancellor who deprived Hearne of his place in the -Bodleian for Jacobitism, yet he also fought a furious battle with -Wake, the Whig Archbishop, who was his Visitor. With a large faction -of the Fellows he had equally numerous passages of arms, yet still the -College flourished under him. It was in his time that the great back -quadrangle, the new Hall, and the new Warden’s lodgings, were built. - -These spacious buildings were erected not with College money, but by -generous and long-continued benefactions from the Fellows. Dr. Clarke, -the Secretary of War, was the chief donor: “God send us many such -ample benefactors” wrote his grateful Warden in the College book. He -built the Warden’s lodgings out of his own pocket, besides paying for -the “restoration” of the east end of the chapel. This consisted in -painting over Streater’s bad fresco[195] a much better production by -Sir James Thornhill--the somewhat heathenish but spirited Apotheosis -of Chichele--which was taken down in our own generation. Below the -fresco were placed two marble pillars, supporting an entablature, which -framed Raphael Mengs’ pleasing “_Noli me tangere_,” the picture which -now adorns the ante-chapel. After Clarke the most generous donors were -Sir Nathaniel Lloyd, who gave £1350 in all; Mr. Greville, who built the -new cloister; and General Stuart. Hawkesmoor, Wren’s favourite pupil, -was their architect; it is to him that we owe the strange but not -ineffective twin-towers, the classic cloister, the vaulted buttery, and -the lofty hall with its bare mullionless windows. - -But there was one Fellow in the reign of Anne who was even a greater -benefactor than Clarke and Lloyd. It was to Christopher Codrington -that the College owes the magnificent library, which so far surpasses -all its rivals in the University, save the Bodleian alone. Codrington -was a kind of Admirable Creighton, poet and soldier, bibliophile and -statesman. In the same year he gained military promotion for his -gallantry at the siege of Namur, welcomed William III. to Oxford in -a speech whose elegant Latinity softened even Jacobite critics, and -undertook the government of the English West India Islands. He died at -Barbadoes in 1710, and left to his well-loved College 12,000 books, -valued at £6000, with a legacy of £10,000 to build a fit edifice to -hold them, and a fund to maintain it. The Codrington Library, commenced -in 1716, took many years to build, but at last stood completed, a -far more successful work than the hall which faces it across the -quadrangle. It is 200 feet long, and holds with ease the 70,000 books -to which the College library has now swollen. A public reading-room was -added to it in 1867, and it is for students of law and history as much -of an institution as the Bodleian itself. - -The eighteenth century gave All Souls many brilliant Fellows, but it -destroyed the original purpose of the foundation, and ended by making -it an abuse and a byword. It is only necessary to mention the names of -a few of its members, to show how large a share of the great men of the -time passed through the College. It claims the great Blackstone--for -many years an indefatigable bursar--the second name to Wren among the -list of Fellows. Two Lord Chancellors came from it, Lord Talbot of -Hensoll, and Lord Northington; Young the poet was a resident for many -years; one Archbishop, Vernon Harcourt of York, and eight Bishops -had been Fellows. With them, though elected in the opening years of -the present century, must be mentioned Reginald Heber, the first and -greatest of our missionary prelates. - -But in spite of these great names, the College--like the whole -University--was in a bad way. Two abuses destroyed its usefulness. The -first was the introduction of non-residence. Down to the reign of Anne, -a Fellow who left Oxford without the _animus revertendi_, forfeited -his Fellowship. Every one quitting the College, even for a few months, -had to obtain a temporary leave of absence, and to state his intention -to return. Gradually Fellows began to devise ingenious excuses for -prolonged non-residence; the favourite ones were that they were about -to study physic, and must therefore travel; or that they were in the -service of the Crown, and must be excused on public grounds. The test -case on which the battle was finally fought out was that of Blencowe, -a Fellow who had become “Decypherer to the Queen” (interpreter of the -cyphers so much used in despatches at that time). Warden Gardiner -strove to make him resign, but Blencowe moved Sunderland, the Secretary -of State, to interfere in his behalf with the Visitor, and it was -formally ruled that his service with the Crown excused him from -residence, as well as from his obligation under the statutes to take -orders. For the future the Fellows all found some excuse--taking out a -commission in the militia was the favourite one--for saying that they -were in the royal service, and thereby excused from residence. From -about 1720 the number of residents goes down gradually from twenty or -thirty to six or seven. The remainder of the Fellows, like Gibbon’s -enemies at Magdalen, remembered to draw their emoluments, but forgot -their statutory obligations. - -Almost as injurious as the exemption from residence was the -introduction of a new theory that Founder’s-kin candidates had an -absolute preference over all others. Archbishop Wake is responsible for -its recognition: a certain Robert Wood, in 1718, claimed to be elected -simply on account of his birth, and the Visitor ruled that he must be -admitted, in spite of the custom of the College, which had never before -taken account of such a right. At first the Founder’s-kin appeared in -small numbers--there are only twelve between 1700 and 1750--but about -the middle of the century they appear to have suddenly woken up to the -advantages of obtaining a Fellowship without condition or examination. -Between 1757 and 1777 thirty-nine Fellows out of fifty-eight elected -are set down as _cons. fund._ in the College books. Archbishop -Cornwallis in 1777 ruled that it was not obligatory upon the College -that more than ten of the Fellows should be of Founder’s kin, and from -this time forth the claim of Founder’s kin had no direct influence -upon the elections. But the doctrine had done its work. It brought the -Fellowships within a charmed circle of county families, outside of -which the College rarely looked when the morrow of All Souls Day came -round. - -The effect of this was to create a society of an abnormal sort in the -midst of a group of Colleges which, whatever their shortcomings may -have been, continued to make a profession of study and teaching. The -Fellows were men of good birth, and usually of good private means. -Hence came the well-known joke that they were required to be “bene -nati, bene vestiti, et moderate docti,” a saying formed, as Professor -Burrows has pointed out, by ingeniously twisting the three clauses -in the statutes which bade them be “de legitimo matrimonio nati,” -“vestiti sicut eorum honestati convenit clericali,” and “in plano cantu -competenter docti.” - -The Fellows had no educational duties or emoluments, and consequently -no inducement to reside except for purposes of study: and for the -most part they were not studious, nor resident. The Fellowships -were poor, and so were only attractive to men of means. Hence the -management of the College property was a matter of indifference, and -it was neglected. Other Colleges no doubt neglected their duties and -mismanaged their properties, but All Souls men took a pride in having -no duties and in being indifferent to the income arising from their -estates. Gradually the College drew more and more apart from its -neighbours, until the Fellows made it a point to know nothing and to -care nothing about the teaching, the study, or the business that was -going on just outside their walls. - -Yet a period during which Blackstone, Heber, and the present Prime -Minister were numbered among the Fellows, cannot be said to be -undistinguished in the history of the College; and this system, -indefensible in itself, has handed down some things which the present -generation would not be willing to lose. This College, which had become -somewhat of a family party, was animated by a peculiarly strong feeling -of corporate loyalty. And throughout the change and stir of the last -forty years, and in the new and many-sided development of the College, -the close tie which binds the Fellow, wherever he may be, to the -College has never been weakened. And as the College has come back to an -intimate connection with the life of the University, its non-resident -element is not without value. The lawyer, the member of Parliament, -the diplomatist, and the civil servant, no longer disregarding the -University and its pursuits, are an element of great value in a society -which is too apt to be engrossed in the details of teaching and of -examinations. - -The University Commission of 1854 swept away the rights of Founder’s -kin together with many other provisions of the Statutes of Chichele, -appropriated ten Fellowships to the endowment of Chairs of Modern -History and International Law, and threw open the rest to competition -in the subjects of Law and Modern History. The Commission of 1877 -threatened graver changes, and for a while it was doubtful whether -All Souls might not become an undergraduate College of the ordinary -type. But in the end the College was allowed to retain, by means of -non-resident Fellowships, its old connection with the world outside, -while in other ways its endowments were utilized for study and -teaching. On the whole it cannot be said to have suffered more than -others from the want of constructive genius in the Commissioners. -It is and will be a College of many Fellows and several Professors, -with liabilities to contribute annual sums to Bodley’s Library and to -undergraduate education. The Fellowships are terminable in seven years, -but may be renewed in limited numbers and on a reduced emolument. - -Under these new conditions All Souls--though still somewhat scantily -inhabited--is no longer given over during a great part of each year -to the bats and owls. It now plays a useful and important part in the -University. Its Hall and lecture-rooms are crowded with undergraduates, -its reading-room is full of students of law and history, and its Warden -and Fellows have produced in the last ten years about twice as many -books as any two other Colleges in the University put together. Last, -but not least, it has continued most loyally to fulfil its obligation -of providing prize Fellowships; no other foundation can say, though -several are far richer than All Souls, that it has regularly offered -Fellowships for competition for twenty consecutive years. - - - - -X. - -MAGDALEN COLLEGE. - -BY THE REV. H. A. WILSON, M.A., FELLOW OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE. - - -In the cloisters of Magdalen College, over one of the arches of the -“Founder’s Tower,” there is to be seen a heraldic rose surmounting -the armorial bearings common to the kings of the rival Houses of York -and Lancaster. The rose itself, apparently once red and afterwards -painted white, is a curiously significant memorial of the civil strife -which affected the early fortunes of the College, and of animosities -which were perhaps still too keen, when Waynflete’s tower was built, -to allow the Red Rose to appear even as a witness to the fact that his -foundation had its beginning under a Lancastrian king. - -It was in the reign and under the patronage of Henry VI. that the -founder himself rose to his greatness. Of his early life little is -known with any certainty. His father, Richard Patten or Barbour, was -apparently a man of good descent and position.[196] His mother Margery -was a daughter of Sir William Brereton, a Cheshire gentleman who had -received knighthood for his military services in France. His change of -surname was probably made at the time of his ordination as sub-deacon -in 1421. That which he adopted was derived from his birthplace, a town -on the coast of Lincolnshire. He is sometimes said to have received his -education at one or both of the “two St. Mary Winton Colleges,” but -of this there is no evidence, and we know nothing of his University -career except the fact that he proceeded to the degree of Master of -Arts. He must have been still a young man when he was appointed in 1428 -to the mastership of the school at Winchester, where he also received, -from Cardinal Beaufort, the mastership of a Hospital dedicated to St. -Mary Magdalen. To his connection with this foundation we may perhaps -trace his especial devotion to its patron Saint, and the consequent -dedication of St. Mary Magdalen College. In 1440, Henry VI. visited -Winchester to gather hints for his scheme for Eton College, and invited -Waynflete to become the first master of the school which formed part -of his new foundation. He also made him one of the original body of -Fellows of Eton, and a few years later promoted him to be Provost. It -was most probably at this time, and to commemorate his connection with -Eton, that Waynflete augmented his family arms by the addition of the -three lilies which appear, with a difference of arrangement, on the -arms of Eton College, and on those which Magdalen College derives from -its founder. - -In 1447, the See of Winchester became vacant by the death of Cardinal -Beaufort, and the King at once recommended William Waynflete for -election. He was elected within a few days, and was consecrated at Eton -on the 13th July of the same year. Immediately after his elevation -to the Episcopate, he seems to have set himself to promote the -interests of learning, and to provide for a need which his experience -as a schoolmaster had impressed upon his mind, by a foundation in -the University of Oxford. Early in 1448, before his enthronement -at Winchester, he obtained from the King a license to found a Hall -for a President and fifty scholars, to be called St. Mary Magdalen -Hall.[197] At the same time he obtained, for a term of years, a -site and buildings which occupied the ground now covered by the new -Examination Schools, and in two or more of the halls included in this -property he placed his new society, of which he chose John Hornley -to be the first President. In 1456 Waynflete became Chancellor, and -on his elevation to that position he at once conceived the idea of -improving his foundation at Oxford, by converting it from a Hall into -a College, and by providing it with a better habitation and more ample -endowments. For this purpose, having obtained the necessary permission -from the King, he acquired for the Hall the buildings, site, and -property belonging to the ancient Hospital of St. John Baptist. The -property of the Hospital included the tenements which the members of -the Hall had until this time inhabited. The Hospital itself was a -non-academical institution, having for its purpose the care of pilgrims -and the relief of the poor.[198] It had been in existence before the -reign of John, from whom, while he was still known as Count of Mortain, -its Master and Brethren had received benefactions; and it had been -endowed, and perhaps refounded, by Henry III. The existing Master and -Brethren retired upon pensions, the poor inmates of the Hospital were -duly provided for, and the Hospital was united to the College, which -Waynflete founded by a charter of June 12th, 1458. The members of -the Hall, with the exception of Hornley, who retired to make way for -William Tybarde, the first President of the College, were transferred -to the new foundation, and the Hall ceased to exist. - -The members of the College appear to have continued to occupy the -buildings formerly leased to the Hall, which had now become their -own property, until the Founder should carry out his intention of -providing new buildings on the site of the Hospital, and the land -adjoining it. The fulfilment of this intention was long deferred, -as were some of the plans upon which Waynflete now entered for -the increased endowment of his foundation. The troubles in which -the country was now for some years involved, and the change in -Waynflete’s own position, probably account for the delay. In 1460, -a few days before the battle of Northampton, Waynflete resigned the -Chancellorship, an act which seems to have brought him into discredit -with the Lancastrian party, though not with Henry himself. He does -not seem to have taken any active part in the events which followed, -on either side; but his sympathies appear to have been with the House -of Lancaster. We are told by one authority that he “was in great -dedignation with King Edward, and fled for fere of him into secrete -corners, but at last was restored to his goodes and the kinges favour.” -In 1469, when Edward’s power was fully established, a full pardon -for all offences, probable and improbable, was granted to Waynflete: -but some years earlier Edward had confirmed to him the charters -and privileges of his See, from which we may reasonably infer that -his period of hiding had not been very long. It was not, however, -till after the death of Henry VI. that the College began to resume -its prosperity, and the work of building was actually begun. The -foundation-stone of the chapel was laid in 1474; and in 1480, before -the building was actually finished, the President and scholars removed -from their temporary quarters, and occupied the College, using the -oratory of the Hospital for their place of worship until the chapel was -completed. The Vicar of St. Peter’s in the East, in which parish the -College was situated, gave up all claims to tithes and dues within its -precincts in consideration of a fixed annual payment, and the College -was transferred by the Bishop of Lincoln, with consent of the Dean and -Chapter, to the jurisdiction of the Bishops of Winchester, who were to -be also its Visitors. - -The society had until this time possessed no body of statutes. Such -a code was now given by the founder, and a new President was also -appointed by him as successor to Tybarde, who was old and in failing -health. The person chosen for this office was Richard Mayew, of -New College, who took possession on August 23rd, 1480, and at once -proceeded to administer to the members of the College the oath -of obedience to the statutes. Ten of the thirty-six members, it -appears, at first refused compliance, and were for a time suspended, -by the founder’s command, from the benefits of the society. In the -following year Waynflete himself came to visit the College, and there -received the King, who came from Woodstock to Oxford to inspect the -new foundation, and passed the night within its walls. Some further -statutes, chiefly concerning elections and admissions, were issued -by the founder in 1482, in which year a large number of Fellows -and Demies[199] were formally admitted, and the society regularly -organized, though its numbers were not yet fixed. In 1483, Richard -III. visited the College, being received, as Edward had been, by the -founder, and disputations were held before him, at his desire, in the -College Hall, in one of which William Grocyn took part. At this time -the founder delivered to the College the whole body of the statutes -which he had framed, reserving to himself, however, the right to add to -them or revise them as he should see fit. - -The regulations thus made for the government of the society, provided -that it should consist of a President, forty Fellows, thirty Demies, -four chaplains, eight clerks, sixteen choristers, a schoolmaster, -and an usher. The Fellows were to be chosen from certain counties -and dioceses; the Demies, in the first instance, from places where -the College had property bestowed by the founder or acquired in his -lifetime. The Demies were not to be less than twelve years of age at -the time of their election, and were not to retain their places after -reaching the age of twenty-five years. The system by which Demies -succeeded to vacant Fellowships was the growth of later custom, and was -not provided for by the statutes. The schoolmaster and usher were to -give instruction in grammar to the junior Demies, and to all others who -should resort to them. Provision was made for the teaching of moral and -of natural philosophy, and of theology, by the appointment of readers -in these subjects, whose lectures were to be open to all students, -whether members of the College or not. Besides the foundation members -of the College, the statutes allowed the admission of commoners of -noble family, whose numbers were not to exceed twenty, and who might be -allowed to live in the College at the charge of their relations. The -regulations as to the dress, conduct, and discipline of the College -were based upon those laid down in the statutes given by William of -Wykeham to New College, from which society a Fellow, or former Fellow, -might be chosen as President. Save for this exception, no one who had -not been a Fellow of Magdalen College was to be accounted eligible for -that office. - -The endowments of the College, besides the property which was derived -from the Hospital of St. John Baptist, and that which had been -originally settled upon the Hall, consisted partly of lands acquired -by Waynflete for the purpose, partly of the endowments of other -foundations which were united or annexed to the College at different -times as the Hospital of St. John had been. These were the Hospital of -SS. John and James at Brackley in Northamptonshire, the Priory of Sele -in Sussex,[200] the Hospital of Aynho, a hospital or chantry at Romney, -the Chapel of St. Katharine at Wanborough, and the Priory of Selborne -in Hampshire.[201] An intended foundation at Caister in Norfolk, for -which Sir John Fastolf had provided by his will, was by Waynflete’s -influence diverted to augment the foundation of the College. The -Fellowships to be held by persons born in the dioceses of York and -Durham, or in the county of York, were partly provided for by special -benefactions from Thomas Ingledew, one of Waynflete’s chaplains, and by -John Forman, one of the Fellows of St. Mary Magdalen Hall. - -Besides the endowments which Waynflete bestowed on his College during -his lifetime, he bequeathed to it by will all his manors, lands, and -tenements, with one exception; and he further recommended it to the -special care of his executors, directing that they should bestow upon -it a share of the residue of his estate. - -The royal favour which had been shown towards the College during -Waynflete’s life was continued after his decease (which took place on -August 11th, 1486), by Henry VII., who visited the College in 1487 or -1488, and is still annually commemorated on May 1st as a benefactor, -on account, as it would seem, of his having secured to the College the -advowsons of Findon in Sussex, and Slymbridge in Gloucestershire, and -having directed that the latter benefice should be charged with an -annual payment for the benefit of the College.[202] Henry also extended -his patronage to the President, Richard Mayew, whom he employed in -many matters of state business, appointing him to be his almoner, and -also to be his Procurator-general at the Court of Rome. Mayew also -held during his Presidentship several ecclesiastical offices. In 1501 -he was sent to Spain to conduct the Infanta Katharine, about to be -married to Arthur, Prince of Wales, to England. This marriage forms one -of the subjects depicted in some pieces of tapestry still preserved -in the President’s lodgings, which are believed to have been a gift -bestowed upon Mayew by Prince Arthur, who twice at least took up his -abode in the College, and was entertained by the President on his -visits. Mayew’s non-academical employments must have necessitated his -repeated absence from his duties as President; and at last, after his -election to the See of Hereford, a dispute seems to have arisen as to -the compatibility of his episcopal and academical functions. A party -among the Fellows, headed by Stokesley, afterwards Bishop of London, -who was then Vice-President, declared that by the fact of Mayew’s -consecration the office of President had become vacant, and at last -obtained from Bishop Fox of Winchester, the Visitor of the College, -a decision in favour of their own view. Mayew, in the meantime, -had attempted to assert his authority as President in a manner not -altogether in accordance with the statutes, and it became necessary -for the Bishop of Winchester to hold a formal visitation of the -College. This he did by a Commissary, and the records of the Visitation -contain many extraordinary charges made by the partizans on each side. -Stokesley himself was accused, among other things, of having taken -part in some magical incantations, including the baptizing of a cat, -in order to discover hidden treasure. The cat, it may be remarked, is -sometimes described as _cattus_, sometimes with more elegant Latinity -as _murilegus_. These proceedings were alleged to have taken place -in Yorkshire; concerning the more immediate affairs of the College, -it appears that the strife between the parties had run so high, that -some of the Fellows went about the cloisters with armour offensive and -defensive. The general result of the Visitation was the acquittal of -Stokesley, who cleared himself from all charges to the satisfaction -of the Commissary. Bishop Mayew retired from the Presidentship, and -was succeeded early in 1507 by John Claymond, formerly Fellow, one of -the many distinguished men who were members of the College during the -quarter of a century over which Mayew’s term of office had extended. -Among other members of the College under Mayew’s rule may be mentioned -the celebrated Grocyn, who was Praelector in Divinity, Richard Fox -(already referred to as Bishop of Winchester), John Colet, afterwards -Dean of St. Paul’s, and Thomas Wolsey--the last, perhaps, the most -celebrated man whom the College has produced. It was during Mayew’s -Presidentship that the Tower, sometimes attributed to Wolsey,[203] was -built, and that the cloister on the south side of the quadrangle was -added. - -The rise of Wolsey in the King’s favour secured the College a friend -at Court whose influence was for a time more powerful than that of -either Waynflete or Mayew had been. He was appointed one of the King’s -chaplains, and employed by Henry VII. in some important missions. -Soon after the accession of Henry VIII. he became almoner, and “ruled -all under the King.” Throughout the time of his prosperity he kept up -friendly relations with the College, and frequent exchanges of presents -took place between him and its members. The first Dean of his College -in Oxford was John Hygden, who had succeeded Claymond as President of -Magdalen; and several members of Magdalen College were among the first -Canons of Cardinal College. - -Another new foundation closely connected with Magdalen College was -the College of Corpus Christi, founded by Richard Fox, Bishop of -Winchester, who not only induced Claymond to become the first President -of his new society, but closely imitated Waynflete’s statutes in those -which he gave to Corpus Christi College. These statutes provided -that the students of Theology and Bachelors of Arts of Corpus Christi -College should attend lectures at Magdalen--the lectures intended being -no doubt those of the Praelectors or readers established by Waynflete, -who occupied a position not unlike that of the University Professors of -a later time. It was perhaps with a view to the advantages afforded by -these lectures that a further direction enjoined the members of Corpus -Christi College, if compelled by a visitation of the plague to move -from Oxford, to take up their quarters near the place where the members -of Magdalen College had settled for the time. The second President of -Corpus Christi College, Robert Morwent, had been Vice-President of -Magdalen, and had migrated with Claymond to take charge of Fox’s infant -foundation. These two Presidents of Corpus, with John Hygden, first -Dean of Cardinal College and of Christ Church, joined together in a -benefaction to their former society. They made provision for the yearly -distribution to its members of a sum of money, which was to be, and -still is, distributed by the bursar in the chapel during the singing of -Benedictus on the first Monday of every Lent. - -The “revolution under the forms of law,” effected in the reign of Henry -VIII., of which Wolsey’s fall was the beginning, had no great direct -effect upon the College. Indirectly, however, the suppression of the -religious houses was a cause of considerable expense. The College had -permitted the Carmelites of Shoreham, whose house was much decayed, -to occupy their annexed Priory of Sele; and it was perhaps only in -accordance with the justice of the King’s proceedings that the Priory -was in consequence treated as a Carmelite house, and the College -compelled to buy back its own property from the persons to whom Henry -had granted it. A less important expenditure involved by the King’s -proceedings was incurred by the provision of new painted glass, no -doubt to replace portions of the chapel windows which had been defaced -by the King’s commissioners as containing emblems derogatory of his -Majesty’s supremacy. The “linen-fold” panelling of the hall appears -to have been placed in its present position in the year 1541; it is -said to have come from Reading Abbey, but the groups of figures, the -heraldic ornaments, and the not too flattering effigy of Henry VIII., -which are now inserted in it, were probably designed for the decoration -of the Hall. Except for the acquisition of this wood-work, the College -seems to have received nothing from the spoil of the religious orders. - -The accession of Edward VI., and the visitation of the University, -brought serious trouble upon the College. The President, Owen -Oglethorpe, was apparently prepared to accept the earlier stages of -the Reformation movement, but he was not prepared to go so far as -the party in power required. Some members of the College were of the -more advanced school of the Reformers; and much irreverence, with a -good deal of wanton destruction, was committed by them, encouraged by -letters from the Protector inciting the College to the “redress of -religion.” Oglethorpe was removed from the office of President, into -which Walter Haddon, a person not eligible according to the statutes, -was intruded, in spite of a petition from the Fellows, and the work of -reformation proceeded according to the desire of the Council. Haddon is -said to have sold many of the effects of the chapel, valued at about -£1000, for about a twentieth part of that sum, and to have “consumed -on alterations” not only the sum so received, but a larger sum of the -“public money” of the College. It was fortunate for the society that -the scheme of the Council for the total suppression of the choir, and -the alienation of a corresponding part of the College revenue, had been -promulgated while Oglethorpe was still President. Under his guidance, -with considerable difficulty, the College managed to preserve this part -of its foundation unimpaired. - -Immediately on the accession of Queen Mary, Walter Haddon received, -as appears from the Vice-President’s register, leave of absence on -urgent private affairs, and his example was soon followed by those -of the Fellows who had been especially notable for their zeal in the -“redress of religion.” Laurence Humphrey, one of this party, obtained -leave for the express purpose of conveying himself _in transmarinas -partes_; and this leave of absence was continued to him at a later time -provided that he did not resort to those towns which were known to be -the refuge of heretics. He took up his abode forthwith at Zürich. As -he was absent from the College during the whole of Mary’s reign, he is -perhaps not a sufficient witness of the events of that time. He asserts -that the Roman party had great difficulty in re-establishing the old -order of things in College, and that the younger members of the society -suffered many things at their hands. Of all this, however, there is no -evidence in the Vice-President’s register, where most of the offences -and almost all the penalties recorded during this period are of an -ordinary kind.[204] Oglethorpe was restored to his Presidency, and was -succeeded on his elevation to the See of Carlisle, by Arthur Cole, a -Canon of Windsor.[205] During the tenure of Cole, and of his successor -Thomas Coveney (whom the College chose in preference to three persons -recommended by the Queen), there appear to have been differences of -opinion on religious matters within the College, and some difficulties -in enforcing the due attendance of its members at the chapel services; -but there is no sign of what might be called a tendency to persecution -on the part of the authorities. The most recalcitrant members of the -society seem to have been the Bachelor Demies and Probationer Fellows. -Coveney remained President for some time after Queen Elizabeth’s -coronation by Oglethorpe; and in the interval between that event and -the consecration of Archbishop Parker there are some indications in the -register of religious strife within the College. The end of Coveney’s -term of office was marked by a contest between himself and some of the -Fellows, concerning matters of College business, in which he seems -to have exceeded his power as President. He was deprived by Bishop -Horn at a Visitation in 1561, on the ground, it is said, that he was -a layman; but it might be at least doubtful whether the founder’s -statutes strictly required the President to be in Holy Orders; and it -is probable that the real reason for his deprivation lay in the fact -that Horn regarded him as being too much “addicted to the Popish -superstition.” - -This fault at all events could not be laid to the charge of Laurence -Humphrey, who succeeded him. Horn himself had reported that the members -of the College, whom he expected to find of the same school as their -President, were willing to accept the tests he proposed to them--to -acknowledge the Queen’s supremacy, and to accept the Book of Common -Prayer, and the Advertisements. Before Humphrey had been long President -the College had ceased to be “conformable,” but its non-conformity was -of the Puritan, not of the Romanizing, type. Humphrey himself had a -strong objection to wearing a surplice, or using his proper academical -dress, and many of his Fellows followed his example in this matter. -It required more than one Visitation to induce compliance on such -matters. Abuses of another kind, however, were left uncorrected, and -even encouraged, by the Visitors. Many Fellowships were filled up by -nominations from the Queen, or from the Bishop of Winchester, and it -may be added that the persons nominated were not always model members -of a College. There were many contentions between the Fellows, and -between the President and the Fellows. The general impression given -by reading the register of the time of Humphrey and his immediate -successors is, that the College was becoming a home of disorder rather -than of learning. Nicolas Bond, Humphrey’s successor, seems, however, -in 1589 to have made some rather ineffectual efforts to provide for -more regular and systematic study among its members. During his tenure -of office the society received a visit from King James I., accompanied -by his son Henry, then Prince of Wales, who was matriculated as a -member of the College. The King was much impressed by the buildings, -and greatly enjoyed his visit. The grotesque figures or “hieroglyphics” -in the Cloister Quadrangle were painted, as it would seem, in honour of -his coming, Moses in particular being adorned _toga coerulea_. - -The College, which was Puritan under Humphrey, was even more Puritan -under Bond, Harding, and Langton; with Langton’s successor, however, in -1626, the tide set in the contrary direction. Accepted Frewen, if, as -his name suggests, he was of Puritan descent, was himself a supporter -of Laud’s ecclesiastical policy, and acted with vigour both as -President in his own College and as Vice-Chancellor in the University, -for the restoration of discipline and good order. The numbers of the -College had been increased during his predecessor’s time by the influx -of a number of so-called “poor scholars,” whose connection with the -College was very slight, and who seem to have in many cases been -entered as members of the society by the mere authority of the person -to whom they had attached themselves. Frewen made regulations on this -subject, and these seem to have been re-inforced a few years later by -a letter from the Visitor. Other matters he also took in hand with -good effect, especially the restoration of the chapel, on which he -seems to have spent large sums of his own, in addition to the corporate -expenditure of the College. The windows of the ante-chapel (except the -great west window) were part of Frewen’s work, the only part which has -been left by the later restoration of 1832. - -The outbreak of the Great Rebellion found the College converted from -a nest of Puritans into a nest of Royalists and High Churchmen. -The King’s demand for loans of money and plate was met with some -difficulty, but without hesitation, by a loan of £1000 in money and -by the delivery of plate to the value of about £1000 more. When the -Parliamentary forces entered Oxford in September 1642 they found at -Magdalen “certain Cavaliers in scholars’ habits,” who had “feathers and -buff-coats” in their chambers. Some of the scholars, being malignant -persons, “scoffed” at the invaders and “at the honourable Houses of -Parliament,” and were accordingly made prisoners. Other members of the -College had left Oxford a few days before with Byron’s horse, to join -the King: among them was John Nourse, Fellow and Doctor of Civil Law, -who fell at Edgehill. After that action the King entered Oxford, and -Prince Rupert took up his quarters at Magdalen. The King’s artillery -was placed in Magdalen College Grove, which served as a drill-ground -for the regiment of scholars and strangers which was raised in 1644; -batteries were erected in the Walks, and gunners exercised in the -College meadows. The timber in the Grove was probably felled for use -in the defensive works.[206] A curious contrast to this military -preparation was furnished by the imposing ceremonial of Frewen’s -consecration as Bishop of Lichfield, which took place in the chapel of -the College in April 1644.[207] - -Some members of the College were as active on the side of the -Parliament as those who remained in Oxford were on the side of the -King. A Demy named Lidcott was deprived of his place for having been -in arms against the King, serving in Essex’s army as an “antient” of a -foot company. A far more celebrated member of the Parliamentary party, -John Hampden, had formerly been a member of the College which was the -head-quarters of the commander of the troops against whom he fought at -Chalgrove. - -After the surrender of Oxford, considerable havoc was wrought in the -chapel of the College by the Parliamentary troops, who destroyed, -among other things, the glass of many of the windows. The organ was -appropriated by Cromwell to his own use, and removed by him to Hampton -Court, whence it was brought again after the Restoration.[208] The -Parliamentary Visitors of the University found few members of the -College willing to submit to their authority. The President, Dr. -John Oliver, and the greater part of the members were ejected, and -the bursar, who obstinately refused to give up keys or papers, was -imprisoned. The tenants of the College, however, persisted in paying -their rents to him, and special injunctions had to be given to prevent -them from doing so. The places in College rendered vacant by expulsions -were filled up by the importation of Independents and Presbyterians, -Dr. John Wilkinson, a former Fellow, being made President. He -was succeeded two years later by Goodwin, a gloomy person, whose -examination of a candidate for a Demyship has been recounted by -Addison in the _Spectator_.[209] The records of the events in College -during the Commonwealth are very scanty. One of the most remarkable -proceedings of the intruders was the appropriation and division among -themselves of a sum of money which they found in the muniment-room; -this was the fund provided by the Founder for special necessities, -which had remained untouched since 1585, and the existence of which had -perhaps been forgotten. It was for the most part in ancient coinage, -the pieces being of the kind known as “spur royals.” Of these a hundred -fell to the share of Wilkinson, who seems to have been the instigator -of the division; nine hundred more were divided among the thirty -Fellows, and the Demies and others, including the servants, received -portions of the spoil. Before the Restoration, however, some of the -recipients restored the pieces they had obtained, and the greater -part of the money was actually repaid in course of time. The fund, -under more modern financial arrangements, no longer remains in the -muniment-room, but some of the old coins are still preserved there. - -On the Restoration the ejected members of the College, or those who -were left, were restored to their home. They included the President, -seventeen Fellows and eight Demies.[210] Dr. Oliver, however, did not -long survive his return; and upon his death began a time of trouble. -Charles II. recommended as his successor Dr. Thomas Pierce, a divine -who had done much service in the defence of the Church against her -assailants, but whom the Fellows, who perhaps knew him better than -the King were unwilling, as it seems, to elect. Charles however -enforced obedience by a letter as peremptory as any communication -which the College afterwards received from his brother, and Dr. Pierce -became President. The result was a long warfare between Pierce, the -Fellows, and the Visitor, Bishop Morley, whose intentions seem to have -been better than his judgment. At last the King interfered, and the -difficulty was solved by the promotion of Dr. Pierce to the Deanery -of Salisbury, where he found scope for his energies in a controversy -with his Bishop. Dr. Henry Clerk was now recommended by the King, and -elected by the Fellows, and the society was at peace for some years. -That peace was again disturbed, on Dr. Clerk’s death, by the action of -James II., who attempted to force upon the College as its President a -man unqualified by statute and disqualified by notorious immorality. -The history of the struggle which followed is too well known to need -repetition here.[211] The Fellows almost unanimously chose one of their -own number, and supported him, when duly elected, against the King’s -second nominee. In the end, after a year’s exile, they were restored to -their College, under Dr. John Hough, the President of their own choice, -by the Bishop of Winchester, acting on instructions from the King. - -The Revolution brought with it new causes of disquiet, and some members -of the College were again ejected as Nonjurors. The great majority, -however, of those who had contended against the usurpation of James -were content to submit themselves to the new Sovereigns, and retained -their places. The most notable member who was thus lost to the College -was Dr. Thomas Smith, a man of much learning and ability, and a steady -and uncompromising Royalist. In 1689 occurred what was afterwards known -as the “Golden Election” of Demies, which included, besides others -less known, Hugh Boulter, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, Smallbrook, -afterwards Bishop of St. David’s and later of Lichfield, the notorious -Henry Sacheverell, and Joseph Addison, the most celebrated member of -the College since the Revolution. The residence of Addison in College -was not prolonged beyond his year of probation as Fellow; but he has -left a memory of himself in the fact that his name has been attached to -a portion of the Walks. These it would seem in his time did not extend -beyond what is now called Addison’s Walk, but was formerly known as -“Dover Pier.” - -The members of the College who remained seem to have maintained -friendly relations with those who had withdrawn from it as Nonjurors, -and even at this time, and certainly after the accession of George I., -the sympathy of many among the Fellows was with the exiled rather than -with the reigning branch of the Royal House. During the first half of -the eighteenth century, indeed, politics flourished in the society -more than learning; and although Gibbon’s picture of the condition -of the College during his brief residence is rather highly coloured, -it cannot be doubted that the general decline of academic activity -which affected many of the Colleges in Oxford during the last century, -affected Magdalen in no slight degree. A large part of the attention of -the society seems to have been given to plans for the rearrangement or -the destruction of the College buildings, and for the re-construction -of the College on the pattern adopted in what are known as the “New -Buildings,” erected in 1735. Some amazing designs for “College -improvements” remain in the library, as a memorial of the architectural -ambitions of this period. Among the Presidents of the eighteenth -century, if we except Dr. Routh, whose lengthened tenure extended over -the last years of that century and the first half of the nineteenth, -there is but one name of mark--that of George Horne, afterwards Bishop -of Norwich, once widely-known by his Commentary on the Psalms. Nor are -there many names of mark among the other members of the College in the -same century. The learning of Dr. Routh does not seem to have been -shared in any conspicuous degree by more than a small proportion of -those who passed through the College in his long Presidentship--though -towards the end of that period Magdalen numbered among its members -several men of note in different ways--James Mozley and William Palmer -among theologians, Ferrier among philosophers, Roundell Palmer, now -Lord Selborne, among lawyers, Conington among scholars, Charles Reade -among novelists, Goldwin Smith among essayists, Charles Daubeny among -those who laboured to advance the study of natural science. - -Of the changes which have been brought about in the College since the -days of Routh, of its transformation from a small society of Fellows -and Demies into one of the larger among the Colleges in Oxford, it is -hardly possible to speak as of history. They are changes of the present -day. But it is a matter of history, which ought not to be forgotten, -that the College, which has owed much to its Presidents in the past, -owes much in this matter to its last President, who governed it during -the trying times of two University Commissions, and of the changes -which resulted from them. By his own example of the loyal acceptance -of what was necessary, even when it was uncongenial to his tastes, -and by the kindly sympathy which enabled him to reconcile conflicting -interests, he did more to preserve the peace of his College, and to -promote its progress, than he would himself have thought possible, or -than those to whom he was less well known than to the members of his -own College would have been inclined to imagine. - - - - -XI. - -BRASENOSE COLLEGE. - -(_Aula Regia et Collegium de Brasenose, Collegium Aenei Nasi._) - -BY FALCONER MADAN, M.A., FELLOW OF BRASENOSE. - - -I. THE KING’S HALL OF BRAZEN-NOSE. - -(_Aula Regia de Brasinnose._) - -Professor Holland has given a clear account[212] of the three stages -through which a University passes, first as _scholae_, where there is -“a more or less fortuitous gathering of teachers and students”; next -as a _studium generale_, when the teachers become “a sort of guild -of masters or doctors,” with control over the admission by a degree -to their own body; and lastly as a _Universitas_, when the society -“acquires a corporate existence,” with a well-defined constitution -and privileges. The first and second of these stages were attained by -Oxford in the twelfth century, and the third early in the thirteenth -century. It is early in this latter century that we also find the -earliest associations of students among themselves. The system of Halls -was due to the desire of the poorer class of students to live for -economy’s sake in a common house with common meals, under the charge of -a Principal whose duty was quite as much to manage household affairs -as to superintend the studies of his scholars.[213] - -The existence of the house which became Brasenose Hall may be carried -back with certainty to the second quarter of the thirteenth century, -the earliest facts at present known being that it belonged, in or -before A. D. 1239,[214] to one Jeffry Jussell, and that it passed -into the hands of Simon de Balindon, who sold it in about 1261 to the -Chancellor and Masters of the University, for the use of the scholars -enjoying the benefaction of William of Durham. Soon after this purchase -the occupier, Andrew the son of Andrew of Durham, was forcibly ejected -by Adam Bilet and his scholars, and no doubt at this time, if not -earlier, the tenement acquired the name of Brasenose, and was used as -schools, for in 1278 an Inquisition[215] says, “Item eadem Universitas -[Oxon.] habet quandam aliam domum que vocatur Brasenose cum quatuor -Scholis … et taxantur ad octo marcas, et fuit illa domus aliquo tempore -Galfridi Jussell.” The transition from these Scholae or lecture-rooms -to a Hall cannot now be traced, but no doubt took place within the same -century. - -In the early part of 1334 a striking incident occurred in the history -of the Hall. Under stress of internal faction, and not on this -occasion, it would seem, from excesses on the part of the citizens, -there was a migration of a large number of the students of the -University from Oxford to Stamford, fulfilling the (later!) prophecy of -Merlin-- - - “Doctrinae studium quae nunc viget ad Vada Boum - Tempore venturo celebrabitur ad Vada Saxi.” - -But of all the emigrants the only men who kept together were the -students of Brasenose Hall, as is evidenced by the existence at -Stamford to this day of a fourteenth century archway, belonging to an -ancient hall called for centuries “Brasenose Hall in Stamford,” the -refectory of which was standing till A.D. 1688,[216] and still more by -a brass knocker which is assigned by antiquaries to the early part of -the twelfth century, and which from time immemorial hung on the doors -of the Stamford gateway. It is reasonable to suppose that the knocker -had originally given a name to the Oxford Hall, and had been carried -as a visible sign of unity to the distant Lincolnshire town.[217] The -King used all his power to force the students to return to Oxford, and -in a final commission in July, 1335, the name of “Philippus obsonator -Eneanasensis” occurs among the thirty-seven who resisted to the last -the mandates of the King.[218] - -The list of Principals of Brasenose is preserved from 1435 onwards (see -p. 271), but little or nothing is recorded of the life of the Hall. Its -flourishing state may be inferred from its vigorous annexation of the -surrounding buildings, as Little St. Edmund Hall, Little University -Hall, and St. Thomas Hall. An inventory of the furniture belonging to -Master Thomas Cooper of Brasenose Hall, who died in 1438, is printed in -Anstey’s _Munimenta Academica_, ii. 515. The Vice-Chancellor in 1480-82 -was William Sutton, Principal of Brasenose Hall, and Proctors in 1458 -(John Molineux) and 1502 (Hugh Hawarden) were Brasenose men. - -The new College, founded in 1509, was in several special ways a -continuation of, and not merely a substitute for, the old Hall. The -site of the Hall was exactly at the principal gateway of the College; -it had already annexed many of the adjacent buildings required for -the new erection, and the last Principal of the Hall was the first -Principal of the College. It may fairly be claimed therefore that there -is a real succession, both of name and fame, from the one to the other. - - -II. THE FOUNDERS OF BRASENOSE COLLEGE. - -William Smyth, the chief founder of Brasenose, was the fourth son of -Robert Smyth, of Peel House, in Widnes (Lancashire), and belonged to -a Cuerdley family. Of the date of his birth, early education, and -career at Oxford nothing whatever is certainly known. In 1492 when he -was instituted to the Rectory of Cheshunt, he was a Bachelor of Law. -Through the influence of the Stanley family, and of Margaret, Countess -of Richmond, Smyth obtained promotion both in civil and ecclesiastical -lines, until in 1491 he was elected Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield. -In the closing years of the fifteenth century he presided over the -Prince of Wales’s Council in the Marches of Wales, and was President -of Wales in 1501 or 1502. In Lichfield he founded, in 1495, a Hospital -of St. John, which has preserved a portrait of him almost identical -with the one owned by the College. In the same year he was translated -to Lincoln. The Bishop’s connection with Oxford was renewed in 1500, -at the end of which year he was elected Chancellor, retaining the -office till August, 1503. This link with the University had great -results, for in 1507 the Bishop established a new Fellowship in Oriel, -endowed Lincoln College with two estates, and formed his plans with a -view to the foundation of Brasenose. After that event there is little -of importance to notice in his public life before his death on 2nd -January, 1513/4. - -Sir Richard Sutton, Knight, the co-Founder of Brasenose, and the first -lay founder of any College, was of the family of Sutton, of Sutton -near Macclesfield, and probably a kinsman of William Sutton, Principal -of Brasenose Hall in and after 1469; but no connection can be traced -between this family and the wealthy Thomas Sutton who founded the -Charterhouse a century later. Of his birth and education there is no -record, but he was a Barrister of the Inner Temple and was made a Privy -Councillor in 1497. In 1513 he was Steward of the Monastery of Sion at -Isleworth, a house of Brigittine nuns. At his expense Pynson printed -the _Orcharde of Syon_, a devotional book, in 1519. In 1522 or 1523 he -received the honour of knighthood, and died in 1524. - - -III. THE FOUNDATION AND EARLY STATUTES OF THE COLLEGE. - -The first record of the proposal to found Brasenose is contained in -the will of Edmund Croston, dated (four days before his death) on Jan. -23, 1507/8, where are bequeathed £6 13_s._ 4_d._ to “the building -of Brasynnose in Oxford, if such works as the Bishop of Lyncoln and -Master Sotton intended there went on during their life or within -twelve years after.” It is probable that the Bishop at one time -intended that Lincoln College should enjoy his benefactions, for Robert -Parkinson, Sub-rector of Lincoln, wrote about 1566-69, “Proposuerat -enim [episcopus], ut ferunt, omnia nostro collegio praestitisse quae -postea in Brasinnos egit, si voluissent R[ector] et S[cholares] qui tum -fuerunt ab eo propositas conditiones recipere.” - -The actual foundation can be best shown in the form of annals, it being -understood that the disposition of the halls mentioned was nearly as -follows-- - - HIGH - STREET. - | - | V | | - | | | | - | +---------+---------+ --------+ | - | | | | | | ST. | | - | | HABER- | | |Garden | THOMAS | | - | | DASHER | | | | HALL | | EXETER - | | HALL | LITTLE | ST. |SALIS- | | | COLLEGE - | |(Oseney) | ST. |MARY’S | BURY | BRAZE- +--------+ | GARDEN - | | | EDMUND | ENTRY | HALL | NOSE |LITTLE | | - | +---------+ HALL | | | HALL | UNI- | | - | | |(Oseney) |(Oriel)|(Oriel)| |VERSITY | | - | | Garden | | | | | HALL | | - | | | | | | (Univ. |Coll.) | | - | +---------+---------+-------+-------+--------+--------+ +--------+ - -+ SCHOOL STREET. | - +---------------+ +----------+-----------+---------+-----------+ | - -+ | | | |<- 58 ft.->| | | | - | | ST. MARY’S | | GLASS | STAPLE | BLACK | DEEP | | - | | CHURCH | | HALL | HALL | HALL | HALL | | - | | | | | (Lincoln | | | | - | | | | (Oseney) | Coll.) |(Oseney) | | | - -1508, Oct. 20, Brazen Nose and Little University Halls are leased by -University College to Richard Sutton, Esq., and eight others (four of -whom were among the first Fellows) for ninety-two years at an annual -rent of £3, on condition that the lessees should spend £40 on the -tenements within a year. The College agreed to renew the lease and to -give over all their rights, as soon as property of the annual value -of £3 should be given them. In 1514 Sutton assigned this lease to -trustees to carry out his purposes. - -1509, summer. Edward Moseley’s stone quarry at Headington is let to the -founders and Roland Messenger for their lives. - -1509, June 1. The foundation stone of the College is laid, as recorded -on a modern copy of the original inscription, now and probably always -placed over the doorway of Staircase No. 1, which used to lead to the -first chapel of the College:-- - -“Anno Christi 1509 et Regis Henrici octavi primo | Nomine diuino -lincoln | presul quoque sutton . Hanc posu | ere petram regis ad -imperium | primo die Iunii.” - -1509/10, Feb. 20. Oriel College lets Salisbury Hall and St. Mary’s -Entry (Introitus S. Mariae) to Sutton and others for ever in -consideration of an annual rent of 13_s._ 4_d._ - -1511/2, Jan. 15. A Charter of Foundation granted to Smyth and Sutton. - -1523, May 6. Sutton transfers the property acquired from University -College in 1508, to the Principal and Fellows of Brazenose. - -1530, May 12. Haberdasher, Little St. Edmund, Glass and Black Halls are -granted to the College on a lease of ninety-six years by Oseney Abbey, -the first being at once converted by payment into the property of the -College, but the others not till March 6, 1655/6. - -1556, Nov. 2. Staple Hall, which had once belonged to the Abbey of -Eynsham, is leased by Lincoln College to Brasenose for ever at a rent -of 20_s._ per annum. - - * * * * * - -“Rome was not built in a day,” and it is curious to note how the old -and new foundations overlap each other. The College building clearly -began at the south-west corner of the present front quadrangle, and -Brasenose Hall was no doubt left until the building naturally reached -it. Thus John Formby was Principal of the Hall till Aug. 24, 1510, -when Matthew Smyth succeeded him, and in Smyth’s name on Sept. 9, -1511 Roland Messenger still became surety for the dues payable by the -Hall to the University, for the ensuing year; and even on Sept. 9, -1512, Smyth himself “cautioned,” as it was called, for the moribund -hall. Moreover, a scholar of the Hall was locked up in August 1512 -for interfering with the workmen who were building Corpus. The first -occasion on which the College appears in the University Registers is -in Sept. 1514, when Matthew Smyth, “Principal of the College or Hall -of Brasen Nose” is mentioned; but there is evidence that the corporate -action of the College dates from at least as early as Nov. 1512. We -thus have before us the successive steps by which a College gradually -grew, and literally piece by piece took the place of the precedent -Halls. - -It is now time to turn to the statutes, the buildings being reserved -for a later section. - -The Charter of Foundation is dated Jan. 15, 1511/2, and the original -statutes were no doubt shortly after drawn up and ratified by the two -founders, but no copy of them remains. Bishop Smyth’s executors in -about 1514 revised and signed a modification of the code, which still -exists, and finally at the request of the College Sir Richard Sutton -once more revised them, on Feb. 1, 1521/2. - -As in conception and in form of buildings, so in respect of their -statutes also, Merton and New College are the two cardinal foundations. -From the latter were derived the statutes of Magdalen, founded in 1458, -and from these latter the earliest statutes of Brasenose. The general -sense of the Code of 1514 with Sutton’s changes in 1522, can be well -gathered from the Churton’s abstract in his _Lives of … (the) Founders -of Brazen Nose College_ (Oxf. 1800), pp. 315-40. The preamble is as -follows, the original being in Latin-- - -“In the name of the Holy and undivided Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy -Spirit, and of the most blessed Mother of God, Mary the glorious -Virgin, and of Saints Hugh and Chad confessors, and also of St. Michael -the archangel: We, William Smyth, bishop of Lincoln, and Richard -Sutton, esquire, confiding in the aid of the supreme Creator, who -knows, directs and disposes the wills of all that trust in him, do out -of the goods which in this life, not by our merits, but by the grace -of His fulness, we have received abundantly, by royal authority and -charter found, institute and establish in the University of Oxford, a -perpetual College of poor and indigent scholars, who shall study and -make progress in philosophy and sacred theology; commonly called _The -King’s Haule and Colledge of Brasennose in Oxford_; to the praise, -glory, and honour of Almighty God, of the glorious Virgin Mary, Saints -Hugh and Chad confessors, St. Michael the Archangel and All Saints; for -the support and exaltation of the Christian Faith, for the advancement -of holy church, and for the furtherance of divine worship.” - -The College is to consist of a Principal and twelve Fellows, all of -them born within the diocese of Coventry and Lichfield; with preference -to the natives of the counties of Lancaster and Chester; and especially -to the natives of the parish of Prescot in Lancashire, and of Prestbury -in Cheshire. One of the senior Fellows is annually to be elected -Vice-Principal; and two others Bursars. The only language tolerated for -public use, unless when strangers are present, is Latin. The Bishop of -Lincoln has always been the Visitor. - -Thus Brasenose started fairly on its course, equipped with statutes, -with property from its founders and benefactors, and with students -drawn, as ever since until recently, chiefly from good families of -Cheshire and Lancashire, Leighs and Watsons, Lathams and Brookes and -Egertons. But the history of a College which has not been at any time -predominant in the University is both difficult and unnecessary to -trace; difficult from the paucity of records of its internal social -life, and unnecessary from the lack of general interest in the domestic -affairs of one particular College among so many. It will be the task of -one who deals with the social life of Oxford to seize on those features -of College history which from time to time best represent the character -of successive periods: in this place it will suffice to give a few -scenes or facts which being themselves of interest have also sufficient -illustration from existing records. - - -IV. FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RESTORATION. - -In the Bodleian (MS. Rawl. D. 985) there is a volume of copies of Latin -letters written by Robert Batt of Brasenose, chiefly to a brother, -in which among much of the usual rhetoric there is also curious -information about the life of the College. They range from 1581 to -1585, and we read of his complaints to the Principal because a junior -man is put into his study (_musæum_), of an archery meeting at Oxford, -which much distracts the young Batt, and of the visit of the Prince -Alaskie to Oxford. He asks his Cambridge brother to come up for Commem, -and with Yorkshire bluntness writes letters to the Master and a Fellow -of University College, asking for a Fellowship! - -So too in 1609-11 we find ten letters from Richard Taylor as tutor to -Sir Peter Legh’s son (Hist. Manuscripts Commission, _Report 3_, 1872, -p. 268), which throw light on College affairs and expenses of that time. - -In the Register of the Parliamentary Visitors of the University from -1647 to 1658 we obtain an insight into the condition of the College, -which shows it to have been in a creditable state. At first the College -is as Royalist as any, the proportion of submitters to those who -were willing to endure actual expulsion rather than acknowledge the -Visitors’ rights, being probably only twelve to twenty-three, in May -1648. Their Principal, Dr. Samuel Radcliffe, had already, on Jan. 6, -been deprived of his office, and Daniel Greenwood, a submitter, had -been on April 13, put in his place. But the spirit of the College is -abundantly shown by the proceedings which ensued on Dr. Radcliffe’s -death. Three days after that event, on June 29, the Society, to use -Wood’s words, “(taking no notice that the Visitors had entred Mr. -Greenwood Principal) put up a citation on the Chappel door (as by -Statute they were required) to summon the Fellows to election. The -Visitors thereupon send for Mr. Thom. Sixsmith and two more Fellows -of that House to command them to surcease and submit to their new -Principal Mr. Greenwood; but they gave them fair words, went home, -and within four days after [July 13] chose among themselves, in a -Fellow’s Chamber, at the West end of the old Library, Mr. Thom. Yate, -one of their Society.” The Visitors immediately deposed him, in favour -of Greenwood; but at the Restoration Dr. Yate’s claims were at once -recognized, and he long enjoyed the headship. This resistance by -the Fellows was proved to be not lawlessness but loyalty, for when -resistance was of no avail, they “speedily[219] recovered their -working order, and gave but little trouble to the Visitors,” a contrast -to the general example of other Colleges. - -The more eminent Brasenose men who belong to this period are: Alexander -Nowell, Fellow and Principal, Dean of St. Paul’s (matr. 1521); John -Foxe, the Martyrologist (_c._ 1533); Sampson Erdeswick, the historian -of Staffordshire (1553); Thomas Egerton, afterwards Lord Chancellor -Ellesmere (_c._ 1556); Sir Henry Savile, afterwards Warden of Merton -(1561); John Guillim, the herald (_c._ 1585); Robert Burton, the author -of the _Anatomy of Melancholy_ (1593); Sir John Spelman, the antiquary -(1642); Elias Ashmole, the herald, founder of the Ashmolean Museum -(1644); and Sir William Petty (1649). - - -V. BRASENOSE IN MODERN TIMES. - -The period from the Restoration to 1800 was in Oxford as elsewhere -marked rather by the excellence of individuals than by a high standard -of general culture. In the first part of the period Brasenose is not -especially distinguished, except by an undue prominence in the records -of the Vice-Chancellor’s Court; but as we approach the close of the -eighteenth century there are signs of a period of great prosperity, -which distinguished the headships of Cleaver, Hodson and Gilbert, the -first and last of whom were Bishops of Chester (then of Bangor, and -finally of St. Asaph) and Chichester respectively. The signs of this -are unmistakable. The numbers show an unusual increase, and the College -is in the front both in the class-lists and in outdoor sports. The -high-water mark was perhaps reached when the story could be told of Dr. -Hodson (in about 1808), which is related in Mark Pattison’s _Memoirs_. -“Returning to College, after one Long Vacation, Hodson drove the last -stage into Oxford, with post-horses. The reason he gave for this piece -of ostentation was, ‘That it should not be said that the first tutor -of the first College of the first University of the world entered it -with a pair.’ … The story is symbolical of the high place B.N.C. held -in the University at the time, in which however, intellectual eminence -entered far less than the fact that it numbered among its members many -gentlemen commoners of wealthy and noble families.” - -But intellectual eminence there certainly was at this time, for in -the class-lists of Mich. 1808 to Mich. 1810, out of thirty-seven -first-classes Brasenose claimed seven, monopolizing one list -altogether; and out of seventy-five second-classes it held twelve. -This was the period of what has been called the “famous Brasenose -breakfast.” Reginald Heber won the Newdigate in 1803 with a poem which -will never be forgotten--his _Palestine_. His rooms were on Staircase -6, one pair left, under the great chestnut in Exeter Garden called -Heber’s Tree. In 1803 Sir Walter Scott went to Oxford with Richard -Heber, Reginald’s brother. The story may be told in Lockhart’s[220] -words: Heber “had just been declared the successful competitor for -that year’s poetical prize, and read to Scott at breakfast in Brazen -Nose College the MS. of his _Palestine_. Scott observed that in the -verses on Solomon’s Temple one striking circumstance had escaped him, -namely that no tools were used in its erection. Reginald retired for a -few minutes to the corner of the room, and returned with the beautiful -lines-- - - ‘No hammer fell, no ponderous axes rung; - Like some tall palm the mystic fabric sprung, - Majestic silence!’”[221] - -In connection with this literary and social side of the College may be -mentioned the Phœnix Common-room or Club, the only social Club in the -University which is more than a century old. It was started in 1781 -or 1782 by Joseph Alderson, an undergraduate of Brasenose, afterwards -Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and received a full constitution -with officers and rules in 1786. It has always nominally consisted of -twelve members, generally dining together once a week. The records -of the Club are singularly complete, even to the caricatures on the -blotting-paper of the dinner-books. Of the twelve original members five -were soon elected to Fellowships, and such names as Frodsham Hodson -(afterwards Principal), Viscount Valentia (_d._ 1844), Earl Fortescue -(_d._ 1861), Reginald Heber (Bishop of Calcutta), Lord George -Grenville (_d._ 1850), the Earl of Delawarr, the friend of Byron, -Richard Harington (afterwards Principal), Lord Sidney Godolphin Osborne -(“S. G. O.”), and the present Deans of Rochester and Worcester, have -raised it to no ordinary level. Its contemporary from 1828 to 1834, the -Hell-fire Club, was of a very different character; but from one or two -dubious incidents in its career has found its way into literature.[222] -The incident which produced from the pen of Reginald Heber the humorous -poem entitled the _Whippiad_[223] was connected with members of the -Phœnix, though not with a meeting of the Club. The Senior Tutor had -incautiously endeavoured to wrest a whip from Bernard Port, who had -been loudly cracking it in the quadrangle; but alas, the representative -of constitutional authority soon measured his length on the grass, -being, not for the first time (as Heber maliciously notes) “floored by -Port.” - -The Ale Verses were an ancient social custom, probably at least as -old as the Restoration. On Shrove Tuesday the butler presented a copy -of English verses on Brasenose Ale to the Principal, written by some -undergraduate, and received thereupon a certain sum of money. The -earliest extant poem is of about the year 1700; but there is a long -gap from that year till 1806, and they are not continuously preserved -till from 1826, having been printed first in about 1811. They supply -all kinds of contemporary information, collegiate, academical and -political, chiefly of course by way of allusion. At last in 1886 the -College Brew-house was removed to make room for new buildings, and with -it went the Ale Verses, except that in 1889 one more set was issued. -In 1888 a Fellow of the College printed a Latin dirge over the sad -surcease; but soon the Verses will be forgotten, and the Brew-house. - -On the river Brasenose has always been prominent: never once in the -Eights or Torpids has it sunk below the ninth place. In the first -inter-collegiate races, in 1815, Brasenose is at the head, and when the -records begin again, in 1822, again takes the lead. At the present time -(June 1891) B.N.C. has started head in the Eights on 110 days.[224] - -The only clubs which had cricket grounds of their own in about 1835 -were the Brasenose and the Bullingdon (Ch. Ch.), and even in 1847 the -Magdalen, _i. e._ the University Club, was the only additional one. -Early cricketing records are difficult to find; but in recent times no -College has been able to show such a record as B.N.C. in 1871, when -it had eight men in the University eleven, and when sixteen of the -College beat an All-England eleven. In 1873 sixteen of B.N.C. also beat -the United North of England eleven. The Inter-University high-jump of -1876, when M. J. Brooks of B.N.C. cleared 6 feet 2½ inches, was an -extraordinary performance. - -The characteristics of the College at all times have been remarkably -similar and persistent, if the present writer can trust his judgment. -They may be described as, first and foremost, a marked but not -exclusive predilection for the exercises and amusements of out-door -life, the result of sound bodies and minds, and in part, no doubt, of -a long connection with old county families of a high type. And next -a certain pertinacity, perseverance, power of endurance, doggedness, -patriotism, solidarity, or by whatever other name the spirit may be -called which leads men to do what they are doing with all their might, -to undergo training and discipline for the sake of the College, and -hang together like a cluster of bees in view of a common object. -The Headship of the River for any length of time cannot possibly be -obtained by fitful effort, or the unsustained enthusiasm of a single -leader; but rather (and herein consists its value) by a continuous, -often unconsciously continuous, effort of several years, backed up -by the general support of the College. Lastly, Brasenose seems to be -singularly central, intermediate, and in a good sense average and -mediocre. Its position and buildings, its history, its achievements, -the roll of Brasenose authors, all give evidence that the College is -a good sample of the best sort of academical foundation. A writer -who might wish to select a single College for study as a specimen of -the kind, would find the history of Brasenose neither startling nor -commonplace, neither eccentric nor uninteresting, neither full of -strong contrasts nor deficient in the signs of healthy corporate life. - -Among the _alumni_ of Brasenose in this period, to omit the names of -living persons, are the following: Thomas Carte the historian (1699); -John Napleton (matr. 1755), an academical reformer; Dr. John Latham, -president of the College of Physicians (1778); Bishop Reginald Heber -(1800); Richard Harris Barham, author of the _Ingoldsby Legends_, after -whom a College club is named the Ingoldsby (1807); Henry Hart Milman, -Dean of St. Paul’s (1810); and the Rev. Frederick William Robertson, -of Brighton, the preacher (1837). Mr. Buckley has compiled a list of -more than four hundred Brasenose authors, and twenty-seven bishops or -archbishops. - - -VI. THE BUILDINGS, PROPERTY, ETC., OF THE COLLEGE. - -The front quadrangle of the College is as it stood when the College was -first built, except that as usual an extra story was added in about -the time of James I., and that for the old mullioned windows have -been unhappily substituted in a few places modern square ones. The -Principal’s lodgings were at first, as always in Colleges, above and -about the gateway. - -The _Chapel_ was originally the room now used for the Common Room, -namely, on the first floor of No. 1 staircase, and the foundation stone -was no doubt placed there as leading to the chapel. The shape of the -old chapel windows may still be seen on the outside of the south side -of the room. The present chapel was built between 26th June, 1656, -and the day of consecration (to St. Hugh and St. Chad) 17th Nov., -1666. There is a persistent tradition that the design of the chapel -was due to Sir Christopher Wren, and that the roof at least came from -the chapel of St. Mary’s College (now Frewen Hall). In support of -this latter belief are the two facts that the roof does not appear -precisely to fit the window spaces of the building, and that the -principal rafters of the chapel and of the western part of the hall are -numbered consecutively, as if they once belonged to a single building. -The architecture of the chapel is interesting as a genuine effort to -combine classical and Gothic styles. The ceiling, with its beautiful -and ingeniously constructed fan-tracery, and the windows are Gothic, -but the internal buttresses and altar decoration are Grecian. The East -window[225] is by Hardman (1855), the West (by Pearson) was given by -Principal Cawley in 1776. Among the other painted glass is one on the -north side to F. W. Robertson. The brass eagle was given in 1731 by T. -L. Dummer; the two candelabra were replaced within the last few years, -having been formerly presented to Coleshill Church, in Buckinghamshire, -by the College. The pair of pre-Reformation chalices with pattens form -a unique possession. - -The first _Library_ was the room now known as No. 4 one pair right, -and still retains a fine panelled ceiling with red and gold colouring. -The present library is of the same date as the chapel, having been -finished in 1663, and is no doubt by the same architect. The internal -fittings date from 1780, and not till then were the chains removed from -the books. Among the few MSS. are a tenth century Terence (once in -the possession of Cardinal Bembo, and therefore periodically raising -unfulfilled hopes in foreign students that it might exhibit the unique -recension of the other “Bembine Terence”) and the only MS. of Bishop -Pearson’s minor works. A large folio printed Missal of 1520 bears a -miniature of Sir Richard Sutton, with other fine illuminations. Among -the printed books are several given by the founder, Bishop Smith, and -by John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln. There is a copy on vellum of -Alexander de Ales’s commentary on the _De Animâ_ of Aristotle, printed -at Oxford in 1481; a copy of Cranmer’s Litany (1544), and of Day’s -Psalter (1563) for four-part singing. In general the library has a -large number of controversial theological pieces and pamphlets, both -of the latter part of Elizabeth’s reign and of the period succeeding -the Restoration. For the former the College is indebted to a large and -(at the time) extremely valuable donation from Dr. Henry Mason, who -died in 1647. There is also a very large quantity of the theological -literature of the eighteenth century, partly bequeathed by Principal -Yarborough, who also presented the library of Christopher Wasse; many -county histories; and many pamphlets on Oxford Reform up to and -including the time of the first Commission. In all there are about -15,000 volumes, and there is an adequate endowment from the legacy of -Dr. Grimbaldson. Mr. Willis Clark has remarked in his _Architectural -History of Cambridge_ that College libraries before the sixteenth -century usually, in both Universities, had their sides facing east and -west, the early morning light being so important; that from that time -to the Restoration, when more luxurious habits had come in, they face -north and south, and afterwards again east and west. It is singular -that of each change Brasenose Library is the earliest example. - -The _Hall_ has remained almost untouched from the first. The open -fireplace in the centre under a louvre was retained until 1760 (when -the Hon. Ashton Curzon gave the present chimney-piece), and the louvre -itself is still intact but hidden above the ceiling. - -The north-west corner of the quadrangle affords a striking view of -the dome of the Radcliffe and the spire of St. Mary’s, which has been -often painted and engraved. The present grass-plot was once a formal -maze or Italian garden, which is to be seen in Loggan’s view, and was -removed in October 1727, much to Hearne’s disgust, to allow of a “silly -statue” of Cain and Abel, the gift of Dr. George Clarke, who bought -it in London, being erected in the centre. This well-known statue was -for a long time believed to be an original by Giovanni da Bologna; and -its removal in 1881 and subsequent destruction excited the wrath of -the writer of the article on “Sculpture” in the ninth edition of the -_Encyclopædia Britannica_. But the external evidence points to it being -only a copy of the valuable original presented to Charles I. at Madrid, -and by George III. to the great-grandfather of the present possessor, -Sir William Worsley, of Hovingham Hall, Yorkshire. - -The _Kitchen_, which forms the western part of the second quadrangle is -(as at Christ Church) as old as any part of the College. The eastern -side was till about 1840 an open cloister beneath the library, and in -it and in front of it many former members of the College were buried. - -Early in the last century the College purchased the houses between -St. Mary’s and All Saints, and the idea of a front to the High Street -soon forced itself on the mind. Some very heavy classical designs are -preserved, by Nicholas Hawksmoor (about 1720), who erected the High -Street front of Queen’s College; by Sir John Soane (1807); and by -Philip Hardwick (1810); until at last a pure Gothic design by Mr. T. -G. Jackson was accepted; and by the end of 1887 a gateway and tower, -a Principal’s house, and some undergraduates’ rooms were erected, -forming on the inside a large third quadrangle, and by its front a -notable addition to the glories of the High Street. A drawing of a -more ambitious design by the same architect is framed and hung in the -College library. - -The chief benefactors and property of the College are the -following--Bp. William Smith, founder, gave Basset’s Fee near Oxford, -and the entire property of the suppressed Priory of Cold Norton, lying -chiefly in Oxfordshire. Sir Richard Sutton gave lands in Burgh or -Erdborowe in Leicestershire; the White Hart in the Strand, London; -and lands in Cropredy, North Ockington, Garsington, and Cowley. The -earliest gift of all was from Mrs. Elizabeth Morley, who in 1515 gave -the manor of Pinchpoll, in Faringdon, coupled with conditions of -undertaking certain services in St. Margaret’s, Westminster. Joyce -Frankland in 1586 gave the Red Lion in Kensington, &c., and money. -Queen Elizabeth, 1572 and 1579, founds Middleton School in Lancashire, -and connects it with the College by scholarships, and by giving the -manor of Upberry and rectory of Gillingham. Sarah Duchess of Somerset -in 1679 gave Somerset Iver and Somerset Thornhill scholarships, and -alternate presentation to Wootton Rivers. William Hulme, 1691, land -producing £40 a year for four exhibitions, tenable at Brasenose, from -Lancashire; the property increased enormously in value, being in the -Hulme district of Manchester, and now provides, besides High Schools -for boys and girls at Manchester, and a Hulme Hall connected with the -Victoria University, eight Senior and twelve Junior Exhibitions, of the -value of £120 and £80 respectively. Sir Francis Bridgeman in 1701 gave -money for an annual speech, originally in praise of James II. - - -_Pictures, busts, &c._ - -In the Hall are pictures of King Alfred[226] (modern), Bp. William -Smith (founder), Sir Richard Sutton (founder), Joyce Frankland -(benefactress, with a sixteenth century watch in her hand), Alexander -Nowell (Principal), Bp. Frodsham Hodson (Principal), William Cleaver -(Principal), Thomas baron Ellesmere, Dr. John Latham, John Lord -Mordaunt (benefactor), Samuel Radcliffe (Principal, two), Sarah Duchess -of Somerset (benefactress), Robert Burton, Thomas Yate (Principal), -Francis Yarborough (Principal), Bp. Ashurst Turner Gilbert (Principal), -Edward Hartopp Cradock (Principal). The Brazen Nose is fixed in a frame -beneath the picture of King Alfred. A picture of the first Marquis of -Buckingham once here is now in the possession of the representatives of -the family. - -In the north window at the east end of the Hall are portraits of the -two founders, and a face with a grotesque nose, in painted glass. The -glass of the south window is modern. - -In the _Library_ are busts of Lord Grenville by Nollekens, and of Pitt. - -In the _Bursary_ is a second picture of Joyce Frankland. - -In the _Chapel_ are an old copy of Spagnoletto’s Entombment of Christ, -a copy of Poussin’s Assumption of St. Paul, and busts of the two -founders, formerly in niches in the middle of the north side of the -Hall outside and engraved in Spelman’s _Ælfredi Magni Vita_ (Oxon. -1678). - -On the gateway outside is a metal gilt Nose of a grotesque type, -probably derived from the painted glass in the hall. - -On the entrance to the hall are two worn busts of Johannes Scotus -Erigena and King Alfred. - -In the _Buttery_ are pictures of the Child of Hale (John Middleton, -_d._ 1623, a Lancashire man distinguished for size and strength, after -whom the Brasenose boat is always named), of Joyce Frankland, and of -the Brasenose Boat in about 1825. - -In the Principal’s lodgings are pictures of Lord Mordaunt, Bp. Cleaver, -and Joyce Frankland. - -The _title_ of the College is “the King’s Hall and College of -Brasenose in Oxford” (Aula Regia et Collegium de Brasenose in Oxonia), -the spelling of the chief word being in chronological sequence, -omitting minor variations, Brasinnose, Brazen Nose (eighteenth -century), Brasenose; but the latest spelling is also found early in -the seventeenth century, probably showing that it was at all times -pronounced as a disyllable. The phrases _King’s College_ and _Collegium -Regale_ are also found at an early date, the latter occurring on the -College seal, which consists of three Gothic niches or compartments, -with St. Hugh and St. Chad on either side and the Trinity in the -centre: underneath is a small shield with Smyth’s arms, and round is -the legend, “Sigillum commune colegii regalis de brasinnose in oxonia.” - -The _Arms_ of the College are: The escutcheon divided into three -parts paleways, the centre or, thereon an escutcheon charged with the -arms of the See of _Lincoln_ (gules, two lions passant gardant in pale -or, on a chief azure Our Lady crowned, sitting on a tombstone issuant -from the chief, in her dexter arm the Infant Jesus, in her sinister a -sceptre, all or), ensigned with a mitre, all proper: the dexter side -argent, a chevron sable between three roses gules seeded or barbed -vert, being the arms of the founder William _Smyth_: on the sinister -side the arms of Sir Richard _Sutton_ of Prestbury, knight, viz. -quarterly first and fourth, argent a chevron between three bugle-horns -stringed sable, for _Sutton_, second and third, argent a chevron -between three crosses crosslet sable, for _Southworth_. - -A coat of arms tripartite paleways is a very rare phenomenon, but -is found among Oxford Colleges at Lincoln and Corpus. The cause at -Brasenose was no doubt an attempt to combine symmetrically on one -shield the arms of the founders, the see of Lincoln being given a -disproportionate amount and a central position, from the honour brought -by connection with it as both the Founder’s and the Visitor’s see. For -the sake of appearance also the arms of Lincoln are placed within the -field, the mitre with which they are ensigned being included in the -pale. The only variations are that (1) in some old examples the arms -of Lincoln cover the whole central pale, the entire College arms being -ensigned with a mitre or stringed, and sometimes with a crosier and -key in saltire; (2) the crosses crosslet are found as crosses crosslet -fitchy or crosses patoncé. The nearest approach to an early official -declaration of the arms is to be found in Richard Lee’s report from the -best evidence he could obtain, made at the same time as his Visitation -in 1574, and to be found in MS. H 6 of the College of Arms. - -The College seems never to have had a motto, but Bishop William Smyth’s -(“Dominus exaltatio mea”) has been occasionally and unofficially used, -as in the new Principal’s house. - - -VII. STATISTICS. - - -_1. Principals of Brasenose Hall._ - - MENTIONED IN - - 1435 William Long, B.A. - - 1436 R. Marcham or Markham, M.A. - - 1438 Roger Grey. - - 1444 R. Marcham, again. - - 1451 William Curth or Church, M.A., _d._ 1461. - - 1461 William Braggys, M.A. - - 1461 William Wryxham, M.A. - - 1462 William Braggys, again. - - 1462 John Molineux, again. - - In 1468 the Hall was repaired by - - 1469 William Sutton, M.A., who occurs also as late as 1483. - - 1501 } Edmund Croston, M.A., who died 27th Jan., 1507/8; his - 1503 } brass in St. Mary’s church is engraved in Churton’s - _Lives of the Founders_. - - 1502 } - 1505 } John Formby, M.A., resigned 24th Aug., 1510. - 1508-10 } - - 1510-12 Matthew Smyth, B.D. - - -_2. Principals of the College._ - - ELECTED - - 1512 Matthew Smyth. - - (_Original Fellows_: John Haster, probably first - Vice-Principal, John Formby, Roland Messenger, John - Legh. Shortly after: Richard Shirwood, Richard - Gunston, Simon Starkey, Richard Ridge, Hugh - Charnock, Ralph Bostock). - - 1547/8 Feb. 27 John Hawarden. - - 1564/5 Feb. Thomas Blanchard. - - 1573/4 Feb. 16 Richard Harrys. - - 1595 Sept. 6 Alexander Nowell (Head-master of Westminster School - 1543-55, Dean of St. Paul’s 1560-1602). - - 1595 Dec. 29 Thomas Singleton. - - 1614 Dec. 14 Samuel Radcliffe (ejected by the Oxford Commissioners - 6th Jan., 1647. Died 26 June, 1648). - - 1648 July 13 Thomas Yate (ejected, but reinstated 10th Aug., 1660). - - 1648 April 13 Daniel Greenwood (ejected Aug. 1660). - - 1681 May 7 John Meare. - - 1710 June 2 Robert Shippen (Professor of Music in Gresham College, - London, 1705-11?). - - 1745 Dec. 10 Francis Yarborough. - - 1770 May 10 William Gwyn. - - 1770 Sept. 4 Ralph Cawley. - - 1777 Sept. 14 Thomas Barker. - - 1785 Sept. 10 William Cleaver (Bishop of Chester 1788, Bangor 1800, - St. Asaph 1806-15). - - 1809 June 21 Frodsham Hodson. - - 1822 Feb. 2 Ashurst Turner Gilbert (Bishop of Chichester, 1842-70). - - 1842 June 9 Richard Harington. - - 1853 Dec. 27 Edward Hartopp Cradock. - - 1886 Feb. 26 Albert Watson. - - 1889 Oct. 1 Charles Buller Heberden. - - -VIII. NOTANDA. - -Proverb: _Testons are gone to Oxford to study in Brazen Nose_, when -Henry VIII. debased the coinage. - -Census in Aug. 1552: Principal, 8 M.A.’s, 12 B.A.’s, 49 who had not -taken a degree, including the steward and cook; in all 70 in residence. - -Census in 1565/6: Principal, 31 graduates, 57 undergraduate scholars -and commoners, 8 poor scholars, 5 matriculated servants: in all 102 -names on the books. - -Census in 1612: Principal, 21 Fellows, 29 scholars, 145 commoners, -17 poor scholars, 14 batellers and matriculated servants: in all 227 -members in residence. Revenue £600 a year. (Principalship £80.) - -Plate presented to the King, January 1642/3, by the College, 121_lb._ -2_oz._ 15_d._ - -A scheme of amalgamation with Lincoln College was proposed in Oct. -1877, and on March 22, 1878, there was a meeting of both governing -bodies in Brasenose Common Room; but by the end of that year the plan -had come to nothing, partly owing to a vigorous pamphlet by H. E. P. -Platt, Fellow of Lincoln. - - - - -XII. - -CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE. - -BY T. FOWLER, D.D., F.S.A., PRESIDENT OF CORPUS. - - -This College was founded by Richard Foxe, Bishop of Winchester and -Lord Privy Seal to Kings Henry VII. and VIII., in the year 1516. For -the life of Foxe, which is full of interest, and thoroughly typical -of the career of a statesman-ecclesiastic of those times, I must -refer the reader to my article on Richard Foxe in the _Dictionary of -National Biography_.[227] Foxe had, in early life, linked his fortunes -with those of Henry VII., then Earl of Richmond, while in exile in -France; and, after the battle of Bosworth Field (22nd August, 1485), -he became, in rapid succession, Principal Secretary of State, Lord -Privy Seal, and Bishop of Exeter. He was subsequently translated to -Bath and Wells (1491-2), Durham (1494), and Winchester (1501), then the -wealthiest See in England. The principal event in his life (at least -in its far-reaching consequences) was his negotiation, while Bishop of -Durham, of the marriage between James IV. of Scotland and the Princess -Margaret, eldest daughter of Henry VII., which resulted, a century -later, in the permanent union of the English and Scottish crowns under -James VI. - -It is probable that Foxe, who, as we learn from his woodwork in the -banqueting-hall of Durham Castle, had, so early as 1499, adopted, as -his device, the pelican feeding her young, was early inspired with -the idea of founding some important educational institution for the -benefit of the Church. This idea, shortly before the foundation of -his present College, had taken the shape of a house in Oxford for -the reception of young monks from St. Swithin’s Priory in Winchester -while attending academical lectures and disputations in Oxford. -There were other such houses in Oxford, such as Canterbury College, -Durham College,[228] and the picturesque staircases, connected with -various Benedictine monasteries, still standing in Worcester College. -But his friend, Hugh Oldham, Bishop of Exeter, more prescient than -himself, already foresaw the fall of the monasteries and, with them, -of their academical dependencies in Oxford. “What, my Lord,” Oldham is -represented as saying by John Hooker, _alias_ Vowell (see _Holinshed’s -Chronicles_), “shall we build houses and provide livelihoods for a -company of bussing[229] monks, whose end and fall we ourselves may live -to see; no, no, it is more meet a great deal that we should have care -to provide for the increase of learning, and for such as who by their -learning shall do good in the Church and commonwealth.” Thus Foxe’s -benefaction (to which Oldham himself liberally contributed, as did also -the founder’s steward, William Frost, and other of his friends) took -the more common form of a College for the education of the secular -clergy. A site was purchased between Merton and St. Frideswide’s (the -monastery subsequently converted into, first, Cardinal College, and -then Christ Church), the land being acquired mainly from Merton and -St. Frideswide’s, though a small portion was also bought from the nuns -of Godstow. It has been suggested that the sale by Merton (comprising -about two-thirds of the site on which Corpus now stands) was a forced -one, a supposition which derives some plausibility from the fact that -the alienation effectually prevented the extension of the ante-chapel -of Merton College as well as from Foxe’s powerful position at Court. -But against this theory we may place the fact that the then Warden of -Merton (Richard Rawlyns), when subsequently accused, amongst other -charges, before the Visitor, of having alienated part of the homestead -of the College, does not appear to have pleaded, in extenuation, any -external pressure from high quarters. - -Foxe induced his friend John Claymond, who, like himself, was a -Lincolnshire man, to transfer himself from the Presidentship of -Magdalen to that of the newly-founded College, the difference in -income being made up by his presentation to the valuable Rectory of -Cleeve in Gloucestershire. Robert Morwent, another Magdalen man, was -made perpetual Vice-President, to which exceptional privilege was -subsequently (1527-8) added that of the right of succession to the -Presidency. Several of the original Fellows and scholars were also -brought from Magdalen, so that Corpus was, in a certain sense, a -colony from what has usually been supposed, and on strong grounds of -probability, to have been Foxe’s own College. - -The statutes were given by the founder in the year 1517, and -supplemented in 1527, the revised version being signed by him, in an -extremely trembling hand, on the 13th of February, 1527-8, within -eight months of his death, which occurred on the 5th of October, 1528, -probably at his Castle of Wolvesey in Winchester. These statutes are -of peculiar interest, both on account of the vivid picture which they -bring before us of the domestic life of a mediæval college, and the -provision made for instruction in the new learning introduced by the -Renaissance. - -The greatest novelty of the Corpus statutes is the institution of a -public lecturer in Greek, who was to lecture to the entire University, -and was evidently designed to be one of the principal officers of the -College. This readership appears to have been the first permanent -office created in either University for the purpose of giving -instruction in the Greek language; though, for some years before the -close of the fifteenth century, Grocyn, Linacre, and others, had taught -Greek at Oxford, in a private or semi-official capacity. On Mondays, -Wednesdays, and Fridays, throughout the year, the Greek reader was -to give instruction in some portion of the Grammar of Theodorus or -other approved Greek grammarian, together with some part of Lucian, -Philostratus, or the orations of Isocrates. On Tuesdays, Thursdays, -and Saturdays, throughout the year, he was to lecture in Aristophanes, -Theocritus, Euripides, Sophocles, Pindar, or Hesiod, or some other -of the more ancient Greek poets, with some part of Demosthenes, -Thucydides, Aristotle, Theophrastus, or Plutarch. It will be noticed -that there is no express mention in this list of Homer, Aeschylus, -Herodotus, or Plato. Thrice a week, moreover, in vacations, he was to -give private instruction in Greek grammar or rhetoric, or some Greek -author, to all members of the College below the degree of Master of -Arts. Lastly, all Fellows and scholars below the degree of Bachelor in -Divinity, including even Masters of Arts, were bound, on pain of loss -of commons, to attend the public lectures of both the Greek and Latin -reader; and not only so, but to pass a satisfactory examination in them -to be conducted three evenings in the week. - -Similar regulations as to teaching are laid down with regard to the -Professor of Humanity or Latin, whose special province it is carefully -to extirpate all “barbarism” from our “bee-hive,” the name by which, -throughout these statutes, Foxe fondly calls his College.[230] The -lectures were to begin at eight in the morning, and to be given all -through the year, either in the Hall of the College, or in some -public place within the University. The authors specified are Cicero, -Sallust, Valerius Maximus, Suetonius, Pliny’s _Natural History_, Livy, -Quintilian, Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Juvenal, Terence, and Plautus. It -will be noticed that Horace and Tacitus are absent from the list.[231] -Moreover, in vacations, the Professor is to lecture, three times a -week, to all inmates of the College below the degree of Master of Arts, -on the _Elegantiae_ of Laurentius Valla, the _Attic Nights_ of Aulus -Gellius, the _Miscellanea_ of Politian, or something of the like kind -according to the discretion of the President and Seniors. - -The third reader was to be a Lecturer in Theology, “the science -which we have always so highly esteemed, that this our bee-hive has -been constructed solely or mainly for its sake.” But, even here, the -spirit of the Renaissance is predominant. The Professor is to lecture -every working-day throughout the year (excepting ten weeks), year -by year in turn, on some portion of the Old or New Testament. The -authorities for their interpretation, however, are no longer to be such -mediæval authors as Nicolas de Lyra or Hugh of Vienne (more commonly -called Hugo de Sancto Charo or Hugh of St. Cher), far posterior in -time and inferior in learning,[232] but the holy and ancient Greek -and Latin doctors, especially Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose, Origen, -Hilary, Chrysostom, John of Damascus, and others of that kind. These -theological lectures were to be attended by all Fellows of the College -who had been assigned to the study of theology, except Doctors. No -special provision seems to be made in the statutes for the theological -instruction of the junior members of the College, such as the scholars, -clerks, etc.; but the services in chapel would furnish a constant -reminder of the principal events in Christian history and the essential -doctrines of the Christian Church. The Doctors, though exempt from -attendance at lectures, were, like all the other “theologians,” bound -to take part in the weekly theological disputations. Absence, in -their case as in that of the others, was punishable by deprivation of -commons, and, if persisted in, it is curious to find that the ultimate -penalty was an injunction to preach a sermon, during the next Lent, at -St. Peter’s in the East. - -In addition to attendance at the theological lectures of the public -reader of their own College, “theologians,” not being Doctors, were -required to attend two other lectures daily: one, beginning at seven -in the morning, in the School of Divinity; the other, at Magdalen, at -nine. Bachelors of Arts, so far as was consistent with attendance at -the public lectures in their own College, were to attend two lectures a -day “in philosophy” (meaning probably, metaphysics, morals, and natural -philosophy), at Magdalen, going and returning in a body; one of these -courses of lectures, it may be noticed, appears from the Magdalen -statutes to have been delivered at six in the morning. Undergraduates -(described as “sophistae et logici”) were to be lectured in logic, and -assiduously practised in arguments and the solution of sophisms by one -or two of the Fellows or probationers assigned for that purpose. These -lecturers in logic were diligently to explain Porphyry and Aristotle, -at first in Latin, afterwards in Greek. Moreover, all undergraduates, -who had devoted at least six months and not more than thirty to the -study of logic, were to frequent the argumentative contest in the -schools (“illud gloriosum in Parviso certamen”), as often as it -seemed good to the President. Even on festivals and during holiday -times, they were not to be idle, but to compose verses and letters on -literary subjects, to be shown up to the Professor of Humanity. They -were, however, to be permitted occasional recreation in the afternoon -hours, both on festival and work days, provided they had the consent -of the Lecturer and Dean, and the President (or, in his absence, the -Vice-President) raised no objection. Equal care was taken to prevent -the Bachelors from falling into slothful habits during the vacations. -Three times a week at least, during the Long Vacation, they were, -each of them, to expound some astronomical or mathematical work to be -assigned, from time to time, by the Dean of Philosophy, in the hall -or chapel, and all Fellows and probationers of the College, not being -graduates in theology, were bound to be present at the exercises. In -the shorter vacations, one of them, selected by the Dean of Arts as -often as he chose to enjoin the task, was to explain some poet, orator, -or historian, to his fellow-bachelors and undergraduates. - -Nor was attendance at the University and College lectures, together -with the private instruction, examinations, and exercises connected -with them, the only occupation of these hard-worked students. They -were also bound, according to their various standings and faculties, -to take part in or be present at frequent disputations in logic, -natural philosophy, metaphysics, morals, and theology. The theological -disputations, with the penalties attached to failure to take part -in them, have already been noticed. The Bachelors of Arts, and, in -certain cases, the “necessary regents” among the Masters (that is, -those Masters of Arts who had not yet completed two years from the date -of that degree), were also bound to dispute in the subjects of their -faculty, namely, logic, natural philosophy, metaphysics, and morals, -for at least two hours twice a week. Nor could any Fellow or scholar -take his Bachelor’s degree, till he had read and explained some work -or portion of a work of some Latin poet, orator, or historian; or his -Master’s degree, till he had explained some book, or at least volume, -of Greek logic or philosophy. When we add to these requirements of -the College the disputations also imposed by the University, and the -numerous religious offices in the chapel, we may easily perceive that, -in this busy hive of literary industry, there was little leisure for -the amusements which now absorb so large a portion of the student’s -time and thoughts. Though, when absent from the University, they were -not forbidden to spend a moderate amount of time in hunting or fowling, -yet, when actually in Oxford, they were restricted to games of ball in -the College garden. Nor had they, like the modern student, prolonged -vacations. Vacation to them was mainly a respite from University -exercises; the College work, though varied in subject-matter, going on, -in point of quantity, much as usual. They were allowed indeed, for a -reasonable cause, to spend a portion of the vacation away from Oxford, -but the whole time of absence, in the case of a Fellow, was not, in -the aggregate, to exceed forty days in the year, nor in the case of a -probationer or scholar, twenty days; nor were more than six members of -the foundation ever to be absent at a time, except at certain periods, -which we might call the depths of the vacations, when the number might -reach ten. The liberal ideas of the founder are, however, shown in the -provision that one Fellow or scholar at a time might have leave of -absence for three years, in order to settle in Italy, or some other -country, for the purposes of study. He was to retain his full allowance -during absence, and, when he returned, he was to be available for the -office of a Reader, when next vacant. - -This society of students would consist of between fifty and sixty -persons, all of whom, we must recollect, were normally bound to -residence, and to take their part, each in his several degree, in the -literary activity of the College, or, according to the language of the -founder, “to make honey.” Besides the President, there were twenty -Fellows, twenty scholars (called “disciples”), two chaplains, and two -clerks, who might be called the constant elements of the College. -In addition to these, there might be some or even all of the three -Readers, in case they were not included among the Fellows; four, or -at the most six, sons of nobles or lawyers (_juris-consulti_), a kind -of boarder afterwards called “gentlemen-commoners”; and some even -of the servants. The last class consisted of two servants for the -President (one a groom, the other a body-servant), the manciple, the -butler, two cooks, the porter (who was also barber), and the clerk -of accompt. It would appear from the statutes that these servants, -or rather servitors, might or might not[233] pursue the studies of -the College, according to their discretion; if they chose to do so, -they probably proceeded to their degrees.[234] Lastly, there were two -inmates of the College, who were too young to attend the lectures and -disputations, but who were to be taught grammar and instructed in good -authors, either within the College or at Magdalen School. These were -the choristers, who were to dine and sup with the servants, and to -minister in the hall and chapel; but, as they grew older, were to have -a preference in the election to scholarships. - -Passing to the domestic arrangements, the Fellows and scholars--there -are curiously no directions with regard to the other members of the -College--were to sleep two and two in a room, a Fellow and scholar -together, the Fellow in a high bed, and the scholar in a truckle-bed. -The Fellow was to have the supervision of the scholar who shared his -room, to set him a good example, to instruct him, to admonish or -punish him if he did wrong, and (if need were) to report him to the -disciplinal officers of the College. The limitation of two to a room -was a distinct advance on the existing practice. At the most recently -founded Colleges, Magdalen and Brasenose, the number prescribed in the -statutes was three or four. As no provision is made in the statutes for -bed-makers, or attendants on the rooms, there can be little doubt that -the beds were made and the rooms kept in order by the junior occupant, -an office which, in those days when the sons of men of quality served -as pages in great houses, implied no degradation. - -In the hall there were two meals in the day, dinner and supper, the -former probably about eleven a.m. or noon, the latter probably about -five or six p.m. At what we should now call the High Table, there were -to sit the President, Vice-President, and Reader in Theology, together -with the Doctors and Bachelors in that faculty; but even amongst them -there was a distinction, as there was an extra allowance for the dish -of which the three persons highest in dignity partook, providing one of -the above three officers were present. The Vice-President and Reader in -Theology, one or both of them, might be displaced, at the President’s -discretion, by distinguished strangers. At the upper side-table, on the -right, were to sit the Masters of Arts and Readers in Greek and Latin, -in no prescribed order; at that on the left, the remaining Fellows, -the probationers, and the chaplains. The scholars and the two clerks -were to occupy the remaining tables, except the table nearest the -buttery, which was to be occupied by the two bursars, the steward, and -the clerk of accompt, for the purpose, probably, of superintending the -service. The steward was one of the graduate-fellows appointed, from -week to week, to assist the bursars in the commissariat and internal -expenditure of the College. It was also his duty to superintend the -waiting at the upper tables, and, indeed, it would seem as if he -himself took part in it. The ordinary waiters at these tables were -the President’s and other College servants, the choristers, and, -if necessary, the clerks; but the steward had also the power of -supplementing their service from amongst the scholars. At the scholars’ -tables, the waiters were to be taken from amongst the scholars and -clerks themselves, two a week in turn. What has been said above with -regard to the absence, at that time, of any idea of degradation in -rendering services in the chambers would equally apply here. Such -services would then be no more regarded as degrading than is fagging -in a public school now.[235] During dinner, a portion of the Bible -was to be read by one of the Fellows or Scholars under the degree of -Master of Arts; and, when dinner was finished, it was to be expounded -by the President or by one of the Fellows (being a theologian) who was -to be selected for the purpose by the President or Vice-President, -under pain of a month’s deprivation of commons, if he refused. While -the Bible was not being read, the students were to be allowed to -converse at dinner, but only in Greek or Latin, which languages were -also to be employed exclusively, except to those ignorant of them or -for the purposes of the College accounts, not only in the chapel and -hall but in the chambers and all other places of the College. As soon -as dinner or supper was over, at least after grace and the loving-cup, -all the students, senior and junior, were to leave the hall. The same -rule was to apply to the _bibesia_, or _biberia_, then customary in -the University; which were slight refections of bread and beer,[236] -in addition to the two regular meals. Exception, however, was made in -favour of those festivals of Our Lord, the Blessed Virgin, and the -Saints, on which it was customary to keep up the hall fire. For, on -the latter occasions, after refection and potation, the Fellows and -probationers might remain in the hall to sing or employ themselves in -any other innocent recreations such as became clerics, or to recite and -discuss poems, histories, the marvels of the world, and other such like -subjects. - -The services in the chapel, especially on Sundays and festivals, it -need hardly be said, were numerous, and the penalties for absence -severe. On non-festival days the first mass was at five in the morning, -and all scholars of the College and bachelor Fellows were bound to be -present from the beginning to the end, under pain of heavy punishments -for absence, lateness, or inattention. There were other masses which -were not equally obligatory, but the inmates of the College were, of -course, obliged to keep the canonical hours. They were also charged, in -conscience, to say certain private prayers on getting up in the morning -or going to bed at night; as well as, once during the day, to pray for -the founder and other his or their benefactors. - -I have already spoken of the lectures, disputations, examinations, and -private instruction, as well as of the scanty amusements, as compared -with those of our own day, which were then permitted. Something, -however, still remains to be said of the mode of life prescribed by -the founder, and of the punishments inflicted for breach of rules. -We have seen that, when the Bachelors of Arts attended the lectures -at Magdalen, they were obliged to go and return in a body. Even on -ordinary occasions, the Fellows, scholars, chaplains and clerks were -forbidden to go outside the College, unless it were to the schools, the -library, or some other College or hall, unaccompanied by some other -member of the College as a “witness of their honest conversation.” -Undergraduates required, moreover, special leave from the Dean or -Reader of Logic, the only exemption in their case being the schools. -If they went into the country, for a walk or other relaxation, they -must go in a company of not less than three, keep together all the -time, and return together. The only weapons they were allowed to carry, -except when away for their short vacations, were the bow and arrow. -Whether within the University or away from it, they were strictly -prohibited from wearing any but the clerical dress. Once a year, they -were all to be provided, at the expense of the College, with gowns -(to be worn outside their other habits) of the same colour, though of -different sizes and prices according to their position in College. It -may be noticed that these gowns were to be provided for the _famuli_ -or servants no less than for the other members of the foundation; and -that, for this purpose, the servants are divided into two classes, one -corresponding with the chaplains and probationary Fellows, the other -with the scholars, clerks, and choristers. - -Besides being subjected to the supervision of the various officers of -the College, each scholar was to be assigned by the President to a -tutor, namely, the same Fellow whose chamber he shared. The tutor was -to have the general charge of him; expend, on his behalf, the pension -which he received from the College, or any sums which came to him from -other sources; watch his progress, and correct his defects. If he were -neither a graduate nor above twenty years of age, he was to be punished -with stripes; otherwise, in some other manner. Corporal punishment -might also be inflicted, in the case of the juniors, for various -other offences, such as absence from chapel, inattention at lectures, -speaking English instead of Latin or Greek; and it was probably, -for the ordinary faults of undergraduates, the most common form of -punishment. Other punishments--short of expulsion, which was the last -resort--were confinement to the library with the task of writing out -or composing something in the way of an imposition; sitting alone -in the middle of hall, while the rest were dining, at a meal of dry -bread and beer, or even bread and water; and lastly, the punishment, -so frequently mentioned in the statutes, deprivation of commons. This -punishment operated practically as a pecuniary fine, the offender -having to pay for his own commons instead of receiving them free from -the College. The payment had to be made to the bursars immediately, -or, at latest, at the end of term. All members of the College, except -the President and probably the Vice-President, were subject to this -penalty, though, in case of the seniors, it was simply a fine, whereas -undergraduates and Bachelors of Arts were obliged to take their -commons either alone or with others similarly punished. The offenders, -moreover, were compelled to write their names in a register, stating -their offence and the number of days for which they were “put out of -commons.” Such registers still exist; but, as the names are almost -exclusively those of Bachelors and undergraduates, it is probable that -the seniors, by immediate payment or otherwise, escaped this more -ignominious part of the punishment. It will be noticed that rustication -and gating, words so familiar to the undergraduates of the present -generation, do not occur in this enumeration. Rustication, in those -days, when many of the students came from such distant homes and the -exercises in College were so severe, would generally have been either -too heavy or too light a penalty. Gating, in our sense, could hardly -exist, as the undergraduates, at least, were not free to go outside the -walls, except for scholastic purposes, without special leave, and that -would, doubtless, have been refused in case of any recent misconduct. -Here it may be noticed that the College gates were closed in the winter -months at eight, and in the summer months at nine, the keys being taken -to the President to prevent further ingress or egress. - -Such were the studies, and such was the discipline, of an Oxford -College at the beginning of the sixteenth century; nor is there any -reason to suppose that, till the troubled times of the Reformation, -these stringent rules were not rigorously enforced. They admirably -served the purpose to which they were adapted, the education of a -learned clergy, trained to habits of study, regularity, and piety, apt -at dialectical fence, and competent to press all the secular learning -of the time into the service of the Church. Never since that time -probably have the Universities or the Colleges so completely secured -the objects at which they aimed. But first, the Reformation; then, the -Civil Wars; then, the Restoration of Charles II.; then, the Revolution -of 1688; and lastly, the silent changes gradually brought about by the -increasing age of the students, the increasing proportion of those -destined for secular pursuits, and the growth of luxurious habits in -the country at large, have left little surviving of this cunningly -devised system. The aims of modern times, and the materials with which -we have to deal, have necessarily become different; but we may well -envy the zeal for religion and learning which animated the ancient -founders, the skill with which they adapted their means to their end, -and the system of instruction and discipline which converted a body -of raw youths, gathered probably, to a large extent, from the College -estates, into studious and accomplished ecclesiastics, combining the -new learning with the ancient traditions of the ecclesiastical life. - -The first President and Fellows were settled in their buildings, and -put in possession of the College and its appurtenances, by the Warden -of New College and the President of Magdalen, acting on behalf of the -Founder, on the 4th of March, 1516-17. There were as many witnesses -as filled two tables in the hall; among them being Reginald Pole -(afterwards Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury), then a B.A. of -Magdalen, and subsequently (February 14th, 1523-4) admitted, by special -appointment of the Founder, Fellow of Corpus. Of the first President -and Vice-President, and the large proportion of Magdalen men in the -original society, mention has already been made. The first Professor -of Humanity was Ludovicus Vivès, the celebrated Spanish humanist, -who had previously been lecturing in the South of Italy; the first -Professor of Greek expressly mentioned in the Register (not definitely -appointed, however, till Jan. 2nd, 1520-21), was Edward Wotton, then -a young Magdalen man, subsequently Physician to Henry VIII., and -author of a once well-known book, _De Differentiis Animalium_.[237] -The Professorship of Theology does not seem to have been filled up -either on the original constitution of the College or at any subsequent -time. It is possible that the functions of the Professor may have been -performed by the Vice-President, who was _ex officio_ Dean of Theology. -In the very first list of admissions, however, to the new society, -we find the names of Nicholas Crutcher (_i. e._ Kratzer) a Bavarian, -a native of Munich, who was probably introduced into the College for -the purpose of teaching Mathematics. He was astronomer to Henry VIII.; -left memorials of himself in Oxford, in the shape of dials, in St. -Mary’s churchyard and in Corpus Garden;[238] and still survives in the -fine portraits of him by Holbein. The sagacity of Foxe is singularly -exemplified by his free admission of foreigners to his Readerships. -While the Fellowships and scholarships were confined to certain -dioceses and counties, and the only regular access to a Fellowship was -through a Scholarship, the Readers might be natives of any part of -England, or of Greece or Italy beyond the Po. It would seem, however, -as if even this specification of countries was rather by way of -exemplification than restriction, as the two first appointments, made -by the founder himself, were of a Spaniard and a Bavarian. - -Erasmus, writing, shortly after the settlement of the society, to John -Claymond, the first President, in 1519, speaks (_Epist._, lib. 4) of -the great interest which had been taken in Foxe’s foundation by Wolsey, -Campeggio, and Henry VIII. himself, and predicts that the College will -be ranked “inter praecipua decora Britanniae,” and that its “trilinguis -bibliotheca” will attract more scholars to Oxford than were formerly -attracted to Rome. This language, though somewhat exaggerated, shows -the great expectations formed by the promoters of the new learning of -this new departure in academical institutions. - -Of the subsequent history of the College, the space at my command only -allows me to afford very brief glimpses. - -In 1539, John Jewel (subsequently the celebrated Bishop of Salisbury) -was elected from a Postmastership at Merton to a scholarship at Corpus. -From the interesting life of Jewel by Laurence Humfrey (published in -1573), we gather that at the time when Jewel entered it, and for some -years subsequently, Corpus was still the “bee-hive” which its founder -had designed it to be. His Merton tutors, we learn, were very anxious -to place him at Corpus, not only for his pecuniary, but also for his -educational, advancement. The lectures, disputations, exercises, and -examinations prescribed by the founder seem still to have been retained -in their full vigour, though it is curious to find that the author with -whom young Jewel was most familiar was Horace, whose works, as we have -seen, were strangely omitted from the list of Latin books recommended -in the original statutes. But that the College shared in the general -decay of learning, which accompanied the religious troubles of Edward -VI.’s reign, is apparent from two orations delivered by Jewel: one in -1552, in commemoration of the founder; the other probably a little -earlier, a sort of declamation against Rhetoric, in his capacity of -Praelector of Latin. In the latter oration, he contrasts unfavourably -the present with the former state of the University, referring its -degeneracy, its diminished influence, and its waning numbers, to -the excessive cultivation of rhetoric, and especially of the works -of Cicero, “who has extinguished the light and glory of the whole -University.” In the former, and apparently later, oration, he deals -more specifically with the College, and admonishes its members to wash -out, by their industry and application to study, the stain on their -once fair name, to throw off their lethargy, to recover their ancient -dignity, and to take for their watchword “Studeamus.” - -Jewel’s words of warning and incentive to study would seem to have -borne good fruit in the days of Elizabeth, though they were speedily -followed by his flight, during the Marian persecution, first to -Broadgates Hall (now Pembroke College), and subsequently to Germany and -Switzerland, never more to return to Oxford, except in the capacity of -a visitor. But, at the time of his death (1571), he was represented at -his old College by one who was to be a still greater ornament of the -Church of England even than himself. In the year 1567, in the fifteenth -year of his age, according to Izaac Walton’s account, Richard Hooker, -through Jewel’s kindness and with some assistance from his uncle, John -Hooker of Exeter, was enabled to go up to Oxford, there to receive, -on the good bishop’s recommendation, a clerk’s place in the gift of -the President of Corpus.[239] It would be futile to extract, and -presumptuous to recast, the graphic account of young Hooker’s College -life as delineated by his quaint and venerable biographer. From his -clerkship he was elected to a scholarship, when nearly twenty years of -age, and from that he passed in due course to a Fellowship, which he -vacated on marriage and presentation to a living in 1584. Thus Hooker -resided in Corpus about seventeen years, and must there have laid in -that varied and extensive stock of knowledge and formed that sound -judgment and stately style which raised him to the highest rank, not -only amongst English divines, but amongst English writers. “From that -garden of piety, of pleasure, of peace, and a sweet conversation,” -he passed “into the thorny wilderness of a busy world, into those -corroding cares that attend a married priest and a country parsonage”; -and, most bitter and least tolerable of all the elements in his lot, -into the exacting and uncongenial society of his termagant wife. -Corpus, at that time, is described by Walton as “noted for an eminent -library, strict students, and remarkable scholars.” Indeed, a College -which, within a period of sixty years, admitted and educated John -Jewel, John Reynolds, Richard Hooker, and Thomas Jackson, four of the -greatest divines and most distinguished writers who have ever adorned -the Church of England, might, especially in an age when theology -was the most absorbing interest of the day, vie, small as it was in -numbers, with the largest and most illustrious Colleges in either -University. - -There is another picture of college life at Corpus, during the reign -of Elizabeth, less pleasing than that on which we have just been -dwelling. It seems that during the reign of Edward VI. and the early -part of Elizabeth’s reign, possibly even to a much later period, -several members of the foundation were secretly inclined to the Roman -Catholic religion, or, to speak with more precision of the earlier -cases, had not yet embraced the doctrines of Protestantism. It was -probably with a view to accelerate the reception of the reformed -faith, that, on the vacancy of the Presidentship in 1567 or 1568, -Elizabeth was advised to recommend William Cole, a former Fellow of -the society, who had been a refugee in Switzerland, and had there -suffered considerable hardships, which do not seem to have improved -his temper. The Fellows, notwithstanding the royal recommendation, -elected one Robert Harrison, who had been recently removed from the -College by the Visitor on account of his Romanist proclivities, “not -at all taking notice,” says Anthony Wood, “of the said Cole; being -very unwilling to have him, his wife and children, and his Zurichian -discipline introduced among them.” The Queen annulled the election, -but the Fellows still would not yield. Hereupon the aid of the -Visitor was invoked; but, when the Bishop of Winchester came down -with his retinue, he found the gate closed against him. “At length, -after he had made his way in, he repaired to the chapel,” where, -after expelling those Fellows who were recalcitrant, he obtained the -consent of the remainder. A Royal Commission was also sent down to the -College the same year, which, “after a strict inquiry and examination -of several persons, expelled some as Roman Catholics, curbed those -that were suspected to incline that way, and gave encouragement to -the Protestants. Mr. Cole,” Wood[240] proceeds, “who was the first -married President that Corp. Chr. Coll. ever had, being settled in his -place, acted so foully by defrauding the College and bringing it into -debt, that divers complaints were put up against him to the Bishop of -Winchester, Visitor of that College. At length the said Bishop, in one -of his quinquennial visitations, took Mr. Cole to task, and, after long -discourses on both sides, the Bishop plainly told him, ‘Well, well, -Mr. President, seeing it is so, you and the College must part without -any more ado, and therefore see that you provide for yourself.’ Mr. -Cole therefore, being not able to say any more, fetcht a deep sigh and -said, ‘What, my good Lord, must I then eat mice at Zurich again?’ At -which words the Bishop, being much terrified, for they worked with him -more than all his former oratory had done, said no more, but bid him -be at rest and deal honestly with the College.” The sensible advice of -the Bishop, however, was not acted on; and, whether the fault lay with -the President or with the Fellows, or, as is most likely, with both, -the bickerings, dissensions, and mutual recriminations between the -President, and, at least, one section of the Fellows, continued during -the whole of Cole’s presidency, which lasted thirty years. There are -some MS. letters in the British Museum, by one Simon Tripp, which give -a painful idea of the bitterness of the quarrel. And Mrs. Cole seems to -have added to the embroilment: “nimirum Paris cum nescio qua Italica -Helena perdite omnia perturbavit” (Tripp’s letter to Jewel). In 1580 -there appear to have been hopes of Cole’s resigning; but his Presidency -did not come to an end, nor peace return to the College, till 1598, -when an arrangement, much to the advantage of the College, was made, by -which Dr. John Reynolds, who had been recently appointed to the Deanery -of Lincoln, resigned that office, on the understanding that Cole would -be appointed his successor, and that, on Cole’s resignation of the -Presidency, he would himself be elected by the Fellows. Cole died two -years afterwards, and is buried in Lincoln cathedral. Reynolds, the -most learned and distinguished President the College ever had, famous -for his share in the translation of the Bible and in the Hampton Court -controversy, rests in Corpus chapel. - -I will now shift the scene to the year 1648, the second year of the -Parliamentary Visitation. On the 22nd of May, in this year, two orders -were issued by the “Committee of Lords and Commons for the Reformation -of the University of Oxford,” one depriving Dr. Robert Newlyn of the -Presidentship of Corpus as “guilty of high contempt and denyall of -authority of parliament,” the other constituting Dr. Edmund Staunton -President in his stead. On the 27th of May, we read, in Anthony -Wood’s _Annals_, that the Visitors (who sat in Oxford, and must be -distinguished from the Committee mentioned above, who sat in London) -“caused a paper to be stuck on Corp. Ch. College gate to depose Dr. -Newlin from being President, but the paper was soon after torn down -with indignation and scorn.” And again, on the 11th of July, they “went -to C. C. Coll., dashed out Dr. Newlin’s name from the Buttery-book, and -put in that of Dr. Stanton formerly voted into the place; but their -backs were no sooner turned but his name was blotted out with a pen by -Will. Fulman and then torn out by Tim. Parker, scholars of that House. -At the same time (if I mistake not) they[241] brake open the Treasury, -but found nothing.” After this audacious feat we can hardly wonder that -Will. Fulman and Tim. Parker were expelled by the Visitors on the 22nd -of July. Fulman (the famous and industrious antiquary, many volumes -of whose researches are still preserved in the Corpus library) was -restored in 1660. Corpus being one of the specially Royalist Colleges, -it is not surprising to find that almost a clean sweep was made of -the existing foundation, including the five principal servants.[242] -Dr. Staunton, who was himself one of the Visitors, seems to have -ruled the College vigorously and wisely, though, very early in his -Presidentship, there are signs of dissensions among the Fellows, due, -possibly, to differences between the rival factions of Presbyterians -and Independents. Any way, he knew how to maintain his authority. In -the record of punishments, made in the handwriting of the culprits -themselves, we find that, in 1651, four of the scholars were put out of -commons “usque ad dignam emendationem,” “till they had learnt to mend -their ways,” for sitting in the President’s presence with their caps -on. The discipline appears to have been almost exceptionally stringent -at this time. Amongst other curious entries, we find that Edward -Fowler, one of the clerks (subsequently Bishop of Gloucester), was -similarly deprived of his commons for throwing bread at the opposite -windows of the students of Ch. Ch. (“eo quod alumnos Aedis Christi -pane projecto in tumultum provocavit”). Two scholars who had been -found walking in the town, without their gowns, about ten o’clock at -night, were put out of commons for a week, and ordered one to write -out, in Greek, all the more notable parts of Aristotle’s Ethics, the -other to write out, and commit to memory, all the definitions and -divisions of Burgersdyk’s Logic. Another scholar, for having in his -room some out-college men without leave and then joining with them in -creating a disturbance, was sentenced to be kept hard at work in the -library, from morning to evening prayers, for a month, a severe form of -punishment which seems not to have been uncommon at this time. Under -the Puritan _régime_ there was certainly no danger of the retrogression -of discipline. - -Dr. Newlyn, with some of the ejected Fellows and scholars, returned to -the College, after the Restoration, in 1660. The old President lived -to be over 90, dying within a few months of the Revolution of 1688, -and having been President, including the years of his expulsion, over -47 years. He is finely described in the monument to his memory, which -still exists in the College Chapel, as “ob fidem regi, ecclesiae, -collegio servatam annis fere XII. expulsus.” But the College does not -seem to have gained in learning, discipline, or quiet, by the change of -government. The constant appeals to, or intervention of, the Visitor -(George Morley) revealing to us, as they do, the internal dissensions -of the Society itself, recall the troubled days of Cole’s presidency. -Nor does Newlyn himself seem to have been free from blame. His -government appears to have been lax, and his nepotism, even for those -days, was remarkable. During the first fourteen years after his return, -no less than four Newlyns are found in the list of scholars, while, -in the list of clerks and choristers (places exclusively in the gift -of the President), the name Newlyn, for many years after his return, -occurs more frequently than all other names taken together. It would -appear as if there had been a perennial supply of sons, nephews, or -grandsons, to stop the avenues of preferment to less favoured students. - -It is pleasing to turn from these unsatisfactory relations among -the seniors to a contemporary account[243] of his studies and his -intercourse with his tutor, left by one of the scholars of this period, -John Potenger, elected to a Hampshire Scholarship in 1664. From the -account of his candidature, it appears that, even then, there was an -effective examination for the scholarships, though it only lasted a -day and seems to have been entirely _vivâ voce_. It is curious to -find Potenger largely attributing his success to his age, “being some -years younger” than his rivals,[244] “a circumstance much considered -by the electors.” Can the well-known preference of the Corpus electors -for boyish candidates in the days of Arnold and Keble, and even to a -date within the memory of living members of the College, have been a -tradition from the seventeenth century? It appears that the tutor was -then selected by the student’s friends. “I had the good fortune,” says -Potenger, “to be put to Mr. John Roswell” (afterwards Head Master of -Eton and a great benefactor of the Corpus library), “a man eminent -for learning and piety, whose care and diligence ought gratefully -to be remembered by me as long as I live. I think he preserved me -from ruin at my first setting out into the world. He did not only -endeavour to make his pupils good scholars, but good men. He narrowly -watched my conversation” (_i. e._ behaviour), “knowing I had too many -acquaintance in the University that I was fond of, though they were -not fit for me. Those he disliked he would not let me converse with, -which I regretted much, thinking that, now I was come from school, I -was to manage myself as I pleased, which occasioned many differences -between us for the first two years, which ended in an entire friendship -on both sides.” Potenger “did not immediately enter upon logick and -philosophy, but was kept for a full year to the reading of classical -authors, and making of theams in prose and verse.” The students still -spoke Latin at dinner and supper; and consequently, at first, his -“words were few.” There were still disputations in the hall, requiring -a knowledge of logic and philosophy; but Potenger’s taste was mainly -for the composition of Latin and English verse and for declamations. -His poetical efforts were so successful, that his tutor gave him -several books “for an encouragement.” For his Bachelor’s degree he -had to perform not only public exercises in the schools, but private -exercises in the College, a custom which survived long after this time. -One of these was a reading in the College Hall upon Horace. “I opened -my lectures with a speech which I thought pleased the auditors as -well as myself.” After taking his degree he fell into vicious habits -which, though commenced in Oxford, were completed by his frequent -visits to London. “Though I was so highly criminal, yet I was not so -notorious as to incur the censure of the Governors of the College or -the University, but for sleeping out morning prayer, for which I was -frequently punished.” “The two last years I stayed in the University, -I was Bachelour of Arts, and I spent most of my time in reading books -which were not very common, as Milton’s works, Hobbs his Leviathan; but -they never had the power to subvert the principles which I had received -of a good Christian and a good subject.” The exercises for his Master -of Arts’ degree he speaks of as if they were difficult and laborious. - -The century which elapsed from the Restoration to the accession of -George III. was, perhaps, the least distinguished and the least -profitable in the history of the University. In this lack of life and -distinction Corpus seems fully to have shared. With the exceptions -of General Oglethorpe, the friend of Dr. Johnson, and the founder of -Georgia (who matriculated as a gentleman-commoner, in 1714), and John -Whitaker (the author of a History of Manchester, &c.), not a single -entry of any person who subsequently attained to distinction occurs in -the registers from the Restoration down to the election, as a scholar, -of William Scott (afterwards Lord Stowell, the celebrated Admiralty -Judge) in 1761. It may be noted too, as illustrating the moral level -of these times, that the punishments, of which a record is still -preserved, are no longer inflicted for the faults of boys, but for the -vices of men. - -At the period, however, which we have now reached, the College seems -to have been recovering its pristine efficiency and reputation. -Richard Lovell Edgeworth, the father of Miss Edgeworth, entered -Corpus as a gentleman-commoner in 1761, his father having “prudently -removed him from Dublin.” “Having entered C. C. C., Oxford,” he -says,[245] “I applied assiduously not only to my studies under my -excellent tutor, Mr. Russell” (father of Dr. Russell, the Head-master -of Charterhouse), “both in prose and verse. Scarcely a day passed -without my having added to my stock of knowledge some new fact or idea; -and I remember with satisfaction the pleasure I then felt from the -consciousness of intellectual improvement.” “I had the good fortune -to make acquaintance with the young men, the most distinguished at C. -C. for application, abilities, and good conduct. … I remember with -gratitude that I was liked by my fellow-students, and I recollect -with pleasure the delightful and profitable hours I passed at that -University during three years of my life.” He tells some characteristic -stories of Dr. Randolph, the “indulgent president” of that time, -whose “good humour made more salutary impression on the young men he -governed than has ever been effected by the morose manners of any -unrelenting disciplinarian.” It is curious to contrast the account of -Mr. Edgeworth’s Corpus experiences with that given by Gibbon of his -Magdalen experiences some nine or ten years before this time, or with -Bentham’s account of his undergraduate life at Queen’s, which almost -coincided with that of Mr. Edgeworth at Corpus. Something, however, -may, perhaps, be set down to the difference of character and temper in -the men themselves. - -From Edgeworth’s time to this, the College has maintained its -educational efficiency and reputation; and, though with occasional -changes of fortune, it has, notwithstanding its smallness, invariably -taken a high rank among the educational institutions of the University. -Considering the extreme smallness of its numbers at that time, the -number of undergraduates varying from about sixteen to twenty, it is -truly remarkable to observe the large proportion of distinguished names -which occur in the lists between 1761 and 1811. They comprise, taking -them in chronological order, William Scott (Lord Stowell), Richard -Lovell Edgeworth, Walker King (Bishop of Rochester), Thomas Burgess -(Bishop of Salisbury), Richard Laurence (Archbishop of Cashel, author -of a famous course of Bampton Lectures), Charles Abbott (Lord Chief -Justice of the King’s Bench and Lord Tenterden), Edward Copleston -(Provost of Oriel, Dean of St. Paul’s, and Bishop of Llandaff), -Henry Phillpotts (Bishop of Exeter), Charles James Stewart (Bishop -of Quebec), Thomas Grimstone Estcourt (Burgess for the University -from 1826 to 1847), William Buckland (Dean of Westminster, the famous -geologist), John Keble, John Taylor Coleridge (better known as “Mr. -Justice Coleridge”), and Thomas Arnold. These names, together with -those previously mentioned, namely, John Claymond, Ludovicus Vivès, -Edward Wotton, Nicholas Kratzer, Cardinal Pole, Bishop Jewel, John -Reynolds, Richard Hooker, Thomas Jackson, William Fulman, General -Oglethorpe, John Whitaker, and some others which I will immediately -subjoin, may be taken as the list of distinguished men connected with -or produced by Corpus, down to the time of Dr. Arnold. More recent -names I refrain from adding, partly owing to the invidious nature -of such a selection, partly because they can easily be supplied by -those acquainted with the recent history of the University. The names -already mentioned, belonging to the period from 1516 to 1811, may -be supplemented by those of Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of York and -Lord Chancellor to Queen Mary; William Cheadsey, third President -(1558), who disputed with Peter Martyr in 1549, and with Cranmer in -1554; Robert Pursglove, last Prior of Guisborough, and subsequently -Archdeacon of Nottingham and Suffragan Bishop of Hull; Nicholas Udall -(or Owdall), Headmaster of Eton; Richard Pates, Bishop of Worcester; -James Brookes, Bishop of Gloucester; Richard Pate, founder of the -Cheltenham Grammar School; (perhaps) Nicholas Wadham, the founder -of Wadham College; Miles Windsor and Brian Twyne, who, like Fulman, -were famous Oxford antiquaries; Henry Parry, Bishop successively of -Gloucester and Worcester; Miles Smith, Bishop of Gloucester, and -one of the translators of the Bible; Sir Edwin Sandys, the pupil of -Hooker, and author of the _Europæ Speculum_; the “ever-memorable” -John Hales of Eton; Edward Pococke, the celebrated Oriental scholar; -Daniel Fertlough, Featley, or Fairclough, a famous theological -controversialist, and one of the translators of the Bible; Robert -Frampton, and his successor, Edward Fowler, Bishops of Gloucester; -Edward Rainbow, Bishop of Carlisle; Basil Kennett; Richard Fiddes; and -John Hume, Bishop of Oxford. To these names must be added one which -is, perhaps, rather notorious than distinguished, that of the unhappy -James, Duke of Monmouth, the eldest natural son of Charles II. Wood -tells us, in the _Fasti_, that in the plague year, 1665, when the King -and Queen were in Oxford, the Duke’s name was entered on the books of -C. C. College. But his name does not occur in the buttery-books till -the week beginning May 11, 1666, when it is inserted between the names -of the President and Vice-President. Whether, after this time,[246] he -ever resided in the College, or indeed in Oxford, is uncertain; but -the name remains on the books till July 12th, 1683, when it was erased -after the discovery of Monmouth’s conspiracy and flight. The erasures -are carried back as far as the week beginning June 1. - -The charming account of Corpus, its studies, and its youthful society, -contributed by Mr. Justice Coleridge to Stanley’s _Life of Arnold_, is -so well known that it hardly requires more than a passing reference; -but, to complete my series of glimpses of the College at different -periods of its history, it may be well to revive the recollections of -the reader by a few brief extracts. “Arnold and I, as you know” (and, -as we may add, the two Kebles, John and Thomas), “were undergraduates -of Corpus Christi, a College very small in its numbers and humble -in its buildings, but to which we and our fellow-students formed an -attachment never weakened in the after course of our lives. … We were -then a small society, the members rather under the usual age, and with -more than the ordinary proportion of ability and scholarship: our mode -of tuition was in harmony with these circumstances; not by private -lectures, but in classes of such a size as excited emulation and made -us careful in the exact and neat rendering of the original, yet not -so numerous as to prevent individual attention on the tutor’s part, -and familiar knowledge of each pupil’s turn and talents. … We were not -entirely set free from the leading-strings of the school; accuracy -was cared for; we were accustomed to _vivâ voce_ rendering and _vivâ -voce_ question and answer in our lecture-room, before an audience -of fellow-students whom we sufficiently respected. At the same time -the additional reading, trusted to ourselves alone, prepared us for -accurate private study and for our final exhibition in the schools. -One result of all these circumstances was that we lived on the most -familiar terms with each other; we might be--indeed we were--somewhat -boyish in manner and in the liberties we took with each other: but our -interest in literature--ancient and modern--and in all the stirring -matters of that stirring time, was not boyish; we debated the classic -and romantic question; we discussed poetry and history, logic and -philosophy; or we fought over the Peninsular battles and Continental -campaigns with the energy of disputants personally concerned in them. -Our habits were inexpensive and temperate: one break-up party was held -in the junior common-room at the end of each term, in which we indulged -our genius more freely, and our merriment, to say the truth, was -somewhat exuberant and noisy; but the authorities wisely forbore too -strict an inquiry into this.” - -Soon after Arnold was elected Fellow of Oriel, in the autumn of -1815 a scholar was elected at Corpus, William Phelps, afterwards -Archdeacon of Carlisle, whose published letters[247] contain abundant -information about the social condition and studies of the College. -Phelps did not, like Arnold, possess those intellectual and social -charms which captivate undergraduate society, and it is plain that he -was in restricted circumstances. But he speaks enthusiastically of -the friendliness, tolerance, and good humour which pervaded the small -society of undergraduates (only nine members of the foundation at -that time, namely, six undergraduate scholars, the remaining scholars -being then B.A.’s or M.A.’s, and three exhibitioners; besides the six -gentlemen-commoners, who dined at a separate table, and shared with -the Bachelors a separate common-room), and he is constantly recurring -in terms of respect and appreciation, which bear evident marks of -sincerity, to the friendliness, helpfulness, and competence of the two -tutors, as well as to the kindly interest shown in their juniors by -the other senior members of the College. The relations were those of a -large and harmonious family. “There are no parties or divisions here as -at other Colleges; each desires to oblige his neighbour. The Fellows -are not supercilious, the scholars are respectful. There is only one -establishment that rivals ours in literature, which is our neighbour -Oriel.” - -Through the combined action of the Parliamentary Commissions of 1852 -and 1877, the constitution of the College has been largely altered. By -the reception of commoners, though it still remains a small College, -the number of its undergraduate members has risen from about twenty -to about seventy. The county restrictions have been removed from the -Fellowships and scholarships, all of which are now entirely open. The -number of Fellowships (from which the obligation to Holy Orders has -been now removed) has been diminished, while that of the scholarships -has been increased. And, in the spirit of the original intentions of -the founder, a considerable proportion of the revenues has been devoted -to the creation or augmentation of University Professorships. If, by -the operation of these changes, the College has lost something of its -unique character, it may be hoped that it has proportionately extended -its sphere of usefulness. - - - - -XIII. - -CHRIST CHURCH. - -BY THE REV. R. ST. JOHN TYRWHITT, M.A., FORMERLY RHETORIC READER OF -CHRIST CHURCH. - - -For the purposes of this volume we apprehend that the history of Christ -Church, Oxford, means chiefly its academical history, which begins in -1524 with the foundation of Cardinal College by Wolsey, in the ancient -Priory of St. Frideswide’s. All his buildings and other works were -stopped by his fall in 1529; and three years afterwards “bluff Harry -broke into the spence” with his usual vigour, and refounded Cardinal -College, to which he gave his own name, calling it “King Henry the -Eighth his College.” Then he suppressed it, and re-constituted the -whole foundation, November 4th, 1546; removing the new see of Oxford -(erected at Oseney in 1542) to St. Frideswide’s, the then church, -with the style of “The Cathedral Church of Christ in Oxford.” This -foundation comprised a Dean and Canons, with other capitular or -diocesan officers, besides an academic staff, and probably numerous -scholars of different ages. The ancient church has had a twofold -character ever since. It is the Cathedral of the diocese, but it is -also the College chapel; and as the Dean of Christ Church is always -present, and the Bishop of Oxford very seldom, academic uses and -appearances rather prevail over the ecclesiastical, in a way which may -have been the reverse of satisfactory to more than one occupant of the -see of Oxford. - -But the connection between the Chapter and the College cannot be -severed; and as Christ Church certainly would not be itself without its -most ancient buildings, some account of its ecclesiastical foundations -(of almost pre-historic antiquity) seems highly advisable before we -attempt to chronicle it as a seat of learning. - -St. Frideswide’s College certainly existed from of old in Wolsey’s -time. Her story has passed through the hands of Philip, her third -Norman prior; through William of Malmesbury’s and John of Tynemouth’s; -and is found in Leland’s _Collectanea_. It runs as follows.[248] -About A.D. 727 an alderman, or _subregulus_, of the name of Didan is -discovered ruling in all honour over the populous city of Mercian -Oxford. He and his wife Saffrida have a daughter called Frideswide. She -embraces the monastic life with twelve other maidens. Her father, at -her mother’s death, builds a conventual church in honour of St. Mary -and All Saints, and thereof makes her prioress. The munificent kings -of Mercia also build inns or halls in the vicinity.[249] This seems to -anticipate even Alfred’s imagined foundation of University College; and -is therefore to be adhered to as dogma for the present by all members -of the larger House. But Mr. Boase’s remarks on the probabilities of -the story are strongly in its favour. - -Many days and troubles passed over St. Frideswide’s Church, or its -site. It was wholly or partially burnt in the massacre of Danes in -1002; also in 1015. It was rebuilt and made a “cell” or dependency of -the great monastery of Abingdon. It became a house of Secular Canons, -who were dispossessed after the Conquest; when a Norman church was -constructed by restoration of the old Saxon one, whose foundations, -however, exist and form part of the actual structure still. The present -chapter-house, or rather its doorway, may have belonged to this period. -It is justly celebrated as a fair specimen of Norman architecture, -and is considered by several authorities to be more ancient, not -only than the chapter-house itself (which, however, Sir Gilbert Scott -places about the middle of the thirteenth century; see _Report_, p. -7), but than the old nave and transept walls, which are generally -taken as twelfth century, if we must reject Dr. Ingram’s belief in -them as Ethelred’s,[250] grateful as it must be to all members of the -foundation. The doorway certainly bears marks of fire, which may be -referred to the conflagration of 1190, when a great part of Oxford was -destroyed.[251] - -Ten years before, the body of St. Frideswide had been translated from -its resting place to the north choir aisle, to be again (but not till -one hundred and ten years after, on 10th September, 1289) removed to -a new and more costly shrine in the Lady Chapel, which had been added -to that aisle early in the thirteenth century, or between that and the -north choir aisle. - -Her first regular prior, Guimond, had been employed till his death -in 1141, in the re-arrangements of monastic buildings which would -be necessary on the change, at the Conquest, from Secular Canons to -Regular Augustinians. Both he and his successor, Robert of Cricklade, -seem to have been wise and well-meaning ecclesiastics; and a school -was connected with the convent which really may be considered as the -original germ of the historical University. - -Robert of Cricklade spent much labour upon the present structure, -tower, nave, transepts, and choir; and the works were far enough -advanced in 1180, under prior Philip, for St. Frideswide’s first -translation. Then, we presume, the fire of 1190 gave occasion to some -re-constructions, and let in Transitional Architecture, of which -something has to be said here. The term “transitional” seems to mean -change or progress in a style (as from the round to the pointed arch -in Gothic-Romanesque), where principles and rules are adhered to; not -attempts to combine incongruous styles. England is full of transitions, -through Norman to Early English, to Decorated, and so on; and they -seem natural, and not lawless or contradictory. But the Roman way of -encrusting their own great vaults and arches with Greek lintels and -pediments, constructively useless, is a different and worse thing--just -as bad as the Baroque or Fancy Renaissance. Still, a mixture of pure -elements is at all events a pure mixture; and in Christ Church the -Romanesque, Norman, and Decorated features are all of the best. The -north-east walls and turrets might remind one of the Cathedral of -Mainz or of Trier; while the Chapter-house door is fine Norman, and -the Early-Decorated windows excellent in their way. It was just at -this time of the later twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, when -Northern builders were eliminating all traces of the Greek or trabeated -structure, that the new or pointed arch began to present itself, and be -welcomed here and there, just for its beauty’s sake. In Christ Church -the arches of the nave, and other principal ones, are round, but two -of the four which carry the tower are pointed; the greater supporting -power of the latter form may have been already observed. - -The ancient interior must have been one of considerable beauty from the -twelfth to the sixteenth century, when Wolsey destroyed three bays of -the west end of the nave, reducing it to one-half its original length; -and probably his name must also be associated with the lowering of -all the roofs. If he executed the beautiful choir-vaulting, that is -no small merit to balance these destructions; but it is questioned. -The curious treatment of the side arcades should be noticed; the solid -pillars of the twelfth century have been ingeniously divided in their -thickness; the halves facing the aisle have been left in their natural -proportions, while those which face the central nave have been raised -so as to embrace the triforium stage.[252] - -The upper stage of the Cathedral tower with its spire, twice since -rebuilt, belongs to the thirteenth century, like the chapter-house; and -just within that century (1289) is a second northern aisle, built as a -Lady Chapel, and containing a new shrine of St. Frideswide. The curious -wooden structure at present existing is really the watching-chamber of -the shrine erected in the next century, and is placed on the donor’s -tomb in all probability, instead of the saint’s. - -The large chapel, now called the Latin, and formerly the Divinity -Chapel, was added in the next (fourteenth) century, to the north of -the northern choir aisle, by building two more bays eastward to the -north-east chapel of the thirteenth century just mentioned. This is -called “the dormitory,” being the burial-place of several deans and -canons; the word is a simple translation of the Greek _cœmeterium_, -or sleeping-place, applied to the catacombs of Rome from the second -century. Windows were now altered from Norman to Decorated; three -of which at the East end of the choir are again restored to their -original style. In 1340 the Lady Elizabeth de Montacute gave the -convent the present Christ Church meadow in order to maintain a chantry -in the Lady Chapel. Her tomb is between that chapel and the other on -the north-east, near a prior’s (Robert de Ewelme’s or Alexander de -Sutton’s), and near also to that of Sir George Nowers, a companion of -the Black Prince. - -Important alterations began towards the end of the fifteenth century: -the choir clerestory was remodelled, the rich vaulting (probably) -added, and various side windows altered to the Perpendicular style, -which was then extending its rigid rule over England. - -The great north transept window and the wooden roof of the transepts -and tower (that of the nave is later) are early sixteenth-century. But -at the end of the first quarter of that century (1524) came Wolsey’s -great scheme for Cardinal College, with its good and evil. The latter -may be soon disposed of; he certainly spoilt St. Frideswide’s Church -by cutting off its three western bays for his great quadrangle. His -intended Perpendicular Church on the north side of that quadrangle -would hardly have atoned, with all its magnificence, for the -destruction of the nave, which (even now, when partially restored) is -an affliction to the spectator as he enters the double doors. - -But from Wolsey’s time the whole society became academic, as he had -intended, rather than monastic, and its new architecture is henceforth -secular. Unfortunately, it is not quite in that truest collegiate -style, or rather scale, which is best represented by the quadrangles -of Brasenose and Merton, St. John’s and Wadham Colleges; but its -hall, gate-tower, and library have been chief sights of Oxford from -their foundation. The principal quadrangles are too extensive and -public-looking to wear the old Oxford air of slight seclusion and great -comfort, of a life just as monastic as you please and no more. - -Wolsey’s Hall[253] and Tower,[254] then, the stone kitchen, and the -east, south and west sides of the great quadrangle belong to the same -sixteenth century group of buildings as Magdalen Tower (1505), the -Tower of St. Mary Magdalene Church at the end of Broad Street, and -Brasenose Gate. - -John Hygden was appointed by Wolsey the first Dean of his College. -Already before the foundation of his College, and in preparation for -it, Wolsey had instituted lectureships and appointed lecturers--the -earliest of them in 1518, others at later dates. A few names of these -may be added here. Thomas Brynknell, of Lincoln College, presided over -Divinity; over Law, probably Ludovicus Vives, a Spaniard; and over -Medicine, Thomas Musgrave of Merton College. Philosophy was committed -to “one L. B.,” apparently Laurence Barber, M.A., Fellow of All -Souls. In Mathematics the Lecturer was Kraske, or Kratcher, in fact, -the well-known Kratzer, maker of the Corpus sun-dial and of that on -the south side of St. Mary’s. The Greek lecture was held by Matthew -Calphurne, a Greek. “Whether,” says Wood, “William Grocyn then taught -it also I know not; sure it is that he, after he had been instructed in -Italy by those exquisite masters, Demetrius Chalcondila, and Angelus -Politianus, read the Greek tongue several years to the Oxonians.” The -Rhetoric and Humanity Lecturer was John Clements of C. C. C., called -“Clemens meus” by Sir Thomas More; his successor in the lecture was -Thomas Lupset. - -When King Henry VIII. reconstituted Wolsey’s College under his -own name, he reconstituted also some of these lectures of Wolsey’s -foundation, calling them “the King’s Lectures.” The King’s Lecturer in -Divinity in 1535 was Richard Smyth of Merton College, who seems to have -retired before the prospect of holding a disputation with Peter Martyr, -who was made Canon of Christ Church in 1550. He lived to be restored -to his chair in 1554; but was soon succeeded by Friar John de Villa -Garcina, a young Spanish friar greatly regarded, who seems to have been -the friar who tried to convert Cranmer at the last, and disappeared in -1558. Dr. Hygden was reappointed Dean by the King, but died within a -few months, and was succeeded by Dr. Richard Oliver. Among the canons -secular of the second foundation were Robert Wakefield, a famous -Hebraist; John Leland, the learned antiquary; and Sir John Cheke, -afterwards tutor to Edward VI. - -The new see of Oxford remained at Oseney from 1542 to 1546; and -the King transferred it to his College in Oxford by letters patent -of November 4th in the latter year. He styles it in his foundation -charter, “Ecclesia Christi Cathedralis Oxon ex fundatione Regis -Henrici octavi;” combining the form of a Cathedral with that of an -academic College. This foundation consisted of a bishop, a dean, eight -canons, eight petty canons or chaplains, a gospeller and a postiller -(Bible-clerk), eight singing-clerks, eight choristers and their master, -a schoolmaster and usher, an organist, sixty scholars or students, -and forty “children,” corresponding we presume to the junior students -of later days. Perhaps the children, as in later days occasionally, -proved too childish; at all events the whole scholastic part of -the establishment, usher and all, was soon replaced by one hundred -students, who, with the one “outcomer” of the Thurston foundation,[255] -are still nightly told (or tolled) by a corresponding number of strokes -on “the mighty Tom,” or great bell. Gates are closed all over Oxford -five minutes after it is concluded. - -A royal foundation by King or minister, “whose hand searches out all -the land,” is more likely to come in contact with history than a -private one; and Christ Church was soon involved in the early troubles -of the Reformation. Wolsey had done more and other things than he -knew of in inviting his Cambridge scholars to Cardinal College. One -may say that the first Christ Church men had true martyrs among them; -certainly that they were early made to face danger and death for the -faith that was in them. Anthony Dalaber’s description of the scene in -“Frideswide,” on the arrest of Garrett and discovery of his books, -as given in Froude’s history, vol. ii. p. 48, _sqq._, is not to be -omitted. He had just sent forth poor Garrett from his Gloucester -Hall rooms, in such lay-clothes as he possessed, only to be taken at -Bristol; and went himself to Frideswide or Cardinal College (he uses -both terms), “to speak with that worthy martyr of God, Master Clark,” -soon to perish in the hands of the Bishop of Lincoln; with the words -“Crede et manducasti,” when Communion was refused him at the last. -Dalaber takes Corpus on his way, having “faithful brethren” there, as -might have been expected in Fox’s new foundation. He passes through -Peckwater Inn, we presume, and through the half-finished buildings -of the new quadrangle, and reaches the half-ruined Church, not yet -Cathedral. “Evensong was begun,” he says; “the Dean (Hygden) and -the Canons were there, in their gray amices; they were almost at -Magnificat before I came thither. I stood in the choir door,[256] and -heard Master Taverner play, and others of the chapel there sing, with -and among whom I myself was wont to sing also; but now my singing and -music were turned into sighing and musing. As I there stood, in cometh -Dr. Cottisford,[257] the commissary, as fast as ever he could go, -bareheaded, as pale as ashes (I knew his grief well enough); and to -the dean he goeth into the choir, where he was sitting in his stall, -and talked with him very sorrowfully; what, I know not, but whereof I -might and did truly guess. I went aside from the choir door to see and -hear more. The commissary and dean came out of the choir, wonderfully -troubled as it seemed. About the middle of the church met them Dr. -London,[258] puffing, blustering, and blowing, like a hungry and greedy -lion seeking his prey. They talked together awhile; but the commissary -was much blamed by them, insomuch that he wept for sorrow.” - -Many men and women were to do the same for similar troubles in the -years that were to follow; and the failure, as it seemed, of Wolsey’s -best intentions as to his College must have been one of the griefs -which were now beginning to accumulate round him; acting also, as it -must have acted, on the perturbed spirit of his dread master. - -Christ Church was founded in suffering and danger suited to the name -it bears; though as yet, to do them justice, most of the persecutors -seemed to have been heartily distressed at their new duties. A -generation so wofully afraid of death and privation as our own should -not think too harshly of the severities of men who feared neither. -The sufferings of those times have certainly left their traces on -the features of many of Holbein’s sitters. I remember observing this -particularly in the lay portraits of his school at the late “Tudor -Exhibition” in London. His faces of soldiers and country gentlemen are -rather meditative than fierce; though almost always with a turn of -recklessness, in reserve, as it were. They frequently express rather -dubiety than doubt; as of men of conscience whom conscience might -endanger. - -Before passing to another crisis of history, it seems best to bring -our account of the College buildings to the middle of the present -century--for the later nineteenth century has done more than any other -period in judicious repair and effective restoration. - -In 1630, Brian Duppa being Dean, the choir suffered a sweeping -restoration, when many gravestones and monuments were destroyed, and -others removed to the aisles, having been duly deprived of their -brasses. Some of them bore “Saxon” inscriptions (Gutch’s Wood’s -_Colleges and Halls_, p. 462). There certainly were chapters in those -days, with the average disregard for earlier dates than their own, and -for the interesting heraldry of the cathedral, which extended, as Dr. -Ingram says, “from the blazonry of Montacute, Monthermer, Mountfort, -and Courtenay, to the pencase and inkhorn of Zouch in the north aisle -of the transept.” However, the Parliament would have done it if the -capitular body had refrained. They might also have cut away all the -tracery of the windows north and south; but they would not have filled -the two-light holes thus obtained with Van Linge’s queer Dutch glass, -some of which was extant in our undergraduate days. Dean Duppa must -have been a cultured and well-meaning man of taste in the lower English -Renaissance, and he wrote a life of Michael Angelo; but we shall for -life retain the impression of an immense yellow pumpkin in one of -the north-west windows, illustrative of the history of Jonah, which -always caught our eyes in going out of chapel, and while it lasts will -preserve Duppa’s name from oblivion. - -The ruins of Wolsey’s unfinished church seem to have been for a -while something of an encumbrance to the path from Peckwater to the -Cathedral; and the present way under the deanery arch is due to Dean -Samuel Fell, father of Bishop (and Dean) John Fell, who made it -through his garden. The way up to the Hall was then very incomplete, -and he “made it as it is now, by the help of one Smith, an artificer -of London;” and built the arch as it now is, besides re-edifying the -cloister. - -The north side of the great quadrangle was completed by Bishop -Fell; and a balustrade was substituted on the roof for the original -battlements, possibly for the purpose of lecturing from the housetop, a -course which, however, has not been pursued in recent times. Tom Tower -was finished by Wren in 1682; Tom himself (the bell) having been recast -by Christopher Hodson in 1680. He, or his original metal, was once the -old clock bell of Oseney Abbey.[259] - -The original grant of Peckwater Inn to St. Frideswide’s is as early -as Henry III.’s time. Dean Aldrich and Dr. Anthony Radcliffe are -answerable for the present structure, which contains seventy-two sets -of rooms and a canon’s lodgings. Dr. Radcliffe also gave a statue -“Mercury” to adorn the central fountain in the great quadrangle, which -had originally issued from a sphere, as seen in old prints. Long ago, -before the Reformation, there is said to have been a cross in the place -now occupied by the fountain, with a pulpit, from which Wycliffe may -have frequently preached. The base of this cross is preserved in the -gallery at the end of the S. Transept. - -The common-room under the hall, was fitted up by Dr. Busby, whose bust -in marble long adorned it, but is now transferred to the library. This -bust is a work of merit, with a countenance unlikely to spare for -anybody’s crying. The room is panelled with oak, and contains a Nineveh -tablet presented by Hormuzd Rassam, Esq. - -What is called the Old Library was once the Refectory of St. -Frideswide’s convent. A few books remain in charge of the Margaret -Professor. The large Library in Peckwater was begun in 1716, but not -finally completed till 1761. The original intention was to leave an -open piazza beneath it, but the space was required for its books and -collections, and its massive columns were accordingly connected by -a wall. Its gallery of pictures (or the bulk of the collection) was -the gift of Brigadier-General Guise in 1765, and of the Hon. W. F. -Fox-Strangeways in 1828. - -Canterbury Gate was built by Wyatt in 1778; and we presume that the -laws of gravity and attraction will continue to apply to it as to -other objects, so that it may reasonably be expected to remain there -till it is taken away. QVOD BENE VORTAT, as the Bodleian motto, with -pantheistic piety, observes. - -It only remains to say, that the present Meadow buildings occupy -the position of the Chaplains’ quadrangle and Fell’s buildings, or -“the garden staircase” of other days, up to 1863. Their gate-tower -is not admired; otherwise they are a solid and beautiful building in -quasi-Italian Gothic. Their quadrangle is bounded on the north by the -old library, on the south by the meadow, on the east by the Margaret -Professor’s garden, and on the west by the vast and venerable kitchen, -with its time-honoured gridiron, happily employed in culinary labours -only, and never (so far as we know) for purposes of persecution. The -kitchen was said to be the first-completed of all Wolsey’s buildings, -greatly to the amusement of the outer world of Oxford. This recognition -of the dependence of the spirit on the body was ingeniously defended by -the Rev. M. Creighton[260] in a well-remembered University sermon. - -Christ Church has naturally had from the first its share of pageant and -festivity. Henry VIII. took his pastime therein in 1533 with grandeur -and jollity. There were public declamations of the whole University -here under Edward VI.; and plays were acted in the hall before Queen -Elizabeth in 1566 and 1592, and before James I. in 1605 and 1621; and -again before Charles I. in 1636. It is a question whether scenery and -stage-mechanism were used for the first time in England, says Anthony -à Wood, on this occasion, or as early as the festivity of 1605. All -are gone by this time who could remember the visit of the allied -sovereigns in 1814, and their entertainment in the Hall by the Prince -Regent, on whom the title of “the first gentleman in Europe” then sat -very gracefully. Old General Blücher, as best regarded of all foreign -soldiers present, had to acknowledge his honours in German, and the -Prince translated him with freedom and elegance, only omitting his own -praises. - -Four years after Charles I.’s entertainment, were to develop the full -bitterness of evil days already begun. On August 18th, 1642, came the -first Cavalier muster; three hundred and fifty and more of “privileged” -University men and their servants, and also many scholars. They met at -the Schools and marched by High Street to Christ Church, “where in the -great quadrangle they were reasonably instructed in the word of command -and their postures;” and this mustering and drilling continued more or -less till the end of all things by surrender on St. John’s Day, 1646. -Some considerable part of the corps were bowmen volunteers (about 1200, -it is said further on), duly armed with “barbed arrows.” By that time, -out of the one hundred and one students of Christ Church twenty were -officers in the King’s army; the rest, almost to a man, were either -there, or formed part of the Oxford garrison. And so of commoners in -full proportion. All plate and available money were gone, and the House -as much damaged, not to say demoralized, as the rest of the University. - -Lord Say had at first occupied Oxford with a Parliamentary force for a -few days, and carried away much plate from Christ Church, particularly -all Dr. Samuel Fell’s (the Dean’s). Iconoclasm began with his zealous -followers, not quite to his satisfaction, as it included a precious -statue of the King at New College. This was September 19th. On October -29th, just after Edgehill, the King occupied Oxford, keeping his Court -in Christ Church with Prince Charles as long as he remained. - -Another ominous vespers in Christ Church Cathedral, besides Anthony -Dalaber’s, is on record. On Friday, February 3rd, 1643-4, his Majesty -appointed a thanksgiving to be made at Evening Prayer at Christ Church -for the taking of Cirencester by Prince Rupert the day before. The -doctors were in their red robes; and polished breast-plates and laced -buff-coats must have had a brilliant effect under the massive white -arches. “But there was no new Form of Thanksgiving said, save only that -Form for the victory of Edgehill, and a very solemn anthem, with this -several times repeated therein--‘Thou shalt set a Crown of pure gold -upon his Head, and upon his Head shall his Crown flourish.’” - -The scarlet gowns appeared again to welcome the Queen at Tom Gate on -July 13th, 1644. There was a fair show of state in the way of trumpets, -heralds, and the like; and “Garter, coming last, was accompanied -by the Mayor of Oxon in his scarlet and mace on his shoulder.” But -Naseby field ended all pageant and hope alike in July 1645, just after -Fairfax’s siege of fifteen days on the Headington Hill side without -result. The next two years must have been a miserable time. - -In April 1648, at the “visitation” by the Parliamentary Visitors, the -Dean of Christ Church (Dr. Samuel Fell) being in custody in London, -Mrs. Fell and her children, with certain ladies, elected to be carried -out of the Deanery rather than walk out, and were deposited in the -quadrangle in feminine protest against extrusion. Her husband’s name -was scored out of the Buttery-Book, with those of seven Canons, the -eighth (Dr. Robert Sanderson) being respited during absence; and Dr. -Edward Reynolds was substituted, with a new set of Canons. A clean -sweep was at the same time made of all “malignant” members, hardly any -taking the Parliamentary Oath or the Solemn League and Covenant. In -January 1647-8 the Latin version of the Common Prayer, and the Common -Prayer itself, ceased in Christ Church. It was maintained by three -Christ Church men--John Fell, Richard Allestree, and John Dolben--till -the Restoration, in a house in Merton Street, and seems to have escaped -interference. - -A less dire debate than the Parliamentary War was the celebrated -controversy with Bentley on _The Epistles of Phalaris_ in 1695. It -deserves notice in a chapter on Christ Church. - -The Hon. Charles Boyle, afterwards second Earl of Orrery, is wickedly -described by Bentley as “the young gentleman of great hopes, whose -name is set to the new edition” of _Phalaris_; and, as Boyle was but -nineteen years of age at the time of publication, it may be considered -certain that he received very material assistance from Dr. Atterbury, -Dr. Friend, and from the admired Dean Aldrich. Perhaps all four had a -very different idea of accurate criticism from that style of it which -Bentley initiated in England, and which now seems somewhat overpowered -by the burden of its research. The celebrated answer to Bentley’s -_Dissertation_, published under Boyle’s name in 1689, was really a -joint production of the leading Christ Church men, and Atterbury -claimed a principal share. Between them they made a good fight for it; -but it is difficult for any set of men, however learned, ingenious, -and petulantly witty, to maintain a long controversy at the stress of -being wholly wrong. Unquestionably it was premature in Aldrich to set -young noblemen in their teens to publish editions of writers believed -to have been contemporary with Pythagoras or thereabouts. Nevertheless -such critical work as they could do would probably teach them something -more than a dilettante knowledge of language: and this the Dean -evidently understood to be a chief want of his time. Boyle was no match -for Bentley; but he came to be an accomplished and gallant gentleman -who never through a stirring life forsook the love of learning, or of -his old abode of learning--perhaps rather, of literature. He could see -the vast shapes of the natural sciences advancing with new wonders; -and was the benefactor of George Graham, who named his great planetary -instrument after his title. His gifts to the Christ Church Library -should be commemorated; and he is one instance out of a great number of -men who have made Christ Church to themselves a home of friends, and so -from their Alma Mater forward have faced the world together. - -Aldrich could not work miracles of discipline or reform the manners of -the Restoration. He has been blamed for allowing too much license to -pupils of high degree, and because he failed to correct the habits of -intemperance in which many of them had been educated. It may have been -so; and he must suffer with all tutors. The very name connotes a false -position, and a most difficult duty; to find means to persuade without -any power to control, and to reduce untamed lads to order who have -never seen it before. Military service was the only alternative method -in that day, where they regulated each other’s folly by the duello, or -at all events might be referred to the provost-marshal. But Aldrich -had to do what he could by the way of letters and culture; to try to -awaken the higher instincts, the better ambitions, and natural virtues; -since every religious restraint was scouted as Puritanism and every -devout aspiration as Popery. He had to contend with a most dissipated -and drunken age, whose coarse and direct temptations had already a hold -on his charge; nor is it easy to see how he could cure what St. John, -Pulteney, Carteret, and the rest had learned in evil homes and schools. -The morale of the aristocracy was still that of a beaten army; nor was -the public’s much better. - -Aldrich’s many accomplishments have left varied traces behind them. -“The merry Christ Church Bells,” the celebrated catch, is a living -remembrance of him, happier than most men leave; Peckwater Quadrangle -would be stately and handsome enough, but for the leprous Headington -stone; he must have had the Themistoclean power of doing just what was -wanted at the time. But his achievement was after all the Oxford Logic. -Till twenty years ago, most tutors found that all its shortcomings led -straight to explanations. It was like the noble and kindly conservatism -of Mansel, to spend his great learning on the notes and prolegomena -which have developed the good old manual into a valuable treatise on -Logic and Psychology. - -The name of Cyril Jackson marks a period of twenty-six years from -1783-1809, which may be compared to Aldrich’s best days with better -discipline. His life marks a restoration of order and efficiency in -Christ Church which has never been lost, and he chose to have no -other monument. He was wedded to his House, and it was enough for -one lifetime to make her love and obey him as he did. His statue and -picture give the idea of clearness, courage, and benevolence. The -straightforward face is unconsciously commanding, and seems made to -judge of a man. There is a dignity of presence; but Christ Church never -was yet governed by deportment only, and there must have been much -more than that about the great Dean who would be nothing more than -Dean. _Spartam nactus est, hanc exornabat_: and Jackson’s discipline, -if not Spartan, was perfectly real. He did not invent new rules; but -worked the old ones with a just and determined spirit, using “all the -advantages which a capacious mind, an enlarged knowledge of the world, -a spirit of command or guidance, and an unconquerable perseverance, -could confer.” I have heard old country gentlemen speak of Jackson, -still seeming to delight in him as a beloved person whom it was natural -to obey, and as a leader of men sure to lead right. - -Jackson’s daily system of work has only of late been changed to suit -the needs of continual examinations. The terminal “Collections” or -Examinations from his time to the end of Dean Gaisford’s, were intended -to supply the want of general University Examinations before their -regular institution; and many have thought that the pass-work for a -Degree had better be done in College, since the College presents the -candidate. The weekly themes and Latin verses in the Hall are gone; -but the Bachelors’ prizes for Latin prose; the Undergraduates’ for -hexameters; the public lectures in logic, grammar, and mathematics; the -Censor’s annual address to the whole House, were in full force thirty -years ago. - -One more curious tradition remains of his subtle influence--that -all the handwriting of the leading Christ Church Dons of the last -generation is imitated from their chief’s; with great difference of -character, but strong relation to his thoroughly-formed letters, to -the graceful unhurried hand that everybody can read easily. This has -been said of Dean Gaisford and many Censors of earlier days; Osborne -Gordon’s writing, though, has a freedom of its own. - -Perhaps the chief secret of Cyril Jackson’s success was that he did his -work so much himself; and yet was always Dean. He would have order in -College; and he had a regular police to enforce it, and attended to it -himself. He entertained his undergraduates daily, seven or eight at a -time, all round. He lectured and taught personally in Greek, logic, and -composition, sometimes in mathematics. He tried to understand and make -the acquaintance of every youth in the House; and like St. Paul, he -was all desire to impart any excellent gift. When he felt his strength -failing in his work, he gave it up. He had refused bishoprics and an -archbishopric; he bade farewell to Christ Church and the world in love -unfeigned, and turned his spirit wholly to God whom he desired, and -so died full of years and honours; nor can we anywhere find a word -about him that is not in his praise. Dr. Parr, who professed a not -ill-natured hostility to “the Æde-Christians,” forgets it heartily and -with handsome language when he speaks of the Dean (see _Notes to Spital -Sermon_, published 1800)--“Long have I thought and often have I said -that the highest station in an ecclesiastical establishment would not -be more than an adequate recompense for the person who presides over -this College.” It is worthily said; but if the notes are as sonorous as -this, what must be the rumble of the text? - -Dean Gaisford, as we have said, continued Jackson’s educational -method ably and faithfully; and his view that pass-work should be -done entirely in College, and Colleges be made responsible for it, -may well find advocates now. All men respected the stout old scholar, -and had in most things to own the shrewdness, and particularly the -justice, of his judgment. The piquancy of many anecdotes and sketches -of him has departed with the generation who honoured him as the first -Greek scholar of England in his time. He too felt his high position -sufficient, and had real happiness in efficient discharge of its -duties, which were thoroughly well suited to him; and he had perhaps a -better understanding of the nature and ways of his undergraduates than -many younger and less outwardly formidable seniors. - -Two more great names, as of a father and son, so faithfully did the -younger reflect the mind and second the purposes of the elder, must -of right find mention here;--not due honour, since that would involve -the whole history of the Oxford Movement, both earlier and later. -It is hoped that the late Dr. Liddon’s Life of Dr. Pusey is so far -advanced, or its material is so well ordered and prepared, that it may -soon appear--as a monument to two great English Doctors. The elder -entered at Christ Church in 1819, and returned as Canon in 1828, after -having been Fellow of Oriel College; the younger matriculated at the -House in 1846. Dr. Barnes, then Sub-Dean, made Henry Parry Liddon -Student in 1846. From thenceforth Pusey had one near him like-minded: -not in the obsequious mimicry of imitation which has produced so many -pseudo-Newmans, but in true following of one Master, in intelligent -apprehension of and devotion to the principles of the Catholic Church -of England, and in self-denying holiness of life. Many friendships for -life date from Christ Church, but this has excelled them all: and these -two rest from their labours. - -Some brief account of the latest buildings and restorations, on which -the fine taste of Dean Liddell has left its mark, seems desirable here. -The new buildings, before-mentioned (p. 309), are by Mr. Thomas Deane, -son of Sir T. N. Deane. They consist of six staircases, containing -forty-three sets of students’ chambers of three rooms each, and ten -chaplains’ or tutors’ rooms of four apartments and upwards. The front -towards the Meadow is partly masked by the trees of the old Broad -Walk (planted by Dean Fell in Feb. 1670) and the other avenue to the -river. The roof is continuous on the meadow front, but there are -gables towards the quadrangle. The roof-supports rest on corbels, and -the beam-ends are free. The whole is 331 feet long and 37 deep. The -stone walls are carried through to the roof between the staircases -and lined with brickwork. The style is a variety of Italian Gothic, -massively built, story upon story, with good pointed arches, but not -in any Northern or regularly “arcuated” style. But the ornament is all -beautiful flower-work, and by the artist-workmen whom Messrs. Woodward -and Dean gathered round them, whom Prof. Ruskin himself educated in the -then Working-Man’s College. In as far as that teaching has succeeded, -a share of the honour is due to Christ Church, through that son of -hers who has done her highest and most honour in the literature of the -century, and whose name will for ever be a call to all artists who love -honour and their work.[261] - -A recent Oxford Almanac represents the Interior of the Cathedral as -it appeared in 1876, before the new woodwork of the Choir and the -Reredos. Both were needed, and both are beautiful in their way; but -the reredos has the fault or misfortune of the new one in St. Paul’s, -London--nothing can make it look like part of the structure. The rich -depth of tint and carven gloom are fine. Still the general effect of -the Cathedral, with its bright windows and warm stone-tints, is rather -one of lightness and pleasant colour, like pages of a Missal, as Ruskin -says of St. Mark’s. The new glass by Morris and Faulkner, after Burne -Jones, is decidedly beyond any praise we have room to give it here: the -great North Transept window glows with all the fires which a fervid -fancy can bestow on the inwards of the Dragon. Clayton and Bell’s -windows are beautiful in crimson and white; and all we can say of -Jonah’s dear old gourd is that we hope its shadow may now never be less. - -There are some works of art of considerable interest in the Library, -amidst a number of no particular value. On the right of the door, the -Nativity of Titian was certainly a part of Charles I.’s collection, -and is probably an original, though it reminds one of Bonifazio. There -is a portrait of A. Vezale by Tintoret; and a small head attributed -to Holbein, of the greatest beauty. We cannot feel sure about the -John Bellini Madonna; but the Piero della Francesca Madonna with -Angels is beautiful and interesting. There are four very authentic -Mantegnas, one of which (No. 59, Christ bearing the Cross) certainly -belonged to Charles I. The possible Giorgione of Diana and her Nymphs -is worth attention; and there is a genuine-looking Veronese, with his -beautiful striped silk drapery, of the Marriage of St. Catherine. Two -good portraits and the unfinished man-at-arms by Vandyke, with the -admirable brush-work in white on the horse, are in the east room on the -other side of the great door, and complete our list of the more modern -pictures. - -The more ancient Italian schools, from the semi-Byzantine Margheritone -to Taddeo Gaddi and the Giotteschi, are well represented at the western -end of the lower floor of the Library. Margheritone is said, in the -notes to Mrs. Browning’s _Casa Guidi Windows_, to have died of disgust -(“infastidito”) at the successes of the new, Italian or Cimabue, -school; and she remarks that - - “Strong Cimabue bore up well - Against Giotto.” - -It is most satisfactory to have original works by all these three. -The Margheritone is a thoroughly Byzantine saint, with a gold -background and an expression certainly best characterized by the word -“infastidito.” Next comes the Cimabue triptych: its central Madonna has -some resemblance to the Borgo Allegri picture on a small scale. The -Giottos show some such advance of art in his hands as Dante described. -There is an apparently genuine Filippo Lippi, which must be of no small -value. - -The drawings are most beautiful. The small Lionardo head and the large -Madonna are unmistakable and beyond praise, and may be contrasted -with a singularly beautiful head which displays his taste for -“monsters,” and the portrait of Ludovico Sforza is excellent. There -are two drawings by Masaccio, and the Titian Landscapes are capital. -The visitor should not miss the red chalk head attributed to Gentile -Bellini, we suppose rightly: it is hard to say who else, except his -son, could have done it. - -To give an account of the portraits in the Hall would set us adrift on -general history. Locke and the Marquis of Wellesley, the two Sir Joshua -bishops, Cyril Jackson looking forth at a world he knew the worth -of, Wolsey and Henry VIII.--founders, crowned heads, members of the -foundation--survey the College dinner like guests departed. They are -forgotten, or their remembrance is like his that tarrieth but a day. - - -_Note on the Date of the Cathedral._ - -Mr. J. Park Harrison has most kindly enabled me to give his conclusions -on the dates of the cathedral in his own words. Having inspected the -building with him, I entirely adhere to them. I think they are fully -borne out by the remains of the old building, and scarcely to be got -over when one has seen the joints and ornamentation inside, and the -foundations without. - -1. “The commonly-assigned date of the cathedral, 1160-1180, is -absolutely incorrect. - -2. “The late Norman work, attributed with much probability to Prior -Robert of Cricklade, is an addition to the old church restored by -Guimond in the earlier part of the twelfth century. - -3. “There is no document, or anything tending to show that the original -fabric, as restored by Ethelred, was ever rebuilt on a new plan. - -4. “Several of the choir capitals differ essentially in their -ornamentation from any others in the cathedral; but resemble very -closely the ornamental work in illuminated MSS. of Ethelred’s time. -They[262] should consequently belong to the church as enlarged by him -in 1004. - -5. “The east wall of the ‘ecclesiola’ built by Didanus in the eighth -century still exists, with two arches once communicating with apses, -whose foundations have been discovered about two feet below the ground, -with a third midway between them.” - -The junction of the eleventh century, or Ethelred’s, work with the -twelfth century, or Norman, is clearly visible at the north and -south-west corners of the choir, and the abaci though resembling each -other are of different thickness. The ashlar work is different, and the -courses are not continuous. - - - - -XIV. - -TRINITY COLLEGE. - -BY THE REV. HERBERT E. D. BLAKISTON, M.A., FELLOW OF TRINITY. - - -“The College of the Holy and Undivided Trinity in the University of -Oxford of the Foundation of Sir Thomas Pope, Knt., commonly called -Trinity College,” is one of the first instances of the attempt to endow -learning out of the funds thrown into private hands by the suppression -of the monasteries. It was founded during the period of reaction, and -its statutes may be characterised as transitional. Its numbers and -endowments have never entitled it to rank with the larger foundations, -but the vigorous character of various members of the College has saved -it from obscurity. It has some mediæval associations, through its -informal connexion with the older Durham College, on the vacant site -of which it was established: for some years Trinity drew on the same -counties, still preserves in part the old buildings, and has lately -supplied several officers to the modern University of Durham. A short -sketch of the history of Durham College should properly precede that of -Trinity. - -DURHAM COLLEGE was originally a hall for the accommodation of students -from Durham Abbey who had come to Oxford to obtain better teaching -than they could find in the cloister, even before the Benedictine -Constitutions of 1337, which provided that each convent should maintain -at some place of higher study one in twenty of their numbers. Monastic -authorities did not like the young monks to live in lodgings with -the secular students, and they were originally sent in the case of -Cistercians to Rewley, and of Augustinians to St. Frideswide’s. -The Benedictines had houses at Reading and Abingdon, but none at -Oxford; and when Walter of Merton invented the collegiate system, -the Benedictines of Gloucester imitated him by the foundation of -Gloucester College in 1283, which was enlarged by hostels, built after -a general chapter at Abingdon, for such influential abbeys as Norwich, -Glastonbury, and St. Alban’s; but the rich society at Durham, probably -from the traditional hostility between North and South, stood aloof; -while Canterbury established a separate “nursery” in 1363, and Croyland -and others sent their students to Cambridge, and eventually founded -Buckingham College, now Magdalene. - -The Durham chronicler says that Hugh of Darlington (Prior of Durham -1258-72 and 1285-89) hated Richard of Houghton, who was a young man -of grace, and therefore sent the monks to study at Oxford, “et eis -satis laute impensas ministrabat.” Richard, sometime Prior of Lytham, -may have been the “master of the novices”; he became Prior in 1289, -and obtained leave to build on a site between Horsemonger Street or -Canditch (Broad St.) and the King’s Highway of Beaumont (Park St.), -already acquired from St. Frideswide’s, Godstow, and other grantors. Of -the original buildings, presumably unmethodical in plan, some remains -may survive in the lower part of the hall, and the adjoining buttery -and bursary. A chapel was contemplated in 1326, but not erected till a -century later; the present common-room may have been used as an oratory -meanwhile. - -There was no endowment at first, but the Convent maintained six to ten -monks as early as 1300; in 1309 they sent the second of two gifts or -loans of books; a John of Beverley is called “Prior Oxoniae” in 1333. -In a deed of 1338, Edward III. announces that, in fulfilment of a vow -made at Halidon Hill to God and St. Margaret, he surrenders to Richard -of Bury, Bishop of Durham, the valuable rectory of Symondburne (the -title to which they were then disputing) to endow a prior and twelve -monks from Durham on the site in the suburbs of Oxford, with a church -and lodgings to be erected at his expense; but this plan of endowment -was never carried out. - -The Bishop, however, did not forget his project, and left to the -College at his death the library, immense for the time, which his -position as courtier, prelate, ambassador, and Chancellor had enabled -him to amass, till he had more books, in his bedroom and elsewhere, -“than all the bishops in England had then in their keeping.” His -intention is recorded in the famous _Philobiblon_. It has been stated -that the collection was sold by the Bishop’s executors to pay his -debts; but besides indirect evidence, there is the statement of -Dr. T. Cay (Master of University 1561) that he saw _in bibliotheca -Aungervilliana_ a MS. of the treatise, supposed to be the autograph. -The Library retains in its windows the arms of the older society and -its benefactors, and effigies of the saints of the Order, etc.; but -the books, with Bishop Langley’s _Augustine on the Psalms_ in three -vols., and other additions, disappeared at the Reformation. They cannot -be traced to Balliol or Duke Humphrey’s library; so perhaps they were -among the purchases made by Archbishop Parker from Dr. G. Owen, or they -may have been secured for the Durham Chapter by the first Dean and -the first senior Canon, previously Prior of Durham and Warden of the -College in Oxford respectively. - -The next Bishop, Thomas of Hatfield, a secular clerk of good family, -great military capacity (he was one of the commanders at Nevill’s -Cross) and architectural taste, and tutor to the Black Prince, was -stimulated by the examples of Islip (Canterbury College) and Wykeham -to endow the Durham Hall permanently; his charter still exists in the -form of a contract with the prior and convent, executed in 1380. Four -trustees (including William Walworth Lord Mayor, and Master Uthred a -monk of Durham, who was soon afterwards tried for heresy) will furnish -money to purchase property worth two hundred marks a year, to maintain -a warden and seven other student monks, under rules closely resembling -those of a Benedictine cell, and also (which is a new departure) -eight secular students in Grammar and Philosophy at five marks each, -from Durham and North Yorkshire, on the nomination of the prior, who -are to dine and sleep apart from the monks, and perform any _honesta -ministeria_ that do not interfere with their studies. These are under -no obligation to take orders or vows; but must take an oath to further -the interests of the Church of Durham. - -No buildings are mentioned, but probably the north and east sides of -the original quadrangle containing library, warden’s lodging, and -rooms, had been built _c._ 1350. Hatfield died in 1381; the convent -purchased from John Lord Nevill of Raby and appropriated the churches -of Frampton (Linc.), Fishlake and Bossall (Yorks), and Roddington -(Notts), giving for them £1080 and two other churches. The revenue -was two hundred and sixty marks. Many of the bursarial rolls sent -to Durham between 1399 and 1496 are preserved there. But the income -soon declined; and even after the convent had added the church of -Brantingham, there was generally a deficit. - -Little further is known: Bishops Skirlaw and Langley left legacies, as -did probably members of the families of Mortimer, Nevill, Kemp, Grey, -Arundell, and Vernon. Several Wardens became Priors of Durham: Gilbert -Kymer, physician to Duke Humphrey, and ten years Chancellor of the -University, lived in the College. The Priors regulated the College from -time to time; in a letter of 1467 some strong language is addressed -to a fellow who had indulged in riotous living till “vix superest -operimentum corporis et grabati.” - -The College, though in part a secular foundation, fell with the Abbey, -surrendered by Hugh Whitehead in 1540. In Henry VIII.’s valuation its -income was £115 4_s._ 4_d._ (warden £22, fellows £8, scholars 4 marks, -each), and it owned a sanatorium at Handborough. Out of the estates -confiscated a school was endowed, as well as the Durham Chapter; a -larger scheme which provided for branches at Oxford and Cambridge -fell through. In 1545 the site of the College reverted to the Crown; -the part occupied by the Cistercian Bernard College passed to Christ -Church, and is now part of St. John’s College garden. In 1553, W. -Martyn and George Owen, physician to Henry VIII. and his successors, -and the grantee of Godstow nunnery, received the rest of the “backside” -with the buildings, which were by that time mere _canilia lustra_ -(dog-kennels), though they had been used by Dr. W. Wright, Archdeacon -of Oxford, Vice-Chancellor 1547-9, as a private hall. The site was then -sold to Sir T. Pope, Owen transferring to his own estates a quit-rent -of 26_s._ 2_d._ due to the Crown. In 1622, Trinity had to pay some -arrears of this, which they recovered from Owen’s heirs, and settled -the matter by the aid of Sir George Calvert, a Trinity man, then -Secretary of State. - -SIR THOMAS POPE appears to have belonged to the class of Tudor -statesmen of which More, Fisher, and Wolsey are representative, who, -while personally attached to the traditional ideas in religious -matters, did not oppose all reform; and were anxious that the revival -of learning should be assisted by part at least of the funds justly -taken from the monasteries, according to the precedent set by Wykeham, -Chichele, and Waynflete. He was born _c._ 1508, at Deddington, and -was the eldest son of a small landowner. After being educated at -Banbury and Eton, he studied law with success. He held various offices -in the Star-Chamber, Chancery, and the Mint, from 1533 to 1536, in -which year he became Treasurer of the new and important Court of -Augmentations, which dealt with monastic property. After five years he -was succeeded by Sir Edward North, in whose family his own was merged -in the next century. He obtained a grant of the arms still borne by -his College; and was knighted in 1536 with the poet-Earl of Surrey. -In 1546 he became Master of the Woods, etc. South of Trent, and was a -privy councillor. He did not personally receive the surrender of any -religious house except St. Alban’s, where he saved the abbey church; -but he probably had exceptional opportunities of acquiring abbey -lands. The Abbess of Godstow, where his sister was a nun, claims his -protection in some letters still extant. Among his intimate friends -were Sir Thomas More, Lord Chancellor Audley, Sir Nicholas Bacon, Sir -Thomas Whyte, Lord Williams of Thame, Bishop Whyte of Winchester, and -many of the moderate party of the Humanists. - -Under Edward VI. he withdrew from public life; but Mary recalled him -to the Privy Council, and employed him on commissions connected with -the Tower, Wyat’s rebellion, Gresham’s accounts, the suppression of -heresy, etc. In 1555 he had to take charge of the Princess Elizabeth -at Hatfield, and managed to treat her kindly without incurring -suspicion. Elizabeth took an interest in his project; he writes that -“the princess Elizabeth her grace, whom I serve here, often askyth me -about the course I have devysed for my scollers: and that part of mine -estatutes respectinge studies I have shown to her, which she likes -well.” Again, when two of the junior fellows had broken the statute -“de muris noctu non scandendis,” he says “they must openly in the hall -before all the felowes and scolers of the collegge, confesse their -faulte: and besides paye such fyne, as you shall thynke meete, whiche -being done, I will the same be recorded yn some boke; wherein I will -have mencion mayde that for this faulte they were clene expelled the -Coll. and at my ladye Elizabeth her graces desier and at my wiffes -request they were receyved into the house agayne.” He soon retired -from public life, and died probably of a pestilence then epidemic, -on January 29th, 1558/9, in the Priory of Clerkenwell, his favourite -residence. He was buried at St. Stephen’s Walbrook, with his second -wife, Margaret (widow of Sir Ralph Dodmer, Lord Mayor 1529) and his -only child; in 1567 his third wife Elizabeth Blount (of Blount’s Hall, -Staffs.), widow of Anthony Beresford, removed the bodies to a vault -beneath the fine tomb with alabaster effigies of her husband and -herself, which she erected in Trinity chapel. A contemporary writer -records the magnificence of the funeral, “and aftyr to the playse to -drynke with spyse-brede and wyne. And the morow masse iii songes, with -ii pryke songes, and the iii of Requiem, with the clarkes of London. -And after, he was beried: and that done, to the playse to dener; for -ther was a grett dener, and plenty of all thynges, and a grett doll -of money.” In a will, dated 1556, besides large sums to the poor, -prisoners, and churches, he bequeaths money for specified purposes to -Trinity with a quantity of plate, rings and various articles to his -friends, _e. g._ his “dragon-whistle,” and his “black satten gowne with -luserne-spots” (both seen in his portraits) to Sir N. Bacon and “Master -Croke, my old master’s son,” considerable legacies to his relations, -and the residue of his goods to his wife. His estates had been already -settled; Tyttenhanger (Herts.), the country house of the abbots of -St. Alban’s, went to the widow for life, afterwards to her nephew Sir -Thomas Pope-Blount (whose mother was Frances Love, daughter of Alice -Pope), and eventually through an heiress to the Earls of Hardwicke; -his brother John Pope received estates in north-west Oxfordshire, but -preferred to settle at Wroxton Abbey, which he and his descendants, -the Earls of Downe, and their representatives, the Lords North and -Earls of Guildford, have since held on long leases from the College; -other estates passed to his widow, his uncle John Edmondes, and his -nephew Edmund Hutchins. Dame Elizabeth Pope married Sir Hugh Paulet, -K.G., of Hinton St. George, a statesman and soldier of some eminence. -Lady Paulet usually nominated to the fellowships, scholarships, and -advowsons (in one instance after an appeal to the Visitor) till her -death in 1593, when she was buried in Trinity chapel with funeral -honours from the University. - -It is particularly noticeable that Sir Thomas Pope, having been able -to provide handsomely for his family as well as for his College, did -not saddle the latter with any of the preferences for founder’s-kin -which proved fertile in litigation elsewhere. Indeed he appears to -contemplate that his heirs will resort to the College as Commoners, -and sets apart the best room for such uses if required. Accordingly we -find the College constantly receiving besides presents of game, etc. -substantial assistance from the Popes, Norths, and others, and sending -them in return not only the traditional gloves, but money in time of -need; while the college books record as undergraduates many generations -of the Popes and Pope-Blounts and Norths, and members of families -connected with them by descent or marriage, such as Brockett, Perrot, -Danvers, Sacheverell, Combe, Greenhill, Poole, Lee (Lichfield), Bertie -(Lindsay), Wentworth (Cleveland), Tyrrell, Legge (Dartmouth), Stuart -(Bute), and Paulet (Poulett). - -On March 1st, 1554/5, Sir Thomas Pope obtained Royal Letters Patent to -found TRINITY COLLEGE for a president (a priest), twelve fellows (four -priests), and eight scholars, and a free school (Jesus Scolehouse), -at Hooknorton; and to endow them from his estates enumerated, viz. -eighteen manors in north and west Oxfordshire, and eleven elsewhere -(including Bermondsey and Deptford), and fifteen advowsons. On March -28th he gave a “charter of erection,” and admitted in the presence -of the University authorities fourteen or fifteen members of the -foundation. In May, and subsequently, he furnished them with large -quantities of plate, MSS. and printed books, and “churche stuffe and -playte,” inventories of which are printed by Warton. Besides the -silver-gilt chalice and paten, once belonging to St. Albans, we find -crosses, censers, missals, antiphoners, copes, chasubles, hangings, -corporas-cases, canopies, tunicles, paxes, banners, a rood and other -images for the Easter sepulchre, etc., bells, and a pair of organs, -which it cost £10 to bring from London. By 1556 he had made a selection -from his estates, and gave the College the manors, etc., of Wroxton -and Balscot near Banbury, the rectorial tithe of Great Waltham and -Navestock in Essex, with some farms and rent-charges, all formerly the -property of religious houses. - -Most of these estates had been already let on lease for long periods; -and the income from them, minutely apportioned to various purposes by -the statutes, proved sufficient for the requirements of a sixteenth -century college, except as regards the buildings, which were in bad -repair from the first. - -The statutes, dated May 1st, 1556, were drawn up by the Founder and -the first president, Thomas Slythurst, in very fair Latin, for which -Arthur Yeldard, one of the fellows, was responsible. They provide -very detailed rules for the position and conduct of the members of -the foundation. The president’s duties are mainly disciplinary and -bursarial. The twelve fellows are to study philosophy and theology; -they are to furnish a vice-president, a dean, two bursars, four -chaplains, a logic or philosophy reader, and a rhetoric or grammar -reader. The eight (afterwards twelve) scholars are to study polite -letters and elementary logic and philosophy; they are to be elected by -the five College officers after examination in letter-writing, heroic -verse and plain song, being natives of the counties in which College -property is situated (Oxford, Essex, Gloucester, and Bedford), or of -the Founder’s manors, or scholars of Eton or Banbury, or at least -Brackley and Reading; and they must be really in need of assistance. -They have a prior claim on vacant fellowships. There may be twenty -commoners of good family, under the care of the fellows. The salaried -servants are the Obsonator, Promus (a poor scholar who is also to act -as Janitor), Archimagirus, Hypomagirus, Barbaetonsor, and Lotrix; the -last-named is to be above suspicion, but may not enter the quadrangle. -A scholar or fellow is to act as organist, with a small extra stipend. -There is to be high mass with full services on Sundays and feasts; -on week-days mass before six a.m. according to the received forms of -the “Ecclesia Anglicana,” and the use of Sarum; public and private -prayers for the Founder and his family are prescribed. The Bible -is to be read aloud in hall during the _prandium_ and _cœna_, and -afterwards expounded; after dinner, when the “mantilia longa, et -lavacra, cum gutturniis et aqua” have been used, and the loving cup -passed round, silence is to be observed while the scholars “qui in -refectionibus ministrant” have their meal, and a declamation is made. -All public conversation, especially among the scholars, is to be in -a learned language. Then follow minute regulations about degrees and -disputations. Lectures are to be given from six to eight a.m. in -arithmetic (from “Gemmephriseus” and Tunstall), geometry (from Euclid), -logic (from Porphyry, Aristotle, Rodolphus Agricola, and Johannes -Cæsarius), and philosophy (Aristotle and Plato); from three to five -p.m. on Latin authors, prose and verse alternately, such as Virgil, -Horace, Lucan, Juvenal, Terence, and Plautus, Cicero _de Officiis_, -Valerius Maximus, Suetonius, and Florus; and for the more advanced, -Pliny’s Natural History, Livy, Cicero’s oratorical works, Quintilian, -“vel aliud hujusmodi excelsum.” It is noticeable that Latin has a -distinct preference; though Greek is to be taught as far as possible. - -In a letter to Slythurst, Pope writes, “My Lord Cardinall’s Grace -[Pole] has had the overseeinge of my statutes. He much lykes well that -I have therein ordered the Latin tongue to be redde to my schollers. -But he advyses mee to order the Greeke to be more taught there than I -have provyded. This purpose I well lyke; but I feare the tymes will -not bear it now. I remember when I was a yonge scholler at Eton, -the Greeke tongue was growinge apace; the studie of whiche is now -alate much decaid.” Lectures in the Long Vacation may be on solid -geometry and astronomy, Laurentius Vallensis, Aulus Gellius, Politian, -or versification; for the shorter vacations declamations and verse -exercises are prescribed. The scholars may not leave the college -precincts without permission, nor take country walks in parties of -less than three; they may not indulge in “illicitis et noxiis ludis -alearum, cartarum pictarum (_chardes_ vocant), pilarum ad aedes, muros, -tegulas, vel ultra funes jactitarum”; but they may play at “pilæ -palmariae” in the grove, and cards in the hall during “the xii daies” -at Christmastide for “ligulis, lucernis, carta, et hujusmodi vilioris -pretii rebus, at pro nummis nullo modo.” No member of the foundation -may wear fine clothes, or any suit but a “toga talaris usque ad terram -demissa,” and the hood of his degree; they are to sleep two or three in -a room, some in “trochle-beddes”; and they may not carry arms, though -they are afterwards enjoined to keep in their rooms a “fustis vel -aliquod aliud armorum genus bonum et firmum,” to defend the College and -University. Gaudys with extra commons are allowed on twelve festivals; -and at Christmas they may make merry with the six good capons and the -boar “bene saginatus,” provided by two tenants, together with the -“cartlode of fewel,” “wheate and maulte,” due from the president as -_ex-officio_ rector of Garsington. Founder’s-kin are to be preferred -as tenants. Three times a year the statutes are to be read, and once -the president and one fellow are to hold a scrutiny of the conduct and -progress of the rest, during which delation appears to be encouraged. -The chief penalties to enforce these rules are impositions and loss of -commons, with expulsion on the third repetition of a minor offence; the -violation of some statutes involves summary deprivation; scholars under -twenty may be birched or caned by the dean. The statutes conclude, and -are pervaded with, exhortations to unity and fidelity. When we take -into account the fact that except in special cases the limit of absence -was forty days in the year for a fellow and twenty for a scholar, it is -clear that the life contemplated was one of almost monastic strictness -in matters of detail. - -A postscript dated 1557 adds to the revenues to increase certain -allowances, and provides five obits, one on Jesus-day (Aug. 7th) for -the Founder, with doles for the poor and the prisoners in the Castle -and Bocardo. A design for building a house at Garsington, as a place -of retreat for the College in times of the pestilences then common, -is mentioned; a quadrangular building built with five hundred marks -left by the Founder, and help from his widow, was finished about 1570. -The College removed there bodily in 1577; we find payments for “black -bylles” for protection there, food at Abingdon, Woodstock, etc., -antidotes for those left behind, carts for the carriage of kitchen -utensils, books, and surplices, and the clock. In 1563/4 they had -retired to lodgings in Woodstock. - -The annual computus commences on Lady Day, 1556. On Trinity Sunday the -Founder formally admitted the president, twelve fellows, and seven -scholars in the chapel. In July he came again with Bishops Whyte -(Winchester) and Thirlby (Ely), and others. The president held his -stirrup, the vice-president made an oration “satis longam et officii -plenam,” and the bursars offered “chirothecas aurifrigiatas.” The -banquet in the hall and the twelve minstrels cost £12 3_s._ 9_d._ The -president celebrated “missam vespertinam” in the best cope, and Sir -Thomas “obtulit unam bursam plenam angelorum.” After service he gave -the bursars the whole of their expenses and a silver-gilt cup from -which he had drunk to the company in “hypocrasse,” and a mark each -to the scholars. The accounts record many other visits from him and -his wife and their influential friends, gifts of timber and game, and -presents of gloves in return. - -Dr. Thos. Slythurst was a canon of Windsor, and held several benefices, -chiefly by court favour; the original fellows came from other -foundations, especially Queen’s and Exeter. Yeldard was a fellow of -Pembroke, Cambridge, and had been educated in Durham Convent. The -scholars were mainly from the Midlands, and afterwards usually natives -of the preferred counties, with Bucks and Herts; two or three were -elected annually, with one or two fellows; till 1600 the tenure of -a fellowship rarely exceeds ten years. In 1564/5 there were already -seventeen commoners, and from the caution-books it seems that from -fifteen to thirty were admitted annually, and resided for two or -three years. There were two or three grades, and some instances are -found of private servants or tutors; and of the residence for short -periods of persons not _in statu pupillari_. At first several Durham -and Yorkshire names occur, as Claxton, Conyers, Lascelles, Blakiston, -Shafton, Trentham; and Edward Hindmer (sch. 1561) was probably son -of the last warden of Durham College; afterwards the families of the -southern Midlands are largely represented, and Fettiplaces, Lenthails, -Chamberlains, Newdigates, Annesleys, Bagots, Fleetwoods, Lucys, -Chetwoods, Hobys, etc. abound. - -The early years of the College were uneventful except for two -visitations in the interests of the reformed religion. In 1560 several -of the fellows retired; Slythurst was deprived, and died in the Tower. -No objection appears to have been offered by the Foundress to the -enforced disregard of many explicit regulations in the statutes: the -“sacerdotes missas celebrantes” became “capellani preces celebrantes”; -but incense was sometimes bought, and the feasts of the Assumption and -St. Thomas à Becket kept as gaudys. It is noticeable that an English -Bible and two Latin “Common Prayer” books had been sent with the -Founder’s service-books. In 1570 Bishop Horne ordered the destruction -or secularisation of the Founder’s presents as “monuments tending to -idolatrie and popish or devill’s service, crosses, censars, and such -lyke fylthie stuffe”; several of the Romanising fellows retired to -Gloucester Hall and Hart Hall (one was executed at York as a popish -priest in 1600; another was George Blackwell, the “archpriest”). A -table took the place of the three altars, but the paintings and glass -remained. “In 1642, the Lord Viscount Say and Seale came to visit the -College, to see what of new Popery they could discover. My L.^{d} saw -that this” (the painting) “was done of old time, and Dr. Kettle told -his Lo.^{p}, ‘Truly we regard it no more than a dirty dish-clout,’ so it -remained untoucht till Harris’s time, and then was coloured over with -green”; much to the disgust of Aubrey. - -Yeldard, a writer of some academic reputation, became president; but -the computus, during his thirty-nine years of office, records nothing -more exciting than journeys to the estates, and small repairs to the -old buildings. In his time the foundation included Thomas Allen, Henry -Cuffe, who was expelled for remarking to his host when dining at -another college, “A pox _this_ is a beggarly college indeed--the plate -that our Founder stole would build another as good” (he became fellow -of Merton and Regius Professor of Greek, and was executed after Essex’s -rebellion), Thomas Lodge the dramatist, Richard Blount the Jesuit, -Bishops Wright of Lichfield and Coventry, Adams of Limerick, and -(according to Wood) Smith of Chalcedon _in partibus_; among commoners -were Sir Edward Hoby, John Lord Paulett, and Sir George Calvert, first -Lord Baltimore. - -Yeldard was succeeded in 1598/9 by Dr. Ralph Kettell, of Kings-Langley, -scholar on the nomination of the Foundress in 1579. Though not a man -of mark outside Oxford, he seems to have initiated the development of -the College in the seventeenth century. He personally supervised every -department of college life, and left in his curious sloping handwriting -full memoranda of lawsuits and special expenses, lists of members, -and copies of deeds. By husbanding the resources of the College, he -restored extensively the old Durham quadrangle, superimposing attics -or “cock-lofts,” rebuilding the hall, and erecting on the site of -“Perilous Hall,” then leased from Oriel, the handsome house which bears -his name. He was a “right Church of England man,” and disliked Laud’s -despotic reforms. When an old man he became very eccentric, if we may -believe John Aubrey (commoner 1642), who saw him as he is painted with -“a fresh ruddie complexion--a very tall well-grown man. His gowne and -surplice and hood being on, he had a terrible gigantique aspect, with -his sharp gray eies. The ordinary gowne he wore was a russet cloth -gowne--He spake with a squeaking voice--He dragged with his right foot -a little, by which he gave warning (like the rattle-snake) of his -comeing. Will. Egerton would go so like him that sometimes he would -make the whole chapel rise up.” “When he observed the scholars’ haire -longer than ordinary, he would bring a paire of cizers in his muffe -(which he commonly wore), and woe be to them that sate on the outside -of the table. I remember he cutt Mr. Radford’s haire with the knife -that chipps the bread on the buttery-hatch, and then he sang, ‘_And was -not Grim the Collier finely trimmed?_’” The whole of Aubrey’s remarks -on him and other Trinity men is good reading, and we may conclude with -an anecdote which is at once suggestive of, and a contrast with, a -chapter in _John Inglesant_. - -“’Tis probable this venerable Dr. might have lived some yeares longer, -and finish’t his century, had not the civill warres come on; w^{ch} -much grieved him, that was absolute in the Colledge, to be affronted -and disrespected by rude soldiers. I remember, being at the Rhetorique -lecture in the hall, a foot-soldier came in and brake his hower-glasse. -The Dr. indeed was just stept out, but Jack Dowch pointed at it. Our -grove was the Daphne for the ladies and their gallants to walk in, -and many times my Lady Isabella Thynne would make her entrys with a -theorbo or lute played before her. … She was most beautiful, humble, -charitable, &c., but she could not subdue one thing. I remember -one time this Lady and fine M^{ris} Fenshawe (she was wont, and my -Lady Thynne, to come to our chapell, mornings, halfe dressed like -angells) would have a frolick to make a visit to the President. The -old Dr. quickly perceived that they came to abuse him; he addressed -his discourse to M^{ris} Fenshawe, saying, ‘Madam, your husband and -father I bred up here, & I knew your grandfather; I know you to be a -gentlewoman, I will not say you are a whore, but gett you gonne for a -very woman.’ The dissoluteness of the times, as I have sayd, grieving -the good old Dr., his days were shortned, & dyed” in July 1643. - -About this time Trinity produced among Bishops, Glemham of St. Asaph’s, -Lucy of St. David’s, Ironside of Bristol, Skinner of Bristol, Oxford, -and Worcester, Gore of Waterford, Parker of Oxford, Stratford of -Chester, and Sheldon of Canterbury; among authors, Sir John Denham, -William Chillingworth, Ant. Faringdon, Arthur Wilson, Daniel Whitby, -Sir Edw. Byshe, Francis Potter, Henry Gellibrand, George Roberts, M.D., -and James Harrington; among Cavalier leaders, Thomas Lord Wentworth, -created Earl of Cleveland, Sir Philip Musgrave of Edenhall, and Sir -Hervey Bagot; on the other side, Henry Ireton and Edmund Ludlow; -besides the chivalrous William Earl of Craven, and John Lord Craven of -Ryton, founder of the Craven scholarships, Cecil Calvert second Lord -Baltimore, Sir Henry Blount the traveller, Milton’s friend Charles -Deodate, Dr. Nathaniel Highmore, and Chief Justice Newdigate. - -The next president, Hannibal Potter, was elected during the disorders -of the Civil War. The college buildings were occupied during the siege -of Oxford by the courtiers and officers; many of the undergraduates -enlisted; the register and accounts are defective; the elections were -irregular, and the number of commoners admitted dropped from thirty-two -in 1633 to four in 1643, none in 1644, and one in 1645, reviving to -twenty-one in 1646. The tenants fell behind with their rents, and -in 1647 the arrears from estates and battels amounted to £1385; in -November 1642 the King “borrowed” £200, and in the following March -Sir Wm. Parkhurst gave the College a receipt for 173 pounds of plate, -which included everything given by the Founder and others, except -the chalice, paten, and two flagons. In 1647 and 1648 the College -sent £145 13_s._ 4_d._ and £45 to the Earl of Downe and his uncle Sir -Thomas Pope. In 1647 a lessee of College property, Sir Robert Napier of -Luton-Hoo, deposited £160 for emergencies. - -In 1648 the members of the College were cited before the Puritan -Visitors of the University; eventually twenty-six submitted and -nineteen were ejected; some of them never appeared, _e. g._ the bursar -Josias Howe, who had carried off many of the College documents into -the country. Nine persons were intruded by the Visitors at different -times. Potter, who, as acting Vice-Chancellor, had for some time -baffled the commissioners, was turned out of his house by Lord Pembroke -in person, to make room for one of the Visitors, Dr. Robert Harris, of -Magdalen Hall. He was an old man, but still vigorous, a good scholar, -an orthodox though popular preacher; and was fairly well received by -the fellows, some of whom remained without having submitted. Under -him things settled down, and the numbers rose again; some scandalous -stories were afterwards current of the appropriation of a large sum -left behind by Potter, and of the exaction from one of the tenants of -an exorbitant fine; but on the whole Harris probably tolerated much of -the old _régime_, _e. g._ he allowed payments to absent fellows and -the Founder’s kinsmen, and the old saints’-days were still observed as -gaudys. - -On his death in 1658, William Hawes was elected, and confirmed by a -mandate from the Protector. In 1659 he resigned on his death-bed in -order that no time might be lost in electing (illegally, since he was -not a member of the College), Dr. Seth Ward, a deprived fellow of -Sydney Sussex, Cambridge, who had settled at Wadham, where he became -Savilian Professor of Astronomy, and one of the founders of the Royal -Society. He was “very well acquainted and beloved in the College,” and -less likely to be objected to by the Government than Dr. Bathurst, who -was really the mainstay of the society. In 1660 Ward had to retire on -the restoration of Potter (with Howe and perhaps a married fellow, -Matthew Skinner), was made Dean and subsequently Bishop of Exeter, on -the recommendation of the West country gentlemen in the Restoration -Parliament, and died Bishop of Salisbury in 1689. - -On Potter’s death in 1664 Ralph Bathurst naturally became president. -Shortly afterwards “A. Wood and his mother and his eldest brother and -his wife went to the lodgings of Dr. R. B., to welcome him to Oxon, who -had then very lately brought to Oxon his new-married wife, Mary, the -widdow of Dr. Jo. Palmer, late Warden of Alls. Coll. which Mary was of -kin to the mother of A. Wood. They had before sent in sack, claret, -cake, and sugar. Dr. Bathurst was then about forty-six years of age, -so there was need of a wife.” He was the fifth son of George Bathurst -(commoner 1605) and Elizabeth Villiers, Kettell’s step-daughter; many -of his family before and after him were at Trinity, and six of his -brothers are said to have died in the King’s service. He was ordained -priest in 1644; but submitted to the Visitors, “neither owning their -authority nor concurring in his principles with them, but rather -acting separately from them,” as he said afterwards; studied medicine -(M.D. 1654), and practised in Oxford and as a navy surgeon. During the -persecution of the Church he assisted Bishop Skinner as archdeacon at -the secret ordinations at Launton and in Trinity chapel. Skinner was -the only prelate who ordained regularly, and claimed to have conferred -orders on 400 to 500 persons. Bathurst was an original F.R.S., and -P.R.S. in 1688; and also a classical scholar of some ability, as -his remains show. In 1670 he became Dean of Wells, but refused the -bishopric of Bristol, for which Lord Somers recommended him in 1691. - -Bathurst was well known in the best society of his day; and -his reputation, together with the traditions of the families -mentioned above, attracted to Trinity in his time a large number of -gentlemen-commoners of high rank. John Evelyn, for instance, whose -elder brother George was a commoner in 1633, took pains to place -his eldest son under his care. The University was sinking into the -intellectual torpor of the eighteenth century, and we find few men of -learning educated at Trinity for 100 years; the best known were Arthur -Charlett the antiquarian, and William Derham, an ingenious writer on -natural religion. Among the commoners were Lord Chancellor Somers, Wm. -Pierrepoint Earl of Kingston, the second Earl of Shaftesbury, Sir Chas. -O’Hara Lord Tyrawley, Commander-in-chief in Ireland, Spencer Compton -Earl of Wilmington (the Prime Minister _faute de mieux_), Allen Earl -Bathurst, Cobbe Archbishop of Dublin, and the heads of the families of -Abdy, Broughton, Wallop, Reade, Gresley, Trollope, Shelley, Knollys, -Hall, Clopton, Topham, Lennard, Dormer, Napier (of Luton-Hoo), Curzon, -Shirley (Ferrers), Herbert (Herbert of Cherbury), Cobb, Bridgeman, -Jodrell, Boothby, Jenkinson, and Shaw of Eltham, and many others long -connected with Trinity. - -In 1685, some undergraduates, under the command of Philip Bertie, -volunteered against Monmouth; they drilled in the Grove, and the -College paid for the keep of some horses (“Pro avenis in usū Coll. -pro equo Mri. Praesidis ad militiā mutuato, 12_s._” Comp. 1685). In -Bathurst’s time there appears to have been some connection with the -West of England, Guernsey, Wales, and South Ireland, and in the next -century a large number of entries from the West Indies are found; but -on the whole Trinity continued to draw mainly on the southern Midlands, -especially Oxfordshire and Warwickshire. - -To receive the increased numbers Bathurst almost rebuilt the college, -partly from the revenues increased by the rise in the value of land, -partly from contributions skilfully extracted from his old pupils and -friends, and partly from his private means, on which he drew with -great liberality. His chief works were the north wing of the garden -quadrangle (nearly the first Palladian work in Oxford) in 1665; the -west side in 1682, both from Wren’s designs; the Bathurst building, -now replaced by the new president’s house; the new kitchens, &c.; and -the present chapel, with the tower and gateway, from Aldrich’s plans -corrected by Wren, in 1691-4. He spent £2000 on the shell, and the -fittings with the carving by Gibbons were supplied by subscriptions. In -his time a Fellows’ Common-room, one of the earliest, was instituted, -in the room now the Bursary. Anthony à Wood used to visit it, till his -passion for gossip made him objectionable to the fellows. - -Bathurst, whose portrait by Kneller represents him as a clever and -vigorous-looking man, with an oval face and singularly large eyelids, -became in his old age “stark blind, deaf, and memory lost.” (“This is a -serious alarm to me,” Evelyn continues after recording his death; “God -grant that I may profit by it.”) At last, when walking in his front -garden, from which in his dotage he used to throw stones at Balliol -chapel windows, he fell and broke his thigh, and refusing to have it -set on the ground that “an old man’s bones had no marrow in them,” died -June 14th, 1704, and was buried in the chapel. His will mentions a -large number of legacies to Trinity, Wells, the Royal Society, &c. - -During the seventeenth century, besides the benefactions by way of -subscriptions already mentioned, and small gifts of books and plate, -the College received an endowment for the library from Ric. Rands, -rector of Hartfield, Sussex; a small farm in Oakley and Brill, -purchased with money left by John Whetstone; lands at Thorpe Mandeville -from Edward Bathurst, rector of Chipping-Warden; the moiety of the -manor lands of Abbot’s Langley, Herts, from Francis Combe, great-nephew -of the Founder; and a rent-charge from Thomas Unton, all three for -exhibitions; the livings of Rotherfield-Greys from Thomas Rowney of -Oxford, and Oddington-on-Otmoor from Bathurst; and a reading-desk in -the form of the College crest, a two-headed griffin, from Beckford -“promus.” In the eighteenth century several legacies occur, the most -noticeable being the livings of Farnham (Essex), Hill-Farrance, and -Barton-on-the-Heath; the Tylney exhibition; several large donations -towards various schemes connected with the buildings and grounds; the -iron gates on Broad Street from Francis North, first Earl of Guildford; -the clock from Henry Marquis of Worcester and his brother; and a -quantity of plate from fellows and gentlemen-commoners, including a -very fine ewer and basin from Frederick Lord North and his step-brother -Lord Lewisham. Unfortunately the general revenues of the College never -received any augmentation, and though they rose with the value of -agricultural produce, are not likely to develop further. - -The next president was Thos. Sykes, Lady Margaret Professor; but he -had waited so long for the vacancy that he died in the following year, -and was succeeded by Wm. Dobson, after whose death in 1731 George -Huddesford governed the College for nearly half a century. He was -followed by Jos. Chapman (1776-1808) and Thos. Lee (1808-1824). They -all took their doctor’s degree, and were all buried in the chapel; but -they were not men of any particular distinction, and it is difficult -to individualise them. Huddesford, however, had some reputation as -a wit and antiquarian, and his brother William, also at Trinity, -is known as the editor of some important works. In the eighteenth -century the foundation of Trinity did no better in producing learned -men than other Colleges. There were, however, at various dates, a -few fairly well-known men--Rev. Thomas Warton, M.D., and his better -known son and namesake, the Professor of Poetry and Laureate; John -Gilbert, Archbishop of York; Mant, Bishop of Down and Connor; Wise, -Lethieullier, Dallaway, and Ford, antiquarians; James Merrick and Wm. -Lisle Bowles, authors. Among commoners were Frederick Lord North, the -Prime Minister, as well as his father and son, his brother Brownlow -Bishop of Winchester, and stepbrother William Earl of Dartmouth; the -heads of the Beaufort, Donegal, Umberslade, Hereford, De Clifford, -Ashbrook, and Winterton families; William Pitt, the great Earl of -Chatham; Johnson’s friends, Bennet Langton and Topham Beauclerk; the -usual number of country baronets, _e. g._ a Northcote, a Cope, a Carew, -and several Shaws, together with members of families long connected -with Trinity, such as Escott, Borlase, Whorwood, Wheeler, Lingen, -Woodgate, Guille, Sheldon, Norris; and Walter Savage Landor, who had to -be rusticated for firing a gun into the rooms of another man, whom he -hated for his Toryism, when he was entertaining what Landor called a -party of “servitors and other raffs of every description.” - -Trinity seems to have been considered a quieter college than others, -if we may believe one G. B., who writes to the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ -in 1798, that “at the small excellent College of Trinity were Lord -Lewisham, Lord North, Mr. Edwin Stanhope[?] &c., all as regular as -_great Tom_. Of Lord Lewisham and Lord North it was said that they -never missed early prayers in their College chapel one morning, nor any -evening when not actually out of Oxford, either dining out of town, or -on a water-party.” In 1728 the south side of the new quadrangle was -built on the site of the north side of the Durham buildings; the Lime -Walk was planted in 1713, at a cost of £8 19_s._ 3_d._; the hall was -cheaply refitted; but on the whole the College must have presented the -same homely appearance that it bore up to 1883. The old houses on Broad -Street, formerly academic halls, were bought from Oriel, and the ground -recently the President’s kitchen-garden from Magdalen; but no use was -made of the site till late in the present century. - -The best known Trinity man in the eighteenth century was Thomas Warton, -who was intimate with Dr. Johnson and the chief literary men of the -time. Personally he was a man of retiring character, and undignified -appearance and manners, though he has a pleasant expression in the -portrait by Reynolds. In the Bachelors’ Common-room at Trinity he -founded the custom of electing annually a Lady-Patroness, and a -Poet-Laureate to celebrate her charms. His poetry has considerable -merit; he was an indefatigable researcher into English history and -literature; his _History of English Poetry_ is still reprinted; and -Trinity owes him a heavy debt for the Lives of Sir Thomas Pope and Dr. -Bathurst. Dr. Johnson often visited him and stayed at Kettell Hall, -where he made the acquaintance of his lively friend, Beauclerk, and -received the adoration of Langton. “If I come to live at Oxford,” he -said, “I shall take up my abode at Trinity,” and he gave the library in -which he preferred to read--(“Sir, if a man has a mind to _prance_, he -must study at Christchurch and All Souls”)--a copy of the Baskerville -Virgil. - -Some poetical letters, as yet unpublished, by John Skinner, -great-great-grandson of the Bishop, contain some particulars of life in -Trinity. He matriculated with a friend from home, one Dawson Warren, -on November 16th, 1790; dined with Kett, who gave them wine left to -him that year by Warton. They lived in Bathurst buildings, had chapel -at 8.0; breakfasted together on tea, rolls, and toast at 8.30; read -Demosthenes for Kett’s lectures, &c., till 1.0. After riding or sailing -in a “yacht” called their Hobby-Horse, they had a hasty shaving and -powdering from the College barber for dinner at 3.0 in “messes” or -“sets.” This concluded with a “narrare” declaimed in hall from the -Griffin. Then they talked till 5.30, when they had a concert with -professionals (_e. g._ Dr. Crotch) from the town, concluding with a -“tray” of negus, &c. at 9.30. The less virtuous had a wine; their tray -was meat and beer; and eventually those of the party who could helped -the rest to bed. President Chapman was considered good-natured; “Horse” -Kett (who wrote several treatises used as text-books, and some poems -and novels which the undergraduates did not appreciate), was respected -but not liked. Kett’s equine features and pompous bearing figure in a -good caricature of 1807, “A view from Trinity.” - -But if the fellows of Trinity as a rule contented themselves with the -routine well satirised by Warton in the _Rambler_, the ability and -energy of some of the tutors, particularly Kett, Ingram, Wilson, and -Short, enabled the College to take a leading place in the revival -of Oxford as a place of education at the opening of the nineteenth -century. The fellow-commoners gradually drop off; among the last -were Ar. French first Lord De Freyne, and the late Earl of Erne. But -the scholarships, always virtually open owing to the latitude as to -counties allowed by the Founder, began to be held by really able -men, and the elections to them became an honour keenly competed for. -The number of fellowships was small, and the choice subject to some -limitations, so that Trinity could not retain all its ablest scholars; -but it succeeded in retaining their affection. Cardinal Newman for -instance (admitted as a commoner, 1816; scholar, 1818[?]), had time -to remember his first college at a critical moment of his life; of his -leaving Oxford in 1846 he writes, “I called on Dr. Ogle [the Regius -Professor of Medicine], one of my very oldest friends, for he was my -private tutor when I was an undergraduate. In him I took leave of my -first College, Trinity, which was dear to me, and which held on its -foundation so many who had been kind to me both when I was a boy, and -all through my Oxford life. Trinity had never been unkind to me. There -used to be much snapdragon growing on the walls opposite my freshman’s -room there, and I had for years taken it as the emblem of my own -perpetual residence even unto death in my University.” Newman was made -an Honorary Fellow in 1878; and in 1885, on sending to the library a -set of his works, wrote, “This May the 18th is the anniversary of the -Monday on which in 1818 I was elected a member of your foundation. May -your yearly festival ever be as happy a day to you all as in 1818 it -was to me.” - -At one time it seemed as if Trinity might take a lead in the Tractarian -movement; but the influence possibly of Ingram and Haddan directed -the attention of their pupils to historical studies, at first -ecclesiastical, but afterwards of a more general character. It is too -early at present to estimate the exact place of individuals in the -literature of the nineteenth century; but among those who will be -said to have “flourished” since 1800, and by whose work the influence -of Trinity on the period may be judged, may be mentioned the late -Archdeacon Randall, Rev. Isaac Williams the poet and theologian, -Rev. W. J. Copeland, J. W. Bowden, Rev. W. H. Guillemard, Sir G. K. -Rickards, Rev. A. W. Haddan, the elder Herman Merivale, Mountague -Bernard the international jurist, Bishops Claughton of St. Alban’s, -Stubbs of Oxford, Basil Jones of St. David’s, and Davidson of -Rochester, Vere (Lord) Hobart Governor of Madras, Roundell Palmer Earl -of Selborne, Ralph (Lord) Lingen, Professors Rawlinson, Freeman, Dicey, -Sanday, Bryce, Pelham, Ramsay, Rev. Sir G. Cox, Rev. North Pinder, Rev. -Isaac Gregory Smith, Bosworth Smith, the travellers William Gifford -Palgrave and Sir Richard Burton, to omit more junior present and recent -members of the foundation and commoners. Some of those mentioned when -scholars were famed for the “Trinity ἦθος,” which denoted “considerable -classical attainments and certain theological susceptibilities.” - -The annals of the College during this period can only be glanced at. -Dr. James Ingram, president 1824-1850, was well known as one of the -first authorities on English antiquities and Anglo-Saxon literature: by -the undergraduates he was looked upon as what an old pupil has called -a “physical force man.” He left to the College a large and valuable -collection of topographical and antiquarian books. The next president, -Dr. John Wilson, of whose great care for the College estates and -archives many striking proofs remain, was one of those Heads of Houses -who adopted a _non possumus_ attitude towards the first University -Commission; he resigned in 1866, and retired to Woodperry House, where -he died in 1873. His successor, the Rev. Samuel William Wayte, had -been one of the secretaries to the Commissioners; he conferred great -benefits on the College by his careful management of the property, -and exercised considerable influence in the University. In 1878 he -retired to Clifton, where he still lives. In electing in his place -the Rev. John Percival, head master of Clifton College, who had never -been on the books of Trinity, the fellows took a step unusual but not -unprecedented in College history; in 1887 he resigned, on accepting the -headmastership of Rugby School. Under Dr. Percival the new statutes -of the Commission of 1877-81 came into force; to them is due a slight -increase which has taken place in the number of Scholars. The number -of commoners had already exceeded the traditional limit of “forty men -and forty horses,” and partly in consequence of this, it was determined -to build; between 1883 and 1887 the large block of rooms and the -new president’s lodgings in the front quadrangle, both by Mr. T. G. -Jackson, were constructed; Kettell Hall was bought from Oriel, and the -picturesque cottages on Broad Street and the old president’s house -converted into college rooms. A large portion of the money necessary -for these purposes was contributed by present and past members of the -foundation, and other graduates of the College. - -We may conclude by mentioning some other important benefactions of the -present century. James Ford, B.D., rector of Navestock, left funds for -the purchase of advowsons, and for exhibitions appropriated to certain -schools; the Millard bequest provides an endowment for natural science. -A present of money from a “Member of the College” has been spent on -portraits for the hall; an organ for the chapel was given by President -Wayte; and seven windows of stained-glass representing Durham College -saints, have recently been given by the Rev. Henry George Woods, M.A., -the present President, to whom this account of Trinity College may be -appropriately inscribed. - - * * * * * - -NOTE.--It is impossible to form a complete list of the persons educated -at Trinity College, since the first general Register of Admissions -commences only in 1646, and the entries are not autograph till 1664. -But an approximate estimate may be made from various records, such as -(1) the Admission Registers A, B, and C, 1646-1891, (2) the formal -admissions before a notary public of the Scholars or Fellows from 1555, -contained in the College Registers, (3) the Bursars’ annual account -from 1579-1646 of Caution-money paid by Commoners, (4) the University -Registers, which give some names not contained in the preceding, -principally of the “poor scholars” who did not pay Caution-money. The -total numbers seem to be not much under 6000, and of this nearly 1000 -persons have been members of the foundation.--H. E. D. B. - - - - -XV. - -S. JOHN BAPTIST COLLEGE. - -BY THE REV. W. H. HUTTON, M.A., FELLOW OF S. JOHN’S. - - -After the dissolution of the religious houses there were in Oxford -numbers of deserted buildings, little suited for private residences, -but useful only, as they were designed, for corporate life. Some fell -into decay, and have now utterly disappeared; others, by the wisdom of -men interested in the intellectual revival of the age, were refounded -as places of religion, learning, and education. To this latter class -belongs the College of S. John Baptist. It occupies the site and some -of the buildings of a Bernardine House founded by Archbishop Chichele -in 1437, as a place where the Cistercian scholars studying at Oxford -“might obtain humane and heavenly knowledge.” By Letters Patent of -Henry VI. the Archbishop received leave to “erect a College to the -honour of the most glorious Virgin Mary and S. Bernard, in the street -commonly called North Gate street, in the parish of S. Mary Magdalene, -without the North Gate.”[263] The buildings consisted only of a single -block facing westwards, with one wing behind.[264] The hall was built -about 1502, and the chapel consecrated in 1530. All of these remain in -use. The monks had also a garden, leased at first part from University -College and part from Durham College. - -At the dissolution in 1539, the lands, buildings, and revenues of S. -Bernard’s College were given by Henry VIII. to his newly founded -College and Cathedral of Christ Church, in whose possession they -remained some sixteen years. In 1555, the deserted buildings were -restored to use, and the College refounded under Letters Patent of -Philip and Mary, granted at the request of a rich and munificent -London trader, Sir Thomas White. He was a Merchant Taylor of renown, -who had been Sheriff of London in 1547, and Lord Mayor in the year of -Sir Thomas Wyatt’s rebellion, when he had rallied the citizens to the -cause of Queen Mary. He had, says a College chronicler,[265] poured -over England a torrent of munificence, and now among the many things -in which he deserved well of the State, this was the worthiest. There -is a legend that he was directed in a dream to found a College hard by -where three trunks grew from the root of a single elm,[266] and the -tree which was said to have decided him to purchase the buildings of -S. Bernard’s was pointed out as still standing in the garden of Dr. -Levinz, President of S. John’s College from 1673 to 1697. Beyond the -buildings, there was no link between the old Society and the new. The -Cistercian tradition had left no trace; Sir Thomas White’s foundation -was a new creation. - -The College thus founded in 1555, was to be set apart[267] for study -of the sciences of Sacred Theology, Philosophy, and good Arts; it was -dedicated to the praise and honour of God, of the Blessed Virgin Mary -His Mother, and S. John Baptist, and the Society was to consist of a -President and thirty graduate or non-graduate scholars. In 1557,[268] -both the scope and numbers of the original Foundation were enlarged; -Theology, Philosophy, Civil and Canon Law were now declared to be the -subjects of study, and the number of Fellows and scholars was raised to -fifty, of whom[269] six were to be founder’s kin, two from Coventry, -Bristol, and Reading schools, one from Tunbridge and the rest from the -Merchant Taylors’ school in London. Twelve were to study Civil and -Canon Law, one Medicine, and the rest Theology. There were also added -three priests as chaplains, six clerks not priests yet not married, and -six choristers. From the first the College was intimately connected -with the country round Oxford, for the founder endowed it with the -manors of Long Wittenham, Fyfield, Cumnor, Eaton, Kingston-Bagpuze, -Frilford and Garford, in the counties of Berks and Oxon, and with -sundry advowsons in the neighbourhood. It was at Handborough that the -first President, Alexander Belsire, B.D., who was appointed by the -Founder, died. He had been Rector for several years, and had retired -there when removed from the headship on account of his maintenance of -the papal supremacy. Several of the earlier Presidents held the living -of Kingston-Bagpuze. In the manor-house at Fyfield the kinsfolk of the -founder continued to live on for many generations, paying a nominal -rent to the College, which from its piety thus suffered a considerable -pecuniary loss at a time when its finances were at a very low ebb.[270] -Nearer home, the manor of Walton, which had formerly belonged to the -nunnery of Godstow, gave the College a share in the interests of the -citizens of Oxford, which has continued to our own time. - -During its earlier years Sir Thomas White watched over the institution -which he had founded. The statutes which he gave were substantially -those of New College, and this return to the scheme of William of -Wykeham, which had been so largely adopted at Cambridge, shows that -the alterations made by the founders of Magdalen, Corpus Christi, and -Trinity, were not felt to be improvements. He had nominated the first -President, his own kinsman John James as Vice-President for life, -and the earlier Fellows. By his advice probably the second and third -Presidents, and certainly the fourth, were appointed. He drew up also -the most minute directions for the election and for the binding of the -President to the performance of his duties, and for the government -of the College. In all he set himself on behalf of the Society to -seek peace and ensue it. If any strife should arise which could not -within five days be appeased by the President and Deans, it must--so -he ruled--be referred to the Warden of New College, the President of -Magdalen, and the Dean of Christ Church, and by their decision all -must abide. As he drew towards his end he wrote a touching letter of -farewell to the Society which lay so near his heart. It runs thus--“Mr. -President, with the fellows and scholars, I have me recommended unto -you from the bottom of my heart, desiring the Holy Ghost may be among -you until the end of the world, and desiring Almighty God that every -one of you may love one another as brethren, and I shall desire you all -to apply your learning, and so doing God shall give you His blessing, -both in this world and in the world to come. And furthermore if any -strife or variance do arise among you I shall desire you for God’s love -to pacify it as much as you may, and so doing I put no doubt but God -shall bless every one of you. And this shall be the last letter that -ever I shall send unto you, and therefore I shall desire every one -of you to take a copy of it for my sake.[271] No more to you at this -time, but the Lord have you in His keeping until the end of the world. -Written the 27th of Jan., 1566. I desire you all to pray to God for -me that I may end my life with patience, and that He may take me to -His mercies. By me, Sir Thomas White, Knight, Alderman of London, and -founder of S. John Baptist College in Oxford.” - -Within a fortnight from the writing of this letter the founder died. -He was buried with solemn ceremonial in the College chapel, where his -coffin was found intact when that of Laud was laid beside it nearly -a century later. A funeral oration was preached by one of the most -brilliant of the junior Fellows, Edmund Campion, soon to win wider -notoriety, and eventually to die a shameful death. - -The loss of the founder made more evident the weaknesses with which the -College had had to struggle from the first. It was wretchedly poor. -The munificence of Sir Thomas White himself had more than exhausted -his purse. He died a poor man; much of what he had intended for the -College never reached it,--it would have been less still but for the -scarcely judicial assistance, “partly by pious persuasions and partly -by judicious delays,” of his executor Sir William Cordell, who was -Master of the Rolls,--and some of the estates, like Fyfield, were -burdened with encumbrances which he had left behind. Nor was this -all. Before the end of the century one of the Bursars seems to have -embezzled the College money and fled, becoming a Papist, and getting -employment where his antecedents were not known, as paymaster to an -Archduke of Austria. As early as 1577 the expenses had to be cut down; -the chapel foundation was reduced if not altogether suspended. But the -College not only suffered from pecuniary troubles; it seems to have -been peculiarly affected by the religious changes of the time. So long -as the founder had lived, his tact had smoothed the difficulties of the -transition from the Marian to the Elizabethan rule. Two at least of the -earlier Presidents were deprived for asserting the Pope’s supremacy, -yet the change was managed without disturbance. But when the wise -counsels of the founder could no longer be heard, and when the Papal -Court had declared itself the bitter foe of Elizabeth, Fellow after -Fellow retired, or was deprived, and joined the Roman party. For this -cause no less than six members of the foundation are recorded within a -few years to have been imprisoned. Some, like Gregory Martin, who had -been tutor to the Duke of Norfolk’s children, and was afterwards the -translator of the “Rheims Bible,” fled over sea; some died in hiding, -some in English gaols. One, Edmund Campion, a brilliant orator and a -bold defender of the Papal jurisdiction, became a Jesuit, was mixed up -in several political intrigues, and eventually was hanged at Tyburn. It -might seem as though the little College, poor and divided, would never -weather the storm. That it did so was no doubt due to the patience and -devotion of its members. During its darkest years, at the end of the -sixteenth century, there were found philosophers and theologians, such -as Dr. John Case,[272] and skilful administrators such as Dr. Francis -Willis (President, 1577-1590), poets and rhetoricians, and London -merchants, who gave their talents and their money to support the fame -of the struggling Society. - -By the beginning of the sixteenth century the College was on its feet -again; before a quarter of the century had passed its influence was the -most important in the University. Great men had begun to send their -sons there. In 1564 came two sons of the Earl of Shrewsbury; in 1572 -two Stanleys and young Lord Strange. At the accession of James I. few -Colleges had among their members so many men already distinguished or -soon to win distinction. Tobie Matthew, a former President, had risen -to be Dean, and then Bishop, of Durham, and died Archbishop of York. -Sir William Paddy, a Fellow and notable benefactor, was the King’s -physician. John Buckeridge (President, 1605-1611) became Bishop first -of Rochester and then of Ely. A Fellow of the College had been the -Maiden Queen’s ambassador to Russia; many others were famous in the -law courts. But two men especially were destined to play a part on a -wider scene. In 1602 William Juxon, a lad of gentle birth, from Sussex, -matriculated at S. John’s. William Laud, born at Reading on October -7th, 1573, elected a Fellow of S. John’s College at the early age of -twenty, was Proctor in the year of the King’s accession. From this year -the history of the College may be considered to be inseparable from -that of the little energetic personage who left so great a mark upon -the history of the English Church. - -On the 18th of January, 1605, Dr. John Buckeridge was elected President -on the death of Ralph Hutchinson. In August of the same year, King -James visited the University. At the gate of S. John’s “three -young youths[273] in habit and attire like nymphs, confronted him, -representing England, Scotland, and Ireland, and talking dialogue-wise -each to other of their state, at last concluding yielding up themselves -to his gracious government. The Scholars stood all on one side of the -street; and the strangers of all sorts on the other. The Scholars stood -first, then the Bachelors, and last the Masters of Arts.” Two days -afterwards, at the end of a long day, the King saw a comedy, called -_Vertumnuus_, written by Dr. Gwynne, a Fellow of S. John’s. “It was -acted much better than either of the other that he had seen before, yet -the King was so over-wearied that after a while he distasted it and -fell asleep. When he awaked he would have been gone, saying, ‘I marvel -what they think me to be,’ with such other like speeches, showing his -dislike thereof. Yet he did tarry till they had ended it, which was -after one of the clock.” - -At this time the University was greatly influenced by Calvinist -doctrines. It was from S. John’s that the first opposition to the -prevalent opinions came, and it was thus that William Laud first -became famous. Laud was ordained deacon and priest by Dr. Young, -Bishop of Rochester, who, “finding his study raised above the systems -and opinions of the age, upon the noble foundations of the fathers, -councils, and the ecclesiastical historians, early presaged that if -he lived he would be an instrument of restoring the Church from the -narrow and private principles of modern times to the more enlarged, -liberal, and public sentiments of the apostolic and primitive ages.” -Dr. Young was right in his prophecy, for Laud was soon the leader of -the reaction against Calvinism in the University, as he was afterwards -successful in asserting more liberal and Catholic sentiments in the -Anglican Church at large. By maintaining in theological lectures and -sermons before the University the doctrine of baptismal regeneration -and the divine institution of Episcopacy, he made himself prominent in -opposition to the chief authorities of the day, who were all imbued -with Calvinistic views. It was reckoned, so in later years he told -Heylin, a heresy to speak to him, and a suspicion of heresy to salute -him as he walked in the street. Yet he had no lack of friends; the -most eminent members of his own College seem always to have stood by -him,--we have Sir William Paddy’s approval of an University sermon -that had caused much offence,--and before long he found the whole -University converted to his views. There were sermons and pamphlets -and answers and counterblasts, inquiries by Vice-Chancellor and -Doctors, threats of suspension, murmurs of disloyalty to the Church, -as there have often been since in Oxford theological tempests; but -the misconception and bitter feeling were gradually overcome by -the steadfast conscientiousness of Laud. He received a number of -preferments outside the University, was especially honoured by Bishop -Neile of Rochester, and resigned his Fellowship in 1610 to devote -himself entirely to parochial work. At the end of that year, however, -Dr. Buckeridge, President of S. John’s, was elected Bishop of Rochester -in succession to Dr. Neile, and by his advice and support Laud was -proposed for the vacant headship of the College. Calvinist influence -in the University was set to work to induce the King to prevent the -appointment, but without success, and Laud was elected on May 10th, -1611. The election was marked by keen and violent party feeling. When -the nomination papers had been laid on the altar (as was the custom in -College elections down to within living memory), and the Vice-President -was about to announce the result, one of the Fellows, Richard Baylie, -snatched the papers from his hands and tore them in pieces. It is -characteristic of Laud’s freedom from personal animosity, that he -passed over this act of irritable partisanship and showed special -favour to the culprit. He procured the choice of Baylie as Proctor -in 1615, afterwards made him his chaplain, married him to his niece, -supported his election in 1632 to the Presidency itself, and in 1636 -appointed him Vice-Chancellor of the University. In the same year, -1611, Laud became one of the King’s chaplains, and from this time was -not without royal influence to assist him in his University contests. - -He had still great difficulties to contend with. Dr. Abbot, Regius -Professor of Divinity and brother of the Primate, preached against -him in S. Mary’s, his assertion of anti-Calvinistic doctrine, or -Arminianism as it was now called, being the cause of complaint. -“Might not Christ say, what art thou? Romish or English, Papist or -Protestant?--or what art thou? A mongrel compound of both; a Protestant -by ordination, a Papist in point of free will, inherent righteousness, -and the like. A Protestant in receiving the Sacrament, a Papist in the -doctrine of the Sacrament. What, do you think there be two heavens? If -there be, get you to the other and place yourself there, for into this -where I am ye shall not come.” To such coarse stuff as this was Laud -compelled to listen; he “was fain to sit patiently” among the heads of -houses, and “hear himself abused almost an hour together, being pointed -at.” But this was merely the vindictive retort of a vanquished party. - -In 1616 the King sent some instructions to the Vice-Chancellor which -exercised a powerful effect on the theology and discipline of the -University. Care was to be taken that the selected preachers throughout -the city should conform to the doctrine of the Church, and that -students in Divinity should be “excited to bestow their time on the -Fathers and Councils, schoolmen, histories and controversies, … making -them the grounds of their studies in divinity.” In the same year Laud -was made Dean of Gloucester. In 1621 he became Bishop of S. David’s, -and resigned the headship of the College. During the following years -he does not seem to have been much in Oxford, and it was not till -1630, when he was made Chancellor, that he exercised effective control -over the University. While he was busied in the affairs of the Church -at large, and was rising step by step to the highest ecclesiastical -preferment, his College, under the government of Dr. William Juxon, -grew in prosperity. Sir William Paddy, always a benefactor, gave a -“pneumatick organ of great cost,” and by his will endowed an organist -with singing men, and left books and money to the Society of which he -was, says a College chronicler, a member as munificent as learned. The -organ, though its erection was made by Prynne one of the accusations -against Laud, escaped destruction during the Rebellion, and was in -use till 1768. Bishop Buckeridge left more money to the College, and -altar furniture for the chapel. Within the years 1616-1636 large sums -of money came in, and gifts of land and advowsons of livings were made -by persons more or less connected with the College; the buildings -were added to, and by the time when Laud, as Bishop of London and -Chancellor of the University, had set himself to “build at S. John’s in -Oxford, where I was bred up, for the good and safety of that College,” -the College, still much less than a century old, was freed from the -pecuniary troubles which so much crippled it in its earlier years. - -The new quadrangle, which was begun in July 1631, when the King gave -two hundred tons of wood from the royal forests of Stow and Shotover -to aid in the building, was a magnificent expression of the donor’s -generosity and love for the College. It was completed in 1636, and -Laud, now Archbishop of Canterbury, having assigned by special -direction the new rooms to the library, to the President, and for the -use of commoners, made elaborate preparations to receive the King and -Queen when they “invited themselves” to him. They brought with them the -King’s nephew, the Elector Palatine and Prince Rupert, who were entered -on the books of S. John’s. Laud’s College and his new library were the -centre of the entertainments that marked their stay in Oxford. The -Archbishop’s own words[274] give the best account of the festivities. -On the 30th of August, 1636, he says, “When they were come to S. -John’s they first viewed the new building, and that done I attended -them up to the Library stairs, where as soon as I began to ascend the -music began and they had a fine short song fitted for them as they -ascended the stairs. In the Library they were welcomed to the College -with a short speech made by one of the Fellows (Abraham Wright). And -dinner being ready they passed from the old into the new library, built -by myself, where the King, the Queen and the Prince Elector dined at -one table which stood cross at the upper end. And Prince Rupert with -all the lords and ladies present, which were very many, dined at a long -table in the same room. When dinner was ended I attended the King and -the Queen together with the nobles into several withdrawing chambers, -where they entertained themselves for the space of an hour. And in -the meantime I caused the windows of the hall to be shut, the candles -lighted, and all things made ready for the play to begin. When these -things were fitted, I gave notice to the King and Queen and attended -them into the hall. … The play[275] was very good and the action. It -was merry and without offence, and so gave a great deal of content. -In the middle of the play I ordered a short banquet for the King, -the Queen, and the lords. And the College was at that time so well -furnished as that they did not borrow any one actor from any College -in town. The play ended, the King and Queen went to Christ Church.” A -contemporary notes among the quaintnesses of the entertainment that -“the baked meats were so contrived by the cook, that there was first -the forms of archbishops, then bishops, doctors, etc., seen in order, -wherein the King and courtiers took much content.” “No man,” says Laud, -“went out at the gates, courtier or other, but content; which was a -happiness quite beyond expectation.” The next day, when the royal party -had left, the Chancellor entertained the University authorities, “which -gave the University a great deal of content, being that which had never -been done by any Chancellor before.” “I sat with them,” he says, “at -table; we were merry, and very glad that all things had so passed to -the great satisfaction of the King and the honour of that place.” - -By this time Laud had not only given to his own College a notable -position in the University, but had reformed and legislated for the -University itself. The statutes had long been in confusion; Convocation -in any case of difficulty passed a new rule which frequently conflicted -with the old statutes, and the government of the undergraduates -seems to have been very lax. The University submitted its laws to -the Chancellor, who, with the aid of a learned lawyer of Merton -College, revised and codified them. How he desired that the students -should be ruled may be seen by his careful direction to the heads of -Colleges,[276] that “the youths should conform themselves to the public -discipline of the University. … And particularly see that none, youth -or other, be suffered to go in boots or spurs, or to wear their hair -undecently long, or with a lock in the present fashion, or with slashed -doublets, or in any light or garish colours; and that noblemen’s sons -may conform in everything, as others do, during the time of their abode -there, which will teach them to know the difference of places and order -betimes; and when they grow up to be men it will make them look back -upon that place with honour to it and reputation to you.” So successful -was he in impressing the spirit of discipline and self-restraint, -that Sir John Coke was able to congratulate the University in 1636 -that “scholars are no more found in taverns, nor seen loitering in the -streets or other places of idleness or ill-example, but all contain -themselves within the walls of their Colleges, and in the schools -or public libraries, wherein I confess you have at length gotten -the start, and by your virtue and merit have made this University, -which before had no paragon in any foreign country, now to go beyond -itself and give a glorious example to others not to go behind.” In -the Register of S. John’s College there are curious examples of the -discipline maintained. To take an instance from a somewhat later -time, under the date of April 4th, 1668, we have “Memorandum, that I, -Thomas Tuer, being convented and convicted, _secunda vice_, before the -Vice-President and Seniors of the breach of the statutes _de morum -honestate_ by injuriously striking Sir Waple, was for this my fault -according to the statutes on that behalf put out of commons for 15 -days. Thomas Tuer.” - -By his example of conscientious perseverance, by his devotion to -learning, and by his munificent building and endowment, Laud had -brought both his College and the University to a high standard of -culture and research. These were indeed the halcyon days of S. John’s, -when Laud, its “second founder,” was Chancellor of the University and -Primate of all England; Juxon his pious and sagacious successor as -President was Bishop of London and Lord Treasurer; and Dr. Richard -Baylie governed the College, whose annalist says that never was there -more diligent scholar, more learned Fellow, or more prudent Head.[277] -But the University soon fell on evil days; discipline was dissolved, -teaching and learning were alike suspended, and the streets rang with -the summons to arms. The city bore for several years the aspect at -once of a camp, and of an exiled Court. In these troubles S. John’s -had its full share. Scholars joined the King’s troops, Fellows were -driven from their country livings, the College gave up its treasures -to the Royal cause. In the College Register of 1642 is inserted the -following letter--“Charles R. Trusty and well beloved, we greet you -well. We are so well satisfied with your readiness and Affection to -our service that we cannot doubt but you will take all occasions to -express the same. And as we are ready to sell or engage any of our -lands, so we have melted down our Plate for the payment of our Army -raised for our defence and the preservation of the Kingdom. And having -received several quantities of Plate from divers of our loving subjects -we have removed our Mint hither to our City of Oxford for the coining -thereof. And we do hereby desire you that you will send unto us all -such plate of what kind soever which belongs to your College, promising -you to see the same justly repaid unto you after the rate of 5_s._ the -ounce for white, and 5_s._ 6_d._ for gilt plate as soon as God shall -enable us. For assure yourselves we shall never let persons of whom we -have so great a care to suffer for their affection unto us, but shall -take special order for the repayment of what you have already lent to -us according to our promise. … And we assure ourselves of the very -great willingness to gratify us herein, since besides the more public -considerations you cannot but know how much yourselves are concerned in -our sufferings. And we shall always remember this particular service to -your advantage. Given at our Court at Oxford this 6th day of Jan. 1642 -(1643).” - -“In answer to his Majesty’s letters,” says the Register, “it was -consented and unanimously agreed by the President and Fellows of the -College that the plate of the College should be delivered unto his -Majesty’s use.” It was melted down, and the coin so struck was stamped -with the initials of the President, Dr. Richard Baylie. - -In June 1643 the King wrote again to the College, asking that some of -its members should subscribe 4_s._ a week for a month for the support -of soldiers: “we do assure you on the word of a king that this charge -shall lie on you but one month.” Soon after this Laud resigned his -Chancellorship in a touching letter from his prison, and in making -his will showed the deepest attachment to the College where he “was -bred.” Baylie, who was his executor, was not long suffered to remain -in his post. The Parliamentary Commission which visited the University -in January 1648 ordered that the President of S. John’s College, -“being adjudged guilty of high contempt by denial of the authority of -Parliament, be removed from” his office, “and accordingly the said Dr. -Baylie is required forthwith to yield obedience hereunto, and to remove -from the said College and quit the said place, and all emoluments, -rights and appointments thereunto belonging.” They abolished the -choral service, appropriating Sir William Paddy’s endowment to the -increase of the President’s salary. These Commissioners, says Dr. -Joseph Taylor, were men “in whom there was nothing lacking save -religion, virtue, and learning,” and the oath which they required of -the Fellows, for the sake of ejecting them when they refused it, was -“as ridiculous as it was detestable.” In the place of the existing -foundation they put as President Francis Cheynell, the zealot who had -anathematized Chillingworth as he lay dying (a man, says Taylor, “non -tantum fanaticus sed et furiosus”), and they filled the Fellowships -with men collected anywhere and than the majority of whom “there could -be nothing more ignorant or more abject.” Cheynell held the Presidency -only two years, when he was obliged to make choice between it and a -valuable living in Sussex. He was succeeded by one Thankful or Gracious -Owen, a Fellow of Lincoln College, under whose rule the College -languished in poverty and neglect until the Restoration, its property -dissipated and its learning in decay. - -The return of the King brought back Head and Fellows. A blank page in -the College Register is followed by a lease signed by “R. Baylie,” -without note or comment on his deprivation or return. The first results -of the Restoration were works of piety. Before long the body of the -aged Juxon was laid near the founder beneath the altar in the chapel. -It was now possible to carry out the last wish of Laud himself, who in -his will had desired “to be buried in the chapel of S. John Baptist -College, under the altar or communion table there.” All was done -privately, as he had himself directed. Yet the stillness of night, -the torches and the flickering candles, the reverence of the restored -foundation to the greatest and most loyal of its sons, must have given -a unique solemnity to the scene. “The day then, or rather the night,” -says Anthony Wood, “being appointed wherein he should come to Oxon, -most of the Fellows, about sixteen or twenty in number, went to meet -him towards Wheatley, and after they had met him, about seven of the -clock on Friday, July 24th, 1663, they came to Oxon at ten at night, -with the said number before him, and his corpse lying on a horse litter -on four wheels drawn by four horses, following, and a coach after that. -In the same way they went up to S. Mary’s Church, then up Cat’s Street, -then to the back-door of S. John’s Grove; where, taking his coffin out, -they conveyed [it] to the chapel; when Mr. Gisbey, Fellow of that house -and Vice-President, had spoke a speech, they laid him inclosed in a -wooden coffin in a little vault at the upper end of the chancel between -the founder’s and Archbishop Juxon’s.” - -The most interesting period of the College history was during the -reigns of the Stuarts. The same spirit of devotion to the Church and -loyalty to the throne which had animated Laud and Juxon still breathed -in their successors. Tobias Rustat, Esquire, Yeoman of the Robes to -Charles II., and Under Housekeeper of Hampton Court, left a large -sum to endow loyal lectures--two on “the day of the horrid and most -execrable murder of that most glorious Prince and Martyr”; one to -be read by the Dean of Divinity, and the other by “some one of the -most ingenious Scholars or Fellows whom the President shall appoint,” -setting forth the “barbarous cruelty of that unparalleled parricide”; -one by the Dean of Law on October 23rd, “which was the day wherein -Rebellion did appear solemnly armed against Majesty”; and a fourth on -the 29th of May, “setting forth the glory and happiness of that day,” -which saw the birth of Charles II. and his “triumphant return.” There -is in the College library a curious portrait of Charles I., over which -in a minute hand several Psalms are written. Tradition has it that when -the “merry monarch” visited Oxford he asked for this eccentric piece of -work, and that when, on leaving, in recognition of his loyal welcome -he offered to give the Fellows anything they should ask, they declared -that no gift could be so precious as the restoration to them of the -portrait of his father. The story, true or not, could only be told of a -College which was famous as the home of devoted loyalty to the Stuarts. -It was Dr. Peter Mews (or Meaux), Baylie’s successor as President, who -lent his carriage horses to draw the royal cannon to Sedgmoor. When -Nicholas Amherst (the author of a collection of scurrilous essays -which he called after the name of the licensed buffoon at the Encænia, -Terræ Filius) was expelled the College for his irregularities, he made -up a plausible tale that the reason for his expulsion was that he was -the only man loyal to the Hanoverian line in a nest of Jacobites. -He lost no opportunity of attacking the College, with no regard for -truth or consistency. Dr. Delaune (President 1698-1728) was his most -prominent victim. Once, says he, that learned President was affronted -in the theatre by Terrae Filius, who called out to him by name as -he came in, shaking a box and dice, and crying “_Jacta est alea_, -doctor, seven’s the main,” in allusion to “a scandalous report handed -about by the doctor’s enemies, that he had lost great sums of other -people’s money at dice.” But Jacobitism was an accusation much more -plausible, and we are inclined not altogether to disbelieve him when -he says that the Latitudinarian Hoadly was abused in a Latin oration -in chapel as “iste malus logicus, pejor politicus, pessimus theologus; -a bad logician, a worse statesman, and the worst of all divines.” Dr. -Richard Rawlinson, who had been a gentleman commoner of the College, -and left to it on his death in 1755 the bulk of his estate, was a -typical antiquary and worshipper of the exiled House. His collection of -letters and MSS., the researches which he made into the early history -of the Foundation, are among the most cherished possessions of the -College. “Ubi thesaurus ibi cor” is the motto of the urn in chapel -which contains his heart. His “treasure” was divided between S. John’s -and the Bodleian; his heart, which had beaten with an equal affection -for the Stuarts and for the College, remained among those who shared -his semi-sentimental attachment. It was said of Dr. Holmes (President -1728-48) that he was probably the first Fellow, and certainly the first -Head, of the College who was loyal to the Hanoverian Succession. Almost -within living memory the Fellows of S. John’s in their Common Room, “a -large handsome room, the scene of a great deal of learning and a great -many puns,”[278] toasted the king “over the water.” Up till the middle -of the present century, indeed, it was a college of survivals. The -old loyal lectures were read, the old “gaudies” held, the old rules -maintained. Throughout the eighteenth century the founder’s order -against absence from College was strictly observed: all permissions -to be away from Oxford were carefully recorded in the Register. Leave -was at first only granted on the business of the College, or the king, -or a bishop; and it is said of one Dr. Sherard that he had to give up -his Fellowship when he had exhausted the list of the Episcopal bench. -Even Doctors of Divinity were obliged to get license to “go down.” Dr. -Smith, though Master of Merchant Taylors’ School (died 1730), could not -teach his boys without the College leave to be absent from Oxford. Only -in recent years has iconoclastic modernism destroyed the old progresses -round the College estates, formal fishing of the College waters, and -festive commemoration of days of ecclesiastical or royalist note. The -history of the last and of the present century lies outside the scope -of this sketch, and the share that S. John’s has had in the important -movements of the last seventy years is left untold. Much has undergone -change, at the hands of Time and of Parliamentary Commissions; but -there still lingers one feature of the old life of the University which -elsewhere has passed away. S. John’s alone of all the Colleges has -(1891) no married Fellows; thus here as it can scarcely be elsewhere, -the College life is most closely centered within the College walls. - - - - -XVI. - -JESUS COLLEGE. - -BY THE REV. LL. THOMAS, M.A., VICE-PRINCIPAL OF JESUS COLLEGE. - - -Jesus College was the first Protestant Society established in Oxford, -and its appearance marks an epoch in the history of the University; -for “if Christ Church was the last and grandest effort of expiring -Mediævalism, if Trinity and St. John’s commemorated the re-action under -Philip and Mary, Jesus, by its very name, took its stand as the first -Protestant College.”[279] - -It may seem at first sight that there ought to be little difficulty in -tracing the origin and settlement of a College which thus came into -being in the latter half of the sixteenth century; but, partly because -much is obscure in the history of the institution out of which it was -erected, and partly because there are practically no College records -for the first sixty years of its own existence, the historian of Jesus -College has very scanty materials for his account of its foundation and -early annals, and has to put down much which rests rather on inference -than on documentary evidence. - -About the year 1460, John Rowse, the Warwick antiquary, wrote down a -list[280] of Halls and other places of study in Oxford. In this four -Halls are mentioned, all for “legists,” that is, students of Canon -and of Civil Law, viz. White, Hawk, Laurence, and Elm Halls, which -stood on the site now occupied by Jesus College. These represented a -once greater number of Halls, for Laurence Hall had absorbed Plomer -(or Plummer) Hall; and in White Hall had been merged another White -Hall,[281] which stood back to back with it, and apparently (but the -evidence is hardly tangible) other Halls. In the next century the -number of Halls was still further reduced, and by 1552 we find White -Hall alone left,[282] having possibly drawn into its own precincts the -buildings of its old neighbours. This White Hall stood on the north -side of Cheyney Lane (now called Market Street), a short distance from -the corner where it enters the Turl. It was a very old place of study, -being mentioned as early as 1262, and having a well-marked succession -of Principals from 1436 to 1552. - -The point of capital importance in view of its relation to Jesus -College is whether, about the time of the Reformation, White Hall -became distinctly a Hall for Welsh students; but that point cannot be -determined. The occasional and imperfect lists of members of White -Hall found up to 1552 exhibit only a few Welsh names, from which it -may perhaps be inferred that Welshmen were then in a distinct minority -in this Hall. The two graduates of White Hall who are mentioned in -1562[283] are both Welsh, as also are their pupils; but these notices -are a mere accident. If, however, Jesus College took over the inmates -of White Hall, they must have been mostly Welshmen, because the first -College list[284] (1572-3, two years after the foundation) exhibits -almost exclusively Welsh names. On the whole, it is best to say that -the evidence does not justify the belief that White Hall, which Jesus -College superseded, was distinctly a Hall of Welsh students. - -At the petition of Hugo Price, or Ap Rice, Doctor of Laws, Treasurer -of St. Davids, Queen Elizabeth granted the first Letters Patent, dated -the 27th of June, 1571, establishing “quoddam Collegium eruditionis -scientiarum, philosophiae, bonarum artium, linguarum cognitionis, -Hebraicae, Graecae, et Latinae, ad finalem sacrae Theologiae -professionem,” and conferring on the new foundation all the lands, -buildings, and personalty of White Hall. From these words of the -Foundation Charter it appears that the College was primarily intended -to be a place of training for theologians; a secondary object is thus -summed up, “denique ad Ecclesiae Christi, regni nostri, ac subditorum -nostrorum communem utilitatem et felicitatem.” - -Soon after the issue of the Letters Patent, but it is not known exactly -when, the building of the College began, the first portion erected -being two stories of the east front and two staircases[285] of the -southern side of the outer quadrangle. For many years, probably till -1618, the work was not extended, and the following story is handed -down. A stone was inserted in the wall on the south side of the -gateway, bearing this inscription-- - - “Struxit Hugo Prisius tibi clara palatia, Iesu, - Ut Doctor Legum pectora docta daret.” - -“Nondum,” laughed a University wit, one Christopher Rainald, - - “Nondum struxit Hugo, vix fundamenta locavit: - Det Deus ut possis dicere ‘struxit Hugo’!” - -Of the first founder, Hugo Price, very little is known. “He was born,” -Wood says, “at Brecknock,[286] bred up as ’tis generally thought, in -Oseney Abbey, under an uncle of his that was a Canon there;” he did -not long survive the foundation of the College, and was buried (August -1574) in the Priory Church at Brecon. - -The Letters Patent provide for the constitution of the College to -consist of a Principal, eight Fellows, and eight Scholars, nominate -persons to fill all these places, and arrange for future appointments. - -The Principal nominated was David Powell, Doctor of Laws. Among the -Fellows may be noticed Robert Johnson, B.D.,[287] afterwards Archdeacon -of Leicester, the founder of Uppingham and Oakham Schools. Among the -scholars Thomas Dove, afterwards Bishop of Peterborough, and Lancelot -Andrews, Bishop successively of Chichester, Ely, and Winchester. The -College is then incorporated, invested with corporate legal powers and -a common seal, and united with the University “ut pars, parcella, et -membrum.” Concession is granted to Hugo Price to endow the College with -lands and revenues to the amount of a clear £60 per annum, and to the -College to receive further endowments to the extent of £100 a year; and -finally an important body of Commissioners is appointed (including Lord -Burghley and other magnates, and the Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor of -the University, together with the Principal and two Fellows), to draw -up all the necessary statutes for the government of the College. There -is also a tradition that leave was given to the College to receive a -supply of timber from the royal forests of Stow and Shotover towards -the erection of the fabric. - -The second Letters Patent of Queen Elizabeth were issued on the 7th -day of July, 1589, eighteen years after the first patent. Their object -appears to have been to appoint Francis Bevans to the Principalship, -to authorize the College to receive further benefactions to the -amount of £200 a year, and to nominate a still more important body -of Commissioners to draw up the College statutes. These second -Commissioners included several ecclesiastical and legal dignitaries, -the Chancellor and Vice-Chancellor of the University, the Principal, -and apparently three Fellows of the College, and Richard Harrys, -Principal of Brasenose College. The presence of the last-mentioned -Commissioner probably accounts for the fact that the new statutes were -framed upon the model of the Brasenose statutes. There seems to have -been some delay in drawing up these statutes, but they were finally -completed and ordered to be written “fayre in a Booke.” This “Booke” -seems to have been sent from one Commissioner to another for approval -and correction, and at least once was reported to be lost; but was -eventually recovered and deposited in the College. - -The third Letters Patent concerning the College are those of King -James I., dated June 1st, 1621, in the fiftieth year of the College. -After reciting both the Letters Patent of Queen Elizabeth, the King -confirms the establishment of the College; arranges for the addition -and co-optation of eight additional Fellows and eight additional -scholars; and incorporates the College anew to consist of sixteen -Fellows and sixteen scholars. Further, Sir Eubule Thelwall, one of the -Masters of the Court of Chancery, is nominated to the Principalship; -and vacancies in the Fellowships and scholarships are filled up. It is -worthy of notice that two of the original Fellows, Robert Johnson and -John Higgenson, and two of the original scholars, Lancelot Andrews and -Thomas Dove, are still retaining their places. - -It is remarkable that in the three documents above-mentioned there -is no word or expression which implies any local limitation of the -College. There is no direct or indirect allusion to place of birth -or education in the Letters Patent or in the statutes. And yet the -founder was a Welshman, and probably intended his new foundation to -be a Welsh College. The Tudors were always ready to acknowledge their -Welsh origin; hence the readiness of Queen Elizabeth to accede to the -request of Dr. Hugo Price, and even to contribute something of her -royal bounty. Yet no formal means were adopted to secure and continue -the connection of the College with Wales. If we review the lists of -the Fellows nominated in the two Letters Patent of Elizabeth, we know -by the names only (even apart from our actual knowledge from other -sources) that they are not all Welshmen. But it is otherwise with the -Principals. Every one of these, from the foundation to the end of the -eighteenth century, shows by his name[288] his connection with Wales. -The times in which Dr. Hugo Price lived were times of somewhat despotic -government; the Principal appointed the Foundationers; and it may have -seemed a sufficient safeguard to the first founder if it should become -a tradition that the Principal must be a Welshman. At any rate, if -it was not his intention to secure the connection with Wales by such -means, it does not seem possible that he could have selected any which -would have been more successful. From the time of the Restoration it -is exceedingly rare to find the admission of any one to a Scholarship -or Fellowship who was not qualified for the preferment by birth in -Wales. It is only important to notice that this exclusiveness grew up -by custom and tradition, but was not ordained by statute or authority. -In the time of Sir Leoline Jenkins a fixed system was adopted,[289] -and certain Fellowships and Scholarships were assigned respectively to -North and South Wales; but it was not so at the first. - -Of the first six Principals, five were Fellows of All Souls, and only -two in Holy Orders. The diversity in the authority by which they were -appointed is to be remarked. The first and third were nominated by the -Crown in the Letters Patent; of the appointment of the second there is -no record; the fourth was “elected Principal, 17th May, 1602, by three -Fellows that were then in the College”; the fifth was nominated by the -Chancellor of the University, and admitted, under his mandate, by the -Vice-Chancellor, 8th September, 1613, no Fellows appearing or claiming -the right of election; the sixth Principal was nominated by the -Chancellor, and admitted by the Vice-Chancellor, after a contest with -the Fellows, which brought about the final settlement of the dispute in -favour of the College by the third Letters Patent. - -The cause of this uncertainty is not difficult to discover. Had the -College been definitely constituted, the statutes would have provided -for the filling up of vacancies in the ordinary way of election by -the Fellows. But the Royal Commissioners had neglected to settle the -College by statutes, and the Chancellor of the University claimed to -appoint the Principal of the College as he had enjoyed the right of -appointing the Principal of White Hall. - -The question between the claims of the Fellows and of the Chancellor -was brought to an issue in 1620. On 29th June in that year the -Chancellor (Lord Pembroke) nominated Francis Mansell (his kinsman and -chaplain) Principal on the death of Griffith Powell; and on 3rd July -the Vice-Chancellor (Dr. John Prideaux, Rector of Exeter) admitted him -in spite of the protests of the Fellows who claimed the election. On -13th July, Mansell expelled from their Fellowships three of his chief -opponents; and on 17th July the Vice-Chancellor interposed in Mansell’s -favour the authority of his office against a fourth.[290] - -The subsequent stages in the dispute are not upon record; but that -Mansell felt his position insecure is obvious from his resignation of -the Principalship and his return to his All Souls Fellowship before -his year of grace at that College had expired. His successor, Eubule -Thelwall, by what authority appointed is not known, obtained within -a year the third Letters Patent under which the constitution of the -College was finally determined, and the right of election secured to -the Fellows. - -Griffith Powell, the fifth Principal, had been a considerable -benefactor, and was the first to extend the buildings of the College -since the foundation. He began to enlarge it by the addition of the -buttery, kitchen, and hall; but dying before they could be completed, -he left them, together with the south side of the outer quadrangle, to -be completed by Sir Eubule Thelwall, “that most bountiful person, who -left nothing undone that might conduce to the good of the College.” -Francis Mansell, his successor, was a Fellow of All Souls, but had been -a commoner of the College. He was third son of Sir Francis Mansell, -of Muddlescomb, in the county of Carmarthen. Of him we have very -full information from the _Life_,[291] by Sir Leoline Jenkins, which -presents a most interesting and vivid picture of the troublous times in -which he lived. Dr. Francis Mansell performed the unprecedented feat of -holding the Principalship three times, being twice appointed, and once -restored, to the office. He watched the growth of the buildings under -the two great benefactors--Sir Eubule Thelwall and Sir Leoline Jenkins; -and he himself aided the work by his advice, gifts, and diligence in -collecting contributions. - -On Mansell’s resignation of the Principalship in 1621 his place was -filled by Sir Eubule Thelwall. He was the fifth son of John Thelwall -of Bathavarn Park in the county of Denbigh, bred in Trinity College -in Cambridge till he was Bachelor of Arts, then coming to Oxford, was -incorporated here in the same degree in 1579. Afterwards Master of Arts -of this University, Counsellor at Law, Master of the Alienation Office, -and one of the Masters in Chancery, he was admitted Principal in the -month of May 1621. He procured from King James a new charter (mentioned -above), and greatly increased the buildings of the College, not only -completing the kitchen, buttery, and hall, but adding a house for the -Principal, and the chapel--which, however, was afterwards enlarged -by the addition (in 1636) of a sacrarium. He also built a library, -“with a walk under,” probably a colonnade, to the north of the Hall -and west of his new house; but it is doubtful whether he meant this -to be a permanent building. He enlarged the foundation, augmented the -endowments of the College, and enriched the library with books. He died -October 8th, 1630, and was buried in the chapel. - -On the death of Sir Eubule Thelwall, Dr. Francis Mansell was again -appointed to the Headship. Encouraged, perhaps, by the example of his -predecessor, he, in his second tenure of the office, greatly enlarged -the buildings of the College, “for though our Principall had no fonds -but that of his owne Zeale, such was the Interest, which his Relation -in Blood to the many noble Families and (which was more prevailing) his -public and pious Spirit, had procured him, that he had Contributions -sufficient in view to finish and perfect his new Quadrangle; S^{r} George -Vaughan of Ffoulkston in Wiltshire having declared that himselfe would -be at the whole charge of the west end, which was designed to be the -Library; but all these pious designes and contributions were lost by -the dispersions and Ruines that by the Warr befell those who intended -to be our Benefactors.”[292] Notwithstanding, Dr. Mansell was able -to effect much, for he pulled down Thelwall’s library, which does -not seem to have been a satisfactory building, and erected the north -and south sides of the inner quadrangle. He also enriched the College -with revenues and benefices, some of which appear to have been since -alienated. - -Dr. Mansell was obliged to leave Oxford in 1643, owing to “the sad -newes of his Brother S^{r} Anthony’s decease, who fell with all the -circumstances of signall Piety and Vallor in the first Newbury fight; -where he commanded as field-Officer under Lord Herbert of Ragland.” He -had to remain in Wales to settle his brother’s affairs, and look after -his orphan children for some time; but “the Garrison of Oxon being -surrendered in 1646, and the Visitation upon the University coming on, -in July 1647, he hastened away from Wales to his station there; and -though the Earle of Pembroke (who was chiefe in the Action) owned our -Principall as his near Kinsman and had a Favour to the College as the -naturall Visitor thereof by Charter, and though the Earles Two younger -Sons who had lived severall years Commoners in the College under our -Principall’s charge, offered him their Service with all Affection -possible, yet neither the Propensions of the Earle, nor the Kind -offices of his Sons could bring our Principall to fframe himself to -any the least evasion, much less to the direct owneing of that Power. -Being ejected out of the Headship, which was not actually done by order -of the Visitors till the one and twentieth day of May 1648, he Applyed -himself to state all Accompts between him and the College; And having -delivered the muniments and Goods that belong to it to the hands of -the Intruders, he withdrew into Wales and took up his Residence att -Llantrythyd, a House of his Kinsman’s, Sir John Auberey’s K^{nt} and -Baronett, which house Sequestration having made desolate, while Sir -John was in prison for his Adherence to the King, afforded him the -Conveniency of a more private retirement and of having severall young -Gentlemen of Quality, his Kindred under his eye, while they were taught -and Bread up by a young man[293] of his College that he had chosen for -that employment.” - -Here he suffered many persecutions and indignities, “for the Doctor’s -very Grave and Pious aspect, which should have been a protection to -him among Salvages, was no other than a Temptation to those (who -reputed themselves Saints) to Act their Insolencies upon him.” At last, -driven from his retirement, he returned to Oxford, where, “when our -Principall came first to Towne, he took up at Mr. Newmans,[294] a Baker -in Holy-well; but the good Offices he dayly rendered to the College -disposed the then Society so farr to comply with his Inclinations -(which had been allway to live and dye in the College) as to invite -him to accept of one Chamber for accommodating himself, where he built -severall faire ones for the Benefitt of the College. This motion was -accepted, and he Lived in the College, near the stoney staires near the -Gate, for eight years where he had Leisure to observe many Changes and -Revolutions within those Walls, as without them till that happy one of -his majestie’s Restauration by God’s infinite Mercy to the College as -well as to the Nation happily came on.” - -He was restored to his Headship on the 1st of August 1660, but owing -to “the decayes of Age, especially dimness of Sight,” he resolved -to resign once more. His first wish was that Dr. William Bassett, -Fellow of All Souls, should succeed him, “who would have added to the -Reputation of the College by his Government, and to the Revenew of it -in all Probability, by his generous minde and ample Fortune; But Dr. -Bassett’s want of health not allowing him to accept of the Burthen, it -was (by the Unanimous Consent of all the Fellowes at a ffree-election -the first of March, 1660,[295] and with the good Liking of Our Common -Father) devolved upon Dr. Jenkins.[296] This being done he had no other -thought but for Heaven, nor Leasure but for Prayer; he came by degrees -to be confined to his chamber and at last to his Bed and upon the -first day of May 1665 he changed this Life for a better of Blisse and -Immortality.” - -The following items from the _Book of Receipts and Disbursements_, in -Dr. Mansell’s own handwriting, are of interest as showing some of the -charges to which a College was put during the Civil War-- - -“Other various and Extraordinary Expenses, most of them peculiar to the -time. - - Put uppon Domus by M^{r} _Evans_ for Bread and - Beere to the Kinges Souldiers at their - first Cominge to _Oxon_ from _Edgehill_ 01 : 02 : 6 - - Payd by him the Taxe layd uppon the Coll: - towards the works from the beginninge of - it to the 28^{th} of _Jan:_ ’43 03 : 16 : 6 - - More by him for Musquets, Pikes and the like 03 : 14 : 3 - - Given by him to the Prince his Trumpetters 00 : 10 : 00 - - Payd by Pole after 12^{d} a head every weeke - for all of the Coll. towards the fortifications - in _Xst Church_ Meade from the 17^{th} - of _June_ to the end of _July_ 02 : 11 : 00 - - More towards the same in _Aug._ & _Sept._ 02 : 7 : 00 - - For a little Peece of Plate of another man’s, - which was in my Study, and by mistake - taken out with the Coll. Plate,[297] and lent - to his Ma^{tie}, which weighed some what - more than 8 ounces 02 : 00 : 00 - - Pay’d uppon his Maj^{ties} Motion towards the - Maintenance of his Foote Souldiers for - one Monthe after fower Pounds by the - Weeke 16 : 00 : 00 - - The Totall of Receipts 95 : 2 : 5 - - The Totall of Disbursments 341 : 6 : 3 - - And so the Disbursments doe exceede the - Receipts by the Summe of 246 : 3 : 10 - - Which I the Principall have lay’d out of the - Coll. Money remayninge in my hands, - mine owne, or what I borrowed of others. - - And I disbursed the money lent by Common - Consent to his Ma^{tie} 100 : 00 : 00” - -In the interval between Dr. Mansell’s ejection in 1648 by the -Parliamentary Visitors and his restoration in 1660 by Charles II.’s -Commissioners, two Principals ruled the College. Of the first of -these, Michael Roberts, Sir Leoline Jenkins uses the words “infamous -and corrupt.” Perhaps the words are not to be taken literally; but -nothing of the kind is said of his successor, Francis Howell, though -he also was a Puritan. It is also on record that in 1656 the Fellows -deposed Roberts on charges of embezzling the College funds and corrupt -dealing in elections; and that although for the time the Parliamentary -Visitors refused to endorse the action of the Fellows, he did vacate -his Principalship that year or the next, presumably to avoid expulsion. -Afterwards he “lived obscurely” in Oxford, dying on 3rd May, 1670, -“with a girdle[298] lined with broad gold pieces about him (100£ -they say),” and was buried in St. Peter’s in the East churchyard. -The appointment in his place of Francis Howell, Fellow of Exeter, on -24th October, 1657, marks the ascendancy of the Independents over the -Presbyterians in Puritan Oxford. The Fellows of the College had elected -Seth Ward (afterwards Bishop of Salisbury), but the Independents -persuaded Oliverus Protector to appoint Howell, after the fashion -already set in Oxford by Elizabetha Regina, and afterwards followed by -Jacobus Rex. - -In the _Familiar Letters_ of James Howell are some interesting notices -of Oxford and of Jesus College during the times of Mansell, Thelwall, -and Jenkins. The writer, James Howell, son of Thomas Howell, minister -of Abernant in Carmarthenshire, was born about 1594; and entered Jesus -College, where he took his B.A. degree, in 1613. During his absence -abroad in the diplomatic service he was chosen on the Foundation -of his College by Sir Eubule Thelwall; but whether he was actually -admitted is not recorded. Space forbids extracting from his letters -the entertaining passages about Oxford; but this is the less to be -regretted since the letters are found in many editions, the last being -issued in 1890. - -Some years after Howell had left College, viz. in 1638, Henry Vaughan, -“The Silurist,” entered. In early life he does not seem to have written -much; it was owing to illness and trouble that he was led to imitate -and often to excel the devotional poetry of George Herbert. This is not -the place to dwell upon his merits. His works have been little read, -but have gradually asserted their claim to an enduring place in English -literature. - -Soon afterwards his twin brother, Thomas Vaughan (Eugenius -Philalethes), an eminent writer, philosopher, and chemist, was educated -in the College. In 1644, James Usher, Archbishop of Armagh, was -resident in and a member of the College. At a still earlier period -(1602), Rees Prichard was a member of the College. He was afterwards -Vicar of Llandovery, and became an eminent poet. His book _Canwyll -y Cymru_, is the best known and most highly valued collection of -devotional and religious poetry in the Welsh language. - -The above were all Anglican Churchmen and Royalists, but there -was at this period some Puritanism in the College. “The growth of -Puritan feeling in the city of Oxford is shown by the formation of -the first Baptist Society under Vavasour Powell of Jesus College, in -1618. He made many converts in Wales, and in 1657 we hear of John -Bunyan accompanying him to Oxford. Powell died at last in the Fleet -Prison.”[299] - -Among other distinguished members of the College during the sixteenth -and seventeenth centuries may be briefly mentioned Dr. John Davies -(1573), a Welsh scholar and grammarian; John Ellis (1628), author of -_Clavis Fidei_; Edward Lhwyd (1682), a celebrated antiquary, and keeper -of the Ashmolean Museum; Henry Maurice (1664), a learned divine and -Margaret Professor of Divinity; David Powel (1571), a learned divine -and eminent antiquary; his son Gabriel Powel (1592), considered “a -prodigy of learning”; John White, M.P. (1607), a well-known character -during the Commonwealth; John Williams (1569), Margaret Professor -of Divinity, Dean of Bangor, and author; Sir William Williams, a -very eminent lawyer and statesman, Speaker of the House of Commons, -Solicitor-and Attorney-General (1688); Owen Wood (1584), Dean of -Armagh, a considerable benefactor to the College; with many Bishops, a -list of whom is here given:-- - - -_Bishops educated in Jesus College._ - - 1. Richard Meredith Leighlin and Ferns (1589) - 2. John Rider Killaloe (1612) - 3. Lewis Bayley Bangor (1616) - 4. Edmund Griffith Bangor (1633) - 5. Morgan Owen Llandaff (1639) - 6. Thomas Howell Bristol (1644) - 7. Hugh Lloyd Llandaff (1660) - 8. Francis Davies Llandaff (1667) - 9. Humphrey Lloyd Bangor (1673) - 10. William Thomas St. Davids (1677), Worcester (1683) - 11. William Lloyd St. Asaph (1680), Lichfield (1698), - Worcester (1699) - 12. Humphrey Humphreys Bangor (1689) - 13. John Parry Ossory (1689) - 14. John Lloyd St. Davids (1686) - 15. John Evans Bangor (1701), Meath (1715) - 16. John Wynne[300] St. Asaph (1714), Bath and Wells (1729) - - -_Bishops not educated in Jesus College, but who have been members of -the Society._[301] - - Lancelot Andrews Chichester, Ely, Winchester - Thomas Dove Peterborough. - -Leoline Jenkins, who succeeded Dr. Mansell in 1661, has been well -termed the second founder of the College. He almost completed the -buildings, restored discipline, fostered study, augmented the revenues, -and at his death left his whole estate to the College. He therefore -deserves a somewhat fuller record of his life than any of his -predecessors or successors. His charges as a Judge and Commissary of -the Archbishop of Canterbury, and his correspondence as an Ambassador -were published by William Wynne, Esq., of the Middle Temple, in 1734, -in two large folio volumes; to this is prefixed a memoir from which we -gather the following facts-- - -“He was born in the year 1625, in the parish of Llanblithian, in the -county of Glamorgan, and was the son of Leoline Jenkins, or Jenkins -Llewelyn, of the same place, a man of about £40 a year, and who left -behind him in that neighbourhood the character of a very honest, -prudent, and industrious man. The first Essays and Foundation of his -son’s future Learning were laid at Cowbridge School, very near the -place of his birth and even then no inconsiderable School, which, as -a grateful Acknowledgement of benefits there received, he afterwards -liberally endowed. - -“He was admitted into Jesus College in the year 1641, not quite 16 -years of age. Mr. Jenkins’ behaviour from his first appearance in -College was so regular and exact that a good Opinion was soon taken of -him. But the Troubles of the Nation soon after coming on, Mr. Jenkins -took Arms for the Royal Cause. Thus were his tender years seasoned -and exercised not only with Learning and Diligence, but also with an -equal Mixture of Adversities, the best Preparatives for the succeeding -Varieties of his Life. For the Society into which Mr. Jenkins had been -admitted, was not only obliged to give way to Strangers, but also the -College itself was dismantled, and became Part of a Garrison by Order -from Court; and for some time continued to be the Quarters of the Lord -Herbert afterwards Marquiss of Worcester, and of other persons of -Quality, that came out of Wales on the King’s Service. The Garrison of -Oxford being surrendred in the year 1646, and the Visitation of the -University by the two Houses coming on in the following year, this -College, among others, soon felt the fatal Effects of it, for of 16 -Fellows and as many Scholars, there remained but one Fellow and one -Scholar that was not ousted of their Subsistance. Mr. Jenkins retired -to Wales and settled not far from Llantrythyd where Dr. Mansell was -living at the House of Sir John Auberey who was an adherent of the -Royal Cause. The first employment found for Mr. Jenkins was the tuition -of Sir John’s eldest son. Being indicted for keeping a Seminary of -Rebellion and Sedition, he was forced to leave that Countrey and -removed with his Charge to Oxford in May 1651, and settled there in a -Town-house belonging to Mr. Alderman White[302] in the High-street, -which from him was then commonly called and known by the Name of -the Little Welsh-Hall. Mr. Jenkins’s regular and orthodox Behaviour -at Oxford was not quite so close and reserved, as to escape all -Observation, but he began to give Offence to some of the inquisitive -schismatical Members of the University and was obliged to retire from -thence, with his Pupils as it were in his Arms, and go beyond Sea, -for fear of Imprisonment, or of some worse Disaster. Even this was -no unlucky Accident, for it helped to add to his former Acquirements -the Knowledge of Men as well as Letters. It gave him an Acquaintance -with some eminent and learned Men, particularly Messieurs Spanheim and -Courtin; it was the Means of acquiring a great Accuracy in the French -and other Languages. It appears by a little Diary that he made a Tour -over a great part of France, Holland and Germany, and resided at their -famous Seats of Learning, especially at Leyden. He returned to England -in 1658, and was invited by Sir William Whitmore, a great Patron of the -distress’d Cavaliers, to live with him at Appley in Shropshire, where -he continued till the year 1660 enjoying the Opportunities of Study, -and a well-furnished Library. As soon as the King was restored to his -Kingdom and the University to its just rights, Mr. Jenkins returned to -Jesus College, about the 35th Year of his Age, and his Reputation among -his Countrymen was so considerable that upon his first Appearance and -Settlement of the Society, he was chose one of the Fellows, and his -Behaviour gained so fast upon them that he was very soon after, upon -the Resignation of Dr. Mansell, unanimously chose Principal of the -College, and thereupon commenced Doctor of the Civil Law. - -“And indeed the College had never more Occasion of such a Ruler -than at this Time, when the former Discipline of it had been so -long interrupted by the late distracted and licentious Times, -and had suffered so much by the Management of his ‘infamous and -corrupt’ Predecessor.[303] Dr. Jenkins did abundantly satisfie the -Hopes conceived of him; he made it his first Concern to restore the -Exercises, Disputations and Habits, and to review and consider the Body -of Statutes. By these prudent Methods he retrieved the Reputation -and advanced the Discipline of the College. He busied himself in -adding to the Buildings of the College, and completed the Library -and part of the western side of the Inner Quadrangle. He was made -Assessor to the Chancellor and Deputy Professor of Civil Law. He was -also of singular use to the University in maintaining their Foreign -Correspondences by his skill in the French and other Languages. He was -also very instrumental to his Friend and Patron Archbishop Sheldon in -the Settlement of his Theatre and Printing-House. He not only framed -the Draught of that Grant with his own Hand, but also the Statute ‘de -Vesperiis and Comitiis a B. Virginis Mariæ templo transferendis ad -Theatrum,’ that the House of God might be kept free for its own proper -and pious Uses. - -“The University now became too narrow a Field for such an active Mind -and too scanty an Employment for those high and encreasing Abilities -which exerted themselves in him. He was therefore encouraged by his -Friend the Archbishop to remove to London in Order to apply himself to -the publick Practice of the Civil Law. So he resigned his Principality -in 1673, and was succeeded by Mr. (afterwards Dr.) John Lloyd. The -after career of the great Lawyer was successful and distinguished, -but it does not lie within the scope of the present work, so it must -be very briefly described. He rose to be Judge of the High Court -of Admiralty and Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Ambassador and -Plenipotentiary for the General Peace at Cologne and Nimeguen, and -Secretary of State to King Charles II. He was also made a Knight, -and became Member of Parliament for Hythe, one of the Cinque Ports, -and afterwards Burgess for his own University. It may, however, be -excusable to give the description of his last return to the College he -loved so much, when his body was brought to be buried by the side of -‘his dear Friend Dr. Mansell in Jesus College Chappel.’ - -“The Pomp and Manner of his Reception there and of his Interment is -thus described by one that was an Eyewitness. When the Corps came near -the City, several Doctors, and the principal Members and Officers of -the University, the Mayor, Aldermen and Citizens, some in Coaches, -some on Horseback, went out to meet it and conducted it to the Publick -Schools, where the Vice-Chancellor, Bishop of the Diocese and the -whole Body of the University were ready to receive it and placed it in -the Divinity-School, which was fitted and prepared for that Purpose, -with all convenient Ornaments and Decorations. Two Days after, the -Vice-Chancellor, several Bishops, Noblemen, Doctors, Proctors and -Masters met there again in their Formalities, as well as many others -that came to pay their last Respects to him; and the memory of the -Deceased being solemnized in a Latin Oration by the University Orator, -the Corps was removed to the Chappel of Jesus College. Where the -Vice-Chancellor (who happened to be the Principal thereof) read the -Offices of Burial; and another Latin Oration was made by one of the -Fellows of the College, which was accompanied with Musick, Anthems -and other Performances suitable to the occasion. After which it was -interr’d in the area of the said Chappel, with a Marble Stone over his -Grave and a Latin Inscription on it, supposed to be made by his old -Friend Dr. Fell Lord Bishop of Oxford and Dean of Christ Church.” - -Among other benefactions Sir Leoline left his valuable library to -the College, only reserving forty law-books to begin the library at -Doctors’ Commons in London. - -His portrait, painted by Tuer, at Nimeguen, hangs in the College -Hall; of this painting there are two replicas, one in the Principal’s -Lodgings, the other in the Bursary, both so well executed as hardly to -be distinguished from the original. He is represented sitting by the -council-table in a chair[304] covered with red velvet and holding a -memorial in his hand. His dress is plain, but decorated with rich lace -at the neck and wrists; his hair is long and flowing; his features -strongly marked and melancholy in expression. - -The last Principal of the seventeenth century was Jonathan Edwards, who -seems to have been an able man, and was a benefactor to the College. He -contributed £1000 to the improvement and decoration of the chapel. - -A long list of benefactions might be written down for the sixteenth -and seventeenth centuries; but space allows individual mention of -one only. King Charles I. gave (1636) divers lands and tenements in -trust to the University, that they with the profits of them maintain a -Fellow in Jesus College (as also in Exeter and Pembroke Colleges) born -in the Isle of Jersey or Guernsey. To these benefactions conditions -were generally annexed, the profits to be paid to Fellows or scholars, -frequently with preference for the kindred of the donor, or for natives -of particular places and counties, or for certain schools in Wales. - -The eighteenth century presents a great contrast in interest to its -predecessor. In Jesus College it was exceptionally uneventful. The -buildings of the College were complete, the north-west corner of the -inner quadrangle being finished in 1713. Since then the College has -not been altered in form nor enlarged. Several valuable benefactions -were received, but there was none of the vigour or enthusiasm of -the sixteenth century. The most considerable endowment was what is -now called the Meyricke Fund, left in trust to the College by the -Rev. Edmund Meyricke. Meyricke was, like the original founder of the -College, treasurer of the cathedral church of St. Davids. He was one -of the Ucheldre family, a branch of that of Bodorgan, in Anglesey. He -declares in his Will--“as for my worldly estate, which God Almighty -hath blessed me with above my merits or expectation, I dispose of -in manner following: Imprimis, whereas I always intended to bestow -a good part of what God should please to bless me withall for the -encouragement of learning in Jesus College, in Oxford, and for the -better maintenance of six of the junior scholars of the foundation -of the said College out of the six counties of North Wales; I doe -give devise and bequeath all my real and personal estate,” &c. The -property thus left became very valuable, and a number of Exhibitions -were established, strictly confined to Welshmen, with a preference for -natives of North Wales. It has been questioned by some whether this -fund has been beneficial to the College. There is no doubt it made a -University education possible to many Welshmen who would otherwise -not have thought of an Oxford Degree. These new students, drawn from -the middle and lower classes in Wales, soon formed a majority of the -undergraduates. It therefore became customary for the sons of Welsh -gentry to resort to other Colleges in Oxford, and to some extent the -old connection was broken. This was a decided loss to the social status -and prestige of the College; but it is probable that the compensating -gain was greater. The young squires who resorted to the University -in the eighteenth century were not as a rule students, and formed an -element in a College requiring much discipline and toleration. On the -other hand, the students, encouraged by the new endowment, if not -intellectually very distinguished, owing to lack of early advantages, -generally made good use of the privileges afforded by the University, -and did solid work for the Principality in after life. When the -endowments of the College were strictly and by statute confined to -Welshmen, it is in Wales that we must look for educational results. And -it must be confessed that when we do look, we are not disappointed. -In every department of civil life, but especially in the Church, we -find sons of the College occupying posts of usefulness and dignity. -Even for the highest posts in the Church there was no deficiency of -native talent, but it was the mistaken policy of the Government under -the Georges to make use of the Welsh Bishoprics as rewards for English -ecclesiastics, who were ignorant of the language and characteristics -of the people whom they were supposed to guide--a policy which is now -admitted to have inflicted serious, and it is to be feared permanent, -injury on the Church in Wales. Thus in the eighteenth century the -College was debarred from furnishing occupants of the four Welsh sees, -though many of her sons may be pointed out as worthy of the mitre. Soon -after the mistaken policy was discontinued we have seen half the Welsh -sees occupied by ex-scholars of the College.[305] - -Among the distinguished men of this period may be mentioned Thomas -Charles, B.A., 1779, commonly called Charles of Bala, founder of the -sect of Calvinistic Methodists, and author of the _Geiriadur_, a book -still much used. He was a man of great piety and learning, and did not -secede, but was driven out of the Church by the injudicious treatment -of his ecclesiastical superiors. His name is still a “household -word” in Wales. David Richards (Dafydd Ionawr), an eminent Welsh -poet, author of _Cywydd y Drindod_; Thomas Jones, 1760, a painter -of considerable merit, a favourite pupil of Wilson; Evan Lloyd, -1755, a poet, and friend of Churchill, Garrick, Wilkes, &c.; Goronwy -Owen, a celebrated Welsh poet and scholar, one of the great names in -Welsh literature; John Walters, Master of Ruthin School, 1750; James -Bandinel, the first Bampton Lecturer (1780); and William Wynne, 1704, -a Welsh poet. We may also mention as a contrast to the above, who are -chiefly ecclesiastics, Richard Nash, best known as “Beau Nash,” for -fifty years the celebrated Master of the Ceremonies at Bath, whose -smile or frown proclaimed social success or ostracism in fashionable -life. - -Towards the middle of the eighteenth century the College became in a -peculiar degree connected with the Bodleian Library. In 1747 Humphrey -Owen, Fellow and afterwards Principal, was elected Librarian. After -some years he made John Price, a Fellow of the College, Janitor, and in -1758 Adam Thomas, M.A., Sub-Librarian; when Thomas quitted the Library -in 1761 his place was taken by Price, John Jones becoming Janitor. -In 1768, on Owen’s death, Price was made Librarian, and held office -for forty-five years. From 1758 to 1788 all the Sub-Librarians in -succession were members of Jesus College, and nearly all the persons -who are found otherwise employed in the Library--no full or official -list exists--bear Welsh names. - -Dr. Johnson in one of his frequent trips to Oxford made Jesus College -his head-quarters. This fact has been recently ascertained by Dr. G. -Birkbeck Hill, the well-known authority on Johnson and his times, in -preparing for publication the great lexicographer’s letters. His host -was his “convivial friend,” Dr. Edwards the Vice-Principal of the -College, the editor of Xenophon’s _Memorabilia_, who gave up his rooms -to his guest. These were, probably, situated in the south-western -corner of the outer Quadrangle on the first-floor. It was early in June -1782 that Johnson came into residence in the College, at a time when he -was broken in health. Nevertheless, as we learn from Miss Hannah More, -who was at the time the guest of the Master of Pembroke College, he did -what he could to spread cheerfulness around him. The Fellows of Jesus -College were to give a banquet in his honour and hers, to which “they -invited Thomas Warton and all that was famous in Oxford.” Unfortunately -she does not give us any account of the banquet. Doubtless it was held -and the old Hall rang with the sound of Johnson’s deep voice, but -not an echo has been caught. The fact of his residence is curiously -confirmed by the Battel-books, which show that at the time when he was -in Oxford the Battels of Dr. Edwards and other members of the College -were unusually high. In fact, everybody in the College seems to have -indulged in hospitality, no doubt being anxious to let his friends see -the great man whose sun was now supposed to be so rapidly setting. - -Perhaps the first half of the nineteenth century is remote enough from -our times to warrant the mention of a few names of distinguished men -who have been removed by death. Here, as in the preceding century, we -must look chiefly to Wales, where we find among Welsh poets, Daniel -Evans (Daniel Ddu); John Jones (Ioan Tegid), a well-known writer and -editor of Welsh books; John Blackwell (Alun), one of the most pleasing -and attractive of Welsh poets; Morris Williams (Nicander), well known -as poet, preacher, and writer in Welsh; and last, but not least, John -Richard Green, the brilliant historian. We must not omit to mention -the late Principal, Charles Williams, D.D., who was well known in -the University for his love of his country, his hospitable social -qualities, and his acute and elegant scholarship. - -In 1857 the University Commission, which made such changes in Oxford, -dealt with Jesus College, but forbore from adopting the sweeping -measures at one time threatened. The chief change made was that half -the Fellowships were declared for the future to be open to general -competition. This declaration did not excite much opposition or remark -in Wales, though great indignation was expressed when more than -twenty years later another Commission dealt in the same way with the -scholarships. It should be remembered that the principle was sacrificed -in 1857, and that the opposers of the last Commission could only -advance arguments of expediency, on which Commissioners are apt to have -their own opinions. Whether the change is likely to be for the good of -the College and of Wales is a point much disputed, and this is not a -place where it can be discussed. - -We have seen that the buildings of the College have not been enlarged -in extent since 1713; many structural alterations have, however, taken -place. The upper story throughout the College, except on its extreme -western side, consisted of attics with dormer windows, which in old -pictures gives the College a picturesque appearance. The roof has, -however, been raised, and in the outer quadrangle battlements surmount -the walls; in the inner quadrangle gables mark the points where the -dormer windows formerly existed. The dining-hall, which once had a -fine open oak roof, was, in the time of Principal Hoare, fitted with -a plaster ceiling, in order that the space above might form attics to -increase the accommodation of the Lodgings. Since the enlargement of -the Principal’s house in 1886 the accommodation is no longer needed, -and it is to be hoped that the hall may soon regain its original -proportions. - -The chapel, which was consecrated in 1621, has been frequently altered, -and at least once (in 1636) enlarged. The doorway, with its picturesque -porch, bearing the scroll, “Ascendat Oratio, Descendat Gratia,” is -not the original entrance. When the south wall was being re-faced -some years ago, another doorway of older workmanship than the present -one, was discovered. The change was probably made when the massive -Jacobean screen was put up, which now separates the chapel from the -ante-chapel. In 1864 the whole interior was restored. Of the success of -the restoration there may be two opinions; but there is no doubt that -the widening of the chancel-arch was a mistake, as it has permanently -dwarfed the proportions of the building. The woodwork substituted for -what existed previously, though good of its kind, presents too violent -a contrast with the screen already mentioned. The east window is a -painted one of some interest, though not of high artistic merit. In the -ante-chapel is an excellent copy of Guido’s picture of “St. Michael -triumphing over the Fallen Angel.” The original is in the Capucini -Church at Rome. The picture was presented by Lord Bulkeley of Baron -Hill in Anglesey. - -In 1856 the whole eastern front of the College was re-faced, and a -tower built. The work was carried out under the superintendence of -Mr. Buckler, architect, Oxford, and is admitted to be very well done. -There are, however, some who think that the old Jacobean gateway was -more in harmony with the domestic architecture of the College, and more -suitable to its position in a narrow street. - -The library contains a considerable number of volumes which are not of -great interest to the student of the present day, but is exceptionally -rich in pamphlets of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and in -works on Canon Law. A valuable and numerous collection of manuscripts -has been removed to the Bodleian Library for safety. The best known of -these is the _Llyfr Coch_, the famous Red Book of Hergest, containing a -collection of Welsh legends and poetry, which is gradually being edited -by Professor Rhys and Mr. Evans. - -The College is not exceptionally rich in portraits, but possesses two -of great merit--a portrait of Charles I. by Vandyke, and of Queen -Elizabeth by F. Zucchero. - -Like many other Colleges, Jesus College sacrificed its original plate, -of which a goodly inventory exists, to the needs of the Royalist cause -in 1641; but has since been presented with a fair collection, of which -the most remarkable piece is a very large silver-gilt bowl,[306] given -by Sir Watkin Williams Wynn in 1732. - -Nothing has been said above of the Church patronage of the College, -which is considerable, advowsons being a favourite form of bequest with -the donors already mentioned, and with others. Unfortunately, few of -the livings are situated in Wales. Thus many able Welshmen have been -withdrawn from the service of their national Church to their own loss -and that of their country. - -It is to be remarked that no considerable benefaction has been given to -the College during the present century. The history of Jesus College -has thus been brought down to living memory, which is the limit of this -work. Perhaps more space has been taken up than an existence of little -over three hundred years deserves. But the College holds a unique -position in Oxford as having a strong connection, notwithstanding much -alienation, with a Principality which is not yet English in language -or feeling. Such a connection has many advantages, and perhaps some -drawbacks. It is to be hoped that the College will be left undisturbed -long enough to prove that the latter are altogether outweighed by the -former. - - - - -XVII. - -WADHAM COLLEGE. - -BY J. WELLS, M.A., FELLOW OF WADHAM. - - -Wadham College occupies an interesting position in the history of the -University, as having been the last College founded until quite recent -times, for both Pembroke and Worcester were but expansions of older -foundations. Though actually dating from the reign of James I., it may -be said to share with Jesus College the honour of belonging to the days -of Elizabeth, as its founder and foundress were well advanced in years -at the time when they carried out their long meditated plans, and both -in the spirit which animates its statutes and in the architecture of -its fabric, Wadham College belongs rather to the sixteenth than to the -seventeenth century. - -The founder of the College, Nicholas Wadham, of Merifeild, in the -county of Somerset, belonged to one of the oldest and wealthiest of -the untitled families of the West of England. He married Dorothy, -daughter of Sir William Petre, the well known benefactor of Exeter -College, but having no children, he resolved to devote his great wealth -to some pious use. Antony à Wood tells us that his original intention -had been to found a College at Venice for English Romanists, but that -he was persuaded to change his plans; the story[307] seems doubtful, -and Nicholas Wadham at all events died in the Anglican communion. All -his patrimonial estates went to his three sisters, who had married -into some of the chief families of the West of England; but he had for -some time past been accumulating money for his new foundation; and in -two conversations held with his nephew and executor, Sir John Wyndham, -very shortly before his death, he had given full directions as to many -points in the College. Of these two were especially notable: he desired -that the Warden as well as the Fellows should be unmarried; and also -that each of them should be “left free to profess what he listed, as -it should please God to direct him;” he did not wish them to “live -thro’ all their time like idle drones, but put themselves into the -world, whereby others may grow up under them.” He also arranged that -the College should be called after his own name, and that the Bishop of -Bath and Wells should be perpetual Visitor. - -His widow and executors set to work at once to carry out his -wishes, and the present site of the College was purchased from -the city of Oxford for £600. It had formerly been occupied by the -Augustinian Friars, whose name survived in the old phrase for degree -exercises,[308] “doing Austins,” down to the beginning of this century. -The foundation stone was laid with great ceremony on July 31st, 1610, -and two years later the foundress, having some time previously obtained -a charter from James I., put forth her statutes (August 16th, 1612). -In these her husband’s wish was carried out by the provision that -Fellows should resign their posts eighteen years after they had ceased -to be regent masters: this provision remained in force down to the -commission of 1854. Originally the Warden was not required to be in -orders, but was allowed to proceed to his Doctorate in Law or Medicine -as well as in Divinity; but the foundress was persuaded to alter her -arrangements on this point, and the two former alternatives were struck -out. - -There were to be fifteen Fellows and fifteen scholars, the former -being elected from among the latter; of these three scholars were to -be from Somerset, and three from Essex, while three Fellowships and -three scholarships were restricted to “founder’s kin.” These were -originally intended for the children and descendants of the sisters -above-mentioned, but in course of time it became frequent to trace -kinship with the founder through collateral branches of the Wadham -family. The buildings erected by the foundress are remarkable in more -ways than one. Their architect, who is supposed to have been Holt[309] -of York, the architect of the New Schools, was employed at several -other Colleges in Oxford, _e. g._ at Merton, Exeter, Jesus, University, -and Oriel. The resemblance between the inner quadrangle at the first -of these and that of Wadham is very marked. Owing to the extent of the -original design and the excellence of the building material employed, -Wadham has the unique honour among the Colleges of Oxford of having -remained practically unaltered since it left its foundress’ hands. - -Of the various parts of the building the hall and the chapel are the -most remarkable; the latter in the shape of its ante-chapel is a -combination of the short nave found at New College and of transepts -such as are found at Merton; while in the tracery of the windows of its -choir it furnishes a continual puzzle to architectural theorists; for -though undoubtedly every stone of it was built at the beginning of the -seventeenth century, and though the wood-work is pure Jacobean, the -windows both in their tracery and in their mouldings belong to a period -one hundred and fifty years earlier. In fact the chapel is exactly one -of the magnificent choirs with which the churches of Somerset abound, -and it is difficult to believe that the resemblance is not more than -accidental; for in the building documents of the College we have clear -evidence of both materials and workmen coming from the county of the -founder. The cost of the whole building was £11,360. - -Even before it was finished, the new Foundation received a munificent -present in the shape of the library of Dr. Philip Bisse, Archdeacon -of Taunton, who dying about 1612 left some two thousand books (valued -at £1700?); these books are all distinguished by having their titles -carefully inscribed in black letter characters on the sides of their -pages, near the top, and may be not unworthily compared to the famous -library, the cataloguing of which made Dominie Sampson so happy a -man. The foundress made Dr. Bisse’s nephew an original Fellow of her -College, though he had not yet taken a degree, “Ob singularem amorem -avunculi ejus,” and also had painted the portrait of the Archdeacon in -full doctor’s robes, which still adorns the library. - -On April 20th, 1613, the first Warden, Robert Wright, formerly Fellow -of Trinity College and Canon of Wells, was admitted at St. Mary’s, and -in the afternoon of the same day he in turn admitted the Fellows and -scholars nominated by the foundress. Wright, however, very shortly -resigned his position, because (says Wood) he was not allowed to marry. - -The foundation of the College seems to have attracted considerable -attention elsewhere than in Oxford. Among the State Papers in the year -1613 is calendared (somewhat incongruously) a parody of the statutes -of Gotam College, founded by Sir Thomas à Cuniculis,[310] with a -license from the Emperor of Morea; and from the first the number of men -matriculated was very large, and the class from which they were drawn -a wealthy one. This is most clearly proved by the fact that although -the College had been in existence less than thirty years when the Civil -War broke out, the amount of plate surrendered by it to the King was -only surpassed by one other Foundation. The College still possesses -an inventory of articles given, which make up “100 lbs. of white -plate and 23 lbs. of gilt plate.” As might have been expected, a large -proportion of the members of the College at this period, and for long -after, came from the West country; two-thirds, probably, were from -Dorset, Somerset, or Devon; and this connection has happily never been -entirely broken. Among these West countrymen was the famous Admiral, -Robert Blake, who graduated from Wadham in 1617 at the age of twenty, -and was still in residence six years later. His portrait now hangs in -the hall. - -During this first period of College life, down to the outbreak of the -rebellion, two events deserve a passing notice. The first of these -was the fierce controversy[311] waged between James Harrington, one -of the original Fellows, and the rest of the Foundation, as to his -right to retain his place, although he possessed an annual pension -of £40 a year. There are numerous references to this in the Calendar -of State Papers; and Laud, as Bishop of Bath and Wells, was put to -no small trouble to decide it. In the end Harrington apologized for -“having behaved himself in gesture and speeches very uncivilly”; but -the quarrel only ended with the expiration of his Fellowship in 1631. -Much more important was the attempt of King James, in 1618, to obtain -a Fellowship for William Durham of St. Andrews, “notwithstanding anie -thing in your statutes to the contrarie.” Unfortunately we know very -little about this early parallel to James II.’s attempt at Magdalen; -but the College clearly was successful in upholding its rights. - -It is perhaps not altogether fanciful to trace the feelings of the -College as to James I. in the register next year (1619), when its usual -dry formality is given up, and Carew Ralegh the son of the King’s late -victim, is entered as “fortissimi doctissimique equitis Gualteri Ralegh -filius.” - -Wadham, during this same period, completed its material fabric by -receiving the gift of the large east window of the chapel from Sir -John Strangways, the founder’s nephew; it was made on the premises by -Bernard van Ling, and the total cost was £113 17_s._ 5_d._ (including -the maker’s battels for ten months and a week--£2 17_s._ 8_d._). - -The Civil War affected Wadham as it did the rest of the University. Its -plate disappeared as has been said, only the Communion plate (“donum -fundatricis”) being spared; its students were largely displaced to -make room for the King’s supporters, among whom the Attorney-General, -Sir Edward Herbert, seems to have made Wadham a kind of family -residence. After the final defeat of the King, the Warden, Pytt, and -the great majority of the Foundation were deprived by the Parliamentary -Commissioners. But it may be fairly said that the changes made did -far more good than harm to the College. The man appointed to the -vacant Wardenship was the famous John Wilkins, divine, philosopher, -and mathematician, who enjoyed the almost unique honour of being -promoted by the Parliament, by Richard Cromwell, and by Charles -II., and to whom the College owes the honour of being the cradle of -the Royal Society. Evelyn records in his _Diary_ (July 13th, 1654), -how “we all dined at that most obliging and universally-curious Dr. -Wilkins’s, at Wadham Coll.”--and speaks of the wonderful contrivances -and curiosities, scientific and mechanical, which he saw there. Round -Wilkins gathered the society of learned men who had previously begun -to meet in London, and who were afterwards incorporated as the Royal -Society. The historian of that famous body, Dr. Sprat, afterwards -Bishop of Rochester and himself a member of the Foundation of Wadham -College, records[312] how “the first meetings were made in Dr. Wilkins -his lodgings, in Wadham College, which was then the place of resort -for virtuous and learned men,” and that from their meetings came -the great advantage, that “there was a race of young men provided -against the next age, whose minds receiving their first impressions -of sober and generous knowledge were invincibly armed against all the -encroachments of enthusiasm.” The traditional place of these meetings -is the great room over the gateway, though this is more than doubtful. -Of the original members, there belonged to Wadham College, besides -Wilkins--Richard Napier, Seth Ward, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury, the -famous mathematician; and last but not least, that “prodigious young -scholar, Mr. Christopher Wren,” who after being a Fellow Commoner at -Wadham College, was elected Fellow of All Souls, and who showed his -affection for his original College by the present of the College clock -and a beautiful sugar-castor, of which the latter is still in daily -use, while the face, at any rate, of the former remains in its old -place. The works of the clock are preserved in the ante-chapel as a -curiosity. - -Warden Wilkins had for two hundred years the distinction of being -the only married Warden of Wadham. His wife was a sister of the -Lord Protector, with whom he had great influence, which he used -for the benefit of the University as a whole, and of individual -Royalists. Anthony Wood seems mistaken in saying that Wilkins owed his -dispensation to marry to his connection with Cromwell. The original MS. -in the possession of the College bears date January 20th, 1652 (four -years before Wilkins actually married), and comes from the Visitors of -the University of Oxford. Of both Wren and Wilkins there are portraits -in the Hall. - -The most distinguished undergraduates of this period were John, Lord -Lovelace, who took a prominent part in the Revolution (a fine portrait -of him by Laroon hangs in the College hall), William Lloyd, afterwards -Bishop of St. Asaph, and one of the famous “Seven Bishops,” and the -notorious Mr. Charles Sedley, a donor of plate to the College, all of -whom matriculated in 1655. An even better known member of Wadham was -John Wilmot, the wicked Earl of Rochester, who matriculated in 1659, -immediately after Warden Wilkins had been promoted to the Mastership -of Trinity College, Cambridge; but as he proceeded to his M.A. in -September 1661, being then well under fourteen, he probably did not -give much trouble to the disciplinary authorities. John Mayow too, -the distinguished physician and chemist, who became scholar in 1659, -continued the scientific traditions of the College. - -Wilkins and three of his four successors all became Bishops; of these -the most famous was Ironside, who, as Vice-Chancellor in 1688, ventured -to oppose James II. in his arbitrary proceedings against Magdalen. -The fall of James saved Ironside, who was made Bishop of Bristol (and -afterwards of Hereford) by William III., and was succeeded by Warden -Dunster, the object of Thomas Hearne’s hatred and contempt. He accuses -him[313] of being “one of the violentest Whigs and most rascally -Low Churchmen” of the time, and of various other defects, physical -and moral, which may perhaps be conjectured to be in Hearne’s mind -convertible terms with the above. - -Wadham as a whole during this period was strongly Whig and Low Church; -not improbably this was due to its close connection with the West -country, where the suppression of Monmouth’s rebellion had taught men -to hate the Stuarts; but whatever the reason, the fact is undoubted. -Probably there is no other College hall in England which boasts of -portraits both of the “Glorious Deliverer” and of George I. - -As might be expected, Hearne’s account of the College is extremely -black. He dwells on the blasphemies[314] for which a certain Mr. -Bear of Wadham was refused his degree; and even the distinguished -scholar, Dr. Hody, the Regius Professor of Greek and Archdeacon of -Oxford, is continually attacked by him, though he admits “he was very -useful.”[315] Hody, both in his life and by his will, showed himself -a loyal son of his College. Dying at the early age of forty-six, -he bequeathed the reversion of his property to Wadham, for the -encouragement of Hebrew and Greek studies; and the ten exhibitions -he founded (now made into four scholarships) have been especially -successful in developing the study of the former language. A far -greater scholar than Hody belongs in part to Wadham at the same period. -In 1687 Richard Bentley was incorporated M.A. of Oxford from St. John’s -College, Cambridge, and put his name on the books of Wadham. He was in -Oxford as tutor to the son of Bishop Stillingfleet. - -Almost to the same period belong the buildings erected on the south -side of the College (No. IX. staircase), which were begun in 1693, -and finished next year; it was intended to build a similar block on -the north side, beyond the Warden’s lodgings, as is shown in some old -prints, but this was never carried out. I am unable to assign a date -to No. X. staircase. It certainly belonged to the College before the -final purchase of the staircase next the King’s Arms (No. XI.), which -was made early in the present century: there exists a drawing of it in -a much earlier style of architecture than the present, or than that of -No. IX. - -The only other person worthy of special mention connected with the -College at this period, was Arthur Onslow, Speaker of the House of -Commons throughout the reign of George II., who matriculated in 1708; -his affection for Wadham is illustrated by the splendid service-books -presented by him to the chapel, while two excellent portraits show the -pride which the College felt in him. - -The fifty years which follow the promotion of Warden Baker to the -see of Norwich in 1727 were an undistinguished period in the history -of Wadham, as in that of the University generally. Of the four -Wardens, only one, Lisle, became a bishop, and there is reason to -think the College was in a bad state; very few of its members rose -to distinction, though James Harris of Salisbury, the author of -_Hermes_[316] (whose portrait by Reynolds hangs in the hall), Creech, -the translator of Lucretius, and Kennicott, the Hebrew scholar, might -be mentioned. - -But in Warden Wills, who was appointed in 1783, the College found its -most liberal benefactor since the death of the foundress. It was in -his time that the present beautiful garden was laid out on the site -of the old formal walks, with a mound in the centre, which appear in -the prints of the last century. It has been conjectured with some -probability that “Capability” Brown had a hand in the laying out of the -garden as it now is. Whoever was the gardener, it may be confidently -asserted that a finer result was never produced in so small a space. -Warden Wills in another way increased the beauty of the College, by -buying for the use of the Warden the lease of a large piece of land -to the north of the College property; of this the College afterwards -bought the freehold from Merton, and it was incorporated with the -Warden’s garden. - -Early in this century too the College received its final extension -in the way of rooms, by purchasing from the University the buildings -between itself and the King’s Arms, which had formerly been used by the -Clarendon Press; the old name of No. XI. staircase, “Bible warehouse,” -long preserved in the books of the College the memory of the old use of -the buildings: probably the site had belonged to the College from the -first, and it was only the remainder of a lease that was now bought. -This purchase was made in the Wardenship of Dr. Tournay, who presided -over the College with dignity and success for twenty-five years till -1831, when he resigned. The most distinguished member of Wadham during -his time was undoubtedly Richard Bethell, afterwards Lord Westbury, -who was elected scholar in 1815, before he had completed his fifteenth -year. This fact is duly recorded, at his own especial wish, on his -monument in the ante-chapel, as having been the foundation of his -subsequent success. - -Shortly after the resignation of Warden Tournay, the chapel was taken -in hand by the “Gothic Renovators,” a new ceiling was put on, and the -whole of the east end was recast by the introduction of some elaborate -tabernacle work, which, if not entirely appropriate in design, is yet -interesting as displaying a careful study of mediæval models most -unusual so early as 1834. - -Of the history of the College since 1831 there is not space to say -much. Under Warden Symons it became recognized as the stronghold of -Evangelicalism in the University; so much was this the case that on his -nomination to the Vice-Chancellorship in 1844, he was opposed by the -Tractarian party; but this unprecedented step met with no success, as -the Chancellor’s nomination was confirmed by 883 votes to 183. It was -during his tenure of the Vice-Chancellorship (1844-8) that proceedings -were taken against Mr. Ward, and against Tract No. XC. But if on the -one hand the College produced leading lights of the Evangelical school, -like Mr. Fox and Mr. Vores, it also lays claim to Dr. Church, the late -Dean of St. Paul’s, and Father Mackonochie. It may well be doubted -whether there ever was a more brilliant period in the history of Wadham -than about the middle of the century, when Dr. Congreve was Tutor and -one of the leaders in the University of the “Intellectual Reaction” -against the Tractarian movement. With him as Tutor was associated the -late Warden, Dr. Griffiths, whose name will be always remembered as -that of one whose true interest throughout life was in his College, and -who ranks among its benefactors by his bequests, especially that of his -collection of prints and drawings illustrative of the history of the -College and of those who had been educated at it. - -Under them within less than ten years there were in residence as -undergraduates the present Bishop of Wakefield, the late Professor -Shirley, Dr. Johnson the Bishop of Calcutta, Mr. B. B. Rogers the -scholarly translator of Aristophanes, Mr. Frederic Harrison, the -present Warden, Professor Beesly, Dr. Bridges afterwards Fellow of -Oriel, Dr. Codrington the missionary and philologer, and others who -might be mentioned, who have won distinction in ways most various. -Wadham carried off three Brasenose Fellowships in succession within a -very short space of time, just as in 1849 its Boat Club had “swept the -board” at Henley; these were but the outward signs of the intellectual -and physical activity of the College. And here its story must be left, -for we are already among contemporaries, while the action of the -Commission of 1854-5 has drawn a gulf for good or ill between old and -modern Oxford. Enough has been said to show that the sons of Wadham -have not been altogether unworthy of a College of which other than her -own sons have said that to know her and “to love her was a liberal -education.” - - - - -XVIII. - -PEMBROKE COLLEGE. - -BY THE REV. DOUGLAS MACLEANE, M.A., FELLOW OF PEMBROKE. - - -Pembroke College has its name from William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, -Shakespeare’s friend and patron, thought to be “Mr. W. H.,” the “onlie -begetter” of the Sonnets. Clarendon calls him “the most universally -loved and esteemed of any man of that age.” This Society, constituted -as a College in 1624, is one of the younger Oxford foundations. But -there had been a considerable place of religion and learning here from -the earliest times, Pembroke College having for centuries previously -existed as _Broadgates_, or, more anciently still, _Segrym’s_ Hall. - -Wood calls this Hall “that venerable piece of antiquity.” He believes -that St. Frideswyde’s Priory had here a distinguished mansion, from -which the canons received an immemorial quit rent, and that here their -novices were instructed. In Domesday it is called Segrim’s Mansions, -a family of that name then and for generations afterward holding it -from the priory in demesne, with obligation to repair the city wall. -But in the 38th of Henry III. Richard Segrym, by a charter of quit -claim, surrenders for ever to God and the Church of St. Frideswyde, -“that great messuage which is situated in the corner of the churchyard -of St. Aldate’s,” the canons agreeing to receive him into their family -fraternity, and after his death to find a chaplain canon to celebrate -service yearly for his soul, the souls of his father and mother, and -the soul of Christiana Pady. - -From a very early date this house was occupied by clerks, studying the -Civil and Canon Law. It is described as a “nursery of learning,” and -“the most ancient of all Halls.” It retained the name Segrym (sometimes -Segreve) Hall till the accession of Henry VI., when, a large entrance -being made,[317] it came thenceforth to be called Broadgates Hall, -though there were in Oxford several other houses of this name. It was -the most distinguished of a number of hostels occupied by legists, and -clustered round St. Aldate’s Church, then a centre of the study of -Civil Law, which had come into vogue in the twelfth century. A chamber -built over the south aisle (Docklington’s aisle) of that church was -used as a Civil Law School and also as a law library, the books being -kept in chests, but afterwards chained. Such a library of chained -books still exists over one of the aisles of Wimborne Minster. The -aisle below was used by the students before and after the Reformation. -The “Chapel in St. Eldad’s” (Hutten[318] tells us) “is peculier and -propper to Broadgates, where they daily meete for the celebration of -Divine Service.” The fine monument of John Noble, LL.B., Principal of -Broadgates, was formerly in this aisle. - -The importance of the Halls dates from 1420, when unattached students -were abolished, and every scholar or scholar’s servant was obliged -to dwell in a hall governed by a responsible principal. After the -great fire of 1190 they were built of stone. They contained a common -room for meals, a kitchen, and a few bedrooms, each scholar paying -7_s._ 6_d._ or 13_s._ 4_d._ a year for rent. Every undergraduate was -bound to attend lectures. Discipline however was not very strict. One -summer’s night in 1520, an ever-recurring dispute happening between the -University and the city respecting the authority to patrol the streets, -certain scholars of Broadgates had an encounter with the town watch, in -which one watchman was killed and one severely hurt. The delinquents -fleeing were banished by the University, but allowed after a few months -to return on condition of paying a fine of 6_s._ 8_d._, contributing -1_s._ 8_d._ to repair the staff of the inferior bedell of Arts, and -having three masses said for the good estate of the Regent Masters and -the soul of the slain man. - -Broadgates Hall becoming a place of importance, and being obliged -to extend its limits, acquired a tenement to the east belonging -to Abingdon Abbey, the monks of which owned also a moiety of St. -Aldate’s Church, the other moiety having passed to St. Frideswyde’s, -according to a curious story related by Wood.[319] A little further -east still was a tenement which the Principal of Broadgates rented -from New College (_temp._ Henry VII.) for 6_s._ 8_d._ In 1566 Nicholas -Robinson[320] mentions Broadgates among the eight leading Halls, and -as especially given up to the study of Civil Law. In 1609 Nicholas -Fitzherbert[321] says it was a resort of young men of rank and wealth. -In 1612 it had 46 graduate members, 62 scholars and commoners, 22 -servitors and domestics, in all 131 members, being exceeded in numbers -by only five Colleges and one Hall, viz. Christ Church, 240; Magdalen, -246; Brasenose, 227; Queen’s, 267; Exeter, 206; Magdalen Hall, 161. A -century later Pembroke had only between 50 and 60 residents, and in the -preceding century, when Oxford had been for a while almost empty, the -numbers must have been few. The zeal of the reforming Visitors in 1550 -had left the chamber above Docklington’s aisle four naked walls. “The -ancient libraries were by their appointment rifled. Many MSS., guilty -of no other superstition than red letters in the front or titles were -condemned to the fire … such books wherein appeared angles [angels] -were thought sufficient to be destroyed because accounted Papish, or -diabolical, or both.” We read of two noble libraries being sold for -40_s._ for waste paper. - -Henry VIII., in 1546, annexed Broadgates, together with the housing of -Abingdon to the new College established by Wolsey under a Papal bull -on the site and out of the revenues of St. Frideswyde’s--successively -Cardinal College, King Henry VIII.’s College, and Christ Church. - -Broadgates Hall then had filled no inconsiderable part as a place of -learning when it became Pembroke College. The history of the foundation -of Pembroke is interesting. Thomas Tesdale, or Tisdall (descended -from the Tisdalls of Tisdall in the north of England), was a clothier -to Queen Elizabeth’s army, and afterwards attended the Court. Having -settled at Abingdon as a maltster he there filled the posts of Bailiff, -principal Burgess and Mayor. Finally he removed to Glympton, Oxon, -where trading in wool, tillage, and grazing he attained to a very -great estate, of which he made charitable and pious use, his house -never being shut against the poor. He maintained a weekly lecture -at Glympton, and endowed Christ’s Hospital in Abingdon. The tablet -placed in Glympton Church to his wife Maud records the many parishes -where “she lovingly annointed Christ Jesus in his poore members.” A -fortnight before Tesdale’s decease in 1610, he made a will bequeathing -the large sum of £5000 to purchase lands, etc., for maintaining seven -Fellows and six Scholars to be elected from the free Grammar School in -Abingdon into any College in Oxford. This foundation Abbot, Archbishop -of Canterbury, sometime Fellow of Balliol (his brother Robert at this -time being Master), was anxious to secure for that Society; and the -Mayor and burgesses of Abingdon falling in with the plan a provisional -agreement was signed, on the strength of which Balliol College bought, -with £300 of Tesdale’s money, the building called Cæsar’s Lodgings, for -the reception of Tesdale’s new Fellows and scholars, and they for a -time were housed there. - -Meanwhile, however, a second benefaction to Abingdon turned the -thoughts of the citizens in a more ambitious direction. Richard -Wightwick, B.D.--descended from a Staffordshire family, formerly of -Balliol, and afterward Rector of East Ilsley, Berks, where he rebuilt -the church tower and gave the clock and tenor bell--agreed, twelve -or thirteen years after Tesdale’s death, to augment the Tesdale -foundation so as to support in all ten Fellows and ten Scholars. For -this purpose he gave lands, bearing however a 499 years’ lease (not -yet expired), the rents of which amounted at that time to £100 a year. -Thereupon, the Mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of Abingdon, abandoning -the previous scheme, desired the foundation of a separate and -independent College, for which purpose no place seemed more suitable -than Broadgates Hall. An Act of Parliament having been obtained, they -presented a petition to the Crown, in reply to which King James I. by -Letters Patents dated June 29th, 1624, constituted the said Hall of -Broadgates to be “one perpetual College of divinity, civil and canon -law, arts, medicine and other sciences; to consist of one master or -governour, ten fellows, ten scholars, or more or fewer, to be known -by the name of ‘the Master, Fellows, and Scholars of the College of -Pembroke in the University of Oxford, of the foundation of King James, -at the cost and charges of Thomas Tesdale and Richard Wightwicke.’” -The better, we are told, to strengthen the new foundation and make it -immovable, they had made the Earl of Pembroke, then Chancellor of the -University, the Godfather, and King James the Founder of it, “allowing -Tesdale and Wightwick only the privileges of foster-fathers.” James -liked to play the part of founder to learned institutions, and the Earl -of Pembroke was a poet and patron of letters--“Maecenas nobilissimus” -Sir T. Browne calls him. In his honour the Chancellor was always to -be, and is still, the Visitor of the College. Moreover, as a Hall -Broadgates had had the Chancellor for Visitor. Wood says that “had -not that noble lord died suddenly soon after, this College might have -received more than a bare name from him.” - -On August 5th, 1624, Browne, as senior commoner of Broadgates, now -Pembroke, delivered one of four Latin orations in the common hall. The -new foundation was described as a Phœnix springing out of the rubble -of an ancient Hall, and the right noble Visitor, it was foreseen, -would create a truly marble structure out of an edifice of brick. Dr. -Clayton, Regius Professor of Medicine, last Principal of Broadgates and -first Master of Pembroke, spoke the concluding oration of the four. -The Letters Patents were then read, as well as a license of mortmain, -enabling the Society to hold revenues to the amount of £700 a year. -The ceremony was witnessed by a distinguished assembly, including the -Vice-Chancellor and Proctors, many Masters of Arts, a large company -of the nobility and gentry of the neighbourhood, and the Mayor, -Recorder, and burgesses of Abingdon. Indeed, great and wide interest -seems to have been taken in this youngest foundation, carrying on as -it did the life of a very ancient and not unfamous place of academic -learning. The students of Broadgates were now the members of Pembroke, -and the speeches on the day of the inauguration of the College still -affectionately style them “Lateportenses.” A commission issued from -the Crown to the Lord Primate, the Visitor, the Vice-Chancellor, the -Master, the Recorder of Abingdon, Richard Wightwick, and Sir Eubule -Thelwall, to make statutes for the good government of the House. The -statutes provided that all the Fellows and scholars should proceed to -the degree of B.D. and seek Holy Orders. Some were to be of founders’ -kin, but, with this reservation, the double foundation was to be -entirely for the benefit of Abingdon. These provisions have been for -the most part repealed by later statutes. But the tutorial Fellows are -still bound to celibacy. - -Further additions were soon made to the original foundation. In 1636 -King Charles I., who in that year visited Oxford “with no applause,” -gave the College the patronage[322] of St. Aldate’s, which had been -seized by the Crown on the dissolution of the religious houses. With -a view to raising the state of ecclesiastical learning in the Channel -Islands, King Charles further founded a Fellowship, as also at Jesus -College and Exeter, to be held by a native of Guernsey or Jersey. -Bishop Morley, in the next reign, bestowed five exhibitions for Channel -islanders. A principal benefactor to this College was Sir J. Benet, -Lord Ossulstone. In 1714 Queen Anne annexed a prebend at Gloucester to -the Mastership. The Master, under the latest statutes, must be a person -capable in law of holding this stall. Other considerable benefactions -have from time to time been bestowed. - -The new foundation, however, was not disposed to forego any portion of -what it could claim. Savage, Master of Balliol, whose “Balliofergus” -(1668) contains the account of the opening ceremony called “Natalitia -Collegii Pembrochiani,” 1624, complains with pardonable resentment: -“This rejeton had no sooner taken root than the Master and his company -called the Master and Society of our Colledge into Chancery for the -restitution of the aforesaid £300” (the £300, viz. of Tesdale’s money -with which Cæsar’s Lodgings had been purchased). Wood says: “The -matter came before George [Abbot] Archbishop of Canterbury, sometime -of Balliol College, who, knowing very well that the Society was not -able at that time to repay the said sum, bade the fellows go home, -be obedient to their Governour, and JEHOVAH JIREH, _i. e._ GOD shall -provide for them. Whereupon he paid £50 of the said £300 presently, and -for the other £250 the College gave bond to be paid yearly by several -sums till the full was satisfied. The which sums as they grew due did -the Lord Archbishop pay.” Abbot seems to have allowed the agreement -between the Mayor and burgesses of Abingdon and Balliol. Yet his -attitude towards Pembroke, in whose foundation he was concerned, was -one of marked benevolence. It is to be noted that Tesdale’s brass in -Glympton Church, put up between his death and the new turn of affairs -brought about by Wightwick’s benefaction, describes him as “liberally -beneficial to Balliol Colledge in Oxford.” He is represented standing -on an ale-cask, in allusion to his trade as maltster. The alabaster -monument to Tesdale and Maud his wife was repaired in 1704, as a Latin -inscription shows, by the Master and Fellows of Pembroke. - -Part of the founders’ money was laid out in building. Few Colleges -stand within a more natural boundary of their own than Pembroke, and -yet that boundary has only been completed within the last two years, -and the College itself is an almost accidental agglomeration of ancient -tenements. The south side stands directly on the city wall from South -Gate to Little Gate, looking down on a lane for a long time past called -Brewer’s Street, but formerly Slaughter Lane, or Slaying Well Lane, -King Street, and also Lumbard[323] Lane. The western boundary of the -College is Littlegate Street, the eastern St. Aldate’s Street (formerly -Fish Street), the northern Beef Lane and S. Aldate’s Church, though the -College owns some interesting old houses on the south side of Pembroke -Street, formerly Crow Street and Pennyfarthing[324] Street. At the -time of the transformation of Broadgates Hall into Pembroke College, -the “Almshouses” opposite Christ Church Gate were an appendage to -Christ Church. Then came the vacant strip of ground called “Hamel,” -running north and south. Next on the west stood New College Chambers -and Abingdon Buildings, which passed with Broadgates into Pembroke. -Beckyngton, Bishop of Bath and Wells, was once Principal here. Further -west still stood Broadgates Hall, the sole part of which still -remaining is the refectory, now the library. As depicted in the large -Agas (1578) it seems to have been an irregular cluster of buildings -(mostly rented), of which the largest was a double block called -Cambye’s, afterwards Summaster’s, Lodgings (vulgarly Veale Hall). This -in 1626 was altered for the new Master’s Lodgings, but in 1695 it was -replaced by a six-gabled freestone pile, the outside of which was -remodelled with the rest of the frontage in 1829, a storey being added -later by Dr. Jeune, afterwards Bishop of Peterborough. Loggan’s print -shows the old building in 1675, and Burghersh gives its appearance in -1700, as rebuilt by Bishop Hall. - -Broadgates Hall (except the refectory), together with Abingdon -Buildings and New College Chambers, gave place, when Pembroke College -had been founded, to the present _Old Quadrangle_, of which the south -and west sides and a portion of the east side were erected in 1624, -the remainder of the east side in 1670. Three years later the original -north frontage, which had been merely repaired in 1624, was half pulled -down and replaced by “a fair fabrick of freestone.” The rest of the -north front as far as the Common Gate was rebuilt by Michaelmas 1691, -the _Gate Tower_ in 1694, Sir John Benet supplying most of the cost. -This tower of 1694, the last part of the frontage to be built, was more -classical than the remainder. The tower shown in Loggan’s print (1675) -in the _centre_ of the front can never have existed. Probably it was -projected only. A storey was added in 1829, when the exterior of the -College was remodelled in the Gothic revival manner of George IV. The -interior of the quadrangle, though less altered than the outside, has -lost much of its character by being refaced with inferior stone, and -by the substitution of sashes for the quarried lights. Some changes -were made in the battlements and chimneys, and in the upper face of the -tower by Mr. Bodley in 1879. - -The history of the present _New Quadrangle_ is as follows: West of the -present Master’s lodging stood a number of ancient halls for legists, -viz. Minote, Durham (later St. Michael’s) and St. James’ (these two -in one) and Beef Halls. The last gives its name to Beef Lane. Dunstan -Hall, on the town wall, was (_temp._ Charles I.) pulled down, and -the whole space between the city wall and the “_Back Lodgings_,” as -the halls fringing Beef Lane were called, was divided into three -enclosures. That furthest to the west became a garden for the Fellows, -having a bowling alley, clipt walks and arbours,[325] and a curious -dial. The middle enclosure was the Master’s garden, and here were shady -bowers and a ball court. That nearest the College was a common garden; -but when the chapel was built in 1728 the pleasant borders probably got -trampled, and grass and trees were replaced by gravel. Such was, with -little alteration, the aspect of the College till 1844. Two woodcuts -in _Ingram_ (1837) show the picturesque old gabled Back Lodgings -still standing. But in 1844 Dr. Jeune took in hand the erection of -new buildings. The new hall and kitchens occupy the western side, and -the Fellows’ and undergraduates’ rooms the entire north side of the -_Inner Quadrangle_ thus formed, a large plat of grass filling the -central space, while the chapel and a tiny strip of private garden upon -the town wall form the south side. With the irregular range of old -buildings on the east, and especially when the luxuriant creepers dress -the walls with green and crimson, this is a very pleasing court, though -a visitor looking in casually through the outer gateway of the College -might hardly suspect its existence. Mr. Hayward of Exeter, nephew and -pupil of Sir C. Barry, was the architect. The _Hall_, built in 1848, -is a much better example of the Gothic revival than a good many other -Oxford edifices, and the dark timbered roof is exceedingly handsome. -There is the usual large oriel on the daïs, a minstrels’ gallery, and -a great baronial fireplace, where huge blocks of fuel burn. As in the -ancient halls, the twin doors are faced by the buttery hatches, and the -kitchen is below. - -The time-honoured hall, much the oldest part of the College, and once -the refectory of Broadgates (the kitchen was in the S.W. corner of -the Old Quadrangle) was now made the College _Library_. The long room -over Docklington’s aisle in St. Aldate’s was on the foundation of -Pembroke repaired at Dr. Clayton’s expense, and used once more for the -reception of books presented by various donors, though Wood says that -for some years before the Great Rebellion it was partly employed for -chambers. The books certainly were at first few. Francis Rous, one of -Cromwell’s “lords” and Speaker of the Little Parliament, who founded an -Exhibition, “did intend to give his whole Study, but being dissuaded -to the contrary gave only his own works and some few others.” But in -1709 Bishop Hall, Master of Pembroke, bequeathed his collection of -books to the College, and a room was built over the hall to be the -College library. When the hall became the library in 1848 this room, -Gothicized, was converted to a lecture-room. From 1709 the “chamber in -St. Aldate’s” was used no more, and this extremely ancient Civil Law -School and picturesque feature of the church has now unhappily been -demolished. A Nuremburg Chronicle among Dr. Hall’s books is inscribed -by Whitgift’s hand, and a volume of scholia on Aristotle has the -autograph, “Is. Casaubonus.” Here also are Johnson’s deeply pathetic -_Prayers and Meditations_, in his own writing. - -The Pembroke library has recently been fortunate enough to acquire -by gift from a lady to whom they were bequeathed[326] the unique -collection of Aristotelian and other works made by the late Professor -Chandler, Fellow of the College, and galleries were added last year -(1890). The transverse portion of the room, which is shaped like -the letter T, was built in 1620 by Dr. Clayton, four years before -Broadgates Hall became Pembroke College. A book of contributors (headed -“Auspice Christo”) is extant, and has the signatures of Pym and of -“Margaret Washington of Northants,” kinswoman of the famous Virginian. - -In 1824, on the occasion of the “Bicentenary” of the College, when -Latin speeches were delivered, the windows were enlarged and filled -with glass by Eginton, and the blazoned cornice added at a cost of -£2000. But the room is the same one in which Johnson (whose bust by -Bacon is here) dined and abused the “coll,” or small beer, which he -found muddy and uninspiring to Latin themes-- - - “Carmina vis nostri scribant meliora poetae? - Ingenium jubeas purior haustus alat.” - -Whitfield carried about the liquor in leathern jacks here as he had -done in his mother’s inn at Gloucester. In this room they attended -lectures. Every Nov. 5th there were speeches in the hall. “Johnson told -me that when he made his first declamation he wrote over but one copy -and that coarsely; and having given it into the hand of the tutor who -stood to receive it as he passed was obliged to begin by chance and -continue on how he could, for he had got but little of it by heart; so -fairly trusting to his present powers for immediate supply he finished -by adding astonishment to the applause of all who knew how little was -owing to study” (Piozzi). We read of “a great Gaudy in the College, -when the Master dined in public and the juniors (by an ancient custom -they were obliged to observe) went round the fire in the hall.” Johnson -told Warton, “In these halls the fireplace was anciently always in -the middle of the room till the Whigs removed it on one side.” At -dinner till lately the signal for grace was given by three blows with -two wooden trenchers, such as were used for bread and cheese till -1848. Hearne laments, “when laudable old customs alter, ’tis a sign -learning dwindles.” There were four “College dinners” annually, one -of which was an Oyster Feast.[327] The Manciple’s slate still hangs -in this room. An undergraduates’ library has lately been established -“between quads.” Where, by the bye, is Lobo’s _Voyage to Abyssinia_ -(the original of _Rasselas_) which Johnson borrowed from the Pembroke -library? - -It has already been said that the students of Broadgates used -Docklington’s aisle for divine service, and the aisle was rented for -this purpose by Pembroke College. The pulpit and Master’s pew are now -at Stanton St. John’s. The present College chapel dates from 1728, -the year of Johnson’s matriculation. It was consecrated July 10th, -1732, by Bishop Potter of Oxford, a sermon on religious vows and -dedications being preached by “that fine Jacobite fellow” (as Johnson -calls him), Dr. Matthew Panting, then Master, from Gen. xxviii. 20-22. -Hearne styles him “an honest gent,” and says: “He had to preach the -sermon at St. Mary’s on the day on which George Duke and Elector of -Brunswick usurped the English throne; but his sermon took no notice, -at most very little, of the Duke of Brunswick.” Bartholomew Tipping, -Esq., whose arms are on the screen, contributed very largely towards -building the chapel. It was then “a neat Ionic structure,” plain -and unpretending, but well proportioned and pleasing enough. The -picture in the altar-piece was given at a later date by the Ven. -Joseph Plymley (or Corbett), a gentleman commoner. It is a copy of -our Lord’s figure in Rubens’ painting at Antwerp, “Christ urging -St. Theresa to succour a soul in Purgatory.” In 1884 the chapel was -elaborately embellished and enriched at an expense of nearly £3000, -so as to present one of the most beautiful interiors in Oxford. The -work was executed by Mr. C. E. Kempe, M.A., a member of the College. -The windows, in the Renaissance manner, are particularly fine. A -quantity of silver and silver-gilt altar plate was presented at the -same time. The work is not yet finished, and a design for an organ -remains on paper. It is worth recording that until twenty-seven years -since the Eucharist was administered here, as at the Cathedral and St. -Mary’s, to the communicants kneeling in their places. Johnson must, -as an undergraduate, have attended St. Aldate’s (where the College -worshipped once again for several terms during the recent decoration of -the chapel); but when in later years he visited Oxford, people flocked -to Pembroke chapel[328] to gaze at the “great Cham of literature,” -humblest of worshippers, tenderest and most loyal of Pembroke’s sons. - -Dean Burgon connects a bit of old Pembroke with Johnson. The summer -common room behind the present hall was, before its demolition, the -only one left in Oxford, except that at Merton. He writes (1855): -“This agreeable and picturesque apartment was in constant use within -the memory of the present Master; but, while I write, it is in a state -of considerable decadence. The old chairs are drawn up against the -panelled walls; on the small circular tables the stains produced by -hot beverages are very plainly to be distinguished: only the guests -are wanting, with their pipes and ale--their wigs and buckles--their -byegone manners and forgotten topics of discourse. It must have been -hither that Dr. Adams, Master of Pembroke conducted Dr. Johnson and -his biographer in 1776, when the former after a rêverie of meditation -exclaimed: ‘Ay, here I used to play at draughts with Phil Jones and -Fludyer. Jones loved beer, and did not get very forward in the Church. -Fludyer turned out a scoundrel, a Whig, and said he was ashamed of -having been bred at Oxford.’” The old brazier, which Mr. Lang surmises -Whitfield may have blacked, is, I believe, in existence. - -The most important modern addition to the College is the Wolsey -Almshouse, purchased in 1888 from Christ Church for £10,000, by the -help of money bequeathed by the Rev. C. Cleoburey. This is part of -“Segrym’s houses,” held of St. Frideswyde’s Priory, and converted after -the Conquest into hostels “for people of a religious and scholastick -conversation.” “With the decay of learning they came to be the -possession of servants and retainers to the said priory.” They were -occupied by Jas. Proctor when Wolsey converted them into a hospital; -later, Henry VIII. settled in them twenty-four almsmen, old soldiers, -with a yearly allowance of £6 each. Not long ago the bedesmen were -sent to their homes with a pension, and the building became the -Christ Church Treasurer’s lodging till it was heroically purchased by -Pembroke, which thus completed her “scientific frontier.” There is a -fine timber roof here, said to have been brought from Osney Abbey. The -building has been a good deal altered. Skelton (1823) shows the south -part of it in ruins. - -The external history of Pembroke since its foundation in 1624 has -been comparatively uneventful. When King Charles was besieged in -Oxford in 1642, like other Colleges it armed a company to defend -the city. Twice the loyal Colleges had given their cups and flagons -for their Sovereign’s necessities. Pembroke keeps the King’s letter -of acknowledgment, with his signature. When the Parliamentary -Commissioners visited Oxford in 1647, they ejected the then Master of -Pembroke, who had received them with these words: “I have seen your -commission and examined it. … I cannot with a safe conscience submit -to it, nor without breach of oath made to my Sovereign, and breach of -oaths made to the University, and breach of oaths made to my College: -et sic habetis animi mei sententiam,--Henry Wightwicke.” Henry Langley, -an intruded Canon of Christ Church, and “one of six Ministers appointed -by Parliament to preach at St. Mary’s and elsewhere in Oxon to draw off -the Scholars from their orthodox principles,” was put in Wightwick’s -room, but removed in 1660. In 1650 “Honest Will Collier,” a Pembrokian, -heads a plot to seize the Cromwellian garrison, and is “strangely -tortured,” but his life spared. - -The College pictures include a splendid Reynolds of Johnson,[329] -given by Mr. A. Spottiswoode. Two interesting relics of Johnson are -to be seen--the small deal desk on which he wrote the _Dictionary_, -and his china teapot. It holds two quarts, for Johnson once drank -five-and-twenty cups at a sitting. He called himself “a hardened and -shameless tea-drinker,” who “with tea amuses the evenings, with -tea solaces the midnights, and with tea welcomes the mornings.” Peg -Woffington made it for him “as red as blood.” - -Pembroke since the seventeenth century has been a small College, though -it has a large foundation of scholars. It has not been specially noted -as either a “rich man’s” or a “poor man’s” College, and while winning -at least its fair share of distinction in the schools, it has been -known perhaps chiefly as a compact, pleasant, and not uncomfortable -Society, whose Promus no longer serves “muddy” beer, and whose Coquus -no Latin verses satirize. There is a handsome show of plate. It -includes several silver “tumblers” or “tuns,” which when placed on -their side tumble upright again, and a large hammered tankard (lately -presented) with the “Britannia” mark, and made after the ancient manner -with pegs between its thirteen pints to measure the draught to be -taken. The oldest inscribed piece of plate is dated 1653. Pembroke has -been usually a rowing College. The Eight was Head of the River in 1872; -the Torpid in 1877, 1878, and 1879, the Eight then being second. The -“Christ Church Fours” are rowed every year for a challenge goblet given -by the Christ Church Club in gratitude for an eight lent by Pembroke -in a time of need. The racing colours are cherry and white, with the -red rose for badge of the Eight and the thistle of the Torpid.[330] -The “Junior Common Room” is the oldest of undergraduate wine clubs. -There is a flourishing and old-established literary club called the -“Johnson,” and there is of course a Debating and a Musical Society. -The Master, Fellows, and Scholars of Pembroke are patrons of eight -benefices. College meetings are called Conventions. - -A few names may be cited from the roll of (Broadgates and) Pembroke -worthies-- - -_Edmund Bonner_, “Scholar enough and tyrant too much” (Fuller), -entered Broadgates in 1512. In 1519 he became Bachelor of Canon and -Civil Law; D.C.L. 1535. He was successively Bishop of Hereford and -of London, but was deprived and imprisoned under Edward VI. Having -been restored by Mary, on Elizabeth’s accession he refused the oath -of the Supremacy, and was committed to the Marshalsea, where he -died September 5th, 1569. _Thomas Yonge_, Archbishop of York, 1560. -_John Moore_, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1783, began as a servitor at -Pembroke. The Duke of Marlborough had then a house in Oxford, and -walking with Dr. Adams one day in the street, asked him to recommend -a governor for his son, Lord Blandford. Dr. Adams in reply pointed to -the slight figure of a lad walking just in front, and said, “That is -the person I recommend.” The Duke afterwards brought Moore’s merits -under the notice of the King, who placed the Prince of Wales under his -care, which led to his ecclesiastical elevation. _William Newcome_, -Archbishop of Armagh, 1795. The primatial sees of Canterbury, York, and -Armagh have thus each been filled from Broadgates or Pembroke. _John -Heywoode_, “the Epigrammatist,” one of the earliest English dramatic -writers. While attached to the Court of Henry VIII. he wrote those six -comedies which are among the first innovations upon the mysteries and -miracle-plays of the middle age, and which laid the foundation of the -secular comedy in this country. His _Interludes_, in which the clergy -are satirized, are earlier than 1521. Yet he was favoured by Mary -Tudor, and was also the friend of Sir Thomas More. _George Peele_, -dramatist. _Charles Fitzjeffrey_, 1572, “the poet of Broadgates Hall” -(Wood). _David Baker_, entered 1590, a Benedictine monk, historian, -and mystical writer, author of the _Chronicle_. _Francis Beaumont_, -the poet, entered February 4th, 1596, as “Baronis filius æt. 12.” His -father dying April 21st, 1598, he left without a degree. His elder -brother, _Sir John Beaumont_, entered Broadgates the same day. He -was a Puritan in religion, but fought on the Cavalier side. _William -Camden_, the antiquary, called “the Strabo of England,” entered 1567, -aged sixteen; Clarencieux King of Arms; Head-master of Westminster. He -died 1623. The Latin grace composed by Camden to be said after meat -in Broadgates Hall is still in use at Pembroke. In 1599 entered _John -Pym_, the politician, aged fifteen. Among the contributors to the -enlargement of the Hall in 1620 his signature appears, “Johannes pym -de Brimont in com. Somerset quondam Aulae Lateportensis Commensalis. -44/. Jo. Pym.” _Sir Thomas Browne_, author of that delightful -book _Religio Medici_, the quaint thought of which inspired Elia. -He entered as Fellow Commoner in 1623. His body lies in St. Peter -Mancroft, Norwich. When it was disentombed in 1840 the fine auburn -hair had not lost its freshness. _Matthew Turner_, one of the first -Fellows, who wrote all his sermons in Greek. It will be remembered -that, not many years before, Queen Elizabeth had received an address -in Oxford, and _replied_ to it, in this learned tongue, and that in -the period of Puritan ascendancy (1648-1659) the disputations in the -schools for M.A. were often in Greek. Other worthies of this House -are Cardinal _Repyngdon_, the Wycliffist; _John Storie_, whose career -closed at Tyburn; _Thomas Randolph_, constantly employed by Elizabeth -on important embassies; _Timothy Hall_, one of the few London clergy -who read James II.’s Declaration. He was made Bishop of Oxford, but in -his palace found himself alone, hated, and shunned; _Carew_, Earl of -Totnes; _Peter Smart_, Puritan poet, Cosin’s assailant; Chief Justice -_Dyer_; Lord Chancellor _Harcourt_; _Collier_, the metaphysician; -_Southern_, the Restoration dramatist; _Durel_, the Biblical critic; -_Henderson_, “the Irish Creichton”; _Davies Gilbert_, President of -the Royal Society; _Richard Valpy_; _John Lemprière_; _Thomas Stock_, -co-founder of the Sunday School system. - -In 1694, Prideaux (whom Aldrich sets down as “muddy-headed”) calls -Pembroke “the fittest colledge in the town for brutes.” But a Mr. -Lapthorne, twenty years later, gives a different picture of it. “I -have placed my son in Pembroke Colledge. The house, though it bee -but a little one, yet is reputed to be one of the best for sobriety -and order.” It is not till the Georgian time, however, that we -get a distinct view of the inner life of Pembroke--the time when -Shenstone, Blackstone, Graves, Hawkins, Whitfield, and--towering above -all--Johnson, were contemporary or nearly contemporary here. - -_Samuel Johnson_ entered as a Commoner October 31st, 1728, aged -nineteen. Old Michael Johnson anxiously introduced him to Mr. Jorden, -his tutor. “He seemed very full of the merits of his son, and told the -company he was a good scholar and a poet, and wrote Latin verses. His -figure and manner appeared strange to them; but he behaved modestly, -and sate silent, till, upon something which occurred in the course -of conversation, he struck in and quoted Macrobius.” Johnson told -Boswell that Jorden was “a very worthy man, but a heavy man.” He -told Mrs. Thrale that “when he was first entered at the University -he passed a morning, in compliance with the customs of the place, at -his tutor’s chamber; but, finding him no scholar, went no more. In -about ten days after, meeting Mr. Jorden in the street, he offered to -pass without saluting him; but the tutor stopped and enquired, not -roughly neither, what he had been doing? ‘Sliding on the ice,’ was -the reply; and so turned away with disdain. He laughed very heartily -at the recollection of his own insolence, and said they endured it -from him with a gentleness that whenever he thought of it astonished -himself.” Once, being fined for non-attendance, he rudely retorted, -“Sir, you have sconced me twopence for a lecture not worth a penny.” -Dr. Adams, however, told Boswell that Johnson attended his tutor’s -lectures and those given in the Hall very regularly. Jorden quite won -his heart. “That creature would defend his pupils to the last; no young -lad under his care should suffer for committing slight irregularities, -while he had breath to defend or power to protect them. If I had sons -to send to College, Jorden should have been their tutor” (Piozzi). -Again, “Whenever a young man becomes Jorden’s pupil he becomes his -son.” Still, when Johnson’s intimate, Taylor, was about to join him at -Pembroke, he persuaded him to go to Christ Church, where the lectures -were excellent. In going to get Taylor’s lecture notes at second-hand, -Johnson saw that his ragged shoes were noticed by the Christ Church -men, and came no more. He was too proud to accept money, and, some -kind hand having placed a pair of new shoes at his door, Johnson, when -his short-sighted vision spied them, flung them passionately away. His -room was a very small one in the second storey over the gateway; it is -practically unaltered. - -“I have heard,” wrote Bishop Percy, “from some of his contemporaries, -that he was generally to be seen lounging at the College gate with a -circle of young students round him, whom he was entertaining with wit -and keeping from their studies, if not spiriting them up to rebellion -against the College discipline, which in his maturer years he so much -extolled. He would not let these idlers say ‘prodigious,’ or otherwise -misuse the English tongue.” “Even then, Sir, he was delicate in -language, and we all feared him.” So Edwards, an old fellow-collegian -of Johnson’s, told Boswell half a century later. Johnson, hearing -from Edwards that a gentleman had left his whole fortune to Pembroke, -discussed the ethics of legacies to Colleges. Edwards has given us -a saying we would not willingly lose: “You are a philosopher, Dr. -Johnson. I have tried too in my time to be a philosopher; but, I don’t -know how, cheerfulness was always breaking in.” Johnson remembered -drinking with Edwards at an alehouse near Pembroke-gate. Their meeting -again, after fifty years spent by both in London, Johnson accounted one -of the most curious incidents of his life. - -Dr. Adams told Boswell that Johnson while at Pembroke was caressed and -loved by all about him, was a gay and frolicsome fellow, and passed -there the happiest part of his life. “When I mentioned to him this -account he said, ‘Ah, sir, I was mad and violent. It was bitterness -which they mistook for frolick. I was miserably poor, and I thought to -fight my way by my literature and my wit; so I disregarded all power -and all authority.’” Bishop Percy told Boswell, “The pleasure he took -in vexing the tutors and fellows has been often mentioned. But I have -heard him say that the mild but judicious expostulations of this worthy -man [Dr. Adams, then a junior Fellow] whose virtue awed him and whose -learning he revered, made him really ashamed of himself: ‘though I -fear,’ said he, ‘I was too proud to own it.’” Johnson was transferred -from Jorden to Adams, who said to Boswell, “I was his nominal tutor, -but he was above my mark.” When Johnson heard this remark, his eyes -flashed with satisfaction. “That was liberal and noble,” he exclaimed. -Jorden once gave him for a Christmas exercise Pope’s “Messiah” to turn -into Latin verse, which the veteran saw and was pleased to commend -highly. - -Carlyle has drawn a fancy picture of the rough, seamy-faced, rawboned -servitor starving in view of the empty or locked buttery. Dr. Birkbeck -Hill has shown that though Johnson was poor, he lived like other men. -His batells came to about eight shillings a week. Even Mr. Leslie -Stephen introduces the usual talk about “servitors and sizars.” -Johnson was not a servitor. “It was the practice for a servitor, by -order of the Master, to go round to the rooms of the young men, and, -knocking[331] at the door, to enquire if they were within, and if no -answer was returned to report them absent. Johnson could not endure -this intrusion, and would frequently be silent when the utterance of a -word would have ensured him from censure, and … would join with others -of the young men in hunting, as they called it, the servitor who was -thus diligent in his duty; and this they did with the noise of pots and -candlesticks, singing to the tune of ‘Chevy Chase’ the words of that -old ballad-- - - ‘To drive the deer with hound and horn.’” - -Any one who has occupied the narrow tower staircase can imagine the -noise of Johnson’s ponderous form tumbling down it in hot pursuit. The -present balusters must be the same as those he clutched in his headlong -descents one hundred and sixty years ago. Amid this boisterousness he -read with deep attention Law’s racy and masculine book, the _Serious -Call_. - -Dr. Hill has examined exhaustively the difficult question of the length -of Johnson’s residence, and proved that the fourteen months, to which -the batell books testify, was the whole of his Oxford career. He was -absent for but one week in the Long Vacation of 1729. He ceased to -reside in December, 1729, and removed his name from the books October -8th, 1731, without taking his degree, his caution money (£7) cancelling -his undischarged batells. But, his contemporaries assure us, “he had -contracted a love and regard for Pembroke College, which he retained to -the last.” It has been thought that the College helped him pecuniarily. -He loved it none the less that it was reputed a Jacobitical place. -In his _Life of Sir T. Browne_ he speaks of “the zeal and gratitude -of those that love it.” Whenever he visited Oxford in after days he -would go and see his College before doing anything else. Warton was -his companion in 1754. Johnson was highly pleased to find all the -College servants of his time still remaining, particularly a very old -manciple, and to be recognized by them. But he was coldly received when -he waited on the Master, Dr. Radcliffe, who did not ask him to dinner, -and did not care to talk about the forthcoming Dictionary. However, -there was a cordial meeting with his old rival Meeke, now a Fellow. -At the classical lecture in hall Johnson had fretted under Meeke’s -superiority, he told Warton, and tried to sit out of earshot of his -construing. Besides Meeke, it seems, there was at this time only one -other resident Fellow. Boswell describes other visits, when Dr. Adams, -Johnson’s lifelong friend, was Master. He prided himself on being -accurately academic, and wore his gown ostentatiously. The following -letter from Hannah More to her sister is dated Oxford, June 13th, -1782:-- - -“Who do you think is my principal cicerone in Oxford? Only Dr. Johnson! -And we do so gallant it about! You cannot imagine with what delight he -showed me every part of his own College (Pembroke), nor how rejoiced -Henderson looked to make one of the party. Dr. Adams had contrived a -very pretty piece of gallantry. We spent the day and evening at his -house. After dinner Johnson begged to conduct me to see the College; -he would let no one show it me but himself. ‘This was my room; this -Shenstone’s.’ Then, after pointing out all the rooms of the poets -who had been of his College, ‘In short,’ said he, ‘we were a nest of -singing birds. Here we walked, there we played at cricket.’ He ran over -with pleasure the history of the juvenile days he passed there. When -we came into the common room we spied a fine large print of Johnson, -framed and hung up that very morning, with this motto, ‘And is not -Johnson ours, himself a host?’ under which stared you in the face, -‘From Miss More’s Sensibility.’ This little incident amused us; but -alas! Johnson looked very ill indeed; spiritless and wan. However he -made an effort to be cheerful, and I exerted myself to make him so.” - -A few months before his death, his ebbing strength beginning to return, -he had a wistful desire to see Oxford and Pembroke once again, and, -weary as he was with the journey, revived[332] in spirit as the coach -drew near the ancient city. He presented all his works to the College -library, and had thoughts of bequeathing his house at Lichfield to the -College, but he was reminded of the claims of some poor relatives. “He -took a pleasure,” Boswell says, “in boasting of the many eminent men -who had been educated at Pembroke.” - -_Shenstone_, the poet, entered Pembroke in 1732, after Johnson had -left. Burns says: “His divine Elegies do honour to our language, -our nation, and our species.” Johnson writes: “Here it appears he -found delight and advantage; for he continued his name in the book -ten years, though he took no degree. After the first four years he -put on the civilian’s gown.” _Hawkins_, Professor of Poetry. _Rev. -Richard Graves_, junior, admitted scholar, November, 1732--poet and -novelist. He was the author of the _Spiritual Quixote_, a satire on the -Methodists. He tells us: “Having brought with me the character of a -tolerably good Grecian, I was invited to a very sober little party, who -amused themselves in the evening with reading Greek and drinking water. -Here I continued six months, and we read over Theophrastus, Epictetus, -Phalaris’ Epistles, and such other Greek authors as are seldom read at -school. But I was at length seduced from this mortified symposium to a -very different party, a set of jolly, sprightly young fellows, most of -them West country lads, who drank ale, smoked tobacco, punned, and sang -bacchanalian catches the whole evening.… I own with shame that, being -then not seventeen, I was so far captivated with the social disposition -of these young people (many of whom were ingenuous lads and good -scholars), that I began to think them the only wise men. Some gentlemen -commoners, however, who considered the above-mentioned a very _low_ -company (chiefly on account of the liquor they drank), good-naturedly -invited me to their party; they treated me with port wine and arrack -punch; and now and then, when they had drunk so much as hardly to -distinguish wine from water, they would conclude with a bottle or -two of claret. They kept late hours, drank their favourite toasts on -their knees, and in short were what were then called ‘bucks of the -first head.’ … There was, besides, a sort of flying squadron of plain, -sensible, matter-of-fact men, confined to no club, but associating with -each party. They anxiously inquired after the news of the day and the -politics of the times. They had come to the University on their way to -the Temple, or to get a slight smattering of the sciences before they -settled in the country.” Graves breakfasts with Shenstone (who wore his -own hair), a Mr. Whistler being of the company. This was “a young man -of great delicacy of sentiment, but with such a dislike to languages -that he is unable to read the classics in the original, yet no one -formed a better judgment of them. He wrote, moreover, a great part of a -tragedy on the story of Dido.” In a later day we may surmise this young -gentleman of delicacy of sentiment would have written a Newdigate. The -three friends often met and discussed plays and poetry, Spectators or -Tatlers. - -_George Whitfield_ entered as a servitor, November, 1732. An old -schoolfellow, himself a Pembroke servitor, happened to visit -Whitfield’s mother, who kept a hostelry in Gloucester, and told her -how he had not only discharged his College expenses for the term, but -had received a penny. At this the good ale-wife cried out, “That will -do for my son. Will you go to Oxford, George?” “With all my heart,” he -replied. He tells us that at College he was solicited to join in excess -of riot with several who lay in the same room; but God gave him grace -to withstand them. His tutor was kind, but when he joined Wesley’s -small set he met with harshness from the Master, who frequently chid -him and even threatened to expel him. “I had no sooner received the -Sacrament publickly on a week-day at St. Mary’s, but I was set up as a -mark for all the polite students that knew me to shoot at. … I daily -underwent some contempt from the collegians. Some have thrown dirt at -me, and others took away their pay from me.” Johnson told Boswell that -he was at Pembroke with Whitfield, and “knew him before he began to -be better than other people” (smiling). But they cannot have been in -residence together, nor can Whitfield have been “chevied” by Johnson -to the accompaniment of candlestick and pan. - -To the pictures of Pembroke life supplied by Graves and Whitfield, Dr. -Birkbeck Hill adds a sketch of a gentleman commoner of this time. Mr. -Erasmus Philipps, of Picton Castle, (afterwards fifth baronet), entered -in 1720. He is a youth of fashion, but not, as he would probably be in -the present day, a dunce and a fool. He attends the races on Port Mead, -where the running of Lord Tracey’s mare Whimsey, the swiftest galloper -in England, brings to his mind the description in Job. He goes to see -a foot-race between tailors for geese, and another day to see a great -cock-match in Holywell between the Earl of Plymouth and the town cocks, -which beat his lordship. He attends the ball at the “Angel”--a guinea -touch--and gives a private ball in honour of the fair Miss Brigandine. -He writes an Essay on Friendship set him by his tutor, who the same -evening goes with the young man to Godstow by water with some others, -taking music and wine. Or he attends a poetical club at the “Tuns,” -with Mr. Tristram,[333] another of the Fellows, drinks Gallician wine -there, and is entertained with two masterly fables of Dr. Evans’ -composition. Pembrokians meet at the “Tuns” to motto, epigrammatize, -etc. Mr. Philipps has literary tastes and attends the Encaenia, not to -make a poor noise, but to criticize the Proctor’s oration. He presents -a curious book to the Bodleian, and Mr. Prior’s works in folio to the -Pembroke library. He cultivates the society of men of learning and -taste, among them an Arabic scholar from Damascus. “On leaving Pembroke -he presented one of the scholars with his key of the garden, for which -he had on entrance paid ten shillings, treated the whole College in the -Common Room, and then took up his Caution money (£10) from the bursar -and lodged it with the Master for the use of Pembroke College.” - -When Graves went to All Souls as Fellow (which many Pembroke students -of law did), his friend Blackstone went with him. _Sir William -Blackstone_, the great jurist, entered in 1738, aged fifteen. He is -buried at Wallingford. - -Westminster Abbey has received the ashes of at least four members of -this House, viz. Francis Beaumont and his brother Sir John, Pym the -parliamentarian, and Johnson the champion of authority. Pym’s body was -cast out at the Restoration. - - * * * * * - -_Nisi Dominus aedificaverit Domum in vanum laboraverunt qui aedificant -eam._ - - - - -XIX. - -WORCESTER COLLEGE. - -BY THE REV. C. H. O. DANIEL, M.A., FELLOW OF WORCESTER COLLEGE. - - -_Gloucester College_, 1283-1539. - -The beginnings of the history of Gloucester College anticipate by nine -years the establishment of Merton College upon its present site and -under statutes which had assumed their final shape, by three years -the code of rules drawn up by the University for the University Hall, -and by one year the date of the statutes of Balliol College, statutes -which preceded the establishment of students upon the present site of -that College. It was in 1283 that John Giffarde, Baron of Brimsfield, -on St. John the Evangelist’s day, being present in St. Peter’s Abbey -at Gloucester, founded Gloucester College, “extra muros Oxoniæ,” as -a house of study for thirteen monks of that abbey, appropriating for -their support the revenues of the church of Chipping Norton. This was -the first monastic College established in Oxford. It differed from the -Hall which not long after was built for the Benedictines of Durham, -in that, while Durham College admitted secular students, Gloucester -College was limited to monks of the Benedictine Order. It was not long -before the other great English Benedictine Houses, whose students -when sent to Oxford had hitherto been placed in scattered lodgings, -recognized the advantage of bringing them together under common -discipline and instruction and a common Head. They obtained permission -therefore of the Abbey of Gloucester to share with them their house at -Oxford, and to add to the existing buildings several lodgings, each -appropriated to the use of one or more of the Benedictine Houses. The -building made over in the first place by Giffarde had been originally -the mansion of Gilbert Clare earl of Gloucester, for whom it had the -advantage of being close to the Royal palace of Beaumont, in Magdalen -Parish. His arms were in Antony Wood’s day still to be seen “fairly -depicted in the window of the Common Hall.” It subsequently passed into -the hands of the Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem, and was exempt -from Episcopal and archidiaconal jurisdiction “a tempore cujus memoria -non existit.” It was from the Hospitallers that Giffarde bought the -house which he made over to Gloucester Abbey. In 1290 or 1291, upon -the agreement to admit other Benedictine Houses to a joint use of the -College, the founder purchased four other tenements, and, obtaining a -license in mortmain from Edward I., conveyed the whole to the Prior and -monks. Thereupon was held at Abingdon a General Chapter of the Abbots -and Priors of the Order, at which provisions were made for regulating -the new buildings to be erected and for providing contributions towards -the expenses, while rules were drawn up for the conduct of the College. -All Benedictines of the Province of Canterbury were to have right -of admission to “our common House in Stockwell Street,” and all the -students were to have an equal vote in the election of the Prior. The -strife and canvassing which took place over these popular elections -in time arose to such a head as to create a scandal in the order, to -remedy which it was decreed by a General Chapter that the author of -any such disturbance should be punished by degradation and perpetual -excommunication. The monks themselves, differing in this respect from -the subsequent foundation of Durham College, were not permitted to -study or be conversant with secular students; they were bound to attend -divine service on solemn and festival days; to observe disputations -constantly in term-time; to have divinity disputations once a week, -and the presiding moderator was endowed with a salary of £10 per annum -out of the common stock of the Order, which provided also for the -expenses of their Exercises and Degrees in the matter of fees and -entertainments. It was the duty of the Prior to enforce all regulations -and to see that the monks preached often, as well in the Latin as in -the vulgar tongue. It was further jealously stipulated that in their -exercises they should “answer” under one of their own Order, a trace -of the struggle between the religious orders and the University which -arose to such a height in the case of the various orders of Friars. - -Few structures carry their history and their purpose upon their face in -a more obvious or more picturesque manner than do the still surviving -remains of the old Benedictine colony. Each settlement possessed a -lodging of its own “divided (though all for the most part adjoining -to each other) by particular roofs, partitions, and various forms of -structure, and known from each other, like so many colonies and tribes, -(though one at once inhabited by several abbies,) by arms and rebuses -that are depicted and cut in stone over each door.” These words of -Antony à Wood are a perfect description of the cottage-like row of -tenements which still form the south side of the present quadrangle, -and partially apply to the small southern quadrangle, though many of -the features have been in this case obliterated. But on the north side -all that now remains of what is represented in Loggan’s well-known -print is the ancient doorway of the College, surmounted by two shields, -(there used to be three, bearing respectively the arms of Gloucester, -Glastonbury and St. Alban’s,) and the adjoining buildings, which are -of the same character as the tenements on the south side. The first -lodgings on the north side were allotted, we are told, to the monks of -Abingdon: the next were built for the monks of Gloucester. These in -later days became the lodgings of the Principal of Gloucester Hall, -an arrangement followed in the position of the present lodgings of -the Provost of the College. On the five lodgings of the south side -one may see still in place the shields described by A. Wood. Over the -door at the S.W. corner is a shield bearing a mitre over a comb and a -tun, with the letter W (interpreted as the rebus of Walter Compton, or -else in reference to Winchcombe Abbey). Another shield bears three -cups surmounted by a ducal coronet. Between these is a small niche. -The chambers next in order were assigned by tradition to Westminster -Abbey; and the central lodgings of the five were “partly for Ramsey and -Winchcombe Abbies.” Over the doors of the easternmost lodgings again -are shields, the first bearing a “griffin sergreant,” the other a plain -cross. Another plain shield remains _in situ_ in the small quadrangle; -one has been removed and built into the garden wall of the present -kitchen. - -A. Wood gives a list of the abbies which sent their monks to Gloucester -College. These were Gloucester, Glastonbury, St. Alban’s, Tavistock, -Burton, Chertsey, Coventry, Evesham, Eynsham, St. Edmondsbury, -Winchcombe, Abbotsbury, Michelney, Malmesbury, Rochester, Norwich. It -may be presumed that other Houses of the Order made use of the place, -among those whose representatives were present at the Chapter held at -Salisbury the day after the interment of Queen Eleanor, 1291, when -the Prior for the time being, Henry de Helm, was invested with the -government of the College, and provision was made for the election of -his successor. - -We do not at this early date find any mention of Refectory or Chapel. -The parish church was, no doubt, as in other cases, frequented by the -student-monks for divine services, but they also had licence to have -a portable altar. It was not till 1420, in the prioralty of Thomas de -Ledbury, that John Whethamsted, Abbot of St. Alban’s, formerly Prior, -contributed largely to the erection of a chapel, which stood upon the -site of the present chapel. Its ruins are figured in Loggan’s sketch. -He built also a Library on the south side of the chapel, at right -angles to it, the five windows of which, giving upon Stockwell Street, -are also depicted in Loggan’s sketch. Upon this Library he bestowed -many books both of his own collection and of his own writing; and at -his instance Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, besides other benefactions, -gave many books to the Library. The benefits conferred by Whethamsted -were such that a Convocation of the Order styled him “chief benefactor -and second founder of the College.” One other name, a name of local -interest, we find associated with the place as its benefactor--that of -Sir Peter Besils, of Abingdon. Thus a century of dignified prosperity -was assured to the College, during which period it numbered among its -_alumni_ John Langden, Bishop of Rochester; Thomas Mylling, Abbot of -Westminster and afterwards Bishop of Hereford; Antony Richer, Abbot -of Eynsham, afterwards Bishop of Llandaff; Thomas Walsingham the -chronicler. - -The dissolution of the monasteries of course involved the suppression -of the Benedictine College; Whethamsted’s Chapel and Library were -reduced to a ruin; and the books “were partly lost and purchased, and -partly conveyed to some of the other College Libraries,” where Wood -professes to have seen them “still bearing their donor’s name.” - - -_Bishop of Oxford’s Palace_, 1542-1557(?). - -The College, its buildings and grounds, remained in the hands of the -Crown till the thirty-fourth year of Henry’s reign, when, upon his -founding the Bishoprick of Oxford, the seat of which was at Osney, -it was allotted to the Bishop for his palace, and was for a certain -time occupied by Bishop King, who had been the last Abbot of Osney. -On the transfer of the See within three years to the church of St. -Frideswyde, the endowments which had been attached to the Bishoprick -and temporarily resigned to the Crown were conveyed to the new -foundation, the intention of Henry VIII., who had died in the meantime, -being carried out by Edward VI. But there is no mention among the -endowments thus re-conveyed of Gloucester College, which remained in -the possession of the Crown until it was granted by Elizabeth, in the -second year of her reign, to William Doddington. He at once made it -over to the newly-founded College of St. John Baptist, for whom it was -purchased by the founder. The legend runs that Sir Thomas Whyte was -inclined for a while to Gloucester Hall as the site of his new College, -but that a dream directed him to the selection of St. Bernard’s College. - -The Bishop of Oxford in 1604 revived his claim to the Hall, maintaining -that the surrender to the Crown had not been acknowledged by Bishop -King, nor duly enrolled in Chancery, and to try his rights he “did -make an entry by night and by water, and did drive away the horses -depasturing on the land belonging to the said Hall.” He failed however -to make good his claim against St. John’s College. - - -_Gloucester Hall_, 1559-1714. - -Sir Thomas Whyte effected considerable repairs in his new purchase, and -converted it into a Hall with the name of the Principal and Scholars of -St. John Baptist’s Hall: the Principal was to be a Fellow of St. John’s -College, elected by that Society and admitted by the Chancellor of -the University. On St. John Baptist’s day, 1560, the first Principal, -William Stock, and one hundred Scholars took their first commons in -the old monks’ Refectory. It was in the September of this same year -that the body of Amy Robsart, Robert Dudley’s ill-fated wife, was -secretly brought from Cumnor to Gloucester College, and lay there -till the burial at St. Mary’s, “the great chamber where the mourners -did dine, and that where the gentlewomen did dine, and beneath the -stairs a great hall being all hung with black cloth, and garnished -with scutcheons.”[334] Before long the patronage of this Hall passed -with that of others into the hands of the Chancellor, this same Robert -Dudley, then become Earl of Leicester, so that the restriction to -Fellows of St. John’s College was no longer observed. - -There are but few notices of the Hall to be found in the Register of -St. John’s College. Under date 1567 there is entry of the lease of a -chamber, formerly the Library, to William Stocke, Principal of the -Hall. In 1573 it was ordered that at the election of a Principal to -succeed Mr. Stocke it be covenanted that Sir Geo. Peckham may quietly -enjoy his lodging there. And again in 1608 there is entered a grant of -six timber trees out of Bagley Wood towards building a chapel. This was -in the principalship of Dr. Hawley, in whose time it was that the old -Hall for a second time, if the legend of Sir Thomas Whyte be credited, -won the regard of an intending Founder; Nicholas Wadham selected it as -the site of his projected College, and his widow, Dorothy, sought to -carry out his intention, and purchase it. But the scheme went off; for -the Principal, Dr. Hawley, refused to resign his interest in the Hall, -except upon the Foundress naming him as the first Warden of her College. - -In Principal Hawley’s time it may be inferred that the Hall was -at a low ebb in point of numbers; but among its students was one -whose quaint, adventurous career had its fit commencement in those -picturesque ruins. Thomas Coryate the Odcombian--that strange amalgam -of shrewdness, buffoonery, learning, and adventure--became a member -of the Hall in 1596. He passed his life in wandering afoot--a pauper -pilgrim--through the East. He was so apt a linguist as to silence -“a laundry woman, a famous scold,” in her own Hindustani. From the -Court of the Great Mogul he dated epistles, which were the amusement -of the wits, and are now the treasures of the collector of literary -curiosities. These, and the “Crudities hastily gobbled up,” a record of -his earlier wanderings in Europe, will preserve his memory, when men of -more serious consequence have passed into oblivion. - -At this low ebb of the Hall’s chequered existence, it seems to have -been a common practice to let lodgings to persons not necessarily -connected with the Hall. We have already seen how Sir George Peckham -occupied a lodging in Principal Stocke’s time; the famous Thomas Allen -again in the reign of Elizabeth and James found a refuge here for many -years; and now Degory Whear, who had been, with Camden, a member of -Broadgates Hall, and then Fellow of Exeter, retiring with his wife to -Oxford upon his patron’s death, had rooms allotted to him in Gloucester -Hall. In 1622 he was, through Allen’s interest, appointed by Camden the -first Professor on his History Foundation, and retained this chair, -together with the Principalship of the Hall to which he was nominated -in 1626, until his death in 1647. Degory Whear, though the friend and -_protégé_ of so good antiquaries as Allen and Camden, finds amusingly -scant favour in the eyes of Antony Wood, who bestows upon him the faint -praise that “he was esteemed by some a learned and genteel man, and by -others a Calvinist. He left behind him a widow and children, who soon -after became poor, and whether the Females lived honestly, ’tis not for -me to dispute it.” - -The fame or vigour of Degory Whear, with the reputation of Thomas -Allen, revived the decaying fortunes of the Hall; for we are told -that “in his time there were 100 students: and some being persons of -quality, ten or twelve met in their doublets of cloth of gold and -silver.” Among other noticeable names Christopher Merritt, Fellow -of the Royal Society, was admitted in 1632, and Richard Lovelace -in 1634. At that date there were ninety-two students in the Hall -(Wood’s _Life_, ii. 246). Degory Whear not only filled his Hall with -students, but carried out many much-needed repairs of the buildings. -The chapel, for instance, to the erection of which we have seen that -St. John’s contributed six timber trees from Bagley Wood, was now by -his exertions completed; the Hall and other buildings were repaired; -books were purchased for the Library, plate for the Buttery. In a MS. -book preserved in the College Library are set forth the names of donors -to these objects between the years 1630 and 1640. Among the entries -are the following--“_Kenelmus Digby_ Eques auratus 2 li. _Johannes -Pym_ armiger 20s. _Rogerus Griffin_ civis Oxon. e Collegio pistorum -donavit 2 millia scandularum ad valorem 22 solid. _Johannes Rousæus_ -publicæ Bibliothecæ præfectus 1 li. 2s. _Samuel Fell_ S. Th. Doctor 5 -li. _Thomas Clayton_ Regius in Medicina Professor 2 li. _Guil. Burton_ -LL. Baccalaureatus gradum suscepturus 2 li. 10s.” This last was at -first a student at Queen’s, where he was the contemporary and friend of -Gerard Langbaine, but, his means failing him, Mr. Allen brought him to -Gloucester Hall, and conferred on him the Greek Lecture there. As the -friend of Langbaine it may be supposed he would have a friendly leaning -to the plays which at this time, Wood says, were acted by stealth “in -Kettle Hall, or at Holywell Mill, or in the Refectory at Gloucester -Hall” (_Life_, ii. 148). He subsequently became the Usher to the famous -Thomas Farnaby, and at last Master of the School of Kingston-on-Thames. -His “Graecæ Linguæ Historia; sive oratio habita olim Oxoniis in Aula -Glevocestrensi ante XX & VI annos,” was published in 1657 with a -laudatory letter of Langbaine’s, and a dedication to his pupil Thomas -Thynne. - -We next have an account of the expenditure upon the chapel--“Imprimis -fabro murario sive cæmentario 25 li 10s. Materiario sive fabro tignario -38 li 10s. Gypsatori et scandulario 10 li. 11s. Vitriario 4 li 6s. -fabro ferrario 7 li 10s. pictori 1 li 4s. storealatori 00 9s.” - -The Hall too was put into repair; for this Thomas Allen’s legacy of £10 -was employed, as also for the purchase of an _armarium_ or bookcase, -“parieti inferioris sacelli affixum.” But in spite of this safeguard, -the books, Wood says, with pathetic simplicity, “though kept in a large -press, have been thieved away for the most part, and are now dwindled -to an inconsiderable nothing.” Under the date 1637 there is an entry -of a contribution of 40 shillings to the expenses of the University -in the reception of the King and Queen. It may be noted that these -disbursements seem to have required the assent of the Masters of the -Hall as well as of the Principal. - -There are two papers in the University Archives bearing the signature -of Degory Whear as Principal, which give some information as to fees -and customary observances of the Hall. Commoners upon admission paid to -the House 4_s._, to the College officers (Manciple, Butler and Cook) -4_s._ Semi-commoners or Battlers, to the House 2_s._, to the officers -1_s._ 6_d._ A “Poor Scholar” paid nothing. Every Commoner paid weekly -to the Butler 1_d._, towards the Servitors of the Hall a halfpenny. He -also paid quarterly 1_s._ for wages to the Manciple and Cook, besides -a varying sum for Decrements, a term which covered kitchen fuel, -table-cloths, utensils, &c. This item sometimes amounted to 5_s._ -a quarter, never more. On taking any Degree 10_s._ was paid to the -Principal, and another 10_s._ to the House, or else there was given a -presentation Dinner. The Principal further received only the chamber -rents, out of which he kept the chambers in repair, and paid quarterly -to two Moderators or Readers the sum of £1 6_s._ 8_d._ It appears that -it was the custom for every Commoner to take his turn as Steward, go -to market with the Manciple and Cook, see the provisions bought for -ready money, apportion the amount for each meal, attend to oversee -the divisions at Dinner and Supper, and be accountable for any Commons -sent to private chambers. At the end of every quarter the accounts -were inspected by the Principal and such of the Masters as he pleased -to send for. On Act Monday it had been customary for the proceeding -Masters to keep a common supper in the Hall, but this charge had of -late years been turned to the building of an Oratory, the flooring of -the Hall, the purchase of plate and of books. - -In Whear’s time then the Hall must be regarded as having attained its -highest prosperity, due no doubt partly to the energy and distinction -of the Principal, but due also in great measure to the influence and -reputation of Mr. Thomas Allen, to whom the Principal himself had -owed his promotion. This distinguished mathematician and antiquary, -“being much inclined to a retired life, and averse from taking Holy -Orders,”[335] about 1570 resigned his Fellowship at Trinity College, -and took up his residence in Gloucester Hall, where he remained until -his death in 1632. His intimate relations with the Chancellor, the -Earl of Leicester, at once marked and increased his distinction, -while it exposed him to the attacks of Leicester’s enemies. Leicester -would have nominated him to a Bishoprick, and the malignant author -of “Leycester’s Commonwealth” stigmatizes him as one of Leicester’s -spies and intelligencers in the University, and couples him with his -friend John Dee as an atheist and Leicester’s agent “for figuring and -conjuring.” Indeed his reputation as a mathematician (“he was,” says -his pupil Burton, “the very soul and sun of all the Mathematicians -of his time”) caused him to be regarded by the vulgar as a magician. -Fuller says of him that “he succeeded to the skill and scandal of Friar -Bacon,” and that his servitor would tell the gaping enquirer that “he -met the spirits coming up the stairs like bees.” Indeed in those days -when horoscopes were in fashion the mathematician merged into the -astrologer; the friend of John Dee not unnaturally was supposed to -have dealings in magical arts, and Leicester’s patronage of both would -give countenance to the reputation. But the friendship of the most -learned men of the time--of Bodley, Saville, Camden, Cotton, Spelman, -Selden--is an indication of Allen’s genuine attainments. Bodley by his -will bequeaths to Mr. Wm. Gent of Gloucester Hall “my best gown and my -best cloak, and the next gown and cloak to my best I do bequeath to -Mr. Thomas Allen of the same Hall.” Camden also leaves him in his will -the sum of £16.[336] Allen’s valuable collection of MSS. passed into -the hands of his eccentric pupil, Sir Kenelm Digby, by whom they were -placed in Sir Thomas Bodley’s newly-founded library. - -On Whear’s decease in 1647 Tobias Garbrand, of Dutch descent, was made -Principal by the Earl of Pembroke as Chancellor. He was ejected at the -Restoration in 1660. From this date the fortunes of the Hall seemed to -have reached their lowest depth.[337] If a stray gleam of fortune lit -upon the place, it was only to suffer immediate eclipse. Thus, when -John Warner, Bishop of Rochester, left a foundation in 1666 for the -maintenance of four Scotch scholars to be trained as ministers, and the -Masters and Fellows of Balliol College were unwilling to receive them, -as being not in any way advantageous to the House, they were for a time -placed in Gloucester Hall. But when Dr. Good became Master of Balliol -in 1672, Gutch remarks with quiet humour, “he took order that they -should be translated thither, and there they yet continue.” - -The fortunes of the Hall sank lower and lower, till a time came when -it remained for several years entirely untenanted by students. It -shared in the general depression of the University, to which Wood bears -evidence. “Not one Scholar matric. in 1675, 1676, 1677, 1678, not one -Scholar in Gloucester Hall, only the Principal and his family, and two -or three more families that live there in some part to keep it from -ruin, the paths are grown over with grass, the way into the Hall and -Chapel made up with boards.” - -Prideaux, writing to Ellis (Sept. 18, 1676), says--“Gloucester Hall -is like to be demolished, the charge of Chimney money being so great -that Byrom Eaton will scarce live there any longer. There hath been no -scholars there these three or four years: for all which time the hall -being in arrears for this tax the collectors have at last fallen upon -the principal, who being by the Act liable to the payment, hath made -great complaints about the town and created us very good sport; but the -old fool hath been forced to pay the money, which hath amounted to a -considerable sum.” - -Loggan’s picturesque view, taken in 1675, suggests a mournful -desolation, and the pathetic motto which it bears--“Quare fecit Dominus -sic domui huic?”--is eloquent of decay. Dr. Byrom Eaton, Archdeacon -of Stow, and then of Leicester, had held the Principality for thirty -years, when in 1692 he resigned it to make way for a younger and more -vigorous man. Such was found in Dr. Woodroffe, one of the Canons -of Christ Church, whose nomination to the Deanery by James II. in -1688 had been cancelled at the Revolution in favour of Dean Aldrich. -Woodroffe is described by Wood as “a man of a generous and public -spirit, who bestowed several hundred pounds in repairing (the place) -and making it a fit habitation for the Muses, which being done he by -his great interest among the gentry made it flourish with hopeful -sprouts.” The hopeful sprouts, however, do not seem to have been so -very numerous after all, since we find the entry in Wood’s _Life_ under -date Jan. 1694--“I was with Dr. Woodroffe, and he told me he had six -in Commons at Gloucester Hall, his 2 sons two.” Prideaux’s letters -to Ellis contain several references to Dr. Woodroffe, the reverse of -complimentary--ludicrous accounts of sermons, which he confesses to -be hearsay accounts, accusations of heiress hunting, of whimsical -ill-temper, of want of dignity. “Last night he had Madam Walcup at his -lodgings, and stood with her in a great window next the quadrangle, -where he was seen by Mr. Dean himself and almost all the house toying -with her most ridiculously and fanning himself with her fan for almost -all the afternoon.” But Prideaux’s gossip was probably inspired by -personal antipathies and College jealousies. Woodroffe was no doubt a -keen, bustling, pushing man.[338] He was shrewd enough, at any rate, -to marry a good fortune; but became involved in difficulties, which -led to the sequestration of his canonry. He seems to have lost no -opportunity of advertising himself and combining “public spirit” with -private advantage. Such was the man who became associated with one of -the most interesting though short-lived experiments in the history of -the University--the establishment of a Greek College. Some seventy -years had passed since Cyril Lucar, Patriarch first of Alexandria and -then of Constantinople, had sent to England a Greek youth, Metrophanes -Critopylos, whom Abp. Abbott placed at Balliol College, of which his -brother had not long before been Master. Here Critopylos remained as a -student till about 1622, when he returned to the East, and subsequently -became Patriarch of Alexandria in the room of Cyril Lucar. Nothing -more seems to have come of this particular overture, but the English -Chaplains of Constantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo, kept open to some -extent the communications with the Eastern Church. At last, upon the -representations of Joseph Georgirenes, Metropolitan of Samos (a man -who subsequently took refuge in London, and had built for him as a -Greek church what is now St. Mary’s, Crown St. Soho), Archbishop -Sancroft and others who favoured the hope of reunion with the Eastern -Church promoted a scheme for the education of a body of Greek youths -at Oxford, and the establishment of a Greek College there. Foremost -amongst Oxford sympathizers was Dr. Woodroffe, the newly appointed -Principal of Gloucester Hall. In a letter to Callinicos, the Patriarch -of Constantinople, he suggests that twenty students, five from each of -the four patriarchates, should be sent over to the Greek College now -founded at Oxford (Gloucester Hall), which had been placed “on the same -rank footing and privilege which the other Colleges enjoy there.” He -explains the course of study to be pursued, and suggests the advantage -of a reciprocity of students, as also of books and manuscripts. He -designates the three English chaplains named above as convenient -channels of communication. The scheme contemplated an annual succession -of students, who were to be of two classes. For two years they were to -converse in Ancient Greek, and then to learn Latin and Hebrew. They -were to study Aristotle, Plato, the Greek Fathers, and Controversial -Divinity. The services were to be in Greek, and public exercises were -to be performed in Greek, as directed by the Vice-Chancellor. Their -habit was to be “the gravest worn in their country,” and finally they -were to be returned to their respective Patriarchs with a report of -the progress made. Trustees were to manage the funds of the College, -which was to be supported by voluntary contributions. This bold scheme -was but partially attempted, and before long came to a disastrous end. -Mr. Ffoulkes, who first claimed attention in the “Union Review” for -the Greek College, which, as he observes, had been strangely ignored -by Wood’s continuators, quotes from Mr. E. Stevens, a nonjuror, and -enthusiastic advocate of “Reunion,” his account of the experiment and -its breakdown. Five young Grecians were in 1698 brought from Smyrna -and placed in Gloucester Hall. Three of them were, according to Mr. -Stephens, lured away by Roman emissaries: two of these, brothers, after -various adventures, took refuge with Mr. Stephens, and were at last -sent home “with their faith unscathed.” The third was decoyed to Paris, -to the Greek College lately established there, presumably in rivalry of -the Oxford scheme. There appears too to have been another establishment -set up in friendly rivalry at Halle in Saxony. But the most fatal blow -was the mismanagement of the College itself. “Though they who came -first were well enough ordered for some time; yet afterwards they and -those who came after them were so ill-accommodated both for their -studies and other necessaries, that some of them staid not many months, -and others would have been gone if they had known how; and there are -now but two left there.”[339] Add to these drawbacks the temptations -of London, and it is not surprising that the Oxford College received -its quietus in a missive from Constantinople. “The irregular life of -certain priests and laymen of the Eastern Church, living in London, is -a matter of great concern to the Church. Wherefore the Church forbids -any to go and study at Oxford, be they ever so willing.” This was in -1705. From that moment, as Mr. Ffoulkes picturesquely says, the Greek -College “disappears like a dream.” Of its students one name only is -preserved to us. We find in _Hearne_ (March 15th, 1707)--“Francis -Prasalendius, a Græcian of the Isle of Corcyra, lately a student in the -Public Library, and of Gloucester Hall, has printed a book in the Greek -language (writ very well as I am informed by one of the Græcians of -Glouc. Hall) against Traditions, in which he falls upon Dr. Woodroffe -very smartly.” - - -_Worcester College, founded 1714._ - -But while the Greek College was still perishing of inanition, its -principal was engaged in a scheme of a more ambitious though less -interesting nature. A Worcestershire Baronet, Sir Thomas Cookes, had -made known his desire through the Bishop of Worcester of founding a -College at Oxford; £10,000 was the sum he proposed for an endowment. -There was competition for the prize. Dr. Woodroffe wanted to secure it -for Gloucester Hall, Dr. Mill for St. Edmund Hall, Dr. Lancaster for -Magdalen Hall; Balliol College was at one time the favourite object, at -another a workhouse for his county. The choice inclined to Gloucester -Hall, but was well-nigh lost; for Woodroffe had inserted in the charter -a clause providing that the King should have liberty to put in and -turn out the Fellows at his pleasure. With the recent experience of -Magdalen fresh in men’s minds, such intervention of the crown was not -likely to find favour, and Bishop Stillingfleet drily observed that -“kings have already had enough to do with our Colleges.” The hopes of -Edmund Hall rose high; for indeed the Bishop had, according to Hearne, -nominated that Hall in the first place. However Dr. Woodroffe prudently -withdrew his clause, and in 1698 a charter passed the great seal for -the incorporation of the Hall under the title of the Provost, Fellows, -and Scholars of Worcester College, with Dr. Woodroffe for the first -Provost.[340] This was followed by a Ratification dated November 18th, -naming the Bishop of Worcester as Visitor, and the Bishop of Oxford as -his assessor in difficult cases, and making elaborate provision for the -organization, conduct, and educational system of the College. There -were to be twelve Fellows, six Senior Tutors, six Junior Sub-Tutors, -and eight Scholars, chosen from the Founder’s schools of Bromsgrove and -Feckenham, or, failing them, from Worcester and Hartlebury. Each Fellow -and Scholar was to have £14 per annum, the Provost double that amount. -There were to be Lectureships, two “solemnes” in Theology and History, -three ordinary in Mathematics, Philosophy, and Philology; the Lecture -in Theology to be catechetical, on the model of that at Balliol, and -to be given in the chapel. The Prælector of History was to lecture -from seven to nine on Sundays on Biblical history. The others were to -lecture at the discretion of the Provost five or at least four times a -week. An elaborate scheme of medical and other studies was prescribed. -There was a carefully-graduated scale of payments “obeuntibus cursus -et acta,” ending with 13_s._ 4_d._ for the speech in commemoration of -the Founder. The Provost was to allot a cubiculum to one or at the -most to two occupants. In winter the afternoon chapel service was to -be at three, the morning service at seven, but in summer at six. This -was to consist of a shorter Latin form “ad usum Ecclesiæ Xti,” with a -chapter of the Bible in Greek. Private prayers and Bible-reading were -enjoined for each day, and two hours specified for Sunday. A chapter in -Greek or Latin was to be read at meal-times in Hall. Offenders against -rules were to be “gated” or sent into seclusion, “quasi minor quædam -excommunicatio,” or else to be exiled to the ante-chapel. As regards -the cook, butler, &c. the Aularian Statutes were to be observed. - -After all the Charter remained a dead letter. Sir Thomas Cookes, -anxious to find excuses for putting off Dr. Woodroffe’s importunities, -claimed for his heirs the nomination to the Headship; and after two -years the Chancellor conceded this point. It was objected that the -Chancellor had not the power to make this concession without the -consent of Convocation: which was never asked; and if it had, would -not have been given. Sir Thomas found fresh reasons for hanging back. -The fact that Gloucester Hall was a leasehold and that St. John’s were -supposed to have been forbidden by their Founder to part with the fee -simple was one of these difficulties. Then there were the Statutes, -which Sir Thomas Cookes persistently refused to sign, “nor would he pay -one farthing for passing the Charter.” In 1701 he died, leaving his -£10,000 in the hands of certain Bishops, with the Vice-Chancellor and -the Heads of Houses, for the carrying out his intentions. The money was -left to accumulate for some years till it amounted to £15,000. In the -meantime Dr. Woodroffe tries to obtain an Act in 1702 for settling the -money on Gloucester Hall, the lease of which he proposed St. John’s -College should make perpetual at the then rent of £5 10_s._ The Bill, -however, was thrown out on the second reading. At Oxford, it is clear, -there was a powerful opposition to Dr. Woodroffe and his claim for -Gloucester Hall. On Nov. 22, 1707, nineteen out of the thirty Trustees -met in the Convocation House, and on the ground that “the erecting of -Buildings would make the charity of less use than endowing some Hall -in Oxford already built,” determined “to fix the Charity at Magdalen -Hall, and to endow Fellows and Scholars there.” On the other hand the -Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Worcester, the Bishop of Oxford -and others were in favour of carrying out what they believed to be in -spite of all his vacillation the final determination of Sir Thomas -Cookes in favour of Gloucester Hall. They deposed moreover[341] that -“the ground Plats of Gloucester Hall and the Gloucester Hall buildings -Quadrangles and Gardens are 3 times as much as Magdalen Hall, and the -ground on which the buildings of Gloucester Hall stand is twice as much -as that of Magdalen Hall, and there are large and capacious chambers -in Gloucester Hall to receive 20 scholars, and 9 are inhabited, and -the principal’s lodgings are in good repair and fit for a family of -12 persons, and there is a large Hall, Chapel, Buttery and Kitchen, -and a large common room lately wainscoted and sash windows, and in -laying out about £500 in repairs there will be good conveniency for 60 -scholars, and the place is pleasantly situated and in a good air.” Dr. -Woodroffe dies in 1711, his ambition still unfulfilled, and a Fellow of -St. John’s, Dr. Richard Blechynden, succeeds to the Principalship of -an empty Hall. There was, according to Hearne, hardly one Scholar in -the place. At last the trustees saw their way to carrying out the will -of Sir Thomas Cookes. St. John’s College in 1713 agrees to alienate -Gloucester Hall for the sum of £200, and a quit-rent of 20_s._ per -annum. In the following year, two days only before the Queen’s death, a -Charter of Incorporation, for the second time, passes the great seal, -and Gloucester Hall or College is finally merged in Worcester College. -The foundation was now to consist of a Provost, six Fellows, and six -Scholars, whose emoluments were to be on a somewhat more liberal -scale than that of the original statutes. Fellows and Scholars were -to be allowed sixpence a day for commons, the Fellows to have £30 per -annum, the Scholars 13_s._ 8_d._ a quarter, the Provost £80 per annum, -but no allowance for commons. Among the other “ministri” was to be a -Tonsor, receiving an annual salary of 20_s._ This important official -lingered on in diminished importance till the present generation. The -Bishops of Worcester and Oxford and the Vice-Chancellor were appointed -Visitors. In other respects the provisions of the new Statutes were -much simplified. The scheme of Lectureships was omitted; so were the -elaborate directions as to studies, private devotions, &c., as well -as the scale of payments on the performance of exercises. Latin was -to be the ordinary speech, “so far as might be convenient,” except at -College meetings. Undergraduates were to “dispute” every day, and write -weekly Themes; Bachelors to “dispute” twice a week, and make a Terminal -“Declamation.” Candidates for Degrees were to oppose or respond on a -problem set by the Provost in the College Hall, while candidates for -the M.A. Degree had the option of commenting on a passage of Aristotle. -On the Degree Day a Bachelor was to give a supper, or pay 20_s._ for -the College uses. The supper given by an M.A. was not to exceed 40_s._ - -Of the new College Principal Blechynden was named as the first Provost; -of the six Fellows, one, Roger Bouchier, was already a member of -the Hall--“a man of great reading in various sorts of learning, the -greatest man in England for Divinity.”[342] The others were Thomas -Clymer of All Souls’, Robert Burd of St. John’s, William Bradley of New -Inn Hall, Joseph Penn of Wadham, and Samuel Creswick of Pembroke, who -was afterwards Dean of Wells. - -It was not till 1720, that with the modest sum of £798 0_s._ 3_d._, -the remnant of a disputed bequest of Mrs. Margaret Alcorne, the -newly-founded College was enabled to commence the “restoration” of -its buildings. Had the designs of Dr. Clarke, illustrated by the -Oxford Almanack of 1741, which were similar in character to those of -Hawkesmoor and other architects for the reconstruction of Brasenose, -All Souls’, and Magdalen, been carried out, the picturesque history -of the place would have been entirely effaced, and a quadrangle of -“correct” and “elegant” monotony would have satisfied the taste of -Dean Aldrich and the amateurs of the day. Fortunately the means were -wanting; all that was put in hand at first were the Chapel, Hall, -and Library. By the liberality of Dr. Clarke the interior of the -Library was completed in 1736, its exterior in 1746. The Hall was at -last finished in 1784, while the Chapel still remained incompleted -in 1786, the date of Gutch’s account--nor does the College Register -give any indication on the point. But in the meantime two considerable -benefactors arose, who contributed new Foundations to the corporation. -Dr. Clarke, Fellow of All Souls’ and Member for the University, left -an endowment for six Fellowships and three Scholarships, together with -his valuable library, while Mrs. Sarah Eaton, daughter of the former -principal, bequeathed an endowment for seven Fellowships and five -Scholarships to be held by the sons of clergymen. These new Foundations -were incorporated by Charter in 1744. For lodging Dr. Clarke’s -Foundation the demolition of the old buildings on the north side of the -quadrangle was begun, and nine sets of rooms erected by his trustees, -1753-9, while in 1773 the remainder of the old north side was swept -away, and twelve sets of rooms built for Mrs. Eaton’s Foundation, -together with the present Provost’s lodgings. Meanwhile the College was -providently with such resources as it possessed enlarging its borders. -In 1741 it purchased of St. John’s College for £850 the garden ground -on the south side of the College, and in 1744 the gardens and meadows -to the north and west, “together with the house called the Cock and -Bottle.” In 1801 it bought for £1330 the “King’s Head,” opposite to -the front of the College, and in 1813 enfranchised the premises on the -east front held under lease of the City; while in 1806 it cleared away -“Woodroffe’s Folly,” a building erected by that Principal opposite -the front of the College, for which St. John’s received a valuation -of £401 16_s._ The College thus became surrounded with an open belt, -destined to be an incalculable boon in the modern days of building -extension. The garden ground on the south side was in 1813 ordered to -be kept in hand for the use of the Fellows, and it was about the year -1827 that the late Mr. Greswell signalized his Bursarship by laying -out the ornamental grounds, as they now exist. These gardens, falling -to a piece of water, together with the fortunate preservation of an -open quadrangle, a mode of construction for the merits of which Sir -Christopher Wren contended at Trinity,[343] secured to the College -the sanitary as well as the picturesque advantages of a _rus in -urbe_--a “_rus_” so rural that, the tradition runs, a tutor of the last -generation would take his gun, and slip down between his lectures to -the pool for a shot at a stray snipe. - -William Gower, upon Dr. Blechynden’s death, was nominated Provost -in 1736. He had been admitted Scholar in 1715, the year after the -incorporation of the College. He rivalled Thomas Allen in the length -of his connection with the College. For 62 years he was borne upon -its foundations, as Scholar, Fellow, or Provost. Longevity has been -a characteristic of the Provosts of this College. One only, Dr. -Sheffield, held his office for so short a period as 18 years. The -other three, Gower, Landon, and Cotton, were Provosts respectively for -41, 44, and 41 years--collectively 126 years, and Dr. Cotton kept 70 -years of unbroken residence. Dr. Gower was a man of great literary -attainments. He left many valuable books to the College Library. Dr. -King[344] says that he was “acquainted with three persons only who -spoke English with that eloquence and propriety that if all they said -had been immediately committed to writing, any judge of the English -language would have pronounced it an excellent and very beautiful -style.” The other two were Atterbury and Johnson. It was in his second -year’s Provostship that Samuel Foote of Worcester School claimed and -established a right to a Scholarship as Founder’s kin. His student -life was brief and stormy. In 1740 the College passes sentence that -“Samuel Foote having by a long-continued course of ill-behaviour -rendered himself obnoxious to frequent censure of the Society public -and private, and having while he was under censure for lying out of -College insolently and presumptuously withdrawn himself and refused to -answer to several heinous crimes objected to him, though duly cited -by the Provost by an instrument in form, in not appearing to the said -citation, for the above reasons his Scholarship is declared void, -and he is hereby deprived of all benefit and advantage of the said -Scholarship.” This entry gives an interest to the opening of Gower’s -Provostship; another of a different character occurs near its close. In -1775 is recorded an injunction of the Visitors of the College “as to -the use of napkins in the Common Hall.” - -The Provostship of Dr. Landon, 1795-1835, witnessed the commencement -of that growth of Oxford, of which our own generation has seen so -remarkable a development. The opening up of Beaumont St., as to which -the College was in treaty with the city in 1820, materially assisted in -drawing Worcester within the comity of Colleges.[345] It was still--and -for many years to come--unrecognized upon the Proctorial rota. The -first Proctor it nominated in its own right held office in 1863. The -College could only be approached either by George St. and Stockwell -St., or more directly by the narrow alley called Friar’s Entry; and an -amusing picture is given of the stately Vice-Chancellor--“Old Glory” -was his soubriquet--preceded by his Bedels, with their gold and silver -maces, ducking beneath the fluttering household linen suspended across -the alley on washing day. This must have been a trying test of the -dignified deportment which had distinguished Dr. Landon as host of the -Allied Sovereigns, and gained for him--so it is said--from the Prince -Regent the Deanery of Exeter. - -The College, thus drawn more directly within the influences of -University life, began to feel the impulse given to academical resort -by times of peace. New rooms were added; sets long vacant were fitted -up for occupants. In 1821 three additional sets were constructed “in -the space afforded by the old College chapel.” In 1822 it was ordered -that all such apartments not at present inhabited, as shall be found -capable of accommodating undergraduates, be immediately prepared -for their reception. In 1824 the roof of part of the old building -was raised, so as to give six additional sets of rooms. Finally in -1844 a new and handsome kitchen was built and seven additional sets -constructed.[346] - -The most distinguished inmate of the College in Landon’s time was -Thomas de Quincey, of whom his old servant on No. 10 staircase--Common -Room man till 1865--retained many memories. He lived a somewhat recluse -life. He was always buying fresh books, and was sometimes at a loss -how to find money for them. In those days men dressed for Hall: and De -Quincey having one day parted with his one waistcoat for the purchase -of a book went into Hall hiding his loss of clothing as best he could. -But concealment was in vain, and he was promptly sconced for the -deficiency. De Quincey crowned the peculiarities of his College career -by suddenly leaving Oxford before the close of a brilliant examination. - -In 1826 another member of the College--Francis William Newman--received -the unique distinction of a present of books (now in the College -Library) from his mathematical examiners. Bonamy Price, Arnold’s -favourite pupil, shed a lustre upon the next generation of -undergraduates. Both of them were subsequently Honorary Fellows of -the College, and were present at the celebration of its six hundredth -anniversary. Dr. Bloxam, a contemporary of the two, preserves some -interesting recollections of the customs of the day. The Bachelors who -resided for their M.A. Degree used to appear in Hall in full evening -dress, breeches and silk stockings. Undergraduates had left off -attending dinner in white neckcloths and evening costume. The table on -the right was occupied by the gay men of the College, and was called -the “Sinners’ Table.” These formed a class by themselves. The table on -the left was called the “Smilers’ Table,” who also formed a distinct -set between the “Sinners” and the “Saints,” the latter being the more -quiet men, who occupied the table nearest the High Table, on the left. -The Fellow Commoners, an institution retained at the present day for -the convenience of older men resorting to the University, were at that -time young men of fortune, who desired an exemption from the stricter -discipline of undergraduate life. They dined at the High Table, and -were members of the Common Room. But their affinities lay rather with -the occupants of the “Sinners’ Table,” and their existence must have -been a perpetual difficulty to a sorely-tried Dean. “Bodley” Coxe, a -member of the College in those days, subsequently one of its Honorary -Fellows, would tell of the formidable muster of “pinks” in Beaumont -St. after a champagne breakfast, and of the excuse which satisfied a -simple-minded tutor that the delinquent would not offend again during -the whole of the summer. - -There has been a great change too in the habits of the Seniors. The -tutors, as elsewhere, gave their lectures or rather lessons, consisting -of translations by the class, with questions and answers, without form -or ceremony in their own rooms. After an early dinner they would retire -to an uncarpeted Common Room. There after wine long clay pipes were a -regular indulgence. An evening walk or other interlude was succeeded -by a hot supper at nine, and the evening finished with a rubber. Dr. -Cotton in his time was singular in retiring to his rooms after Common -Room without joining the whist and supper party. All these customs have -dropped away with the barbers and knee-breeches of our fathers. The -Latin form of Morning Prayers was abolished by an excess of reforming -zeal, and the Statutes of the College are no longer recited in annual -conclave. Ordinances have succeeded statutes, and statutes succeeded -ordinances. One ancient custom lingers on--the Porter still makes his -morning rounds, and hammers upon the door of each staircase with a -wooden mallet. This is a Benedictine usage, an echo of the thirteenth -century continuing to haunt the old Benedictine walls. - - - - -XX. - -HERTFORD COLLEGE.[347] - -BY THE REV. H. RASHDALL, M.A., FELLOW OF HERTFORD. - - -Although Hertford is the youngest College of the University, it -stands close to the very centre of the University’s most ancient -home, on a site which has been the scene of Academical life from the -earliest times. What the Oxford Local Board has chosen to call S. -Catherine’s Street, has been known from the earliest times onwards as -“Catte-Street” (Vicus Murilegorum). Lying just outside School Street, -the scene of the Arts lectures, Cat Street was in the twelfth century -the especial home of the Writers, Bookbinders, Parchment-makers, and -Illuminers, for whose wares the growth of the University had created a -demand. In the following century, it was partly occupied by University -Halls or Hospices. At least four were comprised within the limits of -the present College: Cat Hall, near the present Principal’s Lodgings; -Black Hall, at the corner of New College Lane; Hart Hall, and Arthur -Hall, the two latter occupying the Library corner of the Quadrangle. -Hart Hall eventually swallowed up all its neighbours as well as the -ground between them. The history of this process want of space forbids -me to trace. I must confine myself to the Hall which has given its name -to the present College. - - -_Hart Hall_, 1280(?)-1740. - -The house is first known to have been a residence for scholars when -it had passed into the possession of one Elias de Hertford, from whom -it got its name of Hert Hall (_Aula Cervina_). This was between 1261 -and 1284. A Hall was then simply a boarding-house, hired by a party of -students as a residence. One of them, called a Principal, paid the rent -and collected the amount from the rest. From the first the Principal -possessed a certain authority, but it was not necessary that he should -be a Master or even a Graduate. Eventually the University required -that he should be a Graduate, and a new Principal had to be admitted -by the Chancellor. When, after the Reformation, the Colleges absorbed -the greater part of the now greatly reduced Academic population, most -of the old Halls disappeared and no new ones were created. Hence the -few that remained divided the monopoly of University education with -the Colleges, and their Principalships became not unimportant pieces -of patronage, which after a long struggle the Chancellor succeeded in -appropriating to himself, except in the case of S. Edmund Hall. To a -very late period, however, there remained traces of the old democratic -_régime_, under which the students claimed the right to elect their -own Principal, that is to say, to consent to the transfer of the -house by the landlord from one Principal to another. Since, prior to -the Laudian statutes, there was nothing to prevent a scholar freely -transferring himself from one Principal to another, the necessity of -their acceptance of the landlord’s new tenant is obvious. Even after -the right of the Chancellor to nominate was fairly acknowledged, it was -considered necessary that the students (graduate and undergraduate) -should be solemnly assembled in the Hall and required to elect the -Chancellor’s nominee, a formality which at Hart Hall lasted as long as -the Hall itself. The present Fellows of Hertford enjoy less autonomy -than the ancient students, and the Chancellor still enjoys an absolute -right to appoint the Principal. - -In 1312 the Hall, after some intermediate transfers, passed to Walter -de Stapeldon, Bishop of Exeter. For some years before the acquisition -of their present site, it was the habitation of the Rector and Scholars -of Stapeldon Hall, now known as Exeter College. After this, Hart Hall -continued to belong to them and was let to a Principal, usually one of -their own Fellows. The rent varied from time to time till 1665, after -which a fixed sum of £1 13_s._ 4_d._ continued to be paid, and it -became a question whether prescription had not extinguished any further -rights on the part of the College. - -Among the “Principals” appear the first three Wardens of New College, -Richard de Tonworthe (1378), Nicolas de Wykeham (1381), and Thomas -de Cranleigh, afterwards Archbishop of Dublin (1384).[348] During -these years (probably 1375-1385) Hart and Black Halls were occupied -by William of Wykeham’s New College, while their own buildings were -in course of erection. There is, indeed, in the New College book of -“Evidences” what purports to be a conveyance (dated 1379) of Hart Hall -to William of Wykeham, under a quit-rent, by the Prioress and Convent -of Studley. But from the documents of Exeter College it is clear that -the “capital lords” in actual possession were the Prior and Convent -of S. Frideswyde’s.[349] Hence it would seem that the astute Bishop -of Winchester was outwitted for once by the Nuns of Studley (who were -really proprietors of the adjoining Scheld Hall), and bought land with -a bad title.[350] Nuns had a great reputation as women of business. - -Later on the Hall was tenanted by a body of scholars supported by -Glastonbury Abbey. At the dissolution a pension of £16 13_s._ 4_d._ -was paid for the support of five scholars to Hart Hall, or rather to -the University on its behalf. The amount was at first a rent-charge -payable, but not always paid, by the grantee of certain Abbey lands. At -the Restoration these lands were resumed by the Crown. The pension was -still paid at the end of the last century, but has now disappeared. - -The most distinguished man who can be fairly claimed as an _alumnus_ -of Hart Hall is the learned Selden (1600-1603), then “a long -scabby-pol’d boy but a good student.” Ken, the saintly Bishop of Bath -and Wells, was apparently a member of the Hall for a few months while -waiting for a vacancy at New College. Sir Henry Wotton, one of the -seventeenth century worthies immortalized by Izaac Walton, resided -here, though it would seem that he was not a member of the Hall but a -Gentleman-Commoner of New College. - -Richard Newton was born in the year 1675 or 1676, being a son of the -squire of Laundon, Bucks, a moderate estate to which he eventually -succeeded. He came up to Christ Church as a Westminster Student in -1694. After being for a time a Tutor of that House, he became tutor -to the two Pelhams, the future Duke of Newcastle and his brother. In -1704 he was presented to the Rectory of Sudbury, Northants, by Bp. -Compton. He was admitted Principal of Hart Hall, and took his D.D. in -1710, continuing to hold Sudbury. He made his mark as a preacher; and -a number of pamphlets testify to his zeal as a University Reformer. In -1726 he wrote against an undoubted abuse, the evasion of the statute -against unauthorized migration, though it must be admitted that his -zeal on that occasion was stimulated by a recent desertion from his -own Hall. Another of his pamphlets is on the perennial subject of -University expensiveness. It is clear that in his own Hall he attempted -to practise what he preached. In the pamphlets against him there are -sneers against “a regimen of small-beer and apple-dumplings”--which (it -is possible) had something to do with the frequent migrations of which -the Doctor had to complain, though we are told that in one case the -attraction was a Balliol Scholarship, and in another the “fine garden” -of Trinity which the deserter “hoped would be to the advantage of his -health.” Eventually he even stopped the small-beer, holding that (as -he explains) more beer was drunk when it was got both in the Hall and -out of it than when it could only be obtained outside. Newton was the -“active” Head of his day, the “Monarch of Hart Hall” as the scoffers -put it. He had pupils to travel or stay with him in “the Long,” -usually “young gentlemen of fortune” in his College. He lamented -the indolence and inactivity, and was pained to observe “the secular -views and ambitious schemes” of other Heads. He held what was then -accounted the eccentric opinion that “a gentleman-Commoner has a soul -to be saved as well as a servitor, and is under the same obligations to -religion and virtue.” In confidential moments he would declare himself -in favour of “Common-sense and Reason in matters of Religion”; and he -appears to have practised a somewhat latitudinarian mode of meditation. -“He[351] would, a little before bed-time, desire his young friends -to indulge him in a short vacation of about half-an-hour for his own -private recollections. During that little interval they were silent, -and he would smoke his pipe with great composure, and then chat with -them again in a useful manner for a short space, and, bidding them -good night, go to his rest.” When resident on his living, he had daily -service at seven p.m. He was a Church Reformer as well as a University -Reformer, and wrote on “Pluralities Indefensible.” After his call -to Oxford, he held his living as an absentee, but “never pocketed a -farthing of the profits thereof”; and eventually succeeded in resigning -in favour of his curate. Altogether the life of Dr. Newton exhibits an -example of independence, honesty, and disinterestedness, rare indeed -among the Churchmen of his time. Pelham gave it as his only reason for -not preferring his old tutor, that he could not do it “because he never -asked me.” A man whom Pelham actually employed to write King’s Speeches -for him might certainly have been a Bishop for the asking. It was only -in the year before his death (1752) that he got a Canonry at Christ -Church. - - -_Hertford College_, 1740-1816. - -Newton had one ambition, and that was a disinterested one. “Dr. Newton -is commonly said to be Founder-mad,” wrote the malicious Hearne; “Dr. -Newton is very fond of founding a College,” wrote another, in 1721. -The patronage which he would not stoop to ask for himself, he sought -to use for his College. But his grand friends did little for him; -nearly all that he spent came out of his own pocket. He spent about -£1500 on building a Chapel for the Hall (consecrated in 1716) and the -adjoining corner of the present Quadrangle. He published an edition of -Theophrastus by subscription for the benefit of his College, but it did -not appear till after his death. His proposals for the foundation of a -College were made public in 1734 in a Letter to the Vice-Chancellor, -though he had already “made a noise” about it “many years.” Considering -the slenderness of the means at his disposal, it is not surprising -that the project encountered some ridicule. Hearne had at first been -much impressed by the Doctor’s sermons, and styled him “an ingenious -honest man,” but on the appearance of his pamphlet on migration -pronounced him “quite mad with pride and conceit,” and the book a “very -weak, silly performance.” Now he laments that “’tis pitty Charities -and Benefactions should be discountenanced and obstructed; but it -sometimes happens when the persons that make them are supposed to be -_mente capti_ and aim at things in the settlement which are ridiculous, -which seems to be the case at Hart Hall, as ’tis represented to me. -However, after all,” the charitable critic concludes, “’tis better -not to publish the failings of persons, especially of clergymen, on -such occasions, least mischief follow, the enemy being always ready to -take advantage.” The grant of the charter was long opposed by Exeter -College: but the opinion of the Attorney-General was unfavourable to -the claim on the part of that College to anything but the accustomed -rent. In 1740 Dr. Newton got his Charter of Incorporation, and his -Statutes approved by George II. - -Dr. Newton was not at all disposed to lose by his elevation to the -Headship of a College the autocracy which he had so long enjoyed as -Head of a Hall. Hence, although he styles the four Tutors of the new -Foundation “Senior Fellows” and their eight “Assistants” “Junior -Fellows,” the whole government of the College seems to be ultimately -vested in the Principal, who was to be a Westminster student and Tutor -of Christ Church nominated by the Dean of that House. There were to be -no “idle fellowships” on Newton’s foundation: all were “official,” and -lasted, the Senior Fellowships till the completion of eighteen years -from Matriculation, the Junior only from B.A. to M.A. The College was -designed for thirty-two “Students,” who enjoyed a modest endowment of -£6 13_s._ 4_d._ for the first year and £13 6_s._ 8_d._ for four years -more, with commons. There were also four “Scholars” who were to act as -Servitors to the four Tutors, and to perform such functions as ringing -the bell and keeping the gate. Commoners and Gentleman-Commoners were -expressly excluded: but wealthier men might become honorary Scholars, -with leave to wear a “tuft” as well as the Scholar’s gown. Each Tutor -was to take charge of the freshmen of one year, who remained his -pupils throughout their course. This division of the College into four -classes must have been suggested by the Scotch University system, or -by the arrangement of the French Colleges on which the Scotch system -was based. It was, at all events, vastly superior to the old “Tutorial -system,” under which every Tutor played the polymathic Professor to -Undergraduates of every year simultaneously. - -Dr. Newton’s Statutes are very curious reading. He aimed at -perpetuating the “system of education” which he had himself introduced. -They are full of wise provisions, some of them rather crotchety, and -others excellent in themselves but perhaps hardly practicable even -then. Each Tutor lived in a different “Angle” of the Quadrangle, -and was responsible for its discipline. His post must have been no -sinecure, if he was really to keep men out of each others’ rooms -during the hours of work, from Chapel (6.30 or 7.30 a.m. according -to season) till the 12 o’clock dinner, and from 2 to 6 p.m. Supper -was at 7 instead of the usual 6 p.m., to limit the time available -for compotations. The gate was shut at 9 p.m., and after 10 the key -was to be taken to the Principal’s bed-room and no egress or ingress -permitted. As an “educationist,” the Founder apparently believed in -Disputations and insisted much on English composition, but disbelieved -in verse-making except for “Undergraduates having a genius for -Poetry.” The sumptuary regulations are somewhat severe, including the -requirement that no bills shall be “contracted without their Tutor’s -knowledge and consent.” Allowances from parents were to be sent to -the Tutor, who was to pay his pupils’ debts before transmitting the -remainder to their destination. “Dismission” was the penalty for -contracting a debt of more than 5_s._ “with any person keeping a -Coffee-house or Cook’s-shop or any other Public House whatsoever.” - -Newton’s first two successors were men of mark in their day. William -Sharp (1753-1757) was Regius Professor of Greek. David Durell -(1757-1775) was eminent as a Hebraist. But the Principalship depended -for its endowments entirely upon room-rent, and the Studentships -could never have been really paid out of Newton’s slender endowment -of less than £60 _per annum_. The existence of the College depended -upon the reputation of its Tutors. During the Tutorship[352] of -Newcome, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, the College was still -prosperous. His “pupils were for the most part men of family,” says -Sir George Trevelyan; among them, Charles James Fox (1764-1765). For a -Gentleman-Commoner (Dr. Newton’s Statutes were defied) Fox read hard, -and found Mathematics “entertaining.” “Application like yours,” the -Tutor found it necessary to write to him, “requires some intermission, -and you are the only person with whom I have ever had any connexion, -in whom I could say this.” He read so hard in fact, that his father, -Lord Holland, sent him abroad without taking his degree, to the no -small injury of his mind and character. It appears, however, that Fox’s -life had a lighter side even while at Oxford. In Lockhart’s story of -Reginald Dalton, we read: “Although Hart Hall has disappeared, we trust -the authorities have preserved the window from whence the illustrious -C. J. Fox made the memorable leap when determined to join his -companions in a Town and Gown row.” Alas! the window has disappeared -not only from the world of reality but (what does not always follow) -from that of tradition! - -It was in the time of the fourth Principal, Dr. Bernard Hodgson, -that the College collapsed. On his death in 1805 no one would accept -the almost honorary headship; but at last in 1814 the one surviving -Fellow,[353] who was (we are told) considered “half-cracked,” announced -that he had “nominated, constituted, and admitted himself Principal”! -At this time the place was all but deserted. It became a sort of no -man’s land in which a score of “strange characters” (“as if being -‘half-cracked’ were a qualification for admission”) squatted rent free. -Eventually the University took upon itself to close the building. In -1820 the building adjoining Cat Street actually fell down “with a great -crash and a dense cloud of dust.” - - -_Magdalen Hall_ (on this site), 1820-1874. - -On January 9th, 1820, a fire deprived Magdalen Hall of its local -habitation.[354] The old Hall stood upon the site of the existing S. -Swithin’s buildings, and belonged to the College from which it took -its name. In 1816 the President and Fellows had procured an Act of -Parliament transferring the site and buildings of Hertford Society to -Magdalen Hall, _i. e._ technically, to the University in trust for the -Hall. With part of the small property of the College, the Hertford -Scholarship was founded: the rest passed to the Society of Magdalen -Hall, which in 1822 took possession of its new home. A word must be -said as to the traditions of which Hertford College thus became the -inheritor. - -About the year 1480 the Founder of Magdalen College built some rooms -near the gate of his College for the accommodation of the officers of -his Grammar School. To these other rooms were added, and the building -occupied by students and called S. Mary Magdalen Hall. This Society -had at first the closest connection with the College, the Principal -being always a Fellow. It was not till 1694 that the Chancellor of the -University finally established his right to nominate the Principal of -Magdalen Hall. - -It was in this Hall that the Ultra-Protestant traditions of Magdalen -lingered after they had died out in the College itself. It had been -within the walls of Magdalen Hall that the English Reformation had -its true beginning in certain meetings for Bible-reading started by -William Tyndale, afterwards the translator of the Bible; and in the -seventeenth century, when the Laudian movement had got the upper -hand in the Colleges at large, it became a refuge for the oppressed -Puritans. At one time it boasted three hundred members. In 1631 its -Principal John Wilkinson, and Prideaux, Rector of Exeter, were summoned -before the King in Council at Woodstock and received “a publick and -sharp reprehension for their misgoverning and countenancing the -factious partie!” Soon after, Oxenbridge, one of its Tutors,[355] was -convicted of a “strange, singular, and superstitious way of dealing -with his Scholars by perswading and causing some of them to subscribe -as votaries to several articles framed by himself (as he pretends, for -their better government),” for which presumption he was “distutored.” -In 1640 Henry Wilkinson (also of the Hall) was suspended for preaching -in a very bitter way against some of the ceremonies of the Church.[356] -But the day of vengeance came. When the Parliamentary Visitors came to -Oxford the suspended Tutor, Henry Wilkinson, senior, commonly known -as “Long Harry,” was the most prominent and zealous of the Visitors. -The students of Magdalen Hall and New Inn submitted to a man, and the -places of the ejected Fellows and Scholars were largely recruited -from their numbers. A very large proportion of the eminent Puritans -of the seventeenth century came from these two Halls. A few of the -distinguished Magdalen Hall men, whom Hertford College now claims as a -sort of step-mother, may be added. John L’Isle, President of the High -Court of Justice; John Glynne, Lord Chief Justice of England under -Cromwell; William Waller, the Cromwellian Poet (afterwards at Hart -Hall); Sir Matthew Hale, the most famous of English Judges; Sydenham, -“the English Hippocrates”; Sir Henry Vane; Pococke, the Orientalist; -and Dr. John Wilkins, the Mathematician, afterwards Warden of Wadham, -then Master of Trin. Coll. Cambr., and later Bishop of Chester. Few -Colleges in the University ever sent out so many distinguished men -within so short a time. But the greatest name that Magdalen Hall can -boast figures oddly in this list of Puritan Worthies. Thomas Hobbes of -Malmesbury entered when not quite fifteen in 1603, and went down in -1607 with the B.A. degree. It is curious that it should have been by -the Puritan Principal, John Wilkinson, that the Philosopher of Erastian -Absolutism was introduced as tutor or companion into the Devonshire -family with which he remained connected for the rest of his life. In -spite of the Puritan _régime_, which was, however, hardly established -in his day, Hobbes describes the place of his education as one “where -the young were addicted to drunkenness, wantonness, gaming, and other -vices.” Clarendon was also a member of the Hall for a short time while -waiting for a Demyship at Magdalen College. Swift, whose Undergraduate -life was passed at Dublin, took his Oxford B.A. from Magdalen Hall in -1692, and proceeded M.A. a few weeks later, during which interval we -may perhaps assume that he resided in the Hall. - - -_Hertford College, founded 1874._ - -The last of the many vicissitudes which this venerable site has -experienced remains to be recorded. In 1874 the defunct Hertford -College was recalled to life by the munificence of Mr. T. C. -Baring, M.P., who endowed it with seventeen Fellowships, and thirty -Scholarships of £100 per annum, limited to members of the Church -of England.[357] An Act of Parliament gave the new foundation “all -such rights and privileges as are possessed or enjoyed or can be -exercised by other Colleges in the University of Oxford;” and Dr. -Richard Michell, the last Principal of Magdalen Hall, became the first -Principal of the present Hertford College. - -While future ages will feel towards the name of Baring all the -loyalty that is a Founders due, it is a fortunate circumstance that -the accidents which have been related enabled him to give to his new -foundation the only thing which money could not buy--a slight flavour -of antiquity. The existing foundation is substantially the creation of -Mr. Baring, but enough remains of its predecessors--the Elizabethan -hall now transformed into a Library, the Jacobean Common-rooms which -represent the pre-Newtonian Hart Hall, Newton’s Chapel with the -adjoining “angle,” the plate and pictures of Magdalen Hall and its ten -Scholarships[358]--to give us a link with the past, a not uninteresting -past, of which, however glorious its future, the College need never be -ashamed. In one sense, notwithstanding the newness of its foundation, -the College belongs to the past more than its more venerable sisters. -It is untouched by recent legislation, its Statutes are constructed -upon the old model, and it still rejoices in Fellowships which are -tenable during life and celibacy. - - - - -XXI. - -KEBLE COLLEGE. - -BY REV. WALTER LOCK, M.A., SUB-WARDEN OF KEBLE COLLEGE. - - -This, the most recent of the Oxford colleges, was opened in 1870, the -foundation of it being due to a combination of three different but -cognate causes: the first was a widespread desire to make University -education more widely accessible to the nation, and especially to those -who were anxious to take Holy Orders in the Church of England; the -second, the desire to ensure that this education should be in the hands -of Churchmen; and the third, the desire to perpetuate the memory of the -Rev. John Keble, formerly Fellow and Tutor of Oriel College, Professor -of Poetry in the University (1832-1841), Vicar of Hursley (1836-1866), -and author of _The Christian Year_, _Lyra Innocentium_, _A Treatise on -Eucharistical Adoration_, &c. - -Of these motives the first had been stirring in Oxford for many years. -In 1845 the following address was presented to the Hebdomadal Board-- - -“Considerable efforts have lately been made in this country for the -diffusion of civil and spiritual knowledge, whether at home or abroad. -Schools have been instituted for the lower and middle classes, churches -built and endowed, missionary societies established, further Schools -founded, as at Marlborough and Fleetwood, for the sons of poor clergy -and others; and, again, associations for the provision of additional -Ministers. But between these schools on the one hand, and on the other -the ministry which requires to be augmented, there is a chasm which -needs to be filled. Our Universities take up education where our -schools leave it; yet no one can say that they have been strengthened -or extended, whether for Clergy or Laity, in proportion to the growing -population of the country, its increasing empire, or deepening -responsibilities. - -“We are anxious to suggest, that the link which we find thus missing -in the chain of improvement should be supplied by rendering Academical -education accessible to the sons of parents whose incomes are too -narrow for the scale of expenditure at present prevailing among the -junior members of the University of Oxford, and that this should be -done through the addition of new departments to existing Colleges, -or, if necessary, by the foundation of new Collegiate bodies. We -have learned, on what we consider unquestionable information, that -in such institutions, if the furniture were provided by the College, -and public meals alone were permitted, to the entire exclusion of -private entertainments in the rooms of the Students, the annual -College payments for board, lodging, and tuition might be reduced to -£60 at most; and that if frugality were enforced as the condition of -membership, the Student’s entire expenditure might be brought within -the compass of £80 yearly. - -“If such a plan of improvement be entertained by the authorities of -Oxford, the details of its execution would remain to be considered. On -these we do not venture to enter; but desire to record our readiness, -whenever the matter may proceed further, to aid, by personal exertions -or pecuniary contributions, in the promotion of a design which the -exigencies of the country so clearly seem to require. - -“Sandon, Ashley, R. Grosvenor, W. Gladstone, T. D. Acland, Philip -Pusey, T. Sothron, Westminster, Carnarvon, T. Acland, Bart., W. -Bramston, Lincoln, Sidney Herbert, Canning, Mahon, W. B. Baring, J. -Nicholl (Judge Advocate), W. T. James, S. R. Glynne, J. E. Denison, -Wilson Patten, R. Vernon Smith, S. Wilberforce, R. Jelf, W. W. Hall, -W. Heathcote, Edward Berens, J. Wooley, Hon. Horace Powys, W. Herbert -(Dean of Manchester), G. Moberley, A. C. Tait.”[359] - -In spite of this influential list of signatures no action was taken -by the Board, but the subject gave rise to many pamphlets, one of -which, by the Rev. C. Marriott, deserves a special notice. In it he -propounded a definite scheme for the foundation of a college either -in or out of Oxford, which should contain about one hundred students -living “a somewhat domestic kind of life,” which should be shared in -close intercourse by their tutors. Mr. Marriott received considerable -promises of help towards the endowment of such a college, but his -early death cut short the scheme.[360] The University Commission of -1854 tended to stimulate the desire to make University education -more national; but it was not until 1865 that any definite step was -taken. On Nov. 16 of that year a meeting of graduates was held at -Oriel College, “to consider the question of University Extension with -a view especially to the education of persons needing assistance and -desirous of admission into the Christian ministry.” The conveners of -this meeting were chiefly influenced by the belief that the education -of the national clergy was the unquestionable duty of the Universities, -but that it was to a large extent passing out of their hands. They -recognized, however, that this was far from the sole ground of -University Extension, and especially urged that the system of Local -Examinations required as its natural complement some further movement -which should enable the successful candidates to follow out their -studies at the University itself. At this meeting six sub-committees -were formed to consider various methods of such extension. The history -of Keble College is concerned only with the first of these, of which -Dr. Shirley, the Professor of Ecclesiastical History, was Chairman, the -other members being Professors Bernard, Burrows, Mansel, Pusey, and the -Revs. W. Burgon, R. Greswell, W. Ince, and J. Riddell. - -The instructions given to them were to consider the suggestion of -extending the University “by founding a college or hall on a large -scale, with a view not exclusively but especially to the education of -persons needing assistance and desirous of admission into the Christian -ministry.” The substance of the report was to the effect that, without -interfering with either the moral and religious discipline or the -social advantages of an academical life, it would be possible very -considerably to reduce the average of expenditure. With this purpose -they suggest the building of a new Hall, by private subscription, large -enough to hold one hundred undergraduates; for the sake of economy -the rooms should be smaller than in most colleges, they should be -arranged along corridors instead of by staircases, and be furnished -by the College; breakfast as well as dinner should be taken in -common, caution-money and entrance fees abolished, and all necessary -expenditure included in one terminal payment. By this means it was -hoped that the University would be opened to a class of men who cannot -now enter, but without placing them apart from the classes who now -avail themselves of it. The Hall was not to be “such an eleemosynary -establishment as would be sought only by persons of inferior social -position, less cultivated manners, or of attainments and intellect -below the ordinary level of the University, but rather one which is -adapted to the natural tastes and habits of gentlemen wishing to live -economically.”[361] - -In the following year (on March 16, 1866) the Rev. John Keble died, -and on the day of his funeral it seemed to his friends that the most -fitting memorial to him would be to build such a college as had been -contemplated by this committee. Mr. Keble had himself joined in the -movement which led to the appointment of the committee; he had seen and -approved the Report. This report was accordingly taken as the basis -of action. The details were, in the main, arranged upon its lines; -perhaps the chief difference was that from the first the preparation -of candidates for Holy Orders was less insisted upon, and more -emphasis was laid upon the duty of providing a suitable education for -all Churchmen, whatever their vocation might be. To quote the words -of the appeal which was issued, “The College was intended first to -be a heartfelt and national tribute of affection and admiration to -the memory of one of the most eminent and religious writers whom the -Church of England has ever produced, one whose holy example was perhaps -even a greater power for good than his _Christian Year_; secondly, to -meet the great need now so generally felt of some form of University -Extension, which may include a large portion of persons at present -debarred through want of means from its full benefits; while, thirdly, -it is hoped that it will prove, by God’s blessing, the loyal handmaid -of our mother Church, to train up men who, not in the ministry only -but in the manifold callings of the Christian life, shall be steadfast -in the faith.”[362] The aims of the promoters of Keble College were, -in a word, exactly the same as those of the munificent founders of the -earlier colleges, viz. to extend University education to those who -could not otherwise enjoy it, to extend it in the form of collegiate -life, and in loyalty to the English Church. - -A public appeal for subscriptions was at once made, and these amounted -in a very short time to more than £50,000. The building of the College -was intrusted to Mr. Butterfield. On St. Mark’s Day (the anniversary -of Mr. Keble’s birthday), 1868, the first stone was laid by the -Archbishop of Canterbury (Dr. Longley); and rooms for one hundred -undergraduates and six tutors were ready for occupation in 1870, and at -Commemoration the first Warden, the Rev. E. S. Talbot, senior student -of Christ Church, was formally installed by the Chancellor of the -University. A council had already been elected by the subscribers: this -constitutes the Governing Body of the College, and perpetuates itself -by co-optation as vacancies arise. The Council elect the Warden, who -nominates the Tutors. On June 6th a Royal Charter of Incorporation was -granted. This, after reciting that the subscribers had joined together -to give public and permanent expression to their feeling of deep -gratitude for the long and devoted services of the Rev. John Keble to -the Church of Christ, and with that intent had resolved to establish a -college or institution in which young men now debarred from University -education might be trained in simple and religious habits, according -to the principles of the Church of England, created the Warden, -Council, and scholars into a corporate body with power to hold lands -not exceeding the value of five thousand pounds (A subsequent amendment -of the Mortmain Act, passed by Parliament in August 1888, extended to -Keble College the exemption of the Mortmain Act, by which persons are -enabled to bequeath property to it.) This Royal Charter carried with it -no academical privileges. It left the Council free to move the College -elsewhere, or even to wind up the Corporation; at the same time it -authorized them, if they saw fit, to obtain the incorporation of the -College within the University of Oxford. - -This was not, however, the course actually adopted; the question of -formal incorporation was not free from difficulties, as in previous -cases such incorporation had been generally effected either by Royal -Charter or by an Act of Parliament, and so it has never been raised. -What actually happened was as follows. On June 16th, 1870, a decree was -passed by Convocation, authorizing the Vice-Chancellor to matriculate -students from Keble College pending further legislation. On March 9th, -1871, a new statute dealing with New Foundations for Academical Study -and Education was passed, and on April 8th Keble College was admitted -to the privileges granted by it. By this statute all its members have -in relation to the University the same privileges and obligations as -if they had been admitted to one of the previously existing Colleges -or Halls, and the Warden has with regard to the members of his society -the same obligations, rights, and powers as are assigned to the heads -of existing Colleges or Halls, though the statute does not impose -upon him any other obligations or confer any other right, privilege, -or distinction. Any other statutes in which Colleges are mentioned by -name, such as those respecting the University sermons or the election -of Proctors, would not apply to any such new foundations, unless -so amended as to include them expressly. The statute affecting the -Proctorial cycle was so amended in 1887, and Keble College was for that -purpose placed on a level with other colleges. The further question -whether the head of such a society possesses the rights possessed by -the heads of the earlier colleges has never been decided.[363] - -Meanwhile the College had been opened successfully in Michaelmas Term -1870. At that time the north, east, and west blocks were completed, -with a temporary chapel and hall on the south. The rooms were arranged -in corridors, but subsequent experience has since partly modified -this arrangement. The quadrangle south of the gateway was commenced -in 1873, and finished on the eastern side in 1875, on the western in -1882. In 1873 W. Gibbs, Esq., of Tynterfield, laid the foundation of -the permanent Chapel, of which he was the sole and munificent donor. -This was formally opened on St. Mark’s Day, 1876, and on the same day -the foundation-stone of the Hall and Library was laid, these being the -scarcely less munificent gifts of his sons, Messrs. Antony and Martin -Gibbs. The architect of these buildings also was Mr. Butterfield. In -the Chapel, the general aim of the decoration is to set forth the -Christ as the sum and centre of all history, to whom all previous ages -pointed, from whom all subsequent ages have drawn their inspiration. -In the main body of the Chapel the mosaics represent typical scenes -from the lives of Noah, Abraham, Joseph, and Moses, while the great -prophets and kings of the Old Testament are portrayed in the windows. -Around the Sanctuary the ornament is richer as it attempts to do honour -to the fact of the Incarnation--alabaster and marble take the place of -stone. On either side in the mosaics are seen the Annunciation, the -Birth, the Baptism, the Crucifixion, the Resurrection of the Lord; in -the windows the leading Apostles and Doctors of the Christian Church. -The Ascension is given in the east window; while in the quatre-foil -mosaic, the centre of the whole decoration, appears a vision of the -Lord Himself as described by St. John in the Apocalypse, seated in the -midst of the candlesticks, with the stars in His hand, and the sword -coming out of His mouth. Around the Living Lord are grouped saints of -all the Christian centuries and of every vocation in life. The western -mosaic closes the series with the Last Judgment. - -In one respect the arrangement differs from that of all the other -College chapels--all the seats are ranged eastwards, not north and -south. This results from the change which has passed over college -life in Oxford. The earlier chapels were built for colleges in which -every one was in theory a life-member on the foundation, and had -his permanent seat as in a cathedral body; but a modern college -chapel, containing almost exclusively a large passing congregation of -undergraduates, presents conditions much more like that of an ordinary -church, and alike for purposes of worship and of preaching it seemed -better that the whole body should face eastward in the usual manner. -It should also be mentioned that the chapel has not been formally -consecrated, it being a question whether such consecration might not -limit the powers conferred upon the Council by the Charter. - -The Hall and Library were formally opened in 1878, Mr. Gladstone being -among the speakers on the occasion. Since then the Hall has been -enriched with a beautiful oil painting of the Rev. J. Keble, painted -by G. Richmond after Mr. Keble’s death from a crayon drawing which he -had made in his lifetime; by portraits of Archbishop Longley, who laid -the foundation stone of the College; of Dr. Shirley, Chairman of the -Committee on whose report the College was based; of Earl Beauchamp, the -senior member of the Council, from the first one of the most strenuous -and munificent friends of the College; of the Rev. E. S. Talbot, the -first Warden (1870-1888); of W. Gibbs, Esq., the donor of the Chapel; -and of J. A. Shaw Stewart, Esq., the treasurer of the original Memorial -Fund and resident Bursar of the College (1876-1880). To these is to be -added soon a portrait of Dr. Liddon, member of the Council (1870-1890), -and of the Rev. Aubrey L. Moore, Tutor (1881-1890). In addition to -these, all of which are connected with the College history, Earl -Beauchamp has presented a portrait of Archbishop Laud. - -In the Library the nucleus of the collection was formed by the gift -of the majority of Mr. Keble’s own books and many of his MSS., -presented mainly by his brother, partly also by his nephew. Among -these are the original drafts of the _Lyra Innocentium_ and many of -the _Miscellaneous Poems_ (written on stray scraps of paper or on -backs of envelopes), of the _Eucharistical Adoration_, the sermons on -Baptism, and the translation of St. Irenæus; and, most interesting of -all, a fair copy made by himself of the greater part of the _Christian -Year_, written in an exquisitely clear and delicate hand in seven -small note-books. Other relics of Mr. Keble, including his study-table -and the candelabrum presented to him by his pupils on leaving Oxford, -are preserved in the common room. The Library has also received large -donations or legacies of books from Cardinal Newman, Archbishop Trench, -Lord Richard Cavendish, Miss Yonge, &c. Quite recently there has been -added to it Dr. Liddon’s library, rich especially in historical, -liturgical, and theological books, and containing also an excellent -collection of Dante literature. Mr. Holman Hunt’s picture, _The Light -of the World_, presented by Mrs. Combe of the University Press, at -present hangs in the Library, though it will probably be ultimately -transferred to the chapel. - -Of the history of the internal working of the College there is little -to say. From the opening till the present its rooms have always been -full; and clear proof has thus been given of the reality of the demand -for University extension on such a plan. The annual charge to each -undergraduate is £82 a year, which includes tuition, board, and rent -of furnished rooms; groceries, wines, &c. have been supplied from the -College stores; and a special common room is open to undergraduates, -serving both for entertainment and as a reading-room. Two of those -who have worked as tutors in the College have already been raised to -the Episcopate--Dr. Mylne, the Senior Tutor in the first years of the -College, now Bishop of Bombay, and Dr. Jayne, now Bishop of Chester. - -In academical distinction the College has quite held its own with -many of the older Colleges, and has specially gained distinction in -the Honour Schools of Theology, Modern History, and Natural Science. -Several private benefactions, notably those of Miss Wilbraham (1872), -Mrs. William Gibbs (1875), A. J. Balfour, Esq., M.P. (1875), Lady -Gomm (1878), Miss Chafyn Grove (1879), H. O. Wakeman, Esq. (1882), -and a subscription raised to found a “Caroline Talbot” Scholarship in -memory of the first Warden’s mother, have enabled the College to offer -several scholarships for open competition to members of the Church -of England, or to aid those who are already members of the College -to complete their career. There are also special prizes to encourage -the study of theology, such as the Wills and Phillpott’s prizes for -undergraduates, the Liddon prize, and the “Edward Talbot” studentship, -founded to commemorate the services of the first Warden, for graduates; -but these are all the endowments that the College has, and they are -not sufficient to enable it to compete on equal terms with the other -colleges in the offer of scholarships. - -The College has also received many advowsons, and is likely to do -useful service to the Church of England as patron of livings. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] From the old printed copy in Bodl. Bibl. MSS. Tanner 338, fol. 216. - -[2] _Annals of University College_, p. 339. - -[3] I have used Mr. William Smith’s rendering of these passages of -Matthew Paris. - -[4] This, as Mr. William Smith says, to whose printed volume and MSS. -preserved in the College archives, my obligations are so profuse that -henceforth I will not mention them in detail, was the sum allowed to -the Merton scholars also, and would in an ordinary year purchase twelve -and a half quarters of the best wheat. - -[5] This writ of King Richard is only entered on the back of the -ancient roll containing the French Petition, and is not upon Record. -(W. Smith’s _Annals_, p. 311.) - -[6] Mr. Wm. Rogers of Gloucestershire, a member of the College. The -speech spoken by Mr. Edw. Hales upon ye setting up of it was printed by -Dr. Charlett. Mr. Hales was afterwards killed at ye Boyne in Ireland -most couragiously fighting for his master King James. (Hearne by Doble, -II. p. 143.) - -[7] In the earlier part of this chapter I have been under constant -obligations to the old College history entitled _Balliofergus, or, -a Commentary upon the Foundation, Founders, and Affaires of Balliol -Colledge, Gathered out of the Records thereof, and other Antiquities. -With a brief Description of eminent Persons who have been formerly of -the same House._ By Henry Savage, Master of the said Colledge (Oxford -1668). I am also considerably indebted to Mr. Maxwell Lyte’s _History -of the University of Oxford_ (1886), and to the somewhat perfunctory -and ill-informed account of the College muniments given by Mr. H. -T. Riley in the appendix to the Fourth Report of the Historical -Manuscripts Commission (1874). The Statutes of the College are cited -from the edition prepared for the University Commission of 1850, and -published in 1853. In dealing with later times I have had the advantage -of a number of references kindly furnished me by Dr. G. B. Hill of -Pembroke College, Mr. C. E. Doble of Worcester College, and Mr. C. H. -Firth of Balliol College. Mr. Rashdall, of Hertford College, has been -so good as to look over the proof-sheets of this chapter; and, although -he is not to be held chargeable with any errors that may have escaped -him, I have to thank him for many corrections and suggestions. - -[8] The identification seems certain, though the name is suppressed in -the _Chronicon de Lanercost_ (ed. J. Stevenson, 1839), p. 69. - -[9] _Chron. de Mailros_, s. a. 1269. - -[10] _Statutes of Balliol College_, pp. v.-vii. - -[11] In this document we have for the first time the mention of the -_Master_ and Scholars of the House: Savage, p. 18. - -[12] See extracts from the deeds in Riley, p. 446. - -[13] 13 July 1293: ibid., p. 443. - -[14] See Savage, pp. 29 f.; Wood, _Hist. and Antiqq. of the Univ. of -Oxford_ (ed. Gutch), _Colleges and Halls_, pp. 73, 86 f. - -[15] In this document the head of the College is styled _Warden_ -(Riley, p. 443), a title which occurs in 1303 (Wood, _Colleges and -Halls_, p. 81), and which alternates with that of Master for some time -later. _President_ occurs in 1559; _Statutes_, p. 25. - -[16] Wood, _Hist. and Antiqq._ ii. 731-733. - -[17] Ibid., pp. 774 f. - -[18] Riley, pp. 442 f.; Wood, _Colleges and Halls_, p. 73. - -[19] _English Historical Review_, vi. (1891) 152 f. - -[20] _Dict. of Nat. Biogr._ xix. (1889) 194-198. - -[21] _Statutes of Balliol College_, pp. viii-xix. - -[22] It may be remarked that a grant of the year 1343 is noted by -Savage, p. 52, as the first among the College muniments in which the -name _Balliol_ is spelled with a single _l_. - -[23] See the extract from a letter of the Rectors, one a Doctor of -Divinity and the other a Franciscan, of 1433, given by Riley, p. 443 -_a_. - -[24] In 1433: Savage, pp. 64 f. - -[25] In 1477: ibid., p. 66. - -[26] _Statutes of Balliol College_, pp. 1-22; cf. Lyte, pp. 415 ff. - -[27] The eightpence a-week assigned them by the Statutes of -Dervorguilla had been raised to twelve pence so early as 1340, by Sir -William Felton’s benefactions, which also provided funds for clothes -and books (Savage, p. 38). It was now ordered that the sum should not -exceed 1_s._ 8_d._ Besides this Masters were to receive an annual -stipend of 20_s._ 8_d._; Bachelors, of 18_s._ 8_d._ (_Statutes_, p. 14). - -[28] Compare Savage, p. 74. - -[29] _Statutes_, pp. 38 f. - -[30] _Queen’s College Statutes_, p. 14. - -[31] We may remember that “between the years 1485 and 1507, Oxford was -visited by at least six great pestilences” (Lyte, p. 380). In 1486 we -find the Fellows of Magdalen sojourning at Witney and Harwell (not far -from Wantage) “tempore pestis.” Rogers, _Hist. of Agric. and Prices_, -iii. (1882) 680. - -[32] See W. W. Shirley, _Fasciculi Zizaniorum_ (1858), intr., pp. -xi-xv, 513-528; P. Lorimer, notes to Lechler’s _John Wiclif_ (ed. -1881), pp. 132-137; R. L. Poole, _Wycliffe and Movements for Reform_ -(1889), pp. 61-65. - -[33] _Dict. of Nat. Biogr._, xi. (1887) 157 f. - -[34] Lyte, p. 321. - -[35] W. D. Macray, _Ann. of the Bodl. Libr._ (2nd ed., 1890), pp. 6-11. - -[36] _Comment. de Scriptt. Brit._ (ed. A. Hall, Oxford 1709), p. 442. - -[37] _Scriptt. Brit. Catal._ (Basle 1557), viii. 2. - -[38] Leland, p. 460. - -[39] Wood, _Hist. and Antiqq. of the Univ. of Oxf., Colleges and -Halls_, p. 89; who notices (vol. ii. 107) that though Balliol Library -lost much in 1550, it also gained some of the spoils of Durham College -at the time of its dissolution. - -[40] The substance of the foregoing account is borrowed from the -writer’s article on Grey in the _Dict. of Nat. Biogr._ xxiii. (1890) -212f. - -[41] See, on the buildings and inscriptions, Savage, pp. 67-72, Wood, -_Coll. and Halls_, pp. 90-98. - -[42] Lyte, p. 326. - -[43] Savage, pp. 105-108. - -[44] Leland, pp. 475-481; Lyte, pp. 385 f.; _Briefwechsel des Beatus -Rhenanus_ (ed. A. Horawitz & K. Hartfelder, 1886), p. 72. - -[45] Lyte, p. 322. - -[46] Nevill supplicated for his B.A. degree in 1450: Anstey, _Munim. -Acad. Oxon._ (1868), p. 730 f. - -[47] _Reg. of the Univ. of Oxford_, i. (ed. C. W. Boase, 1885) 1. - -[48] Leland, pp. 466-468, 476; Lyte, pp. 384 f. - -[49] Tanner, _Bibl. Brit. Hib._ (1748), p. 598; Le Neve’s _Fast. Eccl. -Angl._ (ed. T. D. Hardy, Oxford 1854) i. 141. - -[50] Leland, p. 462 f. - -[51] _Dict. of Nat. Biogr._, xxiii. 351. - -[52] Already by Anthony Wood’s time “the old accompts” were lost; “So -A. W. was much put to a push, to find when learned men had been of that -coll.” _Life_ (ed. Bliss, Eccl. Hist. Soc., Oxford 1848), p. 144. So -too _Athen. Oxon._ (ed. Bliss) iii. 959. - -[53] Savage, pp. 74-77; Wood’s _City of Oxford_, ed. A. Clark, ii. 3; -P. Heylin’s _Cyprianus redivivus_ (1668), p. 208; Wood’s _Hist. and -Antiqq._ (ed. Gutch), ii. 677. - -[54] _Statutes_, p. 30. - -[55] P. 33. - -[56] P. 35. - -[57] Savage, p. 56. After 1718 the payment was made out of the College -revenues: _Statutes_, p. 36. - -[58] _Statutes_, p. 31. - -[59] Humphrey Prideaux, _Letters to John Ellis_ (ed. E. M. Thompson, -Camden Society, 1875), pp. 12 f., under date 23 August 1674. - -[60] _Statutes_, pp. 61-66. - -[61] In 1677 the library was increased by the gift of “one of the best -private librarys in England” (Prideaux, p. 61), from the bequest of -Sir Thomas Wendy of Haselingfield, sometime gentleman commoner of the -College. In 1673 these books were valued at £600: Wood, _Colleges and -Halls_, p. 90. - -[62] _Statutes_, pp. 25-28. - -[63] Ibid., pp. 45-50. - -[64] Savage, pp. 85-87. - -[65] See Wood, _Colleges and Halls_, pp. 616-619. - -[66] _Statutes_, pp. 40-45, 50-56. In 1676 the number was increased to -two Fellows and two Scholars. - -[67] Ibid., pp. 57-61. The endowment provided for the erection of -lodgings for the Periam Fellow and Scholars, and the foundress’s name -is still remembered in connection with one of the buildings of the -College. - -[68] The College benefactors, down to John Warner, are enumerated by -Wood, _Colleges and Halls_, pp. 75-80. - -[69] _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_, from the MSS. -of John Ramsay of Ochtertyre (ed. A. Allardyce, 1888), ii. 307 note. - -[70] See above, pp. 26 f., 37. - -[71] Savage, p. 77; Wood, _Colleges and Halls_, p. 99. - -[72] _Life_, p. 143. - -[73] Savage, p. 68. - -[74] See an account of them by the Rev. C. H. Grinling in the -_Proceedings of the Oxf. Archit. and Hist. Society_, new series, iv. -137-140. The windows in their original situation are described by -Savage, pp. 77 f., and Wood, _Coll. and Halls_, pp. 100-102. - -[75] Wood’s _Coll. and Halls_, p. 88, and _City of Oxford_, ed. A. -Clark, i. (1889) 634 note 8. - -[76] Savage, pp. 61, 79-81; cf. Wood’s _City of Oxford_, i. 372. - -[77] P. V[ernon], _Oxonium Poema_, 18. - -[78] Wood, _Coll. and Halls_, p. 87, with Gutch’s note. - -[79] See Wood, p. 99, and the plan in W. Williams’ _Oxonia Depicta_ -[1732]. - -[80] _Reg. Univ._, i. (ed. Boase), pref., p. xxiii. - -[81] _Reg. Univ._, ii. (ed. Clark) pt. ii. pp. 30, 31. - -[82] Gutch, _Collect. curiosa_ (Oxford, 1781), i. 200. - -[83] _Reg. Univ._, ii. pt. ii. 412. - -[84] Wood, _Hist. and Antiqq._ ii. 365. - -[85] In these last two totals Commoners of more than four years’ -standing have been omitted. The lists in the Calendar are moreover -always slightly in excess of the truth, since they take no account of -occasional non-residence. An unofficial census taken by the _Oxford -Magazine_ of 4 February, 1891, gives the number of undergraduates in -residence as 158. - -[86] Savage, pp. 119-121; Evelyn, _Memoirs_ (ed. W. Bray, 1827), i. 13 -f. - -[87] See above, p. 42. - -[88] Savage, pp. 85 f.; _Calendar of State Papers_, Domestic Series, -1623-1625 (1859), p. 383. - -[89] Heylin, p. 215. - -[90] _Memoirs_, i. 12-16. - -[91] Gutch, _Collect. cur._, i. 227; Wood’s _Life_, p. 14 note, where -the editor observes that the College retained a chalice of 1614. - -[92] _Register of the Visitors_ (ed. M. Burrows, Camden Society, 1881), -pp. 167, 188, and introd. pp. cxxv, cxxvi. - -[93] See the list, ibid., pp. 478 f., and the references there given. - -[94] Riley (p. 444) dismisses this book as “a vapid and superficial -production”; but there is little doubt that Savage had the assistance -in it of no less an antiquary than Anthony Wood. See his _Life_, pp. -104-108, 143 f., 157. When Wood speaks disparagingly of Savage, it must -be remembered that he had himself proposed to write a work on a similar -plan: _Athen. Oxon._ (ed. Bliss, 1817), iii. 959. - -[95] _Reg. of Visit._, p. 4. - -[96] _Athen. Oxon._, iii. 1154. - -[97] _Letters_, pp. 12 f. - -[98] The sign of the house is understood to have been a double-headed -eagle. - -[99] Dr. Bathurst, President of Trinity, Vice-Chancellor, 1673-1676. - -[100] _Letters_, pp. 13 f., under date 23 August, 1674. - -[101] _Life of Ralph Bathurst_ (1761), p. 203. - -[102] Gutch, _Collect. cur._, i. 195. - -[103] The Master at this time was Good’s successor, John Venn, who -married “an ancient maid,” niece to the first Earl of Clarendon. - -[104] W. D. Christie, _Life of Shaftesbury_ (1871), ii. 390-401. - -[105] Riley, p. 451. - -[106] _Reliqq. Hearn_, iii. 308. - -[107] _Terrae Filius_, 1733 (2nd ed.), pp. 5f. - -[108] J. R. M’Colloch, _Life of Dr. Smith_, prefixed to the _Wealth of -Nations_ (ed. Edinburgh, 1828), i. p. xvi. - -[109] _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_, ii. 307 note. - -[110] J. Pointer, _Oxoniensis Academia_ (1749), i. 11. Hearne mentions -a custom which had been given up at Merton since Wood’s time, but which -partially survived “at Brazenose and Balliol coll., and no where else -that I know of. I take the original thereof to have been a custom they -had formerly for the young men to say something of their founders and -benefactors, so that the custom was originally very laudable, however -afterwards turned into ridicule:” _Reliqq. Hearn_, iii. 76. - -[111] R. Blacow, _Letter to William King_, 1755. The whole story is -told by Dr. G. B. Hill, _Dr. Johnson, his Friends and his Critics_ -(1878), pp. 68-72. - -[112] _Life and Correspondence_ (ed. C. C. Southey, 1849), i. 164, 170, -177, 203, 211 f., 215, 176 note. - -[113] G. V. Cox, _Recollections of Oxford_ (1868), p. 191. - -[114] Letter of 15 November 1807, in J. Veitch’s _Memoir of Sir W. -Hamilton_ (1869), p. 30. - -[115] Letter of J. Traill, quoted, ibid., p. 44. - -[116] Letter of G. R. Gleig, quoted, ibid., p. 53. - -[117] _Discussions_, p. 750, quoted, ibid., p. 52. - -[118] _Memoir_, p. 30. - -[119] _Statutes_, pp. 38 f. - -[120] Ibid., p. 39. - -[121] W. Ward, _William George Ward and the Oxford Movement_ (1889), -pp. 429-431; cf. p. 343, &c. - -[122] Quoted in Wood’s _City of Oxford_ (ed. A. Clark), i. 632. Cf. C. -Wordsworth, _University Life in the Eighteenth Century_ (1874), p. 161. - -[123] The writer of this chapter is, of course, indebted to his own -_Memorials of Merton College_, published in 1885, in the Oxford -Historical Society’s series; but has revised afresh the results of his -former researches, with the aid of new materials. - -[124] Subsequently called Cornwall Lane, from its proximity to the -Western College. It is now inclosed within the site of the College. - -[125] From the _Life of Conant_, by his son. - -[126] The “moderator” presided over the disputation, seeing that the -disputants observed the rules of reasoning, and giving his opinion on -the discussion, and on the arguments which had been advanced in it, in -a concluding speech. - -[127] John Conybeare, Fellow of Exeter, 1710; Rector, 1730; Dean of -Christ Church, 1733; Bishop of Bristol, 1750. - -[128] The pre-eminence of Merton, its conspicuous buildings, and its -wealth, seem to have distinguished it as “the College,” until it found -a rival in the “New College” of William of Wykeham. - -[129] The seal at present in use is believed to be the original seal of -the College. The upper part represents the Annunciation; below under an -arcade is the kneeling figure of Adam de Brome. Round the edge is the -legend “Sy. Comune Domus Scholarium Beate Marie Oxon.” - -The only other memorial of its foundation which the College possesses -is its founder’s cup, given to it, according to the College tradition, -by King Edward the Second; though an entry in the Treasurer’s accounts -recording the purchase in December 1493 for £4 18_s._ 1_d._, of a -standing gilt cup marked with E and S, and a cover to the same, is in -favour of its belonging to a later date. - -[130] The Hospital itself was also intended to be a place to which -members of the Society could remove, in case of sickness or pestilence, -into a purer air than that of Oxford. - -[131] To enable the College to take these additional endowments, a -further license in mortmain to the extent of ten pounds a year was -granted, 14th March, 1327. - -[132] See page 94. - -[133] Hawkesworth was one of the first Fellows of Queen’s, nominated by -the original Statutes in 1341; but as the ground on which his election -was annulled is expressly stated to be its informality and not any -defect in the person chosen, he was probably also connected with the -College either as Fellow or ex-Fellow. He appears as acting on the -College behalf in 1341. - -[134] It has been printed in the Oxford Historical Society’s -_Collectanea_, vol. i. p. 59. - -[135] In Wood’s list, both Symon and Byrche are entered as of -University College; but there is little doubt that they both belonged -to Oriel. - -[136] These two manors adjoin one another, but are entirely independent -and in distinct parishes; they appear, however, as held together at the -time of the Domesday Survey, and never to have parted company since -that date. - -[137] In his account of this building Wood must for once have fallen -asleep, or he would not have suggested that the letters O. C. (Oriel -College) were inscribed by “the Saints, in honour of their great -Commander.” But such is the vitality of error that this absurd blunder -is copied without correction into every guide-book for Oxford, and -actually reappears in the note prefixed to a very careful account of -the Hospital, published by the Oxford Architectural Society. - -[138] _I. e._ take this, and prosper. To “grow thrifty” in the sense -of to thrive seems to have been used in America as late as 1851, (Dr. -Smith’s Latin Dictionary, preface, p. vii.) - -[139] _State Papers, Domestic_, Elizabeth xvii. p. 57. _Letter of -Francis and others to Cecill_, 11 May, 1561. - -[140] See Carleton’s _Life of Gilpin_. - -[141] On the election of Joseph Browne, who succeeded Provost Smith in -1756. See _Letters of Radcliffe and James_ (Oxford Historical Society, -ix.), p. xxiii. - -[142] _I. e._ to an ecclesiastical benefice. - -[143] See _State Papers, Domestic_, Elizabeth, vol. 271, 49, March, -1601. - -[144] P. 129. - -[145] Sir Richard Richards, 1776; Sir William Carpenter Rowe, 1827; -William Basil Tickell Jones, 1848; Thomas William Lancaster, 1809; -James Garbett, 1824; Adam Storey Farrar, 1852; Edward Feild, 1825; -Samuel Thornton, 1859; Robert Gaudell, 1845. The dates are of election -to Fellowship. Sir William Wightman, Justice of the Court of Queen’s -Bench, and Henry John Chitty Harper, Metropolitan of New Zealand, were -also on this foundation, but never Fellows. - -[146] Those reading “Logic,” termed “sophistae.” - -[147] “Artista,” a student (here probably a Master) in the faculty of -Arts. - -[148] Students not yet advanced to the study of Logic. - -[149] The study of theology began two years after the attainment of the -M.A. degree. - -[150] See Tobie Matthew’s letter to Lord Burghley in _State Papers, -Addenda_, Elizabeth, xxxii. 89, Oct. 16, 1593, and Boast’s life in -_Dict. of Nat. Biog._ - -[151] Except to the grammar-boys at Merton, and the “poor boys” at -Queen’s. - -[152] The following details are from Anstey’s _Munimenta Academica_, -pp. 241, _seqq._ - -[153] Anstey’s _Munimenta Academica_, p. 286. - -[154] In the fifteenth century Cicero or a classical poet might be -substituted. Some other alternatives are omitted. - -[155] See Wood’s _Annals_ (edit. Gutch), ii. p. 292; Ayliffe, ii. p. -316. - -[156] See Professor Montagu Burrows’ delightful _Memoir of Grocyn_ in -the Oxford Historical Society’s _Collectanea_, vol. ii. - -[157] A few Gentleman-commoners educated at Winchester had been -admitted to the College earlier. Among these, but only for a very -short time, was the Sir Henry Wotton who still lives in Izaac Walton’s -_Lives_. - -[158] G. V. Cox, _Recollections of Oxford_ (1870), p. 50. - -[159] These “Sunday pence” were paid in all Oxford parishes. In 1525 -payment was disputed; and in the test case between Lincoln College, -as rector of All Saints church, and William Potycarye alias Clerke of -All Saints parish, payment was enforced under penalty of “the greater -excommunication.” Several tenements in Oxford continue to this day to -pay to their parish church quit-rents of 4_s._ 8_d._ representing these -old “Sunday pence.” Their owners have the satisfaction of knowing that -these tenements represent the most ancient holdings in Oxford. - -[160] On 13th Dec., 1432, in the time of the first rector, the -celebrated Thomas Gascoigne gave twelve MSS. to the library. - -[161] Mr. Maxwell Lyte, in his _History of the University of Oxford_, -has taken for the original the seventeenth century copy on the south -side of the quadrangle, which was put there by a married Head to cloak -his annexation of College rooms. - -[162] In memory of this occasion the vine was probably planted which in -Loggan’s picture (1675) is seen spreading over the west front of the -hall; the successors of which in the chapel quadrangle and the kitchen -passage still in sunny years bear plentiful clusters. - -[163] Robert Parkinson, _ut supra_. Rotheram’s arms are carved on the -north wall of this building. In the herald’s certificate of 1574, they -are given as “vert, three stags trippant two and one or.” They are -nowadays generally blazoned wrongly. - -[164] The final deed of incorporation is dated 20th Nov., 1478. - -[165] Among the rest Dagville’s Inn (now the Mitre), which was already -an ancient inn when Dagville inherited it from his uncle. - -[166] The provocation was both wanton and fatuous. On 24th Aug., 1717, -Crewe began to execute in his lifetime the provisions of his will, -viz. to pay to the Rector £20 per annum, to each of the twelve Fellows -and to each of the four Chaplains £10 per annum, to the bible-clerk -and eight Scholars together £54 6_s._ 8_d._ per annum; and to each of -twelve Exhibitioners founded by him £20 per annum. On the 27th June, -1719, the Rectorship fell vacant; the Fellows asked Crewe to state who -he wished to succeed. He twice refused; but on being asked the third -time said, “William Lupton,” Fellow since 1698. On 18th July, 1719, the -Fellows, by nine votes to three, elected into the Rectorship not Lupton -but John Morley! - -[167] In 1537 the full number of Rector, twelve Foundation and three -Darby Fellows is found; again in 1587; and again in 1595. In 1606 the -Visitor allows the number of Fellows to be twelve only, and thereafter -that number is never exceeded. - -[168] Of the three persons nominated by Darby in 1538 as his first -Fellows, two, William Villers (his kinsman) and Richard Gill, were -undergraduates. One nomination of this kind was eminently unsuccessful; -Walter Pitts, nominated by the Visitor in 1568 to the Darby Fellowship -for Oxfordshire, was removed in 1573 because he had repeatedly -failed to get his degree. The Parliamentary Visitors in 1650 put -undergraduates into Fellowships in Lincoln College; one of these, John -Taverner, in 1652 was fined 13_s._ 4_d._, “for swearing two oaths, as -did appear upon testimony.” - -[169] When the number of Fellowships was reduced by treating the -three Darby Fellowships not as additional to, but as taking the place -of three of, the Foundation Fellowships, the Stowe Fellowship was -substituted for one of the Lincoln county Fellowships, the other two -for two of the Lincoln diocese Fellowships. With this modification the -regulations about counties and dioceses were very faithfully observed -in elections to Fellowships, until these limitations were all swept -away by the Commission of 1854. - -[170] The Visitor (John Williams, who had built the new chapel), in -1631, discontinued this (except the procession on All Saints day). -The procession on All Saints day has been discontinued under another -Visitor’s Order of 6th Feb., 1867. - -[171] These two services were changed at the Reformation to a sermon; -the appointment of a preacher for this sermon was discontinued about -1750. - -[172] The first of these sermons was assigned to the Rector by statute, -the second by custom. - -[173] The earliest College duty assigned to John Wesley, after his -election to a Fellowship at Lincoln, was to preach the St. Michael’s -sermon on Michaelmas Day 1726. - -[174] B.A. Fellows might not have theological works, but only works in -philosophy and logic. - -[175] Rectors, suffering under the despotism of too efficient -Subrectors, have accused this officer of mis-spelling his alternative -title and regarding himself as _Co-rector_. - -[176] The barber’s duties were at first to supply the clean shave, the -tonsure, and the close crop which became “clerks.” In later ages more -extravagant fashions in hair added to his labour. At the close of the -eighteenth century he had to dress for dinner the heads of all the -College in the pomp of powder and the vanity of queue. Beginning about -noon with the junior Commoner, he concluded with the senior Fellow -on the stroke of three, when the bell rang for dinner. The higher, -therefore, you were in College standing, the longer was the time -available for your morning walk, and the ampler the gossip of the day -with which you were entertained. - -[177] If any one wishes a modern parallel, he may note how Oxford -became filled with Jacobites ejected from their country cures within -two or three years of the imposition of the Oath of Allegiance to -William and Mary. - -[178] Their Catholic sympathies are evident from the Colleges to which -they made their benefactions. Neither in Lincoln College under John -Bridgwater, nor in Caius College under John Caius, was a young Romanist -in any danger of being converted to Protestantism. - -[179] Several entries show that their position was inferior to that of -a Commoner, and involved menial service in College. In 1661 we have an -entry--“Whereas Henry Rose, a scholar, did lately officiate as porter, -and had no allowance for his pains,” he is to be excused the College -fee for taking B.A. In Feb. 1661-2 these Traps’ exhibitioners were -exempted from some College charges on consideration of their waiting at -the Fellows’ table. - -[180] As “Commissary,” _i. e._ Vice-chancellor, of the University -from 1527 to 1532, Cottisford had been set to several painful pieces -of duty, in the discovery and arrest of Lutheran members of the -University. Thus in 1527 Thomas Garret was arrested by the Proctors and -imprisoned in Cottisford’s rooms: but his friends stole into College -when Cottisford, with the rest of the College, was in chapel at Evening -Prayers, and enabled him to effect his escape. This “Lollard’s” ghost, -oddly enough, was at one time supposed to haunt the gateway-tower. - -[181] On only two other occasions is this silence broken; the next is -in 1633, when the register notes that the King was at Woodstock, and -that the Rector had forbidden undergraduates to go there; the latest -is a notice of the grief of the nation on the death of the Princess -Charlotte, and of the services in the College chapel on the day of her -funeral. - -[182] There is some suspicion that about this time the Government had -a paid spy in College. In Sept. 1566 an Anthony Marcham, of Lincoln -College, writes to Cecil asking money, otherwise he will be unable to -stay on in Oxford (_Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series_). - -[183] There is, of course, the usual legend that Rotheram built this -addition as “conscience-money” for his defalcations as Bursar. - -[184] The Rotherams of Luton in Bedfordshire were descended from the -Archbishop’s brother, to whom he had bequeathed that estate. - -[185] Baker’s _History of St. John’s, Cambridge_ (edit. Mayor), p. 208. - -[186] The intrusive dog occurs several times in College orders. -The most noteworthy entry is perhaps that of 30th June, 1726:--“No -gentleman-commoner, or commoner, whether graduate or undergraduate, -shall keep a dog within the College. The Bursar is required to see that -all dogs be kept out of the Hall at meal-times.” - -[187] Previously, the College meetings had been held in the Rector’s -lodgings. - -[188] The rooms which Wesley occupied in College are said, by -tradition, to be those over the passage from the first quadrangle into -the chapel quadrangle. - -[189] This sermon, esquire-bedell G. V. Cox notes, was “two and a half -hours long,” and the sitting it out made a vacancy in the headship of a -College. - -[190] Tatham’s broad Yorkshire dialect gave a tone of vigorous -rusticity to his speech. - -[191] I understand that it was not destroyed, but passed into private -possession. The recovery, after so many years, of the Brasenose “brasen -nose” forbids Lincoln to despair of yet getting back its overseer. - -[192] Throughout this chapter I must acknowledge my indebtedness to -Professor Burrows’ invaluable _Worthies of All Souls_. I must also -mention that both the Warden of All Souls and Professor Burrows have -been good enough to look through these pages, and have kept me from -many pitfalls. The Warden furnished me with much information in the -later pages of this chapter which would have been quite inaccessible -without his help. - -[193] _Worthies_, p. 32. - -[194] Capi-tolium. A horrible derivation! - -[195] See page 226. - -[196] The effigy on Richard Patten’s monument has been described as -showing the dress of a merchant; but there does not seem to be anything -in the costume which would indicate unmistakably the status of the -wearer. The monument, formerly in the old Church of All Saints at -Wainfleet, was removed to Oxford by the Society of Magdalen College to -preserve it from destruction on the demolition of the church, in 1820. -It is now placed in the little oratory on the north side of the choir -of the College chapel. - -[197] This Hall is of course to be distinguished from the later society -of the same name, which was at first a dependency of Magdalen College, -and afterwards became a separate foundation. - -[198] Another duty incumbent upon the members of the Hospital was the -preaching of a sermon _ad populum_ on St. John Baptist’s Day. This, -with certain other duties, was transferred to the College. The sermon -was at one time preached as a rule from the stone pulpit in the corner -of what is now called St. John’s Quadrangle; but the stone pulpit was -not always employed even in early times. Thus in 1495 there is a record -of a payment of 4_d._ to “four poor scholars” for bringing a pulpit -from New College for St. John Baptist’s Day, and taking it back again. -In the early part of the eighteenth century the sermon was preached -in the chapel if the day chanced to be wet; and what was then the -exception has become the rule. - -[199] This name was given to the scholars who received half the -allowance given to Fellows. It appears to have been in current use at -the time when the founder’s statutes were drawn up. - -[200] This priory, originally a dependency of St. Florence at Saumur, -was made “denizen” in 1396, before the alien priories were suppressed. - -[201] An Augustinian Priory, founded by Peter des Roches, Bishop of -Winchester, in 1233. It was suppressed by Waynflete, after several -attempts had been made to reform it. - -[202] Neither the benefaction of Henry VII. nor his annual -commemoration has any connection with the custom of singing a Latin -hymn on the Tower at sunrise on May-day. Two accounts of the origin of -this custom, which allege such a connection, have often been repeated -and sometimes confused: (1) That Mass was formerly said at an early -hour on May 1st upon the top of the Tower for Henry VII., and that the -hymn is a survival from this service. (2) That the sum paid by the -Rectory of Slymbridge to the College was intended for the maintenance -of the custom of singing on the Tower. Of the first of these accounts -it may be said that there is no evidence of any celebration of Mass on -the Tower (a thing _à priori_ highly improbable) at any time; and that -the hymn, which now forms part of the College “Grace,” is probably a -composition of the seventeenth century, and is certainly not part of -the Requiem Mass according to the rite of Sarum, or any other rite. Of -the second account it may be said that the deeds relating to Slymbridge -show clearly that the payment was not intended for this purpose, to -which it was never applied. The present custom of singing the hymn -from the “Grace” originated, it is believed, in the last century on -an occasion when the former custom of performing secular music on the -Tower was interrupted by bad weather. The hymn was probably chosen as a -substitute because the choir were perfectly familiar with its words and -music. The details of the ceremony as it is at present performed were -arranged about fifty years from the present time. - -[203] The Tower was begun in 1492, and finished in 1507. The theory -which ascribes to Wolsey the credit of being its designer rests on no -secure foundation. At the time when it was begun he was not more than -twenty-one years of age. The legend that he left Oxford in consequence -of some misapplication of the College funds in connection with this -work, is perhaps still less trustworthy. He was twice bursar during the -progress of the building, being third bursar in 1498 and senior bursar -in 1499-1500. In the former year he also held the post of Master of -the College School, and was for some time absent from Oxford, acting -as tutor to the sons of the Marquis of Dorset. The accounts for this -year are preserved, and show no sign of any transaction of the kind -alleged. The accounts of 1499-1500 are now lost; but it may be remarked -that in 1500 Wolsey was appointed to the office of Dean of Divinity, -which would hardly have been the case if the College had had reason to -complain of his conduct as bursar. - -[204] Some members of the College, including apparently several of -those who had withdrawn at the accession of Mary, were ejected by Bp. -Gardiner at a Visitation in 1553. - -[205] There is an interesting brass in the College chapel bearing the -effigy of President Cole, now concealed by the steps at the lectern. - -[206] The elms now in the grove were planted soon after the -Restoration, in 1661 or 1662. The walks round the meadow were laid out -in their present shape rather later. - -[207] Frewen was one of the few bishops who outlived the Commonwealth -period. He was afterwards Archbishop of York. Warner, Bishop of -Rochester, another of the bishops who returned from exile, was also -a member of Magdalen College, and a considerable benefactor to its -library. - -[208] This organ is now, or was till quite lately, in the Abbey Church -at Tewkesbury. Cromwell has left a curious memorial of his presence in -a note written on the fly-leaf of a copy of Bp. Hall’s Treatises, still -in the College Library. - -[209] _Spectator_, No. 494. - -[210] The names of those who returned are engraved on a cup known as -the “Restoration Cup,” which is used as a “Grace-cup” in the Hall -on the 29th of May. The same cup is used on the 25th of October to -commemorate the Restoration of the President and Fellows, who were -ejected in 1687, and restored just before the Revolution, on Oct. 25th, -1688. The same “toast” is employed on both occasions--_Jus suum cuique_. - -[211] It has been related with some picturesque detail, but with -substantial accuracy, by Macaulay: and it is more completely treated in -the sixth volume of the publications of the Oxford Historical Society. - -[212] Oxf. Hist. Soc. _Collectanea_, II. (1890), pp. 147-8; see the -_English Historical Review_, Apr. 1891. - -[213] In like manner the position of the head of the earliest College -(Merton) was rather that of a Bursar than a Master, a _gardianus -bonorum_ more than _scholarium_. - -[214] Wood’s _History of the University of Oxford_, ii. 755-7. The name -of Brasenose occurs in the well-known forged charter which professes to -be of the date 1219. - -[215] Wood’s _History_, ii. 756. - -[216] See Peck’s _History of Stamford_, which contains an engraving -of the gateway and knocker. The latter is perhaps more accurately -described as a door handle. - -[217] See the Proceedings of the Oxford Architectural and Historical -Society for November 18th, 1890. The site of the Hall with the gateway -and knocker was purchased by Brasenose College in 1890, and the -eponymous Brazen Nose itself is now fixed in a place of honour in the -College hall. - -[218] Until 1827 every candidate for a degree at Oxford took an oath -“Tu jurabis, quod non leges nec audies [deliver or attend lectures] -Stanfordiæ, tanquam in Universitate, Studio vel Collegio generali.” - -[219] _Register of the Visitors_, ed. Burrows (Camd. Soc. N.S. xxix.), -1881, p. cxxi. - -[220] _Life of Scott_, 1837, i. 374. - -[221] The printed editions run-- - - “No workman steel, no ponderous axes rung; - Like some tall palm the noiseless fabric sprung.” - -[222] _Odds and Ends_, 1872, p. 108: F. G. Lee’s _Glimpses of the -Supernatural_, 1872, vol. ii. p. 207. The story there told of a sudden -death at a club meeting, and a simultaneous appearance in Brasenose of -a fiend dragging a man out of the window through the bars, is probably -a mixture of two incidents, the death of a woman who had been given -brandy out of a Brasenose window on Dec. 5, 1827, and the death of the -President of the H. F. Club in 1834, which closed the career of that -society, between which and the Phœnix there was no connection whatever. -The story has now become a commonplace of fiction, to judge by the way -in which it occurs dressed up in Maltese surroundings in _Blackwood’s -Magazine_, Feb. 1891. - -[223] Printed incorrectly in _Blackwood’s Magazine_, vol. liv. (1843). - -[224] _The Eights._ - -Brasenose has started head boat since 1837, when the Eights records -become complete:-- - - *1839 (1 day) - *1840 (9) - 1841 (4) - *1845 (6) - *1846 (8) - 1847 (7) - *1852 (7) - *1853 (8) - *1854 (8) - 1855 (7) - *1865 (2) - *1866 (7) - *1867 (8) - 1868 (2) - *1876 (7) - 1877 (2) - *1889 (5) - *1890 (6) - *1891 (6) - - * In these years it left off Head of the River. - -In all 110 days; the next highest number being 63 (University). The -boat has never held a lower position than ninth. Of the earlier years -between 1815 and 1836, B.N.C. left off head at least in 1815, 1822, -1826, 1827. - -_The Torpids._ - -Brasenose has started head boat since 1852, when the Torpids were first -rowed in the Lent Term:-- - - *1852 (3 days) - 1853 (5) - 1854 (4) - 1859 (2) - *1861 (5) - *1862 (6) - 1863 (5) - *1866 (5) - 1867 (2) - *1874 (2) - *1875 (6) - 1876 (1) - 1882 (2) - 1883 (3) - *1886 (4) - *1887 (6) - *1888 (6) - *1889 (6) - *1890 (6) - *1891 (6) - - * In these years it left off Head of the River. - -In all 85 days; the next highest number being 59 (Exeter). The boat has -never fallen lower than the eighth place. Between 1839 and 1851, when -the Torpids were rowed after the Eights, B.N.C. left off head at least -in 1842, 1845, 1850 and 1851. - -[225] In Parker’s _Handbook to Oxford_ is noticed the singularly -beautiful effect of the sun shining on summer evenings through both the -west and east windows, when viewed from Radcliffe Square. - -[226] The reputed founder of Little University Hall: it is believed -that the “King’s Hall” in the formal title of B.N.C. is a reference to -Alfred; but he, Henry VIII., and Victoria may be regarded as equally -claiming the Royal Arms which face the High Street. - -[227] A Life of Foxe, prefixed to his episcopal register at Wells, by -Mr. Chisholm Batten, passed through the press simultaneously with my -article. The two lives are perfectly independent of one another, and -neither had been seen by the author of the other, though Mr. Batten and -I had interchanged information on certain points. I am glad to say that -I believe there is no material fact in Foxe’s Life in regard to which -we differ. - -[228] See the chapter on Trinity College. - -[229] This word = “kissing,” alluding to the amatory propensities of -some of the monks of the time. It is often wrongly printed “buzzing.” - -[230] Thus, in speaking of the three readers of Theology, Greek, and -Latin, he says:--“Decernimus igitur intra nostrum alvearium tres -herbarios peritissimos in omne aevum constituere, qui stirpes, herbas, -tum fructu tum usu praestantissimas, in eo plantent et conserant, ut -apes ingeniosae e toto gymnasio Oxoniensi convolantes ex eo exugere -atque excerpere poterunt.” - -[231] And yet there are, in the College Library, two copies of Horace, -and one each of Homer, Herodotus, and Plato (see above), all given by -the Founder himself. - -[232] Ac caeteros, ut tempore, ita doctrina, longe posteriores. - -[233] “Ut intus operentur mellifici nec evocentur ad vilia, decernimus -ut sint quidam ab opere mellifico liberi et aliis obsequiis dediti. -Verumtamen, si quispiam eorum mellifico voluerit imitari, duplicem -merebitur coronam”; Statut. cap. 17. In cap. 37 the lecturers are -required to admit the “ministri Sacelli” and “famuli Collegii” to their -lectures, without charge. - -[234] There can be no doubt that, at this period and subsequently, -the College servants were often matriculated and proceeded to their -degrees. And, as they were entered in the College books not by their -names but by their offices, this is one reason why it is often so -difficult to trace a student of those times to his College. - -[235] In the years 1649-52, there are several entries in the “Register -of Punishments” to the effect that scholars or clerks are “put out of -commons” for refusing to wait in hall. At that time, therefore, there -must have been a feeling that the practice was irksome or degrading. - -[236] See the Statutes of Jesus College, Cambridge, chap. xx., where -they are limited to two in a day, and, on each occasion, to a pint of -beer and a piece of bread. - -[237] In a list of Greek Readers given by Fulman (Fulman MSS., Vol. -X.), David Edwards is mentioned as preceding Wotton, but, possibly, he -held the appointment only temporarily, or there may be some confusion -in the matter. - -[238] Both these dials have now disappeared. The large and very curious -dial now in Corpus quadrangle was constructed by Charles Turnbull, a -native of Lincolnshire, in 1605. - -[239] In addition to the assistance he received from his College (as -an academical clerk), from his uncle, and (in the earlier part of his -career) from Bishop Jewel, who died in 1571, we find that Hooker, on no -less than five occasions, was assisted out of the benefaction of Robert -Nowell, who had left to trustees a sum of money to be distributed -amongst poor scholars in Oxford. One of these entries is peculiarly -touching:--“To Richard hooker of Corpus christie college the xiith of -februarye Anno 1571 to bringe him to Oxforde iis vid.” This date is -probably that of his return to Oxford after a visit to his parents -at Exeter on recovering from a serious illness, the circumstances of -which, including his affecting interview with Jewel at Salisbury, -are so feelingly told in Walton’s Life. _The Spending of the Money -of Robert Nowell_ (brother of Alexander Nowell, Dean of St. Paul’s), -which contains some most curious and interesting entries, is one of the -Towneley Hall MSS., and was edited, for private circulation only, by -the Rev. A. B. Grosart in 1877. - -[240] Wood’s _Annals_, _sub anno_ 1568. - -[241] The Visitors. - -[242] From a table in Burrows’ _Register of the Visitors_ (Camden -Society), pp. 494-6, it may be calculated that the proportion of those -who were expelled to those who remained was probably about four to one. - -[243] My attention was directed to the rare book, which contains this -account, by Mr. C. H. Firth of Balliol College. It is entitled _The -Private Memoirs of John Potenger, Esq., edited by C. W. Bingham_, and -was published by Hamilton, Adams & Co. in 1841. - -[244] And yet, at the date of his admission, he was more than 16 -years old. Even in the early part of the present century, there were -many admissions of scholars younger than Potenger. John Keble, when -admitted, was only 14 years 7 months old; his brother, Thomas Keble, 14 -years 5 months; Thomas Arnold, 15 years 8 months; and R. G. Macmullen, -who was admitted in 1828, was actually under 14, his age being 13 years -11 months. During the first thirty or forty years of this century, 15 -and 16 were not uncommon ages for the admission of scholars at Corpus; -and, in addition to the cases cited above, there were occasional -instances of admission at 14. Even then, however, the age was most -frequently 17 or 18. - -[245] _Memoirs of R. L. Edgeworth, Esq._, in two vols., 1820. -My attention was kindly directed to this book by the Rev. R. G. -Livingstone of Pembroke College. - -[246] That, in 1665, Monmouth resided in Corpus is distinctly stated by -Wood [MS. D. 19 (3)]: “Sept. 25, 1665, the king and duke of Monmouth -came from Salisbury to Oxon. … The king lodged himself in Xt Ch. … and -the duke of Monmouth and his dutchess at C. C. Coll.” They probably -continued in Corpus till Jan. 27 following, when “the king with his -retinue went from Oxon to Hampton.” I am indebted to the Rev. A. Clark -for this reference to Wood’s MS. - -[247] _Life of Archdeacon Phelps_, Hatchards, 1871. - -[248] The story of St. Frideswide and of the convent built in her -honour is very fully and quaintly told by Anthony à Wood. See Wood’s -_City of Oxford_ (edit. Clark), vol. ii. p. 122. - -[249] See Boase, _Oxford_, p. 3. - -[250] See, however, the note at the end of this chapter. - -[251] Boase, p. 48. - -[252] Sir Gilbert Scott is convinced that this is the original design, -and no alteration. However, Dr. Ingram should be read (at p. 18 of his -_Memorials of Oxford_), where he asserts a Norman superposition of the -upper arches, and the Saxon construction of the lower shafts up to the -half-capitals. His writings are founded on careful personal study of -the structure in his time. - -[253] The hall staircase, with its palm-shaped column (which is, in -fact, more like a banyan-tree, as it is virtually a pendant from -the vaulted roof), is the principal architectural addition of the -seventeenth century; and, with Wadham College, is its most beautiful -work in Oxford. - -[254] The lower portion only; the upper part, containing the great bell -(“Great Tom”), is Wren’s. - -[255] Late in Elizabeth’s reign; confirmed by private Act of -Parliament, A.D. 1601. - -[256] The organ must have been placed between the nave and choir, in -the old order so well remembered and regretted by old Christ Church -men, who must still acknowledge the great improvement of these latter -days. - -[257] John Cottisford, Rector of Lincoln College; not the Bishop of -Lincoln ordinary of the University, and executioner of Clark. - -[258] John London, Warden of New College; who, however, behaved with -sense and kindness during the later proceedings of Wolsey’s persecution. - -[259] See Wood’s _City of Oxford_ (edit. Clark), vol. ii. p. 220. -Twenty shillings was paid for its conveyance from Oseney to Christ -Church in Sept. 1545, with the rest of the peal (_ibid._ p. 228). Their -names are contained in the following hexameter; and many Latin verses -of equal melody have been composed in their immediate vicinity-- - - “Hautclere, Douce, Clement, Austin, Marie, Gabriel et John.” - -[260] Now Bishop of Peterborough. - -[261] His mind on the matter is fully given in _Stones of Venice_, vol. -ii. p. 158 _sqq._ A new volume by Mr. Cooke, New College, on Professor -Ruskin’s work in Oxford, is said to contain an excellent account of his -later University work. See also his many published lectures. - -[262] Note by Professor Westwood. “The age of a particular MS. being -ascertained, we are able approximately to determine also the age of -the stone or ivory carvings or metal chasings whose art is completely -identical with the designs in the MS.” See _Pentateuch of Ælfric_, full -of architectural detail; and the _Benedictional of Bp. Æthelwulf_, -reproduced by the Society of Antiquaries, vol. xxiv. See also _The -Pre-Norman Date of the Design and some of the Stone-work of Oxford -Cathedral_, by J. Park Harrison (H. Frowde, 1891). - -I have to thank my friend the Rev. T. Vere Bayne, Senior Student of -Christ Church, for some valuable corrections of this paper.--R. St. J. -T. - -[263] _S. John’s College MSS._ - -[264] The statue of S. Bernard over the great gate still remains. - -[265] Joseph Taylor, D.C.L., _Hist. of College_, dated 1666. _College -MSS._ - -[266] _Ibid._ It is mentioned also in _Terrae Filius_. - -[267] Royal Patent of Foundation, 1 and 2 Phil. & Mar. - -[268] 5th March, 4th and 5th Phil. and Mar. - -[269] Statutes as revised under Dr. Willis; Jos. Taylor’s MS. _Hist._ - -[270] The lease had been made during the last years of the founder’s -life, at his request, and was especially excepted from the Acts 18 -Eliz. cap. 6 and 18 Eliz. cap. 11 against long leases of corporate -property. - -[271] This letter was soon printed, and every Fellow and scholar may -still receive a copy of it. - -[272] “A.M. 1572. M.D. 1590. Cujus scripta extant logica, ethica, -œconomica, in 8^{o}. libb: physicorum encomium, musicae encomium, -apologia Academiarum, rebellionis vindiciae, quae tamen nondum in luce -prodierunt.” _Coll. MSS._ - -[273] _Oxoniana_, i. 133. - -[274] Laud’s _Works_, vol. v. p. 152 _sqq._ - -[275] It was called “Love’s Hospital,” and was written by George Wilde, -who in 1661 became Bishop of Derry. - -[276] Laud’s _Works_, vol. v. pp. 82, 83. - -[277] Jos. Taylor, _Coll. MS._ - -[278] _Terrae Filius_, p. 181. The room was built in Charles II.’s -reign, and was the first room built in an Oxford College for use by the -Fellows in common. - -[279] J. R. Green in _The Druid_ (College Magazine), 1862. - -[280] Printed in Wood’s _City of Oxford_ (edit. Clark), i. 640. - -[281] See Wood’s _City of Oxford_, i. 586, 587. - -[282] In that year its members were three graduates and eighteen -undergraduates, with a manciple and cook. - -[283] Clark’s _Register of the University of Oxford_, II. ii. 7. - -[284] _Ibid._ p. 36. - -[285] Thus, it would seem, leaving the buildings of White Hall -untouched for the present. - -[286] On the north side of the gateway the following distich was -carved-- - - “Breconiæ natus patriæ monumenta reliquit, - Breconiæ populo signa sequenda pio.” - -[287] His father was Maurice Johnson of Stamford, M.P. for Stamford in -1523; but his mother was a Welsh heiress and had property in Clun. This -was perhaps the connection with Wales that made him be chosen on the -Foundation. He had been of Clare Hall and Trinity College, Cambridge. - -[288] Principal Hoare (1768-1802) may seem to be an exception, but the -College books record that he was born in Cardiff. - -[289] The Indenture by which Sir Leoline Jenkins assigned definite -Fellowships and Scholarships to North or South Wales is dated 1685. - -[290] See Clark’s _Register of the University of Oxford_, II. i. -291-293. - -[291] Printed (but not published) in 1854. This contemporary Memoir has -therefore been largely used in the present sketch. - -[292] _The Life of Francis Mansell, D.D._, by Sir Leoline Jenkins, p. -45. Sir George Vaughan is said to have been of Fallesley, Wilts.--not -of Ffoulkston--his family was a branch of the Breconshire Vaughans. - -[293] Presumably Leoline Jenkins. - -[294] The house and business still remain, No. 66 Holywell. - -[295] 1661, as we now reckon the year. - -[296] The letter of thanks to Mansell, in which Jenkins acknowledges -that he owed his election entirely to Mansell’s influence, came into -the hands of Anthony Wood, who had the art of “acquiring” stray papers, -and the habit of preserving them; and it is now in Wood MS. F. 31. -It may be noted that Jenkins’ good services to his College, and many -personal kindnesses to Wood himself, compel the Oxford antiquary for -once to give the lie to his reputation that he “never spake well of any -man”; the terms in which he speaks of Sir Leoline are always handsome. - -[297] The plate “lent” by Jesus College to the King is stated by Bishop -Tanner to have weighed 86 lb. 11 oz. 5 dwt. - -[298] Wood’s (MS.) Diary, under that date. - -[299] Boase’s _Oxford_, p. 140. - -[300] Principal, 1712. His portrait is in the College Hall. - -[301] To this list may be added:-- - - Francis John Jayne, Chester (1889). - -See also p. 383, note. - -[302] Afterwards Mayor, and knighted. Sir Sampson White’s house was -opposite University College. - -[303] Michael Roberts. - -[304] This chair was made the pattern of the chairs in the Bursary. - -[305] - - Alfred George Edwards, Bishop of St. Asaph, 1889. - Daniel Lewis Lloyd, Bishop of Bangor, 1890. - - -[306] There is a trivial but well-known story that the College is to -present this piece of plate to whoever first fairly encircles it at -its widest with his arms, but that from the shape and actual girth (5 -ft. 2 in.) this feat has rarely been accomplished. A second task has, -however, been kept in reserve; that the winner should drain it filled -with the strong punch for which it was designed, and then be able -himself to remove it; it holds ten gallons. - -[307] Wood quotes no authority, and his story of the founder’s -intentions is inconsistent in one or two points with the curious -old (though not contemporary) MS. account of the last wishes of the -founder, which is among the papers of Wadham College. Dorothy Wadham, -however, was certainly a Recusant not long before her death (cf. -_Calendar of State Papers_, 1619-1623, p. 330); it may perhaps be -conjectured that the atrocity of the Gunpowder Plot alienated her -husband from his co-religionists, and induced him to conform to the -National Church. - -[308] A statute of 1268 directed that every B.A. should dispute against -the Austin Friars once a year in the interval between his taking that -degree and proceeding M.A. Although these disputations were removed to -St. Mary’s Church, and afterwards to the Natural Philosophy School, -they retained the name “Austin Disputations.” See Wood’s _City of -Oxford_ (edit. Clark), ii. p. 465. From _Oxoniana_ we learn that the -name and some shadow of the disputations remained as late as 1812 among -the exercises for M.A. - -[309] Of this man an excellent account is given in the _Portfolio_ for -1888. But there is some difficulty in attributing the buildings to -Holt, for in the very full MSS. accounts for the buildings possessed -by the College, his name only occurs as that of a working carpenter, -receiving ordinary wages. Perhaps the founder’s servant Arnold may have -been the real architect. - -[310] Vol. 1611-1618, p. 217. - -[311] A full account of this controversy may be read on pp. 6-8 of the -Rev. R. B. Gardiner’s _Registers of Wadham College_, Oxford, to which -most valuable and interesting book I wish to acknowledge my constant -obligations throughout this chapter. At present only the first volume -is out (down to 1719); it is the earnest desire of all interested -in the history of the College that Mr. Gardiner may soon be able to -complete his work. - -[312] P. 53. - -[313] I. 291. - -[314] II. 106. - -[315] I. 318. - -[316] “A philosophical inquiry concerning Universal Grammar.” Johnson -disputes his title to be an “eminent Grecian.” - -[317] Fuller gives us a proverb current in Oxfordshire, “Send -farthingales to Broadgates Hall in Oxford,” adding that the gowns -not only of the gadding Dinahs but of most sober Sarahs of a former -age were so penthoused out far beyond their bodies with bucklers of -pasteboard, that their wearers could not enter at any ordinary door, -except sidelong. - -[318] Leonard Hutten’s _Antiquities of Oxford_ (1625), Oxf. Hist. -Society’s reprint, p. 88. - -[319] Wood’s _City of Oxford_ (edit. Clark), ii. 35. - -[320] _Queen Elizabeth in Oxford_, 1566-- - - “Candida, _Lata_, Nova, studiis civilibus apta, - Porta patet Musis, Justiniane, tuis.” - -[321] Nicolai Fierberti _Oxoniensis Academiae Descriptio_, Romae, -1602:--“Divitum nobiliumque plerumque filiis, qui propriis vivunt -sumptibus, assignata _Broadgates_.” (Oxford Hist. Society’s reprint, -1887, p. 16.) - -[322] The patronage of this rectory, usually held by a Fellow, was -alienated rather more than thirty years ago. - -[323] The slaughter-houses were replaced by a brew-house, to the use of -which the old well beneath the wall was in 1672 diverted. Lumbard was -a Jew who lived here. It is odd that the only shop in this lane still -exhibits the arms of Lombardy, and perhaps carries on the business of -this mediæval Jew: the Jewry was elsewhere. - -[324] From a family named Penyverthing. A physician named Ireland who -lived here in this century, and whose patients made believe to think -his fee was 1¼_d._, got the name changed to Pembroke Street. - -[325] Between 1675 and 1700 a new style of gardening seems to have come -into vogue. Compare Loggan and Burghersh. - -[326] Mrs. Evans, wife of the Rev. Dr. Evans, Master of the College. - -[327] This is the meaning of the entry “pro ostreis” in the Bursar’s -accounts. - -[328] The late Bishop Jeune told Mr. Burgon that aged persons in his -time remembered this. - -[329] “Johnson could not bear to be painted with his defects … ‘He -[Reynolds] may paint himself as deaf as he pleases, but I will not be -_Blinking Sam_’” (Piozzi). - -[330] It is curious that the College arms have almost from the first -been blazoned wrongly, the argent and or fields of the chief having -changed places. The argent should be on the dexter side. - -[331] As it seems with a key; possibly a relic of the “wakening-mallet” -of religious houses. - -[332] Contrast Gibbon’s spiteful words: “To the University of Oxford I -acknowledge no obligations; and she will as cheerfully renounce me for -a son as I am willing to disclaim her for a mother.” - -[333] This Mr. Tristram is abused by Hearne. He had caricatured some of -Hearne’s plates. - -[334] Dugdale MSS. - -[335] Wood. - -[336] Whear, in his funeral oration over Camden, bears testimony to the -lifelong intimacy of the two.--Camden’s _Insignia_. - -[337] It had fared roughly in the Civil Wars “in gladiorum -Bombardarumque fabricas mutata, quasi Vulcano magis quam Palladi -imposterum sacranda prorsus desolata jacuit.”--Patent of 1698. - -[338] Though Hearne calls him “a man of whimsical and shallow -understanding”--“of a strange, unsettled, whimsical temper, which -brought him into debt.” - -[339] V. also “the case of Gloucester Hall, rectifying the false -stating thereof by Dr. Woodroffe,” p. 40. “The poor Greek boys, whom he -used in such a manner that they all or most of them ran away from him.” - -[340] “The Doctor’s precipitation was so violent that he forgot all the -Corporation which should have been incorporated but himself--as if he -intended by the power of this charter to turn his Body Natural into a -Body Politick.”--_Case of Gloucester Hall_, p. 24. - -[341] Vide _Case for the Attorney-General_ (College MS.). - -[342] Hearne ed. Bliss, anno 1723. - -[343] Willis and Clark’s _Cambridge_, iii. 279. - -[344] “Anecdotes of his Own Times,” p. 174. - -[345] Matthew Griffith of Gloucester Hall, absent from St. Mary’s -when his grace was asked, was excused because “ob distantiam loci et -contrarios ventos campanae sonitum audire non potuit!”--Reg. Univ. -Oxon. (edit. Clark), II. i. 33. - -[346] College Register. - -[347] I have to acknowledge the great kindness of our present Principal -and Vice-Chancellor, the Rev. Henry Boyd, D.D., in placing at my -disposal the materials collected by him for a History of the College -which, I hope, may yet see the light. - -[348] Gilbert Kymer, M.D., afterwards well known as Chancellor of the -University, became Principal in 1412. - -[349] A quit-rent continued to be paid by Exeter to S. Frideswyde’s and -afterwards to Christ Church as long as Hart Hall existed. - -[350] Unless the name Hart Hall covered some adjoining tenement. - -[351] Nicholls, _Literary Anecdotes_, v. 708. - -[352] Newcome became Tutor about 1750. - -[353] G. V. Cox’s _Recollections of Oxford_, p. 190. - -[354] Except the picturesque building now remaining. - -[355] Laud’s _History of his Chancellorship_, ed. Wharton, 1700, p. 70. - -[356] _Ibid._, p. 209. - -[357] With the exception of the five original Fellowships created by -the Act. - -[358] The Founder of one of these, Dr. William Lucy (1744), provides -that his scholars “whilst Under-Graduates shall wear open-sleeved -Purple Gowns, with Square Capps, black Silk and white Silver Tuffs -equally mixt, as a Mark of Distinction, to dispose others to the like -or greater Charity.” The Court of Chancery ordered that every Scholar -should express in writing his willingness to wear the prescribed garb -if it were permitted by the University Statutes. Of the remaining -Scholarships four were founded by the Rev. John Meeke in 1665, three by -Mr. Henry Lusby (who divided his estate between this Hall and Emmanuel -College, Cambridge) about 1832, and one in memory of Dr. Macbride, -Principal 1813-1868. There are also benefactions, now paid to three -Bible-clerks, by Dr. Thomas Whyte (founder of the Moral Philosophy -Professorship) in 1621, and Dr. Brunsel. - -[359] _Oxford University Herald_, Nov. 8, 1845. Reprinted in an -anonymous pamphlet entitled “Six Letters addressed to the Editor of the -_Oxford Herald_ on the subject of an address presented to the Heads of -Colleges, &c. Oxford, 1846.” - -[360] University Extension and the Poor Scholar Question. A Letter to -the Rev. E. C. Woollcombe by C. Marriott. Oxford, 1848. Esp. pp. 10-14. -Compare also _University Extension_, by C. P. Eden, M.A., Oxford, 1846; -and _University Extension and the Poor Scholar Question_, a letter by -E. C. Woollcombe, M.A. Oxford, 1848. - -[361] Oxford University Extension. _Reports_, pp. 1-20. London, 1866. - -[362] _Proceedings_ at the laying of the First Stone of Keble College, -pp. 2, 3. London, 1868. - -[363] Vide _Oxford University Gazette_, Nov. 29th, 1870. - - - - -INDEX. - - - Abbot, Geo., 403, 406, 437; - Rob., 354, 406 - - Abdy, Rob., 37 - - Abingdon school, 42, 403 - - Account-books, College, 40, 77, 100, 106, 124, 175, 326, 333 - - Addison, Joseph, 148, 249 - - ‘Addison’s walk,’ 250 - - age of undergraduates, 56, 152, 294, 398 - - Airay, Hen., 132 - - S. Aldate’s church, 401 - - Aldrich, Hen., 191, 311, 314, 315 - - ale verses (Bras.), 263 - - Alfred, king, 1, 2, 10-14, 269, 270 - - Allen, Thos., 334, 431-434 - - All Saints’ church, 172, 173, 181, 182, 188 - - All Souls’ Coll., 111, 208, 369, 423 - - Almshouse, Ch. Ch., 407, 412 - - altars, 147, 212, 218, 334 - - Amherst, Nich., 362 - - amice, 156, 182 - - amusements, 69, 158, 279, 283, 332 - - Andrewe, Rich., 213, 214 - - arms, coats of, Ball., 25; - Bras., 270; - Corp., 271; - Linc., 177, 271; - Magd., 234; - Pemb., 414; - Trin., 327; - Univ., 13 - - Arnold, Matt., 58; - Thos., 122, 294, 297, 299 - - Arthur, Prince of Wales, 62, 216, 239, 240 - - ‘artist,’ 141, 213 - - Arts, the Seven, 161 - - Arundel, archbp., 95, 97, 101, 110 - - Ashmole, Elias, 261 - - astronomy, 162, 278, 332 - - Aubrey, John, 335 - - Audley, Edm., 178, 186, 187 - - _Aula Universitalis_, 10 - - Austins, doing, 390 - - Ayliffe, John, 167 - - - B.A., course for, 160 - - Babington, Fran., 194 - - Bainbridge, Chr., 131 - - bakehouse, College, 147, 154 - - Baker, David, 415 - - ball-court, 69, 115, 279, 408 - - Balliol Coll., 24, 84, 87, 340, 406, 435, 437, 439 - - Balliol, Devorguilla, 25; - John, 24, 25 - - barber, College, 78, 188, 280, 343, 442 - - Baring, T. C., 459 - - S. Bartholomew’s hospital, 91, 109, 111, 115, 169 - - Bathurst, Ralph, 50, 338-340, 342 - - batler (battelar), 40, 46, 112, 272, 433 - - Batt, Rob., 259 - - Baylie, Rich., 354, 358-360 - - Beaumont, Fran., 415, 424; - Sir John, 415, 424 - - Becket, Thomas à, 108 - - Beckington, bp., 163, 175, 407 - - beer, College, 81, 146, 220, 410, 452 - - Bell, bp. John, 41 - - Belsire, Alex., 349 - - Benet, Sir John, 405, 408; - Sir Simon, 1, 12, 16 - - Bentham, Jeremy, 149, 296 - - Bentley, Rich., 314, 396 - - S. Bernard’s Coll., 209, 326, 347 - - Beverley, S. John of, 11, 12 - - _bibesia_, 282 - - bible, read at meals, 9, 32, 140, 156, 189, 282, 381, 440; - Authorized, 81, 291; - Douai, 81; - Rheims, 351; - Wycliffe’s, 85, 147 - - bible-clerk (_bibliotista_), 188, 189 - - Bisse, Philip, 392 - - Black Prince, 138 - - Blackstone, Sir Will., 229, 423 - - Blackwell, Geo., 334; - John, 385 - - Blacow, Rich., 52 - - Blake, admiral, 393 - - Blencowe, Ant., 110, 113, 114 - - Blundell, Peter, 42 - - boar’s head (Queen’s), 142 - - Bodleian; _see_ library - - Bodley, Sir Thos., 73, 435 - - Bonner, Edm., 414 - - Boyle, Hon. Charles, 314 - - Bradshaw, Geo., 48, 49 - - Brakenbury, Hannah, 43 - - ‘Brasenose Ale Verses,’ 263 - - Brasenose Coll., 178, 192, 252, 306, 367; - principals of, 271 - - Brasenose Hall, 4, 253; - principals of, 271 - - _brazen nose, the_, 254, 270 - - breakfast, 156, 343, 422, 464 - - Brent, Sir Nath., 64, 65 - - brew-house, College, 146, 154, 263, 264 - - Bridgman, Sir Orlando, 138 - - Bridgwater, John, 195 - - Broadgates Hall, 288, 400 - - ‘Broad Walk’ (Ch. Ch.), 319 - - Brome, Adam, 87, 93, 96 - - Browne, Sir Thos., 404, 416 - - Bruarne, Rich., 178 - - Buckeridge, bp., 352-355 - - Buckland, Will., 297 - - Burgash, Hen., 90 - - burial-place, College, 154, 211, 268 - - Burton, Rob., 261, 270; - Will., 432 - - Bury, Arth., 84; - Richard of, 324, 325 - - Busby, Dr., 41, 311 - - Butler, bp., 120 - - - ‘Cæsar’s lodgings,’ 42, 44, 47, 403, 406 - - ‘Cain and Abel’ (Bras.), 268 - - Calendar, a College, 99, 108 - - Cambridge, 3, 23, 28, 308, 349; - Buckingham Coll., 324; - Caius Coll., 191, 192; - Emman., 460; - Jes., 39, 282; - S. John’s, 198; - King’s Hall, 88; - Pembr., 333; - Peterhouse, 59, 155 - - Camden, Will., 415, 431 - - _camerarius_, 135 - - Campion, Edm., 80, 350, 351 - - Canon Law, 31, 61, 76, 89, 90, 162, 177, 181, 348, 387 - - Canterbury Coll., 34, 274, 325 - - ‘capping,’ 40, 68 - - Cardinal Coll., 241, 301, 305, 308 - - Caroline, queen, 127 - - Carpenter, John, 104, 105, 111, 114 - - Carter, Geo., 119, 123 - - cartulary, a College, 99, 451 - - Cartwright, Thos., 136 - - Case, John, 351 - - catechetical lecturer, 41, 81, 82, 112, 191 - - caution-book, College, 112, 333, 346 - - Chace, Thos., 37 - - chained books, 35, 183, 267, 401 - - Chamber, John, 63, 71 - - Channel Islands, 81, 86, 339, 382, 405 - - chantry, 131, 173, 305 - - chapels, College, All S., 210, 211, 218, 225, 228; - Ball., 26, 44; - Bras., 257, 266; - Corp., 282, 283; - Durham Coll., 324; - Exet., 78, 81, 86; - Gloucester Coll., 428; - Gloucester Hall, 430, 432-434; - Hertf., 454, 460; - Jes., 371, 381, 386; - S. John’s, 347, 355, 360; - Kebl., 467; - Linc., 174, 182, 188, 200; - Magd., 236, 243, 246, 247; - Mert., 75; - New Coll., 153, 167; - Oriel, 95, 113; - Pemb., 411; - Queen’s, 125; - Trin., 328, 329, 334, 338, 340; - Univ., 12, 16; - Wadh., 391, 397, 398; - Worc., 442, 443 - - chaplains, College, All S., 211; - Ball., 26, 29; - Ch. Ch., 307; - Corp., 280; - St. John’s, 349, 350; - Linc., 181, 188; - Magd., 237; - New Coll., 153, 155, 169; - Queen’s, 125, 129; - Trin., 330 - - ‘chapters,’ College, 70, 89, 143, 160, 184 - - Charles of Bala, 383 - - Charles I., 64, 81, 114, 127, 268, 312, 356, 361, 382, 387, 405 - - Charlett, Arth., 8, 14, 339 - - Chaundler, Thos., 163 - - ‘chest of three keys,’ 7, 77, 135, 184 - - chest, loan, 77 - - Chicheley, Hen., 61, 163, 208, 213, 347 - - choristers, 153, 237, 280, 282, 349 - - Christ Church, 84, 85, 293, 301, 348, 364, 403, 407, 412, 417 - - churches, parish, relation of Colleges to, 26, 27, 78, 89, 91, 153, - 172, 173, 181, 213, 236 - - Civil Law, 89, 90, 162, 348, 401, 402 - - Civil War, 64, 81, 114, 142, 165, 246, 312, 313, 337; - Colleges subsidized troops for the king, 16, 224, 359, 374 - - Clarendon, Edw., earl of, 459 - - Clarke, Geo., 226, 228, 268, 443 - - Classical authors, 35, 107, 161, 176, 267, 276, 277, 288, 295, 331, - 332, 343, 421, 438 - - Claymond, John, 240, 242, 275 - - Clayton, Rich., 1; - Thos., 404, 410, 432 - - _clerici_, 35, 150, 151 - - cloisters, College, All S., 211, 228; - Bras., 268; - Magd., 241; - New Coll., 154 - - Clough, A. H., 58 - - Cobham, Thos., 95 - - cock-fighting, 423 - - ‘cock-loft,’ 186, 335 - - Codrington, Chr., 226, 228 - - coffee, 47, 225 - - Cole, Arth., 244; - Will., 290 - - Colet, John, 215, 241 - - ‘collections,’ 316 - - Colleges, origin of, 25, 59, 87; - priority of the, 5, 6, 24, 88; - names of, varying, 10, 95, 270 - - _collobia_, 142 - - _commensales_, 112, 189 - - commoners, 7, 8, 32, 40, 69, 111, 137, 169, 189, 190, 238, 272, 300, - 330, 333, 455 - - Common Room, 58, 167, 200, 266, 311, 324, 340, 362, 447; - Bachelors’ C. R., 300, 342; - Junior C. R., 299, 414, 469; - Summer C. R., 412 - - ‘commons,’ 25, 30, 69, 77, 91, 94, 100, 141, 156, 185, 214, 220, - 442, 455; - _see_ punishments - - Compton, bp. Hen., 144, 148 - - Conant, John, 82, 84 - - Conopius, Nath., 47 - - Conybeare, John, 85 - - cook, College, 78, 188, 433 - - Cookes, Sir T., 439-441 - - Copleston, Edw., 122, 123, 297 - - Cornish language, 80 - - Cornwall, John of, 73 - - Corpus Christi Coll., 30, 110, 111, 241, 258, 273, 306, 349 - - corrupt resignation; - _see_ fellowships - - Coryate, Thos., 431 - - Cottisford, John, 193, 194, 308 - - Court, the, at Oxford, 64, 66, 313 - - Coveney, Thos., 244 - - Crewe, John ld., 200; - Nath. ld., 178, 193, 200 - - cricket, 265, 420 - - Critopulos, Metr., 47, 437 - - Cromwell, Oliver, 247, 395 - - Cuffe, Hen., 334 - - _customs, old_, Ascension day (New Coll.), 169; - boar’s head (Queen’s), 142; - call to dinner (New Coll.), 169; - call for grace in hall, 75, 410; - Christmas king (Mert.), 74; - circling fire (Pemb.), 410; - _ignis Regentium_ (Mert.), 74; - initiating freshmen (Mert.), 74; - Lady patroness (Trin.), 342; - mallard (All S.), 221; - Mayday hymn (Magd.), 239; - needle (Queen’s), 125; - Restoration toast (Magd.), 248; - _rex fabarum_ (Mert.), 74; - sermon in open air (Magd.), 235; - sermon and procession (Linc.), 182; - shaving beards, 158; - trumpet (Queen’s), 139, 140; - tucking, 81; - wakening mallet (New Coll., Worc.), 170, 419, 448 - - - Dagville, Will., 177, 187 - - Dalaber, Ant., 308 - - dancing, 48, 423 - - Darby, Edw., 178, 180, 187 - - Dean, the, of Oriel, 89 - - declamations, 295, 343, 410, 442 - - decrements, 433 - - degree expenses, 31, 157, 427; - degree supper, 433, 434, 442, 443 - - demies (Magd.), 237 - - de Quincey, Thos., 446 - - determination, 160 - - ‘devil,’ the, of Linc. Coll., 202 - - dial, College, 225, 287, 408 - - Digby, Sir Kenelm, 432, 435 - - dinner, hour of, 56, 78, 156, 343 - - disputations, 25, 82, 108, 161, 279, 295, 426, 442; - in logic, 32, 77, 141, 182, 190, 279; - in philosophy, 8, 32, 182, 190, 279; - in theology, 8, 32, 141, 183, 277, 279, 426 - - dogs, 57, 83, 144, 158, 199, 217 - - ‘dormitory’ (Ch. Ch.), 305 - - dress, rules of, 79, 141, 217, 238, 332, 357; - _see_ hall - - drinking, 49, 84, 203, 217, 227, 315, 343, 421, 459 - - Dudley, Rich., 105, 111 - - Durham Coll., 28, 29, 37, 274, 323, 425, 426 - - Durham, Will. of, 1-3, 13 - - - Eagle (Queen’s), 144 - - Eaton, Byrom, 436; - Sarah, 443 - - Edgeworth, R. L., 296 - - S. Edmund Hall, 111, 135, 439 - - Edmunds, Hen., 118 - - Edward II., 88, 114; - Edward III., 324; - Edward IV., 175-177, 215, 236, 237 - - Edwards, Jonathan, 381 - - Eglesfield, Rob. de, 124-128; - Thos. de, 129, 136 - - Eights, the, 264, 414 - - Eliot, Sir John, 81 - - Elizabeth, queen, 131, 220, 244, 269, 312, 327, 328, 368, 387 - - elms, S. John’s, 348; - Magd., 247 - - Ethelred, king, 303, 321 - - Evelyn, John, 48, 167, 339 - - examinations, 54, 122, 160, 162, 163, 262 - - _excrescentiae_, 100 - - Exeter Coll., 76, 87, 333, 391, 451, 454 - - Exeter school, 76 - - exhibitions; - _see_ scholarships - - ‘Extraneous Masters’ (Ball.), 25, 28, 29 - - - Fell, Dr. John, 117, 310, 311, 314, 319; - Sam., 310, 313, 432 - - fellowships, open, 26, 41, 57, 86, 89, 105, 121, 128, 136, 300, 385; - limited to counties or dioceses, 15, 76, 80, 105, 136, 180, 237, - 238, 259, 287, 369, 382, 391; - limited to certain schools, 42, 152, 405; - celibate, 8, 97, 199, 363, 390, 405, 460; - clerical, 6, 9, 23, 31, 56, 57, 76, 180, 214, 300, 329, 405; - founder’s kin, 136, 137, 152, 168, 215, 230, 232, 348, 391, 405; - undergraduate, 69, 110, 159, 180; - of later foundation not on governing body, 138; - filled up by scholars succeeding by seniority, 116, 128, 237; - filled up by election from scholars, 391; - filled up by preference by election from scholars, 31, 41, 330; - obtained by purchase, 116, 117, 217, 223; - corrupt resignations, 107, 116, 217, 223, 226; - mandate from sovereign for election to, 117, 136, 245, 393; - allowances of, 185-187, _see_ commons, livery; - fixed money payment to, 30, 77, 143, 186, 442; - yearly dividend to, 107, 119, 143, 186, 220, 221; - _see_ residence, visitor - - fellow- (or gentleman) commoner, 40, 48, 69, 71, 110, 112, 144, 169, - 190, 280, 296, 300, 339, 343, 421, 447, 455 - - Finch, Leop. Will., 227 - - fines on renewing leases, 107, 119, 337 - - fires in centre of hall, 78, 268, 410; - fire in hall only, 68, 158, 283; - fire in common room, 200 - - Fitz-ralph, Rich., 11, 27, 34 - - Fleming, Rich., 171-174, 187; - Rob., 176 - - foot-ball, 69 - - Foote, Sam., 445 - - Forest, John, 174, 187 - - Foulis, Hen., 199 - - founder’s pictures, 12, 58, 269, 321; - founder’s cup, 89, 114, 125; - founder’s kin (Mert.) 69, (Jes.) 382, (S. John’s) 349, (Trin.) 329, - 332; - _see_ fellowships, plate, scholarships - - Fowler, Edw., 292, 299 - - Fox (Foxe), Chas. Jas., 456; - John, 261; - Rich., 30, 241, 273 - - Francis, Thos., 130 - - Frankland, Joyce, 192, 269, 270 - - Free, John, 36, 39 - - French language, 32, 73, 140 - - Frewen, Accepted, 246, 247 - - S. Frideswide, 302 - - Frideswide Coll., 302, 308 - - Fulman, Will., 286, 292, 297, 298 - - - Gaisford, dean, 317 - - gambling, 145, 158, 332, 362, 459 - - garden, College (Exet.) 78, (S. Jo.) 326, 347, (Linc.) 200, 203, - (Mert.) 75, (Pemb.) 408, 423, (Wadh.) 397, (Worc.) 444 - - Gardiner, Bern., 228 - - Garret, Thos., 194, 308 - - Gascoigne, Thos., 110, 174 - - gates, hour of closing, 33, 68, 78, 285, 307, 455; - keys of; - _see_ head gentleman-commoner; - _see_ fellow-commoner - - Georgirenes, Jos., 437 - - ghost, Linc. Coll., 194 - - Gibbon, Edm., 250, 296, 421 - - Gibbs, Ant., Mart., W., 467, 468 - - Gibson, John, 195 - - Giffarde, John, 425 - - Gifford, Walt., 79 - - Gilpin, Bern., 131 - - glass, painted, 21, 44, 75, 86, 198, 212, 246, 267, 270, 310, 319, - 346, 386, 394, 410, 411, 467 - - Gloucester Coll., 324, 334, 425 - - Gloucester Hall, 308, 430 - - Goddard, Jon., 66 - - God’s house (Southampton), 127, 131, 135 - - Good, Thos., 49, 435 - - Gower, Will., 444 - - grace in hall, 25, 58, 75, 181 - - grammar, 31, 73, 280, 325 - - ‘grammarians,’ 141, 190 - - grammar-master, 73 - - Graves, Rich., 421, 423 - - ‘Great Tom’ (Ch. Ch.), 306, 307, 310 - - Greaves, John, 64, 66 - - Greek, 35, 36, 39, 40, 47, 73, 80, 112, 140, 164, 191, 215, 275, 282, - 284, 293, 306, 317, 331, 366, 396, 416, 432, 437, 438 - - Greek College, at Oxford, 437, 438; - at Paris, 438 - - Greek students at Oxford, 47, 437-439 - - Green, J. R., 364, 385 - - Greenwood, Chas., 1, 16, 193; - Dan., 260 - - Grey, bp. Will., 36, 37 - - gridiron (Ch. Ch.), 312 - - ‘griffin,’ the, in Trin. Coll. hall, 340, 343 - - Griffiths, John, 399 - - Grocyn, Will., 80, 164, 215, 237, 240, 275, 306 - - Gunthorpe, John, 36, 39 - - - Hale, Sir Matt., 458 - - halls, College, All S., 211, 228; - Ball., 37, 44, 45; - Bras., 268; - Broadg. H., 407, 409; - Ch. Ch., 306; - Glouc. H., 432, 433, 442, 443; - Jes., 370, 371, 386; - S. John’s, 347; - Kebl., 468; - Linc., 174, 207; - Magd., 242; - Mert., 65, 74; - New Coll., 154, 164; - Or., 112, 114; - Pemb., 409; - Trin., 335, 342; - Univ., 16; - meals taken only in hall, 68, 78, 146, 281; - arrangements in hall, 156, 139, 140, 281, 447; - dressing for, 55, 140, 188, 343, 447; - _see_ dinner-hour, fire - - ‘Halls,’ old Oxford, 9, 15, 110, 111, 173, 175, 252, 254, 256, 257, - 364, 401, 408, 449, 450 - - Hamilton, ‘Single-speech,’ 121; - Sir Will., 43, 55 - - Hammond’s lodgings, 45 - - Hampden, John, 247 - - Hamsterley, Ralph, 7 - - Hare, Aug., 168 - - Harpesfield, Nich., 164 - - Harris, Rob., 337 - - Hart Hall, 76, 153, 334, 449-453 - - Harte, Will., 192 - - Harvey, Will., 64 - - Hastings, lady Eliz., 133 - - Hawkesworth, Will. de, 93 - - Hawksmoor, Nich., 228, 269 - - Hayne, Thos., 192 - - head of college, chosen only from fellows, 7, 29, 89, 134, 338; - or from fellows and ex-fellows, 92, 179, 238; - breach of this rule, 7, 30, 110, 134, 195, 243; - celibate, 8, 390, 395; - lodgings of, 155, 174, 175, 218, 228, 266, 371, 407, 444; - title of, changed, 8, 26; - kept keys of gate at night, 33, 68, 78, 285, 455; - mandate from sovereign to elect, 131, 227, 244, 248, 249; - nominated in some cases by the Chancellor of the University, 369, - 370, 450; - nominated the foundationers (at Jes. Coll.), 368, 375; - _see_ Visitor - - Hearne, Thos., 14, 85, 132, 228, 396 - - Heber, Reg., 222, 229, 262, 263 - - ‘Heber’s tree,’ 262 - - Hebrew, 36, 81, 191, 366, 396, 438 - - ‘Hell-fire club’ (Bras.), 263 - - hen-house, College, 144 - - Henry III., 3; - Hen. V., 110, 138, 212; - Hen. VI., 212, 213, 234; - Hen. VII., 80, 239; - Hen. VIII., 243, 287, 306, 312, 321; - Henry, Prince of Wales, 245 - - Henshaw, Hen., 194 - - heresy, 181 - - Hertford Coll., 449, 459 - - Heywoode, John, 415 - - Hickes, Geo., 200, 201 - - Hobbes, Thos., 458 - - Hodson, Frodsham, 261, 262, 270 - - Hody, Hum., 396 - - Holloway, Sir Rich., 167 - - Holt, Thos., 391 - - Hood, Paul, 199 - - Hooker, Rich., 288 - - Hooknorton school, 329 - - Horne, bp., 244, 334 - - hospitality, College, 32, 135, 144, 155, 281 - - Hough, John, 249 - - Hoveden, Rob., 219 - - Howell, Jas., 375; - Fran., 375 - - Huddesford, Geo., 341; - Will., 341 - - Hulme, Will., 269 - - ‘Humanity,’ professor of, 276, 278, 286, 306 - - Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, 35, 243, 245, 428 - - hunting, 447 - - Hutchins, Rich., 193, 200 - - Hygden, John, 241, 242, 306, 308 - - - _Ignis regentium_, 74 - - _informator_, 159 - - ‘Ingoldsby,’ 266 - - Ingram, Jas., 304, 343-345 - - - Jackson, Cyril, 316, 321 - - Jacobites, 52, 67, 85, 190, 228, 250, 362 - - James I., 312, 352, 404; - James II., 17, 18, 226, 249 - - James, Thos., 166 - - Jeames, Thos., 226 - - Jenkyns, Sir Leoline, 369, 373, 377-381; - Dr. Rich., 43, 56-58 - - Jesus Coll., 46, 364, 391 - - Jewel, John, 287 - - Jodrell, Sir Edw., 139 - - S. John Baptist Coll., 209, 347, 429, 430, 441, 444 - - S. John Baptist hospital, 235 - - Johnson, Rob., 367, 368 - - Johnson, Dr., 342, 384, 409, 410-413, 416-421, 424 - - ‘jurists,’ 213 - - Juxon, Will., 352, 355 - - - Keble, John, 294, 297, 299, 461, 464, 468, 469 - - Keble Coll., 461 - - Ken, bp., 83, 167, 452 - - Kennicott, Ben., 79, 397 - - Kettell, Ralph, 334-336, 432 - - Kettell Hall, 335, 342, 345 - - Kettlewell, John, 200, 201 - - ‘key-keeper,’ College, 184 - - Kilby, Dr. Rich., 197; - Mr. Rich., 199 - - King’s College (or Hall); - _i. e._, Bras., 270; - _i. e._, Oriel, 95 - - kitchen-garden, College, 154 - - knives and forks, 52 - - Kratzer, Nich., 287, 306 - - Kymer, Gilb., 326, 451 - - - Lancaster, Will., 132 - - Landon, Whittington, 445 - - Landor, W. S., 342 - - Langbaine, Gerard, 149, 432 - - Langlande, Will., 97 - - Langton, Thos., 131 - - Latin, 73, 82, 140, 152, 164, 229, 276, 295, 316, 317, 330, 331, 366, - 427, 438, 448; - Latin to be spoken in College, 8, 26, 32, 68, 140, 259, 282, 284, - 295, 331, 442 - - ‘Latin chapel’ (Ch. Ch.), 305 - - Laud, Will., 61, 468, 352-360 - - laundress (_lotrix_), 78, 157, 188, 331 - - law, course for, 162; - _see_ Canon Law, Civil Law - - Lawrence, Thos., 48, 49 - - leases, long, 119, 330, 404 - _See_ fines - - lectures, College, 40, 55, 73, 160, 161, 204, 238, 275-279, 295, 299, - 306, 317, 331, 417, 440, 447; - University (‘ordinary’), 40, 72, 159, 160, 161 - - ‘legists,’ 364 - - Leicester, 192, 193 - - Leicester, earl of, 111, 194-196, 430, 434 - - Leigh, Theoph., 51 - - Leland, John, 307 - - Levi, Philip, 191 - - Lewis, Will., 112, 114 - - Leylande, John, 130, 131 - - Leyndwardyn, Thos., 99 - - Lhwyd, Edw., 376 - - library,--University, 35, 38, 96, 209; - Bodleian, 36, 78, 83, 166, 228, 232, 362, 384, 387, 423, 435; - Codrington, 228; - Durham Cathedral, 325; - Wimborne Minster, 401; - of Rich. of Bury, 325; - of bp. Cobham, 95, 96; - of duke Humphrey, 35; - a College ‘lending library,’ 183; - Undergraduates’, 411 - - library, College, All S., 211, 215, 219, 225, 228, 343; - Ball., 32, 37, 41; - Bras., 260, 267; - Broadg. H., 401, 402, 409; - Ch. Ch., 306, 311, 343; - Corp., 284, 287, 293, 294; - Durham Coll., 37, 325, 326; - Exet., 78, 85; - Gloucester Coll., 428-430; - Glouc. H., 433, 434; - Hertf., 459; - Jes., 371, 372, 381, 387; - S. John’s, 356, 361; - Kebl., 468; - Linc., 174, 176, 183, 200; - Magd., 247; - Mert., 68, 75; - New Coll., 154; - Oriel, 96, 98, 107, 114, 120; - Pembr., 407, 409, 421; - Queen’s, 132; - Trin., 340, 342, 345; - Univ., 7, 8, 16; - Wadh., 392; - Worc., 443, 445 - - Liddon, H. P., 318, 468, 469 - - lime-walk (Trin.), 342 - - Linacre, Thos., 73, 273, 275 - - Lincoln Coll., 46, 171, 272 - - ‘livery’ (clothing), 30, 77, 129, 141, 156, 186, 214, 220, 284 - - Lloyd, Sir N., 178, 226, 228 - - ‘llyfr coch,’ 387 - - Locke, John, 51, 321 - - Lodge, Thos., 335 - - logic, 31, 40, 160, 190, 278, 295, 316, 317, 330, 331 - - Lollards, 101, 103, 147 - - London, John, 164, 309 - - lot, election by, 133 - - Lovelace, John ld., 395; - Rich., 432 - - loving-cup, 125, 158, 331 - - Lowe, Rob., 13 - - Lowth, Rob., 168 - - Lucar, Cyril, 47, 437 - - Lucy, Will., 460 - - Lusby, Hen., 460 - - Lyhert, Walt., 79, 104, 105 - - - M.A., course for, 161, 295 - - Magdalen Coll., 33, 44, 110, 111, 148, 233, 275, 278, 286, 296, 457 - - Magd. Coll. school, 164, 237, 241, 280, 457 - - Magdalen Hall, 234, 439, 441, 457-459 - - mallard, the (All S.), 221; - “lord Mallard,” 222 - - manciple, 78, 188, 411, 433 - - mandates, Royal; - _see_ fellowship, head - - Mansell, Dr. Franc., 370-372 - - maps of College estates, 219 - - Marbeck, Rog., 109 - - Marsh, Narcissus, 85 - - Marshall, Geo., 166; - Thos., 193, 200 - - Martyll, John, 102-104 - - S. Mary’s Church, 87, 88, 90, 92, 94, 95, 100, 102 - - S. Mary’s College, _i. e._, Benedictines, 266; - New Coll., 152; - Oriel, 88, 95 - - Mary Hall, S., 108, 111 - - Massey, John, 19 - - Matthews, Hen. U., 193 - - May-day hymn (Magd. Coll.), 239 - - Mayew, Rich., 237, 239, 240 - - Maynard, Sir John, 81, 84; - Jos., 84 - - Meadowcourt, Rich., 67 - - medicine, 16, 61, 73, 80, 162, 215, 348 - - Meeke, Hen., 460 - - menial service by students, 31, 70, 144, 192, 281, 282, 331, 455 - - Merchant Taylors’ school, 348, 363 - - ‘Mercury’ (Ch. Ch.), 311 - - Merton Coll., 5, 24, 33, 59, 85, 87, 88, 110, 111, 128, 163, 274, - 287, 391, 412 - - Merton, Walter de, 59 - - Mews, Peter, 361 - - Meyricke, Edm., 382 - - S. Michael’s church, 172, 173, 182, 188 - - Michel, John, 138 - - Middleton, John, 98 - - S. Mildred’s church, 172, 182 - - Millard, Thos., 346 - - mill, College, 147 - - Mitre Inn, 178 - - ‘Mob Quadrangle’ (Mert.), 68 - - ‘moderators,’ 82, 190, 433 - - Monmouth, duke of, 51, 66, 227, 298, 339, 396 - - Montgomery, Rob., 205 - - Moore, Ferryman, 47; - John, 415 - - More, Hannah, 384, 420 - - Moreman, John, 80 - - Morwent, Rob., 242, 275 - - muniment-room, College, 44, 75, 154, 210, 248 - - Muskham, Will. of, 126 - - - Nash, beau, 384 - - Nevill, Geo., 38, 39, 175 - - ‘New foundations,’ statute as to, 466 - - New Coll., 88, 110, 111, 150, 196, 238, 349, 451 - - New Inn Hall, 43, 443, 458 - - Newcome, Will., 415, 456 - - Newlyn, Rob., 291-293 - - Newman, cardinal, 343, 469 - - Newton, Rich., 452-454 - - Nicholas, Sir Edw., 140, 149 - - non-residence, 185, 229 - - North and South, 23, 34, 68, 93, 101, 102, 324 - - numbers in colleges, 46, 111, 190, 272, 280, 297, 300, 337, 346, 402, - 432, 435 - - - obits, 15, 187, 332 - - Oglethorpe, gen., 295; - Owen, 243, 244 - - Oldham, Hugh, 274 - - Oliver, John, 247, 248 - - organ, 144, 145, 218, 247, 308, 330, 346, 355, 411 - - organist, 307, 331, 355 - - Oriel Coll., 87, 300, 391; - provosts of, 122 - - Oriole, la, 91 - - Owen, Goronwy, 384 - - - Paddy, Sir Will., 352, 353, 355 - - Panting, Matt., 411 - - Paris, 2, 25, 155, 438 - - Parkinson, Rob., 176, 178, 256 - - Parsons, John, 54, 58 - - patroness of a college (Queen’s), 126 - - Patten, Rich., Will., 233 - - Peckwater’s Inn, 311 - - Peele, Geo., 415 - - Pembroke Coll., 42, 46, 400 - - ‘pensioners,’ 137 - - Pennyfarthing street, 407 - - Percy, Hen. (earl of Northumberland), 1, 2, 15 - - Periam, lady Eliz., 42; - John, 81 - - pestilence in Oxford, 32, 33, 75, 80, 91, 111, 142, 185, 219, 242, - 326, 333 - - Petre, Sir Will., 80 - - _Phalaris, Epistles of_, 314, 421 - - Phelps, Will., 300 - - Philipps, Erasm., 423 - - Philosophies, the Three, 161, 278 - - philosophy, 31, 76, 191, 237, 259, 295, 325, 330, 348; - _see_ disputations - - Phœnix club (Bras.), 262 - - picture-gallery (Ch. Ch.), 311, 320 - - Pierce, Thos., 248 - - _Piers Plowman_, 97 - - pilgrimage to All Souls, 213, 214 - - Pincke, Rob., 165 - - Pits, John, 164 - - Pitt, William, 341 - - ‘pittances,’ 92, 100, 187 - - plague; - _see_ pestilence - - plate, College, given by founders, 89, 114, 125, 218, 328, 330, - 337, 394; - entrance, 40; - communion, 16, 48, 218, 267, 330, 337, 394, 411; - ‘borrowed’ by Charles I., 16, 48, 64, 82, 114, 147, 218, 224, 272, - 337, 359, 374, 392, 413; - extant, 89, 114, 125, 218, 248, 341, 387, 395, 414, 460 - - plays, 145, 312, 353, 356, 432 - - Plot, Rob., 12 - - Pococke, Edw., 298, 458 - - poet-laureate (Trin.), 342 - - Pole, cardinal, 194, 286, 331 - - ‘Pompey’ (Ball.), 44 - - ‘poor scholars,’ 46, 112, 144, 223, 235, 246, 272, 433, 461-463 - - Pope, Sir Thos., 323, 327-333, 342 - - port, 204, 205, 263, 421 - - ‘poser’ (New Coll.), 168 - - postmaster (_portionista_), 69 - - Potenger, John, 294 - - Potter, Hannibal, 337; - John, 61, 201, 411 - - Powell, Edw., 108; - Griff., 370; - Vav., 376 - - Prasalendius, F., 439 - - prayers for founders and benefactors, 1, 2, 9, 15, 25, 75, 154, 155, - 173, 181, 283, 331 - - Price, Hugo, 365, 366 - - Prideaux, John, 79, 81, 458 - - ‘privilege’ of New Coll., 162, 168 - - processions, All S., 221, 222; - Linc., 182; - New Coll., 154 - - ‘proctors,’ of Univ., 7; - of Ball., 25, 26 - - proverb referring to All S., 231; - Bras., 272; - Broadg. H., 401; - Linc., 202; - New Coll., 167 - - _pueri eleemosynarii_, 129 - - punishments, 76, 284, 285, 296, 440; - viz., taking off commons, 76, 157, 276, 277, 282, 284, 292, 293, - 332, 358; - eating alone, 26, 284; - fine, 9, 32, 33, 41, 52, 328; - flogging, 32, 33, 157, 184, 284, 332; - impositions, 83, 284, 293, 332; - sconcing, 9, 446; - register of, 282, 285, 292, 296 - - Pusey, E. B., 318 - - Pym, John, 410, 415, 424, 432 - - - Quadrangle, open, 444; - typical College, 153, 306 - - Queen’s Coll., 32-34, 44, 111, 124, 152, 296, 333 - - ‘Queen’s gold,’ 80 - - ‘Queen’s room’ (Mert.), 64 - - - Radcliffe, Ant., 311; - John, 16, 21, 179, 200, 201 - - Radford, John, 193, 206 - - Raleigh, Sir Walt., 111, 220, 393 - - Rawlinson, Rich., 362 - - rebus, 39, 176, 427 - - Red Book of Hergest, 387 - - Reformation, 16, 63, 80, 108, 147, 164, 190, 194, 216, 242-245, - 290, 351 - - regency, regent masters, 72, 161, 279 - - register, College, 62, 106, 194, 196, 358, 430, 443 - - Renaissance, 35, 80, 163, 215, 275, 277 - - reredos, All S., 210, 211, 218, 225, 228; - Ch. Ch., 319 - - residence, conditions of, 32, 77, 108, 142, 185, 214, 229, 279, - 332, 363 - - ‘Restoration cup’ (Magd.), 248 - - Revival of Learning; - _see_ Renaissance - - Reynolds, John, 289, 291 - - Richard III., 237 - - Roberts, Mich., 375 - - Robertson, F. W., 266, 267 - - Robinson, Hen., 131, 132; - John, 116, 119 - - Robsart, Amy, 430 - - Rochester, John, earl of, 395 - - room-rents, 8, 137, 186, 433, 456 - - rooms, College, arrangement of, 46, 48, 68, 145, 157, 186, 214, - 281, 440 - - Roswell, John, 294 - - Rote, John, 103 - - Rotheram, archbp., 176, 180, 187; - Sir T., 198 - - Rous, Fran., 409 - - Routh, Mart. J., 52, 250 - - rowing, 54, 264, 414 - - Royal Society, 340, 394 - - Rupert, prince, 246, 356 - - Ruskin, John, 319 - - Rustat, Toby, 361 - - Rygge, Rob., 77 - - - Sacheverell, Hen., 249 - - sailing, 56, 343 - - saints, patron, of Colleges, Ball., 27; - Bras., 266, 270; - Ch. Ch., 302; - Magd., 234; - Oriel, 114; - Univ., 12 - - Sampson, Hen., 104, 106, 123 - - Sanderson, Rob., 191, 198, 314 - - Sandwich, 191, 193 - - Saunders, Nich., 164 - - Savage, Hen., 24, 49, 406 - - Say, Rob., 116, 117 - - _scholars_, _i. e._, fellows, 27, 31, 77, 89, 128, 153 - - scholarships (including exhibitions), as distinct from fellowships, - 16, 31, 40-42, 69, 105, 159, 169, 191, 203, 237, 269, 280, 329, - 333, 366, 440; - to be chosen by preference from choristers, 281; - nominated by individual fellows, 56, 69; - founder’s kin, 391, 445; - limited to dioceses and counties, 41, 86, 120, 237, 330, 369, - 382, 391; - limited to particular schools, 42, 133, 191, 330, 348, 382, 403, - 405, 440; - _see_ fellowship - - _scholastici_, 31, 40 - - ‘sconcing;’ - _see_ punishments - - Scotland, Scots, 42, 43, 136, 393, 435 - - Scroggs, Sir Will., 116 - - ‘scrutiny,’ College, 70, 89, 143, 160, 332 - - seal, College, 89, 135, 270 - - Selden, John, 83, 452 - - servants, College, 188, 280, 331, 443 - - _serviens_ (at Queen’s), 129 - - servitors, 40, 190, 455 - - Shaftesbury, Ant., earl of, 51, 81 - - Sheldon, Gilb., 223-225, 380 - - Shenstone, Will., 420, 421 - - Sherwine, Ralph, 80 - - Shirley, W. W., 463, 468 - - Shuttleworth, bp., 166 - - singing, 31, 74, 141, 158, 231, 283 - - Skirlaw, bp. Walt., 1, 2, 15, 326 - - Slythurst, Thos., 330, 333, 334 - - Smith (Smyth), Adam, 43, 52; - John, 109; - Jos., 133; - Matt., 257, 258, 271; - Rich., 63, 307; - Sydney, 168; - Thos., 147, 249; - bp. Will., 105, 178, 187, 255, 267-271; - Mr. Will., 1, 6, 12, 14, 20 - - smoking, 57, 58, 421, 447 - - Snell, John, 42 - - _socius_ = fellow, 128, 159 - - ‘sojourners,’ 189 - - Somerville, Sir Phil., 28 - - _sophista_, 141, 278 - - South; - _see_ North - - Southey, Robert, 53 - - Stamford, 253, 254 - - Stanley, A. P., 13 - - Stanton-Harcourt, 219 - - Stapeldon Hall, 76, 87, 451 - - Stapeldon, Walt. de, 76, 451 - - Statutes, to be read in College meeting, 143, 332, 448 - - Staunton, Edm., 291, 292 - - S. Stephen’s Hall, 76, 78 - - steward, College, 246, 281, 433 - - Sunday pence, 173 - - Sutton, Rich., 255, 267-270 - - Swift, Jon., 459 - - swimming, 54 - - Sydenham, Thos., 225, 458 - - Symons, Ben., 398 - - - tabard, 129, 130 - - taberdar (Queen’s), 129 - - Tackley’s Inn, 83, 90 - - Tait, archbp., 43 - - Talbot, E. S., 465, 468, 470 - - Tanner, Thos., 148, 226 - - tapestry, 86, 240 - - Tatham, Edw., 134, 193, 201 - - Taylor, Jeremy, 223; - Jos., 348 - - _tertiavit_, 66 - - Tesdale, Thos.; - _see_ Tisdall - - Thelwall, Sir Eub., 368-371 - - theology, 7, 27, 28, 60, 89, 90, 125, 141, 160, 172, 173, 181, 238, - 259, 277, 330, 348, 355, 366 - - Tiptoft, John, 36, 38 - - Tisdall, Thos., 42, 403, 406 - - Tolson, John, 113, 114 - - Tom, great, Ch. Ch., 307, 310 - - _tonsor_; - _see_ barber - - Torpids, the, 264, 414 - - Tractarian movement, 85, 122, 166, 344 - - Traps, Joan, 191 - - Tregury, Mich. de, 79 - - Trelawney, Jon., 84 - - Tresham, Will., 63 - - Tresilian, Rob., 79 - - Trinity Coll., 45, 323, 349 - - Tristrop, John, 175 - - truckle-bed, 70, 281 - - trumpet (Queen’s), 139, 140 - - ‘tucking,’ 81 - - Tudors, 80, 368 - - ‘tumblers,’ 414 - - Turner, Fran., 167; - Pet., 64, 66; - Will., 109 - - tutors, College, 54, 73, 141, 157, 159, 191, 300, 440, 455; - undergraduates assigned to, 34, 284; - private, 19, 137, 260, 334, 396 - - Twyne, Brian, 298 - - Tyndall, Will., 457 - - - Underhill, Edm., 197; - John, 190, 196 - - _Universitas_, 252 - - University Coll., 1, 46, 87, 113, 391 - - Usher, archbp., 82, 376 - - - ‘variations’ (Mert.), 71 - - Vaughan, Hen., 376; - Tho., 376 - - _vestura_, 129, 186 - - vine, the, of Linc. Coll., 176, 177 - - Visitations by archbp. of Cant., 79, 101 - - Visitation of University and Colleges by Royal Commissioners: - Henry VIII.’s, 108, 147, 242; - Edward VI.’s, 36, 37, 176, 194, 218, 243, 402; - queen Mary’s (cardinal Pole’s), 194; - queen Elizabeth’s, 110, 194, 290, 334; - Commonwealth (Parl. Vis.), 49, 65, 115, 148, 166, 180, 199, 224, - 247, 260, 291, 313, 337, 359, 394; - Charles II.’s, 136, 148, 167, 199 - - visiting undergraduates’ rooms, 52, 82, 419 - - Visitor of a college named by founder, 60, 78, 236, 390, 404; - or by benefactor, 28; - changed, cp. 11 with 14, 28 with 30 and 40, 90 with 119; - at Ball. elected by College itself, 30; - at Linc. is patron of a fellowship, 178; - sanctions changes of statutes, 56; - issues ordinances which have force of statutes, 60, 67, 216; - in case of lapse nominates head, 93; - or fellows, 118, 126; - decides appeals, 137, 168, 201; - expels head, 21, 84; - or fellows, 290; - record of formal visitations, 107, 240, 244 (_bis_) - - Vitelli, Corn., 80, 164 - - Vives, Ludov., 286, 306 - - - Wadham Coll., 85, 113, 306, 389, 430 - - Wadham, Dorothy, 389, 430; - Nich., 298, 389, 430 - - Walker, Obad., 12, 14, 17-21 - - Waller, Will., 458 - - Wallis, John, 51 - - Walsingham, Sir Fran., 196; - Tho., 429 - - Ward, Rob., 63; - Seth, 338, 375, 395; - W. G., 57, 398 - - Warham, Will., 164 - - Warner, Dr. John, 216; - bp. John, 42, 247, 435 - - Warton, Tho., 341, 342 - - Waynflete, Will. of, 233-239 - - Welsh students, 339, 365; - Welsh writers, 376, 384, 385 - - Wesley, John, 182, 191, 201 - - Westbury, Rich. ld., 398 - - ‘wet night,’ a, 204 - - Whear, Deg., 431 - - Whethamstead, John, 428 - - Whigs, 67, 85, 132, 167, 362, 396 - - whip, Linc. Coll., 184 - - White Hall, 364, 365 - - White, ‘Century,’ 376; - Gilb., 121; - Sir Thos., 327, 348-350, 429, 430 - - Whitfield, Geo., 410, 422; - Hen., 143 - - Wightwick, Rich., 403 - - Wilkins, John, 394, 395, 458 - - Wilkinson, Hen., 458; - John, 247, 458 - - Williams, archbp., 182, 198 - - Williamson, Sir Jos., 140, 149 - - Wills, John, 397 - - Winchester Coll., 152; - S. Swithin’s priory, 274 - - Windsor, Miles, 298 - - Wolsey, cardinal, 241, 287, 304, 305, 321, 412 - - Wood, Ant., 11, 14, 165, 340, 373 - - Woodhead, Abr., 17 - - Woodroffe, Ben., 436-438 - - Worcester Coll., 274, 425, 442 - - Wotton, Edw., 286; - Sir Hen., 169, 452 - - Wren, Sir Chr., 225, 266, 310, 340, 395, 444 - - Wright, Walt., 326 - - Wycliffe, John, 27, 33, 62, 101, 102, 138, 147, 163 - - Wykeham, Will. of, 150-152 - - Wylliot, John, 69, 93 - - Wytenham, John, 163 - - - Yate, Thos., 260, 270, 272 - - Yeldard, Arth., 330, 333, 334 - - -_Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London & Bungay._ - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE COLLEGES OF OXFORD: THEIR -HISTORY AND TRADITIONS*** - - -******* This file should be named 52286-0.txt or 52286-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/2/2/8/52286 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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